,,iamblichus' ,,life ,,of ,,pythagoras1 ,,or ,,pythagoric ,,life4 ,,accompanied ,,by ,,fragments ,,of ,,the ,,ethical ,,writings ,,of ,,certain ,,pythagoreans ,,in ,,the ,,doric ,,dialect2 ,,and ,a ,collection of ,pythagoric ,sentences ,,from ,,stob,,us ,,and ,,others1 ,,which ,,are ,,omitted ,,by ,,gale ,,in ,,his ,,opuscula ,,mythologica1 ,,and ,,have ,,not ,,been ,,noticed ,,by ,,any ,,editor4 ,,translated ,,from ,,the ,,greek4 ,,by ,,thomas ,,taylor4 ,approach ye genuine philosophic few1 ,the ,pythagoric ,life belongs to you3 ,but far1 far off ye vulgar herd profane2 ,for ,wisdom's voice is heard by you in vain3 ,and you1 ,mind's lowest link1 and darksome end1 ,good ,rulers1 ,customs1 ,laws1 alone can mend4 ,illustration3 ,,iamblicvs ,,ph4 ,,pythagoric ,illustration3 ,,london3 ,,printed ,,by ,a4 ,j4 ,,valpy1 ,,tooke',s ,,court1 ,,chancery ,,lane2 ,,and ,,sold ,,by ,,the ,,author1 #i1 ,,manor ,,place1 ,,walworth4 #ahah4 ,,contents ,the ,life1 c4 ,chap4 ,i #a ,chap4 ,,ii #b ,chap4 ,,iii #i ,chap4 ,,iv #ab ,chap4 ,v #ac ,chap4 ,,vi #ah ,chap4 ,,vii #ba ,chap4 ,,viii #bc ,chap4 ,,ix #bh ,chap4 ,x #cb ,chap4 ,,xi #cd ,chap4 ,,xii #ch ,chap4 ,,xiii #dj ,chap4 ,,xiv #da ,chap4 ,,xv #dc ,chap4 ,,xvi #dh ,chap4 ,,xvii #ej ,chap4 ,,xviii #ef ,chap4 ,,xix #ff ,chap4 ,,xx #fi ,chap4 ,,xxi #ga ,chap4 ,,xxii #gc ,chap4 ,,xxiii #ge ,chap4 ,,xxiv #gg ,chap4 ,,xxv #hj ,chap4 ,,xxvi #hc ,chap4 ,,xxvii #hi ,chap4 ,,xxviii #ig ,chap4 ,,xxix #aad ,chap4 ,,xxx #abb ,chap4 ,,xxxi #ace ,chap4 ,,xxxii #aea ,chap4 ,,xxxiii #afb ,chap4 ,,xxxiv #agj ,chap4 ,,xxxv #agf ,chap4 ,,xxxvi #ahh ,fragments of the ,ethical ,writings of ,certain ,pythagoreans #aic ,from ,hippodamus1 the ,thurian1 in his ,treatise on ,felicity #aie ,from ,euryphamus1 in his ,treatise ,concerning ,human ,life #bjb ,from ,hipparchus1 in his ,treatise ,on ,tranquillity #bjg ,from ,archytas1 in his ,treatise ,concerning the ,good and ,happy ,man #bab ,from ,theages1 in his ,treatise ,on the ,virtues #bbb ,from ,metopus1 in his ,treatise ,concerning ,virtue #bbg ,from ,clinias #bca ,from ,theages1 in his ,treatise ,on the ,virtues #bcc ,from the ,treatise of ,archytas ,on ,ethical ,erudition #bdb ,from ,archytas1 in his ,treatise ,on the ,good and ,happy ,man #bdd ,from ,crito1 in his ,treatise ,on ,prudence and ,prosperity #bde ,from ,archytas1 in his ,treatise ,on the ,good and ,happy ,man #bej ,from ,archytas1 in his ,treatise ,on ,disciplines #beb ,from ,polus1 in his ,treatise ,on ,justice #bed ,pythagoric ,ethical ,sentences from ,stobus1 which are omitted in the ,opuscula ,mythologica1 c4 of ,gale #bei ,select ,sentences of ,sextus the ,pythagorean #bfh ,pythagoric ,sentences1 from the ,protreptics of ,iamblichus #bgh ,additional ,notes #bha ,,introduction4 ,when it is considered that ,pythagoras was the father of philosophy1 authentic memoirs of his life cannot fail to be uncommonly interesting to every lover of wisdom1 and particularly to those who reverence the doctrines of ,plato1 the most genuine and the best of all his disciples4 ,and that the following memoirs of ,pythagoras by ,iamblichus are authentic1 is acknowledged by all the critics1 as they are for the most part obviously derived from sources of very high antiquity2 and where the sources are unknown1 there is every reason to believe1 from the great worth and respectability of the biographer1 that the information is perfectly accurate and true4 ,of the biographer1 indeed1 ,iamblichus1 it is well known to every tyro in ,platonism that he was dignified by all the ,platonists that succeeded him with the epithet of divine2 and after the encomium passed on him by the acute ,emperor ,julian1 8that he was posterior indeed in time1 but not in genius1 to ,plato10#a all further praise of him would be as unnecessary1 as the defamation of him by certain modern critics is contemptible and idle4 ,for these homonculi looking solely to his deficiency in point of style1 and not to the magnitude of his intellect1 perceive only his little blemishes1 but have not even a glimpse of his surpassing excellence4 ,they minutely notice the motes that are scattered in the sunbeams of his genius1 but they feel not its invigorating warmth1 they see not its dazzling radiance4 ,of this very extraordinary man there is a life extant by ,eunapius1 the substance of which ,i have given in my ,history of the ,restoration of the ,platonic ,theology1 and to which ,i refer the ,english reader4 ,at present ,i shall only select from that work the following biographical particulars respecting our ,iamblichus3 ,he was descended of a family equally illustrious1 fortunate1 and rich4 ,his country was ,chalcis1 a city of ,syria1 which was called ,cle4 ,he associated with ,anatolius who was the second to ,porphyry1 but he far excelled him in his attainments1 and ascended to the very summit of philosophy4 ,but after he had been for some time connected with ,anatolius1 and most probably found him insufficient to satisfy the vast desires of his soul1 he applied himself to ,porphyry1 to whom 7says ,eunapius7 he was in nothing inferior1 except in the structure and power of composition4 ,for his writings were not so elegant and graceful as those of ,porphyry3 they were neither agreeable1 nor perspicuous2 nor free from impurity of diction4 ,and though they were not entirely involved in obscurity1 and perfectly faulty2 yet as ,plato formerly said of ,xenocrates1 he did not sacrifice to the ,mercurial ,graces4 ,hence he is far from detaining the reader with delight1 who merely regards his diction2 but will rather avert and dull his attention1 and frustrate his expectation4 ,however1 though the surface of his conceptions is not covered with the flowers of elocution1 yet the depth of them is admirable1 and his genius is truly sublime4 ,and admitting his style to abound in general with those defects1 which have been noticed by the critics1 yet it appears to me that the decision of the anonymous ,greek writer respecting his ,answer to the ,epistle of ,porphyry1#b is more or less applicable to all his other works4 ,for he says1 #8that his diction in that ,answer is concise and definite1 and that his conceptions are full of efficacy1 are elegant1 and divine4'#c ,iamblichus shared in an eminent degree the favor of divinity1 on account of his cultivation of justice2 and obtained a numerous multitude of associates and disciples1 who came from all parts of the world1 for the purpose of participating the streams of wisdom1 which so plentifully flowed from the sacred fountain of his wonderful mind4 ,among these was ,sopater the ,syrian1#d who was most skilful both in speaking and writing2 ,eustathius the ,cappadocian2 and of the ,greeks1 ,theodorus and ,euphrasius4 ,all these were excellent for their virtues and attainments1 as well as many other of his disciples1 who were not much inferior to the former in eloquence2 so that it seems wonderful how ,iamblichus could attend to all of them1 with such gentleness of manners and benignity of disposition as he continually displayed4 ,he performed some few particulars relative to the veneration of divinity by himself1 without his associates and disciples2 but was inseparable from his familiars in most of his operations4 ,he imitated in his diet the frugal simplicity of the most ancient times2 and during his repast1 exhilarated those who were present by his behaviour1 and filled them as with nectar by the sweetness of his discourse4 ,a celebrated philosopher named ,alypius1 who was deeply skilled in dialectic1 was contemporary with ,iamblichus1 but was of such a diminutive stature1 that he exhibited the appearance of a pigmy4 ,however1 his great abilities amply compensated for this trifling defect4 ,for his body might be said to be consumed into soul2 just as the great ,plato says1 that divine bodies1 unlike those that are mortal1 are situated in souls4 ,thus also it might be asserted of ,alypius1 that he had migrated into soul1 and that he was contained and governed by a nature superior to man4 ,this ,alypius had many followers1 but his mode of philosophizing was confined to private conference and disputation1 without committing any of his dogmas to writing4 ,hence his disciples gladly applied themselves to ,iamblichus1 desirous to draw abundantly from the exuberant streams of his inexhaustible mind4 ,the fame therefore of each continually increasing1 they once accidentally met like two refulgent stars1 and were surrounded by so great a crowd of auditors1 that it resembled some mighty musum4 ,while ,iamblichus on this occasion waited rather to be interrogated1 than to propose a question himself1 ,alypius1 contrary to the expectation of every one1 relinquishing philosophical discussions1 and seeing himself surrounded with a theatre of men1 turned to ,iamblichus1 and said to him3 8,tell me1 ,o philosopher1 is either the rich man unjust1 or the heir of the unjust man8 ,for in this case there is no medium40 ,but ,iamblichus hating the acuteness of the question1 replied3 8,o most wonderful of all men1 this manner of considering1 whether some one excels in externals1 is foreign from our method of philosophizing2 since we inquire whether a man abounds in the virtue which it is proper for him to possess1 and which is adapted to a philosopher40 ,after he had said this he departed1 and at the same time all the surrounding multitude was immediately dispersed4 ,but ,iamblichus1 when he was alone1 admired the acuteness of the question1 and often privately resorted to ,alypius1 whom he very much applauded for his acumen and sagacity2 so that after his decease1 he wrote his life4 ,this ,alypius was an ,alexandrian by birth1 and died in his own country1 worn out with age3 and after him ,iamblichus1#e leaving behind him many roots and fountains of philosophy2 which through the cultivation of succeeding ,platonists1 produced a fair variety of vigorous branches1 and copious streams4 ,for an account of the theological writings of ,iamblichus1 ,i refer the reader to my above-mentioned ,history of the ,restoration of the ,platonic ,theology2 and for accurate critical information concerning all his works1 to the ,bibliotheca ,grca of ,fabricius4 ,of the following work1 the life of ,pythagoras1 it is necessary to observe that the original has been transmitted to us in a very imperfect state1 partly from the numerous verbal errors of the text1 partly from the want of connexion in the things that are narrated1 and partly from many particulars being related in different places1 in the very same words2 so that the conjecture of ,kuster1 one of the ,german editors of this work is highly probable1 that it had not received the last hand of ,iamblichus1 but that others formed this treatise from the confused materials which they found among his ,manuscripts1 after his death4 ,notwithstanding all its defects1 however1 it is1 as ,i have before observed1 a most interesting work2 and the benefits are inestimable1 which the dissemination of it is calculated to produce4 ,and as two of the most celebrated critics among the ,germans1 ,kuster and ,kiessling1 have given two splendid editions of this work1 it is evident they must have been deeply impressed with a conviction of its value and importance4 ,as to the ,pythagoric ,ethical ,fragments1 all eulogy of them is superfluous1 when it is considered that1 independently of their being written by very early ,pythagoreans1 they were some of the sources from which ,aristotle himself derived his consummate knowledge of morality1 as will be at once evident by comparing his ,nicomachean ,ethics with these fragments4 ,with respect to the collection of ,pythagoric ,sentences in this volume1 it is almost needless to observe that they are incomparably excellent2 and it is deeply to be regretted that the ,greek original of the ,sentences of ,sextus#f being lost1 the fraudulent ,latin version of them by the ,presbyter ,ruffinus alone remains4 ,i call it a fraudulent version1 because ,ruffinus1 wishing to persuade the reader that these ,sentences were written by a bishop of the name of ,sixtus1 has in many places perverted and contaminated the meaning of the original4 ,in the selection1 however1 which ,i have made from these ,sentences1 ,i have endeavoured1 and ,i trust not in vain1 to give the genuine sense of ,sextus1 unmingled with the barbarous and polluted interpolations of ,ruffinus4 ,if the ,english reader has my translation of the ,sentences of ,demophilus1 and ,mr4 ,bridgman's translation of the ,golden ,sentences of ,democrates1 and the ,similitudes of ,demophilus1#g he will then be possessed of all the ,pythagoric ,sentences that are extant1 those alone of ,sextus excepted1 which ,i have not translated1 in consequence of the very impure and spurious state1 in which they at present exist4 ,i deem it also requisite to observe1 that the ,pythagoric life which is here delineated1 is a specimen of the greatest perfection in virtue and wisdom1 which can be obtained by man in the present state4 ,hence1 it exhibits piety unadulterated with folly1 moral virtue uncontaminated with vice1 science unmingled with sophistry1 dignity of mind and manners unaccompanied with pride1 a sublime magnificence in theory1 without any degradation in practice1 and a vigor of intellect1 which elevates its possessor to the vision of divinity1 and thus deifies while it exalts4 ,the original of the engraving of the head of ,iamblichus in the title-page1 is to be found at the end of a little volume consisting of ,latin translations of ,iamblichus ,de ,mysteriis1 ,proclus ,on the ,first ,alcibiades of ,plato1 c4 c4 c4 #ahmo4 ,genev4 #afjg4 ,this engraving was added because it appeared to me to be probable that the original was copied from an ancient gem4 ,and as it is not impossible that it was1 if it is not genuine1 it is at least ornamental4 ,,the ,,life1 c4 ,,chap4 ,i4 ,since it is usual with all men of sound understandings1 to call on divinity1 when entering on any philosophic discussion1 it is certainly much more appropriate to do this in the consideration of that philosophy which justly receives its denomination from the divine ,pythagoras4 ,for as it derives its origin from the ,gods1 it cannot be apprehended without their inspiring aid4 ,to which we may also add1 that the beauty and magnitude of it so greatly surpasses human power1 that it is impossible to survey it by a sudden view2 but then alone can any one gradually collect some portion of this philosophy1 when1 the ,gods being his leaders1 he quietly approaches to it4 ,on all these accounts1 therefore1 having invoked the ,gods as our leaders1 and converting both ourselves and our discussion to them1 we shall acquiesce in whatever they may command us to do4 ,we shall not1 however1 make any apology for this sect having been neglected for a long time1 nor for its being concealed by foreign disciplines1 and certain arcane symbols1 nor for having been obscured by false and spurious writings1 nor for many other such-like difficulties by which it has been impeded4 ,for the will of the ,gods is sufficient for us1 in conjunction with which it is possible to sustain things still more arduous than these4 ,but after the ,gods1 we shall unite ourselves as to a leader1 to the prince and father of this divine philosophy2 of whose origin and country we must rise a little higher in our investigation4 ,,chap4 ,,ii4 ,it is said1 therefore1 that ,ancus who dwelt in ,samos in ,cephallenia1 was begot by ,jupiter1 whether he derived the fame of such an honorable descent through virtue1 or through a certain greatness of soul4 ,he surpassed1 however1 the rest of the ,cephallenians in wisdom and renown4 ,this ,ancus1 therefore1 was ordered by the ,pythian oracle to form a colony from ,arcadia and ,thessaly2 and that besides this1 taking with him some of the inhabitants of ,athens1 ,epidaurus1 and ,chalcis1 and placing himself at their head1 he should render an island habitable1 which from the virtue of the soil and land should be called ,melamphyllos2#h and that he should call the city ,samos1 on account of ,same in ,cephallenia4 ,the oracle1 therefore1 which was given to him1 was as follows3 8,i order you1 ,ancus1 to colonise the marine island ,samos instead of ,same1 and to call it ,phyllas40 ,but that a colony was collected from these places1 is not only indicated by the honors and sacrifices of the ,gods1 transferred into those regions together with the inhabitants1 but also by the kindred families that dwell there1 and the associations of the ,samians with each other4 ,it is said1 therefore1 that ,mnesarchus and ,pythas1 who were the parents of ,pythagoras1 descended from the family and alliance of this ,ancus1 who founded the colony4 ,in consequence1 however1 of this nobility of birth being celebrated by the citizens1 a certain ,samian poet says1 that ,pythagoras was the son of ,apollo4 ,for thus he sings1 ,pythas1 fairest of the ,samian tribe1 ,bore from th'embraces of the ,god of day ,renown'd ,pythagoras1 the friend of ,jove4 ,it is worth while1 however1 to relate how this report became so prevalent4 ,the ,pythian oracle then had predicted to this ,mnesarchus 7who came to ,delphi for the purposes of merchandize1 with his wife not yet apparently pregnant1 and who inquired of the ,god concerning the event of his voyage to ,syria7 that his voyage would be lucrative and most conformable to his wishes1 but that his wife was now pregnant1 and would bring forth a son surpassing in beauty and wisdom all that ever lived1 and who would be of the greatest advantage to the human race in every thing pertaining to the life of man4 ,but1 when ,mnesarchus considered with himself1 that the ,god1 without being interrogated concerning his son1 had informed him by an oracle1 that he would possess an illustrious prerogative1 and a gift truly divine1 he immediately named his wife ,pythas1 from her son and the ,delphic prophet1 instead of ,parthenis1 which was her former appellation2 and he called the infant1 who was soon after born at ,sidon in ,phnicia1 ,pythagoras2 signifying by this appellation1 that such an offspring was predicted to him by the ,pythian ,apollo4 ,for we must not regard the assertions of ,epimenides1 ,eudoxus1 and ,xenocrates1 who suspect that ,apollo at that time1 becoming connected with ,parthenis1 and causing her to be pregnant from not being so1 had in consequence of this predicted concerning ,pythagoras1 by the ,delphic prophet3 for this is by no means to be admitted4#i ,indeed1 no one can doubt that the soul of ,pythagoras was sent to mankind from the empire of ,apollo1 either being an attendant on the ,god1 of co-arranged with him in some other more familiar way3 for this may be inferred both from his birth1 and the all-various wisdom of his soul4 ,and thus much concerning the nativity of ,pythagoras4 ,but after his father ,mnesarchus had returned from ,syria to ,samos1 with great wealth1 which he had collected from a prosperous navigation1 he built a temple to ,apollo1 with the inscription of ,pythius2 and took care to have his son nourished with various and the best disciplines1 at one time by ,creophilus1 at another by ,pherecydes the ,syrian1 and at another by almost all those who presided over sacred concerns1 to whom he earnestly recommended ,pythagoras1 that he might be as much as possible sufficiently instructed in divine concerns4 ,he1 however1 was educated in such a manner1 as to be fortunately the most beautiful and godlike of all those that have been celebrated in the annals of history4 ,on the death of his father1 likewise1 though he was still but a youth1 his aspect was most venerable1 and his habits most temperate1 so that he was even reverenced and honored by elderly men2 and converted the attention of all who saw and heard him speak1 on himself1 and appeared to be an admirable person to every one who beheld him4 ,hence it was reasonably asserted by many1 that he was the son of a ,god4 ,but he being corroborated by renown of this kind1 by the education which he had received from his infancy1 and by his natural deiform appearance1 in a still greater degree evinced that he deserved his present prerogatives4 ,he was also adorned by piety and disciplines1 by a mode of living transcendency good1 by firmness of soul1 and by a body in due subjection to the mandates of reason4 ,in all his words and actions1 he discovered an inimitable quiet and serenity1 not being subdued at any time by anger1 or laughter1 or emulation1 or contention1 or any other perturbation or precipitation of conduct2 but he dwelt at ,samos like some beneficent dmon4 ,hence1 while he was yet a youth1 his great renown having reached ,thales at ,miletus1 and ,bias at ,priene1 men illustrious for their wisdom1 it also extended to the neighbouring cities4 ,to all which we may add1 that the youth was every where celebrated as the long-haired ,samian1 and was reverenced by the multitude as one under the influence of divine inspiration4 ,but after he had attained the eighteenth year of his age1 about the period when the tyranny of ,policrates first made its appearance1 foreseeing that under such a government he might receive some impediment in his studies1 which engrossed the whole of his attention1 he departed privately by night with one ,hermodamas 7whose surname was ,creophilus1 and who was the grandson of him who had formerly been the host1 friend1 and preceptor in all things of ,homer the poet17 to ,pherecydes1 to ,anaximander the natural philosopher1 and to ,thales at ,miletus4 ,he likewise alternately associated with each of these philosophers1 in such a manner1 that they all loved him1 admired his natural endowments1 and made him a partaker of their doctrines4 ,indeed1 after ,thales had gladly admitted him to his intimate confidence1 he admired the great difference between him and other young men1 whom ,pythagoras left far behind in every accomplishment4 ,and besides this1 ,thales increased the reputation ,pythagoras had already acquired1 by communicating to him such disciplines as he was able to impart3 and1 apologizing for his old age1 and the imbecility of his body1 he exhorted him to sail into ,egypt1 and associate with the ,memphian and ,diospolitan#aj priests4 ,for he confessed that his own reputation for wisdom1 was derived from the instructions of these priests2 but that he was neither naturally1 nor by exercise1 endued with those excellent prerogatives1 which were so visibly displayed in the person of ,pythagoras4 ,thales1 therefore1 gladly announced to him1 from all these circumstances1 that he would become the wisest and most divine of all men1 if he associated with these ,egyptian priests4 ,,chap4 ,,iii4 ,pythagoras1 therefore1 having been benefited by ,thales in other respects1 and especially having learned from him to be sparing of his time2 for the sake of this he entirely abstained from wine and animal food1 and still prior to these from voracity1 and confined himself to such nutriment as was slender and easy of digestion4 ,in consequence of this1 his sleep was short1 his soul vigilant and pure1 and his body confirmed in a state of perfect and invariable health4 ,in possession of such advantages1 therefore1 he sailed to ,sidon1 being persuaded that this was his natural country1 and also properly conceiving that he might easily pass from thence into ,egypt4 ,here he conversed with the prophets who were the descendants of ,mochus the physiologist1 and with others1 and also with the ,phnician hierophants4 ,he was likewise initiated in all the mysteries of ,byblus and ,tyre1 and in the sacred operations which are performed in many parts of ,syria2 not engaging in a thing of this kind for the sake of superstition1 as some one may be led to suppose1 but much rather from a love and desire of contemplation1 and from an anxiety that nothing might escape his observation which deserved to be learnt in the arcana or mysteries of the ,gods4 ,having been previously instructed therefore in the mysteries of the ,phnicians1 which were derived like a colony and a progeny from the sacred rites in ,egypt1 and hoping from this circumstance that he should be a partaker of more beautiful1 divine1 and genuine monuments of erudition in ,egypt2 joyfully calling to mind also the admonitions of his preceptor ,thales1 he immediately embarked for ,egypt1 through the means of some ,egyptian sailors1 who very opportunely at that time landed on the ,phnician coast under mount ,carmelus1 in whose temple ,pythagoras1 separated from all society1 for the most part dwelt4 ,but the sailors gladly received him1 foreseeing that they should acquire great gain by exposing him to sale4 ,but when1 during the voyage1 they perceived with what continence and venerable gravity he conducted himself1 in conformity to the mode of living he had adopted1 they were more benevolently disposed towards him4 ,observing1 likewise1 that there was something greater than what pertains to human nature in the modesty of the youth1 they called to mind how unexpectedly he had appeared to them on their landing1 when from the summit of mount ,carmelus1 which they knew was more sacred than other mountains1 and inaccessible to the vulgar1 he leisurely descended without looking back1 or suffering any delay from precipices or opposing stones2 and that when he came to the boat1 he said nothing more than1 8,are you bound for ,egypt80 ,and farther1 that on their answering in the affirmative1 he ascended the ship and sate silent the whole time of the voyage1 in that part of the vessel where he was not likely to incommode the occupations of the sailors4 ,but ,pythagoras remained in one and the same unmoved state for two nights and three days1 neither partaking of food1 nor drink1 nor sleep1 unless perhaps as he sate in that firm and tranquil condition1 he might sleep for a short time unobserved by all the sailors4 ,to which we may add1 that when the sailors considered how1 contrary to their expectations1 their voyage had been continued and uninterrupted1 as if some deity had been present2 putting all these things together1 they concluded that a divine dmon had in reality passed over with them from ,syria into ,egypt4 ,hence1 speaking both to ,pythagoras and to each other with greater decorum and gentleness than before1 they completed1 through a most tranquil sea1 the remainder of their voyage1 and at length happily landed on the ,egyptian coast4 ,here the sailors reverently assisted him in descending from the ship2 and after they had placed him on the purest sand1 they raised a certain temporary altar before him1 and heaping on it from their present abundance the fruits of trees1 and presenting him as it were with the first fruits of their freight1 they departed from thence1 and hastened to their destined port4 ,but ,pythagoras1 whose body through such long fasting was become weaker1 did not oppose the sailors in assisting him to descend from the ship1 and immediately on their departure eat as much of the fruits as was requisite to restore his decayed strength4 ,from thence also he arrived safe at the neighbouring lands1 constantly preserving the same tranquillity and modesty of behaviour4 ,,chap4 ,,iv4 ,but here1 while he frequented all the ,egyptian temples with the greatest diligence and with accurate investigation1 he was both admired and loved by the priests and prophets with whom he associated4 ,and having learnt with the greatest solicitude every particular1 he did not neglect to hear of any transaction that was celebrated in his own time1 or of any man famous for his wisdom1 or any mystery in whatever manner it might be performed2 nor did he omit to visit any place in which he thought something more excellent might be found4 ,on this account he went to all the priests1 by whom he was furnished with the wisdom which each possessed4 ,he spent therefore two and twenty years in ,egypt1 in the adyta of temples1 astronomizing and geometrizing1 and was initiated1 not in a superficial or casual manner1 in all the mysteries of the ,gods1 till at length being taken captive by the soldiers of ,cambyses1 he was brought to ,babylon4 ,here he gladly associated with the ,magi1 was instructed by them in their venerable knowledge1 and learnt from them the most perfect worship of the ,gods4 ,through their assistance likewise1 he arrived at the summit of arithmetic1 music1 and other disciplines2 and after associating with them twelve years1 he returned to ,samos about the fifty-sixth year of his age4 ,,chap4 ,v4 ,on his return to ,samos1 however1 being known by some of the more aged inhabitants1 he was not less admired than before4 ,for he appeared to them to be more beautiful and wise1 and to possess a divine gracefulness in a more eminent degree4 ,hence1 he was publicly called upon by his country to benefit all men1 by imparting to them what he knew4 ,nor was he averse to this request1 but endeavoured to introduce the symbolical mode of teaching1 in a way perfectly similar to the documents by which he had been instructed in ,egypt2 though the ,samians did not very much admit this mode of tuition1 and did not adhere to him with that according aptitude which was requisite4 ,though no one therefore attended to him1 and no one was genuinely desirous of those disciplines which he endeavoured by all means to introduce among the ,greeks1 yet he neither despised nor neglected ,samos1 because it was his country1 and therefore wished to give his fellow-citizens a taste of the sweetness of the mathematical disciplines1 though they were unwilling to be instructed in them4 ,with a view to this1 therefore1 he employed the following method and artifice4 ,happening to observe a certain youth1 who was a great lover of gymnastic and other corporeal exercises1 but otherwise poor and in difficult circumstances1 playing at ball in the ,gymnasium with great aptness and facility1 he thought the young man might easily be persuaded to attend to him1 if he was sufficiently supplied with the necessaries of life1 and freed from the care of procuring them4 ,as soon as the youth1 therefore1 left the bath1 ,pythagoras called him to him1 and promised that he would furnish him with every thing requisite to the support of his bodily exercise1 on condition that he would receive from him gradually and easily1 but continually1 so that he might not be burthened by receiving them at once1 certain disciplines1 which he said he had learnt from the ,barbarians in his youth1 but which now began to desert him through forgetfulness and the incursions of old age4 ,but the young man immediately acceded to the conditions1 through the hope of having necessary support4 ,pythagoras1 therefore1 endeavoured to instruct him in the disciplines of arithmetic and geometry1 forming each of his demonstrations in an abacus1 and giving the youth three oboli as a reward for every figure which he learnt4 ,this also he continued to do for a long time1 exciting him to the geometrical theory by the desire of honour2 diligently1 and in the best order1 giving him 7as we have said7 three oboli for every figure which he apprehended4 ,but when the wise man observed that the elegance1 sweetness1 and connexion of these disciplines1 to which the youth had been led in a certain orderly path1 had so captivated him that he would not neglect their pursuit though he should suffer the extremity of want1 he pretended poverty1 and an inability of giving him three oboli any longer4 ,but the youth on hearing this replied1 8,i am able without these to learn and receive your disciplines40 ,pythagoras then said1 8,but ,i have not the means of procuring sufficient nutriment for myself40 ,as it is requisite1 therefore1 to labour in order to procure daily necessaries and mortal food1 it would not be proper that his attention should be distracted by the abacus1 and by stupid and vain pursuits4 ,the youth1 however1 vehemently abhorring the thought of discontinuing his studies1 replied3 8,i will in future provide for you1 and repay your kindness in a way resembling that of the stork3 for ,i in my turn will give you three oboli for every figure40 ,and from this time he was so captivated by these disciplines1 that he alone1 of all the ,samians1 migrated from his country with ,pythagoras1 having the same name with him1 but being the son of ,eratocles4 ,there are said to be three books of this ,samian ,on ,athletics1 in which he orders the ,athlet to feed on flesh instead of dry figs2 which books are very improperly ascribed by some to ,pythagoras the son of ,mnesarchus4 ,it is likewise said1 that about the same time ,pythagoras was admired at ,delos1 when he approached to the bloodless altar1 as it is called1 of the father ,apollo1 and worshipped it4 ,after which he went to all the oracles4 ,he likewise dwelt for some time in ,crete and ,sparta1 for the purpose of becoming acquainted with their laws2 and1 having been an auditor and learner of all these1 he returned home in order to investigate what he had omitted4 ,and in the first place1 indeed1 he established a school in the city1 which is even now called the semicircle of ,pythagoras2 and in which the ,samians now consult about public affairs1 conceiving it right to investigate things just and advantageous in that place which he had constructed who paid attention to the welfare of all men4 ,he also formed a cavern out of the city1 adapted to his philosophy1 in which he spent the greatest part both of the day and night2 employing himself in the investigation of things useful in disciplines1 framing intellectual conceptions after the same manner as ,minos the son of ,jupiter4 ,indeed1 he so much surpassed those who afterwards employed his disciplines1 that they conceived magnificently of themselves1 from the knowledge of theorems of small importance2 but ,pythagoras gave completion to the science of the celestial orbs1 and unfolded the whole of it by arithmetical and geometrical demonstrations4 ,he is1 however1 to be admired in a still greater degree for what he afterwards accomplished4 ,for when now philosophy had received a great accession1 he was admired by all ,greece1 and the best of those who philosophized came to ,samos on his account1 in order that they might participate of his erudition4 ,the citizens likewise employed him in all their embassies1 and compelled him to unite with them in the administration of public affairs4 ,however1 as he easily saw the difficulty of complying with the laws of his country1 and at the same time remaining at home and philosophizing1 and considered that all philosophers before him had passed their life in foreign countries1 he determined to neglect all political occupations2 induced to this1 according to the testimony of others1 by the negligence of the ,samians in what relates to education1 and went into ,italy1 conceiving that place to be his proper country1 in which men well disposed towards learning were to be found in the greatest abundance4 ,and such was the success of his journey1 that on his arrival at ,crotona1 which was the noblest city in ,italy1 he had many followers1 amounting1 as it is said1 to the number of six hundred1 who were not only excited by his discourses to the study of philosophy1 but also to an amicable division of the goods of life in common2 from whence they acquired the appellation of ,cnobit4 ,,chap4 ,,vi4 ,and these indeed were such as philosophized4 ,but the greatest part of his disciples consisted of auditors whom they call ,acusmatici1 who on his first arrival in ,italy1 according to ,nicomachus1 being captivated by one popular oration alone1 exceeded two thousand in number4 ,these1 with their wives and children1 being collected into one very large and common auditory1 called ,homacoon1 and which for its magnitude resembled a city1 founded a place which was universally called ,magna ,grcia4 ,this great multitude of people likewise1 receiving laws and mandates from ,pythagoras as so many divine precepts1 and without which they engaged in no occupation1 dwelt together with the greatest general concord1 celebrated and ranked by their neighbours among the number of the blessed4 ,at the same time1 as we have already observed1 they shared their possessions in common4 ,such also was their reverence for ,pythagoras1 that they numbered him with the ,gods1 as a certain beneficent and most philanthropic dmon4 ,and some indeed celebrated him as the ,pythian1 but others as the ,hyperborean ,apollo4 ,some again considered him as ,pon1 but others as one of the dmons that inhabit the moon2 and others celebrated him as one of the ,olympian ,gods1#aa who1 in order to benefit and correct the mortal life1 appeared to the men of those times in a human form1 in order that he might extend to them the salutary light of felicity and philosophy4 ,and indeed a greater good never came1 nor ever will come to mankind1 than that which was imparted by the ,gods through this ,pythagoras4 ,hence1 even now the proverb of the long-haired ,samian1 is applied to the most venerable man4 ,but ,aristotle relates1 in his ,treatise ,on the ,pythagoric ,philosophy1 that such a division as the following was preserved by the ,pythagoreans among their principal arcana2 viz4 that of rational animals one kind is a ,god1 another man1 and another such as ,pythagoras4 ,and indeed they very reasonably apprehended him to be a being of this kind1 through whom a right conception and conformable to things themselves was introduced of ,gods1 heroes1 and dmons2 of the world1 the all-various motion of the spheres and stars1 their oppositions1 eclipses1 and inequalities1 their eccentricities and epicycles2 of all the natures contained in the heavens and the earth1 together with those that have an intermediate subsistence1 whether apparent or occult4 ,nor was there anything 7in all this variety of information7 at all contrary to the phenomena1 or the conceptions of intellect4 ,to which we may add1 that all such disciplines1 theories1 and scientific investigations1 as truly invigorate the eye of the soul1 and purify the intellect from the blindness introduced by studies of a different kind1 so as to enable it to perceive the true principles and causes of the universe1 were unfolded by ,pythagoras to the ,greeks4 ,but besides all this1 the best polity1 popular concord1 community of possessions among friends1 the worship of the gods1 piety to the dead1 legislation1 erudition1 silence1 abstinence from animals1 continence1 temperance1 sagacity1 divinity1 and in one word1 whatever is anxiously sought after by the lovers of learning1 was brought to light by ,pythagoras4 ,on all these accounts1 therefore1 as ,i have just now said1 he was 7every where7 so transcendently admired4 ,,chap4 ,,vii4 ,it remains therefore after this1 that we should relate how he travelled1 what places he first visited1 what discourses he made1 on what subjects1 and to whom they were addressed2 for thus we shall easily apprehend the nature of his association with the men of that time4 ,it is said then1 that as soon as he came to ,italy and ,sicily1 which cities he understood had oppressed each other with slavery1 partly at some distant period of past time1 and partly at a recent period1 he inspired the inhabitants with a love of liberty1 and through the means of his auditors1 restored to independence and liberated ,crotona1 ,sybaris1 ,catanes1 ,rhegium1 ,himra1 ,agrigentum1 ,tauromenas1 and some other cities1 for whom also he established laws1 through ,charondas the ,catanan1 and ,zaleucus the ,locrian1 by whom they became florishing cities1 and afforded an example worthy of imitation1 for a long time1 to the neighbouring kingdoms4 ,he also entirely subverted sedition1 discord1 and party zeal1 not only from his familiars1 and their posterity1 for many generations1 as we are informed by history1 but1 in short1 from all the cities in ,italy and ,sicily1 which were at that time disturbed with intestine and external contentions4 ,for the following apothegm was always employed by him in every place1 whether in the company of a multitude or a few1 which was similar to the persuasive oracle of a ,god1 and was an epitome and summary as it were of his own opinions2 that we should avoid and amputate by every possible artifice1 by fire and sword1 and all-various contrivances1 from the body1 disease2 from the soul1 ignorance2 from the belly1 luxury2 from a city1 sedition2 from a house1 discord2 and at the same time1 from all things1 immoderation3 through which1 with a most fatherly affection1 he reminded each of his disciples of the most excellent dogmas4 ,such therefore was the common form of his life at that time1 both in words and actions4 ,if1 however1 it be requisite to make a more particular relation of what he did and said1 it must be observed1 that he came to ,italy in the sixty-second ,olympiad1 at which time ,eryxidas of ,chalcis conquered in the stadium4 ,but immediately on his arrival he became conspicuous and illustrious1 in the same manner as before1 when he sailed to ,delos4 ,for there1 when he performed his adorations at the bloodless altar of the father ,apollo1 he was admired by the inhabitants of the island4 ,,chap4 ,,viii4 ,at that time also1 when he was journeying from ,sybaris to ,crotona1 he met near the shore with some fishermen1 who were then drawing their nets heavily laden with fishes from the deep1 and told them he knew the exact number of the fish they had caught4 ,but the fishermen promising they would perform whatever he should order them to do1 if the event corresponded with his prediction1 he ordered them1 after they had accurately numbered the fish1 to return them alive to the sea3 and what is yet more wonderful1 not one of the fish died while he stood on the shore1 though they had been detained from the water a considerable time4 ,having therefore paid the fishermen the price of their fish1 he departed for ,crotona4 ,but they every where divulged the fact1 and having learnt his name from some children1 they told it to all men4 ,hence those that heard of this affair were desirous of seeing the stranger1 and what they desired was easily obtained4 ,but they were astonished on surveying his countenance1 and conjectured him to be such a man as he was in reality4 ,a few days also after this1 he entered the ,gymnasium1 and being surrounded with a crowd of young men1 he is said to have delivered an oration to them1 in which he incited them to pay attention to their elders1 evincing that in the world1 in life1 in cities1 and in nature1 that which has a precedency is more honorable than that which is consequent in time4 ,as for instance1 that the east is more honorable than the west2 the morning than the evening2 the beginning than the end2 and generation than corruption4 ,in a similar manner he observed1 that natives were more honorable than strangers1 and the leaders of colonies than the builders of cities3 and universally ,gods than dmons2 dmons than demigods2 and heroes than men4 ,of these likewise he observed1 that the authors of generation are more honorable than their progeny4 ,he said these things1 however1 for the sake of proving by induction1 that children should very much esteem their parents1 to whom he asserted they owed as many thanks as a dead man would owe to him who should be able to bring him back again into light4 ,afterwards1 he observed1 that it was indeed just to love those above all others1 and never to give them pain1 who first benefited us1 and in the greatest degree4 ,but parents alone benefit their children prior to their birth1 and are the causes to their offspring of all their upright conduct2 and that when children show themselves to be in no respect inferior to their parents in beneficence towards them1 it is not possible for them in this respect to err4 ,for it is reasonable to suppose1 that the ,gods will pardon those who honor their parent in no less a degree than the divinities themselves2 since we learnt from our parents to honor divinity4 ,hence ,homer also added the same appellation to the king of the ,gods2 for he denominates him the father of ,gods and mortals4 ,many other mythologists also have delivered to us1 that the kings of the ,gods have been ambitious to vindicate to themselves that excessive love which subsists through marriage1 in children towards their parents4 ,and that on this account1 they have at the same time introduced the hypothesis of father and mother among the ,gods1#ab the former indeed generating ,minerva1 but the latter ,vulcan1 who are of a nature contrary to each other1 in order that what is most remote may participate of friendship4 ,all his auditors likewise having granted that the judgment of the immortals is most valid1 he said he would demonstrate to the ,crotonians1 by the example of ,hercules the founder of the colony brought to ,crotona1 that it is necessary to be voluntarily obedient to the mandates of parents1 as they knew from tradition that the ,god himself had undertaken such great labors in consequence of obeying the commands of one older than himself1 and being victorious in what he had undertaken to accomplish1 had instituted in honor of his father the ,olympic games4 ,he also showed them that they should associate with each other in such a manner1 as never to be in a state of hostility to their friends1 but to become most rapidly friends to their enemies2 and that they should exhibit in modesty of behaviour to their elders1 the benevolent disposition of children towards their parents2 but in their philanthropy to others1 fraternal love and regard4 ,in the next place1 he spoke concerning temperance1 and said1 that the juvenile age should make trial of its nature1 this being the period in which the desires are in the most florishing state4 ,afterwards1 he exhorted them to consider1 that this alone among the virtues was adapted to a boy and a virgin1 to a woman1 and to the order of those of a more advanced age2 and that it was especially