file which includes the original illustration4 ,see #fejeh-;h4htm or #fejeh-;h4zip3 7https3_/_/www4gutenberg4org_/cache_/epu b_/#fejeh_/pg#fejeh-;images4html7 or 7https3_/_/www4gutenberg4org_/files_/#fe jeh_/fejeh-;h4zip7 ,images of the original pages are available through ,internet ,archive4 ,see https3_/_/archive4org_/details_/oldgreek educatio#jamaha ,some characters might not display properly in this ,,utf-#h text file 7e4g41 empty squares74 ,if so1 the reader should consult the html version or the original page images noted above4 ,transcriber's note3 ,text enclosed by underscores is in italics 7italics74 ,text 7,dedication7 enclosed by plus signs is in ornate bold face 7bold74 ,,old ,,greek ,,education by ,j4 ,p4 ,,mahaffy1 ,m4,a4 ,fell4 and ,tutor1 ,trin4 ,coll41 ,dub4 ,knight of the ,order of the ,saviour ,author of 8,social ,life in ,greece0 8,a ,history of ,greek ,literature0 8,a ,primer of ,greek ,antiquities0 etc4 ,new ,york ,harper ,brothers1 ,franklin ,square #ahhb ,,to ,,the ,,greek ,,nation ,,still1 ,,as ,,of ,,old1 ,,the ,,pioneer ,,of ,,education ,,in ,,eastern ,,europe ,i ,dedicate ,,this ,,little ,,book ,,in ,,memory ,,of ,,the ,,year #ahha ,,prefatory ,,note4 ,readers unfamiliar with ,greek will find the equivalent of the ,greek words cited in the nearest word printed in italics4 ,the scope of this book precludes me from acknowledging individually my many obligations to other authors1 both for curious facts and for learned references4 ,,contents4 ,,chapter ,,page ,,introduction #a ,i4 ,infancy #g ,,ii4 ,earlier ,childhood #ad ,,iii4 ,school ,days--,the ,physical ,side #ba ,,iv4 ,school ,days--,the ,musical ,side--,the ,schoolmaster #cb ,v4 ,the ,musical ,side--,schools and their ,appointments #db ,,vi4 ,the ,subjects and ,method of ,education--,drawing and ,music #eg ,,vii4 ,the ,last ,stage of ,education--,military ,training of the ,ephebi #fi ,,viii4 ,higher ,education--,the ,sophists and ,socrates #gh ,,ix4 ,the ,rhetors--,isocrates #ia ,x4 ,the ,greek ,theorists on ,education--,plato and ,aristotle #ii ,,xi4 ,the ,growth of ,systematic ,higher ,education--,university ,life at ,athens #aaf ,,index #ada ,,greek ,,education4 ,,introduction4 #a4 ,we hear it often repeated that human nature is the same at all times and in all places2 and this is urged at times and places where it is so manifestly false that we feel disposed peremptorily to deny it when paraded to us as a general truth4 ,the fact is that only in its lower activities does human nature show any remarkable uniformity2 so far as men are mere animals1 they have strong resemblances1 and in savages even their minds seem to originate the same fancies in various ages and climes4 ,but when we come to higher developments1 to the spiritual element in individuals1 to the social and political relations of civilized men1 the pretended truism gives way more and more to the opposite truth1 that mankind varies at all times and in all places4 ,as no two individuals1 when carefully examined1 are exactly alike1 so no two societies of men are even nearly alike2 and at the present time there is probably no more fertile cause of political and legislative blundering than the assumption that the constitution successfully worked out by one people can be transferred by the force of a mere decree to its neighbors4 ,all the recent experiments in state-reform have been based on this assumption1 as if the transferrence of a ,house of ,commons in any real sense were not as impossible as the transferrence of ,eton and of ,oxford to some foreign society4 ,although1 therefore1 we cannot deny that past history contains many fruitful lessons for the bettering of our own time1 it is not unlikely that the tendency of the present widely informed but hasty age is to exaggerate the likenesses of various epochs1 and to overrate the force of analogy in social and political reasoning4 ,historical parallels are generally striking only up to a certain point2 a deeper knowledge discloses elements of contrast1 wide differences of motive1 great variations in human feeling4 #b4 ,but as we go back to simpler states of life1 or earlier stages of development1 the argument from analogy becomes stronger1 and the lessons we may derive from history1 though less striking1 are more trustworthy4 ,this is peculiarly the case with the problem of education as handled by civilized nations in various ages4 ,the material to be worked upon is that simpler and fresher human nature1 in which varieties are due only to heredity1 and not yet to the numerous artificial stimulants and restraints which every society of mature men invents for itself4 ,the games and sports of children1 all over the world1 are as uniform as the weapons and designs of savages4 ,the delights and disappointments of education have also remained the same1 at least in many respects4 ,the conflict of theoretical and practical educators1 and the failure of splendid schemes for the reform of society by a systematic training of youth1 mark every over-ripe civilization4 ,here1 then1 if anywhere1 we may gain a distinct advantage by contemplating the problems1 which we ourselves are solving1 under discussion in a remote society4 ,the more important and permanent elements will stand out clearer when freed from the interests and prejudices of our own day1 and from the necessities of our own situation2 and thus we may be taught to regain freedom of judgment and escape from the iron despotism of a traditional system4 ,for if it be the case that in no department of our life are we more thoroughly enslaved than on the question of education1 if it be true that we are obliged here to submit our children to the ignorance and prejudice of nurses1 governesses1 priests1 pedants--all following more or less stupid traditions1 and all coerced by shackles which they want either the knowledge or the power to break--then any inquiry which may lead us to consider freely and calmly what is right and what is not right1 what is possible and what is not possible1 in education cannot but have real value1 apart from purely historical or learned considerations4 #c4 ,in fact1 the main object of this book is to interest men who are not classical scholars1 and who are not professional educators1 in the theory of education as treated by that people which is known to have done more than any other in fitting its members for the higher ends and enjoyments of life4 ,the ,greeks were far behind us in the mechanical aids to human progress2 they understood not the use of electricity1 or of steam1 or of gunpowder1 or of printing4 ,but1 in spite of this1 the ,greek public was far better educated than we are--nay1 to some extent1 because of this it was better educated4 ,for ,greek life afforded proper leisure for thorough intellectual training1 and this includes first of all such political training as is strange to almost the whole of ,europe2 secondly1 moral training of so high a kind as to rival at times the light of revelation2 thirdly1 social training to something higher than music and feasting by way of recreation2 and1 fourthly1 artistic training1 which1 while it did not condescend to bad imitations of great artists1 taught the public to understand and to love true and noble ideals4 ,why must these great ends of education be obscured or lost by the modern wonders of discovery1 which should make them more easy of attainment and wider in circulation8 ,were the ,greeks better off in education than we are1 and1 if so1 why were they better off8 or is all this alleged ,greek superiority an idle dream of the pedants1 with no solid basis in facts8 ,if it is real1 can we not discover the secret of their superiority1 and use it with far wider and deeper effect in our ,christian society8 or is human nature of narrow and fixed capacity1 and does the addition of wide ranges of positive science and of various tongues mar irrevocably the cultivation of the pure reason and of the sthetic faculty8 ,these are the problems which will occupy the following pages1 not in their abstract form2 they will be considered in close relation to the success or failure of the old ,greeks in discussing and solving them4 #d4 ,there have been only two earlier nations and one later which could compete with the ,greeks in their treatment of this perpetual problem in human progress4 ,we have first the ,egyptian nation1 which by its thorough and widely diffused culture attained a duration of national prosperity and happiness perhaps never since equalled4 ,isolated from other civilized races by geographical position1 by language1 and in consequence by social institutions1 the ,egyptians prosecuted internal development more assiduously than is the wont of mere conquering races4 ,the few foreign possessions acquired by the ,egyptians were never assimilated1 and the civilization of the ,nile remained isolated and unique4 ,we have reason to know that this refined social life1 which is perpetuated in pictures on the monuments of the land--this large and various literature1 of which so many fragments have been recovered in our century--was not created without a diffused and systematic education4 ,in ,plato's 8,laws10#a the training of their young children in elementary science is described as far superior to anything in ,greece4 ,but1 unfortunately1 the materials for any estimate of ,egyptian education1 in its process1 are wanting4 ,we can see plainly its great national effects2 we have even some details as to the special training in separate institutions of a learned and literary class2 but nothing more has yet been recovered4 ,if we knew the various steps by which ,moses became 8learned in all the wisdom of the ,egyptians10 an interesting field of comparison would be opened to us2 and here1 no doubt1 we should find some of our own difficulties discussed and perhaps solved by early sages1 still more by an enlightened public opinion1 showing itself in the establishment of sound traditions4 ,and1 no doubt1 from the dense population1 the subdivision of property and of labor1 and the absence of a great territorial aristocracy1 the education of the ,egyptians must have corresponded to our middle-class and primary systems1 together with special institutions for the higher training of the professions and of the literary caste4 #e4 ,if we could command our material1 we might seek elsewhere for analogies to the education of our nobility and higher gentry4 ,we know through ,greek and ,roman sources1 as well as through the heroic poetry of the 8,shahnameh10 that the ,aryan nobles who became1 under ,cyrus1 the rulers of ,western ,asia1 were in character1 as they were in blood1 allied to the ,germanic chiefs and ,norse ,vikings1 with their love of daring adventure1 their chivalry1 and their intense loyalty to their appointed sovereign4 ,in these qualities they were strangely opposed to the democratic ,greeks1 on whom they looked with contempt1 while they were appreciated in return only by a few such men as ,herodotus and ,xenophon4 ,indeed1 such devotion to their sovereign as made them leap overboard to lighten his ship in a storm was confounded by the ,greeks with slavish submission1 ,oriental prostrations1 and other signs of humiliation4 ,nevertheless1 the men whom the ,greeks long dared not look in the face--the conquerors of half the known world1 the successful rivals of the ,romans for the dominion of the ,east--faced death under ,xerxes and the last ,darius with other feelings than those of slavish submission4 ,herodotus1 in his interesting and sympathetic account of them1 says their children's education consisted of three things--to ride1 to shoot1 and to tell the truth4 ,if he had added a chivalrous loyalty to their kings like that of the ,french nobles in the last century1 he would have completed the picture1 and sketched a training which many an ,english gentleman considers little short of perfection4 #f4 ,the ,romans are the only other ancient people who stand near enough to us to suggest an inquiry into their education4 ,and it may be said that they combined the dignity of noble traditions with the practical instincts of a successful trading people4 ,hence ,roman education1 if carried on with system1 ought of all others to correspond with that of ,englishmen1 who should combine the same qualities in carrying out an analogous policy1 and in filling1 to some extent1 a similar position in the world4 ,but so closely was all ,roman culture based on ,greek books and models that1 although every people must develop individual features of its own--and the ,romans had plenty of them1 as we may see from ,quintilian--any philosophical knowledge of ,roman education must depend upon a previous knowledge of the ,greeks4 ,in many respects the ,romans were a race more congenial to the ,english1 and hence by us more easily understood4 ,in the coarser and stronger elements of human character1 in directness and love of truth1 in a certain contempt of sthetics and of speculation1 in a blunt assertion of the supremacy of practical questions1 in a want of sympathy1 and often a stupid ignorance and neglect of the character and requirements of subject races1 the ,romans are the true forerunners of the ,english in history4 ,burdened as we are with these defects of national character1 the products of the subtler and more genial1 if less solid and truthful1 ,hellenic race are particularly well worth our consideration4 ,this has been so thoroughly recognized by thoughtful men in our generation as to require no further support by argument4 ,it only remains that each of our ,hellenists should do his best1 in some distinct line1 to make the life of the ,greeks known to us with fairness and accuracy4 ,,footnotes3 #a ,p4 #hai4 ,,chapter ,i4 ,,infancy4 #g4 ,we find in ,homer1 especially in the 8,iliad10 indications of the plainest kind that ,greek babies were like the babies of modern ,europe1 equally troublesome1 equally delightful to their parents1 equally uninteresting to the rest of society4 ,the famous scene in the sixth book of the 8,iliad10 when ,hector's infant1 ,astyanax1 screams at the sight of his father's waving crest1 and the hero lays his helmet on the ground that he may laugh and weep over the child2 the love and tenderness of ,andromache1 and her pathetic laments in the twenty-second book--are familiar to all4 ,she foresees the hardships and unkindnesses to her orphan boy1 8who was wont upon his father's knees to eat the purest marrow and the rich fat of sheep2 and when sleep came upon him1 and he ceased his childish play1 he would lie in the arms of his nurse1 on a soft cushion1 satisfied with every comfort40 ,so1 again1#b a protecting goddess is compared to a mother keeping the flies from her sleeping infant1 and a pertinacious friend#c to a little girl who1 running beside her mother1 begs to be taken up1 holding her dress and delaying her1 and with tearful eyes the child keeps looking up till the mother denies her no longer4 ,these are only stray references1 and yet they speak no less clearly than if we had asked for an express answer to a direct inquiry4 ,so we have the hesitation of the murderers sent to make away with the infant ,cypselus1 who had been foretold to portend danger to the ,corinthian ,herods of that day4 ,the smile of the baby unmans--or should we rather say unbrutes8--the first ruffian1 and so the task is passed on from man to man4 ,this story in ,herodotus#d is a sort of natural ,greek parallel to the great ,shakespearian scene1 where another child sways his intended torturer with an eloquence more conscious and explicit1 but not1 perhaps1 more powerful1 than the radiant smile of the ,greek baby4 ,thus ,euripides1 the great master of pathos1 represents ,iphigenia bringing her infant brother ,orestes to plead for her with that unconsciousness of sorrow which pierces us to the heart more than the most affecting rhetoric4 ,in modern art a little child1 playing about its dead mother1 and waiting with contentment for her awaking1 is perhaps the most powerful appeal to human compassion which we are able to conceive4 ,on the other hand1 the troubles of infancy were then as now very great4 ,we do not1 indeed1 hear of croup or teething or measles or whooping-cough4 ,but these are occasional matters1 and count as nothing beside the inexorable tyranny of a sleepless baby4 ,for then as now mothers and nurses had a strong prejudice in favor of carrying about restless children1 and so soothing them to sleep4 ,the unpractical ,plato requires that in his fabulous ,republic two or three stout nurses shall be in readiness to carry about each child1 because children1 like game-cocks1 gain spirit and endurance by this treatment6 ,what they really gain is a gigantic power of torturing their mothers4 ,most children can readily be taught to sleep in a bed1 or even in an arm-chair2 but an infant once accustomed to being carried about will insist upon it2 and so it came that ,greek husbands were obliged to relegate their wives to another sleeping-room1 where the nightly squalling of the furious infant might not disturb the master as well as the mistress of the house4 ,but the ,greek gentleman was able to make good his damaged rest by a mid-day siesta1 and so required but little sleep at night4 ,the modern father in ,northern ,europe1 with his whole day's work and waking1 is therefore in a more disadvantageous position4 ,of course1 very fashionable people kept nurses1 and it was the highest tone at ,athens to have a ,spartan nurse for the infant1 just as an ,english nurse is sought out among foreign noblesse4 ,we are told that these women made the child hardier1 that they used less swathing and bandaging1 and allowed free play for the limbs2 and this1 like all the ,spartan physical training1 was approved of and admired by the rest of the ,greek public1 though its imitation was never suggested save in the unpractical speculations of ,plato4 ,whether they also approved of a diet of marrow and mutton suet1 which ,homer1 in the passage just cited1 considers the luxury of princes1 does not appear4 ,as ,homer was the ,greek ,bible--an inspired book containing perfect wisdom on all things1 human and divine--there must have been many orthodox parents who followed his prescription4 ,but we hear no approval or censure of such diet4 ,possibly marrow may have represented our cod-liver oil in strengthening delicate infants4 ,but as the ,homeric men fed far more exclusively on meat than their historical successors1 some vegetable substitute1 such as olive oil1 must have been in use later on4 ,even within our memory mutton suet boiled in milk was commonly recommended by physicians for the delicacy now treated by cod-liver oil4 ,the supposed strengthening of children by air and exposure1 or by early neglect of their comforts1 was as fashionable at ,sparta as it is with many modern theorists1 and it probably led in both cases to the same result--the extinction of the weak and delicate4 ,these theorists parade the cases of survival of stout children--that is1 their exceptional soundness--as the effect of this harsh treatment1 and so satisfy themselves that experience confirms their views4 ,now with the ,spartans this was logical enough1 for as they professed and desired nothing but physical results1 as they despised intellectual qualities1 and esteemed obedience to be the highest of moral ones1 they were perhaps justified in their proceeding4 ,so thoroughly did they advocate the production of healthy citizens for military purposes that they were quite content that the sickly should die4 ,in fact1 in the case of obviously weak and deformed infants1 they did not hesitate to expose them in the most brutal sense1 not to cold and draughts1 but to the wild beasts in the mountains4 #h4 ,this brings us to the first shocking contrast between the ,greek treatment of children and ours4 ,we cannot really doubt1 from the free use of the idea in ,greek tragedies1 in the comedies of ordinary life1 and in theories of political economy1 that the exposing of new-born children was not only sanctioned by public feeling1 but actually practised throughout ,greece4 ,various motives combined to justify or to extenuate this practice4 ,in the first place1 the infant was regarded as the property of its parents1 indeed of its father1 to an extent inconceivable to most modern ,christians4 ,the ,state only1 whose claim overrode all other considerations1 had a right1 for public reasons1 to interfere with the dispositions of a father4 ,individual human life had not attained what may be called the exaggerated value derived from sundry superstitions1 which remains even after those superstitions have decayed4 ,and1 moreover1 in many ,greek states1 the contempt for commercial pursuits1 and the want of outlet for practical energy1 made the supporting of large families cumbersome1 or the subdivision of patrimonies excessive4 ,hence the prudence or the selfishness of parents did not hesitate to use an escape which modern civilization condemns as not only criminal1 but as horribly cruel4 ,how little even the noblest ,greek theorists felt this objection appears from the fact that ,plato1 the ,attic ,moses1 sanctions infanticide#e under certain circumstances or in another form1 in his ideal state4 ,in the genteel comedy it is often mentioned as a somewhat painful necessity1 but enjoined by prudence4 ,nowhere does the agony of the mother's heart reach us through their literature1 save in one illustration used by the ,platonic ,socrates1 where he compares the anger of his pupils1 when first confuted out of their prejudices1 to the fury of a young mother deprived of her first infant4 ,there is something horrible in the very allusion1 as if in after-life ,attic mothers became hardened to this treatment4 ,we must suppose the exposing of female infants to have been not uncommon until the just retribution of barrenness fell upon the nation1 and the population dwindled away by a strange atrophy4 #i4 ,in the many family suits argued by the ,attic orators1 we do not 7,i believe7 find a case in which a large family of children is concerned4 ,four appears a larger number than the average4 ,marriages between relations as close as uncle and niece1 and even half-brothers and sisters1 were not uncommon2 but the researches of modern science have removed the grounds for believing that this practice would tend to diminish the race4 ,it would certainly increase any pre-existing tendency to hereditary disease2 yet we do not hear of infantile diseases any more than we hear of delicate infants4 ,plagues and epidemics were common enough1 but1 as already observed1 we do not hear of measles1 or whooping-cough1 or scarlatina1 or any of the other constant persecutors of our nurseries4 ,as the learning of foreign languages was quite beneath the notions of the ,greek gentleman1 who rather expected all barbarians to learn his language1 the habit of employing foreign nurses1 so useful and even necessary to good modern education1 was well-nigh unknown4 ,it would have been thought a great misfortune to any ,hellenic child to be brought up speaking ,thracian or ,egyptian4 ,accordingly1 foreign slave attendants1 with their strange accent and rude manners1 were not allowed to take charge of children till they were able to go to school1 and had learned their mother tongue perfectly4 ,but the women's apartments1 in which children were kept for the first few years1 are closed so completely to us that we can but conjecture a few things about the life and care of ,greek babies4 ,a few late epigrams tell the grief of parents bereaved of their infants4 ,beyond this1 classical literature affords us no light4 ,the backwardness in culture of ,greek women leads us to suspect that then1 as now1 ,greek babies were more often spoiled than is the case among the serious ,northern nations4 ,the term 8,spartan mother0 is1 however1 still proverbial2 and1 no doubt1 in that exceptional ,state discipline was so universal and so highly esteemed that it penetrated even to the nursery4 ,but in the rest of ,greece we may conceive the young child arriving at his schoolboy age more wilful and headstrong than most of our more watched and worried infants4 ,archytas1 the philosopher1 earned special credit for inventing the rattle1 and saving much damage to household furniture by occupying children with this toy4 ,,footnotes3 #b #acj4 #c #g4 #d ,herod4 v4 #ic4 #e ,exposing children1 instead of killing them1 left open the chance that some benevolent person would save them1 from pity1 or avaricious person sell them as slaves--a result which1 no doubt1 often occurred4 ,thus the parents could console their consciences with a hope that the benevolence of the gods had prevented the natural consequences of their inhuman act4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,earlier ,,childhood4 #aj4 ,the external circumstances determining a ,greek boy's education were somewhat different from ours4 ,we must remember that all old ,greek life1 except in rare cases1 such as that of ,elis1 of which we know nothing1 was distinctly town life2 and so1 naturally1 ,greek schooling was day schooling1 from which the children returned to the care of their parents4 ,to hand over boys1 far less girls1 to the charge of a boarding-school was perfectly unknown1 and would1 no doubt1 have been gravely censured4 ,orphans were placed under the care of their nearest male relative1 even when their education was provided 7as it was in some cases7 by the ,state4 ,again1 as regards the age of going to school1 it would naturally be early1 seeing that day schools may well include infants of tender age1 and that in ,greek households neither father nor mother was often able or disposed to undertake the education of the children4 ,indeed1 we find it universal that even the knowledge of the letters1 and reading1 were obtained from a schoolmaster4 ,all these circumstances would point to an early beginning of ,greek school life2 whereas1 on the other hand1 the small number of subjects required in those days1 the absence from the programme of various languages1 of most exact sciences1 and of general history and geography1 made it unnecessary to begin so early1 or work so hard1 as our unfortunate children have to do4 ,above all1 there were no competitive examinations1 except in athletics and music4 ,the ,greeks never thought of promoting a man for 8dead knowledge10 but for his living grasp of science or of life4 ,owing to these causes1 we find the theorists discussing1 as they now do1 the expediency of waiting till the age of seven before beginning serious education--some advising it1 others recommending easy and half-playing lessons from an earlier period4 ,and then1 as now1 we find the same curious silence on the really important fact that the exact number of years a child has lived is nothing to the point in question2 and that while one child may be too young at seven to commence work1 many more may be distinctly too old4 #aa4 ,at all events1 we may assume in parents the same varieties of over-anxiety1 of over-indulgence1 of nervousness1 and of carelessness about their children2 and so it doubtless came to pass that there was in many cases a gap between infancy and school-life1 which was spent in playing and doing mischief4 ,this may be fairly inferred1 not only from such anecdotes as that of ,alcibiades playing with his fellows in the street1#f evidently without the protection of any pdagogue1 but also from the large nomenclature of boys' games preserved to us in the glossaries of later grammarians4 ,these games are quite distinct from the regular exercises in the palstra 7of which we will speak presently1 as forming a regular part of education74 ,we have only general descriptions of them1 and these either by ,greek scholiasts or by modern philologists4 ,but1 in spite of the sad want of practical knowledge of games shown by both1 the instincts of boyhood are so uniform that we can often frame a very distinct idea of the sort of amusement popular among ,greek children4 ,for young boys1 games can hardly consist of anything else than either the practising of some bodily dexterity1 such as hopping on one foot1 higher or longer than is easy1 or throwing farther with a stone2 or else some imitation of war1 such as snowballing1 or pulling a rope across a line1 or pursuing under fixed conditions2 or1 lastly1 the practice of some mechanical ingenuity1 such as whipping a top or shooting with marbles4 ,so far as climate or mechanical inventions have not altered our little boys' games1 we find all these principles represented in ,greek games4 ,there was the hobby- or cock-horse 7 71 standing or hopping on one leg 771 which1 as the word implies1 was attempted on a skin-bottle filled with liquid and greased2 blindman's-buff 7 71 in which the boy cried1 8,i am hunting a bracken fly10 and the rest answered1 8,you will not catch it20 games of hide-and-seek1 of taking and releasing prisoners1 of fool in the middle1 of playing at king--in fact1 there is probably no simple child's game now known which was not then in use4 ,a few more details may1 however1 be interesting4 ,there was a game called 1 in which the was a peg of wood with a heavy end sharpened1 which boys sought to strike into a softened place in the earth so that it stood upright1 and knocked out the peg of a rival4 ,this reminds us of the pegtop-splitting which still goes on in our streets4 ,another1 called 1 consisted of tossing an oyster-shell in the air1 of which one side was blackened or moistened1 and called night1 the other day1 or sun and rain4 ,the boys were divided into two sides with these names1 and1 according as their side of the shell turned up1 they pursued and took prisoners their adversaries4 ,on the other hand1 was making a shell skip along the surface of water by a horizontal throw1 and winning by the greatest number of skips4 1 though a general expression for any contest1 was specially applied to tossing a knuckle-bone or smooth stone so as to lie in the centre of a fixed circle1 and to disturb those which were already in good positions4 ,this was also done into a small hole 774 ,they seem to have shot dried beans from their fingers as we do marbles 774 ,they spun coins on their edge 774 ,here are two games not perhaps so universal nowadays4 was a technical word for tossing up five pebbles or astragali1 and receiving them so as to make them lie on the back of the hand4 1 or the beetle game1 consisted in flying a beetle by a long thread1 and guiding him like a kite4 ,but by way of improvement they attached a waxed splinter1 lighted1 to his tail2 and this cruelty is now practised1 according to a good authority 7,papasliotis71 in ,greece1 and has even been known to cause serious fires4#g ,tops were known under various names 71 1 71 one of them certainly a humming-top4 ,so were hoops 774 ,ball-playing was ancient and diffused1 even among the ,homeric heroes4 ,but as it was found very fashionable and carefully practised by both ,mexicans and ,peruvians at the time of the conquest1 it is probably common to all civilized races4 ,we have no details left us of complicated games with balls2 and the mere throwing them up and catching them one from the other1 with some rhythmic motion1 is hardly worth all the poetic fervor shown about this game by the ,greeks4 ,but possibly the musical and dancing accompaniments were very important1 in the case of grown people1 and in historical times4 ,pollux1 however--our main authority for most of these games--in one place#h distinctly describes both football and handball4 8,the names10 he says1 8of games with balls are--1 1 1 4 ,the first is played by two even sides1 who draw a line in the centre1 which they called 1 on which they place the ball4 ,they draw two other lines behind each side1 and those who first reach the ball throw it 77 over the opponents1 whose duty it is to catch it and return it1 until one side drives the other back over their goal line40 ,though ,pollux makes no mention of kicking1 this game is evidently our football in substance4 ,he proceeds3 8 was called either from ,phnindes1 