accommodated to the younger part of the community4 ,he also added1 that this virtue alone comprehended the goods both of body and soul1 as it preserved the health and also the desire of the most excellent studies4 ,but this is evident from the opposite4 ,for when the ,barbarians and ,greeks warred on each other about ,troy1 each of them fell into the most dreadful calamities1 through the incontinence of one man1 partly in the war itself1 and partly in returning to their native land4 ,and divinity ordained that the punishment of injustice alone should endure for a thousand and ten years1 predicting by an oracle the capture of ,troy1 and ordering that virgins should be annually sent by the ,locrians into the temple of ,trojan ,minerva4 ,pythagoras also exhorted young men to the cultivation of learning1 calling on them to observe how absurd it would be that they should judge the reasoning power to be the most laudable of all things1 and should consult about other things through this1 and yet bestow no time nor labour in the exercise of it2 though the attention which is paid to the body1 resembles depraved friends1 and rapidly fails2 but erudition1 like worthy and good men1 endures till death1 and for some persons procures immortal renown after death4 ,these and other observations of the like kind1 were made by ,pythagoras1 partly from history1 and partly from philosophic dogmas1 in which he showed that erudition is a natural excellence of disposition common to those in each genus1 who rank in the first class of human nature4 ,for the discoveries of these1 become erudition to others4 ,but this is naturally so worthy of pursuit1 that with respect to other laudable objects of attainment1 it is not possible to partake of some of them through another person1 such as strength1 beauty1 health1 and fortitude2 and others are no longer possessed by him who imparts them to another1 such as wealth1 dominion1 and many other things which we shall omit to mention4 ,it is possible1 however1 for erudition to be received by another1 without in the least diminishing that which the giver possesses4 ,in a similar manner also1 some goods cannot be possessed by men2 but we are capable of being instructed1 according to our own proper and deliberate choice4 ,and in the next place1 he who being thus instructed1 engages in the administration of the affairs of his country1 does not do this from impudence1 but from erudition4 ,for by education nearly men differ from wild beasts1 the ,greeks from the ,barbarians1 those that are free from slaves1 and philosophers from the vulgar4 ,and in short1 those that have erudition possess such a transcendency with respect to those that have not1 that seven men have been found from one city1 and in one ,olympiad1 that were swifter than others in the course2 and in the whole of the habitable part of the globe1 those that excelled in wisdom were also seven in number4 ,but in the following times in which ,pythagoras lived1 he alone surpassed all others in philosophy4 ,for he called himself by this name viz4 a philosopher1 instead of a wise man4 ,,chap4 ,,ix4 ,and this indeed is what he said to the young men in the ,gymnasium4 ,but when they had told their parents what they had heard1 a thousand men having called ,pythagoras into the senate-house1 and praised him for what he had said to their sons1 desired him1 if he had any thing advantageous to say to the ,crotonians1 to unfold it to those who were the leaders of the administration4 ,he was also the first that advised them to build a temple to the ,muses1 in order that they might preserve the existing concord4 ,for he observed that all these divinities were called by one common name1 the ,muses1 that they subsisted in conjunction with each other1 especially rejoiced in common honors1 and in short1 that there was always one and the same choir of the ,muses4 ,he likewise farther observed1 that they comprehended in themselves symphony1 harmony1 rythm1 and all things which procure concord4 ,they also evince that their power does not alone extend to the most beautiful theorems1 but likewise to the symphony and harmony of things4 ,in the next place1 he said it was necessary they should apprehend that they received their country from the multitude of the citizens1 as a common deposit4 ,hence1 it was requisite they should so govern it1 that they might faithfully transmit it to their posterity1 as an hereditary possession4 ,and that this would firmly be effected1 if they were equal in all things to the citizens1 and surpassed them in nothing else than justice4 ,for men knowing that every place requires justice1 have asserted in fables that ,themis has the same order with ,jupiter1 that ,dice1 i4 e4 justice1 is seated by ,pluto1 and that ,law is established in cities2 in order that he who does not act justly in things which his rank in society requires him to perform1 may at the same time appear to be unjust towards the whole world4 ,he added1 it was proper that the senators should not make use of any of the ,gods for the purpose of an oath1 but that their language should be such as to render them worthy of belief even without oaths4 ,and likewise1 that they should so manage their own domestic affairs1 as to make the government of them the object of their deliberate choice4 ,that they should also be genuinely disposed towards their own offspring1 as being the only animals that have a sensation of this conception4 ,and that they should so associate with a wife the companion of life1 as to be mindful that other compacts are engraved in tables and pillars1 but those with wives are inserted in children4 ,that they should likewise endeavour to be beloved by their offspring1 not through nature1 of which they were not the causes1 but through deliberate choice3 for this is voluntary beneficence4 ,he further observed1 that they should be careful not to have connexion with any but their wives1 in order that the wives may not bastardize the race through the neglect and vicious conduct of the husbands4 ,that they should also consider1 that they received their wives from the ,vestal hearth with libations1 and brought them home as if they were suppliants1 in the presence of the ,gods themselves4 ,and that by orderly conduct and temperance1 they should become examples both to their own families1 and to the city in which they live4 ,that besides this1 they should take care to prevent every one from acting viciously1 lest offenders not fearing the punishment of the laws1 should be concealed2 and reverencing beautiful and worthy manners1 they should be impelled to justice4 ,he also exhorted them to expel sluggishness from all their actions2 for he said that opportunity was the only good in every action4 ,but he defined the divulsion of parents and children from each other1 to be the greatest of injuries4 ,and said1 that he ought to be considered as the most excellent man1 who is able to foresee what will be advantageous to himself2 but that he ranks as the next in excellence1 who understands what is useful from things which happen to others4 ,but that he is the worst of men who waits for the perception of what is best1 till he is himself afflicted4 ,he likewise said1 that those who wish to be honored1 will not err if they imitate those that are crowned in the course3 for these do not injure their antagonists1 but are alone desirous that they themselves may obtain the victory4 ,thus also it is fit that those who engage in the administration of public affairs1 should not be offended with those that contradict them1 but should benefit such as are obedient to them4 ,he likewise exhorted every one who aspired after true glory1 to be such in reality as he wished to appear to be to others3 for counsel is not so sacred a thing as praise2 since the former is only useful among men1 but the latter is for the most part referred to the ,gods4 ,and after all this he added1 that their city happened to be founded by ,hercules1 at that time when he drove the oxen through ,italy1 having been injured by ,lacinius2 and when giving assistance by night to ,croton1 he slew him through ignorance1 conceiving him to be an enemy4 ,after which1 ,hercules promised that a city should be built about the sepulchre of ,croton1 and should be called from him ,crotona1 when he himself became a partaker of immortality4 ,hence ,pythagoras said1 it was fit that they should justly return thanks for the benefit they had received4 ,but the ,crotonians1 on hearing this1 built a temple to the ,muses1 and dismissed the harlots which they were accustomed to have4 ,they also requested ,pythagoras to discourse to the boys in the temple of ,pythian ,apollo1 and to the women in the temple of ,juno4 ,,chap4 ,x4 ,pythagoras1 therefore1 complying with their wish1 is said to have given the boys the following advice3 ,that they should neither revile any one1 nor take vengeance on those that reviled4 ,he likewise exhorted them to pay diligent attention to learning1 which derives its appellation from their age4 ,he added1 that it was easy for a modest youth to preserve probity through the whole of life2 but that it was difficult for one to accomplish this1 who was not naturally well disposed at that age2 or rather it is impossible that he who begins his course from a bad impulse1 should run well to the end4 ,besides this1 he observed that boys were most dear to divinity1 and hence in times of great drought1 they were sent by cities to implore rain from the ,gods1 in consequence of the persuasion that divinity is especially attentive to children2 though such as are permitted to be continually conversant with sacred ceremonies1 scarcely obtain purification in perfection4 ,from this cause also1 the most philanthropic of the ,gods1 ,apollo and ,love1 are universally represented in pictures as having the age of boys4 ,it is likewise acknowledged1 that some of the games in which the conquerors are crowned1 were instituted on account of boys2 the ,pythian1 indeed1 in consequence of the serpent ,python being slain by a boy2 but the ,nemean and ,isthmian1 on account of the death of ,archemorus and ,melicerta4 ,besides what has been said likewise1 while the city of ,crotona was building1 ,apollo promised to the founder1 that he would give him a progeny1 if he brought a colony into ,italy2 from which inferring that ,apollo providentially attended to the propagation of them1 and that all the ,gods paid attention to every age1 they ought to render themselves worthy of their friendship4 ,he added1 that they should exercise themselves in hearing1 in order that they may be able to speak4 ,and farther still1 that as soon as they have entered into the path in which they intend to proceed to old age1 they should follow the steps of those that preceded them1 and never contradict those that are older than themselves4 ,for thus hereafter1 they will justly think it right that neither should they be injured by their juniors4 ,on account of these exhortations1 it must be confessed that he deserved not to be called by his own name1 but that all men should denominate him divine4 ,,chap4 ,,xi4 ,but to the women he is said to have discoursed concerning sacrifices as follows3 ,in the first place indeed1 as they would wish that another person who intended to pray for them1 should be worthy and good1 because the ,gods attend to such as these2 thus also it is requisite that they should in the highest degree esteem equity and modesty1 in order that the ,gods may be readily disposed to hear their prayers4 ,in the next place1 they should offer to the ,gods such things as they have produced with their own hands1 and should bring them to the altars without the assistance of servants1 such as cakes1 honey-combs1 and frankincense4 ,but that they should not worship divinity with blood and dead bodies1 nor offer many things at one time1 as if they never meant to sacrifice again4 ,with respect also to their association with men1 he exhorted them to consider that their parents granted to the female nature1 that they should love their husbands in a greater degree than those who were the sources of their existence4 ,that in consequence of this1 they would do well either not to oppose their husbands1 or to think that they have then vanquished1 when they submit to them4 ,farther still1 in the same assembly also1 ,pythagoras is said to have made that celebrated observation1 that it is holy for a woman1 after having been connected with her husband1 to perform sacred rites on the same day2 but that this is never holy1 after she has been connected with any other man4 ,he also exhorted the women to use words of good omen through the whole of life1 and to endeavor that others may predict good things of them4 ,he likewise admonished them not to destroy popular renown1 nor to blame the writers of fables1 who surveying the justice of women1 from their accommodating others with garments and ornaments1 without a witness1 when it is necessary for some other person to use them1 and that neither litigation nor contradiction are produced from this confidence1--have feigned1 that three women used but one eye in common1 on account of the facility of their communion with each other4 ,he farther observed1 that he who is called the wisest of all others1 and who gave arrangement to the human voice1 and in short1 was the inventor of names1 whether he was a ,god or a dmon1 or a certain divine man1#ac perceiving that the genus of women is most adapted to piety1 gave to each of their ages the appellation of some ,god4 ,hence he called an unmarried woman ,core1 i4 e4 ,proserpine2 but a bride1 ,nympha2 the woman who has brought forth children1 ,mater2 and a grandmother1 according to the ,doric dialect1 ,maia4 ,in conformity to which also1 the oracles in ,dodona and at ,delphi1 are unfolded in to light through a woman4 ,but through this praise pertaining to piety1 ,pythagoras is said to have produced so great a change in female attire1 that the women no longer dared to clothe themselves with costly garments1 but consecrated many myriads of their vestments in the temple of ,juno4 ,the effect also of this discourse is said to have been such1 that about the region of the ,crotonians the fidelity of the husband to the wife was universally celebrated2 imitating in this respect ,ulysses1 who would not receive immortality from ,calypso1 on condition that he should abandon ,penelope4 ,pythagoras therefore also observed1 that it remained for the women to exhibit their probity to their husbands1 in order that they might be equally celebrated with ,ulysses4 ,in short1 it is recorded that through the above-mentioned discourses1 ,pythagoras obtained no moderate honor and esteem1 both in the city of the ,crotonians and throughout ,italy4 ,,chap4 ,,xii4 ,it is also said1 that ,pythagoras was the first who called himself a philosopher2 this not being a new name1 but previously instructing us in a useful manner in a thing appropriate to the name4 ,for he said that the entrance of men into the present life1 resembled the progression of a crowd to some public spectacle4 ,for there men of every description assemble with different views2 one hastening to sell his wares for the sake of money and gain2 but another that he may acquire renown by exhibiting the strength of his body2 and there is also a third class of men1 and those the most liberal1 who assemble for the sake of surveying the places1 the beautiful works of art1 the specimens of valor1 and the literary productions which are usually exhibited on such occasions4 ,thus also in the present life1 men of all-various pursuits are collected together in one and the same place4 ,for some are influenced by the desire of riches and luxury2 others by the love of power and dominion2 and others are possessed with an insane ambition for glory4 ,but the most pure and unadulterated character1 is that of the man who gives himself to the contemplation of the most beautiful things1 and whom it is proper to call a philosopher4#ad ,he adds1 that the survey of all heaven1 and of the stars that revolve in it1 is indeed beautiful1 when the order of them is considered4 ,for they derive this beauty and order by the participation of the first and the intelligible essence4 ,but that first essence is the nature of number and reasons i4 e4 productive principles1 which pervades through all things1 and according to which all these celestial bodies are elegantly arranged1 and fitly adorned4 ,and wisdom indeed1 truly so called1 is a certain science which is conversant with the first beautiful objects1#ae and these divine1 undecaying1 and possessing an invariable sameness of subsistence2 by the participation of which other things also may be called beautiful4 ,but philosophy is the appetition of a thing of this kind4 ,the attention therefore to erudition is likewise beautiful1 which ,pythagoras extended1 in order to effect the correction of mankind4 ,,chap4 ,,xiii4 ,moreover1 if we may believe in so many ancient and credible historians as have written concerning him1 the words of ,pythagoras contained something of a recalling and admonitory nature1 which extended as far as to irrational animals2 by which it may be inferred that learning predominates in those endued with intellect1 since it tames even wild beasts1 and those which are considered to be deprived of reason4 ,for it is said that ,pythagoras detained the ,daunian bear which had most severely injured the inhabitants1 and that having gently stroked it with his hand for a long time1 fed it with maze and acorns1 and compelled it by an oath no longer to touch any living thing1 he dismissed it4 ,but the bear immediately after hid herself in the mountains and woods1 and was never seen from that time to attack any irrational animal4 ,perceiving likewise an ox at ,tarentum feeding in a pasture1 and eating among other things green beans1 he advised the herdsman to tell the ox to abstain from the beans4 ,the herdsman1 however1 laughed at him1 and said that he did not understand the language of oxen1 but if ,pythagoras did1 it was in vain to advise him to speak to the ox1 but fit that he himself should advise the animal to abstain from such food4 ,pythagoras therefore1 approaching to the ear of the ox1 and whispering in it for a long time1 not only caused him then to refrain from beans1 but it is said that he never after tasted them4 ,this ox also lived for a long time at ,tarentum near the temple of ,juno1 where it remained when it was old1 and was called the sacred ox of ,pythagoras4 ,it was also fed by those that came to it with human food4 ,when likewise he happened to be conversing with his familiars about birds1 symbols1 and prodigies1 and was observing that all these are the messengers of the ,gods1 sent by them to those men who are truly dear to the ,gods1 he is said to have brought down an eagle that was flying over ,olympia1 and after gently stroking1 to have dismissed it4 ,through these things1 therefore1 and other things similar to these1 he demonstrated that he possessed the same dominion as ,orpheus1 over savage animals1 and that he allured and detained them by the power of voice proceeding from the mouth4 ,,chap4 ,,xiv4 ,with him likewise the best principle originated of a guardian attention to the concerns of men1 and which ought to be pre-assumed by those who intend to learn the truth about other things4 ,for he reminded many of his familiars1 by most clear and evident indications1 of the former life which their soul lived1 before it was bound to this body1 and demonstrated by indubitable arguments1 that he had been ,euphorbus the son of ,panthus1 who conquered ,patroclus4 ,and he especially praised the following funeral ,homeric verses pertaining to himself1 sung them most elegantly to the lyre1 and frequently repeated them4 8,the shining circlets of his golden hair1 ,which ev'n the ,graces might be proud to wear1 ,instarr'd with gems and gold1 bestrow the shore ,with dust dishonor'd1 and deform'd with gore4 ,as the young olive in some sylvan scene1 ,crown'd by fresh fountains with eternal green1 ,lifts the gay head1 in snowy flowrets fair1 ,and plays and dances to the gentle air2 ,when lo6 a whirlwind from high heav'n invades ,the tender plant1 and withers all its shades2 ,it lies uprooted from its genial bed1 ,a lovely ruin now defac'd and dead4 ,thus young1 thus beautiful1 ,euphorbus lay1 ,while the fierce ,spartan tore his arms away40#af ,but what is related about the shield of this ,phrygian ,euphorbus1 being dedicated among other ,trojan spoils to ,argive ,juno1 we shall omit1 as being of a very popular nature4 ,that1 however1 which he wished to indicate through all these particulars is this1 that he knew the former lives which he had lived1 and that from hence he commenced his providential attention to others1 reminding them of their former life4 ,,chap4 ,,xv4 ,conceiving1 however1 that the first attention which should be paid to men1 is that which takes place through the senses2 as when some one perceives beautiful figures and forms1 or hears beautiful rythms and melodies1 he established that to be the first erudition which subsists through music1 and also through certain melodies and rythms1 from which the remedies of human manners and passions are obtained1 together with those harmonies of the powers of the soul which it possessed from the first4 ,he likewise devised medicines calculated to repress and expel the diseases both of bodies and souls4 ,and by ,jupiter that which deserves to be mentioned above all these particulars is this1 that he arranged and adapted for his disciples what are called apparatus and contrectations1 divinely contriving mixtures of certain diatonic1 chromatic1 and euharmonic melodies1 through which he easily transferred and circularly led the passions of the soul into a contrary direction1 when they had recently and in an irrational and clandestine manner been formed2 such as sorrow1 rage1 and pity1 absurd emulation and fear1 all-various desires1 angers1 and appetites1 pride1 supineness1 and vehemence4 ,for he corrected each of these by the rule of virtue1 attempering them through appropriate melodies1 as through certain salutary medicines4 ,in the evening1 likewise1 when his disciples were retiring to sleep1 he liberated them by these means from diurnal perturbations and tumults1 and purified their intellective power from the influxive and effluxive waves of a corporeal nature2 rendered their sleep quiet1 and their dreams pleasing and prophetic4 ,but when they again rose from their bed1 he freed them from nocturnal heaviness1 relaxation and torpor1 through certain peculiar songs and modulations1 produced either by simply striking the lyre1 or employing the voice4 ,pythagoras1 however1 did not procure for himself a thing of this kind through instruments or the voice1 but employing a certain ineffable divinity1 and which it is difficult to apprehend1 he extended his ears1 and fixed his intellect in the sublime symphonies of the world1 he alone hearing and understanding1 as it appears1 the universal harmony and consonance of the spheres1 and the stars that are moved through them1 and which produce a fuller and more intense melody than any thing effected by mortal sounds4#ag ,this melody also was the result of dissimilar and variously differing sounds1 celerities1 magnitudes1 and intervals1 arranged with reference to each other in a certain most musical ratio1 and thus producing a most gentle1 and at the same time variously beautiful motion and convolution4 ,being therefore irrigated as it were with this melody1 having the reason of his intellect well arranged through it1 and as ,i may say1 exercised1 he determined to exhibit certain images of these things to his disciples as much as possible1 especially producing an imitation of them through instruments1 and through the mere voice alone4 ,for he conceived that by him alone1 of all the inhabitants of the earth1 the mundane sounds were understood and heard1 and this from a natural fountain itself and root4 ,he therefore thought himself worthy to be taught1 and to learn something about the celestial orbs1 and to be assimilated to them by desire and imitation1 as being the only one on the earth adapted to this by the conformation of his body1 through the dmoniacal power that inspired him4 ,but he apprehended that other men ought to be satisfied in looking to him1 and the gifts he possessed1 and in being benefited and corrected through images and examples1 in consequence of their inability to comprehend truly the first and genuine archetypes of things4 ,just1 indeed1 as to those who are incapable of looking intently at the sun1 through the transcendent splendor of his rays1 we contrive to exhibit the eclipses of that luminary1 either in the profundity of still water1 or through melted pitch1 or through some darkly-splendid mirror2 sparing the imbecility of their eyes1 and devising a method of representing a certain repercussive light1 though less intense than its archetype1 to those who are delighted with a thing of this kind4 ,empedocles also appears to have obscurely signified this about ,pythagoras1 and the illustrious and divinely-gifted conformation of his body above that of other men1 when he says3 8,there was a man among them i4 e4 among the ,pythagoreans who was transcendent in knowledge1 who possessed the most ample stores of intellectual wealth1 and who was in the most eminent degree the adjutor of the works of the wise4 ,for when he extended all the powers of his intellect1 he easily beheld every thing1 as far as to ten or twenty ages of the human race40 ,for the words transcendent1 and he beheld every thing1 and the wealth of intellect1 and the like1 especially exhibit the illustrious nature of the conformation of his mind and body1 and its superior accuracy in seeing1 and hearing1 and in intellectual perception4 ,,chap4 ,,xvi4 ,this adaptation therefore of souls was procured by him through music4 ,but another purification of the dianoetic part1#ah and at the same time of the whole soul1 through all-various studies1 was effected by him as follows3 ,he conceived generally that labor should be employed about disciplines and studies1 and ordained like a legislator1 trials of the most various nature1 punishments1 and restraints by fire and sword1 for innate intemperance1 and an inexhaustible avidity of possessing2 which he who is depraved can neither suffer nor sustain4 ,besides these things also1 he ordered his familiars to abstain from all animals1 and farther still from certain foods1 which are hostile to the reasoning power1 and impede its genuine energies4 ,he likewise enjoined them continence of speech1 and perfect silence1 exercising them for many years in the subjugation of the tongue1 and in a strenuous and assiduous investigation and resumption of the most difficult theorems4 ,hence also1 he ordered them to abstain from wine1 to be sparing in their food1 to sleep little1 and to have an unstudied contempt of1 and hostility to glory1 wealth1 and the like3 to have an unfeigned reverence of those to whom reverence is due1 a genuine similitude and benevolence to those of the same age with themselves1 and an attention and incitation towards their juniors1 free from all envy4 ,with respect to the amity also which subsists in all things towards all1 whether it be that of ,gods towards men through piety and scientific theory1 or of dogmas towards each other1 or universally of the soul towards the body1 and of the rational towards the irrational part1 through philosophy1 and the theory pertaining to it2 or whether it be that of men to each other1 of citizens indeed through sound legislation1 but of strangers through a correct physiology2 or of the husband to the wife1 or of brothers and kindred1 through unperverted communion2 or whether1 in short1 it be of all things towards all1 and still farther1 of certain irrational animals through justice1 and a physical connexion and association2 or whether it be the pacification and conciliation of the body which is of itself mortal1 and of its latent contrary powers1 through health1 and a diet and temperance conformable to this1 in imitation of the salubrious condition of the mundane elements2--of the appellation of all these1 which are summarily comprehended in one and the same name1 that of friendship1 ,pythagoras is acknowledged to have been the inventor and legislator4 ,and1 in short1 he was the cause to his disciples of the most appropriate converse with the ,gods1 both when they were awake and when asleep2 a thing which never takes place in a soul disturbed by anger1 or pain1 or pleasure1 or1 by ,jupiter1 by any other base desire1 or defiled by ignorance1 which is more unholy and noxious than all these4 ,by all these inventions1 therefore1 he divinely healed and purified the soul1 resuscitated and saved its divine part1 and conducted to the intelligible its divine eye1 which1 as ,plato says1 is better worth saving than ten thousand corporeal eyes2 for by looking through this alone1 when it is strengthened and clarified by appropriate aids1 the truth pertaining to all beings is perceived4 ,referring therefore to this1 ,pythagoras purified the dianoetic power of the soul4 ,such also was the form with him of erudition1 and these were the things to which he directed his view4 ,,chap4 ,,xvii4 ,as he therefore thus prepared his disciples for erudition1 he did not immediately receive into the number of his associates those who came to him for that purpose1 till he had made trial of1 and judiciously examined them4 ,hence in the first place he inquired after what manner they associated with their parents1 and the rest of their relatives4 ,in the next place he surveyed their unseasonable laughter1 their silence1 and their speaking when it was not proper2 and farther still1 what their desires were1 with whom they associated1 how they conversed with them1 in what they especially employed their leisure time in the day1 and what were the subjects of their joy and grief4 ,he likewise surveyed1 their form1 their mode of walking1 and the whole motion of their body4 ,physiognomically also considering the natural indications of their frame1 he made them to be manifest signs of the unapparent manners of the soul4 ,when1 therefore1 he had thus made trial of some one1 he suffered him to be neglected for three years1 in the mean time observing how he was disposed with respect to stability1 and a true love of learning1 and if he was sufficiently prepared with reference to glory1 so as to despise popular honor4 ,after this1 he ordered those who came to him to observe a quinquennial silence1 in order that he might experimentally know how they were affected as to continence of speech1 the subjugation of the tongue being the most difficult of all victories2 as those have unfolded to us who instituted the mysteries4 ,during this probationary time1 however1 the property of each was disposed of in common1 and was committed to the care of those appointed for this purpose1 who were called politicians1 economizers1 and legislators4 ,and with respect to these probationers1 those who appeared to be worthy to participate of his dogmas1 from the judgment he had formed of them from their life and the modesty of their behaviour1 after the quinquennial silence1 then became ,esoterics1 and both heard and saw ,pythagoras himself within the veil4 ,for prior to this they participated of his words through the hearing alone1 beyond the veil1 without at all seeing him1 giving for a long time a specimen of their peculiar manners4 ,but if they were rejected they received the double of the wealth which they brought1 and a tomb was raised to them as if they were dead by the homaco2 for thus all the disciples of the man were called4 ,and if they happened to meet with them afterwards1 they behaved to them as if they were other persons1 but said that they were dead1 whom they had modelled by education1 in the expectation that they would become truly good men by the disciplines they would learn4 ,they also were of opinion that those who were more slow in the acquisition of knowledge1 were badly organized1 and1 as ,i may say1 imperfect and barren4 ,if1 however1 after ,pythagoras had physiognomically considered their form1 their mode of walking1 and every other motion1 and the state of their body1 and he had conceived good hope respecting them2 after likewise the quinquennial silence1 and the orgies and initiations from so many disciplines1 together with the ablutions of the soul1 and so many and such great purifications produced from such various theorems1 through which the sagacity and sanctity of the soul is perfectly ingenerated2 if1 after all this1 some one was found to be still sluggish and of a dull intellect1 they raised to such a one in the school a certain pillar and monument1 7as they are said to have done to ,perialus the ,thurian1 and ,cylon the prince of the ,sybarites1 who were rejected by them7 expelled him from the ,homacoon or auditory1 loading him with a great quantity of silver and gold4 ,for these were deposited by them in common1 and were committed to the care of certain persons adapted to this purpose1 and who were called ,economics1 from the office which they bore4 ,and if afterwards they happened to meet with such a one1 they conceived him to be any other person1 than him who according to them was dead4 ,hence also ,lysis1 blaming a certain person named ,hipparchus1 because he had communicated the doctrines of the ,pythagoreans to the profane1 and to those who acceded to them without disciplines and theory1 says as follows3 8,it is reported that you philosophize to every one you may happen to meet1 and publicly1 which ,pythagoras did not think fit to do4 ,and these things1 indeed1 ,o ,hipparchus1 you learnt with diligent assiduity1 but you have not preserved them2 having tasted1 ,o excellent man1 of ,sicilian delicacies1 which you ought not to have tasted a second time4 ,if1 therefore1 you abandon these1 ,i shall rejoice2 but if not1 you will be dead in my opinion4 ,for it will be pious to call to mind the divine and human precepts of ,pythagoras1 and not to make the goods of wisdom common to those1 who have not even in a dream their soul purified4 ,for it is not lawful to extend to every casual person1 things which were obtained with such great labors1 and such diligent assiduity1 nor to divulge the mysteries of the ,eleusinian ,goddesses to the profane4 ,for those who do either of these1 are equally unjust and impious4 ,but it will be well to consider what a great length of time we consumed in wiping away the stains which had insinuated themselves into our breasts1 till1 after the lapse of some years1 we became fit recipients of the doctrines of ,pythagoras4 ,for as dyers previously purify garments1 and then fix in the colors with which they wish them to be imbued1 in order that the dye may not be washed away1 and may never become evanescent2 after the same manner also that divine man prepared the souls of those that were lovers of philosophy1 so that they might not deceive him in any of those beautiful and good qualities which he hoped they would possess4 ,for he did not impart spurious doctrines1 nor snares1 in which most of the sophists1 who are at leisure for no good purpose1 entangle young men2 but he possessed a scientific knowledge of things human and divine4 ,these men1 however1 making his doctrine a pretext1 perform many dreadful deeds1 ensnaring youth not in a becoming nor yet in a casual way4 ,hence they render their auditors noxious and precipitate4 ,for they infuse theorems and divine doctrines into confused and turbid manners4 ,just as if some one should pour pure and clear water into a deep well full of mud2 for he would disturb the mud1 and destroy the clear water4 ,the same thing likewise takes place between those who teach and those who are taught after this manner4 ,for dense thickets and which are full of briars surround the intellect and heart of those who have not been purely initiated in disciplines1 obscure the mild1 tranquil1 and reasoning power of the soul1 and openly impede the intellective part from becoming increased and elevated4 ,it is requisite likewise to call intemperance and avarice the mothers of these thickets2 both which are naturally prolific4 ,from intemperance1 therefore1 unlawful marriages1 unjust desires1 corruptions1 intoxication1 preternatural pleasures1 and certain vehement appetites blossom forth1 and which impel their possessors into profundities and precipices4 ,for now desires have compelled some not to abstain either from their mothers or their daughters1 and violating law1 their country1 city1 and king1 with their hands as it were bound behind them1 they are violently dragged along like slaves to extreme destruction4 ,but from avarice germinate rapine1 robbery1 parricide1 sacrilege1 sorcery1 and such other evils at are the sisters of these4 ,in the first place1 therefore1 it is necessary to purify the woods in which these passions have fixed their abode1 with fire and sword1 and all the machines of disciplines2 and having liberated the reasoning power from such mighty evils1 we may then implant in and deliver to it something useful and good40 ,so great and so necessary was the attention which1 according to ,pythagoras1 ought to be paid to disciplines prior to philosophy4 ,he likewise ordained that a singular honor1 and the most accurate investigation1 should be given to the teaching and participation of his dogmas1 as he judiciously examined the conceptions of those that came to him1 by various documents1 and ten thousand forms of scientific theory4 ,,chap4 ,,xviii4 ,after this we must narrate how1 when he had admitted certain persons to be his disciples1 he distributed them into different classes according to their respective merits4 ,for it was not fit that all of them should equally participate of the same things1 as they were naturally dissimilar2 nor was it indeed right that some should participate of all the most honorable auditions1 but others of none1 or should not at all partake of them4 ,for this would be uncommunicative and unjust4 ,while therefore he imparted a convenient portion of his discourses to each1 he benefited as much as possible all of them1 and preserved the proportion of justice1 by making each a partaker of the auditions according to his desert4 ,hence1 in conformity to this method1 he called some of them ,pythagoreans1 but others ,pythagorists2 just as we denominate some men ,attics1 but others ,atticists4 ,having therefore thus aptly divided their names1 some of them he considered to be genuine1 but he ordained that others should show themselves to be the emulators of these4 ,he ordered therefore that with the ,pythagoreans possessions should be shared in common1 and that they should always live together2 but that each of the others should possess his own property apart from the rest1 and that assembling together in the same place1 they should mutually be at leisure for the same pursuits4 ,and thus each of these modes was derived from ,pythagoras1 and transmitted to his successors4 ,again1 there were also with the ,pythagoreans two forms of philosophy2 for there were likewise two genera of those that pursued it1 the ,acusmatici1 and the ,mathematici4 ,of these however the ,mathematici are acknowledged to be ,pythagoreans by the rest2 but the ,mathematici do not admit that the ,acusmatici are so1 or that they derived their instruction from ,pythagoras1 but from ,hippasus4 ,and with respect to ,hippasus1 some say that he was a ,crotonian1 but others a ,metapontine4 ,but the philosophy of the ,acusmatici consists in auditions unaccompanied with demonstrations and a reasoning process2 because it merely orders a thing to be done in a certain way1 and that they should endeavour to preserve such other things as were said by him1 as so many divine dogmas4 ,they however profess that they will not speak of them1 and that they are not to be spoken of2 but they conceive those of their sect to be the best furnished with wisdom1 who retained what they had heard more than others4 ,but all these auditions are divided into three species4 ,for some of them indeed signify what a thing is2 others what it especially is2 but others1 what ought1 or what ought not1 to be done4 ,the auditions therefore which signify what a thing is1 are such as1 ,what are the islands of the blessed8 ,the sun and moon4 ,what is the oracle at ,delphi8 ,the tetractys4 ,what is harmony8 ,that in which the ,syrens subsist4#ai ,but the auditions which signify what a thing especially is1 are such as1 ,what is the most just thing8 ,to sacrifice4 ,what is the wisest thing8 ,number4#bj ,but the next to this in wisdom1 is that which gives names to things4 ,what is the wisest of the things that are with us1 i4 e4 which pertain to human concerns8 ,medicine4 ,what is the most beautiful8 ,harmony4 ,what is the most powerful8 ,mental decision4 ,what is the most excellent8 ,felicity4 ,what is that which is most truly asserted8 ,that men are depraved4 ,hence they say that ,pythagoras praised the ,salaminian poet ,hippodomas1 because he sings3 ,tell1 ,o ye ,gods6 the source from whence you came1 ,say whence1 ,o men6 thus evil you became8 ,these therefore1 and such as these1 are the auditions of this kind4 ,for each of these shows what a thing especially is4 ,this however is the same with what is called the wisdom of the seven wise men4 ,for they investigated1 not what is simply good1 but what is especially so2 nor what is difficult1 but what is most difficult2 viz4 for a man to know himself4 ,nor did they investigate what is easy1 but what is most easy2 viz4 to do what you are accustomed to do4 ,for it seems that such auditions as the above1 are conformable but posterior in time to such wisdom as that of the seven wise men2 since they were prior to ,pythagoras4 ,the auditions likewise1 respecting what should or should not be done1 were such as1 ,that it is necessary to beget children4 ,for it is necessary to leave those that may worship the ,gods after us4 ,that it is requisite to put the shoe on the right foot first4 ,that it is not proper to walk in the public ways1 nor to dip in a sprinkling vessel1 nor to be washed in a bath4 ,for in all these it is immanifest1 whether those who use them are pure4 ,others also of this kind are the following3 ,do not assist a man in laying a burden down2 for it is not proper to be the cause of not laboring2 but assist him in taking it up4 ,do not draw near to a woman for the sake of begetting children1 if she has gold4 ,speak not about ,pythagoric#ba concerns without light4 ,perform libations to the ,gods1 from the handle of the cup1 for the sake of an auspicious omen1 and in order that you may not drink from the same part from which you poured out the liquor4 ,wear not the image of ,god in a ring1 in order that it may not be defiled4 ,for it is a resemblance which ought to be placed in the house4 ,it is not right to use a woman ill2 for she is a suppliant4 ,on this account also we bring her from the ,vestal hearth1 and take her by the right hand4 ,nor is it proper to sacrifice a white cock2 for this also is a suppliant1 and is sacred to the moon4 ,hence likewise it announces the hours4 ,to him who asks for counsel1 give no other advice than that which is the best3 for counsel is a sacred thing4 ,labors are good2 but pleasures are in every respect bad4 ,for as we came into the present life for the purpose of punishment1 it is necessary that we should be punished4 ,it is proper to sacrifice1 and to enter temples unshod4 ,in going to a temple1 it is not proper to turn out of the way2 for divinity should not be worshipped in a careless manner4 ,it is good to sustain1 and to have wounds in the breast2 but it is bad to have them behind4 ,the soul of man alone does not enter into those animals1 which it is lawful to kill4 ,hence it is proper to eat those animals alone which it is fit to slay1 but no other animal whatever4 ,and such were the auditions of this kind4 ,the most extended however were those concerning sacrifices1 how they ought to be performed at all other times1 and likewise when migrating from the present life2 and concerning sepulture1 and in what manner it is proper to be buried4 ,of some of these therefore the reason is to be assigned why they are ordered2 such for instance as1 it is necessary to beget children1 for the sake of leaving another that may worship the ,gods instead of yourself4 ,but of others no reason is to be assigned4 ,and of some indeed1 the reasons are assumed proximately2 but of others1 remotely2 such as1 that bread is not to be broken1 because it contributes to the judgment in ,hades4 ,the probable reasons however1 which are added about things of this kind1 are not ,pythagoric1 but were devised by some who philosophized differently from the ,pythagoreans1 and who endeavoured to adapt probability to what was said4 ,thus for instance1 with respect to what has been just now mentioned1 why bread is not to be broken1 some say that it is not proper to dissolve that which congregates4 ,for formerly all those that were friends1 assembled in a barbaric manner to one piece of bread4 ,but others say1 that it is not proper1 in the beginning of an undertaking1 to produce an omen of this kind by breaking and diminishing4 ,moreover1 all such precepts as define what is to be done1 or what is not to be done1 refer to divinity as their end2 and every life is co-arranged so as to follow ,god4 ,this also is the principle and the doctrine of philosophy4 ,for men act ridiculously in searching for good any where else than from the ,gods4 ,and when they do so1 it is just as if some one1 in a country governed by a king1 should reverence one of the citizens who is a magistrate1 and neglect him who is the ruler of all of them4 ,for the ,pythagoreans thought that such men as we have just mentioned1 performed a thing of this kind4 ,for since ,god is1 and is the lord of all things1 it is universally acknowledged that good is to be requested of him4 ,for all men impart good to those whom they love1 and to those with whom they are delighted2 but they give the contrary to good to those to whom they are contrarily disposed4 ,and such indeed is the wisdom of these precepts4 ,there was1 however1 a certain person named ,hippomedon1 an gean1 a ,pythagorean and one of the ,acusmatici1 who asserted that ,pythagoras gave the reasons and demonstrations of all these precepts1 but that in consequence of their being delivered to many1 and these such as were of a more sluggish genius1 the demonstrations were taken away1 but the problems themselves were left4 ,those however of the ,pythagoreans that are called ,mathematici1 acknowledge that these reasons and demonstrations were added by ,pythagoras1 and they say still more than this1 and contend that their assertions are true1 but affirm that the following circumstance was the cause of the dissimilitude4 ,pythagoras1 say they1 came from ,ionia and ,samos1 during the tyranny of ,polycrates1 ,italy being then in a florishing condition2 and the first men in the city became his associates4 ,but1 to the more elderly of these1 and who were not at leisure for philosophy1 in consequence of being occupied by political affairs1 the discourse of ,pythagoras was not accompanied with a reasoning process1 because it would have been difficult for them to apprehend his meaning through disciplines and demonstrations2 and he conceived they would nevertheless be benefited by knowing what ought to be done1 though they were destitute of the knowledge of the why3 just as those who are under the care of physicians1 obtain their health1 though they do not hear the reason of every thing which is to be done to them4 ,but with the younger part of his associates1 and who were able both to act and learn1--with these he conversed through demonstration and disciplines4 ,these therefore are the assertions of the ,mathematici1 but the former1 of the ,acusmatici4 ,with respect to ,hippasus however especially1 they assert that he was one of the ,pythagoreans1 but that in consequence of having divulged and described the method of forming a sphere from twelve pentagons1#bb he perished in the sea1 as an impious person1 but obtained the renown of having made the discovery4 ,in reality1 however1 this as well as every thing else pertaining to geometry1 was the invention of that man2 for thus without mentioning his name1 they denominate ,pythagoras4 ,but the ,pythagoreans say1 that geometry was divulged from the following circumstance3 ,a certain ,pythagorean happened to lose the wealth which he possessed2 and in consequence of this misfortune1 he was permitted to enrich himself from geometry4 ,but geometry was called by ,pythagoras ,historia4 ,and thus much concerning the difference of each mode of philosophising1 and the classes of the auditors of ,pythagoras4 ,for those who heard him either within or without the veil1 and those who heard him accompanied with seeing1 or without seeing him1 and who are divided into interior and exterior auditors1 were no other than these4 ,and it is requisite to arrange under these1 the political1 economic and legislative ,pythagoreans4 ,,chap4 ,,xix4 ,universally1 however1 it deserves to be known1 that ,pythagoras discovered many paths of erudition1 and that he delivered an appropriate portion of wisdom conformable to the proper nature and power of each2 of which the following is the greatest argument4 ,when ,abaris1 the ,scythian1 came from the ,hyperboreans1 unskilled and uninitiated in the ,grecian learning1 and was then of an advanced age1 ,pythagoras did not introduce him to erudition through various theorems1 but instead of silence1 auscultation for so long a time1 and other trials1 he immediately considered him adapted to be an auditor of his dogmas1 and instructed him in the shortest way in his treatise ,on ,nature1 and in another treatise ,on the ,gods4 ,for ,abaris came from the ,hyperboreans1 being a priest of the ,apollo who is there worshipped1 an elderly man1 and most wise in sacred concerns2 but at that time he was returning from ,greece to his own country1 in order that he might consecrate to the ,god in his temple among the ,hyperboreans1 the gold which he had collected4 ,passing therefore through ,italy1 and seeing ,pythagoras1 he especially assimilated him to the ,god of whom he was the priest4 ,and believing that he was no other than the ,god himself1 and that no man resembled him1 but that he was truly ,apollo1 both from the venerable indications which he saw about him1 and from those which the priest had known before1 he gave ,pythagoras a dart which he took with him when he left the temple1 as a thing that would be useful to him in the difficulties that would befal him in so long a journey4 ,for he was carried by it1 in passing through inaccessible places1 such as rivers1 lakes1 marshes1 mountains1 and the like1 and performed through it1 as it is said1 lustrations1 and expelled pestilence and winds from the cities that requested him to liberate them from these evils4 ,we are informed1 therefore1 that ,lacedmon1 after having been purified by him1 was no longer infested with pestilence1 though prior to this it had frequently fallen into this evil1 through the baneful nature of the place in which it was built1 the mountains of ,taygetus producing a suffocating heat1 by being situated above the city1 in the same manner as ,cnossus in ,crete4 ,and many other similar particulars are related of the power of ,abaris4 ,pythagoras1 however1 receiving the dart1 and neither being astonished at the novelty of the thing1 nor asking the reason why it was given to him1 but as if he was in reality a ,god himself1 taking ,abaris aside1 he showed him his golden thigh1 as an indication that he was not wholly deceived in the opinion he had formed of him2 and having enumerated to him the several particulars that were deposited in the temple1 he gave him sufficient reason to believe that he had not badly conjectured in assimilating him to ,apollo4 ,pythagoras also added1 that he came into the regions of mortality for the purpose of remedying and benefiting the condition of mankind1 and that on this account he had assumed a human form1 lest men being disturbed by the novelty of his transcendency1 should avoid the discipline which he possessed4 ,he likewise exhorted ,abaris to remain in that place1 and to unite with him in correcting the lives and manners of those with whom they might meet2 but to share the gold which he had collected1 in common with his associates1 who were led by reason to confirm by their deeds the dogma1 that the possessions of friends are common4 ,thus1 therefore1 ,pythagoras unfolded to ,abaris1 who remained with him1 as we have just now said1 physiology and theology in a compendious way2 and instead of divination by the entrails of beasts1 he delivered to him the art of prognosticating through numbers1 conceiving that this was purer1 more divine1 and more adapted to the celestial numbers of the ,gods4 ,he delivered also to ,abaris other studies which were adapted to him4 ,that we may return1 however1 to that for the sake of which the present treatise was written1 ,pythagoras endeavoured to correct and amend different persons1 according to the nature and power of each4 ,all such particulars therefore as these1 have neither been transmitted to the knowledge of men1 nor is it easy to narrate all that has been transmitted to us concerning him4 ,,chap4 ,,xx4 ,we shall however exhibit a few specimens1 and those the most celebrated1 of the ,pythagoric discipline1 and also the monuments of the studies in which those men engaged4 ,in the first place1 therefore1 ,pythagoras in making trial of the aptitude of those that came to him considered whether they could echemuthein1 i4 e4 whether they were able to refrain from speaking 7for this was the word which he used71 and surveyed whether they could conceal in silence and preserve what they had learnt and heard4 ,in the next place1 he observed whether they were modest4 ,for he was much more anxious that they should be silent than that they should speak4 ,he likewise directed his attention to every other particular2 such1 as whether they were astonished by the energies of any immoderate passion or desire4 ,nor did he in a superficial manner consider how they were affected with respect to anger or desire1 or whether they were contentious or ambitious1 or how they were disposed with reference to friendship or strife4 ,and if on his surveying all these particulars accurately1 they appeared to him to be endued with worthy manners1 then he directed his attention to their facility in learning and their memory4 ,and in the first place1 indeed he considered whether they were able to follow what was said1 with rapidity and perspicuity2 but in the next place1 whether a certain love and temperance attended them towards the disciplines which they were taught4 ,for he surveyed how they were naturally disposed with respect to gentleness4 ,but he called this catartysis1 i4 e4 elegance of manners4 ,and he considered ferocity as hostile to such a mode of education4 ,for impudence1 shamelessness1 intemperance1 slothfulness1 slowness in learning1 unrestrained licentiousness1 disgrace1 and the like1 are the attendants on savage manners2 but the contraries on gentleness and mildness4 ,he considered these things1 therefore1 in making trial of those that came to him1 and in these he exercised the learners4 ,and those that were adapted to receive the goods of the wisdom he possessed1 he admitted to be his disciples1 and thus endeavoured to elevate them to scientific knowledge4 ,but if he perceived that any one of them was unadapted1 he expelled him as one of another tribe1 and a stranger4 ,in the next place1 ,i shall speak of the studies which he delivered through the whole of the day to his associates4 ,for those who committed themselves to the guidance of his doctrine1 acted in the following manner3 they performed their morning walks alone1 and in places in which there happened to be an appropriate solitude and quiet1 and where there were temples and groves1 and other things adapted to give delight4 ,for they thought it was not proper to converse with any one1 till they had rendered their own soul sedate1 and had co-harmonised the reasoning power4 ,for they apprehended it to be a thing of a turbulent nature to mingle in a crowd as soon as they rose from bed4 ,on this account all the ,pythagoreans always selected for themselves the most sacred places4 ,but after their morning walk they associated with each other1 and especially in temples1 or if this was not possible1 in places that resembled them4 ,this time1 likewise1 they employed in the discussion of doctrines and disciplines1 and in the correction of their manners4 ,,chap4 ,,xxi4 ,after an association of this kind1 they turned their attention to the health of the body4 ,most of them1 however1 used unction and the course2 but a less number employed themselves in wrestling in gardens and groves2 others in leaping with leaden weights in their hands1 or in pantomime gesticulations1 with a view to the strength of this body1 studiously selecting for this purpose opposite exercises4 ,their dinner consisted of bread and honey or the honey-comb2 but they did not drink wine during the day4 ,they also employed the time after dinner in the political economy pertaining to strangers and guests1 conformably to the mandate of the laws4 ,for they wished to transact all business of this kind in the hours after dinner4 ,but when it was evening they again betook themselves to walking2 yet not singly as in the morning walk1 but in parties of two or three1 calling to mind as they walked1 the disciplines they had learnt1 and exercising themselves in beautiful studies4 ,after they had walked1 they made use of the bath2 and having washed themselves1 they assembled in the place where they eat together1 and which contained no more than ten who met for this purpose4 ,these1 however1 being collected together1 libations and sacrifices were performed with fumigations and frankincense4 ,after this they went to supper1 which they finished before the setting of the sun4 ,but they made use of wine and maze1 and bread1 and every kind of food that is eaten with bread1 and likewise raw and boiled herbs4 ,the flesh also of such animals was placed before them as it was lawful to immolate2 but they rarely fed on fish3 for this nutriment was not1 for certain causes1 useful to them4 ,in a similar manner also they were of opinion1 that the animal which is not naturally noxious to the human race1 should neither be injured nor slain4 ,but after this supper libations were performed1 and these were succeeded by readings4 ,it was the custom however with them for the youngest to read1 and the eldest ordered what was to be read1 and after what manner4 ,but when they were about to depart1 the cup-bearer poured out a libation for them2 and the libation being performed1 the eldest announced to them the following precepts3 ,that a mild and fruitful plant should neither be injured nor corrupted1 nor in a similar manner1 any animal which is not noxious to the human race4 ,and farther still1 that it is necessary to speak piously and form proper conceptions of the divine1 dmoniacal1 and heroic genera2 and in a similar manner1 of parents and benefactors4 ,that it is proper likewise to give assistance to law1 and to be hostile to illegality4 ,but these things being said1 each departed to his own place of abode4 ,they also wore a white and pure garment4 ,and in a similar manner they lay on pure and white beds1 the coverlets of which were made of thread2 for they did not use woollen coverlets4 ,with respect to hunting they did not approve of it1 and therefore did not employ themselves in an exercise of this kind4 ,such therefore were the precepts which were daily delivered to the disciples of ,pythagoras1 with respect to nutriment and their mode of living4 ,,chap4 ,,xxii4 ,another mode also of erudition is transmitted to us1 which was effected through ,pythagoric precepts1 and sentences which extended to human life and human opinions2 a few of which out of many ,i shall narrate4 ,one of these therefore contains an exhortation to remove contention and strife from true friendship1 and especially from all friendship1 if possible4 ,but if this is not possible1 at least to expel it from paternal friendship1 and universally from that which subsists with elders and benefactors4 ,for to contend pervicaciously with such as these1 anger or some other similar passion intervening1 is not to preserve1 but destroy the existing friendship4 ,but they say it is necessary that the smallest lacerations and ulcerations should take place in friendships4 ,and that this will be effected1 if both the friends know how to yield and subdue their anger1 and especially the younger of the two1 and who belongs to some one of the above-mentioned orders4 ,they likewise thought it necessary that the corrections and admonitions which they called pdartases1 and which the elder employed towards the younger1 should be made with much suavity of manners and great caution2 and also that much solicitude and appropriation should be exhibited in admonitions4 ,for thus the admonition will become decorous and beneficial4 ,they likewise say that faith should never be separated from friendship1 neither seriously nor in jest4 ,for it is no longer easy for the existing friendship to remain in a sane condition1 when falsehood once insinuates itself into the manners of those who assert themselves to be friends4 ,and again they say1 that friendship is not to be rejected on account of misfortune1 or any other imbecility which happens to human life2 but that the only laudable rejection of a friend and of friendship1 is that which takes place through great and incurable vice4 ,such therefore was the form of correction with the ,pythagoreans through sentences1 and which extended to all the virtues1 and to the whole of life4 ,,chap4 ,,xxiii4 ,the mode however of teaching through symbols1 was considered by ,pythagoras as most necessary4 ,for this form of erudition was cultivated by nearly all the ,greeks1 as being most ancient4 ,but it was transcendently honored by the ,egyptians1 and adopted by them in the most diversified manner4 ,conformably to this1 therefore1 it will be found1 that great attention was paid to it by ,pythagoras1 if any one clearly unfolds the significations and arcane conceptions of the ,pythagoric symbols1 and thus developes the great rectitude and truth they contain1 and liberates them from their enigmatic form4 ,for they are adapted according to a simple and uniform doctrine1 to the great geniuses of these philosophers1 and deify in a manner which surpasses human conception4 ,for those who came from this school1 and especially the most ancient ,pythagoreans1 and also those young men who were the disciples of ,pythagoras when he was an old man1 viz4 ,philolaus#bc and ,eurytus1 ,charondas and ,zaleucus1 and ,brysson1 the elder ,archytas also1 and ,aristus1 ,lysis and ,empedocles1 ,zanolxis and ,epimenides1 ,milo and ,leucippus1 ,alcmon1 ,hippasus and ,thymaridas1 and all of that age1 consisting of a multitude of learned men1 and who were above measure excellent1--all these adopted this mode of teaching1 in their discourses with each other1 and in their commentaries and annotations4 ,their writings also1 and all the books which they published1 most of which have been preserved even to our time1#bd were not composed by them in a popular and vulgar diction1 and in a manner usual with all other writers1 so as to be immediately understood1 but in such a way as not to be easily apprehended by those that read them4 ,for they adopted that taciturnity which was instituted by ,pythagoras as a law1 in concealing after an arcane mode1 divine mysteries from the uninitiated1 and obscuring their writings and conferences with each other4 ,hence he who selecting these symbols does not unfold their meaning by an apposite exposition1 will cause those who may happen to meet with them to consider them as ridiculous and inane1 and as full of nugacity and garrulity4 ,when1 however1 they are unfolded in a way conformable to these symbols1 and become obvious and clear even to the multitude1 instead of being obscure and dark1 then they will be found to be analogous to prophetic sayings1 and to the oracles of the ,pythian ,apollo4 ,they will then also exhibit an admirable meaning1 and will produce a divine afflatus in those who unite intellect with erudition4 ,nor will it be improper to mention a few of them1 in order that this mode of discipline may become more perspicuous3 ,enter not into a temple negligently1 nor in short adore carelessly1 not even though you should stand at the very doors themselves4 ,sacrifice and adore unshod4 ,declining from the public ways1 walk in unfrequented paths4 ,speak not about ,pythagoric concerns without light4 ,and such are the outlines of the mode adopted by ,pythagoras of teaching through symbols4 ,,chap4 ,,xxiv4 ,since1 however1 nutriment greatly contributes to the best discipline1 when it is properly used1 and in an orderly manner1 let us consider what ,pythagoras also instituted as a law about this4 ,universally1 therefore1 he rejected all such food as is flatulent1 and the cause of perturbation1 but he approved of the nutriment contrary to this1 and ordered it to be used1 viz4 such food as composes and compresses the habit of the body4 ,hence1 likewise1 he thought that millet was a plant adapted to nutrition4 ,but he altogether rejected such food as is foreign to the ,gods2 because it withdraws us from familiarity with the ,gods4 ,again1 according to another mode also1 he ordered his disciples to abstain from such food as is reckoned sacred1 as being worthy of honor1 and not to be appropriated to common and human utility4 ,he likewise exhorted them to abstain from such things as are an impediment to prophesy1 or to the purity and chastity of the soul1 or to the habit of temperance1 or of virtue4 ,and lastly1 he rejected all such things as are adverse to sanctity1 and which obscure and disturb the other purities of the soul1 and the phantasms which occur in sleep4 ,these things therefore he instituted as laws in common about nutriment4 ,separately1 however1 he forbade the most contemplative of philosophers1 and who have arrived at the summit of philosophic attainments1 the use of superfluous and unjust food1 and ordered them never to eat any thing animated1 nor in short1 to drink wine1 nor to sacrifice animals to the ,gods1 nor by any means to injure animals1 but to preserve most solicitously justice towards them4 ,and he himself lived after this manner1 abstaining from animal food1 and adoring altars undefiled with blood4 ,he was likewise careful in preventing others from destroying animals that are of a kindred nature with us1 and rather corrected and instructed savage animals through words and deeds1 than injured them through punishment4 ,and farther still1 he also injoined those politicians that were legislators to abstain from animals4 ,for as they wished to act in the highest degree justly1 it is certainly necessary that they should not injure any kindred animal4 ,since1 how could they persuade others to act justly1 if they themselves were detected in indulging an insatiable avidity by partaking of animals that are allied to us8 ,for through the communion of life and the same elements1 and the mixture subsisting from these1 they are as it were conjoined to us by a fraternal alliance4 ,he permitted1 however1 others whose life was not entirely purified1 sacred and philosophic1 to eat of certain animals2 and for these he appointed a definite time of abstinence4 ,these therefore1 he ordered not to eat the heart1 nor the brain2 and from the eating of these he entirely prohibited all the ,pythagoreans4 ,for these parts are of a ruling nature1 and are as it were certain ladders and seats of wisdom and life4 ,but other#be things were considered by him as sacred on account of the nature of a divine reason4 ,thus he exhorted his disciples to abstain from mallows1 because this plant is the first messenger and signal of the sympathy of celestial with terrestrial natures4 ,thus1 too1 he ordered them to abstain from the fish melanurus2 for it is sacred to the terrestrial ,gods4 ,and also not to receive the fish erythinus1 through other such like causes4 ,he likewise exhorted them to abstain from beans1 on account of many sacred and physical causes1 and also such causes as pertain to the soul4 ,and he established as laws other precepts similar to these1 beginning through nutriment to lead men to virtue4 ,,chap4 ,,xxv4 ,pythagoras was likewise of opinion that music contributed greatly to health1 if it was used in an appropriate manner4 ,for he was accustomed to employ a purification of this kind1 but not in a careless way4 ,and he called the medicine which is obtained through music by the name of purification4 ,but he employed such a melody as this about the vernal season4 ,for he placed in the middle a certain person who played on the lyre1 and seated in a circle round him those who were able to sing4 ,and thus1 when the person in the centre struck the lyre1 those that surrounded him sung certain pans1 through which they were seen to be delighted1 and to become elegant and orderly in their manners4 ,but at another time they used music in the place of medicine4 ,and there are certain melodies devised as remedies against the passions of the soul1 and also against despondency and lamentation1#bf which ,pythagoras invented as things that afford the greatest assistance in these maladies4 ,and again1 he employed other melodies against rage and anger1 and against every aberration of the soul4 ,there is also another kind of modulation invented as a remedy against desires4 ,he likewise used dancing2 but employed the lyre as an instrument for this purpose4 ,for he conceived that the pipe was calculated to excite insolence1 was a theatrical instrument1 and had by no means a liberal sound4#bg ,select verses also of ,homer and ,hesiod were used by him1 for the purpose of correcting the soul4 ,among the deeds of ,pythagoras likewise1 it is said1 that once through the spondaic song of a piper1 he extinguished the rage of a ,tauromenian lad1 who had been feasting by night1 and intended to burn the vestibule of his mistress1 in consequence of seeing her coming from the house of his rival4 ,for the lad was inflamed and excited to this rash attempt by a ,phrygian song2 which however ,pythagoras most rapidly suppressed4 ,but ,pythagoras1 as he was astronomizing1 happened to meet with the ,phrygian piper at an unseasonable time of night1 and persuaded him to change his ,phrygian for a spondaic song2 through which the fury of the lad being immediately repressed1 he returned home in an orderly manner1 though a little before this1 he could not be in the least restrained1 nor would in short1 bear any admonition2 and even stupidly insulted ,pythagoras when he met him4 ,when a certain youth also rushed with a drawn sword on ,anchitus1 the host of ,empedocles1 because1 being a judge1 he had publicly condemned his father to death1 and would have slain him as a homicide1 ,empedocles changed the intention of the youth1 by singing to his lyre that verse of ,homer1 ,nepenthe1 without gall1 o'er every ill ,oblivion spreads2----#bh and thus snatched his host ,anchitus from death1 and the youth from the crime of homicide4 ,it is also related that the youth from that time became the most celebrated of the disciples of ,pythagoras4 ,farther still1 the whole ,pythagoric school produced by certain appropriate songs1 what they called exartysis or adaptation1 synarmoge or elegance of manners1 and epaphe or contact1 usefully conducting the dispositions of the soul to passions contrary to those which it before possessed4 ,for when they went to bed they purified the reasoning power from the perturbations and noises to which it had been exposed during the day1 by certain odes and peculiar songs1 and by this means procured for themselves tranquil sleep1 and few and good dreams4 ,but when they rose from bed1 they again liberated themselves from the torpor and heaviness of sleep1 by songs of another kind4 ,sometimes1 also1 by musical sounds alone1 unaccompanied with words1 they healed the passions of the soul and certain diseases1 enchanting1 as they say1 in reality4 ,and it is probable that from hence this name epode1 i4 e4 enchantment1 came to be generally used4 ,after this manner1 therefore1 ,pythagoras through music produced the most beneficial correction of human manners and lives4 ,,chap4 ,,xxvi4 ,since1 however1 we are narrating the wisdom employed by ,pythagoras in instructing his disciples1 it will not be unappropriate to relate that which is proximate in a following order to this1 viz4 how he invented the harmonic science1 and harmonic ratios4 ,but for this purpose we must begin a little higher4 ,intently considering once1 and reasoning with himself1 whether it would be possible to devise a certain instrumental assistance to the hearing1 which should be firm and unerring1 such as the sight obtains through the compass and the rule1 or1 by ,jupiter1 through a dioptric instrument2 or such as the touch obtains through the balance1 or the contrivance of measures2--thus considering1 as he was walking near a brazier's shop1 he heard from a certain divine casualty the hammers beating out a piece of iron on an anvil1 and producing sounds that accorded with each other1 one combination only excepted4 ,but he recognized in those sounds1 the diapason1 the diapente1 and the diatessaron1 harmony4 ,he saw1 however1 that the sound which was between the diatessaron and the diapente was itself by itself dissonant1 yet1 nevertheless1 gave completion to that which was the greater sound among them4 ,being delighted1 therefore1 to find that the thing which he was anxious to discover had succeeded to his wishes by divine assistance1 he went into the brazier's shop1 and found by various experiments1 that the difference of sound arose from the magnitude of the hammers1 but not from the force of the strokes1 nor from the figure of the hammers1 nor from the transposition of the iron which was beaten4 ,when1 therefore1 he had accurately examined the weights and the equal counterpoise of the hammers1 he returned home1 and fixed one stake diagonally to the walls1 lest if there were many1 a certain difference should arise from this circumstance1 or in short1 lest the peculiar nature of each of the stakes should cause a suspicion of mutation4 ,afterwards1 from this stake he suspended four chords consisting of the same materials1 and of the same magnitude and thickness1 and likewise equally twisted4 ,to the extremity of each chord also he tied a weight4 ,and when he had so contrived1 that the chords were perfectly equal to each other in length1 he afterwards alternately struck two chords at once1 and found the before-mentioned symphonies1 viz4 a different symphony in a different combination4 ,for he discovered that the chord which was stretched by the greatest weight1 produced1 when compared with that which was stretched by the smallest1 the symphony diapason4 ,but the former of these weights was twelve pounds1 and the latter six4 ,and1 therefore1 being in a duple ratio1 it exhibited the consonance diapason2 which the weights themselves rendered apparent4 ,but again1 he found that the chord from which the greatest weight was suspended compared with that from which the weight next to the smallest depended1 and which weight was eight pounds1 produced the symphony diapente4 ,hence he discovered that this symphony is in a sesquialter ratio1 in which ratio also the weights were to each other4 ,and he found that the chord which was stretched by the greatest weight1 produced1 when compared with that which was next to it in weight1 and was nine pounds1 the symphony diatessaron1 analogously to the weights4 ,this ratio1 therefore1 he discovered to be sesquitertian2 but that of the chord from which a weight of nine pounds was suspended1 to the chord which had the smallest weight or six pounds1 to be sesquialter4 ,for #i is to #f in a sesquialter ratio4 ,in like manner1 the chord next to that from which the smallest weight depended1 was to that which had the smallest weight1 in a sesquitertian ratio1 for it was the ratio of #h to #f1 but to the chord which had the greatest weight1 in a sesquialter ratio for such is the ratio of #ab to #h4 ,hence1 that which is between the diapente and the diatessaron1 and by which the diapente exceeds the diatessaron1 is proved to be in an epogdoan ratio1 or that of #i to #h4 ,but either way it may be proved that the diapason is a system consisting of the diapente in conjunction with the diatessaron1 just as the duple ratio consists of the sesquialter and sesquitertian1 as for instance1 #ab1 #h1 and #f2 or conversely1 of the diatessaron and the diapente1 as in the duple ratio of the sesquitertian and sesquialter ratios1 as for instance #ab1 #i1 and #f4 ,after this manner1 therefore1 and in this order1 having conformed both his hand and his hearing to the suspended weights1 and having established according to them the ratio of the habitudes1 he transferred by an easy artifice the common suspension of the chords from the diagonal stake to the limen of the instrument1 which he called chordotonon4 ,but he produced by the aid of pegs a tension of the chords analogous to that effected by the weights4 ,employing this method1 therefore1 as a basis1 and as it were an infallible rule1 he afterwards extended the experiment to various instruments2 viz4 to the pulsation of patell or pans1 to pipes and reeds1 to monochords1 triangles1 and the like4 ,and in all these he found an immutable concord with the ratio of numbers4 ,but he denominated the sound which participates of the number #f hypate3 that which participates of the number #h and is sesquitertian1 mese2 that which participates of the number #i1 but is more acute by a tone than mese1 he called paramese1 and epogdous2 but that which participates of the dodecad1 nete4 ,having also filled up the middle spaces with analogous sounds according to the diatonic genus1 he formed an octochord from symphonious numbers1 viz4 from the double1 the sesquialter1 the sesquitertian1 and from the difference of these1 the epogdous4 ,and thus he discovered the harmonic progression1 which tends by a certain physical necessity from the most grave i4 e4 flat to the most acute sound1 according to this diatonic genus4 ,for from the diatonic1 he rendered the chromatic and enharmonic genus perspicuous1 as we shall some time or other show when we treat of music4 ,this diatonic genus1 however1 appears to have such physical gradations and progressions as the following2 viz4 a semitone1 a tone1 and then a tone2 and this is the diatessaron1 being a system consisting of two tones1 and of what is called a semitone4 ,afterwards1 another tone being assumed1 viz4 the one which is intermediate1 the diapente is produced1 which is a system consisting of three tones and a semitone4 ,in the next place to this is the system of a semitone1 a tone1 and a tone1 forming another diatessaron1 i4 e4 another sesquitertian ratio4 ,so that in the more ancient heptachord indeed1 all the sounds1 from the most grave1 which are with respect to each other fourths1 produce every where with each other the symphony diatessaron2 the semitone receiving by transition1 the first1 middle1 and third place1 according to the tetrachord4 ,in the ,pythagoric octachord1 however1 which by conjunction is a system of the tetrachord and pentachord1 but if disjoined is a system of two tetrachords separated from each other1 the progression is from the most grave sound4 ,hence all the sounds that are by their distance from each other fifths1 produce with each other the symphony diapente2 the semitone successively proceeding into four places1 viz4 the first1 second1 third1 and fourth4 ,after this manner1 therefore1 it is said that music was discovered by ,pythagoras4 ,and having reduced it to a system1 he delivered it to his disciples as subservient to every thing that is most beautiful4#bi ,,chap4 ,,xxvii4 ,many also of the political actions of his followers are deservedly praised4 ,for it is reported that the ,crotonians being once impelled to make sumptuous funerals and interments1 some one of them said to the people1 that he had heard ,pythagoras when he was discoursing about divine natures observe1 that the ,olympian ,gods attended to the dispositions of those that sacrificed1 and not to the multitude of the sacrifices2 but that1 on the contrary1 the terrestrial ,gods1 as being allotted the government of things less important1 rejoiced in banquets and lamentations1 and farther still1 in continual libations1 in delicacies1 and in celebrating funerals with great expense4 ,whence1 on account of his wish to receive1 ,pluto is called ,hades4 ,he suffers1 therefore1 those that slenderly honor him to remain for a longer time in the upper world2 but he always draws down some one of those who are disposed to spend profusely in funeral solemnities1 in order that he may obtain the honors which take place in commemoration of the dead4 ,in consequence of this advice1 the ,crotonians that heard it were of opinion1 that if they conducted themselves moderately in misfortunes1 they would preserve their own salvation2 but that if they were immoderate in their expenses1 they would all of them die prematurely4 ,a certain person also having been made an arbitrator in an affair in which there was no witness1 led each of the litigants to a certain monument1 and said to one of them1 the man who is buried in this monument was transcendently equitable2 in consequence of which the other litigant prayed that the dead man might obtain much good2 but the former said that the defunct was not at all better for the prayers of his opponent4 ,pythagoras1 therefore1 condemned what the former litigant said1 but asserted that he who praised the dead man for his worth1 had done that which would be of no small importance in his claim to belief4 ,at another time1 in a cause of great moment1 he decided that one of the two who had agreed to settle the affair by arbitration1 should pay four talents1 but that the other should receive two4 ,afterwards1 he condemned the defendant to pay three talents2 and thus he appeared to have given a talent to each of them4 ,two persons also had fraudulently deposited a garment with a woman who belonged to a court of justice1 and told her she was not to give it to either of them unless both were present4 ,some time after1 for the purpose of circumvention1 one of them received the common deposit1 and said that it was with the consent of the other4 ,but the other1 who had not been present when the garment was returned1 acted the part of a sycophant1 and related the compact that was made at the beginning1 to the magistrates4 ,a certain ,pythagorean1 however1 taking up the affair said1 that the woman had acted conformably to the compact1 as both parties had been present4 ,two other persons also appeared to have a strong friendship for each other1 but had fallen into a silent suspicion through a flatterer of one of them1 who told him that his wife had been corrupted by the other4 ,it so happened however1 that a ,pythagorean came into a brazier's shop1 where he who conceived himself to be injured1 was showing to the artist a sword which he had given him to sharpen1 and was indignant with him because it was not sufficiently sharp4 ,the ,pythagorean1 therefore1 suspecting that the sword was intended to be used against him who was accused of adultery1 said1 ,this sword is sharper than all things except calumny4 ,this being said1 caused the man to consider with himself what it was he intended to do1 and not rashly to sin against his friend who was within1 and who had been previously called by him in order that he might kill him4 ,a zone also that had golden ornaments having fallen at the feet of a certain stranger in the temple of ,esculapius1 and the laws forbidding any one to take up that which had fallen on the ground1 a ,pythagorean advised the stranger1 who was indignant at this prohibition1 to take away the golden ornaments which had not fallen to the ground1 but to leave the zone1 because this was on the ground4#cj ,that circumstance1 likewise1 which by the ignorant is transferred to other places1 is said to have happened in ,crotona1 viz4 that during a public spectacle1 some cranes flew over the theatre1 and one of those who had sailed into the port1 said to the person who sat near him1 ,do you see the witnesses8 which being heard by a certain ,pythagorean1 he brought them into the court1 consisting of a thousand magistrates1 where being examined1 it was found that they had thrown certain boys into the sea1 and that they called the cranes who flew over the ship at the time1 witnesses of the deed4 ,when likewise certain persons who had recently become disciples of ,pythagoras were at variance with each other1 he who was the junior of the two came to the other and said to him1 that there was no occasion to refer the affair to a third person1 but that it rested with them to commit their anger to oblivion4 ,he1 therefore1 to whom these words were addressed1 replied that he was very much pleased in other respects with what had been said1 but that he was ashamed that1 being the elder1 he had not first said the same thing to the other who was the junior4 ,we might here also narrate what is said of ,phinthias and ,damon1#ca of ,plato and ,archytas1 and likewise of ,clinias and ,prorus4#cb ,omitting1 however1 these for the present1 we shall mention what is related of ,eubulus the ,messenian1 who when he was sailing homeward1 and was taken captive by the ,tyrrhenians1 was recognized by ,nausitheus a ,tyrrhenian and also a ,pythagorean1 because he was one of the disciples of ,pythagoras1 and was taken by him from the pirates1 and brought with great safety to ,messena4 ,when the ,carthaginians1 also1 were about to send more than five thousand soldiers into a desert island1 ,miltiades the ,carthaginian1 perceiving among them the ,argive ,possiden 7both of them being ,pythagoreans71 went to him1 and not manifesting what he intended to do1 advised him to return to his native country1 with all possible celerity1 and having placed him in a ship that was then sailing near the shore1 supplied him with what was necessary for his voyage1 and thus saved the man from the dangers to which he was exposed4 ,in short1 he who should relate all that has taken place among the ,pythagoreans in their associations with each other1 would by the length of his narration exceed the proper quantity and the occasion of his treatise4 ,i shall therefore rather pass on to show1 that some of the ,pythagoreans were political characters1 and adapted to govern4 ,for they were guardians of the laws1 and ruled over certain ,italian cities1 unfolding to them1 and counselling them to adopt the most excellent measures1 but abstaining from public revenues4 ,and though they were greatly calumniated1 yet at the same time the probity of the ,pythagoreans1 and the wish of the cities themselves prevailed1 so that they were desired by them to administer their political concerns4 ,but at this time the most beautiful of polities appear to have existed in ,italy and in ,sicily4 ,for ,charondas the ,catanean1 who appears to have been one of the best legislators1 was a ,pythagorean2 as were also the ,locrians ,zaleucus and ,timares1 who were celebrated for their legislation4 ,those also who established the ,rheginic polities1 that polity which is called ,gymnasiarchic1 and that which is denominated from ,theocles1 are said to have been ,pythagoreans4 ,phytius likewise1 ,theocles1 ,elecaon1 and ,aristocrates1 excelled among the ,pythagoreans in their studies and manners1 which also the cities in those places adopted at those times4 ,in short1 it is asserted that ,pythagoras was the inventor of the whole of political erudition1 when he said that nothing is pure among things that have an existence2 but that earth participates of fire1 fire of air1 air of water1 and water of spirit4 ,and in a similar manner the beautiful participates of the deformed1 the just of the unjust1 and other things conformably to these4 ,from this hypothesis1 however1 the reasoning tends to either part4 ,he also said1 that there are two motions of the body and the soul2 the one being irrational1 but the other the effect of deliberate choice4 ,that three certain lines also constitute polities1 the extremes of which mutually touch each other1 and produce one right angle2 so that one of them has the nature of the sesquitertian2 another that of the diapente2 and the third is a medium between the other two4#cc ,but when we consider by a reasoning process the coincidences of the lines with each other1 and also of the places under these1 we shall find that they represent the best image of a polity4 ,plato has made the glory of this invention his own2 for he clearly says in his ,republic1 8that the sesquitertian progeny conjoined with the pentad produces two harmonies40#cd ,it is also said1 that ,pythagoras cultivated the moderation of the passions1 and mediocrity1 and that by the conjunction of a certain precedaneous good1 he rendered the life of each of his disciples happy4 ,and in short1 it is said that he discovered the choice of our good1 and of the works adapted to our nature4 ,it is likewise narrated of him1 that he withdrew the ,crotonians from harlots1 and universally from an association with women that were not affianced4 ,for the wives of the ,crotonians came to ,theano the wife of ,brontinus1 one of the ,pythagoreans1 a woman of a wise and excellent soul1 7and who was the author of that beautiful and admirable saying1 8that it is lawful for a woman to sacrifice on the very day in which she has risen from the embraces of her husband10 which some ascribe to ,theano the wife of ,pythagoras7 the ,crotonian wives came therefore to her1 and entreated her to persuade ,pythagoras to discourse to them on the continence which was due from them to their husbands4 ,this she promised to do2 and ,pythagoras having accordingly made an oration to the ,crotonians1 which had the desired effect1 the incontinence which then prevailed was entirely destroyed4 ,it is further related likewise1 that when ambassadors came to the city of the ,crotonians from ,sybaris1 for the purpose of demanding the exiles1 ,pythagoras beholding one of the ambassadors1 who with his own hand had slain one of his friends1 made him no answer4 ,but when the man interrogated him1 and wished to converse with him1 ,pythagoras said1 that it was not lawful to discourse with homicides4 ,whence also by certain persons he was thought to be ,apollo4 ,all these particulars1 therefore1 and such as we have a little before mentioned concerning the destruction of tyrants1 and the liberation of the cities of ,italy and ,sicily1 and many other circumstances1 are indications of the benefits conferred on mankind by ,pythagoras in political concerns4 ,,chap4 ,,xxviii4 ,that which follows after this1 we shall no longer discuss generally1 but direct our attention particularly to the works resulting from the virtues of ,pythagoras4 ,and we shall begin in the first place from the ,gods1 as it is usual to do1 and endeavour to exhibit his piety1 and the admirable works which he performed4 ,let this1 therefore1 be one specimen of his piety1 which also we have before mentioned1 that he