the first discoverer1 or from deceiving 7710 etc4--we need not follow his etymologies--8and consists of making a ball bound off the ground1 and sending it against a wall1 counting the number of the hops according as it was returned40 ,and as if to make the anticipations of our games more curiously complete1 there is cited from the history of ,manuel1 by the ,byzantine ,cinnamus 7,a4,d4 #abjj71 a clear description of the ,canadian lacrosse1 a sort of hockey played with rackets3 8,certain youths1 divided equally1 leave in a level place1 which they have before prepared and measured1 a ball made of leather1 about the size of an apple1 and rush at it1 as if it were a prize lying in the middle1 from their fixed starting-point 7a goal74 ,each of them has in his right hand a racket 77 of suitable length ending in a sort of flat bend1 the middle of which is occupied by gut strings dried by seasoning1 and plaited together in net fashion4 ,each side strives to be the first to bring it to the opposite end of the ground from that allotted to them4 ,whenever the ball is driven by the 7rackets7 to the end of the ground1 it counts as a victory40#i ,two games1 which were not confined to children1 and which are not widely diffused1 though they exist1 among us1 are the use of astragali1 or knuckle-bones of animals1 so cut nearly square as to serve for dice2 and with these children threw for luck1 the highest throw 7sixes7 being accounted the best4 ,in later ,greek art representations of ,eros and other youthful figures engaged with astragali are frequent4 ,it is to be feared that this game was an introduction to dice-playing1 which was so common1 and so often abused1 that among the few specimens of ancient dice remaining there are some false1 and which were evidently loaded4 ,the other game to which ,i allude is the ,italian morra1 the guessing instantaneously how many fingers are thrown up by the player and his adversary4 ,it is surprising how fond ,southern men and boys still are of this simple game1 chiefly1 however1 for gambling purposes4 ,there was tossing in a blanket1 walking on stilts1 swinging1 leap-frog1 and many other similar plays1 which are ill-understood1 and worse explained1 by the learned1 and of no importance to us1 save as proving the general similarity of the life of little boys then as now4 ,we know nothing about the condition of little girls of the same age1 except that they specially indulged in ball-playing4 ,like our own children1 the girls probably joined1 to a lesser degree1 in the boys' games1 and only so far as they could be carried on within-doors1 in the court of the house4 ,there are graceful representations of their swinging and practising our seesaw4 ,dolls they had in plenty1 and doll-making 7of clay7 was quite a special trade at ,athens4 ,in more than one instance we have found in children's graves their favorite dolls1 which sorrowing parents laid with them as a sort of keepsake in the tomb4 #ab4 ,most unfortunately1 there is hardly a word left of the nursery rhymes and of the folk-lore1 which are very much more interesting than the physical amusements of children4 ,yet we know that such popular songs existed in plenty2 we know1 too1 from the early fame of sop's fables1 from the myths so readily invented and exquisitely told by ,plato1 that here we have lost a real fund of beautiful and stimulating children's stories4#aj ,and of course here1 too1 the general character of such stories throughout the human race was preserved4 ,,footnotes3 #f ,plut4 8,alkib410 c4 #b4 #g ,this seems to be the interpretation of 8,achar40 #ibj sq41 according to ,grasberger4 #h ix4 #ajc4 #i ,i do not know whether so late an authority is valid proof for the early ,greek origin of a game4 ,most certainly the polo played at ,constantinople at the same time came from an equestrian people1 and not from the ,greeks4 #aj ,there is a possibility of recovering some of them by a careful collection of the of the modern ,greeks1 which in many cases doubtless correspond to their forerunners the of the old ,greeks4 ,stories of ,mormo and ,gorgo and the ,empousa are still current to frighten children1 as are also 7about ,arachova7 songs about ,charos 7the old ,charon71 the ruthless genius of death4 ,the belief in ,lamia is still so common that --,lamia choked it--is a common expression when a child dies suddenly4 ,cf4 1 8,on the ,private ,life of the ,old ,greeks10 ,athens1 #ahgc4 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,,school ,,days--,,the ,,physical ,,side4 #ac4 ,the most striking difference between early ,greek education and ours was undoubtedly this1 that the physical development of boys was attended to in a special place and by a special master4 ,it was not thought sufficient for them to play the chance games of childhood2 they underwent careful bodily training under a very fixed system1 which was determined by the athletic contests of after-life4 ,this feature1 which excites the admiration of the modern ,germans1 and has given rise to an immense literature1 is doubtless all the more essential now that the mental training of our boys has become so much more trying2 and we can quite feel1 when we look at the physical development of ordinary foreigners1 how keenly they must envy the freedom of limb and ease of motion1 not only as we see it suggested by ,greek statues1 but as we have it before us in the ordinary sporting ,englishman4 ,but it is quite in accordance with their want of practical development1 that while they write immense books about the physical training of the ,greeks1 and the possibility of imitating it in modern education1 they seem quite ignorant of that side of ,english education at our public schools2 and yet there they might see in practice a physical education in no way inferior to that described in classical authors4 ,i say it quite deliberately--the public-school boy1 who is trained in cricket1 football1 and rowing1 and who in his holidays can obtain riding1 salmon-fishing1 hunting1 and shooting1 enjoys a physical training which no classical days ever equalled4 ,the athletic part of this training is enjoyed by all boys at our public schools1 though the field sports at home only fall to the lot of the richer or more fortunate4 #ad4 ,when we compare what the ,greeks afforded to their boys1 we find it divided into two contrasted kinds of exercise3 hunting1 which was practised by the ,spartans very keenly1 and no doubt also by the ,eleans and ,arcadians1 as may be seen from ,xenophon's 8,tract on ,hare ,hunting20 and gymnastics1 which in the case of boys were carried on in the so-called palstra1 a sort of open-air gymnasium 7in our sense7 kept by private individuals as a speculation1 and to which the boys were sent1 as they were to their ordinary schoolmaster4#aa ,we find that the ,spartans1 who had ample scope for hunting with dogs in the glens and coverts of ,mount ,taygetus1 rather despised mere exercises of dexterity in the palstra1 just as our sportsmen would think very little of spending hours in a gymnasium4 ,but those ,greeks who lived in towns like ,athens1 and in the midst of a thickly populated and well-cultivated country1 could not possibly obtain hunting1 and therefore found the most efficient substitute4 ,still1 we find them very far behind the ,english in their knowledge or taste for out-of-door games1 such as cricket1 football1 hockey1 golf1 etc4--games which combine chance and skill1 which combine strength with dexterity1 and which intensely interest the players while keeping them in the open air4 ,yachting1 though there were regattas1 was not in fashion in ancient ,greece4 ,rowing1 which they could have practised to their heart's content1 and which was of the last importance in their naval warfare1 was never thought gentlemanly1 and always consigned to slaves or hirelings4 ,there are1 indeed1 as above quoted from ,pollux1 descriptions of something like football and lacrosse1 but the obscurity and rarity of any allusions to them show that they are in no sense national games4 ,running races round a short course was one of their chief exercises1 but this is no proper out-of-door game4 #ae4 ,accordingly1 the ,germans1 in seeking to base their physical education on ,greek lines1 seem to make the capital mistake of ignoring that kind of exercise for boys which vastly exceeds in value any training in gymnasia4 ,the ,eton and ,harrow match at ,lord's is a far more beautiful sight1 and far better for the performers1 than the boys' wrestling or running at ,olympia4 ,and besides the variety of exercise at a game like cricket1 and the various intelligence and decision which it stimulates1 a great part of the game lies not in the winning1 but in the proper form of the play1 in what the ,greeks so highly prized as eurythmy--a graceful action not merely in dancing and ball-playing1 but in the most violent physical exertion4 ,but the ,greeks had no playgrounds beyond the palstra or gymnasium2 they had no playgrounds in our sense2 and though a few proverbs speak of swimming as a universal accomplishment which boys learned1 the silence of ,greek literature on the subject#ab makes one very suspicious as to the generality of such training4 ,with this introduction1 we may turn to some details as to the education of ,greek boys in their palstra4 #af4 ,in one point1 certainly1 the ,greeks agreed more with the modern ,english than with any other civilized nation4 ,they regarded sport as a really serious thing4 ,and unless it is so regarded1 it will never be brought to the national perfection to which the ,english have brought it1 or to which the ,greeks are supposed to have brought it4 ,and yet even in this point the ,greeks regarded their sports differently from us1 and from all nations who have adopted ,semitic ideas in religion4 ,seriousness of the religious kind is with us quite distinct from the seriousness of sport4 ,with the ,greeks it was not1 or rather seriousness was not with them an attribute of religion in any sense more than it was of ordinary life4 ,they harmonized religion and sports1 not by the seriousness of their sports so much as by the cheerfulness--a ,semite1 ancient or modern1 would say by the levity--of their deities2 for the gods1 too1 love sport 7 71 says ,plato in his 8,cratylus10 a remarkable and thoroughly ,greek utterance4 ,the greatest feasts of the gods were celebrated by intensifying human pleasures--not merely those of the palate1 according to the grosser notion of the ,christian ,middle ,ages1 but sthetical pleasures1 and that of excitement--pleasures1 not of idleness1 but of keen enjoyment4 #ag4 ,the names applied to the exercising-places indicate their principal uses4 ,palstra means a wrestling-place2 gymnasium originally a place for naked exercise1 but the verb early lost this connotation and came to mean mere physical training4 ,we hear that a short race-course 77 was often attached to the palstra1 and short it must have been1 for it was sometimes covered in 7called 71 probably with a shed roof along the wall of the main enclosure4 ,there is no evidence to decide the point whether the boys went to this establishment at the same age that they went to school1 and at a different hour of the day1 or at a different age1 taking their physical and mental education separately4 ,and even in this latter case we are left in doubt which side obtained the priority4 ,the best authorities among the ,germans decide on separate ages for palstra and school1 and put the palstra first4 ,but in the face of many uncertainties1 and some evidence the other way1 the common-sense view is preferable that both kinds of instruction were given together1 though we know nothing about the distribution of the day1 save that both are asserted to have begun very early4 ,even the theoretical schemes of ,plato and ,aristotle do not help us here1 and it is one of those many points which are now lost on account of their being once so perfectly obvious and familiar4 ,we here discuss the physical side first1 because it is naturally consequent upon the home games1 which have been described1 and because the mental side will naturally connect itself with the higher education of more advanced years4 ,and here1 too1 of the great divisions of exercises in the palstra--wrestling and dancing1 more properly exercises of strength and of grace--we will place athletics first1 as the other naturally leads us on to the mental side4 #ah4 ,in order to leave home and reach the palstra safely as well as to return1 ,greek boys were put under the charge of a pdagogue1 in no way to be identified 7as it now is7 with a schoolmaster4 ,the text 8,the law was our schoolmaster1 to bring us unto ,christ0 has suffered from this mistake4 ,the ,greek pdagogue means merely the slave who had the charge of bringing his master's sons safely to and from school1 and guarding them from mischief by the way4 ,he was often old and trusty1 often old and useless1 always ignorant1 and never respected4 ,he was evidently regarded by young and gay boys as a great interference to enjoyment1 insisting upon punctual hours of return1 and limiting that intercourse with elder boys which was so fascinating1 but also so dangerous1 to ,greek children4 ,the keeper of the palstra and trainer 77 was not appointed by the ,state1 but 7as already mentioned7 took up the work as a private enterprise1 not directed by1 but under the supervision of1 the ,state1 in the way of police regulation4 ,we have1 indeed1 in the speech of schines 8,against ,timarchus10 very stringent laws quoted to the effect that no palstra or school might be open before or after daylight2 that no one above boys' age might enter or remain in the building2 and the severest penalties1 even death1 were imposed on the violation of these regulations4 ,but we know that1 even if true1 which is very doubtful1 the text of the laws here cited became a dead letter1 for it was a favorite resort of elder men to see the boys exercising4 ,restrictions there were1 of course2 a fashionable lounge could in no way serve as a strict training-school1 and we know that at ,sparta1 even in the gymnasia1 the regulation strip or go was enforced to prevent an idle crowd4 #ai4 ,there is figured on many vases1 often in brilliant colors1 the interior of the palstra4 ,it is denoted by the bearded ,hermes--a rude bust of the patron god4 ,a middle-aged man in a short mantle1 or chlamys1 with a rod or wand in his hand1 is watching and directing the exercises of the boys1 generally a wrestling-match4 ,we know also1 from the pentathlon being once introduced at ,olympia for boys1 that its five exercises were those in which they were usually trained--leaping1 running1 throwing the discus1 the spear1 and wrestling4 ,for elder boys1 boxing and the pancratium were doubtless added1 if they meant to train for public competitions1 but ordinary gentlemen's sons would never undergo this special training and its hardships4 ,indeed1 the ,spartans strictly discountenanced such sports1 both as likely to disfigure1 and as sure to produce quarrels and ill-will4 ,the lighter exercises were intended to make the frame hardy and the movements graceful1 and were introduced by a thorough rubbing of the skin with olive oil1 which1 after the training1 was scraped off with a special instrument1 the 1 as may be seen in the splendid ,vatican statue of the athlete scraping his arm1 the so-called ,apoxyomenos1 referred to as an original of ,lysippus4 ,in luxurious days they also took a bath1 but this was hardly the case with ordinary boys--indeed1 the water supply of ,greek towns was probably scanty enough1 and the nation not given to much washing4 #bj4 ,there remain little or no details as to the exact rules of training practised in the ordinary palstras1 but we may fairly assume them to have been the same in kind 7though milder in degree7 as those approved for formal athletes4 ,if we judge from these1 we will not form a high idea of ,greek training4 ,pausanias informs us that they trained on dry cheese1 which is not surprising1 as they were 7like most southerns7 not a very carnivorous people4 ,but when a known athlete 7,dromeus#ac7 discovered that meat diet was the best1 they seem to have followed up the discovery by inferring that the more of a good thing the better2 and so athletes were required to eat very large quantities of meat1 owing to which they were lazy and sleepy when not engaged in active work4#ad ,we need not suppose that the diet of ordinary boys was in any way interfered with1 but this particular case shows the crude notions which prevailed1 and the trainer came more and more to assume the part of a dietetic doctor1 as is stated by ,plato4 #ba4 ,so much as to the conditions of good training2 as to the performance1 there are points of no less significance4 ,all the learned ,germans who write on these subjects notice that the ,olympic races were carried out on soft sand1 not on hard and springy ground1 so that really good pace cannot have been a real object to ,greek runners4#ae ,but1 what is worse1 they praise their zeal and energy in starting 7as we see on vases7 with wild swinging of their arms1 in spread-eagle fashion1 and encouraging themselves with loud shouts4#af ,this style of running may seem very fine to a professor in his study1 but will only excite ridicule among those who have ever made the least practical essay1 or seen any competitions4 ,but possibly the ,greeks were not so uniformly silly in this respect as they are now represented by commentators1 for there is preserved on the ,acropolis at ,athens one little-known vase on which a running figure has the elbows held tightly back in the proper way4 ,we may also have grave suspicions about ,greek boxing1 from the facts that they weighted the hand heavily with loaded gloves1 and that boxers are described as men with their ears1 and not with their noses1 crushed4 ,we cannot but suspect them of swinging round1 and not striking straight from the shoulder4 ,this is further proved by the use of protecting ear-caps 77 in boxing1 a thing which no modern boxer would dream of doing4 #bb4 ,all these hints taken together make us reasonably suspect that1 as athletics1 the training of the pdotribes was not what we should admire4 ,but1 on the other hand1 the picturesque and enthusiastic descriptions of beautiful and well-trained ,greek boys1 coupled with the ideal figures which remain to us in ,greek sculpture1 prove beyond any doubt that they knew perfectly what a beautiful manly form was1 and by what training it could be produced4 ,let us1 however1 not exaggerate the matter4 ,very few boys really equalled the ideal types of the sculptor2 and if we make allowance for this1 we may conclude that the finest ,english public-school boy is not inferior to the best ,greek types in real life4#ag ,perhaps some advantage may have resulted from the greater freedom of limb obtained by naked training and rubbing with oil2 but the advantage of this over a modern flannel suit or tight athlete's dress is very small4 ,nevertheless1 the ,english schoolboy is physically so superior to the schoolboys of other ,european nations that we may count him1 with the ,greek boy1 as almost a distinct animal4 ,what surprises us is that by regular training in the simplest exercises1 such as running1 leaping1 wrestling1 and throwing the discus or dart1 such splendid results were ever attained4 ,or shall we say that it was not the wrestling but the dancing side of ,greek training which was of chief importance8 ,we may dismiss with a word the fabulous stories of athletic feats at ,olympia1 where a certain ,chionis1 a ,spartan of early date 7,ol4 #bh-ca1 cir4 #ffj ,b4,c471 was said to have leaped fifty-two feet1 and afterwards ,phayllus of ,croton fifty-five feet4 ,we may infer1 too1 from the use of weights 771 that the jump was a standing one4 ,happily these assertions are only made by late grammarians1 and though some ,german critics are inclined to extend their adoration of ,greek training to this point1 it will rather1 with practical readers1 tend to discredit other statements made by the same authority4 ,as we do not hear of a running jump1 so we do not hear of a high jump either1 at least in public games4 ,both may have been practised in the palstra4 ,the distance for a sprint-race for men was two hundred yards1 and somewhat shorter for boys4 ,their longest race at ,olympia was twenty-four stadia 7#dhjj yards1 #b miles71 which the professors1 without any knowledge of the time in which it was done1 think more wonderful than the fifty-five-feet jump1 but which is equalled in many ,english sports of the present day4 #bc4 ,apart from the doubts here raised as to the perfection of ,greek training1 let us revert1 in conclusion1 to the absence among elder boys of those out-of-door games1 like cricket1 which are so valuable for developing mental1 together with physical1 qualities4 ,there is one feature in these games which the ,greeks seem to have missed altogether1 and which appears to be ignored in most ,german books on the reform of physical education in schools4 ,it is that forming of clubs and teams of boys1 in which they choose their own leaders1 and get accustomed to self-government and a submission to the superior will of equals1 or the decision of public opinion among themselves4 ,plato saw long ago that the proper and peculiar intention of boys' sports was more mental than bodily improvement4 ,but he confined himself to that part of the question which advocates the cultivation of spirit in boys as better than that which cultivates strength only4 ,this is perfectly true1 and no game is worthy the name in which spirit and intelligence cannot defeat brute strength4 ,but there is little trace1 save at ,sparta1 of any free constitution in boys' education1 in which they manage their own affairs1 fight out their own quarrels1 and praise or censure according to a public opinion of their own4 ,no ,greek educator seems to have had an inkling of this1 and the foreign theorists who have discussed educational reforms on the ,greek models seem equally unaware of its importance4 ,yet here1 if anywhere1 is the secret of that independence of character and self-reliance which is the backbone of the ,english constitution and the national liberty4 ,the ,greeks were like the ,french and the ,germans1 who always imagine that the games and sports will not prosper or be properly conducted without the supervision of a ,turnlehrer1 or overseer2 and they give great exhortations to this man to sympathize with the boys and stimulate them4 ,in ,england the main duty of such people is to keep out of the way and let the boys manage their own affairs4 ,the results of the opposed systems will strike any one who compares1 on the one hand1 the neat and well-regulated ,french boys of a boarding-school1 walking two-and-two1 with gloves on and toes turned out1 along a road1 followed by a master2 on the other1 the playgrounds of any good ,english school during recreation time4 ,if the zealous and learned reformers who write books on the subject in modern ,europe would take the trouble to come and see this for themselves1 it might modify both their encomia on ,greek training and their suggestions for their own countries4 ,,footnotes3 #aa ,the exact relation of the ancient palstra and the gymnasium has much exercised the critics4 ,it seems plain that the former was a private establishment1 and intended for boys2 the latter more general1 and resorted to by young men1 not only amateurs and beginners1 but also more accomplished athletes4 ,hence the terms are often confused4 ,in the 8,tract on the ,athenian ,state10 however1 the author mentions palstras as built by the demos for its public use2 and this tract1 whoever may be its author1 does not date later than #dae ,b4,c4 #ab ,herodotus1 indeed 7viii4 #hi71 speaks of the generality of ,greek sailors as able to swim4 #ac ,paus4 vi4 #g1 #i4 #ad ,it was a curious rule at the ,olympic games that the competitors were even compelled to swear that they had spent a month in training at ,elis1 as if it mattered whether the victory was won by natural endowments only or by careful study4 ,one would have thought that the importance of the contest would insure ample training in those who desired to win4 #ae ,i myself saw at the ,olympic games now held at ,athens1 in the re-excavated stadion of ,herodes1 a sprint-race of two hundred yards over vine ground1 cut into furrows1 with dogs and people obstructing the course4 ,cf4 ,macmillan's ,magazine for ,september1 #ahgf4 #af ,cf41 for example1 ,grasberger1 8,erziehung10 etc41 iii4 #bab1 quoting ,cicero1 8,tusc4 ,disp410 ii4 #bc1 #bf4 #ag ,it is a perpetual and perhaps now ineradicable mistake1 because we cannot see the real ,athenians or ,spartans of classical days1 to imagine them in general like the ideal statues of the ,greek artists4 ,we find it even generally stated that beauty was the rule and ugliness the exception among them1 in spite of ,cicero's complaint1 when he was disillusioned by a visit to ,athens3 8,quotusquisque enim formosus est8 ,quum ,athenis essem e gregibus epheborum vix singuli reperiebantur40 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,,school ,,days--,,the ,,musical ,,side--,,the ,,schoolmaster4 #bd4 ,we will approach this side of the question by quoting the famous description of ,greek education in ,plato's 8,protagoras10#ah which will recall to the reader the general problem1 so apt to be lost or obscured amid details4 8,education and admonition commence in the very first years of childhood1 and last to the very end of life4 ,mother and nurse and father and tutor 77 are quarrelling about the improvement of the child as soon as ever he is able to understand them4 ,he cannot say or do anything without their setting forth to him that this is just and that is unjust2 that this is honorable1 that is dishonorable2 this is holy1 that is unholy2 do this1 and abstain from that4 ,and if he obeys1 well and good2 if not1 he is straightened by threats and blows1 like a piece of warped wood4 ,at a later stage they send him to teachers1 and enjoin them to see to his manners even more than to his reading and music2 and the teachers do as they are desired4 ,and when the boy has learned his letters1 and is beginning to understand what is written1 as before he understood only what was spoken1 they put into his hands the works of great poets1 which he reads at school2 in these are contained many admonitions1 and many tales and praises1 and encomia of ancient famous men1 which he is required to learn by heart1 in order that he may imitate or emulate them1 and desire to become like them4 ,then1 again1 the teachers of the lyre take similar care that their young disciple is steady and gets into no mischief2 and when they have taught him the use of the lyre1 they introduce him to the works of other excellent poets1 who are the lyric poets2 and these they set to music1 and make their harmonies and rhythms quite familiar to the children1 in order that they may learn to be more gentle and harmonious and rhythmical1 and so more fitted for speech and action2 for the life of man in every part has need of harmony and rhythm4 ,then they send them to the master of gymnastics1 in order that their bodies may better minister to the virtuous mind1 and that the weakness of their bodies may not force them to play the coward in war or on any other occasion4 ,this is what is done by those who have the means1 and those who have the means are the rich2 their children begin education soonest and leave off latest4 ,when they have done with masters1 the ,state1 again1 compels them to learn the laws1 and live after the pattern which they furnish1 and not after their own fancies2 and just as in learning to write1 the writing-master first draws lines with a stylus for the use of the young beginner1 and gives him the tablet1 and makes him follow the lines1 so the city draws the laws1 which were the invention of good lawgivers which were of old time2 these are given to the young man in order to guide him in his conduct1 whether as ruler or ruled2 and he who transgresses them is to be corrected or called to account1 which is a term used not only in your country1 but in many others40 ,this is the argument put by ,plato into the mouth of ,protagoras the sophist1 to show that virtue is a thing which can be taught1 and not a mere natural predisposition or a divine grace4 ,the other locus classicus1 which may be referred to in close connection with it1 is the description of the traditional education given in ,aristophanes' 8,clouds40#ai ,the strict discipline of boys who were not allowed to utter a whisper before their elders2 who were sent in troops early in the morning to school1 in their single tunic1 even in the deepest winter snow2 who were kept at work with the music-master studying old traditional hymns1 and in attitudes strictly controlled as regards modesty and decency--all this is contrasted by the poet with what he considers the corruption of the youth with florid and immoral music1 their meretricious desire to exhibit their bodily and mental perfections1 their luxury and sloth1 their abandonment of sobriety and diligence4 ,there are peculiarities of ,greek taste so openly alluded to in this passage that it will not bear literal translation into ,english1 at least into a book for ordinary readers2 and therefore it need only be remarked1 in criticism of it1 that too much stress has been laid by theorists on ,greek life1 both on the picture of over-anxious morality in the older time1 and on the alleged immorality of the poet's age4 ,it is from such passages that ,german historians draw their very extravagant assertions of the rapid degeneracy of the ,athenians under what they call the ochlocracy1 which followed upon the death of ,pericles4 ,it is very easy to find in many other ages and times similar assertions of the glory of the good old times1 and the degeneracy of the satirist's own contemporaries4 ,but there is generally no more truth in it than in the assertion of ,homer that his heroes took up and threw easily great rocks which two1 or five1 or ten men1 such as they now are1 could not lift4 ,the same sort of thing was said in poetry of the medival knights in comparison with modern ,europe4 ,one would imagine them of greater size and might than we are1 and yet their suits of armor are seldom large enough for a man six feet high4 ,the picture of ,aristophanes is doubtless a deliberate exaggeration1 and would have been readily acknowledged as such by the poet himself4 ,but it1 of course1 gives us the extremes possible in real life1 as he knew it1 and is therefore of use in forming our ideas on the question1 if we use common sense and caution4 #be4 ,with the exception of this feature1 that ,greek parents showed a greater apprehension for the morals of their boys1 and guarded them as we should guard the morals of girls1 it will be seen that the principles of education are permanent1 and applicable in all ages under similar circumstances4 ,but what the ancients called music in the wider sense must be held to include a knowledge and recitation of good poetry1 as well as proper training in that figured dancing which was the most usual service of the gods4 ,indeed1 a good musical education in ,greece1 much in contrast to ours1 included every graceful sthetical and intellectual accomplishment4 ,this wide use of the term1 however1 though co-ordinate with the ordinary sense of playing instruments and singing1 causes little confusion4 ,a distinction between 8music and singing10 such as we often see it 7not satirically7 set forth in the advertisements of our professional teachers1 was not admitted4 #bf4 ,i think we may be justified in asserting that the study of the epic poets1 especially of the 8,iliad0 and 8,odyssey10 was the earliest intellectual exercise of schoolboys1 and1 in the case of fairly educated parents1 even anticipated the learning of letters4 ,for the latter is never spoken of as part of a mother's or of home education4 ,reading was not so universal or so necessary as