knew what his soul was1 and whence it came into the body1 and also its former lives1 and that of these things he gave most evident indications4 ,after this also1 let the following be another specimen2 that once passing over the river ,nessus with many of his associates1 he spoke to it1 and the river in a distinct and clear voice1 in the hearing of all his followers1 answered1 ,hail ,pythagoras6 ,farther still1 nearly all historians of his life confidently assert1 that in one and the same day he was present at ,metapontum in ,italy1 and ,tauromenium in ,sicily1 and discoursed in common with his disciples in both places1 though these cities are separated from each other by many stadia both by land and sea1 and cannot be passed through in a great number of days4 ,the report1 also1 is very much disseminated1 that he showed his golden thigh to the ,hyperborean ,abaris1 who said that he resembled the ,apollo among the ,hyperboreans1 and of whom ,abaris was the priest2 and that he did this in order that ,abaris might apprehend this to be true1 and that he was not deceived in his opinion4 ,ten thousand other more divine and more admirable particulars likewise are uniformly and unanimously related of the man3 such as infallible predictions of earthquakes1 rapid expulsions of pestilence and violent winds1 instantaneous cessations of the effusion of hail1 and a tranquillization of the waves of rivers and seas1 in order that his disciples might easily pass over them4 ,of which things also1 ,empedocles the ,agrigentine1 ,epimenides the ,cretan1 and ,abaris the ,hyperborean1 receiving the power of effecting1 performed certain miracles of this kind in many places4 ,their deeds1 however1 are manifest4 ,to which we may add1 that ,empedocles was surnamed an expeller of winds2 ,epimenides1 an expiator2 and ,abaris1 a walker on air2 because being carried on the dart which was given to him by the ,hyperborean ,apollo1 he passed over rivers and seas and inaccessible places1 like one walking on the air4 ,certain persons likewise are of opinion1 that ,pythagoras did the same thing1 when in the same day he discoursed with his disciples at ,metapontum and ,tauromenium4 ,it is also said1 that he predicted there would be an earthquake from the water of a well which he had tasted2 and that a ship which was sailing with a prosperous wind1 would be merged in the sea4 ,and let these1 indeed1 be the indications of his piety4 ,again1 however1 assuming a more elevated exordium1 ,i am desirous to exhibit the principles of the worship of the ,gods1 which ,pythagoras and his followers established2 viz4 that all such particulars as they define with respect to doing or not doing a thing1 have for the mark at which they aim1 a consent with divinity4 ,this also is with them the principle1 of piety and their whole life is arranged with a view to follow ,god4 ,the language1 too1 of their philosophy is this1 that men act ridiculously in exploring good from any other source than the ,gods2 and that their conduct in this respect resembles that of a man1 who in a country governed by a king should reverence one of the magistrates in the city1 and neglect him who is the ruler of all of them4 ,for they were of opinion that such was the conduct of mankind4 ,for since ,god is1 and is the ,lord of all things1 it is universally acknowledged that good is to be requested of him4 ,for all men impart good to those whom they love1 and to those with whom they are delighted2 but they give the contrary to good1 to those to whom they are contrarily disposed4 ,it is evident1 therefore1 that those things are to be done1 in which ,god delights4 ,it is1 however1 not easy for a man to know what these are1 unless he obtains this knowledge from one who has heard ,god1 or has heard ,god himself1 or procures it through divine art4 ,hence also1 the ,pythagoreans were studious of divination4 ,for this alone is an interpretation of the benevolence of the ,gods4 ,and in short1 he will conceive an employment of this kind to be worthy of regard1 who believes that there are ,gods2 but he who thinks that either of these is folly1 will also be of opinion that both are foolish4 ,many of the mandates1 however1 of the ,pythagoreans were introduced from the mysteries2 for they did not conceive them to be the productions of arrogance1 but to originate from a certain divinity4 ,and in a similar manner1 all the ,pythagoreans believe such things as are mythologically related of ,aristeas the ,proconesian1 and ,abaris the ,hyperborean1 and other particulars of a like nature4 ,for they consider every thing of this kind to be credible2 and of many such things they make trial themselves4 ,they also frequently recollect such-like particulars as appear to be fabulous1 as not disbelieving in any thing which may be referred to divinity4 ,a certain person therefore relates1 that ,eurytus said1 that a shepherd feeding his sheep near the tomb of ,philolaus1 heard some one singing4 ,but the person to whom this was related1 did not at all disbelieve the narration1 but asked what kind of harmony it was8 ,both of them1 however1 were ,pythagoreans1 and ,eurytus was the disciple of ,philolaus4 ,it is likewise said1 that a certain person told ,pythagoras1 that he appeared to himself once to converse with his father who was dead1 and that he asked ,pythagoras what this indicated8 ,pythagoras replied1 that it indicated nothing2 but that he had in reality conversed with his father4 ,as therefore1 said he1 nothing is signified by my now discoursing with you1 so neither is any thing signified by your conversing with your father4 ,hence1 in all particulars of this kind1 they did not think that they were stupid1 but those that disbelieved in them4 ,for they did not conceive that some things are possible to the ,gods1 but others impossible1 as those fancy who reason sophistically2 but they believed that all things are possible to the ,gods4 ,and this very assertion is the beginning of the verses1 which they ascribe to ,linus1 and which are as follow3 ,all things may be the objects of our hope1 ,since nothing hopeless any where is found3 ,all things with ease ,divinity effects1 ,and nought can frustrate his almighty power4 ,but they thought that their opinions deserved to be believed1 because he who first promulgated them1 was not any casual person1 but a ,god4 ,for this was one of their questions2 ,what was ,pythagoras8 ,for they say that he was the ,hyperborean ,apollo2 of which this was an indication1 that rising up in the ,olympic games1 he showed his golden thigh2 and also that he received the ,hyperborean ,abaris as his guest2 and was presented by him with the dart on which he rode through the air4 ,but it is said that ,abaris came from the ,hyperborean regions1 in order that he might collect gold for the temple1 and that he predicted a pestilence4 ,he also dwelt in temples1 and was never seen either to eat or drink4 ,it is likewise said1 that rites which purify from evil are performed by the ,lacedmonians1 and that on this account ,lacedmon was never infested with pestilence4 ,pythagoras1 therefore1 caused this ,abaris to acknowledge that he was more than man1 receiving from him at the same time the golden dart1 without which it was not possible for him to find his way4 ,in ,metapontum also1 certain persons praying that they might obtain what a ship contained that was then sailing into port1 ,pythagoras said to them1 ,you will then have a dead body4 ,in ,sybaris1 too1 he caught a deadly serpent and dismissed it4 ,in a similar manner likewise in ,tyrrhenia1 he caught a small serpent1 whose bite was fatal4 ,but in ,crotona a white eagle1 it is said1 suffered ,pythagoras to stroke it4 ,a certain person also wishing to hear him discourse1 he said that he could not1 till some sign appeared4 ,and after this a white bear was seen in ,cauconia2 the death of which he predicted to one who was about to tell him that it was dead4 ,he likewise reminded ,myllias the ,crotonian that he had been ,midas the son of ,gordius4 ,and ,myllias passed over to the continent of ,asia1 in order to perform at the sepulchre of ,midas those rites which had been enjoined him by ,pythagoras4 ,it is likewise said1 that the person who bought his house1 and who dug up that which had been buried in it1 did not dare to tell any one what he saw on this occasion4 ,but instead of suffering for this offence1 he was seized at ,crotona for sacrilege1 and put to death4 ,for he took away a golden beard which had fallen from a statue4 ,these things therefore1 and others of the like kind1 are related by the ,pythagoreans1 in order to render their opinions worthy of belief4 ,and as these are acknowledged to be true1 and it is impossible they should have happened to one man1 they consequently think it is clear1 that what is related of ,pythagoras1 should be received as pertaining to a being superior to man1 and not to a mere man4 ,this also is the meaning of their enigmatical assertion1 that man1 bird1 and another third thing1 are bipeds4 ,for the third thing is ,pythagoras4 ,such1 therefore1 was ,pythagoras on account of his piety1 and such he was truly thought to be4 ,with respect to oaths1 however1 all the ,pythagoreans religiously observe them1 being mindful of the ,pythagoric precept1 ,first to th' immortal ,gods thy homage pay1 ,as they by law are orderly dispos'd2 ,and reverence thy oath1 but honor next ,th' illustrious heroes4 ,hence a certain ,pythagorean1 being compelled by law to take an oath1 yet in order that he might preserve a ,pythagoric dogma1 though he would have sworn religiously1 chose instead of swearing to pay three talents1 this being the fine which he was condemned to pay to the defendant4 ,that ,pythagoras however thought that nothing was from chance and fortune1 but that all events happened conformably to divine providence1 and especially to good and pious men1 is confirmed by what is related by ,androcydes in his treatise on ,pythagoric ,symbols1 of ,thymaridas the ,tarentine1 and a ,pythagorean4 ,for when through a certain circumstance he was about to sail from his own country1 and his friends who were present were embracing him1 and bidding him farewell1 some one said to him1 when he had now ascended into the ship1 ,may such things happen to you from the ,gods1 ,o ,thymaridas1 as are conformable to your wishes6 ,but he replied1 predict better things2 for ,i should rather wish that such things may happen to me as are conformable to the will of the ,gods4 ,for he thought it was more scientific and equitable1 not to resist or be indignant with divine providence4 ,if1 therefore1 any one wishes to learn what were the sources whence these men derived so much piety1 it must be said1 that a perspicuous paradigm of the ,pythagoric theology according to numbers1 is in a certain respect to be found in the writings of ,orpheus4 ,nor is it to be doubted1 that ,pythagoras receiving auxiliaries from ,orpheus1 composed his treatise ,concerning the ,gods1 which on this account also he inscribed the ,sacred ,discourse1 because it contains the flower of the most mystical place in ,orpheus2 whether this work was in reality written by ,pythagoras1 as by most authors it is said to have been1 or as some of the ,pythagoric school who are both learned and worthy of belief assert1 was composed by ,telauges2 being taken by him from the commentaries which were left by ,pythagoras himself to his daughter ,damo1 the sister of ,telauges1 and which it is said after her death were given to ,bitale the daughter of ,damo1 and to ,telauges the son of ,pythagoras1 and the husband of ,bitale1 when he was of a mature age4 ,for when ,pythagoras died1 he was left very young with his mother ,theano4 ,in this ,sacred ,discourse also1 or treatise concerning the ,gods 7for it has both these inscriptions71 who it was that delivered to ,pythagoras what is there said concerning the ,gods1 is rendered manifest4 ,for it says3 8that ,pythagoras the son of ,mnesarchus was instructed in what pertains to the ,gods1 when he celebrated orgies in the ,thracian ,libethra1 being initiated in them by ,aglaophemus2 and that ,orpheus the son of ,calliope1 having learnt wisdom from his mother in the mountain ,pangus1 said1 that the eternal essence of number is the most providential principle of the universe1 of heaven and earth1 and the intermediate nature2 and farther still1 that it is the root of the permanency of divine natures1 of ,gods and dmons40#ce ,from these things1 therefore1 it is evident that he learnt from the ,orphic writers that the essence of the ,gods is defined by number4 ,through the same numbers also1 he produced an admirable fore-knowledge and worship of the ,gods1 both which are especially most allied to numbers4 ,this1 however1 may be known from hence2 for it is necessary to adduce a certain fact1 in order to procure belief of what is said4 ,when ,abaris performed sacred rites in his accustomed manner1 he procured a fore-knowledge of future events1 which is studiously cultivated by all the ,barbarians1 through sacrificing animals1 and especially birds2 for they are of opinion that the viscera of such animals are subservient to a more accurate inspection4 ,pythagoras1 therefore1 not wishing to suppress his ardent pursuit of truth1 but to impart it to him through a certain safer way1 and without blood and slaughter1 and also because he thought that a cock was sacred to the sun1 furnished him with a consummate knowledge of all truth1 as it is said1 through the arithmetical science4 ,he also obtained from piety1 faith concerning the ,gods4 ,for ,pythagoras always proclaimed1 that nothing admirable pertaining to the ,gods or divine dogmas should be disbelieved1 because the ,gods are able to accomplish all things4 ,and the divine dogmas in which it is requisite to believe1 are those which ,pythagoras delivered4 ,thus1 therefore1 the ,pythagoreans believed in1 and assumed the things about which they dogmatised1 because they were not the progeny of false opinion4 ,hence ,eurytus the ,crotonian1 the auditor of ,philolaus said1 that a shepherd feeding his sheep near the tomb of ,philolaus1 heard some one singing4 ,but the person to whom this was related1 did not at all disbelieve the narration1 but asked what kind of harmony it was4 ,pythagoras himself1 also1 being asked by a certain person what was indicated by seeming in sleep to converse with his father who was dead1 answered that it indicated nothing4 ,for neither1 said he1 is any thing portended by your speaking with me4 ,pythagoras likewise used pure and white garments1 and in a similar manner white and pure coverlids2 for he did not use those that were made of wool4 ,and this custom he also delivered to his auditors4 ,in speaking also of the natures superior to man1 he employed honorable appellations1 and words of good omen1 and upon every occasion made mention of and reverenced the ,gods2 so that while at supper1 he performed libations to the divinities1 and ordered his disciples to celebrate with hymns the beings that are above us1 every day4 ,he paid attention likewise to rumors and omens1 prophecies and lots1 and in short1 to all casual circumstances4 ,moreover1 he sacrificed to the ,gods with millet1 cakes1 honey-combs1 and other fumigations4 ,but he did not sacrifice animals1 nor did any one of the contemplative philosophers4 ,his other disciples1 however1 viz4 the acusmatici1 and the politici1 were ordered by him to sacrifice animals1 such as a cock1 or a lamb1 or some other animal recently born1 but not frequently4 ,at the same time they were prohibited from sacrificing oxen4 ,this also is an indication of the honor which he paid to the ,gods1 that he exhorted his disciples never to employ the names of the ,gods uselessly in swearing4 ,on which account also ,syllus1 one of the ,pythagoreans in ,crotona1 paid a fine for not swearing1 though he could have sworn without violating truth4 ,an oath too such as the following is ascribed to the ,pythagoreans1 as they were unwilling1 through reverence1 to name ,pythagoras2 just as they very much abstained from using the names of the ,gods4 ,but they manifested the man through the invention of the tetractys1 ,i swear by him who the tetractys found1 ,whence all our wisdom springs1 and which contains ,perennial ,nature's fountain1 cause1 and root4 ,and1 in short1 it is said that ,pythagoras was emulous of the ,orphic mode of writing and piety of disposition2 and that he honored the ,gods in a way similar to that of ,orpheus1 placing them in images and in brass1 not conjoined to our forms1 but to divine receptacles2#cf because they comprehend and provide for all things2 and have a nature and morphe similar to the universe4 ,he also promulgated purifications1 and initiations as they are called1 which contain the most accurate knowledge of the ,gods4 ,and farther still1 it is said1 that he was the author of a compound divine philosophy and worship of the ,gods2 having learnt indeed some things from the followers of ,orpheus1 but others from the ,egyptian priests2 some from the ,chaldans and ,magi2 some from the mysteries performed in ,eleusis1 in ,imbrus1 ,samothracia1 and ,delos2 and some also from those which are performed by the ,celt1 and in ,iberia4 ,it is also said that the ,sacred ,discourse of ,pythagoras is extant among the ,latins1 and is read not to all1 nor by all of them1 but by those who are promptly disposed to learn what is excellent1 and apply themselves to nothing base4 ,he likewise ordained that men should make libations thrice1 and observed that ,apollo delivered oracles from the tripod1 because the triad is the first number4 ,that sacrifices also should be made to ,venus on the sixth day1 because this number is the first that partakes of every number1 and1 when divided in every possible way1 receives the power of the numbers subtracted and of those that remain4 ,but that it is necessary to sacrifice to ,hercules on the eighth day of the month from the beginning1 looking in so doing to his being born in the seventh month4 ,he further asserted1 that it was necessary that he who entered a temple should be clothed with a pure garment1 and in which no one had slept2 because sleep in the same manner as the black and the brown1 is an indication of sluggishness2 but purity is a sign of equality and justice in reasoning4 ,he also ordered1 that if blood should be found involuntarily spilt in a temple1 a lustration should be made1 either in a golden vessel1 or with the water of the sea2 the former of these i4 e4 gold being the most beautiful of things1 and a measure by which the price of all things is regulated2 but the latter as he conceived being the progeny of a moist nature1 and the nutriment of the first and more common matter4 ,he likewise said1 that it was not proper to bring forth children in a temple2 because it is not holy that in a temple the divine part of the soul should be bound to the body4 ,he further ordained1 that on a festive day neither the hair should be cut1 nor the nails paired2 not thinking it fit that we should leave the service of the ,gods for the purpose of increasing our good4 ,he also said1 that a louse ought not to be killed in a temple2 conceiving that a divine power ought not to participate of any thing superfluous and corruptible4 ,but that the ,gods should be honored with cedar1 laurel1 cypress1 oak1 and myrtle2 and that the body should not be purified with these1 nor should any of them be divided by the teeth4 ,he likewise ordained1 that what is boiled should not be roasted2 signifying by this that mildness is not in want of anger4 ,but he would not suffer the bodies of the dead to be burned2 following in this the ,magi1 being unwilling that any thing divine should communicate with a mortal nature4 ,he likewise thought it was holy for the dead to be carried out in white garments2 obscurely signifying by this the simple and first nature1 according to number and the principle of all things4 ,but above all things he ordained1 that an oath should be taken religiously2 since that which is behind is long4#cg ,and he said1 that it is much more holy to be injured than to kill a man3 for judgment is deposited in ,hades1 where the soul and its essence1 and the first nature of things are properly estimated4 ,farther still1 he ordered that sepulchral chests i4 e4 biers should not be made of cypress1 because the sceptre of ,jupiter was made of this wood1 or for some other mystic reason4 ,he likewise ordained that libations should be performed before the table of ,jupiter the ,saviour1 and of ,hercules and the ,dioscuri2 in so doing celebrating ,jupiter as the presiding cause and leader of this nutriment2 ,hercules1 as the power of nature2 and the ,dioscuri1 as the symphony of all things4 ,but he said1 that libations should not be offered with closed eyes4 ,for he did not think it fit1 that any thing beautiful should be undertaken with shame and bashfulness4 ,moreover1 when it thundered1 he ordained that the earth should be touched1 in remembrance of the generation of things4 ,but he ordered that temples should be entered from places on the right hand1 and that they should be departed out of from the left hand4 ,for he asserted that the right hand is the principle of what is called the odd number1 and is divine2 but that the left hand is a symbol of the even number1 and of that which is dissolved4 ,and such is the mode which he is said to have adopted in the cultivation of piety4 ,but other particulars which we have omitted concerning it1 may be conjectured from what has been said4 ,so that ,i shall cease to speak further on this subject4 ,,chap4 ,,xxix4 ,of his wisdom1 however1 the commentaries written by the ,pythagoreans afford1 in short1 the greatest indication2 for they adhere to truth in every thing1 and are more concise than all other compositions1 so that they savour of the ancient elegance of style1 and the conclusions are exquisitely deduced with divine science4 ,they are also replete with the most condensed conceptions1 and are in other respects various and diversified both in the form and the matter4 ,at one and the same time likewise1 they are transcendently excellent1 and without any deficiency in the diction1 and are in an eminent degree full of clear and indubitable arguments1 accompanied with scientific demonstration1 and as it is said1 the most perfect syllogism2 as he will find to be the case1 who1 proceeding in such paths as are fit1 does not negligently peruse them4 ,this science1 therefore1 concerning intelligible natures and the ,gods1 ,pythagoras delivers in his writings from a supernal origin4 ,afterwards1 he teaches the whole of physics1 and unfolds completely ethical philosophy and logic4 ,he likewise delivers all-various disciplines1 and the most excellent sciences4 ,and in short there is nothing pertaining to human knowledge which is not accurately discussed in these writings4 ,if therefore it is acknowledged1 that of the ,pythagoric writings which are now in circulation1 some were written by ,pythagoras himself1 but others consist of what he was heard to say1 and on this account are anonymous1 but are referred to ,pythagoras as their author2--if this be the case1 it is evident that he was abundantly skilled in all wisdom4 ,but it is said that he very much applied himself to geometry among the ,egyptians4 ,for with the ,egyptians there are many geometrical problems2 since it is necessary that from remote periods1 and from the time of the ,gods themselves1#ch on account of the increments and decrements of the ,nile1 those that were skilful should have measured all the ,egyptian land which they cultivated4 ,hence also geometry derived its name4 ,neither did they negligently investigate the theory of the celestial orbs1 in which likewise ,pythagoras was skilled4 ,moreover1 all the theorems about lines appear to have been derived from thence4 ,for it is said that what pertains to computation and numbers1 was discovered in ,phnicia4 ,for some persons refer the theorems about the celestial bodies to the ,egyptians and ,chaldeans in common4 ,it is said therefore1 that ,pythagoras having received and increased all these theories1 imparted the sciences1 and at the same time demonstrated them to his auditors with perspicuity and elegance4 ,and he was the first indeed that denominated philosophy1 and said that it was the desire1 and as it were love of wisdom4 ,but he defined wisdom to be the science of the truth which is in beings4 ,and he said that beings are immaterial and eternal natures1 and alone possess an efficacious power1 such as incorporeal essences4 ,but that the rest of things are only homonymously beings1 and are so denominated through the participation of real beings1 and such are corporeal and material forms1 which are generated and corrupted1 and never truly are4 ,and that wisdom is the science of things which are properly beings1 but not of such as are homonymously so4 ,for corporeal natures are neither the objects of science nor admit of a stable knowledge1 since they are infinite and incomprehensible by science1 and are as it were1 non-beings1 when compared with universals1 and are incapable of being properly circumscribed by definition4 ,it is impossible however to conceive that there should be science of things which are not naturally the objects of science4 ,hence it is not probable that there will be a desire of science which has no subsistence1 but rather that desire will be extended to things which are properly beings1 which exist with invariable permanency1 and are always consubsistent with a true appellation4 ,for it happens that the perception of things which are homonymously beings1 and which are never truly what they seem to be1 follows the apprehension of real beings2 just as the knowledge of particulars follows the science of universals4 ,for he who knows universals properly1 says ,archytas1 will also have a clear perception of the nature of particulars4 ,hence things which have an existence are not alone1 nor only-begotten1 nor simple1 but they are seen to be various and multiform4 ,for some of them are intelligible and incorporeal natures1 and which are denominated beings2 but others are corporeal and fall under the perception of sense1 and by participation communicate with that which has a real existence4 ,concerning all these therefore1 he delivered the most appropriate sciences1 and left nothing pertaining to them uninvestigated4 ,he likewise unfolded to men those sciences which are common to all disciplines1 as for instance the demonstrative1 the definitive1 and that which consists in dividing1 as may be known from the ,pythagoric commentaries4 ,he was also accustomed to pour forth sentences resembling ,oracles to his familiars in a symbolical manner1 and which in the greatest brevity of words contained the most abundant and multifarious meaning1 like the ,pythian ,apollo through certain oracles1 or like nature herself through seeds small in bulk1 the former exhibiting conceptions1 and the latter effects1 innumerable in multitude1 and difficult to be understood4 ,of this kind is the sentence1 ,the beginning is the half of the whole1 which is an apothegm of ,pythagoras himself4 ,but not only in the present hemistich1 but in others of a similar nature1 the most divine ,pythagoras has concealed the sparks of truth2 depositing as in a treasury for those who are capable of being enkindled by them1 and with a certain brevity of diction1 an extension of theory most ample and difficult to be comprehended1 as in the following hemistich3 ,all things accord in number3 which he very frequently uttered to all his disciples4 ,or again1 ,friendship is equality2 equality is friendship4 ,or in the word cosmos1 i4 e4 the world2 or by ,jupiter1 in the word philosophy1 or in the so much celebrated word tetractys4 ,all these and many other inventions of the like kind1 were devised by ,pythagoras for the benefit and amendment of his associates2 and they were considered by those that understood them to be so venerable1 and so much the progeny of divine inspiration1 that the following was adopted as an oath by those that dwelt together in the common auditory3 ,i swear by him who the tetractys found1 ,and to our race reveal'd2 the cause and root1 ,and fount of ever-flowing ,nature4 ,this therefore was the form of his wisdom which is so admirable4 ,it is also said1 that of the sciences which the ,pythagoreans honored1 music1 medicine and divination1 were not among the least4 ,but they were habitually silent and prompt to hear1 and he who was able to hear in a proper manner was praised by them4 ,of medicine1 however1 they especially embraced the ditetic species1 and in the exercise of this were most accurate4 ,and in the first place1 indeed1 they endeavoured to learn the indications of symmetry1 of labor1 food1 and repose4 ,in the next place1 with respect to the preparation of food1 they were nearly the first who attempted to employ themselves in it1 and to define the mode in which it should be performed4 ,the ,pythagoreans likewise employed cataplasms more frequently than their predecessors2 but they in a less degree approved of medicated ointments4 ,these however they principally used in the cure of ulcerations4 ,but incisions and burnings they admitted the least of all things4 ,some diseases also they cured by incantations4 ,pythagoras1 however1 thought that music greatly contributed to health1 if it was used in a proper manner4 ,the ,pythagoreans likewise employed select sentences of ,homer and ,hesiod for the amendment of souls4 ,but they thought it was necessary to retain and preserve in the memory things which they had learnt and heard2 and that it was requisite to be furnished with disciplines and auditions1 to as great an extent as there was an ability of learning and remembering2 the former of these being the power by which knowledge is obtained1 but the latter1 the power by which it is preserved4 ,hence1 they very much honored the memory1 abundantly exercised1 and paid great attention to it4 ,in learning too1 they did not dismiss what they were taught1 till they had firmly comprehended the first rudiments of it2 and they recalled to their memory what they had daily heard1 after the following manner3 ,a ,pythagorean never rose from his bed till he had first recollected the transactions of the former day2 and he accomplished this by endeavouring to remember what he first said1 or heard1 or ordered his domestics to do when he was rising1 or what was the second and third thing which he said1 heard1 or commanded to be done4 ,and the same method was adopted with respect to the remainder of the day4 ,for again1 he endeavoured to recollect who was the first person that he met1 on leaving his house1 or who was the second2 and with whom he in the first1 or second1 or third place discoursed4 ,and after the same manner he proceeded in other things4 ,for he endeavoured to resume in his memory all the events of the whole day1 and in the very same order in which each of them happened to take place4 ,but if they had sufficient leisure after rising from sleep1 they tried after the same manner to recollect the events of the third preceding day4 ,and thus they endeavoured to exercise the memory to a great extent4 ,for there is not any thing which is of greater importance with respect to science1 experience and wisdom1 than the ability of remembering4 ,from these studies therefore1 it happened that all ,italy was filled with philosophers1 and this place1 which before was unknown1 was afterwards on account of ,pythagoras called ,magna ,grcia4 ,hence also it contained many philosophers1 poets1 and legislators4 ,for the rhetorical arts1 demonstrative reasonings1 and the laws written by them1 were transferred from ,italy to ,greece4 ,those likewise who make mention of physics1 adduce as the principal physiologists ,empedocles and the ,elean ,parmenides4 ,those too1 who wish to cite sentences1 pertaining to the conduct of human life1 adduce for this purpose the conceptions of ,epicharmus4 ,and nearly all philosophers make use of these4 ,thus much therefore concerning the wisdom of ,pythagoras1 how in a certain respect he very much impelled all his auditors to the pursuit of it1 as far as they were adapted to its participation1 and how perfectly it was delivered by him4 ,,chap4 ,,xxx4 ,with respect to justice1 however1 we shall learn in the best manner1 how he cultivated and delivered it to mankind1 if we survey it from its first principle1 and from what first causes it germinates1 and also direct our attention to the first cause of injustice4 ,for thus we shall discover how he avoided the latter1 and what methods he adopted in order that the former might be properly ingenerated in the soul4 ,the principle of justice therefore1 is the common and the equal1 through which1 in a way most nearly approximating to one body and one soul1 all men may be co-passive1 and may call the same thing mine and thine2 as is also testified by ,plato1 who learnt this from the ,pythagoreans4 ,this therefore1 ,pythagoras effected in the best manner1 exterminating every thing private in manners1 but increasing that which is common as far as to ultimate possessions1 which are the causes of sedition and tumult4 ,for all things with his disciples were common and the same to all1 and no one possessed any thing private4 ,and he indeed1 who approved of this communion1 used common possessions in the most just manner2 but he who did not1 received his own property1 which he brought to the common stock1 with an addition to it1 and departed4 ,and thus he established justice in the best manner1 from the first principle of it4 ,in the next place1 therefore1 association with men introduces justice2 but alienation1 and a contempt of the common genus1 produce injustice4 ,wishing therefore to insert this familiarity from afar in men1 he also ordained that his disciples should extend it to animals of the same genus1 and commanded them to consider these as their familiars and friends2 so as neither to injure1 nor slay1 nor eat any one of them4 ,he therefore who associates men with animals1 because they consist of the same elements as we do1 and participate with us of a more common life1 will in a much greater degree establish fellowship with those who partake of a soul of the same species1 and also of a rational soul4 ,from this also it is evident that he introduced justice produced from the most proper principle4 ,since likewise the want of riches1 sometimes compels many to do something contrary to justice1 he well foresaw that this would be the case1 and through economy procured for himself liberal expenses1 and what was just in sufficient abundance4 ,for again1 a just arrangement of domestic concerns is the principle of all good order in cities4 ,for cities are constituted from houses4 ,it is said therefore1 that ,pythagoras himself was the heir of the property of ,alcus1 who died after performing an embassy to the ,lacedmonians1 but that notwithstanding this1 he was no less admired for his economy than for his philosophy4 ,when also he was married1 he so educated the daughter that was born to him1 and who was afterwards married to ,meno the ,crotonian1 that when she was a virgin she was the leader of choirs1 but when a wife she held the first place among those that approached to altars4 ,it is likewise said1 that the ,metapontines preserving the remembrance of ,pythagoras after his time1 made his house a temple of ,ceres1 but the street in which he lived a museum4 ,because also insolence1 luxury1 and a contempt of the laws1 frequently impel men to injustice1 on this account he daily exhorted his disciples to give assistance to law1 and to be hostile to illegality4 ,hence he made such a division as the following3 that what is called luxury1 is the first evil that usually glides into houses and cities2 that the second is insolence2 and the third destruction4 ,that hence luxury should by all possible means be excluded and expelled from every house and city1 and that men should be accustomed from their birth to a temperate and manly life4 ,he farther added1 that it is requisite to be purified from all malediction1 whether it be that which is lamentable1 or that which excites hostility1 and whether it be of a reviling1 or insolent1 or scurrilous nature4 ,besides these1 likewise1 he established another most beautiful species of justice1 viz4 the legislative2 which orders indeed what ought to be done2 but forbids what ought not to be done4 ,this species1 however1 is more excellent than the judicial form of justice4 ,for it resembles medicine which heals those that are diseased4 ,it differs from it however in this1 that it does not suffer disease to commence1 but pays attention from afar to the health of the soul4 ,this therefore being the case1 the best of all legislators came from the school of ,pythagoras3 in the first place1 indeed1 ,charondas the ,catanan2 and in the next place1 ,zaleucus and ,timaratus1 who wrote laws for the ,locrians4 ,besides these likewise there were ,thetetus and ,helicaon1 ,aristocrates1 and ,phytius1 who became the legislators of the ,rhegini4 ,all these likewise obtained from their citizens honors similar to those of the ,gods4 ,for ,pythagoras did not act like ,heraclitus1 who said that he would write laws for the ,ephesians1 and also petulantly#ci said1 that in those laws he would order the citizens to hang themselves4 ,but ,pythagoras endeavoured to establish laws1 with great benevolence and political science4 ,why however is it requisite to admire these men8 ,for ,zamolxis being a ,thracian1 and the slave of ,pythagoras1 after he had heard the discourses of ,pythagoras1 having obtained his liberty1 and returned to ,get1 gave laws to them1 as we have before observed in the beginning of this work1 and exhorted the citizens to fortitude1 having persuaded them that the soul is immortal4 ,hence even at present1 all the ,galat1 and ,trallians1 and many others of the ,barbarians1 persuade their children that the soul cannot be destroyed2 but that it remains after death1 and that death is not to be feared1 but danger is to be encountered with a firm and manly mind4 ,having therefore instructed the ,get in these things1 and written laws for them1 he was considered by them as the greatest of the ,gods4 ,farther still1 he apprehended that the dominion of the ,gods was most efficacious to the establishment of justice1 and supernally from this he constituted a polity and laws1 and also justice4 ,it will not however be foreign to the purpose1 to add particularly the manner in which he thought we ought to conceive of divinity2 viz4 that we should conceive that he exists1 and that he is so disposed towards the human race1 that be inspects and does not neglect it4 ,and this conception which the ,pythagoreans derived from ,pythagoras1 they apprehended to be of great utility4 ,for we require an inspection of this kind1 which we do not in any thing think fit to resist4 ,but such as this is the inspective government of divinity4 ,fop if a divine nature is a thing of this kind1 it deserves to have the empire of the universe4 ,for it was rightly said by the ,pythagoreans1 that man is an animal so far as pertains to his irrational part1 naturally insolent1 and various1 according to impulses1 desires1 and the rest of the passions4 ,he requires therefore transcendent inspection and government of this kind1 from which a certain castigation and order may be derived4 ,hence they thought that every one being conscious of the variety of his nature1 should never he forgetful of piety towards1 and the worship of divinity2 but should always place him before the eye of the mind1 as inspecting and diligently observing the conduct of mankind4 ,but after divinity and the dmoniacal nature1 they thought that every one should pay the greatest attention to his parents and the laws1 and should be obedient to them1 not feignedly1 but faithfully4 ,and universally1 they thought it necessary to believe1 that nothing is a greater evil than anarchy2 since the human race is not naturally adapted to be saved1 when no one rules over it4 ,these men also thought it right to adhere to the customs and legal institutes of their ancestors1 even though they should be somewhat inferior to other customs and laws4 ,for to fly from the existing laws1 and to be studious of innovation1 is by no means profitable and salutary4 ,pythagoras therefore gave many other specimens of piety to the ,gods1 evincing that his life was conformable to his doctrines4 ,nor will it be foreign to the purpose to mention one of them1 which may serve to elucidate the rest4 ,but ,i will relate what ,pythagoras said and did relative to the embassy from ,sybaris to ,crotona1 about demanding the return of the exiles4 ,for some of his associates were slain by order of the ambassadors1 one of whom slew a part of them with his own hands2 but another was the son of one of those who had excited the sedition1 and who died through disease4 ,when the ,crotonians therefore were deliberating how they should act in this affair1 ,pythagoras said to his disciples1 that he was not willing the ,crotonians should be so greatly discordant in this affair1 and that in his opinion1 the ambassadors should not even lead victims to the altars1 much less ought they to drag suppliants i4 e4 the exiles from them4 ,but when the ,sybarites came to him with their complaints1 and the man who had slain some of his associates with his own hands1 was defending his conduct1 ,pythagoras said1 that he should not answer an homicide4 ,hence1 some persons accused him of asserting that he was ,apollo1 because prior to this some one having asked him about a certain object of inquiry1 why the thing was so2 he in his turn asked the interrogator1 if he would think fit to inquire of ,apollo when he was delivering oracles to him1 why he delivered them8 ,but to another of the ambassadors who appeared to him to deride his school1 in which he taught the return of souls to the supernal realms1 and who said that he would give him an epistle to his father1 as he was about to descend into ,hades1 and exhorted him to bring another letter in answer1 from his father1 when he returned2 ,pythagoras replied1 that he was not about to descend into the abode of the impious1 where he clearly knew that murderers were punished4 ,but the ambassadors reviling him1 he proceeded to the sea1 many persons following him1 and there sprinkled himself with marine water4 ,some one however of the ,crotonian counsellors1 after reviling the rest of the ambassadors1 observed that he understood they had defamed ,pythagoras1 whom not even a brute would dare to blaspheme1 though all animals should again utter the same voice as men1 which fables report they did in the beginning of things4 ,pythagoras likewise discovered another method of restraining men from injustice1 through the judgment of souls1 truly knowing indeed that this method may be taught1 and also knowing that it is useful to the suppression of justice through fear4 ,he asserted therefore1 that it is much better to be injured than to kill a man2 for that judgment is deposited in ,hades1 where the soul1 and its essence1 and the first nature of beings1 are properly estimated4 ,being desirous1 however1 to exhibit in things unequal1 without symmetry and infinite1 a definite1 equal1 and commensurate justice1 and to show how it ought to be exercised1 he said1 that justice resembles that figure1 which is the only one among geometrical diagrams1 that having indeed infinite compositions of figures1 but dissimilarly disposed with reference to each other1 yet has equal demonstrations of power4#dj ,since also1 there is a certain justice in making use of another person1 such a mode of it as the following1 is said to have been delivered by the ,pythagoreans3 ,of associations with others1 one kind is seasonable1 but another is unseasonable4 ,these likewise are distinguished from each other by difference of age1 desert1 the familiarity of alliance1 and of beneficence1 and whatever else there may be of the like kind in the different associations of men with each other4 ,for there is a species of association1 viz4 of a younger with a younger person1 which does not appear to be unseasonable2 but that of a younger with an elderly person is unseasonable4 ,for no species of anger1 or threatening1 or boldness1 is becoming in a younger towards an elderly man1 but all unseasonable conduct of this kind should be cautiously avoided4 ,a similar reasoning likewise should be adopted with respect to desert4 ,for it is neither decorous1 nor seasonable1 to use an unrestrained freedom of speech1 or to adopt any of the above-mentioned modes of conduct1 towards a man who has arrived at the true dignity of consummate virtue4 ,conformably to this also1 was what he said respecting the association with parents1 and likewise with benefactors4 ,he added1 that there is a certain various and multiform use of an opportune time4 ,for of those that are enraged and angry1 some are so seasonably1 but others unseasonably4 ,and again1 of those that aspire after1 desire1 and are impelled to any thing appetible1 an opportune time is the attendant on some1 and an unseasonable time on others4 ,and the same thing may be said concerning other passions and actions1 dispositions1 associations1 and meetings4 ,he farther observed1 that an opportune time is to a certain extent1 to be taught1 and also1 that what happens contrary to expectation1 is capable of receiving an artificial discussion2 but that when it is considered universally and simply1 none of the above-mentioned particulars pertain to it4 ,nearly1 however1 such things are the attendants on it1 as follow the nature of opportune time1 viz4 what is called the florid1 the becoming1 the adapted1 and whatever else there may be homogeneous to these4 ,he likewise asserted1 that principle or the beginning is in the universe unity1 and is the most honorable of things2 and that in a similar manner it is so in science1 in experience1 and in generation4 ,and again1 that the number two is most honorable in a house1 in a city1 in a camp1 and in all such like systems4 ,but that the nature of principle is difficult to be surveyed and apprehended in all the above-mentioned particulars4 ,for in sciences1 it is not the province of any casual understanding to learn and judge1 by well surveying the parts of things1 what the nature is of the principle of these4 ,he added1 that it makes a great difference1 and that there is danger with respect to the knowledge of the whole of things1 when principle is not rightly assumed4 ,for none1 in short1 of the consequent conclusions can be sane1 when the true principle is unknown4 ,the same thing may also be said respecting a principle of another kind4 ,for neither can a house1 or a city1 be well instituted1 unless each has a true ruler1 who governs those that voluntarily submit to him4 ,for it is necessary that in both these the governor should be willing to rule1 and the governed to obey4 ,just as with respect to disciplines1 when they are taught with proper effect1 it is necessary that there should be a concurrence in the will both of the teacher and learner4 ,for if there is a resistance on the part of either1 the proposed work will never be accomplished in a proper manner4 ,thus therefore1 he proved1 that it was beautiful to be persuaded by rulers1 and to be obedient to preceptors4 ,but he exhibited the following as the greatest argument through deeds1 of the truth of his observations4 ,he went from ,italy to ,delos1 to ,pherecydes the ,syrian1 who had been his preceptor1 in order that he might afford him some assistance1 as he was then afflicted with what is called the morbus pedicularis1 and he carefully attended him to the time of his death1 and piously performed whatever rites were due to his dead preceptor4 ,so diligent was he in the discharge of his duties to him from whom he had received instruction4 ,moreover1 with respect to compacts and the veracity pertaining to them1 ,pythagoras so prepared his disciples for the observance of them1 that1 as it is said1 ,lysis having once performed his adorations in the temple of ,juno1 met1 as he was departing from it1 about the vestibules with ,euryphamus the ,syracusan1 who was one of his fellow disciples1 and was then entering into the temple4 ,euryphamus therefore desiring ,lysis to wait for him1 till he also had adored the ,goddess1 ,lysis sat down on a stone seat which was placed there4 ,euryphamus however having finished his adoration1 and becoming absorbed in certain profound conceptions1 forgot his appointment1 and went out of the temple through another gate4 ,but ,lysis waited for him without quitting his seat1 the remainder of that day and the following night1 and also the greater part of the next day4 ,and perhaps he would have staid there for a still longer time1 unless ,euryphamus on the following day1 had heard in the auditory1 that ,lysis was wanted by his associates4 ,recollecting therefore his compact1 he came to ,lysis1 and liberated him from his engagement1 at the same time telling him the cause of his forgetfulness1 and added1 8,some ,god produced in me this oblivion1 as a trial of your firmness in preserving your compacts40 ,pythagoras likewise ordained abstinence from animal food1 for many other reasons1 and likewise because it is productive of peace4 ,for those who are accustomed to abominate the slaughter of animals as iniquitous and preternatural1 will think it to be much more unlawful to kill a man1 or engage in war4 ,but war is the leader and legislator of slaughter4 ,for by this it is increased1 and becomes strong and powerful4 ,not to step also above the beam of the balance1 is an exhortation to justice1 announcing1 that whatever is just should be cultivated1 as will be shown when we discuss the ,pythagoric symbols4 ,it appears therefore1 through all these particulars1 that ,pythagoras paid great attention to the exercise of justice1 and to the delivery of it to mankind1 both in deeds and in words4 ,,chap4 ,,xxxi4 ,it follows1 in the next place1 that we should speak of temperance1 and show how it was cultivated by ,pythagoras1 and how he delivered it to his associates4 ,we have already therefore narrated the common precepts concerning it1 in which it is said that every thing incommensurate should be cut off with fire and sword4 ,the abstinence also from animal food1 is a precept of the same species2 and likewise from certain foods calculated to produce intemperance1 and impeding the vigilance and genuine energies of the reasoning power4 ,farther still1 to this species the precept belongs1 that sumptuous food should indeed be introduced in banquets1 but should shortly after be sent away1 and given to the servants1 being placed on the table merely for the sake of punishing the desires4 ,likewise1 that no liberal and ingenuous woman should wear gold1 but only harlots4 ,and again1 the exercise of taciturnity1 and perfect silence1 for the purpose of governing the tongue4 ,likewise a strenuous and assiduous resumption and investigation of the most difficult theorems4 ,but on account of all these1 we must refer to the same virtue i4 e4 to temperance1 abstinence from wine2 paucity of food and sleep2 an inartificial contempt of renown1 wealth1 and the like2 a sincere reverence towards those to whom reverence is due1 but an unfeigned similitude of behaviour and benevolence towards those of the same age2 an animadversion and exhortation of those that are younger1 without envy2 and every thing else of the like kind4 ,the temperance also of those men1 and how ,pythagoras taught this virtue1 may be learnt from what ,hippobotus and ,neanthes narrate of ,myllias and ,timycha who were ,pythagoreans4 ,for they say that ,dionysius the tyrant could not obtain the friendship of any one of the ,pythagoreans1 though he did every thing to accomplish his purpose2 for they had observed1 and carefully avoided his monarchical disposition4 ,he sent therefore to the ,pythagoreans1 a troop of thirty soldiers1 under the command of ,eurymenes the ,syracusan1 who was the brother of ,dion1 in order that by treachery their accustomed migration from ,tarentum to ,metapontum1 might be opportunely effected for his purpose4 ,for it was usual with them to change their abode at different seasons of the year1 and they chose such places as were adapted to this migration4 ,in ,phal therefore1 a craggy part of ,tarentum1 through which the ,pythagoreans must necessarily pass in their journey1 ,eurymenes insidiously concealed his troop1 and when the ,pythagoreans1 expecting no such thing1 came to that place about the middle of the day1 the soldiers rushed upon them with shouts1 after the manner of robbers4 ,but the ,pythagoreans being disturbed and terrified at an attack so unexpected1 and at the superior number of their enemies 7for the whole number of the ,pythagoreans was but ten71 and considering also that they must be taken captive1 as they were without arms1 and had to contend with men who were variously armed1--they found that their only safety was in flight1 and they did not conceive that this was foreign to virtue4 ,for they knew that fortitude1 according to the decision of right reason1 is the science of things which are to be avoided and endured4 ,and this they now obtained4 ,for those who were with ,eurymenes1 being heavy-armed1 would have abandoned the pursuit of the ,pythagoreans1 if the latter in their flight had not arrived at a certain field sown with beans1 and which were in a sufficiently florishing condition4 ,not being willing therefore to violate the dogma which ordered them not to touch beans1 they stood still1 and from necessity attacked their pursuers with stones and sticks1 and whatever else they happened to meet with1 till they had slain some1 and wounded many of them4 ,all the ,pythagoreans however1 were at length slain by the spearmen1 nor would any one of them suffer himself to be taken captive1 but preferred death to this1 conformably to the mandates of their sect4 ,eurymenes therefore1 and his soldiers1 were beyond measure disturbed on finding that they should not be able to bring one of the ,pythagoreans alive to ,dionysius1 though they were sent by him for this purpose alone4 ,hence1 having piled earth on the slain1 and buried them in that place in a common sepulchre1 they turned their steps homeward4 ,as they were returning1 however1 they happened to meet with ,myllias the ,crotonian1 and his wife ,timycha the ,lacedmonian1 whom the other ,pythagoreans had left behind1 because ,timycha being pregnant1 was now in her sixth#da month1 and on this account walked leisurely4 ,these therefore1 the soldiers gladly made captive1 and led them to the tyrant1 paying every attention to them1 in order that they might be brought to him safe4 ,but the tyrant having learnt what had happened1 was greatly dejected1 and said to the two ,pythagoreans1 ,you shall obtain from me honors transcending all others in dignity1 if you will consent to reign in conjunction with me4 ,all his offers however being rejected by ,myllias and ,timycha2 ,if then1 said he1 you will only teach me one thing1 ,i will dismiss you with a sufficiently safe guard4 ,myllias therefore asking him what it was he wished to learn2 ,dionysius replied1 ,it is this1 why your companions chose rather to die1 than to tread on beans8 ,but ,myllias immediately answered1 ,my companions indeed submitted to death1 in order that they might not tread upon beans1 but ,i would rather tread on them1 than tell you the cause of this4 ,dionysius therefore1 being astonished at this answer1 ordered him to be forcibly taken away1 but commanded ,timycha to be tortured3 for he thought1 that as she was a woman1 pregnant1 and deprived of her husband1 she would easily tell him what he wanted to know1 through fear of the torments4 ,the heroic woman1 however1 grinding her tongue with her teeth1 bit it off1 and spit it at the tyrant2 evincing by this1 that though her sex being vanquished by the torments might be compelled to disclose something which ought to be concealed in silence1 yet the member subservient to the developement of it1 should be entirely cut off4 ,so much difficulty did they make in admitting foreign friendships1 even though they should happen to be royal4 ,similar to these also1 were the precepts concerning silence1 and which tended to the exercise of temperance4 ,for the subjugation of the tongue1 is of all other continence the most difficult4 ,the persuading likewise the ,crotonians to abstain from the profane and spurious association with harlots1 pertains to the same virtue4 ,and besides this1 the correction through music1 by means of which ,pythagoras restored a young man to temperance1 who had become furious through love4 ,the exhortation also1 which leads from lascivious insolence1 must be referred to the same virtue4 ,and these things ,pythagoras delivered to the ,pythagoreans1 he himself being the cause of them4 ,for they so attended to their bodies1 that they might always remain in the same condition1 and not at one time be lean1 but at another1 abounding in flesh4 ,for they considered this to be an indication of an anomalous life4 ,in a similar manner also with respect to the mind1 they were careful that they might not be at one time cheerful1 and at another sad1 but that they might be mildly joyful with uniformity4 ,but they expelled rage1 despondency1 and perturbation4 ,and it was a precept with them1 that no human casualties ought to be unexpected by those who are endued with intellect1 but that they should expect every thing may happen which it is not in their power to prevent4 ,but if at any time they were in a rage1 or oppressed with sorrow1 or any thing else of this kind1 they separated themselves from the rest of their associates1 and each by himself alone1 endeavoured to digest and heal the passion4 ,this also is said of the ,pythagoreans1 that no one of them when angry1 either punished a servant1 or admonished any free man1 but each of them waited till his mind was restored to its former tranquil condition4 ,but they called to admonish1 pdartan4 ,for they accomplished this waiting by employing silence and quiet4 ,hence ,spintharus relates of ,archytas the ,tarentine1 that returning after a certain time from the war which the city of ,tarentum waged against the ,messenians1 to inspect some land which belonged to him1 and finding that the bailiff and the other servants1 had not paid proper attention to the cultivation of it1 but had greatly neglected it1 being enraged1 he was so indignant1 that he told his servants it was well for them he was angry2 since1 if this had not happened1 they would not have escaped the punishment due to so great an offence4 ,spintharus likewise says that a similar thing is related of ,clinias4 ,for he also deferred all admonitions and punishments1 till his mind was restored to tranquillity4 ,it is farther related of the ,pythagoreans1 that they expelled from themselves lamentation1 weeping1 and every thing else of this kind2 and that neither gain1 nor desire1 nor anger1 nor ambition1 nor any thing of a similar nature1 became the cause of dissension among them2 but that all the ,pythagoreans were so disposed towards each other1 as a worthy father is towards his offspring4 ,this also is a beautiful circumstance1 that they referred every thing to ,pythagoras1 and called it by his name1 and that they did not ascribe to themselves the glory of their own inventions1 except very rarely4 ,for there are very few whose works are acknowledged to be their own4 ,the accuracy too1 with which they preserved their writings is admirable4 ,for in so many ages1 no one appears to have met with any of the commentaries of the ,pythagoreans1 prior to the time of ,philolaus4 ,but he first published those three celebrated books1 which ,dion the ,syracusan is said to have bought1 at the request of ,plato1 for a hundred mina4 ,for ,philolaus had fallen into a certain great and severe poverty2 and from his alliance to the ,pythagoreans1 was a partaker of their writings4 ,with respect also to opinion1#db it is related that they spoke of it as follows3 ,that it is the province of a stupid man to pay attention to the opinion of every one1 and especially to that of the multitude4 ,far it belongs to a few only to apprehend and opine rightly2 since it is evident that this pertains to the intelligent alone4 ,but they are few4 ,it is manifest therefore1 that a power of this kind does not extend itself to the multitude4 ,but it is also stupid to despise the opinion of every one4 ,for it will happen that he who is so disposed will be unlearned and incorrigible4 ,it is however necessary that he who is destitute of science should learn those things of which he is ignorant1 and has no scientific knowledge4 ,and it is likewise necessary that the learner should pay attention to the opinion of him who possesses science1 and is able to teach4 ,and universally1 it is necessary that those young men who wish to be saved1 should attend to the opinion of their elders1 and of those who have lived well4 ,but in the whole of human life there are certain ages 7denominated by them as it is said endedasmen7 which it is not in the power of any casual person to connect with each other4 ,for they are expelled by each other1 unless some one conducts a man from his birth1 in a beautiful and upright manner4 ,it is necessary therefore1 when a child is educated well1 and is formed to temperance and fortitude1 that a great part of his education should be given to the age of adolescence which is that of a lad4 ,in a similar manner also1 when a lad is formed to temperance and fortitude1 it is necessary that a great part of his education should be transferred to the age of manhood4 ,for that which happens to the multitude is absurd and ridiculous4 ,for they fancy it is requisite that boys should be orderly and temperate1 and should abstain from every thing which appears to be troublesome and indecorous2 but that when they have arrived at adolescency1 they may for the most part do whatever they please4 ,hence there is nearly a conflux of both kinds of errors into this age4 ,for lads commit many faults which are both puerile and virile4 ,for1 in short1 to avoid every kind of sedulity and order1 and to pursue every species of sport1 and puerile intemperance and insolence1 are most adapted to the age of a boy4 ,such a disposition therefore as this1 is derived from the puerile into the following age4 ,but the genus of strong desires1 and of different species of ambition1 and in a similar manner the remaining impulses and dispositions1 when they are of a severe and turbulent nature1 are derived from the virile age into that of adolescency4 ,hence this of all the ages demands the greatest attention4 ,and universally1 no man ought to be suffered to do whatever he pleases1 but it is always necessary that there should be a certain inspection1 and a legal and elegantly-formed government1 to which each of the citizens is obedient4 ,for the animal1 when left to itself and neglected1 rapidly degenerates into vice and depravity4 ,it is likewise said1 that the ,pythagoreans frequently inquired and doubted why we accustom boys to take their food in an orderly and commensurate manner1 and show them that order and symmetry are beautiful2 but that the contraries to these1 disorder and incommensuration1 are base2 and that he who is given to wine and is insatiable1 is held in great disgrace4 ,for if no one of these is useful to us when we have arrived at the age of virility1 it was in vain that we were accustomed1 when boys1 to an order of this kind4 ,and there is also the same reason concerning the other manners to which we are accustomed when boys4 ,this1 therefore1 is not seen to happen in other animals which are disciplined by men2 but immediately from the first1 a whelp and a colt are accustomed to1 and learn those things which it is requisite for them to do when they have arrived at the perfection of their nature4 ,and universally1 it is said that the ,pythagoreans exhorted both those they happened to meet1 and their familiars1 to avoid pleasure as a thing that required the greatest caution4 ,for nothing so much deceives us1 or precipitates us into error1 as this passion4 ,in short1 as it seems1 they contended that we should never do any thing with a view to pleasure as the end4 ,for this scope is1 for the most part1 indecorous and noxious4 ,but they asserted1 that especially looking to the beautiful and decorous1 we should do whatever is to be done4#dc ,and that in the second place we should look to the advantageous and the useful4 ,these things1 however1 require no casual judgment4 ,with respect to what is called desire1 these men are said to have asserted as follows3 ,that desire indeed1 itself1 is a certain tendency1 impulse1 and appetite of the soul1 in order to be filled with something1 or to enjoy something present1 or to be disposed according to some sensitive energy2 but that there is also a desire of the contraries to these1 and this is a desire of the evacuation and absence1 and of having no sensible perception of certain things4 ,that this passion likewise is various1 and is nearly the most multifarious of all those that pertain to man4 ,but that many human desires are adscititious1 and procured by men themselves4 ,hence this passion requires the greatest attention1 and no casual care and corporeal exercise4 ,for that the body when empty should desire food1 is natural3 and again1 it is also natural1 that when filled1 it should desire an appropriate evacuation4 ,but to desire superfluous nutriment1 or superfluous and luxurious garments or coverlids1 or habitations1 is adscititious4 ,they also reasoned in the same manner concerning furniture1 vessels1 servants1 and cattle subservient to food4 ,and universally1 with respect to human passions1 they are nearly things of such a kind1 as to be nowhere permanent1 but to proceed to infinity4 ,hence attention should be paid to youth from the earliest period1 in order that they may aspire after such things as are proper1 may avoid vain and superfluous desires1 and thus be undisturbed by1 and purified from1 such-like appetites1 and may despise those who are objects of contempt1 because they are bound to all-various desires4 ,but it must be especially observed1 that vain1 noxious1 superfluous1 and insolent desires subsist with those who have the greatest power4 ,for there is not any thing so absurd1 which the soul of such boys1 men1 and women1 does not incite them to perform4 ,in short1 the variety of food which is assumed1 is most manifold4 ,for there are an infinite number of fruits1 and an infinite multitude of roots1 which the human race uses for food4 ,it likewise uses all-various kinds of flesh2 and it is difficult to find any terrestrial1 aerial1 or aquatic animal1 which it does not taste4 ,it also employs all-various contrivances in the preparation of these1 and manifold mixtures of juices4 ,hence it properly follows that the human tribe is insane and multiform1 according to the motion of the soul1 for each kind of food that is introduced into the body1 becomes the cause of a certain peculiar disposition4 ,we however perceive that some things become immediately the cause of a great change in quality1 as is evident in wine4 ,for when it is drank abundantly1 it makes men at first more cheerful1 but afterwards more insane and indecorous4 ,but men are ignorant of those things which do not exhibit a power of this kind2 though every thing that is eaten is the cause of a certain peculiar disposition4 ,hence it requires great wisdom1 to be able to know and perceive1 what kind and what quantity of food ought to be used4 ,this science1 however1 was at first unfolded by ,apollo and ,pon2 but afterwards by ,esculapius and his followers4 ,with respect to generation also1 the ,pythagoreans are said to have made the following observations4 ,in the first place1 they thought it necessary to guard against what is called untimely offspring4 ,for neither untimely plants1 nor animals1 are good2 but prior to their bearing fruit1 it is necessary that a certain time should intervene1 in order that seeds and fruit may be produced from strong and perfect bodies4 ,it is requisite1 therefore1 that boys and virgins should be accustomed to labors and exercises1 and appropriate endurance1 and that food should be given to them adapted to a life of labor1 temperance1 and endurance4 ,but there are many things of this kind in human life1 which it is better to learn at a late period1 and among these is the use of venery4 ,it is necessary1 therefore1 that a boy should be so educated1 as not to seek after such a connexion as this1 within the twentieth year of his age4 ,but when he arrives at this age1 he should use venery rarely4 ,this however will be the case1 if he thinks that a good habit of body is an honorable and beautiful thing4 ,for intemperance and a good habit of body1 are not very much adapted to subsist together in the same person4 ,it is also said1 that those laws were praised by the ,pythagoreans1 which existed prior to their time in ,grecian cities1 and which prohibited the having connexion with a woman who is a mother1 or a daughter1 or a sister1 either in a temple1 or in a public place4 ,for it is beautiful and advantageous that there should be numerous impediments to this energy4 ,these men also apprehended1 as it seems1 that preternatural generations1 and those which are effected in conjunction with wanton insolence1 should be entirely prevented from taking place2 but that those should be suffered to remain1 which are according to nature1 and subsist with temperance1 and which take place in the chaste and legal procreation of children4 ,they likewise were of opinion that great providential attention should be paid by those who beget children1 to the future progeny4 ,the first1 therefore1 and the greatest care which should be taken by him who applies himself to the procreation of children is1 that he lives temperately and healthfully1 that he neither fills himself with food unseasonably1 nor uses such aliments as may render the habits of the body worse than they were1 and above all things1 that he avoids intoxication4 ,for they thought that depraved seed was produced from a bad1 discordant1 and turbid temperament4 ,and universally they were of opinion1 that none but an indolent and inconsiderate person would attempt to produce an animal1 and lead it into existence1 without providing with all possible diligence that its ingress into being and life might be most elegant and pleasing4 ,for those that are lovers of dogs1 pay every possible attention to the generation of whelps1 in order that they may be produced from such things as are proper1 and when it is proper1 and in such a way as is proper1 and thus may become a good offspring4 ,the same attention also is paid by those who are lovers of birds4 ,and it is evident that others also who are studious about the procreation of generous animals1 endeavour by all possible means1 that the generation of them may not be in vain4 ,it would be absurd therefore that men should pay no attention to their own offspring1 but should both beget them casually and with perfect carelessness1 and1 after they are begotten1 nourish and educate them with extreme negligence4 ,for this is the most powerful and most manifest cause of the vice and depravity of the greater part of mankind4 ,for with the multitude the procreation of children is undertaken in a beastly and rash manner4 ,and such were the assertions1 and such the doctrine of these men1 which they verified both in words and deeds1 respecting temperance2 these precepts having been originally received by them from ,pythagoras himself1 like certain oracles delivered by the ,pythian ,apollo4 ,,chap4 ,,xxxii4 ,with respect to fortitude1 however1 many of the particulars which have been already related1 appropriately pertain to it2 such as the admirable deeds of ,timycha1 and of those ,pythagoreans who chose to die rather than transgress the decisions of ,pythagoras concerning beans1 and other things conformable to such-like pursuits4 ,such also are the deeds which ,pythagoras himself generously accomplished1 when he travelled everywhere alone1 and underwent immense labors and dangers1 choosing to leave his country1 and dwell among strangers4 ,likewise1 when he dissolved tyrannies1 gave an orderly arrangement to confused polities1 and emancipated cities4 ,when also he caused illegality to cease1 and impeded the operations of insolent and tyrannical men2 exhibiting himself a benignant leader to the just and mild1 but expelling savage and licentious men from his association1 and refusing even to give them an answer2 gladly1 indeed1 giving assistance to the former1 but with all his might resisting the latter4 ,many instances therefore of these things might be adduced1 and of upright actions frequently performed by him4 ,but the greatest of all these1 is what he said and did to ,phalaris1 with an invincible freedom of speech4 ,for when he was detained in captivity by ,phalaris1 the most cruel of tyrants1 a wise man of the ,hyperborean race1 whose name was ,abaris1 was his associate1 who came to him for the sake of conversing with him1 and asked him many questions1 and especially such as were of a sacred nature1 respecting statues and the most holy worship1 the providence of the ,gods1 celestial and terrestrial natures1 and many other things of a similar kind4 ,but ,pythagoras1 being under the influence of divine inspiration1 answered ,abaris vehemently1 and with all truth and persuasion1 so as to convince those that heard him4 ,then1 however1 ,phalaris was inflamed with anger against ,abaris1 because he praised ,pythagoras1 and was ferociously disposed towards ,pythagoras himself4 ,he also dared to utter blasphemies against the ,gods themselves1 and such as he was accustomed to pour forth4 ,but ,abaris gave ,pythagoras thanks for what he said2 and after this1 learnt from him that all things are suspended from and governed by the heavens2 which he evinced to be the case from many other things1 and also from the energy of sacred rites4 ,and ,abaris was so far from thinking that ,pythagoras1 who taught these things1 was an enchanter1 that he beyond measure admired him as if he had been a ,god4 ,to these things1 however1 ,phalaris replied by endeavouring to subvert divination1 and openly denying the efficacy of the things which are performed in sacred rites4 ,but ,abaris transferred the discourse from these particulars to such as are clearly apparent to all men2 and endeavoured to persuade him that there is a divine providence1 from those circumstances which transcend all human hope and power1 whether they are immense wars1 or incurable diseases1 or the corruption of fruits1 or the incursions of pestilence1 or certain other things of the like kind1 which are most difficult to be borne1 and deplorable1 arising from the beneficent energies of certain dmoniacal and divine powers4#dd ,phalaris1 however1 shamelessly and audaciously opposed what was said4 ,again therefore ,pythagoras1 suspecting that ,phalaris intended to put him to death1 but at the same time knowing that he was not destined to die by ,phalaris1 began to address him with great freedom of speech4 ,for looking to ,abaris he said1 that a transition was naturally adapted to take place from the heavens to aerial and terrestrial beings4 ,and again1 he showed that all things follow the heavens1 from instances most known to all men4 ,he likewise indubitably demonstrated1 that the deliberative power of the soul possesses freedom of will4 ,and proceeding still farther1 he amply discussed the perfect energy of reason and intellect4 ,afterwards also1 with his usual freedom of speech1 he spoke concerning tyranny1 and all the prerogatives of fortune1 and concerning injustice and human avarice1 and solidly taught him that all these are of no worth4 ,in the next place1 he gave him a divine admonition concerning the most excellent life1 and earnestly entered on a comparison of it with the most depraved life4 ,he likewise most clearly unfolded to him1 how the soul1 and its powers and passions1 subsist2 and1 what is the most beautiful thing of all1 demonstrated to him that the ,gods are not the causes of evils1 and that diseases1 and such things as are the calamities of the body1 are the seals of intemperance2 reprehending at the same time mythologists and poets for what they have badly said in fables on this subject4 ,confuting ,phalaris also1 he admonished him1 and exhibited to him through works what the power of heaven is1 and the magnitude of that power2 and proved to him by many arguments1 that legal punishment is reasonably established4 ,he likewise clearly showed him what the difference is between men and other animals2 and scientifically discussed internal and external speech4 ,he also perfectly demonstrated the nature of intellect1 and of the knowledge which descends from it2 together with many other ethical dogmas consequent to these things4 ,farther still1 he instructed him in what is most beneficial among the things that are useful in life2 and in the mildest manner adapted admonitions harmonising with these2 adding at the same time prohibitions of what ought not to be done4 ,and that which is the greatest of all1 he unfolded to him the distinction between the productions of fate1 and those of intellect1 and also the difference between what is done by destiny1 and what is done by fate4 ,he likewise wisely discussed many things concerning dmons1 and the immortality of the soul4 ,these things however pertain to another treatise4 ,but those particulars are more appropriate to our present purpose which belong to the cultivation of fortitude4 ,for if1 when situated in the midst of dreadful circumstances1 ,pythagoras appears to have philosophised with firmness of decision1 if on all sides he resisted and repelled fortune1 and strenuously endured its attacks1 and if he employed the greatest freedom of speech towards him who brought his life into danger1 it is evident that he perfectly despised those things which are thought to be dreadful1 and that he considered them as undeserving of notice4 ,if also1 when he expected according to appearances to be put to death1 he entirely despised this1 and was not moved by the expectation of it1 it is evident that he was perfectly free from the dread of death4#de ,he performed however what is still more generous than this1 by effecting the dissolution of tyranny1 restraining the tyrant when he was about to bring the most deplorable calamities on mankind1 and liberating ,sicily from the most cruel and imperious power4 ,but that it was ,pythagoras who accomplished this1 is evident from the oracles of ,apollo1 in which it is predicted that the domination of ,phalaris would then be dissolved1 when those that were governed by him should become better men1 and be more concordant with each other2 such as they then became1 when ,pythagoras was present with them1 through the doctrines and instruction which he imparted to them4 ,a greater proof however of the truth of this1 is derived from the time in which it happened4 ,for on the very same day in which ,phalaris put ,pythagoras and ,abaris in danger of death1 he himself was slain by stratagem4 ,that also which happened to ,epimenides may be an argument of the truth of these things4 ,for as he1 who was the disciple of ,pythagoras1 when certain persons intended to destroy him1 invoked the ,furies1 and the avenging ,gods1 and by so doing caused all those that attempted his life1 to destroy each other2--thus also ,pythagoras1 who gave assistance to mankind1 after the manner and with the fortitude of ,hercules1 for the benefit of men1 punished and occasioned the death of him who had acted in an insolent and disorderly manner towards others2 and this through the oracles themselves of ,apollo1 to the series of which divinity both he and ,epimenides spontaneously belonged from their very birth4 ,and thus far1 indeed1 we have thought it requisite to mention this admirable and strenuous deed1 the effect of his fortitude4 ,we shall however adduce another example of it1 viz4 the salvation of legitimate opinion2 for1 preserving this1 he performed that which appeared to him to be just1 and which was dictated by right reason1 not being diverted from his intention either by pleasure1 or labor1 or any other passion1 or danger4 ,his disciples also chose to die rather than transgress his mandates4 ,and when they were exposed to all-various fortunes1 they preserved invariably the same manners4 ,when also they were involved in ten thousand calamities1 they never deviated from his precepts4 ,but it was a never-failing exhortation with them1 always to give assistance to law1 but to be hostile to illegality1 and to be accustomed from their birth to a life of temperance and fortitude1 in order to restrain and repel luxury4 ,they had also certain melodies which were devised by them1 as remedies against the passions of the soul1 and likewise against despondency and lamentation1 which ,pythagoras invented1 as affording the greatest assistance in these maladies4 ,and again1 they employed other melodies against rage and anger1 through which they gave intension and remission to these passions1 till they reduced them to moderation1 and rendered them commensurate with fortitude4 ,that1 however1 which afforded them the greatest support in generous endurance1 was the persuasion that no human casualties ought to be unexpected by men who are in the possession of intellect1 but that all things ought to be expected by them1 over which they have no absolute power4 ,moreover1 if at any time they happened to be angry1 or sorrowful1 they immediately separated themselves from the rest of their associates1 and each by himself alone strenuously endeavoured to digest and heal the passion by which he was oppressed4 ,they also conceived generally1 that labor should be employed about disciplines and studies1 and that they should be severely exercised in trials of the most various nature1 in punishments and restraints by fire and sword1 in order to be liberated from innate intemperance1 and an inexhaustible avidity of possessing2 and that for this purpose1 no labors1 nor any endurance should be spared4 ,in order to accomplish this likewise1 they generously exercised abstinence from all animals1 and besides this1 from certain other kinds of food4 ,hence also arose their detention of speech1 and their perfect silence as preparatory to the subjugation of the tongue2 in which for many years they exercised their fortitude4 ,to which also may be added1 their strenuous and assiduous investigation and resumption of the most difficult theorems2 and on account of these things1 their abstinence from wine1 their paucity of food and sleep1 and their contempt of glory1 wealth1 and the like4 ,and in conjunction with all these particulars1 they extended themselves to fortitude4 ,it is likewise said1 that these men expelled lamentations and tears1 and every thing else of this kind4 ,they also abstained from entreaty1 from supplication1 and from all such illiberal adulation1 as being effeminate and abject4#df ,to the same conception likewise the peculiarity of their manners must be referred1 and that all of them perpetually preserved among their arcana1 the most principal dogmas in which their discipline was chiefly contained1 keeping them with the greatest silence from being divulged to strangers1 committing them unwritten to the memory1 and transmitting them orally to their successors1 as if they were the mysteries of the ,gods4 ,hence it happened1 that nothing of their philosophy worth mentioning1 was made public1 and that though for a long time it had been taught and learnt1 it was alone known within their walls4 ,but to those out of their walls1 and as ,i may say1 to the profane1 if they happened to be present1 these men spoke obscurely to each other through symbols1 of which the celebrated precepts that are now in circulation retain a vestige2 such as1 ,dig not fire with a sword1 and other symbols of the like kind1 which1 taken literally1 resemble the tales of old women2 but when unfolded1 impart a certain admirable and venerable benefit to those that receive them4 ,the precept1 however1 which is of the greatest efficacy of all others to the attainment of fortitude1 is that which has for its most principal scope the being defended and liberated from those bonds which detain the intellect in captivity from infancy1 and without which no one can learn or perceive any thing sane or true1 through whatever sense he may energize4 ,for according to the ,pythagoreans1 ',tis mind that all things sees and hears2 ,what else exists is deaf and blind4 ,but the precept which is next to this in efficacy is that which exhorts to be beyond measure studious of purifying the intellect1 and by various methods adapting it through mathematical orgies to receive something divinely beneficial1 so as neither to fear a separation from body1 nor1 when led to incorporeal natures1 to be forced to turn away the eyes1 through their most refulgent splendor1#dg nor to be converted to those passions which nail and fasten the soul to the body4 ,and1 in short1 which urges the soul to be untamed by all those passions which are the progeny of the realms of generation1 and which draw it to an inferior condition of being4 ,for the exercise and ascent through all these1 is the study of the most perfect fortitude4 ,and such are the instances adduced by us of the fortitude of ,pythagoras1 and the ,pythagoreans4 ,,chap4 ,,xxxiii4 ,with respect to the amity1 however1 which subsists in all things towards all1 ,pythagoras delivered it in the clearest manner4 ,and1 the amity of the ,gods indeed towards men1 he unfolded through piety and scientific cultivation2 but that of dogmas towards each other1 and universally of the soul towards the body1 and of the rational towards the species of the irrational part1 through philosophy1 and the theory pertaining to it4 ,with respect to the amity of men also towards each other2 that of citizens he delivered through sane legislation1 but that of strangers through a correct physiology2 and that between man and wife1 or children1 or brothers1 and kindred1 through unperverted communion4 ,in short1 he unfolded the friendship of all things towards all1 and still farther1 of certain irrational animals1 through justice and a physical connexion and association4 ,but the pacification and conciliation of the body1 which is of itself mortal1 and of its latent contrary powers1 he unfolded through health1 and a diet and temperance conformable to this1 in imitation of the salubrious condition of the mundane elements4 ,in all these1 however1 ,pythagoras is acknowledged to have been the inventor and legislator of the summary comprehension of them in one and the same name1 which is that of friendship4 ,and indeed he delivered such an admirable friendship to his associates1 that even now those who are benevolent in the extreme towards each other1 are said to belong to the ,pythagoreans4 ,it is necessary therefore to narrate the discipline of ,pythagoras respecting these things1 and the precepts which he used towards his disciples4 ,these men1 then1 exhorted others to remove from true friendship1 contest and contention1 and if possible1 indeed1 from all friendship2 but if not1 at least from that which is parental1 and universally from that which pertains to seniors and benefactors4 ,for to strive or contend with such as these1 in consequence of anger intervening1 or some other such-like passion1 is not the salvation of the existing friendship4 ,but they said it is requisite that there should be the least possible scars and ulcers in friendships2 and that this will be the case1 if those that are friends know how to soften and subdue anger4 ,if both indeed know this1 or rather the younger of the two1 and who ranks in some one of the above-mentioned orders their friendship will be more easily preserved4 ,they also were of opinion1 that corrections and admonitions1 which they called pdartases1 should take place from the elder to the younger with much suavity and caution2 and likewise1 that much sedulous and appropriate attention should be manifested in admonitions4 ,for thus they will be decorous and beneficial4 ,they also said1 that confidence should never be separated from friendship1 neither seriously nor even in jest4 ,for it is no longer easy for the existing friendship to be in a sane condition1 when falsehood once insinuates itself into the manners of those that acknowledge themselves to be friends4 ,again1 according to them1 friendship should not be abandoned on account of misfortune1 or any other imbecility to which human life is incident2 but they said1 that the only approvable rejection of a friend and friendship1 is that which arises from great and incorrigible vice4 ,likewise1 that hatred should not be voluntarily entertained against those who are not perfectly bad2 but that if it is once formed1 it should be generously and strenuously retained1 unless the object of it changes his manners1 so as to become a better man4 ,that the hostility also should not consist in words1 but in deeds2 ,and that this war is legitimate and holy1 when it is conducted in such a way as it becomes one man to contend with another4 ,they likewise said1 that we should never1 to the utmost of our power1 become the cause of dissension2 but that we should as much as possible avoid the source of it4 ,that in the friendship also1 which is intended to be pure1 the greater part of the things pertaining to it ought to be definite and legitimate4 ,and that these should be properly distinguished1 and should not be casual2 and moreover1 that we should be careful that our conversation may never be negligently and casually performed1 but with modesty1 benevolence1 and good order4 ,also1 that no passion1 such as desire1 or anger1 be rashly excited1 and in a bad and erroneous manner4 ,and the same thing must be said of the remaining passions and dispositions4 ,moreover1 that they did not decline foreign friendships carelessly1 but that they avoided and guarded against them1 with the greatest sedulity2 and also1 that they rigidly preserved friendship towards each other for many ages1 may be inferred from what ,aristoxenus in his treatise ,on the ,pythagoric life1 says he heard from ,dionysius1 the tyrant of ,sicily1 when having fallen from monarchy he taught grammar at ,corinth4 ,for ,aristoxenus says as follows3 8,these men as much as possible prohibited lamentations and tears1 and every thing of this kind2 and in a similar manner adulation1 entreaty1 supplication1 and the like4 ,dionysius1 therefore1 having fallen from his tyranny and come to ,corinth1 narrated to us the particulars concerning ,phintias and ,damon the ,pythagoreans2 and these were respecting the one being sponsor for the death of the other4 ,but the mode of the suretyship was as follows3 ,he said that certain persons1 who were familiar with him1 had frequently made mention of the ,pythagoreans1 defaming and reviling them1 calling them arrogant1 and asserting that their gravity1 their pretended fidelity1 and apathy would be laid aside1 if any one should cause them to fall into some great calamity4 ,certain persons however contradicting this1 and contention arising on the subject1 recourse was had to artifice1 and one of the accusers of ,phintias said before him1 that he evidently conspired with certain others against the life of ,dionysius4 ,this also was testified by