it now is2 and as it was in earlier days an accomplishment only gradually becoming an essential1 its acquisition seems always to have been intrusted to a professional master1 the 1 or grammarian in the earlier use of the word4 ,of course1 careful parents1 of the model above set forth by ,protagoras1 must have inculcated early lessons from poetry before that age4 ,we may assume that books of ,homer were read or recited to growing boys1 and that they were encouraged or required to learn them off by heart4 ,this is quite certain to all who estimate justly the enormous influence ascribed to ,homer1 and the principles assumed by the ,greeks to have underlain his work4 ,he was universally considered to be a moral teacher1 whose characters were drawn with a moral intent1 and for the purpose of example or avoidance4 ,in ,plato's 8,ion0 we distinctly find something supernatural1 some distinct inspiration by the muse1 asserted of ,homer2 and this inspiration was even passed on1 like some magnetic force1 from bard to bard4 ,these ancient poets were even supposed to have uttered words deeper and holier than they themselves knew1 being driven by some divine strus to compose what they could not have said in their natural state4 ,accordingly1 the 8,iliad0 and 8,odyssey0 were supposed to contain all that was useful1 not only for godliness1 but for life4 ,all the arts and sciences were to be derived 7by interpretation7 from these sacred texts4 ,hence1 when it occurs to a modern reader that the main superiority of our education over the ,greek is the early training in the ,scriptures--a training1 alas6 decaying in earnestness every day--an old ,athenian or ,milesian or ,cean would deny the fact1 and say that they1 too1 had an inspired volume1 written for their learning1 in which all the moral virtues and all the necessaries of faith were contained4 ,the charge of objectionable passages in the old epic would doubtless be retorted by a similar charge against the old ,semitic books4 #bg4 ,it is well-nigh impossible that in the higher families throughout ,greece this moral training should not have begun at home2 and there must have been many ,greek mothers able and anxious to help1 though history is silent about them1 and does not even single out individual cases1 like the ,roman ,cornelia1 where mothers influenced the moral and intellectual training of their children4#bj ,certain it is that here and there we find evidences of a strong feeling of respect to the house-mother which contrast curiously with the usual silence about women4 ,in the 8,clouds10 the acme of villany in the young scapegrace who has turned sophist under ,socrates' hands is to threaten violence to his mother4#ba ,here it is that ,strepsiades exclaims in real horror at the result of such teaching4 ,we also find both ,plato and 7perhaps in imitation of him7 ,cicero laying stress upon the purity of speech preserved in the conversation of cultivated women1 whose conservative life and tastes rejected slang and novelty1 and thus preserved the language pure and undefiled4 ,the very opposite complaint is made concerning the pdagogues1 whose often barbarous origin and rude manners were of damage to the youth4 #bh4 ,on the question of punishments1 both at home and at school1 we do not find the ,greeks very different from ourselves4 ,there are not in ,greek literature any such eloquent protests against corporal punishment as we find in ,seneca and ,quintilian4 ,they all acknowledge the use and justice of it1 and only caution against applying servile punishments to free boys4 ,indeed1 in many later writers1 such as ,lucian1 the severities of schoolmasters are noted2 and we have among the ,pompeian pictures a scene of a master flogging a boy1 who is hoisted on the shoulders of another1 with a third holding him up by the heels4 ,these evidences1 together with those of the later ,romans1 on the sounds of woe common in schools1 must not be overestimated4 ,they are probably exceptional cases made prominent for satirical purposes1 and not implying any peculiar savagery in ,greek above modern masters4 ,most certainly the ,greek schoolmaster was not harsher than the lower-class masters in many primary schools1 as1 for example1 the ,irish hedge schoolmasters described in ,carleton's 8,tales of the ,irish ,peasantry40 ,unfortunately1 the ,greek schoolmaster1 at least of elementary schools1 was not generally in high repute1 was evidently not highly paid1 and his calling was not such as to give him either dignity or self-respect4 ,he was accused of pedantry if he was really learned1 and of bad temper if he was zealous and impatient at idleness4#bb ,lucian1 in a jocose description of the nether world1 describes kings and satraps as beggars or 8primary0 schoolmasters1 and was only carrying out into fiction the proverbial downfall of the tyrant ,dionysius of ,syracuse1 who spent his old-age teaching children at ,corinth4 ,an unknown comic writer is quoted as saying1 8,the man is either dead or teaching the alphabet40 ,we hear of philosophers accusing each other--very absurdly--of having once followed this profession2 and every scholar will remember the famous passage in ,demosthenes' 8,de ,corona30 8,but you1 worthy man1 who despise others compared with yourself1 now compare with mine your own lot1 which consigned you to grow up from boyhood in the greatest need1 when you helped your father to attend in the school1 preparing the ink1 cleaning the benches1 sweeping out the schoolroom1 and so taking the rank of a slave1 and not of a free boy40 ,we even hear of ,horace's master1 ,orbilius1 writing a lamentable autobiography on account of his miseries1 under the title of the man acquainted with grief 774 #bi4 ,the general question of the payment of teachers will be better discussed when we come to the ,sophists' training of riper youth4 ,indeed1 on the whole value of the various attacks on the teaching order in ,greece1 ,grasberger concludes his elaborate summary of the above and many other facts with the sensible remark3#bc 8,as regards the unpleasant and objectionable features1 which men seem to record with special preference1 the true state of the case may be the same as with the many scandals which are reported from the life of the medival universities in ,europe4 ,evil did not predominate2 but the chronicler1 instead of putting forward the modest virtues of diligence and of scientific earnestness1 preferred to note both the faults of the teachers and the gross excesses of the students40 ,we may be sure that in the ,greek primary schools1 though we hear of one assistant sometimes1 the master was required to teach all the subjects4 ,this was so not long ago in ,england1 and still more in ,ireland1 where the hedge schoolmasters1 but lately supplanted by the national school system 7not without considerable loss71 were required1 and were able1 to teach classics1 mathematics1 and the old-fashioned ,english4 ,it is1 indeed1 clearly presupposed in all the many bequests of pious benefactors1 who leave forty or sixty pounds per annum for the payment of a single master to keep a school in some remote part of the country4 ,and at ,athens1 as in the days of these bequests1 there was no official or state test of a master's qualifications4 ,each man set up on his private account2 it depended on the reputation he made whether his school was well attended4 ,the worthy pedant in ,goldsmith's 8,deserted ,village0 gives us a fair specimen of the better class of such men4 ,,footnotes3 #ah ,p4 #cbe ,c4 ,cf4 also 8,axiochus10 p4 #cff ,e3 1 1 444 #ai #ifa sq43 1 1 ' 4 ' 1 4 ' ' 1 1 1 1 1 4 ' 1 1 4 1 ' 1 4 ' ' 1 ' 1 ' ' 1 ' 1 ' 1 1 ' ' 4 444 #bj ,two or three stories of ,spartan mothers in ,plutarch form tardy and unimportant exceptions4 #ba v4 #addd sq4 #bb ,cf4 the amusing notes in ,cicero's letters on a private tutor he got for his son and nephew1 vi4 #a1 #i3 8,i am in love with ,dionysius4 ,the boys say he flies into furious passions4 ,but no man could be more learned or conscientious 7sanctior7 or more devoted to you and me40 ,presently ,cicero's tone alters1 viii4 #d3 8,dionysius gave me impudence3 you would say ,i had procured another ,dicarchus or ,aristoxenus1 and not a man that talks us all down1 and is no good for teaching4 ,but he has a good memory40 #bc ii4 p4 #ahi4 ,,chapter ,v4 ,,the ,,musical ,,side--,,schools ,,and ,,their ,,appointments4 #cj4 ,the school was generally distinguished by the term #bd from the palstra4 ,we know that every ,greek town possessed one or more1 and in early times ,herodotus#be mentions one existing at ,chios as early as #ejj ,b4,c41 of which the roof fell in and killed one hundred and nineteen out of one hundred and twenty children at work within it at the time4 ,pausanias tells of another at ,astypala1 into which a madman rushed and pulled down the supporting pillar1 so that sixty boys were buried under the ruins4 ,the sad affair of ,mycalessus is told by ,thucydides1 and extorts from him a most ungrammatical grimace of pity1 when ,thracian mercenaries murdered all the children assembled in school4 ,these cases show how it was evidently regarded as an essential in every town4 ,so the ,trzenians1 when they received the fugitive ,athenians during the invasion of ,xerxes1 took care1 even in that great and sudden crisis1 to provide for the teaching of the ,attic children4#bf ,of course1 in early days and in poor towns1 the place of teaching was not well appointed2 nay1 even in many places teaching in the open air prevailed4 ,the oldest legends speak of ,cheiron teaching in his grotto on ,pelion2 in the latest ,greek 7teacher on the ground7 is a word for a low class of teacher4 ,this was1 again1 like the old hedge schools of ,ireland1 and1 no doubt1 of ,scotland too4 ,they also took advantage1 especially in hot weather1 of colonnades1 or shady corners among public buildings2 as at ,winchester the summer term was called cloister-time1 from a similar practice1 even in that wealthy foundation1 of instructing in the cloisters4 ,on the other hand1 properly appointed schools in respectable towns were furnished with some taste1 and according to traditional notions4 ,as in gymnasia and palstras1 there was a shrine of the ,muses or of ,hermes1 and the head of the institution was regarded as the priest of this shrine1 at which offerings were made1 so in the schools also there were statues of tutelary gods set up1 and busts of heroes and other eminent men1 by way of ornament as well as reminder to the boys4 ,we hear that the master sat on a high seat1 from which he taught2 the scholars often sat on the ground1 as they still do in many countries1 or else they stood or occupied benches round him4 ,the pictures and descriptions extant do not point to the schools being so crowded1 as appears from the accidents above cited2 but this is probably a mere chance1 or an omission for the artist's convenience4 ,for though the laws quoted in schines' speech forbid any one save the master and boys to be present1 we know that in later days this was not strictly observed1 and in ,theophrastus's 8,characters10 the ,chatterbox1 among other mistakes in tact1 is represented going into the schools and interrupting lessons with his idle talk4 ,we may be sure that there were no tables or desks1 such furniture being unusual in ,greek houses2 it was the universal custom1 while reading or writing1 to hold the book or roll on the knee--to us an inconvenient thing to do1 but still common in the ,east4 ,there are some interesting sentences1 given for exercise in ,greek and ,latin1 in the little-known 8,interpretamenta0 of ,dositheus1 now edited and explained by ,german scholars4 ,the entry of the boy is thus described1 in parallel ,greek and ,latin3 8,first ,i salute the master1 who returns my salute3 good-morning1 master2 good-morning1 school-fellows4 ,give me my place1 my seat1 my stool4 ,sit closer4 ,move up that way4 ,this is my place1 ,i took it first40 ,this mixture of politeness and wrangling is amusing1 and1 no doubt1 to be found in all ages4 ,it seems that the seats were movable4 ,a scholium on schines tells us that there was a supply of water close at hand1 lest the boys might suffer from thirst4 ,the extant pictures show that along the walls were hung up various vessels of which the use is not always plain to us4 ,but we can clearly distinguish the necessary implements for the teaching of reading and writing1 boxes for book-rolls1 writing-boards1 reckoning-boards with parallel grooves1 and pebbles fixed in them1 geometrical figures1 flute-cases1 and lyres4 ,there is also late authority to show that there were notice-boards on which regulations were posted4 ,we hear from ,lucian of a notice over a sophist's door1 8,no philosophy to-day40 ,the notice-board was called 8the white board10 being covered with chalk4 ,we are not told how this was written on2 but if the ground was black1 then mere writing with the finger across the chalked surface would produce distinct characters4 #ca4 ,what is far more interesting is the remnant now discovered of the pictorial teaching of children1 by hanging up in the schoolroom illustrations of the ,trojan and other legends4 ,by the researches of ,bttiger and ,o4 ,jahn1#bg it appears that we still have the fragments of such a table in the tabula ,iliaca of ,theodorus1 preserved at the ,capitoline ,museum in ,rome4 ,these were large pictures1 in a series1 with names or words of explanation attached to them4 ,thus we have one picture 7from 8,iliad0 7 of ,chryses praying ,agamemnon to restore his daughter1 beside him a wagon loaded with ransom1 and under each figure1 and under the wagon respectively1 ,agamemnon1 ,chryses1 the ransom4 ,other extant pictures illustrate the third and twenty-fourth books of the 8,iliad40 ,the 8,odyssey0 was similarly treated1 so that there seems to have been a traditional and widely circulated pictorial compendium of the ,homeric poems used1 at all events1 in later ,greek and in ,roman schools4 ,there are also chronological and historical fragments of the same kind still extant1 so that it is more than probable that even in classical days ,greek boys were not without the benefit of illustrated school-books1 or at least school-sheets1 as the elegiac distich on the back of one of them suggests4#bh ,the use of these pictures on the walls explains the constant appearance of a long wand in the master's hand1 which is more characteristic of him than the rod of punishment1 though this1 too1 was not missing4 ,,the ,,subjects ,,and ,,method ,,of ,,education--,,the ,,three ,r',s4 #cb4 ,the usual subdivision of education was into three parts3 letters 771 including reading1 writing1 counting1 and learning of the poets2 music in the stricter sense1 including singing and playing on the lyre2 and lastly gymnastic1 which included dancing4 ,these were under the special direction of three classes of masters1 the grammatists 7to be distinguished from 1 used in a higher sense71 the citharistes1 and the pdotribes4 ,it is said that at ,sparta the education in reading and writing was not thought necessary1 and there have been long discussions among the learned whether the ordinary ,spartan in classical days was able to read4 ,we find that ,aristotle adds a fourth subject to the three above named--drawing1 which he thinks requisite1 like music1 to enable the educated man to judge rightly of works of art4 ,but there is no evidence of a wide diffusion of drawing or painting among the ,greeks1 as among us2 and the same may be said of swimming on the gymnastic side1 though the oft-quoted proverb1 --he can neither swim nor read--has led the learned to assert a general knowledge of swimming1 at least at ,athens4 ,later on1 under the learned influences of ,alexandria and the paid professoriate of ,roman days1 subjects multiplied with the decline of mental vigor and spontaneity of the age1 and children began to be pestered1 as they now are1 with a quantity of subjects1 all thought necessary to a proper education1 and accordingly all imperfectly acquired4 ,this was called the encyclical education1 which is preserved in our encyclopdia of knowledge4 ,it included 7#a7 grammar1 7#b7 rhetoric1 7#c7 dialectic1 7#d7 arithmetic1 7#e7 music1 7#f7 geometry1 7#g7 astronomy1 and these were divided into the earlier ,trivium and the later ,quadrivium4 ,but fortunately this debasement of classical education is far beyond our present scope4 #cc4 ,the boys started very early for school1 attended by their pdagogue1 and appear to have returned for late breakfast4 ,we may conclude from the ,roman custom1 though we have no positive evidence1 that the afternoons were devoted to recreation or the lighter gymnastic exercises4 ,the later theorists speak much of pauses and of variation in study2 but though we know there were a good many isolated holidays1 we hear of no period of rest for both masters and boys1 such as there must have been in the ,roman dog-days4 ,there is something humane and affecting in the dying bequest of ,anaxagoras1 who gave his native city1 ,clazomen1 a property on the condition that the anniversary of his death should be kept as a general school holiday4 ,there were also special days of school feasts1 such as the ,herma and ,museia1 so elegantly described at the opening of ,plato's 8,lysis40 #cd4 ,from the accounts we have of the teaching of the alphabet1 as implied in ,plato's 8,cratylus10 and described by ,dionysius 7the rhetor7 in illustrating ,demosthenes' eloquence1 it was not carried on in an analytical1 but a synthetical1 way4 ,children were not taught words first and then to analyze them1 but started with individual letters1 then learned their simplest combinations1 and so on4 ,nor is this method ever likely to be supplanted by the other1 at least in the case of stupid children4 ,but we do hear of one curious attempt to make the alphabet an agreeable study in the so-called grammatical tragedy of ,callias1 about #djj ,b4,c4 ,this was the time when 7in the archonship of ,eucleides7 the newer ,ionic alphabet of twenty-four letters was introduced1 and apparently ordered to be used in schools4 ,the work of ,callias was1 accordingly1 a poetical kind of ,a ,b ,c book1 in which the single letters in turn spoke the prologue4 ,the choral parts seem to have been refrains working out the simpler combinations of vowels with each consonant4 ,the seven vowels were also introduced before the schoolmaster as female characters4 ,but more we do not know1 and it is probable that the book was only called tragedy from its external form1 not from any plot4#bi ,the use of mnemonic verses to help children was1 no doubt1 as old as education2 but we should have been glad to know the divisions of letters followed by ,callias2 for up to the times of the ,sophists there was no proper analysis of the alphabet1 and it is to them that we owe such studies as ,plato's 8,cratylus10 which1 though sound as to the alphabet1 is wonderfully childish as to etymology4 ,still1 the popular knowledge of #djj ,b4,c4 must have been a long way behind the 8,cratylus40 ,from the acquisition of letters1 the child passed to the study of syllables1 and we find syllabizing used generally by the ,greeks for elementary instruction in reading4 ,but while the ,greek child was not afflicted1 like ,english children1 with the absurd conundrums of a perfectly irrational spelling2 while he had a fair guarantee that the individual letters reproduced the sound of the whole word1 there were other difficulties in his way4 ,he had not1 indeed1 to burden his memory with the sounds to be attached to symbols like though and tough1 plague and ague1 but he must1 on the other hand1 study with peculiar care the separation of words--interpunction--and also punctuation and accent4 ,accent1 indeed1 and the subtle use of the numerous particles1 were given1 and could only be given1 by familiarity with ,greek as a mother tongue4 ,as ,aristotle remarks1 one could always know a foreigner1 however well he spoke ,greek1 by the use of the particles4 ,i heard ,ernest ,renan make the very same remark about foreigners' ,french a few years ago4 ,but in classical days1 accents were not even written1 and words were not separated1 neither were clauses distinguished by stops4 ,hence the difficulties of reading were considerably increased1 as any one may prove for himself by taking up a medival ,greek ,,ms4 ,there1 indeed1 the accents are a guide1 but even with them the separation of words is a difficulty1 and has led to endless mistakes in our printed texts4 ,we know1 too1 that the ,greeks were particular about melodious intonation and rhythmical balance of clauses even in prose3 all this gave the grammatist ample scope for patience4 ,there is even a special teacher----mentioned in early days as regulating and training the singing voice of children4 ,indeed1 we are surprised at the general assumption among their educators that every one had both natural voice and ear4#cj ,thus reading aloud and recitations from the great poets attained a double object3 the schoolboy was taught to enounce accurately and read rhythmically2 he was made familiar at the same time with the choicest extracts of the best masters in the older literature4 ,i have already spoken of ,homer2 but the lyric poets1 like ,tyrtus1 and the gnomic1 like ,theognis1 were also largely used at school4 ,indeed1 it is not a little remarkable how many of these old poets were themselves called schoolmasters4 ,this school use gave rise to chrestomathies1 or selections of suitable passages2 and there are many critics who think that our present texts of ,theognis represent such a selection4 ,the 8,golden ,verses0 of ,pythagoras1 the many collections of proverbs1 or 1 point to the same practice4 ,written books were still scarce1 libraries very exceptional1 and thus the boy's education was far more prosecuted by dictation and by conversation than nowadays4 ,without doubt this made them less learned1 but more intelligent and ready1 than we are2 and there are even in the days of ,hellenic decay complaints of the increase of books1 of the lust after much reading and various lore4#ca ,we are told that in ,sparta and ,crete all children learned hymns to the gods1 and metrical statements of the laws1 to be sung to fixed melodies2 and this 7if a fact7 has justly been called a political as well as religious catechism4 #ce4 ,it was very late in the history of ,hellenism that any mention of the learning of foreign languages meets us4 ,even in the wide studies pursued at ,alexandria1 no systematic course in languages is ever mentioned2 and people still had recourse in international business to those who happened to be born of mixed marriages1 or by some other accident had been compelled to acquire a second tongue4 ,there is1 indeed1 much curious evidence that the ,greeks1 being really bad linguists1 found great difficulty in acquiring the ,latin tongue1 even when it became the language of the rulers of the world4#cb ,strabo#cc notes that whenever historical treatises were composed in foreign languages1 they were inaccessible to the ,greeks1 while the ,romans did nothing but copy partially and imperfectly what the ,greeks had said--a remark which might now be sarcastically applied to the relations of ,german and ,english philology4 ,this ,greek inability to learn1 or contempt of1 foreign languages reminds us of the ,french of to-day1 whose language1 until lately1 held the place in ,europe which ,greek held in the ,roman ,empire1 when every respectable person knew ,greek1 and when the ,senate were able to receive and treat with foreign ambassadors speaking in ,greek4#cd ,we have above noted the danger actually threatening that children might learn ,greek so early and exclusively as to speak their native tongue with a foreign accent--a state of things which the ,romans would have resented strongly in their rulers--in that respect widely different from the ,english people of to-day4 ,thus the ,romans attained1 what the ,greeks missed1 the opportunity of learning grammar through the forms of a foreign language4#ce #cf4 ,when the children came to writing1 we must not imagine them using ink and paper1 which was far too expensive4 ,instead of our slate1 they used tablets covered with wax1 on which the pointed stylus drew a sharp line1 which could be smoothed out again with the flat reverse end4 ,there were double lines drawn on the tablets1 and the master wrote words for the boys to copy4 ,we are told that he at times held the hands of beginners in forming letters4 ,quintilian suggests that the letters should be cut deep in a wooden tablet1 so that the child could follow them without having his hand held2 and it was in this way that the ,ostrogoth ,theodoric managed to sign his name1 by having a metal plate pierced with it1 which he then laid on the paper1 and stencilled out the letters4 ,there are on the walls of ,pompeii many scribblings of boys1 evidently repeating their school exercises2 and in ,egypt was found a tomb with a set of wax tablets1 all containing the same verses of ,menander2 but one of them a model1 the rest copies varying in excellence2 and under some of them the approving judgment diligent 774 ,this curious set of relics1 in the possession of ,dr4 ,abbott1 of ,new ,york1 is apparently the school furniture of a master buried with him4 #cg4 ,there is no reason to think that the average ,greek attained anything like the fluency in writing which we now consider necessary4 ,plato#cf says it is only necessary so far as to be able to write or read2 to write fast or elegantly must not be attempted within the range of ordinary education1 except in rare cases and with peculiar natural gifts4 ,indeed1 as slaves did all the copying work1 and as published books were always in their handwriting1 there may have been the same sort of prejudice against a very good1 clear hand which many people now feel against an office hand4 ,at ,athens there was a special officer1 1 to write out1 or direct the writing-out of1 public documents2 there was also a 1 a secretary to take minutes 77 at public meetings4 ,besides the formal writing in separate capital letters1 which we have on so many inscriptions1 and which was probably the hand taught to children1 there was a cursive hand1 which we see in the ,greek papyri of the second century ,b4,c4 found in ,egypt4 ,in later ,,mss4 we even find a regular shorthand1 exceedingly difficult to decipher4#cg ,the lines were drawn1 especially on wax1 with a little coin-shaped piece of lead 771 and the drawing of lines appears to be called 4 ,instead of the sharp metal or bone stylus1 a reed 771 like our pens1 was used on papyrus or parchment with ink4 ,quintilian prefers the wax and stylus1 because the constant dipping in the ink distracts and checks thinking--a curious objection1 and worth quoting to show the difference between his age and ours4 ,but when the new stylograph has been used for some time1 we will1 no doubt1 find men asserting this of the old-fashioned pen and ink4 #ch4 ,the school commentary1 or explanation of the poems or other literature thus written out1 was probably quite elementary4 ,grammar only began to be understood by the ,sophists1 and we have specimens of exercises on the use of the article1 and on the question of genders1 in a very comic dialogue in ,aristophanes' 8,clouds10 where the pupil of the new school ridicules the ignorance of old ,strepsiades4 ,it is likely ,protagoras's work on the correct use of language 77 gave a great stimulus to this branch of education4 ,but we cannot argue that these studies of the mother tongue which make our use of it more conscious than before1 had any better effect on prose-writing or on conversation than the very parallel studies of ,english which have of late years invaded or infested all our schools4 ,good-breeding and natural refinement seem the natural 7and are probably the only7 safeguards of a mother tongue in its ordinary use1 and there is even great danger that a conscious analysis of idioms may banish from the writing of a language many valuable and characteristic turns which are based upon a more subtle propriety than that of school logic4 ,fortunately1 local dialects have a great power of resistance4 ,the ,warwick or the ,galway peasant will speak his own accents1 and even use his idioms1 in spite of all compulsory teaching of ,english grammar in the schools2 but the reducing of all written ,english to one standard 7both in spelling and in idiom7 is like the reducing of all written ,greek to the common dialect--a very great loss and damage4#ch #ci4 ,we pass to the teaching of elementary science4 ,geometry was still an advanced study1 and1 though in high esteem among the ,greeks as one of the most elegant and perfect1 seems not to have been taught in schools4 ,arithmetic was regarded either as the abstract science of numbers 771 and as such one of the most difficult of sciences1 or as the art of reckoning 77 to be employed in the ordinary affairs of life4 ,mercantile ,greeks1 like the ,athenians and ,ionians generally1 among whom banking was well developed1 must have early found this a necessity2 but even in ,greek art1 architectural perfection was attained by a very subtle and evidently conscious application of arithmetical proportions4 ,this was first shown in the accurate measurements of the ,parthenon by ,penrose1 and was1 no doubt1 expounded in the treatise written on this building by its architect1 ,ictinus4 ,in the great temple of ,zeus at ,olympia1 the use of multiples of #g and #e has been shown so curiously applied by an ,american scholar that he suspects the application of ,pythagorean symbolism by the architect ,libon4 ,but of course this was in the strict sense1 and is only here mentioned to show how the ,greeks must have been led to appreciate the value of the science of numbers4 ,ordinary schoolboys were taught to add1 subtract1 multiply1 and divide1 as they now are1 but without the advantage of our admirable system of notation4 ,starting from the natural suggestion of the fingers--a suggestion preserved all through later history by such words as 7literally1 to count by fives1 but used of counting generally7--the ,greeks represented numbers by straight strokes1 but soon replaced either by a rude picture of a hand1 ,v 7as we find in ,roman numbers71 and made two such symbols joined together to represent #aj 7,x71 or else the higher numbers were marked by the first letter of their name--viz41 ,m and ,c1 in ,latin mille and centum4 ,so in ,greek1 771 771 etc4 ,the smaller numbers were represented in ordinary counting by the fingers of the hand1 not merely as digits 7a suggestive word1 in itself a survival of the process71 but1 according as they were bent or placed1 fingers represented multiples of #e1 and so were sufficient for ordinary sums4 ,aristophanes even contrasts#ci this sort of reckoning1 as clearer and more intelligible1 with reckoning on the abacus1 or arithmetical board1 which has still survived in our ball-frames4 ,we are told that the fingers were sufficient to express all figures up to thousands1 which is indeed strange to us2 but both the finger signs and the abacus failed in the great invention we have gained from ,arabic numerals1 the supplying of the symbol 4 ,the abacus used in ,greek schools appears to have had several straight furrows in which pebbles or plugs were set1 and at the left side there was a special division where each unit meant #e4 ,thus1 #fdh 7,,dcxxxxviii7 was represented in the following way3 --------------- ,m --------------- o o ,c --------------- o o o o ,x --------------- o o o o --------------- --------------- ,this abacus was ascribed to ,pythagoras1 but was in all probability older1 and derived from ,egypt1 where elementary science was well and widely taught from very early times4 ,when initial letters were used for numbers1 as for 1 and for 1 combinations such as ,i,i meant #ej4 ,last of all1 we find in our ,,mss4 a system of using the letters of the alphabet for numbers1 preserving 77 for #f1 and thus reaching #aj with 1 proceeding by tens through 7#bj71 7#cj71 etc41 to 7#ajj71 7#bjj71 and for #ijj using 4 ,this notation must not be confused with the marking of the twenty-four books of the ,homeric epics by the simple letters of the alphabet4 ,further details as to the technical terms for arithmetical operations1 and the amount to be attributed to a nation using so clumsy a notation1 must be sought in professed hand-books of antiquity4#dj ,as regards geometry1 all we can say is that in the days of ,plato and ,aristotle both these philosophers recognize not only its extraordinary value as a mental training1 but also the fact that it can be taught to young boys as yet unfit for political and metaphysical studies4 #dj4 ,having thus disposed of the severer side of school education1 we will turn to the artistic side1 one very important to the ,greeks1 and suggestive to us of many instructive problems4 ,,footnotes3 #bd is the thing learned4 #be vi4 #bg4 #bf ,the ,greek form of our word school1 though in common use1 meant leisure1 and only passed through its application to the leisurely discussions of philosophers into its new and opposite sense4 ,there is some difficulty about the word 1 which some have imagined to be a waiting-room for the pdagogue slaves--absurdly enough4 ,it is probably a mere synonym for the schoolroom4 #bg ,grasberger1 ii4 #bbd4 #bh 4 #bi ,all our evidence1 with every possible surmise about it1 may be found in ,welcker's 8,kleine ,schriften10 vol4 i4 p4 #cga sq4 #cj ,this assumption may perhaps hardly seem surprising when it still prevails among the ,english public as regards girls4 ,accordingly1 a vast amount of time and brain power is wasted in the endeavor to make them play and sing1 though nature has peremptorily precluded it in most cases4 #ca ,the objections of the ,eleatics and ,platonists to the moral side of ,homer and the other epic poets will be discussed in connection with the philosophic attempts at reform in higher education4 #cb ,plutarch 78,life of ,demosth410 #b7 laments his inability to master ,latin1 and the difficulties it presents when not acquired very early4 #cc iii4 #d1 #ai4 #cd ,up to the mission of ,carneades and his fellows 7#aee ,b4,c47 an interpreter had been necessary4 #ce ,this seems to me a very important point1 and ,i do not know how our training of boys in the strict and clear ,latin grammar can ever be supplied adequately by any other means1 though ,i have one great and recognized authority--,mr4 ,thring--against me1 who thinks that boys should learn the logic of grammar through ,english analysis4 #cf 8,laws10 #haj--;if the 8,laws0 be1 indeed1 ,plato's4 #cg ,cf4 ,wattenbach's specimens in his plates of ,greek ,,mss4 #ch ,if we had phonetic spelling1 our dialects would be preserved1 as the various ,greek dialects were1 or as the ,italian now are1 and thus the history of our language in the present day might become possible to ourselves and our descendants4 ,as it is1 we are concealing from all inquiry this most interesting subject--,i mean the varying pronunciation--by our absurd artificial spelling1 and we are banishing local idioms by stamping them with the mark of vulgarity4 ,this latter is the natural and right consequence of having classical models4 ,but had we possessed the older dialects in phonetic writing1 our standard would have been widened1 like that of the ,greeks1 to include important provincial varieties4 #ci 8,wasps10 #fef sq4 #dj ,these are the ordinary terms3 adding 1 2 subtracting 1 1 ,latin deducere2 multiplying 1 and the factors 1 a geometrical conception1 as in the second book of ,euclid2 dividing 3 no general word for quotient is found4 ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,,the ,,subjects ,,and ,,method ,,of ,,education--,,drawing ,,and ,,music4 #da4 ,it is likely that most writers on ,greek education have exaggerated the importance and diffusion of drawing as an ordinary school subject4 ,even in ,aristotle's day it was only recognized by some people1 probably theorists2#da and ,pliny tells us that it was ,pamphilus1 ,apelles' master1 who first had it introduced at ,sicyon1 from which it spread over all ,greece4 ,these combined notices point to its not being general before the days of ,alexander4 ,but the theorists recognized its use and importance earlier1 first and most obviously for critical purposes1 that men might better judge and appreciate works of art2 secondly1 for that sthetical effect which is so forgotten by us1 the unconscious moulding of the mind to beauty by the close and accurate study of beautiful forms4 ,the usual word for painting1 and for drawing-master1 suggests to us that figure-drawing was the early and the principal branch of the art known and taught4 ,from the earliest times rude figures had been scratched and colored on vases1 and the number of vase-painters in historical ,greece must have been so considerable as to disseminate some general feeling for the art1 though we hear of no amateur vase-painting1 such as is in fashion among ladies of our own day4 ,on the other hand1 landscape-painting was of late growth and very imperfect development4 ,the prominence of sculpture1 even polychromatic sculpture1 made its absence less felt4 ,owing to the old ,greek habit of personifying nature1 and expressing every mountain and river by its tutelary gods1 we find in the great pediment sculptures of the best epoch that curious indication of the landscape by its tutelary gods--looking on calmly and unconsciously at the action of the principal figures--which is perhaps the most peculiar characteristic of all ,greek art4 ,thus the local rivers1 the ,alpheus and ,cladeus1 are represented lying at the ends of the great eastern pediment of the temple at ,olympia1 witnessing the combat of ,pelops and nomaus with no more expression of feeling than the landscape which they represent would manifest4 ,the earliest essays at landscape proper were1 moreover1 not rocks and trees1 or that wild country which the ,greeks never loved1 but buildings and artificial grounds1 with regular lines and definite design4 ,the first attempt was made to satisfy the requirements of the theatre1 and the fact that scene-painting and shade-painting 7or perspective7 were used as synonymous terms shows the truth of the report that ,apollodorus 7cir4 #djj ,b4,c47 first discovered the art of representing the straight lines of a building in depth1 by a departure from that orthography in geometrical drawing which had hitherto been practised4 ,if we may judge from the many sketches of this sort of suburban landscape which are preserved on ,pompeian walls1 the proper knowledge of perspective was not even in later times diffused among ordinary artists1 whose figure-painting on these walls is in every respect vastly superior4 ,on the other hand1 the figure-painting even on vases of the best epoch is so conventional that we cannot believe ,greek boys were taught to draw figures with a proper knowledge of living or round models1 and must assume the drawing-lessons to have been chiefly in geometrical designs4 ,according to lian1 there were maps of the ,greek world to be had at ,athens1 and therefore presumably in schools1 when ,alcibiades was a young man2 but this isolated notice1 backed up by one or two allusions in ,aristophanes1 must not be pressed too far4 ,the confusion between the terms for drawing and for writing utensils arises from the same materials being used in practising both--as if we used pencils only in learning to write4 ,the same stylus 77 which was used for writing on wax tablets was used for drawing outlines on the same2 and the earliest training in drawing1 if we may trust the statement of ,bttiger1 was the copying of the outlines of models proposed by the master4#db ,after firmness had been attained1 delicacy of outline was practised1 and ultimately a fine paint1 which was used to paint black and red outlines on white tables1 or white on black4 #db4 ,though the diffusion of drawing was late and doubtful1 this was not the case with music1 in its strictest sense4 ,for its importance was such as to make it a synonym for culture in general1 and to leave us doubtful in some cases whether ,greek authors are speaking in this wider or the narrower sense4 ,but it is from music proper that they all would start1 as affording the central idea of education4 ,here is one of the features in which ,greek life is so different from ours1 that there is the greatest possible difficulty in understanding it4 ,when modern educators introduce music into boys' recreation time1 and say it has important influences in humanizing them1 though in this they may approach the language of ,greek social reformers and statesmen1 they mean something widely different4 ,the moderns mean nothing more 7,i conceive7 than this1 that the practice of music is a humane and civilizing pursuit1 bringing boys into the company of their sisters and lady friends1 withdrawing them from coarse and harmful pursuits1 and thus indirectly making them gentler and more harmless men4 ,it is as an innocent and social source of amusement that music is now recommended4 ,let us put out of all account the far lower and too often vulgar pressure on girls to learn to play or sing1 whether they like it or not4 ,for here the only advantage in view is not the girl's moral or social improvement1 but her advancement in life1 by making her attractive in society4 ,such a view of musical training is quite beneath any serious notice in the present argument4 ,what has above been said will be considered a fair statement of the importance given to music by modern thinkers4 ,and accordingly1 when we find all ,greek educators and theorists#dc asserting a completely different kind of importance in music1 we find ourselves in presence of what is strictly an historical problem4 ,it is not enough for the ,greeks to admit that martial music has strong effects on soldiers going to battle1 or that doleful music turns the mind to sadness in a solemn requiem for the dead4 ,they went so far beyond this as to assert that by constantly playing martial music people would become martial1 that by constantly playing and singing passionate and voluptuous music people became passionate and voluptuous4 ,consequently1 the proper selection of instruments of music and of words became a subject of serious importance4 ,the flute was cultivated at ,athens till ,alcibiades spurned it for distorting his handsome face1 and caused it to go out of fashion at ,athens4 ,but this aversion to the ,botian instrument was supported by the theorists on the ground that it had no moral tendency1 that it was too exciting1 and vague in the emotions it excited2 also1 that it prevented the player from singing words to his music4 ,but when we would infer from this that it is really the text1 and not the actual music1 which has the mental effect--when we are disposed to add that in our own time instrumental music is a higher and more intellectual kind of music1 which has no moral effects save good ones1 and that it is the libretto of the opera or the sentiment of the song which does harm--the answer from the ,greek point of view is conclusive against us4 ,though much stress was laid upon the noble words which were sung1 the music was known to have the principal effect4 ,plato1 in a celebrated passage1 even inveighs bitterly against the gross immorality and luxuriousness of all mere instrumental music1 which allowed of so much ornament1 so much exaggeration of expression1 so much complexity of emotion1 as to be wholly unsuited to his ideal state4 ,it is1 indeed1 perfectly true that the intellectual effort in understanding instrumental music1 at least some instrumental music1 is far greater than is required for appreciating1 or imagining one appreciates1 a simple song4 ,to understand a string quartet of ,mendelssohn1 or1 still more1 a symphony of ,beethoven1 is an intellectual task far exceeding the abilities of nine tenths of the audiences who hear them4#dd ,but1 apart from all such intellectual strain1 there is a strong though indefinable passion about this very music which has the deepest effects on minds really tuned to appreciate it4 ,if this be too subtle an instance1 there is another so striking that it is worth mentioning on the chance of the reader's verifying it some day for himself4 ,the ,hungarian gypsies who form the national bands are chiefly occupied at entertainments in playing for the national dance--the csrds--tunes which have now become familiar1 some of them1 through the transcriptions of ,liszt and ,johannes ,brahms4 ,the dance consists in a gradually increasing excitement1 starting from a slow and grave beginning4 ,the change is produced merely by increase of time in often repeating the same air1#de and also in adorning it with flourishes1 which are added ad libitum and somewhat barbarously1 by the members of the band according to their taste4 ,the effect of this gradual hurrying and complicating of the same tune is inexpressibly affecting to the mind4 ,it represents excitement1 and often voluptuous excitement1 to the highest degree4 ,it would have thoroughly shocked ,plato and his school4 ,this simpler example1 though less easily verifiable to the ,english reader1 is really more to the point1 for there can be no doubt that it is owing to the increase of complication1 and the growth of the intellectual combinations in music1 that we have lost sight of what the ,greeks thought so vital--the direct moral effects of music4 #dc4 ,the question remains1 ,what did the ,greeks convey by this theory8 ,were they talking nonsense1 or was their music so different from ours that their theories have no application in our day8 ,we cannot adopt either of these solutions1 though all our researches into ,greek scales1 and into the scanty examples of tunes still extant1 are unable to show clearly what they meant4 ,we cannot make out why tunes in the ,doric scale--a scale varying slightly from our ordinary minor scale--should be thought manly and moral1 while ,lydian measures--a scale like our ordinary major scales--should be thought immoral4#df ,we must give up the problem of finding out a solution from the ,greek scales4 ,but this we may fairly assert1 that our music1 being directly descended from the old ,church scales1 which again were derived from the ,greek1 cannot be so totally different from that of the old ,greeks as to warrant the inference that theirs could be moral or the reverse1 and ours indifferent to morals4 ,we may depend upon it that they did not talk nonsense1 and that the general consent of all their thinking men on this curious point is well worthy of our most serious attention4 ,it is probable that the far greater complexity of our music1 the multiplication of instruments1 the development of harmony1 has brought out intellectual instincts unknown to them1 and so obscured the moral questions once so striking4 ,the ,chinese of the present day1 who have a music far simpler than ours1 mostly on the tetratonic scale1 are said to speak of the moral influence of music as the ,greeks did1 and to put the composing and circulating of tunes under a certain control4 ,they used to have state composers charged with this duty1 in order to preserve and improve the morals of the people4 ,although1 then1 it seems that the simpler the character of a national music1 the more clearly its moral effects are perceived1 we only want a closer analysis to detect the same qualities in our own composers4 ,much of the best music we now hear is unduly exciting3 it feeds vain longings1 indefinite desires1 sensuous regrets2 and were the evidence stated in detail1 the sceptical reader might be convinced that here we are far behind the ,greek educators1 and that we often deliberately expose our children to great moral risk by inciting them to express their semi-conscious desires in affecting music4 ,the majority who have no soul for music may be safe enough 7though this is not certain72 but those whose soul speaks through their fingers1 or their voice1 are running a very serious danger1 of which there is not the least suspicion among modern educators4 ,to seek corroboration from the characters of leading musicians were invidious1 but not without instruction4#dg ,this inquiry is no digression which requires apology4 ,it is a point in which we do not seem to have reflected as deeply as the ancients1 and which is well worth discussing without pedantry or sentimentality4 ,it is also true that the general aspect of this side of ,greek education is more interesting and fruitful than the inquiry into the structures of the particular instruments they used--an antiquarian question very minutely discussed by learned historians of music1 and by compilers of archological lore4 ,on these details we may here be brief4 ,the subject has been exhausted by ,mr4 ,chappell1 our best historian of music4 #dd4 ,in education we never hear of the use of those more complicated instruments1 such as the 1 or harp1 the double flute and others1 which were used by professionals4 ,on the other hand1 the favorite syrinx1 or pandean-pipe1 was only in fashion among shepherds1 and not in schools4 ,we may assume that nothing was there admitted but the simplest form of stringed instrument1 the lyre 771 which was originally made by stretching strings across the inside of the back shell of a tortoise4 ,these shells are often to be found dry and clean in river-courses through ,greece4 ,the tortoise when dead is eaten out by ants or other insects2 the shells separate1 and are carried away and cleaned by floods4 ,this most primitive kind was1 however1 supplanted by a more elaborate form1 which used the two shells of the tortoise1 and fastened1 in the position of its front legs1 a pair of goat's horns1 which were spanned near their extremity by the 1 or yoke1 to which strings were drawn from the far end of the shell1 over the nether surface1 or breast shell1 which was flat4 ,this1 with seven or at most ten strings1 was the ordinary instrument used to teach ,greek boys to play4 ,the more elaborate cithara1 which still survives1 both in name and structure1 among the ,tyrolese1 was a lyre with a sound-box built of thin wood or metal plates1 and elongated into hollow arms 7where the lyre only had horns1 or solid wooden arms71 so that the resonance was considerably greater4 ,this1 in the form called 1 had fifteen or more strings1 and does not here concern us4 ,the use of the bow for stringed instruments was unknown to the ,greeks1 but they used for playing the plectrum1 which is still used by the ,tyrolese for their zither4 ,the favorite wind-instrument was not our flute1 which was called 1 or 8cross-played aulos10 and which was not popular1 but our clarinet1 the 1 which was held straight1 was wide at the mouth1 and produced its tone by means of a vibrating tongue in the mouthpiece4 ,the ordinary aulos was played without any artificial aid2 but for the double aulos1 where two reeds of different pitch were blown from the same mouthpiece1 a leather bandage was tied over the player's mouth1 into which the mouthpiece was fitted4 ,this was the most extreme form of that disfigurement of which the ,greeks complained in flute-playing4 ,the tunes taught to boys are now lost1 and we cannot hope to reproduce them4 ,but there is good reason to think that they would not suit the developed taste of our day1 and would be considered dull and even ugly4 ,this we may infer from the few extant fragments of ,greek tunes4 ,,footnotes3 #da 1 1 1 4--,pol41 viii4 p4 #bei4 #db is the technical term for this drawing of models4 #dc ,aristotle implies in his discussion 78,pol410 bk4 vii4 #a7 that there had arisen in his day radical critics who asserted that music was merely an amusement1 with no other importance4 ,but he sets aside this opinion as hardly deserving of refutation1 seeing how strong was the consensus of opinion against it4 #dd ,aristotle fully appreciates this1 and admits1 even in his perfect polity1 popular music to suit the vulgar listener1 who cannot understand what is really classical 78,pol410 viii43 4 44474 #de ,in some cases a very florid adagio is succeeded by a lively plain tune in galop time4 #df ,some people have thought these scales only indicated differences of pitch4 ,this is false1 or rather a misapprehension1 because in a fixed set of notes--like the white notes in our pianos--various scales could only be found by starting higher or lower4 ,but how could a difference of pitch affect morals8 #dg ,it is not difficult for a man who has devoted sufficient time to music1 and has known many musical people1 to find some analogy to ,dorian1 ,phrygian1 and ,lydian modes1 as moral agents1 in our modern music4 ,for surely the real meaning1 the real depth1 in the art is this3 that it represents1 and by representing stimulates within us1 various emotions4 ,like all the other faculties of man1 the emotions are a great class of mental phenomena improved and strengthened by a certain quantity of stimulus1 but exaggerated and injured by being overstrained1 or too perpetually exercised4 ,and it is the peculiar province of music to awaken emotions too subtle and various for the coarser utterance of words1 and therefore to fill the mind with feelings delightful1 indeed1 and deep1 but from their very nature unutterable in words and inexplicable except by sympathy4 ,you cannot convey to an unmusical man what is called the expression of an air--that is to say1 the emotion it has caused within you4 ,let us add that if you could explain it1 it would not have the distinctive value which it really possesses4 ,it is this very feature in the question which has caused the moral effects of music to be wholly overlooked in a cold and logical age1 when many men are not affected by it1 and in which everything inexplicable by direct statement is likely to be considered unreal4 ,the emotions1 then1 which it is the proper object of music to stimulate1 are of that subtle character that they cannot be defined4 ,different composers will1 no doubt1 excite a different complexion of feeling in the mind4 ,the works of ,handel and ,j4 ,s4 ,bach produce a thoroughly satisfied and cheerful temper1 even when they treat sad subjects2 whereas ,beethoven has almost always about him that profound melancholy which is to a mind in distress more sustaining in its sympathy than all the comfort of consolation4 ,but this only describes the general character of the emotions produced1 and not the emotions themselves4 ,for these are often not consciously before us at all1 but influence us1 like our prejudices1 from a hidden vantage-ground within the soul4 ,but1 alas6 the history of this delicious stimulant is like that of all the rest4 ,men begin to crave for it1 and then constantly pursue it2 they will not be satisfied without stronger doses1 and1 presently1 even these cease to have their effect except by intoxication4 ,in such case1 the stimulant is no longer applied to exciting an emotion1 but to satisfying a passion4 ,and this latter differs from the former in being more violent 7being1 perhaps1 compounded of several emotions71 and in containing some coarser bodily element1 either consciously or unconsciously4 ,it may be illustrated from what are called sentimental songs4 ,if we compare the old chaste love-songs that are found among the national melodies of ,england1 and still better of ,ireland1 with the love-songs in one of the greatest of modern operas1 ,gounod's 8,faust10 the distinction will be easily apprehended4 ,when an ,irish girl puts sweet wild music to the words of her song1 and is then better satisfied with it than if she merely spoke it1 the reason is this1 that there are in her love a number of tender emotions1 far too subtle to be uttered in the words1 but which are conveyed in the expression of the melody4 ,the very same may be said of the solemn1 almost religious love-songs of the old ,italian composers1 in which knightly reverence for the gentler sex is so apparent4 ,let the soberest critic compare this music with the splendid duet in the garden scene of ,gounod's 8,faust10 and more especially with the concluding song of the act 7that in six flats74 ,expressive this music is beyond description1 and expressive of love2 but how different6 ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,,the ,,last ,,stage ,,of ,,education--,,military ,,training ,,of ,,the ,,ephebi4 #de4 ,the small size and narrow bounds of ,greek states made the support of a professional army seldom possible1 and accordingly we find expedients now suddenly again become fashionable from very different causes--a citizen army1 and general liability to military service4 ,no ,greek boy was allowed to pass from his school-days into citizen life without some preliminary training and practice in the use of arms and in military discipline4 ,this is the discipline of the ephebi1 or grown-up boys1 concerning which so much has been written of late years by the learned4 ,a number of inscriptions regarding the duties and ceremonies to be performed by them have been lately discovered1 and we seem to see in them a sort of general agreement throughout ,greece1 rather differing in the time allotted1 and in other details1 than in principles4#dh ,there were actual masters in the art of using arms1 so far as this was not included in the gymnastic exercises of the palstra2 we do not hear1 however1 of much drilling1 and probably the drill of ,greek armies1 if we except the ,spartans1 was very imperfect in the best period4 ,it was not until the growth of mercenary armies1 and 7almost simultaneously7 the great military outburst at ,thebes under ,epaminondas1 that war became a science in our sense4 ,on the other hand1 all the patrol duty of the frontier was done by these ephebi1 who1 at about the age of sixteen1 were brought into the rank of citizens by a solemn service and sacrifice1 at which they swore oaths of fidelity and patriotism1 and undertook their military duties as a preliminary to their full life of political burgesses4 ,the orphans of citizens killed in battle had their arms and military dress presented to them 7at ,athens7 by the ,state4 ,the youths assumed the short dark-gray cloak 771 and the broad-brimmed soft hat 771 suitable for marching duty1 and then1 as 1 or patrolling police1 they looked to the safety of the country1 the condition of the roads1 and occupied the frontier forts1 of which we see such striking remains still in ,attica4 ,the mountain fort of ,phyl1 that of ,dekelea1 of noe 7or ,eleuther71 of ,sunium1 of ,thorikos1 of ,oropos1 and others1 were the stations from which the frontiers were patrolled4 ,it is doubtless owing to this precaution that1 though we read of insecurity in the streets of ,athens by night1 we never read of brigandage through the country4 ,some scholars have1 indeed1 asserted that the had police duty to perform in the city1 and at the public assembly4 ,this we need not accept2 though on solemn occasions1 and when a great ceremony was to be held1 they appeared1 not only to preserve order1 but to participate in the show4 ,it is the latter duty which we see them performing in the famous friezes of the ,parthenon1 which represent the ,panathenaic procession4 ,they were allotted a separate place in the theatre1 and were in every respect regarded as a distinct order in the ,state1 the hope and pride of their city1 and its ornament on all stately occasions4 ,their patrol duty on the frontier was appointed to them for divers reasons4 ,they attained through it the discipline of arms1 and learned some of the hardships of campaigning4 ,they learned an accurate knowledge of the roads and ways through their country1 and of the nature of their frontier1 and that of their neighbors4 ,they were kept away from the mischiefs which threaten youths of their age in every city4 ,but the ,athenians and other ,greeks were careful not to commit the mistake of which we now hear so much--that of expecting these youths under twenty to face the enemy in battle4 ,they were specially reserved for garrison duty1 and one of ,myronides' victories was particularly noted1 because he fought it with these boys1 who were not expected to stand firm in the horrors of a battle4 #df4 ,according to the words of the oath1 indeed1 as preserved by ,stobus and ,pollux1 the standing firm beside one's comrade is specially mentioned2 but even if this interesting document be not spurious1 as ,cobet supposes1#di this particular declaration may be considered prospective1 and applying to the remainder of the citizen's life4 ,i add the words here for the benefit of those who have not the ,greek text at hand3 8,i will never disgrace these hallowed weapons1 or abandon my comrade1 beside whomsoever ,i am placed1 and ,i will fight for both sacred and common things personally and with my fellows4 ,i will not leave my country less1 but greater and better by sea and land1 than ,i may have received it4 ,i will obey the rulers for the time being1 and obey the established laws1 and whatsoever others the commonwealth may agree to establish2 and if any one abolish the ordinances or disobey them1 ,i will not allow it1 but will defend them personally and with the rest4 ,i will obey the established religion4 ,be my witnesses ,aglauros1 ,enyalios1 ,ares1 ,zeus1 ,thallo1 ,auxo1 ,hegemone40 ,though ,cobet be right that some features of this oath can hardly have been generally used through the course of ,athenian history1 and that it was probably made up at a late period1 the list of gods1 so curious and unlike what a late pedant would invent1 points to some old source2 and perhaps there are other really historical traditions in it4 ,the general authenticity of this text has rather been confirmed by the discovery of the oath of the ephebi of ,dreros 7near ,knossus7 in ,crete--an inscription of undoubted authenticity4 ,here1 there are not only the general declarations of loyalty and patriotism1 but special oaths to support the allied ,knossus1 and declarations of hatred and hostility against the town of ,lyttos4#ej ,this formal declaration of hatred may be compared with the outspoken aristocratic oath quoted by ,aristotle3 8,i will be ill-disposed to the demos1 and will do it whatever harm ,i can devise40 ,the various religious ceremonies connected with the admission to the status of an ephebus1 which was considered distinct both from a boy and from a man--the sacrifices1 the cutting of the long hair 7except in ,sparta71 the solemn assembly of relatives1 remind us strongly of the confirmation of the ,christian ,church1 to which it is the heathen parallel4 #dg4 ,what a solemn procession of ephebi must have been is best shown by the equestrian and sacrificial procession on the frieze of the ,parthenon4 ,we notice some young men naked1 some in the short cloak and hat1 riding horses and leading victims4 ,the riding of the horses was not so easy as with us1 for1 in the first place1 they had no saddles and stirrups1 and1 in the second1 it was thought necessary for a good display to have the horse continually on his hind-legs4 ,a quiet walking horse in a procession was thought very tame by the ,greeks4 ,hence the management of these curvetting and caracoling steeds must have necessitated careful training in their riders4 ,again1 we find others leading bulls to the sacrifice1 and the frequent mention of contests with bulls has even misled many authorities to imagine that the ,attic ephebi practised bull-fighting4 ,the fact is that an unruly victim was of evil omen1 and hence the careful leading of these beasts1 with skill and strength combined1 so as to make a proper part of a great show1 came under ephebic training4 ,this1 too1 we see on the ,parthenon frieze4 ,wherever1 in fact1 any public display was required1 the artistic taste of the ,greeks ordained that the fairest and most stalwart men should be there to adorn it2 and as nothing is so beautiful as a crowd of vigorous fresh youths1 in the bloom of life and the happiness of youth1 we can conceive how splendid was a ,state procession then compared with those of our day1 when the grandest show is one of old generals1 effete officials1 