some that were present1 and the charges against ,phintias appeared to be very probable4 ,phintias therefore was astonished at the accusation4 ,but when ,dionysius had unequivocally said1 that he had accurately explored all these particulars1 and that it was necessary that he should die1 ,phintias replied1 that if it appeared requisite to him that this should take place1 he requested that he would grant him the remainder of the day1 in order that he might settle his own affairs1 and also those of ,damon4 ,for those men lived together1 and had all things in common4 ,phintias1 however1 being the elder1 the management of the domestic concerns was for the most part undertaken by him4 ,he requested therefore1 that ,dionysius would suffer him to depart for this purpose1 and he would appoint ,damon for his surety4 ,dionysius therefore said that he wondered at the request1 and that he asked him whether there was any man who was willing to become security for the death of another4 ,but ,phintias asserting that there was1 ,damon was sent for1 who1 on hearing what had happened1 said that he would become the sponsor1 and that he would remain there till ,phintias returned4 ,dionysius therefore said1 that he was immediately astonished at these circumstances2 but that they who at first introduced the experiment1 derided ,damon as one who would be caught1 and said sneeringly that he would be the vicarious stag4 ,when therefore it was near sunset1 ,phintias came to die2 at which all that were present were astonished and subdued4 ,but ,dionysius said1 that having embraced and kissed the men1 he requested that they would receive him as the third into their friendship4 ,they however would by no means consent to a thing of this kind1 though he entreated them to comply with his request40 ,and these things are related by ,aristoxenus1 who received them from ,dionysius himself4 ,it is also said1 that the ,pythagoreans endeavoured to perform the offices of friendship to those of their sect1 though they were unknown to1 and had never been seen by each other1 when they had received a certain indication of the participation of the same doctrines2 so that from such friendly offices the assertion may be credited1 that worthy men1 even though they should dwell in the most remote parts of the earth1 are mutually friends1 and this before they become known to and salute each other4 ,it is said therefore1 that a certain ,pythagorean1 travelling through a long and solitary road on foot1 came to an inn2 and there1 from labor and other all-various causes1 fell into a long and severe disease1 so as to be at length in want of the necessaries of life4 ,the inn-keeper1 however1 whether from commiseration of the man1 or from benevolence1 supplied him with every thing that was requisite1 neither sparing for this purpose any assistance or expense4 ,but the ,pythagorean falling a victim to the disease1 wrote a certain symbol1 before he died1 in a table1 and desired the inn-keeper1 if he should happen to die1 to suspend the table near the road1 and observe whether any passenger read the symbol4 ,for that person1 said he1 will repay you what you have spent on me1 and will also thank you for your kindness4 ,the inn-keeper1 therefore1 after the death of the ,pythagorean1 having buried1 and paid the requisite attention to his body1 had neither any hopes of being repaid1 nor of receiving any recompense from some one who might read the table4 ,at the same time1 however1 being surprised at the request of the ,pythagorean1 he was induced to expose the writing in the public road4 ,a long time after1 therefore1 a certain ,pythagorean passing that way1 having understood the symbol1 and learnt who it was that placed the table there1 and having also investigated every particular1 paid the inn-keeper a much greater sum of money than he had disbursed4 ,it is likewise related of ,clinias the ,tarentine1 that when he had learnt that ,prorus the ,cyrenan1 who was zealously addicted to the ,pythagorean doctrines1 was in danger of losing all his property1 he sailed to ,cyrene1 after having collected a sum of money1 and restored the affairs of ,prorus to a better condition1 not only incurring1 in so doing1 a diminution of his own property1 but despising the peril which he was exposed to in the voyage4 ,after the same manner also1 ,thestor ,posidoniates1 having learnt from report alone1 that ,thymaridas ,parius the ,pythagorean had fallen into poverty1 from the possession of great wealth1 is said to have sailed to ,parus1 after having collected a large sum of money1 and thus reinstated ,thymaridas in property4 ,these therefore are beautiful instances of friendship4 ,the decisions1 however1 of the ,pythagoreans respecting the communion of divine goods1 the concord of intellect1 and things pertaining to a divine soul1 are much more admirable than the above examples4 ,for they perpetually exhorted each other1 not to divulse the ,god within them4 ,hence all the endeavour of their friendship both in deeds and words1 was directed to a certain divine mixture1 to a union with divinity1 and to a communion with intellect and a divine soul4 ,but it is not possible to find any thing better than this1 either in what is uttered by words1 or performed by deeds4 ,for ,i am of opinion1 that all the goods of friendship are comprehended in this4 ,hence1 as we have collected in this1 as in a summit1 all the prerogatives of the ,pythagoric friendship1 we shall omit to say any thing further about it4 ,,chap4 ,,xxxiv4 ,since1 however1 we have thus generally1 and with arrangement1 discussed what pertains to ,pythagoras and the ,pythagoreans2 let us after this narrate such scattered particulars relative to this subject1 as do not fall under the above-mentioned order4 ,it is said1 therefore1 that each of the ,greeks who joined himself to this community of the ,pythagoreans1 was ordered to use his native language4 ,for they did not approve of the use of a foreign tongue4 ,foreigners also united themselves to the ,pythagoric sect1 viz4 the ,messenians1 the ,lucani1 ,picentini1 and the ,romans4 ,and ,metrodorus the son of ,thyrsus who was the father of ,epicharmus1#dh and who transferred the greater part of his doctrine to medicine1 says in explaining the writings of his father to his brother1 that ,epicharmus1 and prior to him ,pythagoras1 conceived that the best dialect1 as well as the best harmony of music1 is the ,doric2 that the ,ionic and the olic participate of the chromatic harmony2 but that the ,attic dialect is replete with this in a still greater degree4 ,they were also of opinion1 that the ,doric dialect1 which consists of vocal letters1 is enharmonic4 ,fables likewise bear testimony to the antiquity of this dialect4 ,for in these it is said that ,nereus married ,doris the daughter of ,ocean2 by whom he had fifty daughters1 one of which was the mother of ,achilles4 ,metrodorus also says1 that according to some1 ,hellen was the offspring of ,deucalion1 who was the son of ,prometheus and ,pyrrha the daughter of ,epimetheus2 and that from him came ,dorus1 and olus4 ,he farther observes1 that he learnt from the sacred rites of the ,babylonians1 that ,hellen was the offspring of ,jupiter1 and that the sons of ,hellen were ,dorus1 ,xuthus1 and olus2 with which narrations ,herodotus also accords4 ,it is difficult1 however1 for those in more recent times to know accurately1 in particulars so ancient1 which of these narrations is to be preferred4 ,but it may be collected from each of these histories1 that the ,doric dialect is acknowledged to be the most ancient2 that the olic is next to this1 which received its name from olus2 and that the ,ionic ranks as the third1 which derived its appellation from ,ion the son of ,xuthus4 ,the ,attic is the fourth1 which was denominated from ,creusa1 the daughter of ,erectheus1 and is posterior to the former dialects by three generations1 as it existed about the time of the ,thracians1 and the rape of ,orithyia1 as is evident from the testimony of most histories4 ,orpheus also1 who is the most ancient of the poets1 used the ,doric dialect4 ,of medicine1 however1 they especially embraced the ditetic species1 and in the exercise of this were most accurate4 ,and in the first place1 indeed1 they endeavoured to learn the indications of symmetry1 of labor1 food1 and repose4 ,in the next place1 with respect to the preparation of food1 they were nearly the first who attempted to employ themselves in it1 and to define the mode in which it should be performed4 ,the ,pythagoreans likewise employed cataplasms1 more frequently than their predecessors2 but they in a less degree approved of medicated ointments4 ,these1 however1 they principally used in the cure of ulcerations4 ,but incisions and burnings they admitted the least of all things4 ,some diseases also they cured by incantations4 ,but they are said to have objected to those who expose disciplines to sale2 who open their souls like the gates of an inn to every man that approaches to them2 and who1 if they do not thus find buyers1 diffuse themselves through cities1 and1 in short1 hire gymnasia and require a reward from young men for those things which are without price4 ,pythagoras1 however1 concealed the meaning of much that was said by him1 in order that those who were genuinely instructed might clearly be partakers of it2 but that others1 as ,homer says of ,tantalus1 might be pained in the midst of what they heard1 in consequence of receiving no delight from thence4 ,i think also1 it was said by the ,pythagoreans1 respecting those who teach for the sake of reward1 that they show themselves to be worse than statuaries1 or those artists who perform their work sitting4 ,for these1 when some one orders them to make a statue of ,hermes1 search for wood adapted to the reception of the proper form2 but those pretend that they can readily produce the works of virtue from every nature4#di ,the ,pythagoreans likewise said1 that it is more necessary to pay attention to philosophy1 than to parents and agriculture2 for it is owing to the latter1 indeed1 that we live2 but philosophers and preceptors are the causes of our living well1 and becoming wise1 in consequence of having discovered the right mode of discipline and instruction4 ,nor did they think fit either to speak or write in such a way1 that their conceptions might be obvious to any casual persons2 but ,pythagoras is said to have taught this in the first place to those that came to him1 that1 being purified from all incontinence1 they should preserve in silence the doctrines they had heard4 ,it is said1 therefore1 that he who first divulged the theory of commensurable and incommensurable quantities1 to those who were unworthy to receive it1 was so hated by the ,pythagoreans that they not only expelled him from their common association1 and from living with them1 but also constructed a tomb for him1 as one who had migrated from the human and passed into a another life4 ,others also say1 that the ,divine ,power was indignant with those who divulged the dogmas of ,pythagoras3 for that he perished in the sea1 as an impious person1 who rendered manifest the composition of the icostagonus2 viz4 who delivered the method of inscribing in a sphere the dodecaedron1 which is one of what are called the five solid figures4 ,but according to others1 this happened to him who unfolded the doctrine of irrational and incommensurable quantities4#ej ,moreover1 all the ,pythagoric discipline was symbolic1 and resembled enigmas and riddles1 consisting of apothegms1 in consequence of imitating antiquity in its character2 just as the truly divine and ,pythian oracles appear to be in a certain respect difficult to be understood and explained1 to those who carelessly receive the answers which they give4 ,such therefore1 and so many are the indications respecting ,pythagoras and the ,pythagoreans1 which may be collected from what is disseminated about them4 ,,chap4 ,,xxxv4 ,there were1 however1 certain persons who were hostile to these men1 and rose against them4 ,that stratagems therefore were employed to destroy them1 during the absence of ,pythagoras1 is universally acknowledged2 but those that have written on this subject1 differ in their account of the journey which he then undertook4 ,for some say that he went to ,pherecydes the ,syrian1 but others to ,metapontum4 ,many causes1 however1 of the stratagems are enumerated4 ,and one of them1 which is said to have originated from the men called ,cylonians1 was as follows3 ,cylon the ,crotonian held the first place among the citizens for birth1 renown1 and wealth2 but otherwise1 he was a severe1 violent1 and turbulent man1 and of tyrannical manners4 ,he had1 however1 the greatest desire of being made a partaker of the ,pythagoric life1 and having applied himself to ,pythagoras1 who was now an elderly man1#ea for this purpose1 was rejected by him on account of the above-mentioned causes4 ,in consequence of this1 therefore1 he and his friends exercised violent hostilities against ,pythagoras and his disciples4 ,so vehement likewise and immoderate#eb was the ambition of ,cylon1 and of those who arranged themselves on his side1 that it extended itself to the very last of the ,pythagoreans4 ,pythagoras1 therefore1 for this cause went to ,metapontum1 and there is said to have terminated his life4 ,but those who were called the ,cylonians continued to form stratagems against the ,pythagoreans1 and to exhibit indications of all possible malevolence4 ,nevertheless1 for a certain time the probity of the ,pythagoreans subdued this enmity1 and also the decision of the cities themselves1 so that they were willing that their political concerns should be managed by the ,pythagoreans alone4 ,at length1 however1 the ,cylonians became so hostile to the men1#ec that setting fire to the house of ,milo in which the ,pythagoreans were seated1 and were consulting about warlike concerns2 they burnt all the men except two1 ,archippus and ,lysis4 ,for these being in perfect vigour1 and most robust1 escaped out of the house4 ,but this taking place1 and no mention being made by the multitude of the calamity which had happened1 the ,pythagoreans ceased to pay any further attention to the affairs of government4 ,this however happened through two causes1 through the negligence of the cities 7for they were not at all affected by so great a calamity taking place7 and through the loss of those men who were most qualified to govern4 ,but of the two ,pythagoreans that were saved1 and both of whom were ,tarentines1 ,archippus indeed returned to ,tarentum2 but ,lysis hating the negligence of the cities went into ,greece1 and dwelt in the ,achaia of ,peloponnesus4 ,afterwards1 he migrated to ,thebes1 being stimulated by a certain ardent desire of retreating thither2 and there he had for his auditor ,epaminondas who called ,lysis his father4 ,there also ,lysis terminated his life4 ,but the rest of the ,pythagoreans1 except ,archytas of ,tarentum1 departed from ,italy1 and being collected together in ,rhegium1 there dwelt with each other4 ,the most celebrated of them1 however1 were ,phanto1 ,echecrates1 ,polymnastus1 and ,diocles1 who were ,phlyasians2 and ,xenophilus ,chalcidensis of ,thrace4 ,but in the course of time1 when the administration of public affairs proceeded into a worse condition1 these ,pythagoreans nevertheless preserved their pristine manners and disciplines1 though the sect began to fail1 till it generously perished4 ,these things1 therefore1 are narrated by ,aristoxenus4 ,nicomachus1 however1 in other respects accords with ,aristoxenus1 but as to the journey of ,pythagoras1 he says that this stratagem took place1 while ,pythagoras was at ,delos4 ,for he went there1 in order to give assistance to his preceptor ,pherecydes the ,syrian who was then afflicted with the morbus pedicularis1 and when he died1 performed the necessary funeral rites4 ,then1 therefore1 those who had been rejected by the ,pythagoreans1 and to whom monuments had been raised1 as if they were dead1 attacked them1 and committed all of them to the flames4 ,afterwards1 they were overwhelmed by the ,italians with stones1 and thrown out of the house unburied4 ,at that time1 therefore1 it happened that science failed together with those who possessed scientific knowledge1 because till that period1 it was preserved by them in their breasts as something arcane and ineffable4 ,but such things only as were difficult to be understood1 and which were not unfolded1 were preserved in the memory of those who did not belong to the ,pythagorean sect2 a few things excepted1 which certain ,pythagoreans1 who happened at that time to be in foreign lands1 preserved as certain sparks of science very obscure and of difficult investigation4 ,these also1 being left by themselves1 and not moderately dejected by the calamity1 were scattered in different places1 and no longer endured to have any communion with the rest of mankind4 ,but they lived alone in solitary places1 wherever they happened to meet with them2 and each greatly preferred an association with himself to that with any other person4 ,fearing1 however1 lest the name of philosophy should be entirely exterminated from mankind1 and that they should on this account incur the indignation of the ,gods1 by suffering so great a gift of theirs to perish1 they made an arrangement of certain commentaries and symbols1 and likewise1 collected together the writings of the more ancient ,pythagoreans1 and of such things as they remembered4 ,these1 each left at his death to his son1 or daughter1 or wife1 with a strict injunction not to give them to any one out of the family4 ,this mandate therefore1 was for a long time observed1 and was transmitted in succession to their posterity1 ,since1 however1 ,apollonius dissents in a certain place respecting these particulars1 and adds many things which we have not mentioned1 we shall also insert his narration of the stratagem employed against the ,pythagoreans4 ,he says1 therefore1 that the envy of others attended ,pythagoras from his childhood4 ,for as long as he conversed with all that came to him1 he was pleasing to them2 but when he associated with his disciples alone1 the favourable opinion which the multitude entertained of him was diminished4 ,and they permitted him indeed1 to pay more attention to strangers than to themselves2 but they were indignant at his preferring some of their fellow-citizens before others1 and they apprehended that his disciples assembled together with intentions hostile to them4 ,in the next place1 as the young men that were indignant with him were of high rank1 and surpassed others in wealth1 and when they arrived at a proper age1 not only held the first honors in their own families1 but also managed the affairs of the city in common1 they formed a large body of men 7for they were more than three hundred in number7 and in consequence of this there was but a small part of the city1 which was not conversant with the same manners and the same pursuits as they were4 ,moreover1 as long as the ,crotonians continued in their own country1 and ,pythagoras dwelt with them1 that form of government remained which had been established when the city was founded1 but which was not pleasing to the people1 and therefore induced them to seek an occasion of producing a change4 ,when therefore ,sybaris was captured1 and the land taken in the war was not divided by lot1 according to the desire of the multitude1 their silent hatred of the ,pythagoreans burst forth1 and the populace separated themselves from them4 ,but the leaders of this dissension were those that were most near to the ,pythagoreans1 both by alliance and familiarity4 ,the cause however of the discord was this1 that many of the actions of the ,pythagoreans offended these leaders1 as well as casual persons1 because these actions had something peculiar in them when compared with those of others4 ,but in the greatest of these actions they conceived that disgrace befel themselves alone4 ,farther still1 no one of the ,pythagoreans called ,pythagoras by his name1 but while he was alive1 when they wished to denote him1 they called him divine2 and after his death they denominated him that man2 just as ,homer represents ,eumus when he makes mention of ,ulysses1 saying1 ,him1 tho' he's absent1 yet ,i fear1 ,o guest1 ,to name2 such is the greatness of my love and care4 ,conformably likewise to the precepts of their master1 the ,pythagoreans always rose from bed before the rising of the sun2 and never wore a ring in which the image of ,god was engraved4 ,they also carefully observed to adore the rising sun1 and avoided wearing a ring of the above mentioned description1 lest they should have it about them at funerals1 or in some impure place4 ,in a similar manner1 they were attentive to the mandate of ,pythagoras1 not to do any thing without previous deliberation and disquisition2 but to form a plan in the morning of what ought to be done in the course of the day1 and at night to call to mind the actions of the day1 by this means at one and the same time exploring their conduct1 and exercising their memory4 ,thus too1 they observed the precept1 that if any one of their associates appointed to meet them at a certain place1 they should stay there till he came through the day and the night2 in this again1 the ,pythagoreans being accustomed to remember what was said1 and not to speak casually4 ,in short ,pythagoras ordered them to be attentive to order and method as long as they lived1 and not to blaspheme at the time of death1 but to die with propitious words1 such as are used by those who are sailing out of port into the ,adriatic sea4#ed ,the kindred of the ,pythagoreans however1 were indignant that the ,pythagoreans gave their right hand to those of their own sect alone1 their parents excepted2 and that they shared their possessions with each other in common1 but excluded their relations from this fellowship1 as if they were strangers4 ,these1 therefore1 becoming the sources of the dissension1 the rest readily fell into hostility against the ,pythagoreans4 ,hippasus1 also1 ,diodorus and ,theages said at the same time1 that every citizen ought to be a partaker of the magistracy and the assembly1 and that the rulers should give an account of their conduct1 to those who were elected by lot for this purpose from the multitude4 ,but the ,pythagoreans1 ,alcimachus1 ,dimachus1 ,meton and ,democedes opposed this1 and persevered in prohibiting the dissolution of the polity derived from their ancestors4 ,those however1 who patronized the multitude1 subdued the other party4 ,the multitude therefore1 being assembled together1 ,cylon and ,ninon who were rhetoricians accused the ,pythagoreans4 ,and of these1 one belonged to the class of the rich1 but the other was a plebeian4 ,they also divided their harangues between themselves4 ,but of these harangues1 the longer being delivered by ,cylon1 ,ninon concluded1 pretending that he had explored the arcana of the ,pythagoreans1 and that he had connected and committed to writing such particulars as were especially calculated to criminate the ,pythagoreans1 and giving a book to ascribe1 he ordered him to read it4 ,but the book was inscribed the ,sacred ,discourse4 ,and the following is a specimen of what it contained3 ,friends are to be venerated in the same manner as the ,gods2 but others are to be treated as brutes4 ,this very sentence also is ascribed to ,pythagoras by his disciples1 and is by them expressed in verse as follows3 ,he like the blessed ,gods his friends rever'd1 ,but reckon'd others men of no account4 ,homer1 too1 especially deserves to be praised for calling a king the shepherd of the people4 ,for being a friend to that government in which the rulers are few1 he evinced by this epithet that the rest of men are cattle4 ,to beans it is requisite to be hostile1 as being the leaders of decision by lot2 for by these men were allotted the administration of affairs4 ,again1 empire should be the object of desire3 for they proclaim that it is better to be one day a bull1 than to be an ox for ever4 ,that the legal institutes of others are laudable2 but that they should be exhorted to use those which are known to themselves4 ,in one word1 ,ninon showed that their philosophy was a conspiracy against the multitude1 and therefore exhorted them not to hear the counsellors1 but to consider that they would never have been admitted into the assembly1 if the council of the ,pythagoreans had been approved by the session of a thousand men2 so that it was not fit to suffer those to speak1 who prevented to the utmost of their power others from being heard4 ,he observed1 therefore1 that they should consider the right hand which was rejected by the ,pythagoreans1 as hostile to them1 when they gave their suffrages by an extension of the hands1 or calculated the number of the votes4 ,that they should also consider it to be a disgraceful circumstance1 that they who conquered thirty myriads of men at the river ,tracis1 should be vanquished by a thousandth part of the same number through sedition in the city itself4 ,in short ,ninon so exasperated his hearers by his calumnies1 that in a few days after1 a great multitude assembled together intending to attack the ,pythagoreans as they were sacrificing to the ,muses in a house near to the temple of ,apollo4 ,the ,pythagoreans1 however1 foreseeing that this would take place1 fled to an inn2 but ,democedes1 with those that had arrived at puberty1 withdrew to ,platea4 ,and those that had dissolved the laws made a decree in which they accused ,democedes of compelling the younger part of the community to the possession of empire1 and proclaimed by a cryer that thirty talents should be given to any one who destroyed him4 ,an engagement also taking place1 and ,theages having vanquished ,democedes in that contest1 they distributed to him the thirty talents which the city had promised4 ,but as the city1 and the whole region were involved in many evils1 the exiles were brought to judgment1 and the power of decision being given to three cities1 viz4 to the ,tarentines1 ,metapontines1 and the ,caulonians1 those that were sent by them to determine the cause were corrupted by money1 as we learn from the chronicles of the ,crotonians4 ,hence the ,crotonians condemned by their own decision those that were accused1 to exile4 ,in consequence1 too1 of this decision1 and the authority which it conferred on them1 they expelled all those from the city1 who were dissatisfied with the existing state of affairs1 and at the same time banished all their families1 asserting that it was not fit to be impious1 and that children ought not to be divulsed from their parents4 ,they likewise abolished loans1 and made the land to be undivided4#ee ,many years after this1 when ,dinarchus and his associates were slain in another battle1 and ,litagus also was dead1 who had been the greatest leader of the seditious1 a certain pity and repentance induced the citizens to recall those ,pythagoreans that were left1 from exile4 ,for this purpose1 they sent ambassadors from ,achaia1 and through them became amicable with the exiles1 and consecrated their oaths at ,delphi4 ,but the ,pythagoreans who returned from exile were about sixty in number1 except those who were of a more advanced age1 among which were some who applied themselves to medicine1 and restored health to those that were sick by a certain diet2 of which method of cure they were themselves the authors4 ,it happened however1 that those ,pythagoreans who were saved1 and who were particularly celebrated by the multitude1 at that time in which it was said to the lawless1 ,this is not the condition of things which was under ,ninon2--these same ,pythagoreans having left the city in order to procure assistance against the ,thurians who invaded the country1 perished in battle1 mutually defending each other4 ,but the city was so changed into a contrary opinion of the ,pythagoreans1 that besides the praise which it bestowed on them1 it apprehended that it would gratify the ,muses in a still greater degree1 if it performed a public sacrifice in the temple of the ,muses1 which at the request of the ,pythagoreans1 they had before constructed in honor of those ,goddesses1 ,and thus much concerning the attack which was made on the ,pythagoreans4 ,,chap4 ,,xxxvi4 ,the successor1 however1 of ,pythagoras1 is acknowledged by all men to have been ,aristus1 the son of ,damophon the ,crotonian1 who existing at the same time as ,pythagoras1 was seven ages prior to ,plato4 ,aristus likewise1 was not only thought worthy to succeed ,pythagoras in his school1 but also to educate his children1 and marry his wife ,theano1 because he was eminently skilled in the ,pythagoric dogmas4 ,for ,pythagoras himself is said to have taught in his school1 forty years wanting one1 and to have lived nearly one hundred years4 ,but ,aristus1 when much advanced in years1 relinquished the school2 and after him ,mnesarchus succeeded1 who was the son of ,pythagoras4 ,bulagoras succeeded ,mnesarchus1 in whose time it happened that the city of the ,crotonians was plundered4 ,gartydas the ,crotonian succeeded ,bulagoras1 on his return from a journey which he had undertaken prior to the war4 ,nevertheless on account of the calamity of his country1 he suffered so much anxiety1 as to die prematurely through grief4 ,but it was the custom with the rest of the ,pythagoreans1 when they became very old1 to liberate themselves from the body as from a prison4 ,moreover1 some time after1 ,aresas ,lucanus1 being saved through certain strangers1 undertook the management of the school2 and to him came ,diodorus ,aspendius1 who was received into the school1 on account of the paucity of the ,pythagoreans it contained4 ,and in ,heraclea1 indeed1 were ,clinias and ,philolaus2 but at ,metapontum1 ,theorides and ,eurytus2 and at ,tarentum ,archytas4 ,it is also said that ,epicharmus was one of the foreign auditors2 but that he was not one of the school4 ,having however arrived at ,syracuse1 he abstained from philosophizing openly1 on account of the tyranny of ,hiero4 ,but he inserted the conceptions of the men in metre1 and published in comedies the occult dogmas of ,pythagoras4 ,of all the ,pythagoreans1 however1 it is probable that many are unknown and anonymous4 ,but the following are the names of those that are known and celebrated3 ,of the ,crotonians1 ,hippostratus1 ,dymas1 gon1 mon1 ,sillus1 ,cleosthenes1 ,agelas1 ,episylus1 ,phyciadas1 ,ecphantus1 ,timus1 ,buthius1 ,eratus1 ,itmus1 ,rhodippus1 ,bryas1 ,evandrus1 ,myllias1 ,antimedon1 ,ageas1 ,leophron1 ,agylus1 ,onatus1 ,hipposthenes1 ,cleophron1 ,alcmon1 ,damocles1 ,milon1 ,menon4 ,of the ,metapontines1 ,brontinus1 ,parmiseus1 ,orestadas1 ,leon1 ,damarmenus1 neas1 ,chilas1 ,melisias1 ,aristeas1 ,laphion1 ,evandrus1 ,agesidamus1 ,xenocades1 ,euryphemus1 ,aristomenes1 ,agesarchus1 ,alceas1 ,xenophantes1 ,thraseus1 ,arytus1 ,epiphron1 ,eiriscus1 ,megistias1 ,leocydes1 ,thrasymedes1 ,euphemus1 ,procles1 ,antimenes1 ,lacritus1 ,damotages1 ,pyrrho1 ,rhexibius1 ,alopecus1 ,astylus1 ,dacidas1 ,aliochus1 ,lacrates1 ,glycinus4 ,of the ,agrigentines1 ,empedocles4 ,of the ,eleat1 ,parmenides4 ,of the ,tarentines1 ,philolaus1 ,eurytus1 ,archytas1 ,theodorus1 ,aristippus1 ,lycon1 ,hestius1 ,polemarchus1 ,asteas1 ,clinias1 ,cleon1 ,eurymedon1 ,arceas1 ,clinagoras1 ,archippus1 ,zopyrus1 ,euthynus1 ,dicarchus1 ,philonidas1 ,phrontidas1 ,lysis1 ,lysibius1 ,dinocrates1 ,echecrates1 ,paction1 ,acusiladas1 ,icmus1 ,pisicrates1 ,clearatus4 ,of the ,leontines1 ,phrynichus1 ,smichias1 ,aristoclidas1 ,clinias1 ,abroteles1 ,pisyrrhydus1 ,bryas1 ,evandrus1 ,archemachus1 ,mimnomachus1 ,achmonidas1 ,dicas1 ,carophantidas4 ,of the ,sybarites1 ,metopus1 ,hippasus1 ,proxenus1 ,evanor1 ,deanax1 ,menestor1 ,diocles1 ,empedus1 ,timasius1 ,polemus1 ,evus1 ,tyrsenus4 ,of the ,carthaginians1 ,miltiades1 ,anthen1 ,odius1 ,leocritus4 ,of the ,parians1 etius1 ,phnecles1 ,dexitheus1 ,alcimachus1 ,dinarchus1 ,meton1 ,timus1 ,timesianax1 ,amrus1 ,thymaridas4 ,of the ,locrians1 ,gyptius1 ,xenon1 ,philodamus1 ,evetes1 ,adicus1 ,sthenonidas1 ,sosistratus1 ,euthynus1 ,zaleucus1 ,timares4 ,of the ,posidonians1 ,athamas1 ,simus1 ,proxenus1 ,cranous1 ,myes1 ,bathylaus1 ,phdon4 ,of the ,lucani1 ,ocellus and ,occillus who were brothers1 ,oresandrus1 ,cerambus1 ,dardaneus1 ,malion4 ,of the geans1 ,hippomedon1 ,timosthenes1 ,euelthon1 ,thrasydamus1 ,crito1 ,polyctor4 ,of the ,lacones1 ,autocharidas1 ,cleanor1 ,eurycrates4 ,of the ,hyperboreans1 ,abaris4 ,of the ,rheginenses1 ,aristides1 ,demosthenes1 ,aristocrates1 ,phytius1 ,helicaon1 ,mnesibulus1 ,hipparchides1 ,athosion1 ,euthycles1 ,opsimus4 ,of the ,selinuntians1 ,calais4 ,of the ,syracusans1 ,leptines1 ,phintias1 ,damon4 ,of the ,samians1 ,melissus1 ,lacon1 ,archippus1 ,glorippus1 ,heloris1 ,hippon1 ,of the ,caulonienses1 ,callibrotus1 ,dicon1 ,nastas1 ,drymon1 ,xentas4 ,of the ,phliasians1 ,diocles1 ,echecrates1 ,polymnastus1 ,phanton4 ,of the ,sicyonians1 ,poliades1 ,demon1 ,sostratius1 ,sosthenes4 ,of the ,cyrenans1 ,prorus1 ,melanippus1 ,aristangelus1 ,theodorus4 ,of the ,cyziceni1 ,pythodorus1 ,hipposthenes1 ,butherus1 ,xenophilus4 ,of the ,catani1 ,charondas1 ,lysiades4 ,of the ,corinthians1 ,chrysippus4 ,of the ,tyrrhenians1 ,nausitheus4 ,of the ,athenians1 ,neocritus4 ,and of ,pontus1 ,lyramnus4 ,in all1 two hundred and eighteen4 ,and these1 indeed1 are not all the ,pythagoreans1 but of all of them they are the most famous4#ef ,but the most illustrious ,pythagorean women are ,timycha1 the wife of ,myllias the ,crotonian4 ,philtis1 the daughter of ,theophrius the ,crotonian1 ,byndacis1 the sister of ,ocellus and ,occillus1 ,lucanians4 ,chilonis1 the daughter of ,chilon the ,lacedmonian4 ,cratesiclea the ,lacedmonian1 the wife of ,cleanor the ,lacedmonian4 ,theano1 the wife of ,brontinus of ,metapontum4 ,mya1 the wife of ,milon the ,crotonian4 ,lasthenia the ,arcadian4 ,abrotelia1 the daughter of ,abroteles the ,tarentine4 ,echecratia the ,phliasian4 ,tyrsenis1 the ,sybarite4 ,pisirrhonde1 the ,tarentine4 ,nisleadusa1 the ,lacedmonian4 ,bryo1 the ,argive4 ,babelyma1 the ,argive4 ,and ,clechma1 the sister of ,autocharidas the ,lacedmonian4 ,in all seventeen4 ,,fragments ,,of ,,the ,,ethical ,,writings ,,of ,,certain ,,pythagoreans4 ,,from ,,hippodamus1 ,,the ,,thurian1 ,,in ,,his ,,treatise ,,on ,,felicity4 ,of animals1 some are the recipients of felicity1 but others are incapable of receiving it4 ,and those animals1 indeed1 are receptive of it that have reason4 ,for felicity cannot subsist without virtue2 and virtue is first ingenerated in that which possesses reason4 ,but those animals are incapable of receiving felicity1 that are destitute of reason4 ,for neither can that which is deprived of sight1 receive the work or the virtue of sight2 nor can that which is destitute of reason1 be the recipient of the work1 or the virtue of that which possesses reason4 ,with respect to felicity1 however1 and virtue1 the former is as a work1 but the latter as a certain art1 to that which possesses reason4 ,but of animals which possess reason1 some are self-perfect1 and these are such as are perfect through themselves1 and are indigent of nothing external1 either to their existence1 or to their existing well and beautifully4 ,and such1 indeed1 is ,god4 ,those animals1 however1 are not self-perfect1 which are not perfect through themselves1 but are in want of external causes to their perfection4 ,and man is an animal of this kind4 ,of animals1 therefore1 which are not self-perfect1 some indeed are perfect1 but others are not perfect4 ,and those indeed are perfect which derive their subsistence both from their own proper causes1 and from external causes4 ,and they derive it indeed from their own causes1 because they obtain from thence both an excellent nature and deliberate choice2 but from external causes1 because they receive from thence equitable legislation and good rulers4 ,but the animals which are not perfect1 are either such as participate of neither of these1 or of some one of these1 or whose souls are entirely depraved4 ,and such will the man be who is of a description different from the above4 ,moreover1 of perfect men there are two differences4 ,for some of them are naturally perfect2 but others are perfect according to life4 ,and those indeed alone that are good1 are naturally perfect4 ,but these are such as possess virtue4 ,for the virtue of the nature of every thing is a summit and perfection4 ,thus the virtue of the eye is the summit and perfection of the nature of the eye4 ,but the virtue of man is the summit and perfection of the nature of man4 ,those also are perfect according to life1 who are not only good1 but happy4 ,for felicity1 indeed1 is the perfection of human life4 ,but human1 life is a system of actions3 and3 felicity gives completion to the actions4 ,virtue also and fortune give completion to actions2 virtue1 indeed1 according to use2 but good fortune according to prosperity4 ,god therefore is neither good through learning virtue from any one1 nor is he happy through being attended by good fortune4 ,for he is good by nature1 and happy by nature1 and always was and will be1 and will never cease to be1 such2 since he is incorruptible1 and naturally good4 ,but man is neither happy nor good by nature1 but requires discipline and providential care4 ,and in order to become good1 indeed2 he requires virtue2 but in order to become happy1 good fortune4 ,on this account1 human felicity summarily consists of these two things1 viz4 of praise1 and the predication of beatitude4 ,of praise indeed1 from virtue2 but of the predication of beatitude1 from prosperity4 ,it possesses virtue therefore1 through a divine destiny1 but prosperity through a mortal allotment4 ,but mortal are suspended from divine concerns1 and terrestrial from such as are celestial4 ,things subordinate1 also1 are suspended from such as are more excellent4 ,and on this account1 the good man who follows the ,gods is happy2 but he who follows mortal natures is miserable4 ,for to him who possesses wisdom1 prosperity is good and useful4 ,it is good1 indeed1 through his knowledge of the use of it2 but it is useful1 through his co-operating with actions4 ,it is beautiful1 therefore1 when prosperity is present with intellect1 and when sailing as it were with a prosperous wind1 actions are performed looking to virtue2 just as a pilot looks to the motions of the stars4 ,for thus1 he who does this will not only follow ,god1 but will also co-arrange human with divine good4 ,this also is evident1 that human life becomes different from disposition and action4 ,but it is necessary that the disposition should be either worthy or depraved2 and that action should be attended either with felicity or misery4 ,and a worthy disposition1 indeed1 participates of virtue2 but a bad one of vice4 ,with respect to actions1 also1 those that are prosperous are attended with felicity2 7for they derive their completion through looking to reason7 but those that are unfortunate1 are attended with misery2 for they are frustrated of the end4 ,hence1 it is not only necessary to learn virtue1 but also to possess and use it1 either for security1 or increase1 of property when it is too little or1 which is the greatest thing of all1 for the emendation of families and cities4 ,for it is not only necessary to have the possession of things beautiful1 but also the use of them4 ,all these things1 however1 will take place1 when a man lives in a city that uses equitable laws4 ,and these1 indeed1 ,i say1 are what is called the horn of ,amalthea4 ,for all things are contained in equitable legislation4 ,and without this1 the greatest good of human nature can neither be effected1 nor1 when effected1 be increased and become permanent4 ,for this comprehends in itself virtue1 and the tendency to virtue2 because excellent natures are generated according to it4 ,manners1 likewise1 studies1 and laws1 subsist through this in the most excellent condition2 and besides these1 rightly-deciding reason1 and piety and sanctity towards the most honorable natures4 ,so that it is necessary that he who is to be happy1 and whose life is to be prosperous1 should live and die in a country governed by equitable laws1 relinquishing all illegality4 ,at the same time what has been said is attended with necessity4 ,for man is a part of society1 and hence from the same reasoning1 will become entire and perfect1 if he not only associates with others1 but associates in a becoming manner4 ,for some things are naturally adapted to subsist in many things1 and not in one thing2 others in one thing1 and not in many2 but others both in many1 and in one thing1 and on this account in one thing1 because in many4 ,for harmony1 indeed1 and symphony and number1 are naturally adapted to be ingenerated in many things4 ,for nothing which makes a whole from these parts1 is sufficient to itself4#eg ,but acuteness of seeing and hearing1 and swiftness of feet1 subsist in one thing alone4 ,felicity1 however1 and the virtue of soul1 subsist both in one thing and in many1 in a whole1 and in the universe4 ,and on this account they subsist in one thing1 because they also subsist in many3 and they subsist in many1 because they are inherent in a whole and in the universe4 ,for the orderly distribution of the whole nature of things methodically arranges each particular4 ,and the orderly distribution of particulars gives completion to the whole of things and to the universe4 ,but this follows from the whole being naturally prior to the part1 and not the part to the whole4 ,for if the world was not1 neither the sun nor the moon would exist1 nor the planets1 nor the fixed stars4 ,but the world existing1 each of these also exists4 ,the truth of this also may be seen in the nature itself of animals4 ,for if animal had no existence1 there would neither be eye1 nor mouth1 nor ear4 ,but animal existing1 each of these likewise exists4 ,as the whole1 however1 is to the part1 so is the virtue of the whole to the virtue of the part4 ,for harmony not existing1 and a divine inspection of mundane affairs1 things which are adorned would no longer be able to remain in an excellent condition4 ,and equitable legislation not existing in a city1 it is not possible for a citizen to be good or happy4 ,health1 likewise1 not existing in the animal1 it is not possible for the foot or the hand to be strong and healthy4 ,for harmony indeed is the virtue of the world2 equitable legislation is the virtue of a city2 and health and strength are the virtue of the body4 ,each of the parts likewise in these things is co-arranged on account of the whole and the universe4 ,for the eyes see on account of the whole body4 ,and the other parts and members are co-arranged for the sake of the whole body and the universe4 ,,from ,,euryphamus1 ,,in ,,his ,,treatise ,,concerning ,,human ,,life4 ,the perfect life of man falls short indeed of the life of ,god1 because it is not self-perfect1 but surpasses that of irrational animals1 because it participates of virtue and felicity4 ,for neither is ,god in want of external causes2 since being naturally good and happy1 he is perfect from himself2 nor any irrational animal4 ,for brutes being destitute of reason1 they are also destitute of the sciences pertaining to actions4 ,but the nature of man partly consists of his own proper deliberate choice1 and partly is in want of the assistance derived from divinity4 ,for that which is capable of being fashioned by reason1 which has an intellectual perception of things beautiful and base1 can erectly extend itself from earth1 and look to heaven1 and can perceive with the eye of intellect the highest ,gods1--that which is capable of all this1 participates likewise of assistance from the ,gods4 ,but in consequence of possessing will1 deliberate choice1 and a principle of such a kind in itself as enables it to study virtue1 and to be agitated by the storms of vice1 to follow1 and also to apostatize from the ,gods1--it is likewise able to be moved by itself4 ,hence it is a partaker of praise and blame1 honor and ignominy1 partly from the ,gods and partly from men1 according as it zealously applies itself either to virtue or vice4 ,for the whole reason of the thing is as follows3 ,divinity introduced man into the world as a most exquisite animal1 to be reciprocally honored with himself1 and as the eye of the orderly distribution of things4 ,hence also man gave names to things1 becoming himself the character of them4 ,he likewise invented letters1 procuring through these a treasury of memory4 ,and he imitated the established order of the universe1 co-harmonizing by judicial proceedings and laws the communion of cities4 ,for no work is performed by men more decorous to the world1 or more worthy of the notice of the ,gods1 than the apt constitution of a city governed by good laws1 and an orderly distribution of laws and a polity4 ,for though each man himself by himself is nothing1 and is not himself by himself sufficient to lead a life conformable to the common concord1 and apt composition of a polity1 yet he is well adapted to the whole and to the perfect system of society4 ,for the life of man is the image of a lyre accurately harmonized1 and in every respect perfect4 ,for every lyre requires these three things1 apparatus1 apt composition1 and a certain musical contrectation4 ,and apparatus indeed1 is a preparation of all the appropriate parts2 viz4 of the chords1 and of the instruments which co-operate with the well-sounding and striking of the lyre4 ,but the apt composition is the commixture of the sounds with each other4 ,and the musical contrectation is the motion of these conformably to the apt composition4 ,thus also human life requires these same three things4 ,apparatus1 indeed1 