and other venerable but decrepit magnates1 who must be covered with fine clothes1 brilliants1 and orders to prevent their real ugliness and decay from being painfully obtrusive4 ,in ,roman days we hear of these youths being employed as guards of honor when distinguished foreigners visited ,athens4 #dh4 ,though this ephebic training is spoken of as universal--and it seems that after his inscription into the register 7 7 of his deme1 which was his patent of citizenship1 every ,athenian lad was bound to serve as patroller 77 and undergo his military training--there must have been many exceptions2 and1 indeed1 this whole education is evidently that of the higher classes1 and unsuitable for the poor4 ,in ,roman days1 we even find strangers coming to ,athens and enrolling themselves among the ephebi1 as those wealthy foreigners who understand what culture means often send their sons to ,england to receive the unique training of the ,english public schools4 ,but this points to its being a privilege1 a special and much-prized education1 though we do not know what restrictions there were1 or how the sons of poorer men1 who could not afford the time and outlay1 avoided it4 ,the number of official ephebi was never1 ,i fancy1 large1 and always a class from which ,phidias might well select for his models1 when seeking for ideal types of youth and manliness4 ,it has1 indeed1 not been sufficiently noticed1 in the various essays on this ephebic training1 that the very idea of such a class never occurs in ,herodotus or in ,thucydides1 though it does in ,xenophon2#ea and if ,plutarch speaks of ,alcibiades influencing the ephebi in the gymnasia with his wild schemes of western conquest1 we may be sure the historian transferred the titles and notions of his age to older times4 ,in the third century ,b4,c41 there are so many inscriptions about this class extant that it must have assumed a most prominent place in ,attic life4 ,from that time onward into ,roman times1 we hear of it constantly1 and from many sources4 ,it is impossible that ,socrates and his school should not have alluded to it1 had it already formally existed4 ,we may therefore infer that though its component parts--the formal enrolment and sacrifices at a certain age1 the patrol duties1 the gymnastic and musical training1 the procession duty at festivals--were developed in the best period of ,attic history1 their official reduction to a ,state system of education could not have taken place till later1 till the decay of practical public life had given men time to theorize about methods of restoring by education what was irreparably lost4 ,apparently1 the earliest formal notice is in a fragment of the orator ,lycurgus1 who1 in his famous speech on his own management of the ,athenian exchequer1 alluded to the statue of a certain ,epicrates1 which had been set up in bronze on account of his law about the ephebi4 ,we cannot tell whether this was a special enactment or not4 ,but it may have been the very law which established this famous system1 so praised and sought after by all the ,hellenistic world in ,roman days4 ,if so1 the establishment would date from the very time when it proved of little real importance to the history of ,attica or of the world4 ,nevertheless1 the many inscriptions reveal to us certain curious and interesting features1 which make us approve of the good taste of ,cicero and his friends1 when they sent their boys away from ,rome to ,athens1 as we send our sons to schools in ,england4 ,thus the learned ,germans who have investigated with great pains the various titles of the magistrates or dignitaries among these ephebi are often at a loss to determine whether they are masters set over them1 or leaders among the ephebi themselves4 ,indeed1 the so-called 7head of the ephebi7 appears to have been no other than the most successful and brilliant youth1 the representative and spokesman of the rest1 like the senior prefect at some of our public schools4 ,no doubt1 learned men who1 in future ages1 investigate the ephebic training of the ,english will puzzle themselves over the senior prefect at ,winchester1 and wonder whether he was a master or a boy2 and1 if a boy1 how he could have so much power intrusted to him4 ,we also find that the expenditure of keeping up the solemn processions and public contests was so great that the ephebi themselves were encouraged to contribute largely2 and if they were rich1 they gained an importance disproportionate 7we may suspect7 to their age4 ,what is even more interesting to ,english students is that they had independent clubs and associations1 and even held solemn meetings1 where they used the terms of public life1 and entitled the resolutions 77 enacted in their assembly 77 laws 774 ,they had archons1 strategi1 agoranomi1 and even areopagites in these associations of youths4 ,it must have been with the approval of these formal meetings that the gymnastic side of the ephebic training became gradually discredited4 ,whether the dislike of great generals like ,alexander and ,philopmen to athletics contributed to change public opinion1 we cannot tell4 ,but ,i confess to feeling a considerable sympathy with the reform which asserted the superiority of hunting and riding to the exercises of the gymnasium--a change which is regarded by some ,german critics as a melancholy sign of degradation4 #di4 ,in these later days1 when the seven subjects of knowledge1 including rhetoric1 philosophy1 etc41 were formally adopted1 the ephebic training assumed the character of a university course4 ,there were1 indeed1 masters appointed for fencing1 the use of arms1 dancing1 and wrestling1 as of old2 but the leading philosophical schools did not then carry off the youths from the ephebic training2 they rather supplied it with formal professors4 ,in the better and strictly classical days1 before we hear of the technical term ephebi1 the practical training of the youths for patrols1 and then as incipient citizens1 rather corresponded to what we call the sixth form at a public school1 and did not embrace really philosophic teaching1 such as is supposed to be found at our universities4 ,it had the same mixture of the physical and intellectual1 the same attention to mere accomplishments1 the same careful surveillance which we practise in schools1 but which are not a complete introduction to full citizen life4 ,this was the summit of ,spartan training1 where the object was not to train really political men able to discuss public affairs and assist in the government of the ,state1 but brave soldiers1 and fine men1 physically able to endure hardship and submit to strict discipline4 ,something quite different and intellectually higher was needful for a really democratic life1 for an intelligent understanding of ,state functions1 and the proper discussion of them4 ,it was all very well to dance complicated figures with grace1 to play the lyre and sing sweetly with it1 to wrestle and run with force and ease4 ,this was the old training1 which made fine soldiers1 but good citizens only in the sense of stupidly ignorant1 and therefore obedient1 hearers of the orders of their superiors4 ,the necessity of a change came with the rise of democracy in ,greece1 and the ,greeks provided themselves1 when the need arose1 with teachers suited to their wants4 ,these men1 the ,sophists1 were the first who gave any education corresponding to our university courses1 and to these we now turn4 ,,footnotes3 #dh ,cf4 the list in ,grasberger1 iii4 #fe4 #di 8,n4 ,l410 p4 #bcc4 #ej ,cf4 for the text of his oath ,philol4 for #ahed1 p4 #fid1 or ,grasberger1 iii4 #fa4 #ea ,especially in his 8,education of ,cyrus40 ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,,higher ,,education--,,the ,,sophists ,,and ,,socrates4 #ej4 ,as every one knows now1 the real position and merits of the ,sophists were first brought to light by ,grote in his monumental 8,history of ,greece40 ,since the publication of that book the ,english scholar has learned that sophist1 in early ,greek history1 is not synonymous with liar and villain1 undermining public morals and sapping religion4 ,within the last few years the influence of this new view is gradually reaching the ,germans1 a nation not very ready to adopt1 in philology at least1 ,english opinions4 ,but this very natural reluctance has its exceptions2 for in the most important new book on the history of ,greek philosophy1 ,zeller's last edition1 we find that1 in spite of sundry reservations1 the main results of ,grote's investigations are recognized and adopted4 ,before ,i go on to appropriate from these authors that part of their account of the ,sophists which belongs properly to the subject of ,greek education1 it is worth reflecting a moment on so very remarkable an instance of misunderstood evidence as this controversy exhibits4 ,the main body of philologists simply followed like a flock of sheep ,plato's and ,aristotle's polemic against their own rivals4 ,plato inherited from ,socrates a strong antipathy to these practical and often utilitarian teachers4 ,but it was for the most part the same sort of antipathy that the solid university professor of our own day has for the successful crammer4 ,the competition mania of the present day has created a demand for these specialists1 who do not profess anything more than their special trade of passing men for examinations1 and who do it admirably1 and derive from it large emoluments4 ,so the rise of democratic institutions1 and the spread of international debates1 made the fifth century ,b4,c4 in ,greece one that required suddenly a set of practical teachers for men who practised at the bar or debated in the public assembly4 ,we are too much in the habit of thinking that such men required training merely in rhetoric--in the way of disputing and of plausibly stating their views4 ,they required more2 they required education in general subjects1 and of course not a deep education1 but such a one as would enable them to talk intelligently1 and make and understand allusions to the deeper questions of the day4 ,we hear that now in ,america it is not an uncommon thing for men who have risen suddenly in the world1 and for their wives1 to send for a teacher and say1 8,i am now in a position to move in educated society1 and to be required to speak on public affairs4 ,my early training was entirely neglected4 ,i want you to instruct me in the ordinary topics of the day1 as well as in those points of art and science which may be serviceable for my purpose40 ,and such instruction1 very superficial1 no doubt1 and inaccurate1 but highly practical1 is often given4 #ea4 ,now1 let us imagine that an intelligent ,greek or other foreigner1 totally unacquainted with modern journalism1 were to seek for evidence of its moral value and the real benefits it confers upon us4 ,what answer would he receive8 ,if he applied to the journalists themselves1 they would tell him that it was their object so to furnish their readers with all the current topics of instruction as to make them able to converse intelligently without any further study4 ,they would also profess to be leaders of the moral sense of the public1 praising what was of good repute1 and blaming the wicked1 exposing abuses1 and expounding virtue4 ,they would also claim the merit of supplying the public with arguments in favor of a disputed conclusion1 so that men might be furnished with weapons to meet their intellectual adversaries4 ,he would naturally ask1 on hearing this exalted programme1 whether all this was done out of pure philanthropy or with any ulterior view2 more especially1 whether there was any pecuniary gain attached4 ,they would reply that they did indeed take money for their teaching--and the laborer is worthy of his hire--but they would appeal to any of their readers whether the instruction afforded was not greatly in excess of their remuneration4 ,with this reply our stranger might perhaps be but half satisfied1 and might have some suspicion that independent evidence would not come amiss2 and on inquiring from thoughtful men what emoluments were to be gained by this profession1 he would hear that1 if successful1 it was one of the most lucrative known1 and that many of the contributors confessedly worked1 not for the sake of conviction1 but of gain4 ,he would next inquire whether success was always in their case a test of solid merit1 and would discover that1 however it might be so intellectually1 from a moral point of view such was not the case4 ,the most thoughtful and candid members of our society would explain to him that1 here as elsewhere1 men delighted more in reading what fell in with their prejudices than what exposed them1 and that by pandering to this defect1 and following in the wake of public opinion1 newspapers often succeeded better than by honest and fearless teaching4 ,he would hear that almost every paper belonged to some political party1 whose errors and weaknesses it felt bound to justify and protect4 ,furthermore1 that for the sake of clearness and of brevity1 as well as from a want of care to do more than please for the hour1 many arguments in the daily papers were superficial and illogical1 not clearing1 but obscuring1 the real questions at issue4 ,he would certainly1 therefore1 in the course of his inquiry1 come to look upon them as a class or profession2 but yet1 if he spoke of them as such1 he might be surprised to hear himself corrected by the journalists or by their friends4 ,they would deny that they were a distinct profession1 and say with truth that all intelligent men who desired to teach were to some extent journalists1 who are marked by no fixed principle1 by the bonds of no special education4 ,even their own critics1 he would hear with surprise1 at times joined them and wrote to instruct the public4 ,they were a class and not a class1 a profession and not a profession2 with a common object1 to some extent a common method1 but hardly any common principles1 any direct co-operation1 any common interest1 to outbalance their jealous rivalry4 #eb4 ,is this a fair picture of the moral side of journalism8 ,it is obtained simply by describing1 in the wake of ,plato and of ,mr4 ,grote and of ,sir ,alexander ,grant1 the old ,greek ,sophists4 ,these1 then1 were really the ,greek journalists1 who1 before the days of posts and printing1 carried about from city to city the latest news1 the most recent criticism1 the most modern views of politics and of education1 the newest theories on morals and on religion4 ,it may be thought irreverent to compare ,st4 ,paul to our daily press1 but ,i cannot better explain myself than by pointing to that most graphic scene in the ,acts where the apostle arrives at ,athens4 ,he is seized by the eager and curious public as we seize the precious journal in some remote country place when we have been separated from the current of affairs for a few days4 ,and1 no doubt1 they first asked him what local or political information he had brought from his previous sojourn1 just as we first read the messages from ,paris or ,london2 and when this curiosity was satisfied1 they began to inquire what more he had to say2 and1 finding that he was an ethical teacher1 or sophist1 they proceeded at greater leisure to enjoy the rest of his communications1 just as we should turn on to the leading article1 the correspondence about ritualistic innovations1 or the reviews4 ,st4 ,paul was taken for a sophist1 and justly so in some sense1 for he taught morals and religion2 still more1 he taught a new religion4 ,we all know how far he differed from that class4 ,flippant1 plausible1 ingenious1 sceptical1 they were the idols of the public1 but the aversion of those deeper minds to whom the ignorance and prejudice of the masses are not a source of material gain1 but rather a grievous and galling spiritual burden4 #ec4 ,this is what the ,greek ,sophists really were1 crammers not for special competitions1 but for the general requirements of higher society and of political life4 ,they crammed more or less honestly1 more or less efficiently1 for a generation or two4 ,then the want of them passed away1 as we may hope the want of the modern crammer will pass away with the superstition that we can find out practical merit by mere examinations4 ,at ,athens and throughout ,greece the encyclopdic teaching of the ,sophists was presently carried into minute specialty by teachers of rhetoric1 of dialectic1 and of morals1 just as the professors of geology of thirty years ago are being supplanted by special teaching in fossil anatomy1 botany1 and mineralogy4 ,from the middle of the fourth century ,b4,c4 the ,sophists disappear as a class altogether4 ,it is1 nevertheless1 certain that they left no bad name behind them in ,greece1 except among the immediate followers of ,plato and ,aristotle2 for in the second century ,a4,d4 the title was revived as one of the highest honor1 and attaching to the greatest literary post in ,athens4 ,we need not assert that these teachers were as strictly business-like as the modern coach1 or that they confined themselves as strictly to their definite object4 ,they often boasted of great performances which were beyond the reach of ordinary people1 and were merely meant for display4 ,but then their aims were far wider and more varied than those of the coach1 and were not to be tested by the clear and definite result of the examination lists4 ,hence ,plato and ,socrates found it easy to pick holes in their programmes1 and to accuse them of getting money under false pretences4 ,these philosophers went further1 and reviled them for taking money at all1 bartering their wisdom for gold1 and imparting virtue for a fee4 ,all this was mere jealous polemic1 and based on an unfair estimate of the attempt made by practical men to supply a public want4 ,yet even though ,plato himself paints the leading ,sophists as most respectable men1 though we know from independent evidence that they were so1 whether ,plato confessed it or not1 the attacks on the profession made by him and by ,aristophanes--the one a radical reformer1 and the other a blind conservative--have so imposed upon the learned that they have completely mistaken the real evidence on the question1 and set down the arguments for the prosecution as if they were a judicial charge or a mature verdict4 ,so powerful is the influence of literary skill1 when it causes the survival of a single work amid the loss of all its fellows4 ,because ,plato is our leading witness on the ,sophists1 because ,aristophanes' satire has survived1 men imagine that this must be the general verdict1 and set down the bias and the prejudice of an individual as the reflex of public opinion4 #ed4 ,these men really shaped out the first form which university education took in ,europe1 meaning by university education that higher general training which1 coming after school discipline1 trains men for the duties of social and political as well as scientific and literary life4 ,in the city life of the ,greeks1 when residence in any foreign place entailed great inconvenience1 it was evident that this university teaching could not occupy a fixed place4 ,it was not till the amalgamation of the ,greek nation under ,roman sway that ,athens became 7like ,alexandria7 strictly a university town4 ,so1 as the students could not gather round the early sophist1 he was obliged to go to them1 wandering through ,greece1 and staying for a considerable time in each great centre1 where the native youth could profit by him4 ,but even in early days there were some enthusiastic pupils1 who abandoned home and country1 and wandered about as aliens in the wake of these brilliant teachers4 ,the latter generally made high display of their acquirements1 and gave exhibitions of eloquence and of argument to show the value of their wares4 ,they lived an ostentatious life1 like the professional artists of the present day1 and though they made large profits1 saved but little money4 ,their first object was to make ready and practical citizens1 men able to collect and express their thoughts and give sound advice on public matters4 ,for this purpose they not only taught the art of rhetoric and that of disputation1 but they were obliged to enter upon some of the great theories which form the basis of all practical life--the problems of philosophy1 of ethics1 and of religion4 ,as we might expect1 they took in all these a utilitarian view1 such as a practical crammer would take4 ,some of them1 such as ,gorgias and ,protagoras1 studied philosophy deeply1 but only to show that a devotion to metaphysic or to abstract science was idle1 all knowledge being subjective1 and varying with the age4 ,man was the measure of things2 abstract nature was mere nothing4 ,on the more pressing question of morals1 though practically sound enough1 and though some of them1 such as ,prodicus1 were celebrated as moral preachers1 they denied all immutable morality1 and were content with obeying the existing laws of society1 without admitting any permanent scientific basis for them4 ,it was ,socrates who first applied his great mind to solve this question1 and his classes of young men--he was in this a regular sophist or university teacher1 and was commonly so called--were specially exercised in seeking for the permanent and immutable ideas implied in our moral terms which characterize our moral actions4 ,as regards religion1 seeing that the ,greek faith had grown up in myths and poetry1 and was imbedded in an elaborate polytheistic mythology full of immoralities and absurdities1 the ,sophists were1 as we might expect1 sceptical1 and so far opposed to the conservative public4 ,one of them1 ,protagoras1 actually professed his unbelief in the national faith1 and was persecuted accordingly2 others1 though more cautious1 and regarding any formal denial of transcendental truths as hardly practical1 were justly suspected of agnosticism1 as their moral essays kept suspiciously clear of theology4 ,they were regarded as unsound in faith1 and hence alleged to be unsound in morals by the orthodox1 whose faith the ,sophists charged fairly enough with the same objection4 #ee4 ,so the education of the ,sophists came to be regarded by the soberest part of the public1 the steady-going old people1 as subversive of ancient and venerable traditions4 ,in religion it was supposed to suggest1 if not to teach1 infidelity2 in politics and society1 radicalism4 ,this is exactly the sort of charge we hear made by the old-fashioned public against the universities--still more in ,germany1 where the gulf between the average and the learned part of society is far wider than it is here4 ,when we university teachers make young men think1 even though carefully avoiding 7as we are in honor bound7 anything which may shock the traditions in which they have been brought up1 the mental agitation produced must1 nevertheless1 lead them to reject at least some superstitions which they have accepted on weak evidence4 ,if our education does not produce this result1 it is not worthy the name4 ,but this partial and cautious scepticism is of course identified by the older generation1 who are less spiritually developed1 with the rejection of vital truths4 ,and there are many cases where the young sceptic really oversteps his just bounds1 and becomes as rash in negation as his fathers were uncritical in affirmation4 ,let us add that the orthodox party are not very particular about evidence1 and will start a calumnious charge against a teacher whom they suspect and fear1 with very little care about really proving their case4 ,this party are1 moreover1 always supplied with powerful allies by the jealousies and differences among the teachers themselves1 the elder and less able of whom often try to sustain their waning influence by an alliance with orthodoxy1 and make up by theological popularity what they have been unable to attain for want of intellectual force and sympathy4 ,all these things1 which now happen constantly in our universities1 are the exact counterparts of what happened in ,greece in the days of the ,sophists4 ,they taught clever young men such surface-knowledge of science as disgusted the deeper experts1 and1 what was more1 they taught them that the experts were pursuing a vain shadow1 and attempting insoluble problems4 ,they taught them to avoid becoming specialists1 and to apply themselves to public life4 ,just as the ,english universities can boast of many great politicians and literary men1 rather than of specialists in the sciences1 and as they might hold that to produce a ,gladstone or a ,cornewall ,lewis is better than to produce a ,faraday1 so the ,sophists made general culture their professed object1 and so far quarrelled with deeper philosophy4 #ef4 ,the same sort of proceeding in morals brought them into contact with ,socrates1 whose daily teaching may be regarded as the best university teaching of the day4 ,socrates was in all external respects a sophist1 and commonly regarded as such4 ,he did not1 indeed1 travel about1 being luckily a citizen of the largest and most enlightened city in ,greece4 ,he despised1 too1 wealth and ostentation of the ordinary kind1 though he made himself no less remarkable by his voluntary poverty4 ,but in more important respects1 in despising abstract science and speculative philosophy1 and sifting traditional theories of morals and society1 in radically shaking up and often upsetting all preconceived notions1 ,socrates was a sophist1 and one of the most dangerous of them4 ,he sought1 indeed1 to do what they had not done--to find some better and surer positive basis for morals1 but the negative part of his work was far the most successful and striking4 ,hence the conservative public at ,athens not only suspected and disliked him1 but at the prosecution of their mouthpiece1 ,anytus1 a most respectable and earnest man1 condemned him to death1 when he showed clearly that no verdict of theirs would restrain him from pursuing his occupation4 ,this sentence on ,socrates1 which the orthodox party at ,athens never regretted1 and even justified1 should indeed be a warning to those who calumniate their fellows in the interests of orthodoxy4 ,but with this we are not now concerned4 ,the higher teaching of the ,sophists and of ,socrates1 which was at best desultory1 passed into the hands of successors like ,plato and ,isocrates1 who established regular schools1 and subjected their pupils to a regular course of training4 ,this was all the more necessary1 as the training given by ,socrates had no definite limits1 and his tendency was to keep young men talking and discussing ethical problems when they ought to have turned to practical life4 ,leisure was1 indeed1 in such high repute among the old ,greeks that idleness was not reprehended as it should have been4 ,the orthodox party made this objection with much force to the school or following of ,socrates4 ,in the case of ,plato there was a regular course of higher philosophy1 and his principal pupils became1 in their turn1 philosophic teachers4 ,but the school of ,plato was even more than that of ,socrates a university training1 for which there may even have been a matriculation examination1 if we adopt literally the statement that no one was allowed to enter without knowing elementary geometry4 ,the great fault of ,plato1 as of ,socrates1 was that he did not introduce men to public or practical life1 but made them philosophers or idlers4 ,in science1 indeed1 this special training was of great service1 and the history of geometry would have been very different without these speculators4 ,but the ,platonic pupil when completely trained was professedly1 according to the master himself1 disinclined to join in politics1 and only to be persuaded by his sense of duty and the willing obedience of the public4 ,it is on account of the same sort of exclusiveness1 even monastic in its strictness1 that the famous brotherhood of ,pythagoras deserves but a small place in any general history of ,greek education4 ,admission to this brotherhood was only obtained through a strict novitiate1 and the object of it was to combine peculiar religious asceticism with an aristocratic policy1 and a sort of club life antagonistic to ordinary society4 ,we have1 unfortunately1 only few authentic details concerning this sect1 and know it best from the few echoes of it in early1 and the many in later1 ,platonism4 ,but it1 too1 may be regarded as a higher intellectual or university training1 combined with collegiate life and its restraints1 thus anticipating in spirit that feature which makes the ,english universities so peculiar among the modern seats of learning in ,europe4 ,i will return to ,plato and his followers when we come to consider the theories of education which the philosophers based on the phenomena of ,greek history4 ,and before we pass from the ,sophists to the ,rhetors1 and show a further specializing of higher education in that direction1 we may say a word in conclusion on the external history of these once celebrated1 and since much-maligned1 educators4 ,we hardly know them at all1 save through their enemies1 the specialist philosophers and specialist rhetoricians2 and what we hear of them must be distrusted and sifted accordingly4 ,nevertheless1 even from their enemies1 we learn that the three greatest of them--,protagoras1 ,gorgias1 and ,prodicus--were eminently respectable and respected men4 ,so was the fourth in importance1 ,hippias1 though the encyclopdic pretensions he put forth to practise all trades and manual dexterities1 as well as philosophy1 history1 and rhetoric1 have left an unpleasant impression against him4 ,nevertheless1 he was honored at ,elis1 his native place1 as their leading citizen1 and compiled for them the annals of their famous past in such a way as to gain universal acceptance4 ,as regards the other three1 though they all professed to impart general education1 and to give their pupils that negative training in philosophy which would arm them against false theories1 yet they were each remarkable for some special line4 ,protagoras1 apart from his famous philosophical position of the relativity of knowledge to him who knows1 openly professed to teach political wisdom1 and despised all other kinds of knowledge in comparison with it4 ,gorgias1 on the other hand1 though he wrote a famous treatise with the very ,hegelian title 8concerning nature or the non-existent10 devoted his main attention to rhetoric1 and was truly the father of technical ,greek oratory4 ,for though we hear of ,corax and ,tisias in ,sicily1 and of ,empedocles1 as having cultivated the art1 the first recognized theorist and practical speaker was ,gorgias4 ,he not only delivered set speeches1 but so trained himself as to deliver elegant discourses on any proposed subject1 apparently without preparation1 but of course with the help of a clever system of well-arranged commonplaces1 which he applied with quickness and variety4 ,the philosophy of ,prodicus was chiefly ethical1 and his apologues were very popular and quoted in after-days4 ,but more important were his grammatical studies1 whereby he fixed the parts of speech1 and laid the groundwork of the grammar of the modern languages of ,europe4 ,indeed1 the strict attention to form shown by all the ,sophists led them to study language with peculiar care1 and they were the forefathers of modern philologists in this as in some other respects4 ,a great many more ,sophists are known by name1 some of them depicted or maligned in ,plato's dialogues1 such as ,thrasymachus1 ,polus1 ,euenus2 but they do not present to us any special features4 ,all are said to have insisted on the dictates of society as superior to any supposed law of nature1 and this ,hobbism has brought upon them the anathemas of moralists4 ,within the century #dgj-cgj ,b4,c4 their part was played out2 and even ,plato1 in his later works1 no longer thinks them worthy of refutation4 ,,chapter ,,ix4 ,,the ,,rhetors--,,isocrates4 #eg4 ,it is argued by many scholars1 who believe all that ,plato says literally1 and who think that