which is the completion of the parts of life4 ,but the parts of life are the goods of the body1 of riches1 renown1 and friends4 ,the apt composition is the co-arrangement of these according to virtue and the laws4 ,and the musical contrectation is the commixture of these conformably to virtue and the laws2 virtue sailing with a prosperous wind1 and having nothing externally resisting it4 ,for felicity does not consist in being driven from the purpose of voluntary intentions1 but in obtaining them2 nor in virtue being without attendants and ministrant aids2 but in completely possessing its own proper powers which are adapted to actions4 ,for man is not self-perfect1 but imperfect4 ,and he becomes perfect1 partly from himself1 and partly from an external cause4 ,he is likewise perfect1 either according to nature1 or according to life4 ,and he is perfect indeed according to nature1 if he becomes a good man4 ,for the virtue of each thing is the summit and perfection of the nature of that thing4 ,thus the virtue#eh of the eyes is the summit and perfection of the nature of the eyes2 and this is also true of the virtue of the ears4 ,thus too1 the virtue of man is the summit and perfection of the nature of man4 ,but man is perfect according to life1 when he becomes happy4 ,for felicity is the perfection and completion of human goods4 ,hence1 again1 virtue and prosperity become the parts of the life of man4 ,and virtue1 indeed1 is a part of him so far as he is soul1 but prosperity so far as he is connected with body4 ,but both are parts of him so far as he is an animal4 ,for it is the province of virtue to use in a becoming manner the goods which are conformable to nature2 but of prosperity to impart the use of them4 ,and the former1 indeed1 imparts deliberate choice and right reason2 but the latter1 energies and actions4 ,for to wish what is beautiful in conduct and to endure things of a dreadful nature1 is the proper business of virtue4 ,but it is the work of prosperity to render deliberate choice successful1 and to cause actions to arrive at the desired end4 ,for the general conquers in conjunction with virtue and good fortune4 ,the pilot sails well in conjunction with art and prosperous winds4 ,the eye sees well in conjunction with acuteness of vision#ei and light4 ,and the life of man becomes most excellent through virtue itself1 and prosperity4 ,,from ,,hipparchus1 ,,in ,,his ,,treatise ,,on ,,tranquillity4 ,since men live but for a very short period1 if their life is compared with the whole of time1 they will make a most beautiful journey as it were1 if they pass through life with tranquillity4 ,this however they will possess in the most eminent degree1 if they accurately and scientifically know themselves1 viz4 if they know that they are mortal and of a fleshly nature1 and that they have a body which is corruptible and can be easily injured1 and which is exposed to every thing most grievous and severe1 even to their latest breath4 ,and in the first place1 let us direct our attention to those things which happen to the body2 and these are pleurisy1 inflammation of the lungs1 phrensy1 gout1 stranguary1 dysentery1 lethargy1 epilepsy1 putrid ulcers1 and ten thousand other diseases4 ,but the diseases which happen to the soul are much greater and more dire than these4 ,for all the iniquitous1 evil1 illegal1 and impious conduct in the life of man1 originates from the passions of the soul4 ,for through preternatural immoderate desires many have become subject to unrestrained impulses1 and have not refrained from the most unholy pleasures1 arising from being connected with daughters or even mothers4 ,many also have been induced to destroy their fathers1 and their own offspring4 ,but what occasion is there to be prolix in narrating externally impending evils1 such as excessive rain1 drought1 violent heat and cold2 so that frequently from the anomalous state of the air1 pestilence and famine are produced1 and all-various calamities1 and whole cities become desolate8 ,since therefore many such-like calamities are impendent1 we should neither be elevated by the possession of corporeal goods1 which may rapidly be consumed by the incursions of a small fever1 nor with what are conceived to be prosperous external circumstances1 which frequently in their own nature perish more rapidly than they accede4 ,for all these are uncertain and unstable1 and are found to have their existence in many and various mutations2 and no one of them is permanent1 or immutable1 or stable1 or indivisible4 ,hence well considering these things1 and also being persuaded1 that if what is present and is imparted to us1 is able to remain for the smallest portion of time1 it is as much as we ought to expect2 we shall then live in tranquillity and with hilarity1 generously bearing whatever may befal us4 ,now1 however1 many previously conceiving in imagination1 that all that is present with1 and imparted to them by nature and fortune1 is better than it is1 and not thinking it to be such as it is in reality1 but such as it is able to become when it has arrived at the summit of excellence1 they burden the soul with many great1 nefarious1 and stupid evils1 when they are suddenly deprived of these evanescent goods4 ,and thus it happens to them that they lead a most bitter and miserable life4 ,but this takes place in the loss of riches1 or the death of friends or children1 or in the privation of certain other things1 which are conceived by them to be most honorable possessions4 ,afterwards1 weeping and lamenting1 they assert of themselves1 that they alone are most unfortunate and miserable1 not remembering that these things have happened1 and even now happen1 to many others2 nor are they able to understand the life of those that are now in existence1 and of those that have lived in former times1 nor to see in what great calamities and waves of evils1 many of the present time are1 and of the past have been involved4 ,considering with ourselves therefore1 that many having lost their property1 have afterwards on account of this very loss been saved1 since hereafter they might either have fallen into the hands of robbers1 or into the power of a tyrant2 that many also who have loved certain persons1 and have been benevolently disposed towards them in the extreme1 have afterwards greatly hated them2--considering all these things1 which have been delivered to us by history1 and likewise learning that many have been destroyed by their children1 and by those that they have most dearly loved2 and comparing our own life with that of those who have been more unhappy than we have been1 and taking into account human casualties in general and not only such as happen to ourselves1 we shall pass through life with greater tranquillity4 ,for it is not lawful that he who is himself a man1 should think the calamities of others easy to be borne1 and not his own1 since he sees that the whole of life is naturally exposed to many calamities4 ,those however1 that weep and lament1 besides not being able to recover what they have lost1 or recal to life those that are dead1 impel the soul to greater perturbations1 in consequence of its being filled with much depravity4 ,it is requisite therefore1 that1 being washed and purified1 we should by all possible contrivances wipe away our inveterate stains by the reasonings of philosophy4 ,but we shall accomplish this by adhering to prudence and temperance1 being satisfied with our present circumstances1 and not aspiring after many things4 ,for men who procure for themselves a great abundance of external goods1 do not consider that the enjoyment of them terminates with the present life4 ,we ought therefore to use the goods that are present2 and by the assistance of the beautiful and venerable things of which philosophy is the source1 we shall be liberated from the insatiable desire of depraved possessions4 ,,from ,,archytas1 ,,in ,,his ,,treatise ,,concerning ,,the ,,good ,,and ,,happy ,,man4 ,in the first place1 it is requisite to know this1 that the good man is not immediately happy from necessity2 but that this is the case with the man who is both happy and good4 ,for the happy man obtains both praise and the predication of blessedness2 but the good man far as he is good obtains praise alone4 ,the praise also arises from virtue2 but the predication of blessedness from good fortune4 ,and the worthy man1 indeed1 becomes such from the goods which he possesses2 but the happy man is sometimes deprived of his felicity4 ,for the power of virtue is perfectly free1 but that of felicity is subject to restraint4 ,for long-continued diseases of the body1 and deprivations of the senses1 cause the florishing condition of felicity to waste away4 ,god1 however1 differs from a good man in this1 that ,god indeed not only possesses virtue genuine and purified from every mortal passion1 but his power also is unwearied and unrestrained1 as being adapted to the most venerable and magnificent production of eternal works4 ,man indeed1 by the mortal condition of his nature1 not only enjoys this power and this virtue in a less degree2 but sometimes through the want of symmetry#fj in the goods which he possesses1 or through powerful custom1 or a depraved nature1 or through many other causes1 he is unable to possess in the extreme a good which is perfectly true4 ,since therefore of goods1 some are eligible for their own sakes1 and not for the sake of another thing2 but others are eligible for the sake of something else1 and not on their own account2 there is also a certain third species of goods1 which is eligible both on its own account1 and for the sake of another thing4 ,what1 therefore1 is the good which is eligible on its own account1 and not for the sake of something else8 ,it is evident that it is felicity4 ,for we aspire after other things for the sake of this1 but we do not desire this for the sake of any thing else4 ,again1 what are those goods which we desire indeed for the sake of something else1 but which we do not desire on their own account8 ,it is evident they are such things as are useful1 and pre-eligible goods1 which become the causes of our obtaining things which are eligible on their own account2 such as corporeal labors1 exercise1 and frictions which are employed for the sake of a good habit of body2 and also reading1 meditation1 and study1 which are undertaken for the sake of things beautiful and virtue4 ,but what are the things which are eligible on their own account1 and also for the sake of something else8 ,they are such things as the virtues1 and the habits of them1 deliberate choice and actions1 and whatever adheres to that which is really beautiful4 ,hence1 that indeed which is eligible on its own account1 and not on account of something else1 is a solitary good and one4 ,but that which is eligible for its own sake1 and for the sake of another thing1 is triply divided4 ,for one part of it indeed subsists about the soul2 another about the body2 and another pertains to externals4 ,and that which is about the soul1 consists of the virtues of the soul2 that which is about the body1 of the virtues of the body2 and that which pertains to externals1 consists of friends1 glory1 honor1 and wealth4 ,there is likewise a similar reasoning with respect to that which is eligible on account of something else4 ,for one part of it indeed is effective of the goods of the soul2 another part of it1 of the goods of the body2 and that which pertains to externals is the cause of wealth1 glory1 honor1 and friendship4 ,that virtue however happens to be eligible for its own sake1 is evident from the following considerations4 ,for if things which are naturally subordinate1 ,i mean the goods of the body1 are eligible for their own sakes1 but the soul is better than the body1 it is evident that we love the goods of the soul on their own account1 and not for the sake of the consequences with which they are attended4 ,there are likewise three definite times of human life2 one of prosperity2 another of adversity2 and a third subsisting between these4 ,since therefore1 he is a good man who possesses and uses virtue2 but he uses it according to three seasons2 for he uses it either in adversity1 or in prosperity1 or in the time between these2 and in adversity indeed he is unhappy1 but in prosperity happy1 and in the middle condition1 he is not happy though he is not miserable2--this being the case1 it is evident that felicity is nothing else than the use of virtue in prosperity4 ,we now speak1 however1 of the felicity of man4 ,but man is not soul alone1 but is likewise body4 ,for the animal which consists of both1 and that which is constituted from things of this kind is man4 ,for though the body is naturally adapted to be the instrument of the soul1 yet this as well as the soul is a part of man so far as he is an animal4#fa ,hence of goods also1 some are the goods of man1 but others1 of the parts of man4 ,and the good of man1 indeed1 is felicity4 ,but of the parts of man1 the good of the soul is prudence1 fortitude1 justice1 and temperance4 ,and the good of the body is beauty1 health1 a good corporeal habit1 and excellence of sensation4 ,with respect to externals however1 wealth1 glory1 honor1 and nobility1 are naturally adapted to be attendant on man1 and to follow precedaneous goods4 ,the less1 also1 are ministrant to the greater goods4 ,thus friendship1 glory1 and wealth1 are ministrant both to the body and the soul2 but health1 strength1 and excellence of sensation1 are subservient to the soul2 and prudence i4 e4 wisdom and justice are ministrant to the intellect of the soul4 ,intellect1 however1 is the satellite of ,deity4 ,for ,god is the most excellent1 and the leader and ruler of all things4 ,and for the sake of these1 it is necessary that other goods should be present4 ,for the general1 indeed1 is the leader of the army2 the pilot1 of the ship2 ,god1 of the world2 and intellect1 of soul4 ,but prudence is the leader of the felicity pertaining to life4 ,for prudence is nothing else than the science of the felicity which respects human life1 or the science of the goods which naturally pertain to man4 ,and the felicity1 indeed1 and life of ,god are most excellent2 but the felicity of man consists of science1 and virtue1 and in the third place of prosperity#fb corporalized4 ,but ,i mean by science1 the wisdom pertaining to things divine and demoniacal2 and by prudence1 the wisdom pertaining to human concerns1 and the affairs of life4 ,for it is requisite to call the virtues which employ reasonings and demonstrations1 sciences4 ,but it is fit to denominate virtue ethical1 and the best habit of the irrational part of the soul1 according to which we are said to possess certain qualities pertaining to manners2 viz4 by which we are called liberal1 just1 and temperate4 ,but it is requisite to call prosperity1 the preter-rational presence of goods1 or a supply of goods without the assistance of reason1 and which is not effected on account of it4 ,since therefore virtue and science are in our power1 but prosperity is not2 and since also felicity consists in the contemplation and performance of things truly beautiful2 but contemplations and actions1 when they are not prosperous1 are attended with ministrant offices and necessity1 but when they proceed in the right path1 produce delight and felicity2 and these things are effected in prosperity2--this being the case1 it is evident that felicity is nothing else than the use of virtue in prosperity4 ,hence the good man is disposed with respect to prosperity1 in the same manner as he who has an excellent and robust body4 ,for such a one is able to endure heat and cold1 to raise a great burden1 and to sustain easily many other molestations4 ,since therefore felicity is the use of virtue in prosperity1 we must speak concerning virtue and prosperity1 and in the first place concerning prosperity4 ,for of goods1 some indeed do not admit of excess1 and this is the case with virtue4 ,for there is not any virtue which is excessive1 nor any worthy man who is beyond measure good4 ,for virtue has the fit and becoming for a rule1 and is the habit of the decorous in practical concerns4 ,but prosperity receives excess and diminution4 ,and when it is excessive indeed1 it generates certain vices1 and removes a man from his natural habit2 so that he frequently through this opposes the constitution of virtue4 ,and this is not only the case with prosperity1 but many other causes likewise may effect the same thing4 ,for it is by no means proper to wonder1 that some of those who play on the pipe should be arrogant men1 who1 bidding farewell to truth1 ensnare by a certain false imagination those who are unskilled in music2 and to disbelieve that a thing of this kind does not take place in virtue4 ,for the more venerable a thing is1 so much the more numerous are those that pretend to the possession of it4 ,for there are many things which distort the habit and form of virtue2 some of which are insidious arts and affectation2 others are kindred physical passions1 which sometimes produce an indecorum#fc contrary to the true disposition of virtue4 ,this also is effected through manners in which men have been nurtured for a long time2 and it not unfrequently happens that it is produced through youth or old age1 and through prosperity or adversity2 and by other very numerous ways4 ,hence1 we ought never to wonder1 if sometimes a distorted judgment is formed of all things1 the true disposition being changed4#fd ,thus we see that the most excellent carpenter frequently errs in the works which are the subjects of his art2 and this is also the case with the general1 the pilot1 the painter1 and in short1 with all artists4 ,and yet at the same time we do not deprive them of the habit which they possess4 ,for as we do not rank among bad men him who at certain times acts intemperately1 or unjustly1 or timidly2 so neither do we place him in the class of good men1 who does something right in things pertaining to temperance1 or justice1 or fortitude4 ,but it must be said that the conduct of bad men in things of this kind is casually right1 and that good men sometimes err4 ,a true judgment however in these instances is to be formed1 not by looking to a certain occasion1 or to a certain extent of time1 but to the whole of life4 ,but as indigence and excess are injurious to the body1 yet excess and what are called superfluities1 are naturally adapted to produce greater diseases than those caused by indigence2 thus also prosperity or adversity injure the soul1 when they unseasonably happen2 yet that which is called by all men prosperity1 is naturally adapted to produce greater diseases than adversity1 since it intoxicates like wine the reasoning power of good men4 ,hence it is more difficult to bear prosperity in a becoming manner than adversity4 ,for all men when they continue in adversity1 are seen for the most part to be moderate and orderly in their manners2 but in prosperity they are brave1 magnificent1 and magnanimous when they bear it in a becoming manner4 ,for adversity has the power of contracting and depressing the soul2 but prosperity1 on the contrary1 elevates and expands it4 ,hence all those that are unfortunate1 are in their manners cautious and prudent2 but those that are fortunate are insolent and confident4 ,but the boundary of prosperity1 is that which a good man would deliberately choose to co-operate with him in his own proper actions2 just as the proper magnitude of a ship1 and the proper magnitude of a rudder1 are such as will enable a good pilot to sail over a great extent of sea1 and to accomplish a great voyage4 ,an excess of prosperity1 however1 is not naturally adapted to be vanquished by1 but to vanquish the soul4 ,for as a very splendid light causes an obscuration of sight in the eyes2 thus also excessive prosperity darkens the intellect of the soul4 ,and thus much may suffice concerning prosperity4 ,,from ,,theages1 ,,in ,,his ,,treatise ,,on ,,the ,,virtues4 ,the order of the soul subsists in such a way1 that one part of it is the reasoning power1 another is anger1 and another is desire4 ,and the reasoning power1 indeed1 has dominion over knowledge2 anger over impetus2 and desire intrepidly rules over the appetitions of the soul4 ,when therefore these three parts pass into one1 and exhibit one appropriate composition1 then virtue and concord are produced in the soul4 ,but when they are divulsed from each other by sedition1 then vice and discord are produced in the soul4 ,it is necessary1 however1 that virtue should have these three things1 viz4 reason1 power1 and deliberate choice4 ,the virtue1 therefore1 of the reasoning power of the soul is prudence2 for it is a habit of judging and contemplating4 ,but the virtue of the irascible part1 is fortitude2 for it is a habit of resisting1 and enduring things of a dreadful nature4 ,and the virtue of the epithymetic or appetitive part is temperance2 for it is a moderation and detention of the pleasures which arise through the body4 ,but the virtue of the whole soul is justice4 ,for men indeed become bad1 either through vice1 or through incontinence1 or through a natural ferocity4 ,but they injure each other1 either through gain1 or through pleasure1 or through ambition4 ,vice1 therefore1 more appropriately belongs to the reasoning part of the soul4 ,for prudence indeed is similar to art2 but vice to pernicious art4 ,for it invents contrivances for the purpose of acting unjustly4 ,but incontinence rather pertains to the appetitive part of the soul4 ,for continence consists in subduing1 and incontinence in not subduing pleasures4 ,and ferocity pertains to the irascible part of the soul4 ,for when some one1 through acting ill from desire1 is gratified not as a man should be1 but as a wild beast1 then a thing of this kind is denominated ferocity4 ,the effects also of these dispositions are consequent to the things for the sake of which they are performed4 ,for avarice is consequent to vice2 but vice is consequent to the reasoning part of the soul4 ,and ambition1 indeed1 follows from the irascible part2 and this becoming excessive1 generates ferocity4 ,again1 pleasure pertains to the appetitive part2 but this being sought after more vehemently1 generates incontinence4 ,hence1 since the acting unjustly is produced from so many causes1 it is evident that acting justly is effected through an equal number of causes4 ,for virtue1 indeed1 is naturally beneficent and profitable2 but vice is productive of evil1 and is noxious4 ,since1 however1 of the parts of the soul1 one is the leader1 but the other follows1 and the virtues and the vices subsist about these1 and in these2 it is evident that with respect to the virtues also1 some are leaders1 others are followers1 and others1 are composed from these4 ,and the leaders1 indeed1 are such as prudence2 but the followers are such as fortitude and temperance2 and the composites from these1 are such as justice4 ,the passions1 however1 are the matter of virtue2 for the virtues subsist about1 and in these4 ,but of the passions1 one is voluntary1 but another is involuntary4 ,and the voluntary1 indeed1 is pleasure2 but the involuntary is pain4 ,men also1 who have the political virtues1 give intension and remission to these1 co-harmonizing the other parts of the soul1 to that part which possesses reason4 ,but the boundary of this co-adaptation1 is for intellect not to be prevented from accomplishing its proper work1 either by indigence1 or excess4 ,for that which is less excellent1 is co-arranged for the sake of that which is more excellent4 ,thus in the world1 every part that is always passive1 subsists for the sake of that which is always moved4 ,and in the conjunction of animals1 the female subsists for the sake of the male4 ,for the latter sows1 generating a soul2 but the former alone imparts matter to that which is generated4 ,in the soul however1 the irrational subsists for the sake of the rational part4 ,for anger and desire are co-arranged in subserviency to the first part of the soul2 the former as a certain satellite1 and guardian of the body2 but the latter as a dispensator and provident curator of necessary wants4 ,but intellect being established in the highest summit of the body1 and having a prospect in that which is on all sides splendid and transparent1#fe investigates the wisdom of real beings4 ,and this is the work of it according to nature1 viz4 having investigated1 and obtained the possession of truth to follow those beings who are more excellent and more honorable than itself4 ,for the knowledge of things divine and most honorable1 is the principle1 cause1 and rule of human blessedness4 ,,from ,,metopus1 ,,in ,,his ,,treatise ,,concerning ,,virtue4 ,the virtue of man is the perfection of the nature of man4 ,for every being becomes perfect1 and arrives at the summit of excellence according to the proper nature of its virtue4 ,thus the virtue of a horse1 is that which leads the nature of a horse to its summit4 ,and the same reasoning is applicable to the several parts of a thing4 ,thus the virtue of the eyes is acuteness of vision3 and this in the nature of the eyes is the summit4 ,the virtue of the ears also1 is acuteness of hearing3 and this is the summit of the nature of the ears4 ,thus too1 the virtue of the feet is swiftness3 and this is the summit of the nature of the feet4 ,it is necessary however1 that every virtue should have these three things1 reason1 power1 and deliberate choice2 reason indeed1 by which it judges and contemplates2 power1 by which it prohibits and vanquishes2 and deliberate choice1 by which it loves and delights in what is proper4 ,to judge therefore1 and contemplate1 pertain to the dianoetic part of the soul2 but to prohibit and vanquish are the peculiarity of the irrational#ff part of the soul2 and to love and delight in what is proper1 pertain to both the rational and irrational parts4 ,for deliberate choice consists of dianoia or the discursive energy of reason and appetite4 ,dianoia therefore1 belongs to the rational1 but appetite to the irrational part of the soul4 ,the multitude however1 of all the virtues1 may be perceived from the parts of the soul2 and in a similar manner the generation and nature of virtue4 ,for of the parts of the soul1 there are two that rank as the first1 viz4 the rational and the irrational parts4 ,and the rational part indeed1 is that by which we judge and contemplate2 but the irrational part is that by which we are impelled and desire4 ,these however1 are either concordant or discordant with each other4 ,but the contest and dissonance between them1 are produced through excess and defect4 ,it is evident therefore1 that when the rational vanquishes the irrational part of the soul1 endurance and continence are produced2 and that when the former leads1 and the latter follows1 and both accord with each other1 then virtue is generated4 ,hence1 endurance and continence are generated accompanied with pain2 but endurance resists pain1 and continence pleasure4 ,incontinence however1 and effeminacy1 neither resist nor vanquish pleasure4 ,and on this account it happens that men fly from good through pain1 but reject it through pleasure4 ,praise likewise1 and blame1 and every thing beautiful in human conduct are produced in these parts of the soul4 ,and in short1 the nature of virtue derives its subsistence after this manner4 ,the species however1 and the parts of it1 may be surveyed as follows3 ,since there are two parts of the soul1 the rational and the irrational2 the latter is divided into the irascible and appetitive4 ,and the rational part1 indeed1 is that by which we judge and contemplate2 but the irrational part is that by which we are impelled and desire4 ,and of this1 that which is as it were adapted to defend us1 and revenge incidental molestations1 is denominated the irascible part2 but that which is as it were orectic of1 and desires to preserve the proper constitution of the body1 is the appetitive part4 ,it is evident therefore1 that the multitude of the virtues1 their differences1 and their peculiarities1 follow conformably to these parts of the soul4 ,,from ,,clinias4 ,every virtue is perfected1 as was shown by us in the beginning1 from reason1 deliberate choice1 and power4 ,each of these1 however1 is not by itself a part of virtue1 but the cause of it4 ,such therefore1 as have the intellective and gnostic part of virtue1#fg are denominated skilful and intelligent2 but such as have the ethical and pre-elective part of it1 are denominated useful and equitable4#fh ,since however1 man is naturally adapted to act unjustly from exciting causes2 and these are three1 the love of pleasure in corporeal enjoyments2 avarice1 in the accumulation of wealth2 and ambition1 in surpassing those that are equal and similar to him2--this being the case1 it is necessary to know1 that it is possible to oppose to these such things as procure fear1 shame1 and desire in men2 viz4 fear through the laws1 shame through the ,gods1 and desire through the energies of reason4 ,hence1 it is necessary that youth should be taught from the first to honor the ,gods and the laws4 ,for from these1 it will be manifest1 that every human work1 and every kind of human life1 by the participation of sanctity and piety1 will sail prosperously over the sea of generation4 ,,from ,,theages1 ,,in ,,his ,,treatise ,,on ,,the ,,virtues4 ,the principles of all virtue are three2 knowledge1 power1 and deliberate choice4 ,and knowledge indeed1 is that by which we contemplate and form a judgment of things2 power is as it were a certain strength of the nature#fi from which we derive our subsistence1 and is that which gives stability to our actions2 and deliberate choice is as it were certain hands of the soul by which we are impelled to1 and lay hold on the objects of our choice4 ,the order of the soul also subsists as follows3 ,one part of it is the reasoning power1 another part is anger1 and another is desire4 ,and the reasoning power indeed1 is that which has dominion over knowledge2 anger is that which rules over the ardent impulses of the soul2 and desire is that which willingly rules over appetite4 ,when therefore1 these three pass into one1 so as to exhibit one co-adaptation1 then virtue and concord are produced in the soul2 but when they are seditious1 and divulsed from each other1 then vice and discord are generated in the soul4 ,and when the reasoning power prevails over the irrational parts of the soul1 then endurance and continence are produced2 endurance indeed1 in the retention of pains2 but continence in the abstinence from pleasures4 ,but when the irrational parts of the soul prevail over the reasoning power1 then effeminacy and incontinence are produced2 effeminacy indeed1 in flying from pain2 but incontinence1 in the being vanquished by pleasures4 ,when however1 the better part of the soul governs1 but the less excellent part is governed2 and the former leads1 but the latter follows1 and both consent1 and are concordant with each other1 then virtue and every good are generated in the whole soul4 ,when likewise the appetitive follows the reasoning part of the soul1 then temperance is produced2 but when this is the case with the irascible part1 fortitude is produced2 and when it takes place in all the parts of the soul1 then justice is the result4 ,for justice is that which separates all the vices and all the virtues of the soul from each other4 ,and justice is a certain established order of the apt conjunction of the parts of the soul1 and perfect and supreme virtue4 ,for every good is contained in this2 but the other goods of the soul cannot subsist without this4 ,hence justice possesses great strength both among ,gods and men4 ,for this virtue contains the bond by which the whole and the universe are held together1 and also by which ,gods and men are connected4 ,justice therefore1 is said to be ,themis among the celestial1 but ,dice among the terrestrial ,gods2 and ,law among men4 ,these assertions however1 are indications and symbols1 that justice is the supreme virtue4 ,hence virtue1 when it consists in contemplating and judging1 is called prudence2 when in sustaining things of a dreadful nature1 it is denominated fortitude2 when in restraining pleasure1 temperance2 and when in abstaining from gain1 and from injuring our neighbours1 justice4 ,moreover1 the arrangement of virtue according to right reason1 and the transgression of it contrary to right reason1 produce in the former case a tendency to the decorous as the final mark1 and in the latter the frustration of it4 ,the decorous however1 is that which ought to be4 ,but this does not require either addition or ablation2 since it is that which it is requisite to be4 ,but of the indecorous there are two species2 one of which is excess1 and the other defect4 ,and excess indeed1 is more1 but deficiency is less1 than is decorous4 ,virtue also1 is a certain habit of the decorous4 ,hence it is directly1 both a summit and a medium4 ,for thus1 things that are decorous are both media and summits4 ,they are media indeed1 because they fall between excess and deficiency2 but they are summits1 because they do not require either addition or ablation4 ,for they are the very things themselves which they ought to be4 ,since however1 the virtue of manners is conversant with the passions1 but of the passions pleasure and pain are supreme1 it is evident that virtue does not consist in extirpating the passions of the soul1 pleasure and pain1 but in co-harmonizing them4 ,for neither does health1 which is a certain apt mixture of the powers of the body1 consist in expelling the cold and the hot1 the moist and the dry2 but in these being appropriately mingled together4 ,for it is as it were1 a certain symmetry of these4 ,thus too1 in music1 concord does not consist in expelling the sharp and the flat2 but when these are co-harmonized1 then concord is produced1 and dissonance is exterminated4 ,in a similar manner1 the hot and the cold1 the moist and the dry1 being harmoniously mingled together1 health is produced1 and disease destroyed4 ,but when anger1 and desire are co-harmonized1 the vices and the other passions are extirpated1 and the virtues and manners are ingenerated4 ,deliberate choice however1 in beautiful conduct1 is the greatest peculiarity of the virtue of manners4 ,for it is possible to use reason and power without virtue2 but it is not possible to use deliberate choice without it4 ,for deliberate choice indicates the dignity of manners4 ,hence also1 the reasoning power subduing by force anger and desire1 produces continence and endurance4 ,and again1 when the reasoning power is violently dethroned by the irrational parts1 then incontinence and effeminacy are produced4 ,such dispositions however1 of the soul as these1 are half-perfect virtues1 and half-perfect vices4 ,for the reasoning power of the soul is according to its natural subsistence in a healthy1 but the irrational parts are in a diseased condition4 ,and so far indeed1 as anger and desire are governed and led by the rational part of the soul1 continence and endurance become virtues2 but so far as this is effected by violence1 and not voluntarily1 they become vices4 ,for it is necessary that virtue should perform such things as are fit1 not with pain1 but with pleasure4 ,again1 so far as anger and desire govern the reasoning power1 effeminacy and incontinence are produced1 which are certain vices4 ,but so far1 as they gratify the passions with pain1 knowing that they are erroneous1 in consequence of the eye of the soul being sane1--so far as this is the case1 they are not vices4 ,hence1 it is evident that virtue must necessarily perform what is fit voluntarily2 that which is involuntary indeed1 not being without pain and fear2 and that which is voluntary1 not subsisting without pleasure and delight4 ,by division also it will at the same time be found that this is the case4 ,for knowledge and the perception of things1 are the province of the rational part of the soul2 but power pertains to the irrational part4 ,for not to be able to resist pain1 or to vanquish pleasure1 is the peculiarity of the irrational part of the soul4 ,but deliberate choice subsists in both these1 viz4 in the rational2 and also in the irrational part4 ,for it consists of dianoia and appetite2 of which1 dianoia indeed1 pertains to the rational1 but appetite to the irrational part4 ,hence every virtue consists in a co-adaptation of the parts of the soul2 and both will and deliberate choice1 entirely subsist in virtue4 ,universally therefore1 virtue is a certain co-adaptation of the irrational parts of the soul to the rational part4 ,virtue however1 is produced through pleasure and pain receiving the boundary of that which is fit4 ,for true virtue is nothing else than the habit of that which is fit4 ,but the fit1 or the decorous1 is that which ought to be2 and the unfit1 or indecorous1 is that which ought not to be4 ,of the indecorous however1 there are two species1 viz4 excess and defect4 ,and excess indeed1 is more than is fit2 but defect is less than is fit4 ,but since the fit is that which ought to be1 it is both a summit and a middle4 ,it is a summit indeed1 because it neither requires ablation1 nor addition2 but it is a middle1 because it subsists between excess and defect4 ,the fit1 however1 and the unfit1 are to each other as the equal and the unequal that which is arranged1 and that which is without arrangement2 and both the two former and the two latter are finite and infinite4#gj ,on this account1 the parts of the unequal are referred to the middle1 but not to each other4 ,for the angle is called obtuse which is greater than a right angle2 but that is called acute1 which is less than a right angle4 ,the right line also in a circle is greater1 which surpasses that which is drawn from the center4 ,and the day is longer indeed1 which exceeds that of the equinox4 ,diseases1 likewise1 of the body are generated1 through the body becoming more hot or more cold than is proper4 ,for that which is more hot than is fit exceeds moderation2 and that which is more cold than is fit is below mediocrity4 ,the soul also1 and such things as pertain to it1 have this disposition and analogy4 ,for audacity indeed1 is an excess of the decorous in the endurance of things of a dreadful nature2 but timidity is a deficiency of the1 decorous4 ,and prodigality is an excess of what is fit in the expenditure of money2 but illiberality is a deficiency in this4 ,and rage indeed1 is an excess of the decorous in the impulse of the irascible part of the soul2 but insensibility is a deficiency of this4 ,the same reasoning likewise applies to the opposition of the other dispositions of the soul4 ,it is necessary however1 that virtue1 since it is a habit of the decorous1 and a medium of the passions1 should neither be wholly impassive1 nor immoderately passive4 ,for impassivity indeed1 causes the soul to be unimpelled1 and to be without an enthusiastic tendency to the beautiful in conduct2 but immoderate passivity causes it to be full of perturbation1 and inconsiderate4 ,it is necessary therefore1 that passion should so present itself to the view1 in virtue1 as shadow and outline in a picture4 ,for the animated and the delicate1 and that which imitates the truth1 in conjunction with goodness of colors1 are especially effected in a picture through these i4 e4 through shadow and outline4 ,but the passions of the soul are animated by the natural incitation and enthusiasm of virtue4 ,for virtue is generated from the passions1 and when generated1 again subsists together with them2 just as that which is well harmonized consists of the sharp and the flat1 that which is well mingled consists of the hot and the cold1 and that which is in equilibrium derives its equality of weight from the heavy and the light4 ,it is not therefore necessary to take away the passions of the soul2 for neither would this be profitable2 but it is requisite that they should be co-harmonized with the rational part1 in conjunction with fitness and mediocrity4 ,,from ,,the ,,treatise ,,of ,,archytas ,,on ,,ethical ,,erudition4 ,i say that virtue will be found sufficient to the avoidance of infelicity1 and vice to the non-attainment of felicity1 if we judiciously consider the habits by which these are produced4 ,for it is necessary that the bad man should always be miserable2 whether he is in affluence1 for he employs it badly2 or whether he is in penury2 just as the blind man1 whether he has light1 and the most splendid visible object before him1 or whether he is in the dark is always necessarily without sight4 ,but the good man is not always happy2 for felicity does not consist in the possession1 but in the use of virtue4 ,for neither does he who has sight always see2 for he will not see1 if he is without light4 ,life1 however1 is divided into two paths2 one of which is more arduous1 and in which the patient ,ulysses walked2 but the other is more free from molestation1 and is that in which ,nestor proceeded4 ,i say therefore that virtue desires the latter1 but is able to proceed in the former of these paths4 ,the nature however of felicity proclaims it to be a desirable and stable life1 because it gives perfection to the decision of the soul4 ,hence the virtuous man who does not obtain such a life as this1 is not indeed happy1 nor yet entirely miserable4 ,no one therefore will dare to say that the good man should be exempt from disease1 and pain1 and sorrow4 ,for as we leave certain painful things to the body1 so likewise we must permit them to be present with the soul4 ,the sorrows1 however1 of fools are most irrational2 but those of wise men proceed only as far as reason1 which gives limitation to things1 permits4 ,moreover1 the boast of apathy dissolves the generosity of virtue1 when it opposes itself to things of an indifferent nature1 and not to evils such as death1 and pain1 and poverty4 ,for things which are not evils are easily vanquished4 ,we should therefore exercise ourselves in the mediocrity of the passions1 as we shall then equally avoid insensibility1 and too much passivity1 and shall not speak higher of our nature than we ought4 ,,from ,,archytas1 ,,in ,,his ,,treatise ,,on ,,the ,,good ,,and ,,happy ,,man4 ,i say then that the good man is one who uses in a beautiful manner great things and opportunities4 ,he likewise is able to bear well both prosperity and adversity4 ,in beautiful and honorable circumstances also1 he becomes worthy of the condition in which he is placed2 and when his fortune is changed1 receives it in a proper manner4 ,in short1 on all occasions1 he contends well from contingencies that may arise4 ,nor does he only thus prepare himself for whatever may happen1 but likewise those who confide in and contend together with him4 ,,from ,,crito1 ,,in ,,his ,,treatise ,,on ,,prudence ,,and ,,prosperity4 ,prudence and prosperity subsist1 with reference to each other1 as follows3 ,prudence indeed is effable and possesses reason2 for it is something orderly and definite4 ,but prosperity is ineffable and irrational2 for it is something disorderly and indefinite4 ,and prudence1 indeed1 is prior1 but prosperity is posterior in beginning and in power4 ,for the former is naturally adapted to govern and define2 but the latter to be governed and defined4 ,moreover1 both prudence and prosperity receive co-adaptation1 since they concur in one and the same thing4 ,for it is always necessary that the thing which bounds and co-arranges1 should have a nature which is effable and participates of reason2 but that the thing which is bounded and co-arranged1 should be naturally ineffable and irrational4 ,for the reason of the nature of the infinite and of that which bounds1 thus subsists in all things4 ,for infinites are always naturally disposed to be bounded and co-arranged by things which possess reason and prudence1 since the former have the order of matter and essence with relation to the latter4 ,but finites are co-arranged and bounded from themselves1 since they have the order of cause1 and of that which is energetic4 ,the co-adaptation1 however1 of these natures in different things1 produces a great and various difference of co-adapted substances4 ,for in the comprehension of the whole of things1 the co-adaptation of both the natures1 i4 e4 of the nature which is always moved1 and of that which is always passive1 is the world4 ,for it is not possible for the whole and the universe to be otherwise saved1 than by that which is generated being co-adapted to that which is divine1 and that which is always passive to that which is always moved4#ga ,in man1 likewise1 the co-adaptation of the irrational to the rational part of the soul1 is virtue4 ,for it is not possible in these1 when there is sedition in both the parts1 that virtue should have a subsistence4 ,in a city also1 the co-adaptation of the governors to the governed1 produces strength and concord4 ,for to govern is the peculiarity of the better nature2 but to be governed1 is easier to the subordinate than to the more excellent nature4 ,and strength and concord are common to both4 ,there is1 however1 the same mode of adaptation in the universe and in a family3 for allurements#gb and erudition concur with reason in one and the same thing2 and likewise pains and pleasures1 prosperity and adversity4 ,for the life of man requires intension and remission1 sorrow and gladness1 prosperity and adversity4 ,for some things are able to collect and retain the intellect to industry and wisdom2 but others impart relaxation and delight1 and thus render the intellect vigorous and prompt to action4 ,if however one of these prevails in life1 then the life of man becomes of one part1 and verges to one part1 tending either to sorrow and difficulty1 or to