the dark pictures of ,thucydides apply only to his own day1 and not to previous generations1 that the ,greeks were so degraded and debauched by this sophistic tampering with religion and morals1 by this scepticism in philosophy1 and by the rise of radicalism in politics1 as to present from this time onward 7#dcj ,b4,c47 the symptoms of a decaying race4 ,the ,athenian ,state1 in particular1 is supposed to have lost its splendor and its seriousness1 and to be now a mere mob-rule1 far removed from the democracy1 tempered with despotism1 which made it so great under ,pericles4 ,this view1 which is strongly urged1 for example1 in ,curtius's 8,history of ,greece10 is based altogether on the complaints of ,plato and ,aristophanes1 and the impression produced by the history of the aristocratic ,thucydides1 by ,xenophon1 and by the plays of ,euripides4 ,this is not the place to refute the theory generally1 as has been done by ,grote1 who shows that never was the ,athenian democracy so enlightened and moderate in policy as in the period after the close of the great war 7#djc ,b4,c474 ,but in the particular department before us1 that of education1 we have already seen that this period after the ,peloponnesian war is exactly the period when the sophistic higher education began to be discarded as superficial and even morally questionable1 and the task of training the keener and more ambitious youth passed into the hands of greater specialists--either philosophers like ,plato and his followers1 or rhetoricians like ,isocrates and ,antiphon4 ,socrates forms the connecting link between the ,sophists and the philosophic schools4 ,isocrates is hardly such a link1 though he professes to be the philosopher in the guise of a rhetorician4 ,though he inveighed against his rivals the ,sophists1 he is hardly to be distinguished from them save in his being fixed at ,athens1 in his avoidance of displays 7from natural inability rather than from choice71 and in his declared conservatism in religion and politics1 as contrasted with their scepticism4 ,it is not just that the eminent respectability of ,isocrates personally should be urged as another difference1 when we adopt the fair view of the high characters of the leading ,sophists4 ,isocrates1 whose views are fortunately preserved in his own very diffuse advocacy of them1 was strictly a university teacher2 and so well recognized was this that a pupil of ,isocrates meant something like our ,a4,b4 ,oxon4 ,for he had a regular course1 and charged a considerable fee for his lessons4 ,his pupils came from all parts of ,greece1 and stayed with him a considerable time4 ,moreover1 he could boast that the most famous public men had been educated by him1 and owned his influence in after-days4 ,this higher education he called philosophy1 and he only differed from other professed ,sophists 7he says7 in the modesty of his promises1 and his distinct admission that he undertook merely to improve natural talent1 not to change a stupid and ignorant youth into a man of acuteness and power4 #eh4 ,there is an interesting passage in the speech in vindication of his life1#eb which gives so clear a view of the prevailing opinions about higher education at ,athens that ,i will transcribe it freely3 8,the ordinary attacks made upon us are of two kinds4 ,some say that going to the ,sophists for education is mere arrant imposture2 never has there been any system of training discovered by which a man can become abler in speech or wiser in deed1 since all who excel in these respects differ by nature from the rest of mankind4 ,the other objectors concede that those who submit to this training become indeed abler1 but in a bad sense1 and coupled with moral loss2 for when they gain power1 they use it to injure their neighbors4 ,i will now refute both these objections4 8,first1 let us consider the absurdity of those who decry all higher education4 ,they revile it1 indeed1 as worth nothing1 and mere deceit and imposture1 but yet demand from us that our pupils1 as soon as they come1 should show a complete change1 that after a few days' intercourse with us they should appear better in discourse and abler than their elders in age and experience2 but if they stay one whole year1 they should all be perfect orators--the idle as well as the diligent1 the commonplace as well as the gifted4 ,this they expect from us1 though we never have made such promises1 and though it contradicts the analogy of all other kinds of training1 in which results are acquired with difficulty1 and each with a various measure of success1 so that some two or three only out of all the schools of all kinds turn out thoroughly proficient1 while the rest remain mere average amateurs4 ,accordingly1 the objectors are silly enough to demand from a training1 which they call unreal1 an influence unknown in the recognized instruction of all arts and sciences6 ,our teaching1 then1 is discredited for accomplishing exactly what the other arts do4 ,for which of you does not know that many of those put under the ,sophists were not imposed upon1 as is alleged1 but have become1 some of them1 real experts in public life1 others able instructors of youth1 and even those who chose to remain in private life more polished in manners than they had been1 and more accurate critics of arguments as well as of most ordinary things8 8,how1 then1 can a pursuit be fairly despised which has produced such results8 for do not all men confess this1 that those are to be esteemed the most thoroughly versed in their art or handicraft who can make their apprentices as good workmen as themselves8 ,now1 in philosophy this very thing has happened4 ,for as many as happened on a genuine and sensible guide will be found to have such a family likeness in their way of expressing themselves that any one can tell they have come from the same trainer4 ,this similarity of type is conclusive evidence of the method and system to which they have been subjected4 ,so1 too1 any of you could mention fellow-pupils who1 as children1 were the most ignorant of their fellows1 but as they advanced in age became far superior in good sense and in eloquence to those once far ahead of them40 ,the orator goes on1 with his usual elegant diffuseness1 to make many other developments of the same leading idea1 all of which might be used with hardly a word of change by any one defending our university education against the vulgar objectors who think that vast sums of time and money are spent upon it1 with little or no result4 ,nor is the good which he does claim for his higher education anything different from what our universities could claim1 apart from the material good of prizes and degrees4 #ei4 ,the peculiar position of ,isocrates was that of opposition to both ,sophists and philosophers1 and yet of likeness to both4 ,he joined the ,sophists in urging sceptical objections to the subtle theories of the metaphysicians1 and in commenting upon the small outcome of their elaborate speculations4 ,he joined the philosophers in attacking the boastful claims of the ,sophists1 who pretended to teach everything4 ,but he joined with the more practical side in putting a training in rhetoric--a training in style--above everything4 ,there were many reasons why this should be the case with higher education at ,athens4 ,in an age when books were scarce1 and a reading public small2 when the power of publicism only existed for poets1 and when all ,state affairs were settled by discussion either in the assembly or in private meetings--in such a society a power of clear and elegant utterance was the highest and best outcome of education4 ,nor could any man then be considered educated who lacked that power1 just as nowadays no man is called educated who cannot write correct ,english2 and1 furthermore1 the writing of elegant ,english is justly accounted to indicate a thorough and general culture4 ,for we are such severe judges in this matter1 everybody thinks himself in this so well able to appreciate beauty and pick out defects1 that a man who can pass through the fire of criticism unscathed must indeed be equipped with no ordinary preparation1 and may be pronounced a really cultivated man4 ,this will explain to us the enormous importance of rhetoric in ,isocrates' system--an importance1 perhaps1 enhanced by his feeling that here he was really able to do great and unique service4 ,he evidently depended on natural mother wit to suggest ideas to his pupils2 he apparently assumed that they had learned the ordinary elements of culture at their primary schools4 ,he trained them1 so far as we know1 in nothing but the careful arrangement of their materials1 the smooth transition of their arguments1 and the perfection of their choice and collocation of words4 ,in this matter of style1 ,isocrates may be regarded as not only the greatest master that ever lived1 but as the father of the periodic or oratorical style in all the languages of ,europe4 ,demosthenes1 ,cicero1 ,st4 ,john ,chrysostom1 ,massillon1 ,burke--all these immortal men have profited by the analysis of expression which1 through ,isocrates1 first formed ,greek prose1 and through it the borrowed graces of those who followed ,greek models4 #fj4 ,to enter into a closer description of this system would not be to discuss education1 but rhetoric1 and we must refer the reader to treatises on that subject4 ,we need only here call attention to the intense studiedness of ,greek eloquence1 and how they attained their perfection in prose--not by those violations of propriety which now please our sated taste1 and which1 when violent enough1 as in the case of ,carlyle1 even pass for thoughts1 and are to many the index of deep originality in something or other--but by a close and perpetual adherence to rules1 often of a trivial1 generally of a minute kind4 ,it is very curious for us moderns to read the details of these things in the old rhetoricians4 ,there is not an apparent touch of nature--a word emphatically repeated1 a sudden break off1 an angry burst1 even a don't you see8 or a by ,jove6 or a dear me6--in a ,greek oration which was not noted as a figure of diction1 or a figure of thought1 and brought under the discipline of rules4 ,we are even told that ,demosthenes composed his prose in rhythm1 and avoided the use of more than two short syllables together4 ,isocrates certainly made the law against hiatus--against closing a word and beginning the next with vowels--a law adopted by all the prose writers of his age4 ,thus the formal education in rhetoric must have been no light task for the pupils of ,isocrates and the other rhetors1 and writing or speaking good ,greek a far stricter and more difficult thing than writing ,english which will pass muster with the critics4 #fa4 ,still1 there is room for surprise that the matter of higher education1 the ideas to be acquired1 should have been introduced indirectly under the guise of preparation for public speaking4 ,no doubt1 this was an artificial and unnatural order of things4 ,to subordinate the matter of knowledge to the form is always a mistake4 ,but we may at least conceive the position of ,isocrates' pupils if we compare it with that of the popular preachers1 so powerful a generation ago1 and even now playing no unimportant part in society4 ,i have known more than one of these eminent men who educated themselves with great care generally1 and in all directions1 for the purpose of supplying themselves with matter for their discourses4 ,and this is very well-meant1 legitimate1 and honest education1 though perverted in order1 and1 like that of ,isocrates1 not likely to lead to really deep and thorough knowledge4 ,we are told that in the present day there are people who read all kinds of books for the purpose of solving double acrostics1 and ,i have heard men of intelligence advocate this foolish kind of riddles as promoting general education6 ,thus the school of ,isocrates stood side by side1 and in rivalry1 with the schools of ,plato and ,aristotle1 as one in which elegance of form1 and a superficial but graceful culture1 was given to the higher youth1 instead of the exact science and metaphysic which unfitted men for public life4 ,it was a contrast somewhat like the ,oxford and ,cambridge type in ,england4 ,isocrates' own failure as a politician1 and the little influence which his open letters on politics attained1 made the wiser portion of men drift away still farther from the sophistic aspect of his teaching1 from the mixture of philosophy and politics with rhetoric2 and so they again subdivided their training into strictly rhetorical1 such as had already been begun by ,lysias and was carried out by ,isus1 and the philosophical1 for which an increasing number of schools now offered themselves4 ,as the political power of ,greece decayed1 and its literary and artistic splendor became universally recognized1 ,athens became an educational centre1 to which youths from all parts of the civilized world flocked for their training4 ,this later history of ,greek culture will occupy us in our last chapter4 ,but we must first give a brief account of the deeper theories of ,state education which ,plato and ,aristotle have left us1 in contrast to the shallow popularity of ,isocrates4 ,,footnotes3 #eb 1 p4 #ih sq4 ,,chapter ,x4 ,,the ,,greek ,,theorists ,,on ,,education--,,plato ,,and ,,aristotle4 #fb4 ,it is usual in books on ,greek education to give a very large space to the discussion of the 8,republic0 and 8,laws0 of ,plato and the 8,politics0 of ,aristotle1 because they contain elaborate and systematic recommendations as to the training of youth4 ,but the states of both philosophers are ideal1 ,aristotle's not less than ,plato's2 and1 though the educational portion of ,aristotle's work seems fragmentary and unfinished1 we cannot hold that any further developments would have brought it within the range of practical politics4 ,plato's notions were confessedly theoretical1 and are discussed as such by all his commentators2 but some scholars have given themselves endless trouble to find out how much of his system1 especially in the tamer and less extravagant 8,laws10 was borrowed from real life1 and from actual states1 as opposed to the creations of his own fancy4 ,but in nearly every detail the distinction is purely conjectural4 ,it is really for want of positive evidence that these theories have assumed such undue importance4 ,to the philosophical theorist and the educational reformer the speculations of such splendid intellects in the early post-meridian of the glorious day of ,greece must ever be most attractive and suggestive2 but it is idle to transfer to a practical book1 or to an historical account1 what has never been realized4#ec ,these speculations1 however1 may fairly find a limited space here as showing what general effect the practical education already described had produced upon the most advanced thinkers of the day4 ,unfortunately1 we have here again only the aristocratic side1 and that which would assert the ,state to be paramount and all-interfering through individual and private life4 ,if we had the speculations of ,lycophron and his school1 who held1 with truly democratical instinct1 that laws were only useful to repress crime1 and that the rest of the citizen's life was to be left free and uncontrolled1 our notions about the theories of ,greek education might be considerably modified4 ,but1 on the other hand1 we have preserved to us the ,hellene of the ,hellenes2 the school of ,lycophron might only have recommended to us what we know by practical experience in modern society4 ,from the very outset ,plato and ,aristotle adopt quite definite principles4 ,they assume that the ,state is to interfere everywhere and control the whole life of man4 ,thus the splendid ,athenian democracy in which ,plato lived had no power to wean him from his somewhat narrow prejudices4 ,he despised the goods he possessed1 and longed for a ,spartan ideal1 though its defects were plain enough before his eyes4#ed ,still worse1 the wide vista opened by ,alexander into a larger fusion of ideas1 and into widely various forms of society1 had no power to emancipate the intellect of ,aristotle from its ingrained ,hellenic narrowness4 ,it is necessary to make this strong protest at the outset1 on account of the chorus of admiration sung by the pedants and pedagogues of modern days over these thoroughly unpractical and retrograde theories4 ,one fact will speak volumes to the modern reader4 ,both of them look upon a small number of citizens1 and1 indeed1 a small limit of territory1 as essential to their schemes1 no accurate or perpetual supervision by ,state police and direction being possible either in a great city or a large territory4#ee ,this will in itself show how antiquated they must have seemed even in the next century1 when the ,greeks woke to the ambition of ruling over kingdoms in the ,east4 #fc4 ,and yet there were some points on which these thinkers1 especially ,plato1 were far more thoroughgoing than we are1 chiefly from a total absence of that sentiment or sentimentality which infects modern life4 ,for ,plato1 both in the 8,republic0 and the 8,laws10 insists that education will be of little avail if children are brought into the world deformed in body and warped in mind by the bad physical and mental condition of their parents4 ,on some of these cases ,greek society was agreed with him4 ,in most states a deformed child was exposed either to die or to be picked up by some one who might run the risk of bringing it up to make a household slave4#ef ,for in most states1 and certainly at ,sparta1 it would have been held a crime to propagate hereditary disease2 and men were spared the disgusting spectacle of the scrofulous or deaf-and-dumb heir to a great name being courted in matrimony to perpetuate the miseries or the vices of his progenitors4 ,but ,plato went further1 and held that the production of the most important animal1 man1 should be regulated with even more care than that of the lower animals1 in which such striking results have been obtained by artificial selection4 ,he therefore recommended1 in his ideal ,state1 not community of wives--,heaven forbid that we should follow ,aristotle in repeating this gross libel6--but a careful ,state selection of suitable pairs1 and their solemn union1 under the guise of a direction from ,providence by an appeal to the lot4 ,these marriages were to take place at a fixed season1 and all the children born of them within the year to be regarded the common children of all3 here the word community may fairly apply4 ,he has nowhere told us whether in successive years the same parents were to remain united1 and hence we do not know whether his marriages were meant to be temporary or not4 ,i fancy the point was of little importance to him4 ,if the offspring turned out well1 there would be no change2 if badly1 of course the guardians of the ,state would not sanction the continuance of an unwholesome union4 ,thus1 though ,plato was willing to allow sentiment its sentimental place1 and to bring forward the decision of the rulers of the ,state as the will of ,providence1 marriages professedly arranged in heaven were to be permitted only with a strict view to the improvement of the race4 ,the objection that such an arrangement would destroy the sanctity and the influence of the family1 and thus abolish our most powerful engine of early education1 was no objection to ,plato4 ,he wished to abolish separate families1 and rescue children from the tyranny1 the indulgence1 and incompetence of individual parents1 so as to put them under state discipline4 ,and the ,state was absolutely nothing but one huge family1 as far as the higher classes were concerned4 ,to us who live in large kingdoms1 who know that the family gives the law for individuals in ordinary life1 and that schemes of public education cannot replace it1 all systems which abolish the sanctity of the home are inadmissible4 #fd4 ,no point in ,plato's scheme excites more sympathy nowadays with advanced thinkers than that of equalizing the sexes in education1 and subjecting women to the same training and duties as men4 ,for he held that1 though nature had not made women as strong as men1 and that their important functions in the production of the race put them under some inconveniences and disabilities1 there was1 nevertheless1 no reason to assume any permanent difference in kind4 ,if such a theory is thought revolutionary by most people in modern society1 what must it have been in the days and among the people of ,plato's age6 ,here1 again1 what guided him was an exaggerated estimate of the liberty and importance of ,spartan women1 who1 when young1 were encouraged to exercise in public2 and who1 when married1 maintained over their husbands an influence far exceeding that of women in other ,greek households4 ,but then we must not forget the small culture of the men1 their devotion to military training1 and the consequent necessity for women to use their own judgment in the management of their homes4 #fe4 ,on the other hand1 if we may digress for a moment on account of the interest and importance of the subject1 there is no valid reason why the physical production of the race should not receive infinitely more attention than it does within the bounds of our present social arrangements4 ,in the first place1 though the sentimental reasons for marrying are still put in the foreground1 and though at wedding speeches and in amatory correspondences some divine predestination1 or the sentimental compulsion called falling in love1 is assumed the only efficient cause of marriages1 we know that many reasonable considerations intervene and are the real motives of action4 ,these motives--the acquisition of wealth or position or connection1 the desire of home comforts and of a life independent of external amusements1 a calm mutual respect--are commonly enough confessed even by the very people who parade sentimental reasons2 and whenever a marriage appears suitable from rational considerations1 no trouble is spared by match-makers to induce young people to imagine themselves drawn together by some subtle and sentimental affinity--like ,plato's guardians1 who were to pretend the providential lot as their guide4 ,if1 then1 such be the case2 if even now there are civilized countries and classes of people who openly profess prudential reasons as the best for marrying1 it will only require a better education of public opinion to enable men to advance to the position that the physical and mental vigor of the resulting children is a motive to be consciously considered in the selection4 ,we may first reach the stage of avoiding an hereditary taint as people now fly an infectious disease4 ,such avoidance would ultimately stamp out or reduce to a minimum this evil1 and the race would escape a great part of the direst and most hopeless of its physical miseries4 ,then the systematic and deliberate desire that there should be healthy children will discover many conditions now unknown1 when so many of our unions are the result of chance or avarice1 or1 still worse1 of passion4 ,men of science will begin to make observations on the difference of physical antecedents which cause such curious differences in children of the same house4 ,and the day will come when1 from a body of such observations1 valuable practical rules may be deduced4 ,we may thus improve our race as the ,spartans did in old ,greece2 and they1 we know1 were perfectly successful in obtaining what they sought--a high average of physical strength and beauty4 ,all this1 we may hope1 will only be the introduction to a far more important1 but far more difficult1 problem--the determining of the conditions which produce genius4 ,there is no reason to doubt that these conditions are mainly transient1 for genius is no fixed heritage1 the most splendid instances coming from obscure and ordinary parents4 ,nor does the mere combination of the suitable parents work its effect uniformly without other more limited conditions4 ,for we find the great leaders of the world sometimes the only child1 sometimes eldest1 sometimes youngest1 or in the middle of a family of brothers and sisters as obscure as their parents4 ,the careful observation1 then1 not only of the parents1 but of the particular passage in their life which produced an intellectually splendid offspring1 is one upon which we cannot expect light for a long time1 and until people have become accustomed to regard the general improvement of the race of far greater importance than they now do4 ,if such results could be obtained even approximately--if1 even in one case out of ten1 intellectual excellence could be produced as we reproduce physical perfections--then1 indeed1 the perfectibility of mankind would no longer be a vague dream1 but would show some signs of a partial fulfilment4 ,are we to hope that such an advance in ideas will take place in our own day8 ,we have perhaps advanced beyond the stage when men regard genius as distinctly heaven-born1 and the direct gift of the gods1 apart from any natural conditions4 ,if it is indeed heaven-born1 it is now conceded to be such through the combination of natural causes4 ,but1 on the other hand1 our best and most refined people will recoil with deep aversion from making a scientific analysis of such conditions2 they will exclaim that the possible advantages are as nothing compared with the desecration of that mystery which has been hallowed by the sacraments of the ,church1 and protected from profane inquiry by a cloud of delicate sentiment4 ,to reduce the holy estate of marriage to the deliberate and scientific production of conditioned offspring will destroy1 say they1 all the sanctity of the relation1 and with it the purity and dignity of our homes4 ,these weighty and respectable objections are to be met by observing that it would be idle and wrong to attempt any reform in opposition to the unanimous sentiment of the very people who alone could carry it out--our most sober and refined classes4 ,until this sentiment can be gradually changed by argument1 and come to be looked on as a venerable and amiable superstition1 nothing will be accomplished4 ,but it is a matter of history that the most respectable and hallowed sentiments1 if irrational1 can be gradually removed by a progress in what ,mr4 ,lecky calls rationalism1 or intellectual enlightenment4 ,we can even now point to the important fact1 that in those countries and those ages where marriages had been confessedly arranged from prudential reasons1 they have not been less sacred1 nor has home life been less pure1 than where vague and irrational sentiments have been brought into the foreground4 ,the lower-class ,irish are as faithful and happy in their homes1 and the marriage-tie is a sacred and honored as it is anywhere in the world2 and yet among them a love-match is rare4 ,it is a matter of cows and of pigs1 of the succession to a farm--nay1 often of arrangement by the landlord for reasons of his own2 and yet these marriages are as happy and as pure as if they had been the outcome of a great mutual passion4 ,the same thing may be said of married life in the country parts of ,france1 where a thrifty and provident race accommodate their unions to their circumstances1 and leave the extravagances of great passion to poets and ,parisians4 ,the history of ,greece offers a more notable instance4 ,if we ask where in ,greece the home enjoyed the greatest honor and sanctity1 where the house-mother stood highest in reverence and social importance1 and where violations of fidelity were rarest1 no one would hesitate to answer1 ,at ,sparta4 ,yet at ,sparta all the sentiment1 all the delicacy1 of the marriage-tie was sacrificed to the duty of producing healthy children for the ,state4 ,plutarch tells us of a state of things which modern people would think wholly subversive of all purity--of old men ceding their rights of temporary unions and exchanges for the sake of desirable offspring4 ,the ,spartan men and women were not wanting in sentiment about marriage1 in advocating the honor and sanctity of the marriage-tie2 but their sentiment led them to regard a fine offspring as the noblest outcome of marriage1 and one to which all other considerations were secondary4 ,hence it was in accordance with their sentiment that they adopted the same kind of precautions as regards physical perfection which a later and wiser age may adopt as regards intellectual and moral perfection4 ,this possibility of improving intellect by careful selection was beyond ,plato's vision2 he only thought of physical qualities in the arrangement of his unions4 ,but it is one of the most remarkable points in his exclusive and aristocratic society that he makes provision for the adopting of any particularly bright child of the operative class among his guardians1 so that they might benefit by the accident4 ,the degradation of poor or unhealthy children of the higher class is also contemplated4 ,his arrangement of the years of education is as follows3 ,it is divided into three parts4 ,beginning with the learning of proper myths and tales1 it proceeds to easy gymnastic1 followed by music and poetry1 with reading1 writing1 arithmetic1 and some elementary mathematics1 all of which occupy from the seventh to the eighteenth year1 and thus correspond to our schooling4 ,then comes military training up to the twentieth year--a division to which we1 who have no conscription1 have no analogy1 as the ,germans have4 ,next follows the second division of higher studies in pure and applied mathematics for ten years1 and the third in metaphysic for five years4 ,these are1 of course1 quite wide of any practical scheme1 and are intended to form those philosophic rulers who will regard their whole life here as a preparation for a higher sphere4 #ff4 ,his views on the details of music and gymnastic were not materially different from those of the practical educators which we have discussed1 save that he proposes to train his guardian class with more detail and circumstance than were possible for any ordinary public4 ,he is unpractical1 and even absurd1 in his curious prudery about the tales and legends which children are to learn4 ,he objects to ,homer1 to the tragedies1 still more to the comedies1 and1 no doubt1 to the folk-lore of the day1 as inculcating base and immoral views of the gods and their relations to men4 ,fairy tales are always to represent ,god as one and as perfectly good4 ,he even goes so far--but here he can hardly be in earnest--as to recommend that children shall learn by heart his laws instead of poetry and myths6#eg ,throughout all his remarks on this subject1 he evidently ignores the culture of the imagination as such1 which we recognize as so important that we even tolerate or overlook immoralities or manifest fictions in aiming at this kind of amusement and culture of children4 ,indeed1 it is certain that when children are taught fairy tales as such1 the immoral acts of real life1 such as robbery and murder1 are only accessories to the imaginary life1 in which there is generally some rude justice4 ,even apart from this particular question1 we find all through ,plato's theory of education a very mischievous dislike of any liberty of opinion1 or liberty of life1 in the youth of his ,state4 ,he goes so far in the 8,laws0 as to make heresy of opinion penal1 and to punish with imprisonment those who will not conform to the doctrines of the lawgiver4 ,if there be anything which would tempt us to reject the 8,laws10 as not the genuine work of ,socrates' disciple1 it is this strange narrowness of view1 which makes ,grote argue that the actual ,athens of ,plato's day was superior to the ideal he constructed4 ,but doctrinaires of all ages hate human liberty4 ,nor do the ,greeks ever seem to have been forced by the pressure of circumstances to mark off the close of formal education by a fixed period1 like our graduation at a university1 when the young man is expected to strike out into the world and henceforth educate himself in practical life4 #fg4 ,the educational book of ,aristotle's 8,politics0 7,,vii4 in the now received order7 is a mere fragment1 which suggests many problems1 and solves but few4 ,even with the help of some important corrections from the 8,ethics10 we find it the narrow and old-fashioned scheme of a pedant ,greek1 written with admiration for the artificial discipline of ,sparta1 and unable to understand even the far more splendid ,hellenic ideal sketched by ,thucydides in his speech of ,pericles4 ,we know1 however1 from the 8,ethics0 that he felt the essential importance of family ties between husband and wife1 between parents and children4 ,hence he rejects ,plato's proposal of abolishing the family1 and insists that the ideal ,state must consist of households in the strict sense4 ,but1 on the other hand1 he quite agrees with ,plato's view that the social and moral aspects of marriage are by no means inconsistent with a strict supervision of the producing of healthy children by the ,state4 ,he foreshadowed the state of things anticipated above1 when husband and wife will still feel the deep sanctity and thorough loyalty of their relation1 and yet not leave to mere accident the most important product1 nay1 the only product1 so far as the ,state is concerned1 of their union4 ,he is just as careful as ,plato in recommending care of unborn children by attention to their mothers' air and exercise4 ,he is still more ruthless in advocating the destruction1 either before or after birth1 of illegitimate offspring4 ,neither can he1 any more than ,plato1 imagine an ideal state capable of such expansion as to contain a great people1 nor can he dispense with disabilities for most of its members1 such as slaves and operatives4 ,he does not contemplate the very long and elaborate after-training of ,plato's guardians1 for he does not conceive this world as a preparation for another1 but as an end in itself4 ,and it is probably for this reason that he is so superior to ,plato in analyzing the function of refined recreation1 and the ennoblement of leisure by sthetic pleasures4 ,thus he sees that music is to be utilized as a recreation for youth1 as well as for a moral engine of education4 ,he has explained in his 8,poetic0 that dramatic poetry is not mere fiction1 to be banished from the ideal ,state as teaching falsehood or depicting crime1 but a representation of human life deeper and more philosophic than history1 inasmuch as history only widens the intellect1 while the drama also purifies the emotions of the spectator4 ,it may even be argued that history widens the intellect only so far as it is conceived as a drama--a development of human character--and not as a mere recitation of facts4 ,while he does not enounce so clearly as ,plato that gymnastics are mainly a training for the character1 he sets his face against that physical training which studies nothing but the development of muscle1 on the ground that1 if at all excessive1 it defeats its own object by engendering an unhealthy state2 and that1 as we cannot work the body and the mind together with any severity1 it must generally coincide with ignorance or with an illiterate life4 ,even the ,spartan military training1 which was opposed by them to athletic training1 falls under his censure4 ,he will not concede1 with ,plato1 the equality in kind of the sexes1 but thinks the functions of women are distinct in kind from those of men1 and therefore not to be perfected by adopting the same training4 ,thus he is1 on the whole1 tamer and more conservative1 but also less suggestive1 than his great master4 #fh4 ,the main value of his fragment on education is that it shows how thoroughly the subject had been discussed in his day4 ,thus1 after determining that the civic side of the citizen is all-important1 and that1 therefore1 all education must be public and the same for all1 as in ,sparta1 he proceeds thus with his argument3#eh 8,what1 then1 is education1 and how are we to educate8 ,for there is as yet no agreement on the point2 all men are not of the same opinion as to what the young should learn either with a view to perfection or to the best life2 nor is it agreed whether education is to aim at the development of the intellect or the moral character4 ,nay1 more2 from the ordinary standpoint the matter is quite confused1 and it is not clear to anybody whether we are to train in what leads to virtue1 in what is useful for ordinary life1 or in abstract science4 ,all these alternatives have their advocates4 ,again1 as regards what leads to virtue1 there is no general consent1 for since men do not agree in what they honor as such1 of course they cannot agree about the training to obtain it4 ,as regards what is useful for life1 it is obvious that there are certain indispensable things which must be taught1 and it is equally clear that there are others which must not4 ,all occupations are divided into those which a free man should practise and those which he should not1 and1 therefore1 this affords us a limitation in the learning of useful arts40 ,he goes on to show that no trade is gentlemanly if it injuriously affects the body1 or enslaves the mind by being practised for hire4 ,even the fine arts1 if studied in this way1 or professionally1 are to him an unworthy occupation1 and are only to be pursued in youth as a recreation or sthetic training2 so that in middle life men may be competent judges of such productions1 and either better able to enjoy them 7as in music71 or less likely to be deceived 7as in the purchase of works of art74 ,having applied these principles to athletics1 about which he says little save in recommendation of moderation1 and against any professional training1 he turns to the question of music1 on which we have already given the views which he held in common with the most serious ,greek educators4 ,on this subject1 too1 there was controversy4 ,he has before him three theories3 is it mere amusement 771 or an engine of education 771 or an sthetic pleasure 778#ei ,perhaps we have dwelt too long on these theories1 but it seemed desirable to give the reader the locus classicus on the ,hellenic theory of music1 which was discussed above 7 #dc71 and which1 in spite of all our studies of ,greek life1 is still quite strange and incredible to modern theorists in education4 #fi4 ,there is yet another scheme of education left us by the classical age of ,greece1 ,xenophon's 8,education of ,cyrus10 which1 in the form of a very tedious novel on the life of the ,persian king1 gives a theory of the education of a prince and his surroundings which may deserve a very few words in concluding this chapter4#fj ,he shares with ,plato and ,aristotle the belief that private education1 with mere prohibitive laws to guide the citizen1 is quite insufficient4 ,all the theorists were agreed that there must be one public education1 and they imagined that crime would be to a great extent precluded by such effective training4 ,xenophon1 dividing his period of education into boyhood up to sixteen1 and youth 77 up to twenty-six1 provides a regular public-school education for the boys1 keeping them all together in a sort of polity of their own1 where their teaching is performed by special ,state masters1 and their quarrels and delinquencies settled by tribunals of their own4 ,to the elder youth is assigned all the police and patrol duty1 as well as the accompanying of the king in hunting1 especially of beasts of prey4 ,this sort of exercise ,xenophon had learned to know in the ,east1 and he recognized its superiority over ordinary gymnastics4 ,but the musical education1 on which ,plato and ,aristotle lay such stress1 he omits altogether1 without giving his reasons4 ,perhaps he found from experience that the great ,aryan nobles were men of refinement1 and understood the harmony of life no less than the more theoretical ,greeks4 ,he also differs from them in alone recognizing the importance of a system which will control not one limited city1 but an empire of various peoples and languages4 ,yet his education is1 in consequence1 only the expensive and exclusive training of a dominant aristocracy1 and is not supposed to be compulsory for the ordinary citizen4 ,in his ,state all higher official position is only to be attained by this training4 ,there are no other ideas in the scheme which make it worthy of any special consideration4 ,the ,spartan system blinded the vision of all these speculators1 and kept them from understanding the true character of a free and various development of individual genius4 ,,footnotes3 #ec ,few people have ever heard of the attempt to found a ,platonopolis in ,italy in the ,renaissance times4 #ed ,of course1 he saw and admitted these defects2 but it is obvious that he thought them only defects of detail1 which could be remedied by better arrangement2 whereas the ,athenian democracy appeared to him radically unsound4 ,and yet could ,sparta ever have produced such a splendid passage of history as the conduct of the ,athenian army at ,samos when the news came 7#daa ,b4,c47 that the constitution of their city had been overthrown and an oligarchy established8 ,let the reader consult ,grote's chapter on this4 #ee ,plato even insists upon a fixed number1 #aa1jhj men and the same number of women1 all excess being guarded against either by exposing of infants or transporting adults into colonies4 #ef ,the critics have shown that ,plato gradually softened his recommendations on this point4 ,in the 8,timus0 he speaks as if he had never recommended exposal1 but only a relegation of the children of unhealthy parents into his third grade of society4 ,in the 8,laws0 7if it be1 indeed1 his work7 he lets the whole matter drop1 though it was to be expected that he should discuss it4 ,whether this arose from a gradual advance of humanity in ,plato himself1 or from the adverse criticism of the day1 we cannot tell4 ,the ,german critics 7,zeller1 ,susemihl1 etc47 hold the former2 ,i am disposed to the latter1 even though his successor1 ,aristotle1 as they remark1 is even more inhuman4 #eg ,this is in the 8,laws10 of which the genuineness is not without doubt4 #eh vii4 #b4 #ei viii4 #e1 #c-aj3 1 ' 1 1 4 1 1 1 1 ' 1 ' 1 4 1 1 1 1 2 4 1 4 ' 4 ' ' 1 1 1 1 ' 2 1 4 1 ' 4 ' ' 2 1 1 4 ' 1 1 ' 2 ' 1 4 #fj ,the second chapter of his first book gives a general description of the education among the ,persians1 which is1 of course1 a fancy sketch1 accommodated to his own theories4 ,,chapter ,,xi4 ,,the ,,growth ,,of ,,systematic ,,higher ,,education4--,,university ,,life ,,at ,,athens4 #gj4 ,it has been stated in the foregoing chapters that during the earlier or strictly classical period the ,greeks never thought of endowing or regulating higher education4 ,the careful system of training at ,sparta1 promoted and controlled by the ,state1 hardly included even primary education4 ,the police regulations alluded to at ,athens only concerned details of management in private schools1 and only primary schools1 which were worked by masters self-appointed and supported by the demand for them or their popularity in their district4 ,nowhere do we find anything approaching to a ,state endowment or regulation of university education4 ,in fact1 the want of such higher education was only felt when the ,greek mind began to turn inwards upon itself after its extraordinary expansion in the ,persian wars4 ,and then the first want was supplied by voluntary efforts--by the ,sophists who wandered from town to town1 citizens of no fixed ,state1 teachers in complete independence of all ,state direction4 ,indeed1 their avoidance of political duties and responsibilities often brought them into suspicion1 oftener into contempt4 ,socrates and ,plato brought against them two other objections--the one serious and capital1 the other trivial and absurd2 and yet it was the latter which told with the public4 ,the former objection was that of superficiality and boastful assumption2 they professed1 within a short time1 to teach all that was needful in science and literature1 in philosophy and politics4 ,and here the deeper thinking of professed philosophers superseded them1 though they had not been either useless or contemptible in their day4 ,the second objection reminds us strongly of the prejudice once felt against taking interest for money--all such profit being regarded as usury in the worst sense of the term4 ,it was urged that the ,sophists asked and received pay for spreading the truth1 and for teaching what every honest man ought to communicate 7if he were able7 for nothing4 ,but although it was all very well for the eccentric and exceptional ,socrates1 for the wealthy ,plato1 to refuse all remuneration1 the theory that the ,sophist was not a laborer worthy of his hire asserted that all higher education must be carried on by amateurs1 and thus tended to destroy all systematic and widely diffused culture4 #ga4 ,this narrow prejudice1 therefore1 did not resist the common-sense of the public when brought to bear upon it4 ,we are assured that ,plato1 like ,socrates1 took no payment4 ,our authorities are silent about ,aristotle1 and it is hence inferred that he followed the same rule4 ,but ,speusippus1 his successor in the school1 is said to have demanded regular fees4 ,this had been the practice with all the rhetoricians who taught young men after their emancipation from school1 and who followed the natural precedent of the ,sophists4 ,such a practice was all the more reasonable1 as the pupils in philosophical schools1 even in ,plato's1 were divided into amateur pupils1 who came for mere general training1 and professional students1 who meant to take up teaching for their livelihood1 and who spent a long time in special studies4 ,thus pupils' fees were always a possible1 and became an actual1 endowment for higher teaching4 ,in the ,sophists' days men complained that these fees were exorbitant1 though perhaps not with justice4 ,in later days we hear of large fees from rich pupils1 but always as voluntary donations1 and for the purpose of relieving poorer fellow-students4 ,for the schools of philosophy began to be secured from difficulties by a second means of endowment--the donations of patrons and the bequests of pious founders4 ,as regards these donations by rich pupils1 we hear from ,philostratus#fa that a rich scholar1 ,damianus1 gave to each of the ,sophists ,aristeides and ,adrianos #aj1jjj drachm1 to supply poor students with free lectures4 ,this gift1 about #djj of our money1 represents a far larger sum in relation to the then existing conditions of wealth4 ,one hundred drachm were probably considered an adequate fee for a complete course2 and if it be true that a popular teacher could often command one hundred pupils1 even though the course occupied more than one year1 the endowment was considerable4 ,the desire of procuring free education for poorer lads with literary tastes is1 however1 an interesting and permanent feature in the ,greek mind4 ,at the present moment the ,university of ,athens provides free education for every ,greek1 and is wholly supported by a ,state subsidy4 ,this now unique provision brings to ,athens an influx of young ,greeks from all the ,levant1 from ,turkish countries1 from ,egypt--nay1 even from ,italy4 ,they support themselves as best they can1 often by menial employments1 provided they can keep their lecture hours free4 ,lodging together in the humblest apartments1 they club their scanty earnings for the purchase of a light and a text-book1 which they use in common1 the one sleeping till his fellow has done his work1 and wakes him to hand him the fresh-trimmed lamp and well-worn manual4 ,this state of things1 which reminds us so strongly of the medival universities1 and is inestimably honorable to a growing age of culture when the masses want leavening1 may be driven to a dangerous excess when the educated classes become too numerous2 for it dissuades every ambitious young man from agriculture and the commercial pursuits so necessary to a nation's welfare4 ,and as this is the case in ,greece now1 so it was doubtless the case when1 in the days of ,hellenism1 ,athens offered philosophy at so cheap a rate to all the ,greek-speaking world4 ,the class of learned idlers who would not pursue any mercantile calling increased throughout ,greece4#fb ,although1 therefore1 the condition of things at ,oxford and ,cambridge--which1 in addition to their vast endowments1 demands a heavy outlay from their alumni--is not to be defended1 there is an opposite error1 and one likely to do more mischief3 it is the setting-up of the lower classes to seek university degrees with a minimum of expense and trouble1 and consequently a minimum of culture4 ,this mistaken course1 which now threatens the ,irish people1 in addition to all their other misfortunes1 tends strongly to increase 7as is the case in modern ,greece7 a dangerous class of social and political malcontents1 who consider that their high education is not recognized1 and that they have no scope for their literary or political talents4#fc #gb4 ,we turn to the endowments by bequest1 which were the direct cause of the establishment of philosophical schools at ,athens4 ,this idea seems due to ,plato1 who acquired for his school a local habitation as well as a name4 ,it is well known that from early times there were two gymnasia 7in the ,greek sense7 provided for the youth who had finished their schooling--that in the groves of the suburb called after the hero ,academus1 and that called the ,kynosarges1 near ,mount ,lycabettus4 ,the latter was specially open to the sons of citizens by foreign wives4 ,thirdly1 in ,pericles' day was established the ,lykeion1 near the river ,ilisos4 ,they were all provided with water1 shady walks and gardens1 and were once among the main beauties of ,athens and its neighborhood4 ,the ,academy became so identified with ,plato's teaching that his pupils ,antisthenes 7the ,cynic7 and ,aristotle settled beside or in the ,kynosarges and ,lykeion respectively1 and were known by their locality till the pupils of ,antisthenes removed to the frescoed portico 7stoa7 in ,athens1 and were thence called ,stoics4 ,epicurus taught in his own garden in ,athens4 ,all these settlements were copied from ,plato's idea4 ,he apparently taught both in the public gymnasium and in a private possession close beside it2 and in his will1 preserved by ,diogenes ,laertius1 he bequeaths his two pieces of land to ,speusippus1 thus designating him as his formal successor4 ,his practice being followed1 the title scholarch soon grew up for the head of the school1 and the owner of a life interest in the or locality devoted to the purpose4 ,each master was called the successor 77 of his predecessor1 and the succession of these heads of schools has been traced with more or less success all through the ,hellenistic period4 #gc4 ,this is1 no doubt1 the cause of the fixed and traditional character of the philosophical schools at ,athens1 and one main reason why this city became in the ,roman ,empire1 when original research had died out1 the principal university of the old world4 ,the successive scholarchs seem to have thought of nothing but the repeating and expounding of the founder's views2 and it is mentioned as a special loss to the ,peripatetic school that ,aristotle's works were left away from the school1 and travelled into the possession of ,neleus to ,scepsis in the ,troad4 ,hence the scholarchs1 instead of developing a new doctrine1 were simply helpless1 and only taught what they could remember1 or what had been preserved by fragments in the note-books of the school4 ,the proper investment of the school property was also the scholarch's duty1 and we hear that in the fourth century ,a4,d41 under ,proclus1 the ,platonic endowment was worth more than one thousand pieces of gold annually4 ,suidas tells us#fd 8that from time to time pious patrons of learning bequeathed in their wills to the adherents of the school the means of living a life of philosophic leisure40 ,this is very analogous to the bequests of pious founders in the ,middle ,ages1 especially of those who had the far-seeing wisdom to free their endowments from the penalty of teaching--a humane and enlightened intention1 now frustrated by the rage for turning universities into mere training establishments4 ,the designating of a successor by will1 or shortly before the scholarch's death1 became the rule in the principal schools of rhetoric1 except that at ,athens election by the school came to take its place4 ,so far as we know1 this was first suggested by ,lycon1 ,aristotle's third successor1 if not by ,theophrastus4 ,but the will of ,lycon1 preserved by ,diogenes1 is express3 8,i bequeath the peripatos to my pupils ,bulon1 ,kallinos1 etc41 without condition4 ,let them appoint whomsoever they think will be most zealous and best keep together the school4 ,may the rest of the school stand by him1 for my sake and that of the place40 ,these words not only imply that there was a staff of assistants1 selected from favorite pupils who intended to make philosophy their profession1 but is peculiarly interesting as naturally suggesting a competitive examination1 without naming it1 as the method of choice4 ,in ,lucian's 8,eunuch10 the appointment is described as an election by votes of the chief men1 after an examination of the candidate in his knowledge of1 and faith in1 the system4 ,there were cases when the electing body was not the school1 but the ,areopagus1 or the council2 for the hatred and jealousy of the schools made an election from without safer4 ,when the chief literary posts at ,athens became salaried by the ,state1 such interference was natural1 and disputed elections were even referred to the emperor at ,rome4 #gd4 ,eunapius tells us of an interesting dispute of this kind for the office of ,sophist 7the highest literary post at ,athens7 on the death of ,julianus1 #cdj ,a4,d41 and its consequent vacation4 ,six candidates--four of them pupils of ,julianus1 and two other needy persons--were selected by common consent2 the ,roman proconsul was president of the electing court1 and so violent was the canvassing that he was obliged to interfere and order people out of ,athens4 ,the candidates handed in essays and made set speeches4 ,there were claqueurs ready with their prepared applause4 ,then the proconsul again cited them1 and gave them a theme for an extempore speech4 ,five refused1 saying they were not accustomed to pour out1 but to think out1 their orations4 ,prohresius1 a pupil of ,julianus1 alone took up the challenge1 and1 all applause being interdicted1 maintained his reputation splendidly4 ,nevertheless1 he did not then obtain the chair2 for his opponents secured influential electors with dinners and presents1 and1 no doubt1 the social talents of a ,sophist in this chair were very important4 ,they took shameful ways of succeeding2 8but1 indeed10 says ,eunapius1 8you can hardly blame them for working their case as best they could40 ,this interesting story belongs to later days1 when the chairs of philosophy and rhetoric at ,athens came under ,state support and control4 ,in early days1 up to the ,christian era1 the schools were perfectly private1 free1 and independent of the ,state4 ,we hear1 indeed1 of such decrees as that of the ,thirty ,tyrants forbidding rhetoric and philosophy to be taught4 ,but though any ancient state1 even a free democracy1 would have thought itself quite justified in such interference for public reasons1 there is no definite attempt at such a policy till the days of ,theophrastus1 when 7about #caf ,b4,c47 ,sophocles1 son of ,amphicleides of ,sunium1 passed a law that no one should open a school of philosophy without the approval of the senate and people4 ,there was a formal exodus of philosophic students1 who only returned with ,theophrastus1 when ,sophocles was convicted under the law against illegal procedure 7 71 and his law repealed4 ,this attempt of ,sophocles might have been defended from ,plato's 8,republic0 and 8,laws10 where the philosopher distinctly recommends ,state control of education4 ,but it was1 no doubt1 the antidemocratic tone of the schools1 especially of the ,platonic school1 which prompted this action1 for we hear that ,demosthenes' nephew1 ,demochares1 and other democratic leaders1 supported ,sophocles1 on the special ground that ,plato's school had supplied most of the later tyrants to ,greece4 ,the true way of controlling education had not yet dawned upon the public men of ,athens--the endowing of chairs1 with a power of removal4 ,we hear1 indeed1 gradually of small salaries for sophronist and other guardians of youth1 but direct ,state patronage of teachers first meets us among the ,egyptian and ,pergamene successors of ,alexander4 ,then the ,roman emperors1 as we shall presently see1 appointed regular professors4 ,but all this took the form of honoring a great teacher1 as states honored him with civic freedom1 immunity from taxes1 bronze statues1 and the like4 ,his special teaching was not criticised or directed from without4 #ge4 ,the time came1 however1 when more than formal or irregular honors were paid to the teaching profession4 ,the ,roman emperors established chairs 77 of theoretical and practical rhetoric1 and of the four sects of philosophy1 the former of which they endowed with #aj1jjj drachm per annum each4 ,the highest chair was entitled the ,sophist's chair1 that term having1 after all1 maintained its old respectability1 and recovered from the obloquy thrown upon it by ,socrates and ,plato4 ,there was even a subdivision of the ,sophist's chair1 a second chair being called the political chair4 ,these appointments seem to have been the device of ,hadrian1 though ,l4 ,egnatius ,lollianus of ,ephesus was the first salaried occupant of the chair1 and was appointed under ,antoninus ,pius4 ,the same policy1 carried out by ,marcus ,aurelius1 gave immunity from taxes and civic duties to all the learned professions--physicians1 philosophers1 rhetoricians1 and grammarians4 ,then the term 7to be a public servant71 once applied to a public hangman or a dispensary doctor1 now came to mean a public and salaried professor4 ,the salaries were paid in kind--five ,roman modii of wheat per month--and were thus free from the great fluctuations in money values common in those days4 ,the pupils' fees were paid in money1 and were due on ,january #a2 but we hear many complaints of irregularity in this respect4 ,this was mainly caused by the ambition of the rival teachers to have their class-rooms filled1 and hence their indulgence in the case of the poor and the procrastinating1 who could not or would not pay1 and were nevertheless permitted to continue their studies4 ,one hundred drachm paid down seem to have been thought an average fee2 but great variations were allowed1 and there was evidently no tariff1 or any such credentials as our parchments to show that a man had attended his course1 paid his fees regularly1 and obtained what we call a degree4 ,libanius mentions an amusing case of a man sending with his son to ,athens a donkey1 by the sale of which the fees were to be paid4 ,no doubt1 the profits made by the greater chairs were considerable1 and the sophist and rhetor1 with their higher colleagues1 represented ,athens on state occasions as civic dignitaries4 ,they were expected to go out to meet any very distinguished visitor1 and address him with complimentary harangues2 they had to present themselves officially every month to the proconsul at ,corinth1 presumably to report on the state of ,athens4 ,we hear that they obtained leave of absence only by special permission and with difficulty4 ,in contrast to this importance and splendor1 we have a pitiable account in ,libanius of the miseries of the rhetors at ,antioch1 who strove to keep up a respectable appearance while they were persecuted with duns and creditors1 and almost starved at home4 #gf4 ,a great deal of obscurity still remains1 not only concerning the exact number of salaried professors of sophistic and rhetoric1 but concerning their relations to the crowd of assistants1 recognized and unrecognized1 which must have existed at the ,university of ,athens4 ,so clear was the policy of ,hadrian1 and still more of ,m4 ,aurelius1 to make it the main seat of the world's learning1 that all manner of students went thither to enjoy the various privileges offered4 ,the grand man1 the ,sophist1 could not be expected to do tutor's or coaching work2 and as many lads came from the far ,east and ,west with little training1 there must have been a considerable class of private teachers to help them on4 ,this was also done by the lad's pdagogue1 who came with him from home4 ,but there appears to have been a licensed class of secondary professors1 the ,privat-,docenten of the ,germans1 who enjoyed no salary1 but lived on the fees of pupils4 ,it is not likely that the total number of these licensed lecturers in sophistic and rhetoric exceeded eight or ten2 the private tutors were probably very numerous4 ,we naturally inquire how this ,state appointment to professorial chairs was consistent with the succession already described in the four philosophical schools4 ,in these there was no formal change2 they were elected by a committee of recognized heads of each school4 ,but gradually the influence of the emperor made itself felt4 ,the procurator1 who came from ,corinth to look after such matters1 either influenced the nomination of the committee1 or recommended the election of a particular candidate4 ,even in the case of the public chairs there was sometimes a competition1 and often the emperor did not interfere with his lieutenant's arrangements4 ,herodes ,atticus was almost omnipotent in his day in these appointments4 ,dismissals from the public chairs were very unusual1 but distinctly asserted as the emperor's right4 ,the ,prohresius above mentioned was dismissed by the ,emperor ,julian1 because he appeared to be a ,christian4 #gg4 ,it is more interesting to turn to the peculiarities of life which bound together the young men at the ,university of ,athens1 and the various customs which then1 as now1 gave a peculiar tone to the student's life4 ,what is called the atmosphere of ,oxford or ,cambridge1 of ,dublin or ,harvard1 consists in a body of traditional customs maintained by the peculiar conservatism of youth1 which moulds every new-comer1 and produces a certain type of character1 and even a certain fixity of manners4 ,it seems probable that the earliest ,italian universities in the ,middle ,ages1 which go back to the eleventh or twelfth century1 acquired some of these traditions from the ,greek universities of the decadence1 and thus a direct filiation may be traced between the customs now to be described1 as existing at ,athens in the ,hellenistic period1 and those of modern ,europe4 ,but to investigate this obscure subject thoroughly would lead us far beyond our present limits4 ,we hear that no one was allowed to attend lectures1 at least in the fourth century ,a4,d41 without dressing in the scholar's short cloak 77--in fact1 our college gown2 and the right of wearing it was only obtained by leave of the ,sophist4 ,this in itself was a mark probably more universal than the gowns at ,oxford and ,cambridge1 for we have no evidence that ,greek gentlemen1 like the modern ,english1 hated all official costumes4#fe ,there was no arrangement for a daily commons of students2 there were no college buildings1 and the students lodged where they could1 as they do in the foreign universities1 such as ,gttingen or ,leyden4 ,but there were special dining societies in each of the four philosophic schools1 meeting once a month or oftener1 for which funds were bequeathed1 and which were regarded as a special bond of union4 ,of course1 simple fare and philosophical conversation was the original plan3 it degenerated into luxury and sumptuous feasting2 for the dinners given by ,lycon1 when head of the ,peripatetic school1 lasted till the following morning4 ,he entertained twenty at a time for the nominal fee of nine obols1 which was even remitted to poor scholars4 ,this took place on the last day of the month4 ,epicurus1 in his will1 made special provision for a feast every twentieth of the month4 ,the ,stoics had three such clubs1 called after scholarchs who probably were the founders4 ,the intention of these feasts1 which were more like ,oxford gaudies than ordinary commons1 was to bring masters and pupils into closer relation1 and this is found a true plan in all modern society4 ,people seldom become intimate who do not dine together4 ,at ,athens1 too1 there was no official tutorial discipline2#ff there were no compulsory chapels1 or lectures1 or fines2 and order seems to have been kept by the very republican arrangement of a senior prefect 771 elected by the class every ten days4 ,we are told that the professor1 besides remonstrance1 sometimes struck idle or stupid scholars2 and ,libanius talks of being 8sent down0 as a terrible disgrace1 involving serious consequences to the lad's parents1 and even to his native town4 ,perhaps it may correspond to expulsion from our universities2 but this must have been for the gravest crimes only4 ,the pupils of any professor were merely known as his circle 7 1 or 1 72 they were only his pupils or hearers in that they attended his lectures4 ,indeed1 they often designated him by a nickname public enough to have been transmitted in after-literature4 #gh4 ,we find an unusual variety of terms1#fg all transferred from other combinations1 to express the clubs or unions of students among themselves1 and they are constantly mentioned in books and inscriptions of the second and third centuries ,a4,d4 ,they naturally grew out of the old separation of the ephebi into a separate class long before university education was organized1 or rather crystallized1 into the shape we are now discussing4 ,the presidents of these clubs were called choregi 7also and 74 ,inscriptions tell us of similar private combinations among the ephebi in the second century ,a4,d41 in which names from the general lists are repeated under the separate heads of ,heracleids and ,theseids1 two associations to be compared with the students' clubs at the ,italian and ,german universities1 which often bear the names of nations1 thus pointing to their medival origin4 ,there is evidence of some peculiar importance1 possibly of rivalry1 as regards the ,theseids and ,heracleids at ,athens1 and the ,german critics are probably right in suspecting a political bias to have been the true ground of difference4 ,the constant relations of ,heracles and ,theseus in the legends and the religion of ,attica are well known2 the ,temple of ,theseus1 still standing at ,athens1 is by many considered a ,heracleion1 and the deeds of ,heracles are more conspicuously celebrated than those of ,theseus in its sculptured reliefs4 ,theseus was certainly raised by ,attic legends into the position of founder of the democracy1 and the ideal of an ephebus1 and as such he may have been contrasted to ,heracles1 who was the ancestor of ,doric nobility1 and might be regarded as of aristocratic tendency4 ,this conjecture has the merit of probability1 though it has no basis beyond these general grounds4 #gi4 ,when we come to later days1 especially to the fourth century ,a4,d41 we hear much about the students' clubs from ,philostratus1 ,eunapius1 ,libanius1 and others4 ,it is remarkable that they were not then formed on the national basis1 as we may conceive the older ,heracleids to have been ,botian youths1 severed from the ,attic ,theseids1 or as we could conceive ,irish students associating themselves in an ,english university4 ,they were rather suggested by the rivalries of their teachers1 originally of the separate philosophic schools1 but afterwards merely formed on the grounds of ambition and popularity4 ,a crowded attendance at lectures was so anxiously desired that every kind of device was used by the rival professors to induce students to come to them4 ,this evil became so apparent in its effects upon the students1 who were flattered and courted by their masters1 that ,libanius mentions a proposed agreement 77 between the professors on the question1 which was1 however1 unsuccessful4 ,thus in the older ,university of ,dublin the profits of college tutors were so great that a similar rivalry in popularity existed1 and the dons are said to have studied unworthy arts to secure a full chamber4 ,such canvassing has almost disappeared since the treaty1 as ,libanius calls it1 of putting the pupils' fees into a common fund1 of which the greater part is divided according to the tutor's standing1 and only a small premium is allowed for the actual number of pupils4 ,the constant jealousies and factions occasioned by this competition among professors were reproduced in the ,italian universities of the ,renaissance period2 indeed1 all through the ,middle ,ages4 ,thus1 according to ,eunapius1 the president of the club called considered it part of his duty to bring his club in full force1 and well armed1 to the ,peirus1 or even down to ,sunium1 in order to catch students coming from the ,east1 green and fresh1 and secure them for the professor he patronized4 ,rival clubs met on these errands1 and had pitched battles worse than those of town and gown in ,england4 ,every attempt was made to secure lads1 even before they left their homes4 ,libanius tells us he came to ,athens1 having been already canvassed at his home in ,antioch to attend the rhetor ,aristodemus1 but was seized by a club in the interest of ,diophantus1 and only let free with great difficulty1 and after he had sworn allegiance to ,diophantus4 ,we hear of every sort of violence being committed by these students1 in whose disputes the ,roman governor at ,corinth was sometimes obliged to interfere4 ,we hear of their debts and their poverty1 their dissoluteness and idleness4 ,but1 of course1 the diligent and orderly minority have left no trace behind1 and we must take care to give no exaggerated weight to the noisy doings of the baser sort4 ,even tossing in a blanket 7or carpet7 was well known to them1#fh and applied to unpopular teachers1 probably of the obscurer sort1 as may be seen from ,libanius's oration ,on the ,carpet1 in which he lectures them on the subject4 ,we do not hear of any scholarships1 bursaries1 or exhibitions intended to help indigent lads of ability4 ,indeed1 this giving a lad money rewards for educating himself seems a very evil device of modern times4 ,to support a student with the bare necessaries of life1 and give him free instruction1 is a different thing1 and this was the idea of the pious founders of scholarships4 ,to repay him in part for an extravagant preparation by extravagant prizes is a very different notion1 but now so diffused that its absurdity no longer strikes the public mind in ,england4 #hj4 ,gregory the ,nazianzen tells us of comic ceremonies by which the freshman was initiated to his studies1 and these practices were technically called 1 or initiatory rites4 ,these are to be compared to the teasing of beginners known at the ,german universities under the name of deposition4 ,at ,athens the novice was brought by a band to the baths through the market-place4 ,then those in front began to push him back1 and refuse to let him in1 while those behind thrust him forward4 ,after a rude struggle1 probably intended to try his temper1 he was let in1 bathed1 and thus formally admitted1 receiving his tribon1 or college gown4 ,there was also some unknown ceremony in the theatre1 called 1 of which the name only is preserved1 from its being forbidden by law in #fic ,a4,d41 and this by a ,church synod in ,constantinople4 ,it was identified with other heathen practices and traditions1 and hence considered worthy of being threatened with excommunication4 ,these late occurrences of student practices give rise to the suspicion that they may have been copied in the early school of ,bologna4 ,perhaps the most curious allusion#fi is to the fact that1 after a certain standing1 students were by common consent excused from these follies1 as now in ,germany a graduate at ,leipzig or ,gttingen1 or a professor1 would no more think of fighting a student's duel than an ,english gentleman would2 while every younger man is compelled to do so by an iron custom amounting to the most absolute tyranny4 ,the example of the ,stoics1 who taught in the city1 was followed by other schools1 after that the successive devastations of the neighborhood of ,athens by ,philip ,v4 of ,macedon 7#bjj ,b4,c471 and by ,sulla1 had injured the gardens and groves of both ,kynosarges1 ,academy1 and ,lykeion4 ,we hear of the ,ptolemeion and ,diogeneion as the fashionable places of resort1 then ,hadrian's gymnasium--all within the town1 and all the gift of individual founders--the ,diogenes in question being a condottiere who commanded the second ,king ,demetrius's troops in ,attica1 #bbe ,b4,c4 ,there is some slight evidence that this man's gymnasium was used for beginners1 and possibly they may even have resided there2 for we hear that scholars often set up huts 77 near the house of their favorite teachers4 ,there were libraries in connection with ,ptolemy's and ,hadrian's gymnasia4 ,indeed1 it seems1 in later days1 that such was the danger of a riot if professors lectured in any public building1 that they built private theatres for themselves1 attached to their own houses1 and elegantly appointed4 ,in these we may be sure that their teaching took the form of a lecture1 not of disputation or of catechising4 ,this latter kind of lesson was very popular in ,socrates and ,plato's time2 but ,aristotle already severed it from his regular discourses1 and held his philosophic conversations with his pupils walking in the ,peripatos3 hence the title of his school4 #ha4 ,we only know now the names of those professors who lived for the world and for posterity1 and strove to teach by publishing their works4 ,in an age when originality was dead1 and the highest ability consisted in the best commentary on ,plato and ,aristotle1 this literary activity1 once admired and praised1 seems to us1 for the most part1 idle subtlety4 ,even in rhetoric all the laws and models were fixed2 ,longinus only shows us a modern and sthetic appreciation of beauty in style1 which we do not find in earlier rhetors4 ,but1 of all the scholarchs at ,athens1 none are now of the least consideration save the heads of the ,neo-,platonic school2 and even these were but followers of this strange1 fascinating doctrine1 already preached in ,alexandria and in ,rome1 which strove to give a new meaning to the metaphysic of the ,academy1 and accommodate it to the spiritual wants of earnest heathen1 in the face of ,christianity4 ,but it is more than probable that1 as in our own universities1 so at ,athens1 the best and most earnest of the teachers set themselves so exclusively to their task that they left nothing behind them except in the note-books of their classes4 ,this sort of university teacher never earns any wider popularity than that of his college2 and yet there1 and among those who have known his diligence1 his patience1 and his power1 he will always rank far higher than those who rush before the public from ambition1 often with badly digested ideas4 ,we shall1 therefore1 do well not to set down the philosophical teaching at ,athens at the level of those tedious commentaries which the student will find collected in the later volumes#gj of ,mullach's 8,fragmenta ,philosophorum ,grcorum40 #hb4 ,as regards the length of the course which the students were expected to attend1 there are very varying statements4 ,five to eight years are mentioned1 a period far too long for young gentlemen like ,cicero's nephews1 and probably only meant to apply to those who went for professional purposes4 ,there were lads of tender age1 sometimes under the care of a pdagogue1 and men of middle-age1 waiting for the chance of a post4 ,there seems to have been no limit of age1 or any compulsion or rule as to the number of courses to be kept4 ,every student 7or his parent7 was supposed to select for himself what subjects he should pursue4 ,this was perhaps less mischievous than it would now be1 seeing the quadrivium of humanities was so fixed by tradition that most students fell into it as a matter of course4 ,neither was there in old days that multitude of special subjects1 totally unconnected either with each other or with a liberal education1 which now infests our educational establishments1 and causes the hurry after tangible results to displace the only true outcome of a higher education--that capacity to think consecutively and clearly1 which is to be acquired by studying a logical and thoroughly articulated branch of knowledge for the sake of its accuracy and method4 ,during most of the flourishing age of ,hellenistic culture the rhetor was the acknowledged practical teacher2 and his course1 which occupied several years1 with the interruption of the summer holidays1 comprised first a careful reading of classical authors1 both poetical and prose1 with explanations and illustrations4 ,this made the student acquainted with the language and literature of ,greece4 ,but it was only introductory to the technical study of expression1 of eloquence based on these models1 and of accurate writing as a collateral branch of this study4 ,when a man had so perfected himself1 he was considered fit for public employment4 ,in the latest times a special knowledge of jurisprudence became more and more necessary for public servants1 and was provided for by special schools4 ,we have1 unfortunately1 no minute description of the precise course of reading adopted by either ,sophists or ,rhetors1 and are therefore confined to this general description4 ,but it is1 in our days of hurry and of intellectual compression of subjects1 a remarkable thing to contemplate the youth of the civilized world spending four or five years in the mere acquiring of accuracy and elegance of expression after they had learned at school reading1 writing1 and the elements of science4 #hc4 ,in this account of ancient university life our attention has been almost exclusively confined to ,athens1 though there were other seats of education very celebrated1 and in much request--,rhodes1 ,massilia1 ,tarsus1 and1 above all1 ,alexandria4 ,many ,roman nobles preferred sending their sons to ,massilia for their education--a ,greek town1 planted far away from the vices and luxuries of the ,east4 ,rhodes maintained its political freedom longer than any other ,hellenic settlement1 and was famous as a school of rhetoric4 ,tarsus1 from which we know at least one splendid specimen of a student--the ,apostle ,paul--always had a high and solid reputation for work1 and it is very remarkable how the most serious of all the practical systems1 the ,stoic1 is identified with that part of ,asia ,minor4 ,afterwards iconoclasm found its cradle there1 and thus this land of serious reforms over and over again forced upon the world an earnest view of life4#ga ,it is worthy of note how constantly the great chairs at ,athens were filled by men from these outlying schools2 indeed1 a native ,athenian in the ,sophist's chair was a great rarity4 ,yet we know so little of the inner life of these remote towns that they cannot now afford us any materials for our inquiry4 #hd4 ,the case is different with ,alexandria1 concerning which much has been written and recorded4 ,but1 in the first place1 it is hardly correct to speak of education in ,alexandria as strictly ,hellenic1 or even ,hellenistic4 ,it was the meeting-ground of all the faith and dogma of the old world4 ,the ,egyptian1 ,jewish1 and ,syrian elements were so strong there that1 considering the absence of all old ,hellenic traditions in this newest of all ,greek-speaking towns1 we could hardly use it as a fair specimen of the good and evil in old ,greek training4 ,we may add that up to the days of the great theological controversies--days so graphically pictured in ,kingsley's 8,hypatia0--we know comparatively little about the students of ,alexandria4 ,all our information clusters about the teachers4 ,as we might expect1 ,alexandria was regarded as the university of progress1 the laboratory of positive science1 in contrast to the conservative and literary ,athens4 ,nevertheless1 even all the sound literary criticism of those days comes from ,alexandria4 ,for it is plain that the ,ptolemies intended it not as a training-place for youth so much as a home for research1 richly endowed with the means and materials for serious study--first of all1 an ample library1 then handsome buildings1 retirements1 and adequate endowments4 ,these conceptions1 and the success in their execution1 are profoundly interesting in the history of education1 but are beyond the scope of the present work4 ,,footnotes3 #fa 4 ii4 #cb1 #b4 #fb ,the picture of ,athens given in the ,acts of the ,apostles 7ch4 xvii47 shows that the city was full of people cultivated in philosophy and letters1 but indisposed to pursue any serious calling4 ,they lived in the agora all day1 as in a great club1 looking out for gossip and news4 ,if any one desires to see a modern parallel1 ,i refer him to the ,hall and ,library of the ,four ,courts in ,dublin--the most agreeable place in the world to visit2 for there the bar of ,ireland1 many of them for want of briefs1 occupy themselves with all the scandal of the day4 ,nay1 even those who are busy refresh themselves1 in passing1 with five minutes' talk1 and are never too hurried to enjoy a good story when it is offered to them4 ,there is even a great deal of real business done in this desultory and peripatetic way4 ,whether a new system of philosophy or a new religion would find a hearing is perhaps doubtful1 and marks the difference between the old ,greek and the modern idler4 #fc ,thus1 a critic might argue that the present ills of ,ireland arise not only from general idleness and want of thrift1 but from melancholy ignorance of all scientific principles of agriculture1 and from a total misappreciation of the conditions of trading2 for here1 if anywhere1 honesty is the best policy2 but it is not obvious to the ignorant1 especially if they be astute4 ,these evils might be diminished by diffusing agricultural and commercial schools through the country1 not by granting university degrees for a smattering in arts4 #fd ,in his ,lexicon1 sub voc4 ,plato4 #fe ,all foreigners1 on the contrary1 seem to love official dress1 whether military or not4 ,i was once in ,genoa during a regatta1 when a crew of visitors from ,spezia or ,livorno used to walk about the streets in boating costume1 with their oars over their shoulders1 to the admiration of the ,genoese4 ,imagine the ,oxford eight1 the day before the ,university race1 sauntering along ,piccadilly in this style6 ,i recommend this case to the theorists who maintain that human nature is the same at all times and places4 #ff ,the description by ,libanius of the rhetor's duty1 to receive the lad from his parents1 to advise him1 and even to punish him for idleness1 to acquaint the parents periodically of his progress1 etc41 reminds us perfectly of the duties of a college tutor4 ,but this was clearly a voluntary task1 and generally undertaken not merely from duty towards the lad1 but from a desire to be popular and to secure a large following4 #fg 1 1 7religious71 1 1 4 ,i see that ,sievers1 in his life of ,libanius1 understands and of a council of professors2 but this is surely incorrect4 ,he was probably misled by finding so much power attributed to a mere student4 #fh ,called by the ,romans sagatio1 and hence probably soldiers' horse-play1 as sagum is a soldier's cloak4 #fi ,libanius1 i4 #ag4 #gj ii4 and iii4 are published2 iv4 is to follow4 #ga ,it is said that the exiled iconoclasts1 driven out to ,bulgaria1 were the spiritual parents of the ,hussites and other early reformers in ,bohemia4 ,from this new centre ,protestantism spread across ,europe4 ,so that the ,scottish ,puritan1 and1 for that matter1 the ,new ,england ,puritan1 derives his uncompromising earnestness from the remote source which produced both ,stoicism and the most vigorous early ,christianity4 ,,index4 ,abacus1 #ef ,academy1 the 7of ,plato71 #aba ,accent1 bad1 #ac schines cited1 #bf sop1 #bj ,age for beginning education1 #ae ,alcibiades1 #ae1 #ei ,alexandria1 #ej1 #ach ,america1 #gi 1 #bi ,anaxagoras1 #dg ,andromache1 #h ,anytus1 #hh ,apollodorus1 #ei 1 #ah of students1 #acj ,archytas's rattle1 #ac ,aristophanes cited1 #ag1 #cd1 #ch1 #ec1 #ei1 #hc ,aristotle cited1 #eg1 #fa1 #fb1 #aaj ---- his school1 #abb ,arithmetic1 #ed-ef 1 #af ,astragali1 #ag1 #ai ,astyanax1 #h ,athens1 a university town1 #hb ---- modern university of1 #aai 1 #bj ,beethoven1 #fe 7top71 #ag cited1 #bj ,boating not a ,greek amusement1 #bc ,bologna1 early schools of1 #acd ,boxing1 ,greek1 #bi ,callias1 grammatical tragedy of1 #dg ,carleton cited1 #ci ,carpet1 tossing in1 #acc ,chairs at ,athens1 #abe 1 #af 1 #ag ,chappell1 ,mr4 ,wm41 #fg ,chionis1 feats of1 #cj ,choregi1 #aca ,chrestomathies1 #ej ,cicero quoted1 #bi1 #ci1 #ge ,cinnamus quoted1 #ah ,cithara1 #fg ,claqueurs of ,sophists1 #abc ,clubs1 student1 #aca ,cobet cited1 #ga ,community of wives and children1 #ajb1 #ajc ,competitive examinations1 #ad ,confirmation1 #gb ,course1 length of university1 #acg ,crammer1 the modern1 #ha1 #hb ,csrds1 ,hungarian1 #fc ,curtius1 ,ernst1 cited1 #ib ,demosthenes cited1 #dj 1 in the schools1 #aba ,dialects1 preservation of1 #ed ,diogeneion1 #acd ,diogenes ,laertius1 #aba ,diophantus1 #acc ,dolls1 #bj ,dositheus cited1 #dd ,drawing materials1 #ei ,dromeus1 #bg ,education1 general contrasts of ,greek and modern1 #c ,egnatius ,lollianus1 #abe ,egyptian education1 #d 1 #ag ,elis1 country life of1 #ad1 #bb1 #bh ,encyclical course1 #df ,ephebi1 #fi sq4 ,epicrates1 law of1 #ge 1 #ag ,eton and ,harrow match1 #bc ,eunapius cited1 #abd ,euripides cited1 #h ,examinations1 #ad ,exposing of children1 #aj-ab ,expression in music1 #fe ,field sports1 value of1 #ba ,football1 #ah ,foreign languages1 ignorance of1 #ac1 #ej ,form1 in games1 #bc ,games of boys1 #ae sq4 ---- ,olympic1 #bg1 #cj ,genius1 production of1 #aje ,gods1 the ,greek1 #bd ,goldsmith1 #da ,gorgias1 #ij ,gounod's 8,faust10 #ff ,grammatical studies of ,sophists1 #hi 1 -1 #df ,grasberger quoted1 #ag1 #bh1 #dj ,gregory ,naz4 cited1 #acc ,grote cited1 #gg1 #gi1 #aja1 #aaj ,gymnasia1 #aba ,hedge schools1 #dc ,hellenic character compared to ,roman and ,english1 #g ,heracleids1 club of1 #aca ,hermes1 tutelary god of schools1 #dc ,herodes ,atticus1 #abh ,herodotus quoted1 #f1 #h1 #bd1 #db ,history1 the lessons of1 #b1 #aab ,homer cited1 #g1 #aj1 #cf2 used in education1 #cg1 #de ,hoops1 #ag ,human nature not uniform1 #a1 #b1 #abi n4 ,hungarian gypsies1 #fb ,hunting1 #bb ,irish people threatened with new dangers1 #abj ,isocrates1 #ia sq4 ,journalism compared to ,sophists1 #gh sq4 ,julian 7emperor71 #abh 1 #af 1 #acd 1 #af ,lacrosse1 #ah ,lamia1 #bj ,landscape1 ,greek notions of1 #eh 1 #gc ,libanius cited1 #abf1 #acj1 #acc ,longinus1 #ace ,love-songs1 contrasts in1 #ff ,lucian quoted1 #ci1 #dj1 #dd1 #abc ,lycon1 will of1 #abc2 dinners of1 #abi ,lycophron1 #ajj ,lycurgus 7the orator71 #ge ,lyre1 #fg1 #fh ,marcus ,aurelius1 #abe1 #abf ,marriage between relations1 #ab ---- rational theory of1 #ajb sq4 ,massilia1 #ach 1 #ag ,morra1 #ai ,moses1 #e ---- the ,attic 7sc4 ,plato71 #ab ,mullach1 ,fragg4 ,phil41 #acf ,music1 #ce sq41 #aac ---- dangers of1 #fd ---- ,greek views of1 #fj sq4 1 #bj ,notice-boards in schools1 #dd ,novices at the university1 #acd ,nursery rhymes1 #bj ,ochlocracy1 the so-called ,athenian1 #ce ,official dress1 foreign love of1 #abi ,olympia1 ,temple of1 #eh ,olympic games1 #bh1 #cj ,organization1 ephebic1 #ge ,orphans1 care of1 #ad ,orthodoxy in universities1 #hd1 #he 1 #af ,pdagogus1 the ,greek1 #bf 1 #db ,painting1 #eh sq4 ,palstra1 #bb1 #bd sq4 ,pamphilus1 #eh 1 #ec ,parthenon1 frieze of1 #gj1 #gb ,paul1 ,st41 #ha1 #hb1 #ach ,pausanias1 #bg1 #db ,payment of teaching1 #aag sq4 1 #ag ,pentathlon1 #bg ,peripatos1 ,aristotle's1 #ace 1 #gj1 #gd ,permanence of educational problems1 #b ,persian education1 #e2 in ,xenophon1 #aae 1 #ah ,phayllus1 feats of1 #cj ,philosophy1 ,isocrates' definition of1 #ib1 #ic ,philostratus cited1 #aah 1 #ag 1 #fh ,plato quoted1 #e1 #aj1 #ab1 #bd1 #bh1 #ca1 #cb1 #dh1 #eb1 #fb1 #gh1 cap4 xi4 passim ---- school of1 #hh1 #hi ,platonopolis1 #ajj n4 ,pliny cited1 #eh ,plutarch quoted1 #ae ,pollux cited1 #ah1 #ga ,polo at ,byzantium1 #ai n4 ,prefects 7at school71 #gf ,prodicus1 #ec1 #he1 #ij ,prohresius1 #abd1 #abh ,protagoras1 #he1 #hi ,protestantism1 ,stoic origin of1 #ach ,ptolemeion1 #acd ,public schools1 ,english1 #bi ,pythagoras1 system of1 #hi ,quintilian quoted1 #g1 #eb ,rackets1 #ai ,rationalism1 ,mr4 ,lecky's1 #ajg ,renan1 ,e41 cited1 #di ,rhetor1 the duties of1 #abf ,rhodes1 #ach ,riding1 ,greek notions of1 #gc ,roman education1 #f ---- character1 #g ,sagatio1 #acc ,scales1 ,greek musical1 #fd1 #fe ,scholarch1 #aba ,school1 the term1 #db ---- appointments of1 #db1 #dc ,schoolmaster's tomb1 #eb ,science1 elementary1 #ee ,sentiment about marriage1 #ajg ,sex1 differences of1 #ajd1 #aab ,sleeping of infants1 #i ,socrates1 #gd1 #hg ,sophist1 the 7title71 #abc ,sophists1 the1 #gh sq42 their fees1 #aah ,sophocles of ,sunium1 #abd ,sophronist1 #abe ,spartan nurses1 #i1 #aj ,spartan mothers1 #ac1 #ch ---- objection to athletics1 #bg ---- training1 #gg ---- morals1 #ajh 1 a club1 #acb ,spelling1 phonetic1 #ed ,speusippus1 #aah1 #aba ,sports1 real value of1 #ca ,sprint races1 #bh ,stoics1 #abi1 #acd ,strabo1 #ej 7humming-top71 #ag ,studiedness of ,greek eloquence1 #ig ,suidas quoted1 #abb ,swimming1 #df ,tarsus1 #ach ,theodorus1 ,homeric pictures of1 #de ,theognis1 #ej ,theophrastus cited1 #dc1 #abd ,theseids1 club of1 #aca ,thring1 ,rev4 ,g41 cited1 #eh n4 1 #abe ,thucydides cited1 #db 1 #abh1 #acd ,uniformity in human nature1 how far true1 #a1 #b1 #abi n4 ,uniformity in children1 #b 1 #eb1 #fj n4 1 #ej ,welcker cited1 #dh ,women1 education of1 #ajc1 #ajd ,writing materials1 #ec ,xenophon1 #g1 #bb 1 #be ,zeller cited1 #gh ,zither1 ,tyrolese1 #fh 1 -1 #eh ,a ,history of ,classical ,greek ,literature4 ,by ,j4 ,p4 ,,mahaffy4 #b vols41 #abmo1 ,cloth1 #d #jj4 ,a survey of the whole field of the ,greek classical literature1 including the prose as well as the poetry1 treating in a general way its life and growth and the mutual relations of its various masterpieces4 99 99 99 ,a clear1 simple1 and accurate statement of general facts and principles1 bringing the whole of the immense subject into one connected view4--,n4 ,y4 ,times4 ,no other work written upon these subjects in ,english during the past twenty years is as valuable as this elaborate compendium4 99 99 99 ,it should be found in the library of every scholar and student4--,n4 ,y4 ,world4 ,among recently published works designed to aid in the attainment of sound classical scholarship1 there have been few that are so well adapted to their purpose as this4 99 99 99 ,to his task he has brought the qualifications of his own fine and approved scholarship1 his practical knowledge of the exact wants of the class for whom he writes1 and a thorough familiarity with the general literature of the subject4--,n4 ,y4 ,evening ,post4 ,by far the best account of the literature of ,greece that has hitherto appeared in ,english4 99 99 99 ,it is emphatically a good book1 a worthy introduction to the noblest of all literatures1 and a grateful boon to ripe scholars1 no less than to the younger students for whom it is expressly intended4 ,mr4 ,mahaffy's chief merit is the great verve and animation with which he handles his subject4--,pall ,mall ,gazette1 ,london4 ,it is a work of immense learning and practical value4 ,indeed1 it is a complete hand-book of ,greek classical literature1 giving the results of the research and speculations of the best ,german and ,french1 as well as ,english1 scholars1 and stating his own conclusions with a modesty which inspires confidence1 especially as they are supported by thorough knowledge of the subject and ample reasons4 ,there is no work in the ,english language covering the same ground4--,evangelist1 ,n4 ,y4 ,,published ,,by ,,harper ,,brothers1 ,,new ,,york4 ,,harper ,,brothers will send the above work by mail1 postage prepaid1 to any part of the ,united ,states1 on receipt of the price4 ,,studies ,,of ,,the ,,greek ,,poets4 ,,by ,,john ,,addington ,,symonds4 ,revised and ,enlarged by the ,author4 #b vols41 ,square #afmo1 ,cloth1 #c #ej4 ,mr4 ,symonds has here brought his rich classical learning and excellent critical taste to the illustration of the ,greek poets1 forming an admirable introduction to that branch of ancient literature4 99 99 99 ,apart from the original criticisms and bright descriptive passages which give an uncommon value and attractiveness to these volumes1 they abound in liberal specimens of translations by different writers1 which form a highly agreeable body of poetry1 and present a peculiar and striking illustration of a department of ,english literature not very widely known to general readers4--,n4 ,y4 ,tribune4 ,a book which has scarcely a parallel in recent ,english literature1 and which will bear comparison with the highest achievements of ,german scholarship and criticism4 ,indeed1 the 8,studies0 may almost be said to be unique in their combination of wide knowledge and minute research1 with a mastery of the literary art which alone would suffice to command our warmest admiration4 99 99 99 ,our notice would be incomplete without a cordial word of praise for ,professor ,symonds's spirited and elegant translations of select passages4 ,these add incalculably to the value and interest of his work4--,appletons' ,journal1 ,n4 ,y4 ,the great merit of ,mr4 ,symonds's writings is that1 with all their charm and grace of style1 there is real work behind them4 ,it is this1 in combination with other rarer gifts1 which makes him so well fitted to interpret the ancient world to modern readers4--,academy1 ,london4 ,while it is a book readily understood by every thoughtful reader1 it will be of special interest to students who have given much time to the ,greek language and literature4 99 99 99 ,we know of no hand-book of ,greek poetry in ,english as satisfactory--as valuable as this4--,new ,haven ,palladium4 ,,published ,,by ,,harper ,,brothers1 ,,new ,,york4 ,,harper ,,brothers will send the above work by mail1 postage prepaid1 to any part of the ,united ,states1 on receipt of the price4 99 99 99 99 99 99 ,transcriber's note3 ,the following changes have been made to the text as printed3 #a4 ,footnotes have been renumbered and assembled at the end of each chapter4 #b4 ,a small number of errors in the punctuation and spacing of the original work have been silently corrected4 #c4 ,page #cd3 re-referred has been corrected to referred4 #d4 ,page #ci3 ,a missing footnote marker has been inserted after impatient at idleness34 #e4 ,page #dj3 ,a missing footnote marker has been inserted after sensible remark4 #f4 ,footnote #ai1 #eth line from end3 has been corrected to 4 #g4 ,page #ef3 ,the symbol ,i,i in the phrase combinations such as ,i,i meant #ej stands for a combination of the letters 7,pi7 and 7,delta7 in the original4 #h4 ,footnote #bh3 has been corrected to 4 #i4 ,footnote #da3 has been corrected to 4 #aj4 ,footnote #dd3 has been corrected to 4 #aa4 ,page #hf3 spritually has been corrected to spiritually4 #ab4 ,page #if3 ,comma removed from ,st4 ,john1 ,chrysostom4 #ac4 ,footnote #ei1 line #i3 7,greek letter7 has been corrected to 4 #ad4 ,footnote #fg1 line #c3 has been corrected to 4 #ae4 ,page #ada1 ,index3 has been corrected to 4 #af4 ,page #adc1 ,index3 ,ptolemeion referenced to ,page #acd1 not ,page #aea4 ,the following anomaly in the printed text is noted1 but no change has been made3 #a4 ,page #adf1 ,index3 ,appletons' ,journal 7,new ,york ,city1 #ahfi-ahha7 printed its own name with the apostrophe in that unexpected position4 ,the cover image was created by the transcriber and is in the public domain4