remission and levity4 ,but the co-adaptation of all these ought to subsist with reference to prudence4 ,for this separates and distinguishes#gc bound and infinity in actions4 ,hence prudence is the leader and mother of the other virtues4 ,for all of them are co-harmonized and co-arranged with reference to the reason and law of this virtue4 ,and now my discussion of this subject is terminated4 ,for the irrational and the effable are in all things4 ,and the latter defines and bounds2 but the former is defined and bounded4 ,that1 however1 which consists of both these1 is the apt composition of the whole and the universe4 ,the following beautiful fragment of ,crito on ,prudence1 is from the ,physical ,eclogues of ,stobus1 p4 #aih1 and is omitted by ,gale in his ,collection of ,pythagoric ,ethical ,fragments in ,opusc4 ,mythol4 c4 ,god fashioned man in such a way as to render it manifest1 that he is not through the want of power1 or of deliberate choice1 incapable of being impelled to what is beautiful in conduct4 ,for he implanted in him a principle of such a kind as to comprehend at one and the same time the possible and the pre-eligible2 so that man might be the cause of power1 and the possession of good1 but ,god of impulse and incitation according to right reason4 ,on this account also1 he made him tend to heaven1 gave him an intellective power1 and implanted in him a sight called intellect1 which is capable of beholding ,god4 ,for it is not possible without ,god to discover that which is best and most beautiful1 nor without intellect to see ,god1 since every mortal nature is established in conjunction with a kindred privation of intellect4 ,this however is not imparted to it by ,god1 but by the essence of generation1 and by that impulse of the soul which is without deliberate choice4 ,,from ,,archytas1 ,,in ,,his ,,treatise ,,on ,,the ,,good ,,and ,,happy ,,man4 ,the prudent i4 e4 the wise man will especially become so as follows3 ,in the first place1 being naturally sagacious1 possessing a good memory1 and being a lover of labor1 he should exercise his dianoetic power immediately from his youth in reasonings and disciplines1 and in accurate theories1 and adhere to genuine philosophy4 ,but after this he should acquire knowledge and experience in what pertains to the ,gods1 the laws1 and human lives4 ,for there are two things from which the disposition of prudence is produced2 one of which consists in obtaining a mathematical and gnostic habit2 but the other1 in a man perceiving by himself many theorems and things1 and understanding other things through a certain different mode4 ,for neither is he sufficient to the possession of prudence1 who immediately from his youth has exercised his dianoetic power in reasonings and disciplines2 nor he who being destitute of these1 has heard and has been conversant with a multitude of things4 ,but the latter will have his dianoetic power blind1 through judging of particulars2 and the former through always surveying universals4 ,for as in computations the amount of the whole is obtained by the addition of the parts1 thus also in things1 reason is able to delineate the theory of universals2 but experience has the power of forming a judgment of particulars4 ,,from ,,archytas1 ,,in ,,his ,,treatise ,,on ,,disciplines4 ,it is necessary that you should become scientific1 either by learning from another person1 or by discovering yourself the things of which you have a scientific knowledge4 ,if1 therefore1 you learn from another person1 that which you learn is foreign2 but what you discover yourself is through yourself1 and is your own4 ,moreover1 if you investigate1 discovery will be easy1 and soon obtained2 but if you do not know how to investigate1 discovery will be to you impossible4 ,and right reasoning indeed1 when discovered1 causes sedition to cease1 and increases concord4 ,for through this the inexhaustible desire of possessing is suppressed1 and equality prevails2 since by this we obtain what is just in contracts4 ,hence1 on account of this1 the poor receive from those who are able to give2 and the rich give to those that are in want1 both of them believing that through this they shall obtain the equal4 ,this however will be a rule and an impediment to those that act unjustly1 viz4 that men who possess scientific knowledge will appease their anger1 prior to the commission of an injury1 being persuaded that the perpetrators of it will not be concealed when it is committed2 but that those who do not possess scientific knowledge1 becoming manifest in the commission of an injury1 will be restrained from acting unjustly4 ,,from ,,polus1 ,,in ,,his ,,treatise ,,on ,,justice4 ,it appears to me that the justice which subsists among men1 may be called the mother and the nurse of the other virtues4 ,for without this a man can neither be temperate1 nor brave1 nor prudent4 ,for it is the harmony and peace1 in conjunction with elegance1 of the whole soul4 ,the strength however of this virtue will become more manifest1 if we direct our attention to the other habits4 ,for they have a partial utility1 and which is referred to one thing2 but this is referred to whole systems1 and to a multitude4 ,in the world therefore1 it conducts the whole government of things1 and is providence1 harmony1 and ,dice1 by the decree of a certain genus of ,gods4 ,but in a city it is justly called peace1 and equitable legislation4 ,and in a house1 it is the concord between the husband and wife2 the benevolence of the servant towards the master2 and the anxious care of the master for the welfare of the servant4 ,in the body likewise1 which is the first and dearest thing to all animals1 so far as they are animals1 it is the health and intireness of all the parts4 ,but in the soul1 it is the wisdom1 which among men subsists from science and justice4 ,if therefore1 this virtue thus disciplines and saves both the whole and the parts of every thing rendering things concordant and familiar with each other1 how is it possible it should not be called by the decision of all men1 the mother and the nurse of all things8 ,the following fragments also1 from the ,treatise of ,archytas on ,wisdom1 are preserved by ,iamblichus1 in the #crd ,chapter of his ,protreptics1 or ,exhortations to ,philosophy4 8,archytas therefore1 in the beginning of his ,treatise on ,wisdom1 exhorts to the possession of it as follows3 #a4 8,wisdom as much excels in all human affairs as the sight does the other corporeal senses1 intellect the soul1 and the sun the stars4 ,for the sight is the most far-darting1 and the most multiform of all the senses2 intellect is the supreme part of the soul1 judging by reason and dianoa what is fit1 and existing as the sight and power of the most honorable things2 and the sun is the eye and soul of things which have a natural subsistence4 ,for through it all things become visible1 are generated1 and rise into existence4#gd ,deriving also their roots1 and being generated from thence1 they are nourished1 increased and excited by it in conjunction with sense4 #b4 8,man was generated by far the wisest of all terrestrial animals4 ,for he is able to contemplate the things which exist1 and to obtain from all things science and wisdom4 ,to which also it may be added1 that divinity has engraved and exhibited in him the system of universal reason1 in which all the forms of things in existence are distributed1 and the significations of nouns and verbs4 ,for a place is assigned for the sounds of the voice1 viz4 the pharynx1 the mouth1 and the nostrils4 ,but as man was generated the instrument of the sounds1 through which nouns and verbs are signified1 so likewise of the conceptions which are beheld in the things that have an existence4 ,and this appears to me to be the work of wisdom1 for the accomplishment of which man was generated and constituted1 and received organs and powers from divinity4 #c4 8,man was generated and constituted1 for the purpose of contemplating the reason of the whole of nature1 and in order that1 being himself the work of wisdom1 he might survey the wisdom of the things which exist4--,for if the reason of man is contemplative of the reason of the whole of nature1 and the wisdom also of man perceives and contemplates the wisdom of the things in existence1--this being acknowledged1 it is at the same time demonstrated1 that man is a part of universal reason1 and of the whole of the intellectual nature4 #d4 8,wisdom is not conversant with a certain definite existing thing1 but is simply conversant with all the things that exist4 ,and it is requisite1 that it should not first investigate the principles of itself1 but the common principles of all beings4 ,for wisdom so subsists with reference to all beings1 that it is the province of it to know and contemplate the universal accidents of all things4 ,and on this account wisdom discovers the principles of all beings4 #e4 8,whoever1 therefore1 is able to analyze all the genera which are contained under one and the same principle1 and again to compose and con-numerate them1 he appears to me to be the wisest of men1 and to possess the most perfect veracity4 ,farther still1 he will also have discovered a beautiful place of survey1 from which it will be possible to behold divinity1 and all things that are in co-ordination with1 and successive to him1 subsisting separately1 or distinct from each other4#ge ,having likewise entered this most ample road1 being impelled in a right direction by intellect1 and having arrived at the end of his course1 he will have conjoined beginnings with ends1 and will know that ,god is the principle1 middle1 and end1 of all things which are accomplished according to justice and right reason40#gf ,,pythagoric ,,ethical ,,sentences ,,from ,,stob,,us1 ,which are omitted in the ,opuscula ,mythologica1 c4 of ,gale4 ,do not even think of doing what ought not to be done4 ,choose rather to be strong in soul than in body4 ,be persuaded that things of a laborious nature contribute more than pleasures to virtue4 ,every passion of the soul is most hostile to its salvation4 ,it is difficult to walk at one and the same time in many paths of life4#gg ,pythagoras said1 it is requisite to choose the most excellent life2 for custom will make it pleasant4 ,wealth is an infirm anchor1 glory is still more infirm2 and in a similar manner the body1 dominion1 and honor4 ,for all these are imbecile and powerless4 ,what then are powerful anchors8 ,prudence1 magnanimity1 fortitude4 ,these no tempest can shake4 ,this is the law of ,god1 that virtue is the only thing that is strong2 and that every thing else is a trifle4 ,all the parts of human life1 in the same manner as those of a statue1 ought to be beautiful4 ,a statue indeed standing on its basis1 but a worthy man on the subject of his deliberate choice1 ought to be immovable4 ,frankincense ought to be given to the ,gods1 but praise to good men4 ,it is requisite to defend those who are unjustly accused of having acted injuriously1 but to praise those who excel in a certain good4 ,neither will the horse be judged to be generous1 that is sumptuously adorned1 but the horse whose nature is illustrious2 nor is the man worthy who possesses great wealth1 but he whose soul is generous4 ,when the wise man opens his mouth1 the beauties of his soul present themselves to the view1 like the statues in a temple4#gh ,remind yourself that all men assert that wisdom is the greatest good1 but that there are few who strenuously endeavour to obtain this greatest good4#gi ,pythagoras4 ,be sober1 and remember to be disposed to believe2 for these are the nerves of wisdom4 ,epicharmus4 ,it is better to live lying on the grass1 confiding in divinity and yourself1 than to lie on a golden bed with perturbation4 ,you will not be in want of any thing1 which it is in the power of ,fortune to give and take away4#hj ,despise all those things1 which when liberated from the body you will not want2 and exercising yourself in those things of which when liberated from the body you will be in want1 invoke the ,gods to become your helpers4#ha ,neither is it possible to conceal fire in a garment1 nor a base deviation from rectitude in time4 ,wind indeed increases fire1 but custom love4#hb ,those alone are dear to divinity1 who are hostile to injustice4#hc ,those things which the body necessarily requires1 are easily to be procured by all men1 without labor and molestation2 but those things to the attainment of which labor and molestation are requisite1 are objects of desire1 not to the body1 but to depraved opinion4 ,aristoxenus ,pythag4 ,stob4 p4 #acb4 ,of desire also1 he i4 e4 ,pythagoras said as follows3 ,this passion is various1 laborious1 and very multiform4 ,of desires however1 some are acquired and adventitious1 but others are connascent4 ,but he defined desire itself to be a certain tendency and impulse of the soul1 and an appetite of a plenitude or presence of sense1 or of an emptiness and absence of it1 and of non-perception4 ,he also said1 that there are three most known species of erroneous and depraved desire1 viz4 the indecorous1 the incommensurate1 and the unseasonable4 ,for desire is either immediately indecorous1 troublesome1 and illiberal2 or it is not absolutely so1 but is more vehement and lasting than is fit4 ,or in the third place1 it is impelled when it is not proper2 and to objects to which it ought not to tend4 ,ex ,aristoxeni ,pythag4 ,sententiis4 ,stob4 p4 #acb4 ,endeavour not to conceal your errors by words1 but to remedy them by reproofs4 ,pythagoras4 ,stob4 p4 #adf4 ,it is not so difficult to err1 as not to reprove him who errs4 ,pythagoras4 ,stob4 p4 #adg4 ,as a bodily disease cannot be healed1 if it is concealed1 or praised2 thus also1 neither can a remedy be applied to a diseased soul1 which is badly guarded and protected4 ,pythagoras4 ,stob4 p4 #adg4 ,the grace of freedom of speech1 like beauty in season1 is productive of greater delight4 ,it is not proper either to have a blunt sword1 or to use freedom of speech ineffectually4 ,neither is the sun to be taken from the world1 nor freedom of speech from erudition4 ,as it is possible for one who is clothed with a sordid robe1 to have a good habit of body2 thus also he whose life is poor may possess freedom of speech4#hd ,be rather delighted with those that reprove1 than with those that flatter you2 but avoid flatterers1 as worse than enemies4 ,pythagoras4 ,stob4 p4 #adi4 ,the life of the avaricious resembles a funeral banquet4 ,for though it has all things requisite to a feast1 yet no one present rejoices4 ,stob4 p4 #aee4he ,acquire continence as the greatest strength and wealth4 ,pythagoras4 ,stob4 p4 #aef4 8,not frequently man from man10 is one of the exhortations of ,pythagoras2 by which he obscurely signifies1 that it is not proper to be frequently engaged in venereal connexions4 ,stob4 p4 #aef4 ,it is impossible that he can be free who is a slave to his passions4 ,pythagoras4 ,stob4 #afe4 ,pythagoras said1 that intoxication is the meditation of insanity4 ,stob4 p4 #afe4 ,pythagoras being asked1 how a lover of wine might be cured of intoxication1 answered1 if he frequently surveys what his actions were when he was intoxicated4 ,stob4 p4 #afe4 ,pythagoras said1 that it was either requisite to be silent1 or to say something better than silence4 ,stob4 p4 #bae4 ,let it be more eligible to you to throw a stone in vain1 than to utter an idle word4 ,pythagoras4 ,stob4 p4 #bae4 ,do not say a few things in many words1 but much in a few words4 ,pythagoras4 ,stob4 p4 #baf4 ,genius is to men either a good or an evil dmon4 ,epicharmus4 ,stob4 p4 #bbj4 ,pythagoras being asked1 how a man ought to conduct himself towards his country1 when it had acted iniquitously with respect to him1 replied1 as to a mother4 ,stob4 p4 #bbg4 ,travelling teaches a man frugality1 and the way in which he may be sufficient to himself4 ,for bread made of milk and flower1 and a bed of grass1 are the sweetest remedies of hunger and labor4 ,to the wise man every land is eligible as a place of residence2 for the whole world is the country of the worthy soul4#hf ,stob4 p4 #bca4 ,pythagoras said1 that luxury entered into cities in the first place1 afterwards satiety1 then lascivious insolence1 and after all these destruction4 ,stob4 p4 #bdg4 ,pythagoras said1 that of cities that was the best1 which contained worthy men4 ,stob4 p4 #bdg4 ,do those things which you judge to be beautiful1 though in doing them you should be without renown4 ,for the rabble is a bad judge of a good thing4 ,despise therefore the reprehension of those whose praise you despise4 ,demophilus4 ,stob4 p4 #caj4hg ,those that do not punish bad men1 wish that good men may be injured4 ,pythagoras4 ,stob4 p4 #cba4 ,it is not possible for a horse to be governed without a bridle1 or riches without prudence4 ,pythagoras4 ,stob4 p4 #eac4 ,it is the same thing to think greatly of yourself in prosperity1 as to contend in the race in a slippery road4 ,stob4 p4 #efc4 ,there is not any gate of wealth so secure1 which the opportunity of ,fortune may not open4 ,stob4 p4 #efc4hh ,expel by reasoning the unrestrained grief of a torpid soul4 ,stob4 p4 #egb4 ,it is the province of a wise man to bear poverty with equanimity4 ,stob4 p4 #egb4hi ,spare your life1 lest you consume it with sorrow and care4 ,pythagoras4 ,stob4 p4 #faf4 ,nor will ,i be silent as to this particular1 that it appeared both to ,plato and ,pythagoras1 that old age was not to be considered with reference to an egress from the present life1 but to the beginning of a blessed life4 ,from ,phavorinus on ,old ,age4 ,stob4 p4 #ehe4 ,the two following extracts are from ,clemens ,alexandrinus in ,stromat4 lib4 #c4 p4 #dac4 ,the ancient theologists and priests testify that the soul is conjoined to the body through a certain punishment1 and that it is buried in this body as in a sepulchre4 ,philolaus4 ,whatever we see when awake is death2 and when asleep1 a dream4 ,pythagoras4 ,,select ,,sentences ,,of ,,sextus ,,the ,,pythagorean4 ,to neglect things of the smallest consequence1 is not the least thing in human life4 ,the wise man1 and the despiser of wealth1 resembles ,god4 ,do not investigate the name of ,god1 because you will not find it4 ,for every thing which is called by a name1 receives its appellation from that which is more worthy than itself1#ij so that it is one person that calls1 and another that hears4 ,who is it1 therefore1 that has given a name to ,god8 ,god1 however1 is not a name to ,god1 but an indication of what we conceive of him4 ,god is a light incapable of receiving its contrary darkness4 ,you have in yourself something similar to ,god1 and therefore use yourself as the temple of ,god1 on account of that which in you resembles ,god4 ,honor ,god above all things1 that he may rule over you4 ,whatever you honor above all things1 that which you so honor will have dominion over you4 ,but if you give yourself to the domination of ,god1 you will thus have dominion over all things4 ,the greatest honor which can be paid to ,god1 is to know and imitate him4 ,there is not any thing1 indeed1 which wholly resembles ,god2 nevertheless the imitation of him as much as possible by an inferior nature is grateful to him4 ,god1 indeed1 is not in want of any thing1 but the wise man is in want of ,god alone4 ,he1 therefore1 who is in want but of few things1 and those necessary1 emulates him who is in want of nothing4 ,endeavour to be great in the estimation of divinity1 but among men avoid envy4 ,the wise man whose estimation with men was but small while he was living1 will be renowned when he is dead4 ,consider all the time to be lost to you in which you do not think of divinity4 ,a good intellect is the choir of divinity4 ,a bad intellect is the choir of evil dmons4 ,honor that which is just1 on this very account that it is just4 ,you will not be concealed from divinity when you act unjustly1 nor even when you think of acting so4 ,the foundation of piety is continence2 but the summit of piety is the love of ,god4 ,wish that what is expedient and not what is pleasing may happen to you4 ,such as you wish your neighbour to be to you1 such also be you to your neighbours4 ,that which ,god gives you1 no one can take away4 ,neither do nor even think of that which you are not willing ,god should know4 ,before you do any thing think of ,god1 that his light may precede your energies4 ,the soul is illuminated by the recollection of deity4 ,the use of all animals as food is indifferent1 but it is more rational to abstain from them4 ,god is not the author of any evil4 ,you should not possess more than the use of the body requires4 ,possess those things which no one can take from you4 ,bear that which is necessary1 as it is necessary4 ,ask those things of ,god which it is worthy of ,god to bestow4 ,the reason which is in you1 is the light of your life4 ,ask those things of ,god1 which you cannot receive from man4 ,wish that those things which labor ought to precede1 may be possessed by you after labor4 ,be not anxious to please the multitude4 ,it is not proper to despise those things of which we shall be in want after the dissolution#ia of the body4 ,you should not ask of divinity that which1 when you have obtained1 you will not perpetually possess4 ,accustom your soul after it has conceived all that is great of divinity1 to conceive something great of itself4 ,esteem nothing to be precious1 which a bad man may take from you4 ,he is dear to divinity1 who considers those things alone to be precious1 which are esteemed to be so by divinity4 ,every thing which is more than necessary to man1 is hostile to him4 ,he who loves that which is not expedient1 will not love that which is expedient4 ,the intellect of the wise man is always with divinity4 ,god dwells in the intellect of the wise man4 ,every desire is insatiable1 and therefore is always in want4 ,the wise man is always similar to himself4 ,the knowledge and imitation of divinity1 are alone sufficient to beatitude4 ,use lying as poison4 ,nothing is so peculiar to wisdom as truth4 ,when you preside over men1 remember that divinity also presides over you4 ,be persuaded that the end of life1 is to live conformably to divinity4 ,depraved affections are the beginnings of sorrows4 ,an evil disposition is the disease of the soul2 but injustice and impiety are the death of it4 ,use all men in such a way1 as if you were the common curator of all things after ,god4 ,he who uses mankind badly1 uses himself badly4 ,wish that you may be able to benefit your enemies4 ,endure all things1 in order that you may live conformably to ,god4 ,by honoring a wise man1 you will honor yourself4 ,in all your actions place ,god before your eyes4#ib ,you are permitted to refuse matrimony1 in order that you may live incessantly adhering to ,god4#ic ,if1 however1 as one knowing the battle1 you are willing to fight1 take a wife1 and beget children4 ,to live1 indeed1 is not in our power1 but to live rightly is4 ,be unwilling to admit accusations against the man who is studious of wisdom4 ,if you wish to live with hilarity1 be unwilling to do many things4 ,for in a multitude of actions you will be minor4 ,every cup should be sweet to you which extinguishes thirst4 ,fly from intoxication as you would from insanity4 ,no good originates from the body4 ,think that you suffer a great punishment when you obtain the object of corporeal desire2 for the attainment of such objects never satisfies desire4 ,invoke ,god as a witness to whatever you do4 ,the bad man does not think there is a providence4 ,assert that which possesses wisdom in you1 to be the true man4#id ,the wise man participates of ,god4 ,where that which is wise in you resides1 there also is your good4 ,that which is not noxious to the soul1 is not noxious to man4 ,he who unjustly expels a wise man from the body1 confers a benefit on him by his iniquity4 ,for he thus becomes liberated as it were1 from bonds4 ,the fear of death renders a man sad through the ignorance of his soul4 ,you will not possess intellect1 till you understand that you have it4 ,think that your body is the garment of your soul2 and therefore preserve it pure4 ,impure dmons vindicate to themselves the impure soul4 ,speak not of ,god to every man4 ,it is dangerous1 and the danger is not small1 to speak of ,god even things which are true4 ,a true assertion respecting ,god1 is an assertion of ,god4 ,you should not dare to speak of ,god to the multitude4 ,he does not know ,god who does not worship him4 ,the man who is worthy of ,god is also a ,god among men4 ,it is better to have nothing1 than to possess much and impart it to no one4 ,he who thinks that there is a ,god1 and that nothing is taken care of by him1 differs in no respect from him who does not believe that there is a ,god4 ,he honors ,god in the best manner who renders his intellect as much as possible similar to ,god4 ,if you injure no one1 you will fear no one4 ,no one is wise who looks downward to the earth4 ,to lie is to deceive in life1 and to be deceived4 ,recognise what ,god is1 and what that is in you which recognises ,god4 ,it is not death1 but a bad life1 that destroys the soul4 ,if you know him by whom you were made1 you will know yourself4 ,it is not possible for a man to live conformable to divinity1 unless he acts modestly1 well1 and justly4 ,divine wisdom is true science4 ,you should not dare to speak of ,god to an impure soul4 ,the wise man follows ,god1 and ,god follows the soul of the wise man4 ,a king rejoices in those whom he governs1 and therefore ,god rejoices in the wise man4 ,he who governs likewise1 is inseparable from those whom he governs2 and therefore ,god is inseparable from the soul of the wise man1 which he defends and governs4 ,the wise man is governed by ,god1 and on this account is blessed4 ,a scientific knowledge of ,god causes a man to use few words4 ,to use many words when speaking of ,god1 produces an ignorance of ,god4 ,the man who possesses a knowledge of ,god1 will not be very ambitious4 ,the erudite1#ie chaste1 and wise soul1 is the prophet of the truth of ,god4 ,accustom yourself always to look to ,divinity4 ,a wise intellect is the mirror of ,god4 ,,pythagoric ,,sentences1 ,,from ,,the ,,protreptics ,,of ,,iamblichus4#if ,as we live through soul1 it must be said that by the virtue of this we live well2 just as because we see through the eyes1 we see well through the virtue of these4 ,it must not be thought that gold can be injured by rust1 or virtue by baseness4 ,we should betake ourselves to virtue as to an inviolable temple1 in order that we may not be exposed to any ignoble insolence of soul with respect to our communion with1 and continuance in life4 ,we should confide in ,virtue as in a chaste wife2 but trust to ,fortune as to an inconstant mistress4 ,it is better that virtue should be received accompanied with poverty1 than wealth with violence2 and frugality with health1 than veracity with disease4 ,an abundance of nutriment is noxious to the body2 but the body is preserved when the soul is disposed in a becoming manner4 ,it is equally dangerous to give a sword to a madman1 and power to a depraved man4 ,as it is better for a part of the body which contains purulent matter to be burnt1 than to continue in the state in which it is1 thus also it is better for a depraved man to die than to live4 ,the theorems of philosophy are to be enjoyed as much as possible1 as if they were ambrosia and nectar4 ,for the pleasure arising from them is genuine1 incorruptible1 and divine4 ,they are also capable of producing magnanimity2 and though they cannot make us eternal beings1 yet they enable us to obtain a scientific knowledge of eternal natures4 ,if vigor of sensation is considered by us to be an eligible thing1 we should much more strenuously endeavour to obtain prudence2 for it is as it were the sensitive vigor of the practical intellect which we contain4 ,and as through the former we are not deceived in sensible perceptions1 so through the latter we avoid false reasoning in practical affairs4 ,we shall venerate ,divinity in a proper manner1 if we render the intellect that is in us pure from all vice1 as from a certain stain4 ,a temple1 indeed1 should be adorned with gifts1 but the soul with disciplines4 ,as the lesser mysteries are to be delivered before the greater1 thus also discipline must precede philosophy4 ,the fruits of the earth1 indeed1 are annually imparted1 but the fruits of philosophy at every part of the year4 ,as land is especially to be attended to by him who wishes to obtain from it the most excellent fruit1 thus also the greatest attention should be paid to the soul1 in order that it may produce fruit worthy of its nature4 ,,additional ,,notes4 ,,additional ,,notes4 ,p4 #ej4 ,better worth saving than ten thousand corporeal eyes4 ,iamblichus here alludes to what ,plato says in the seventh book of his ,republic1 respecting the mathematical disciplines4 ,for he there says1 8that the soul through these disciplines has an organ purified and enlightened1 which is blinded and buried by studies of another kind1 an organ better worth saving than ten thousand eyes1 since truth becomes visible through this alone40 ,p4 #eh4 ,that in which the ,sirens subsist4 8,the divine ,plato1 7says ,proclus in his ,,ms4 ,scholia on the ,cratylus17 knew that there are three kinds of ,sirens2 the celestial1 which is under the government of ,jupiter2 that which produces generation1 and is under the government of ,neptune2 and that which is cathartic1 and is under the government of ,pluto4 ,it is common to all these to incline all things through an harmonic motion to their ruling ,gods4 ,hence1 when the soul is in the heavens1 the ,sirens are desirous of uniting it to the divine life which florishes there4 ,but it is proper that souls living in generation should sail beyond them1 like the ,homeric ,ulysses1 that they may not be allured by generation1 of which the sea is an image4 ,and when souls are in ,hades1 the ,sirens are desirous of uniting them through intellectual conceptions to ,pluto4 ,so that ,plato knew that in the kingdom of ,hades there are ,gods1 dmons1 and souls1 who dance as it were round ,pluto1 allured by the ,sirens that dwell there40 ,see more concerning the ,sirens in my translation of ,proclus on the ,theology of ,plato1 ,book the #fth4 ,p4 #fj4 ,that it is requisite to put the shoe on the right foot first4 ,this audition is taken from what forms the #abth ,symbol in the ,protreptics of ,iamblichus1 and is as follows3 8,when stretching forth your feet to have your sandals put on1 first extend your right foot2 but when about to use a foot bath1 first extend your left foot40 8,this ,symbol1 7says ,iamblichus17 exhorts to practical prudence1 admonishing us to place worthy actions about us as right-handed2 but entirely to lay aside and throw away such as are base1 as being left-handed40 ,p4 #fj4 ,that it is not proper to walk in the public ways4 ,this is the #eth ,symbol in the ,protreptics of ,iamblichus1 but is there differently expressed3 for it is1 8,declining from the public ways1 walk in unfrequented paths40 ,on which ,iamblichus observes3 8,i think that this ,symbol also contributes to the same thing as the preceding1 which is1 #8,disbelieve1 nothing wonderful concerning the ,gods1 nor concerning divine dogmas'4 ,for this exhorts us to abandon a popular and merely human life2 but thinks fit that we should pursue a separate and divine life4 ,it also signifies that it is necessary to look above common opinions2 but very much to esteem such as are private and arcane2 and that we should despise merely human delight2 but ardently pursue that felicitous mode of conduct which adheres to the divine will4 ,it likewise exhorts us to dismiss human manners as popular1 and to exchange for these the religious cultivation of the ,gods1 as transcending a popular life40 ,p4 #fa4 ,do not assist a man in laying a burden down4 ,this in the ,protreptics is the #aath ,symbol1 and is explained by ,iamblichus as follows3 8,this ,symbol exhorts to fortitude2 for whoever takes up a burden1 signifies that he undertakes an action of labor and energy2 but he who lays one down1 of rest and remission4 ,so that the ,symbol has the following meaning2 ,do not become either to yourself or another the cause of an indolent and effeminate mode of conduct2 for every useful thing is acquired by labor4 ,but the ,pythagoreans celebrate this ,symbol as ,herculean1 thus denominating it from the labors of ,hercules4 ,for during his association with men1 he frequently returned from fire and every thing dreadful1 indignantly rejecting indolence4 ,for rectitude of conduct is produced from acting and operating1 but not from sluggishness40 ,p4 #fa4 ,do not draw near to a woman for the sake of begetting children1 if she has gold4 ,in the ,protreptics of ,iamblichus 7,symbol #ce47 this is expressed as follows3 8,draw not near to that which has gold1 in order to produce children40 ,on which ,iamblichus observes3 8,the ,symbol does not here speak of a woman1 but of that sect and philosophy which has much of the corporeal in it1 and a gravitating tendency downwards4 ,for gold is the heaviest of all things in the earth1 and pursues a tendency to the middle1 which is the peculiarity of corporeal weight4 ,but the term to draw near1 not only signifies to be connected with1 but always to approach towards1 and to be seated near another40 ,p4 #fa4 ,speak not about ,pythagoric concerns without light4 ,this is the #acth ,symbol in the ,protreptics1 and is thus explained by ,iamblichus3 8,this ,symbol exhorts to the possession of intellectual prudence4 ,for this is similar to the light of the soul1 to which being indefinite it gives bound1 and leads1 as it were1 from darkness into light4 ,it is proper1 therefore1 to place intellect as the leader of every thing beautiful in life1 but especially in ,pythagoric dogmas2 for these cannot be known without light40 ,p4 #fa4 ,wear not the image of ,god in a ring4 ,this in the ,protreptics is the #bdth ,symbol2 but instead of wear1 it is there inscribe4 ,but ,iamblichus' explanation of it is as follows3 8,this ,symbol conformably to the foregoing conception1 employs the following exhortation3 ,philosophize1 and before every thing consider the ,gods as having an incorporeal subsistence4 ,for this is the most principal root of the ,pythagoric dogmas1 from which nearly all of them are suspended1 and by which they are strengthened even to the end4 ,do not therefore think that the ,gods use such forms as are corporeal1 or that they are received by a material subject1 and by body as a material bond1 like other animals4 ,but the engravings in rings exhibit the bond which subsists through the ring1 its corporeal nature and sensible form1 and the view as it were of some partial animal1 which becomes apparent through the engraving2 from which especially we should separate the genus of the ,gods1 as being eternal and intelligible1 and always subsisting according to the same and in a similar manner1 as we have particularly1 most fully1 and scientifically shown in our treatise concerning the ,gods40#ig ,p4 #fa4 ,nor is it proper to sacrifice a white cock2 for this also is a suppliant1 and is sacred to the moon4 ,in the ,protreptics1 the #ahth ,symbol is partly the same with1 and partly different from this4 ,for it is1 8,nourish a cock2 but sacrifice it not2 for it is sacred to the sun and the moon40 ,and ,iamblichus explains it as follows3 8,this ,symbol advises us to nourish and strengthen the body and not neglect it1 dissolving and destroying the mighty tokens of the union1 connexion1 sympathy1 and consent of the world4 ,so that it exhorts us to engage in the contemplation and philosophy of the universe4 ,for though the truth concerning the universe is naturally occult1 and sufficiently difficult of investigation1 it must1 however1 at the same time1 be inquired into and investigated by man1 and especially through philosophy4 ,for it is truly impossible to be discovered through any other pursuit4 ,but philosophy receiving certain sparks1 and as it were viatica1 from nature1 excites and expands them into magnitude1 rendering them more conspicuous through the disciplines which it possesses4 ,hence1 therefore1 we should philosophize40 ,p4 #fa4 ,it is proper to sacrifice1 and to enter temples1 unshod4 ,this in the ,protreptics is the #crd ,symbol2 but is thus enunciated by ,iamblichus1 8,sacrifice and adore unshod40 ,on which ,iamblichus observes3 8,this ,symbol signifies that we ought to worship the ,gods1 and acquire a knowledge of them in an orderly and modest manner1 and in a way not surpassing our condition on the earth4 ,it also signifies that1 in worshipping them1 and acquiring this knowledge1 we should be free from bonds1 and properly liberated4 ,but the ,symbol exhorts that sacrifice and adoration should be performed not only in the body1 but also in the energies of the soul2 so that these energies may neither be detained by passions1 nor by the imbecility of the body1 nor by generation1 with which we are externally surrounded4 ,but every thing pertaining to us should be properly liberated1 and prepared1 for the participation of the ,gods40 ,p4 #gg4 ,enter not into a temple negligently1 nor1 in short1 adore carelessly1 not even though you should stand at the very doors themselves4 ,this in the ,protreptics is the #bnd ,symbol1 and is explained by ,iamblichus as follows3 8,if the similar is friendly and allied to the similar1 it is evident that since the ,gods have a most principal essence among wholes1 we ought to make the worship of them a principal object4 ,but he who does this for the sake of any thing else1 gives a secondary rank to that which takes the precedency of all things1 and subverts the whole order of religious worship and knowledge4 ,besides1 it is not proper to rank illustrious goods in the subordinate condition of human utility1 nor to place our concerns in the order of an end1 but things more excellent1 whether they be works or conceptions1 in the condition of an appendage40 ,p4 #gi4 ,these1 therefore1 he ordered not to eat the heart4 ,this is the #cjth ,symbol in the ,protreptics1 and is thus explained by ,iamblichus3 8,this ,symbol signifies that it is not proper to divulse the union and consent of the universe4 ,and still further1 it signifies this1 ,be not envious1 but philanthropic1 and communicative3 and from this it exhorts us to philosophize4 ,for philosophy alone among the sciences and arts1 is neither pained with the goods of others1 nor rejoices in the evils of neighbours1 these being allied and familiar by nature1 subject to the like passions1 and exposed to one common fortune4 ,it likewise evinces that the future is equally unlooked for by all men4 ,hence1 it exhorts us to sympathy and mutual love1 and to be truly communicative1 as it becomes rational animals40 ,p4 #gi4 ,nor the brain4 ,this is the #cast ,symbol in the ,protreptics1 and which ,iamblichus thus explains3 8,this ,symbol also resembles the former3 for the brain is the ruling instrument of intellectual prudence4 ,the ,symbol1 therefore1 obscurely signifies that we ought not to dilacerate nor mangle things and dogmas1 which have been the objects of judicious deliberation4 ,but these will be such as have been the subject of intellectual consideration1 becoming thus equal to objects of a scientific nature4 ,for things of this kind are to be surveyed1 not through the instruments of the irrational form of the soul1 such as the heart and the liver2 but through the pure rational nature4 ,hence1 to dilacerate these by opposition1 is inconsiderate folly2 but the ,symbol rather exhorts us to venerate the fountain of intelligence1 and the most proximate organ of intellectual perception1 through which we shall possess contemplation1 science1 and wisdom2 and by which we shall truly philosophize1 and neither confound nor obscure the vestiges which philosophy produces40 ,p4 #gi4 ,to abstain from mallows1 c4 ,the #chth ,symbol in the ,protreptics is3 8,transplant mallows in your garden1 but eat them not40 ,on which ,iamblichus observes as follows3 8,this ,symbol obscurely signifies that plants of this kind turn with the sun1 and it thinks fit that this should be noticed by us4 ,it also adds1 transplant1 that is to say1 observe its nature1 its tendency towards1 and sympathy with1 the sun2 but rest not satisfied1 nor dwelt upon this1 but transfer1 and as it were transplant your conception to kindred plants and pot-herbs1 and also to animals which are not kindred1 to stones and rivers1 and1 in short1 to natures of every kind4 ,for you will find them to be prolific and multiform1 and admirably abundant2 and this to one who begins from the mallows1 as from a root and principle1 is significant of the union and consent of the world4 ,not only1 therefore1 do not destroy or obliterate observations of this kind2 but increase and multiply them as if they were transplanted40 ,p4 #hj4 ,thus too he ordered them to abstain from the fish ,melanurus4#ih ,the #fth ,symbol in the ,protreptics is1 8,abstain from melanurus2 for it belongs to the terrestrial ,gods40 ,and this1 according to ,iamblichus1 admonishes us to embrace the celestial journey1 to conjoin ourselves to the intellectual ,gods1 to become separated from a material nature1 and to be led as it were in a circular profession to an immaterial and pure life4 ,it further exhorts us to adopt the most excellent worship of the ,gods1 and especially that which pertains to the primary#ii ,gods4 ,p4 #hj4 ,and also not to receive the fish ,erythynus4 ,this in the ,protreptics is the #ccrd ,symbol1 and which ,iamblichus thus explains3 8,this ,symbol seems to be merely referred to the etymology of the name4 ,receive not an unblushing and impudent man2 nor on the contrary one stupidly astonished1 and who in every thing blushes1 and is humble in the extreme1 through the imbecility of his intellect and reasoning power4 ,hence this also is understood1 ,be not yourself such a one40 ,p4 #hj4 ,he likewise exhorted them to abstain from beans4 ,in the ,protreptics this is the #cgth ,symbol2 and ,iamblichus has not developed for us the more mystical signification of this symbol4 ,for he only says that 8it admonishes us to beware of every thing which is corruptive of our converse with the ,gods and divine prophecy40 ,but ,aristotle appears to have assigned the true mystical reason why the ,pythagoreans abstained from beans4 ,for he says1 7apud ,laert47 8that ,pythagoras considered beans as a symbol of generation i4 e4 of the whole of a visible and corporeal nature1 which subsists according to a right line1 and is without inflection2 because a bean alone of almost all spermatic plants1 is perforated through the whole of it1 and is not obstructed by any intervening joints40 ,hence he adds1 8it resembles the gates of ,hades40 ,for these are perpetually open without any impediment to souls descending into generation4 ,the exhortation1 therefore1 to abstain from beans1 is equivalent to admonishing us to beware of a continued and perpetual descent into the realms of generation4 ,hence the true meaning of the following celebrated lines in ,virgil2 ----facilis descensus ,averno4 ,noctes atque dies patet atri janua ,ditis3 ,sed revocare gradum1 superasque evadere ad auras1 ,hoc opus1 hic labor est4 i4 e4 ,the gates of ,hell are open night and day1 ,smooth the descent1 and easy is the way2 ,but to return1 and view the cheerful skies1 ,in this1 the mighty task and labor lies4 ,dryden4 ,p4 #ih4 ,such as infallible predictions of earthquakes1 rapid expulsions of pestilence1 c4 c4 ,since ,pythagoras1 as ,iamblichus informs us1 p4 #i4 was initiated in all the mysteries of ,byblus and ,tyre1 in the sacred operations of the ,syrians1 and in the mysteries of the ,phnicians1 and also 7p4 #ab47 that he spent two and twenty years in the adyta of temples in ,egypt1 associated with the ,magi in ,babylon1 and was instructed by them in their venerable knowledge2--it is not at all wonderful that he was skilled in magic or theurgy1 and was therefore able to perform things which surpass merely human power1 and which appear to be perfectly incredible to the vulgar4 ,for 8magic10 7as we learn from ,psellus in his ,,ms4 treatise on ,dmons7 8formed the last part of the sacerdotal science40 ,he farther likewise informs us1 8that magic investigates the nature1 power1 and quality of every thing sublunary2 viz4 of the elements and their parts1 of animals1 all-various plants1 and their fruits1 of stones1 and herbs3 and in short1 it explores the essence and power of every thing4 ,from hence1 therefore1 it produces its effects4 ,and it forms statues which procure health1 makes all-various figures1 and things which become the instruments of disease4 ,if asserts too1 that eagles and dragons contribute to health2 but that cats1 dogs1 and crows1 are symbols of vigilance1 to which therefore they contribute4 ,but for the fashioning of certain parts1 wax and clay are used4 ,often1 too1 celestial fire is made to appear through magic2 and then statues laugh1 and lamps are spontaneously enkindled40 ,see the original in the ,notes to my ,pausanias1 p4 #cbe4 ,and that theurgy was employed by the ancients in their mysteries1 ,i have fully proved in my treatise ,on the ,eleusinian and ,bacchic ,mysteries4#ajj ,conformably to this1 ,plato also in the ,first ,alcibiades says1 that the magic of ,zoroaster consisted in the worship of the ,gods1 on which passage1 ,i shall present the reader with what ,i have said1 in the first volume of my ,plato1 p4 #fc1 as it will enable him to see that the theurgy of the ancients is founded in a theory equally scientific and sublime4 8,the following account of magic by ,proclus1 originally formed1 as it appears to me1 a part of the ,commentary written by him on the present passage4 ,for the ,,ms4 ,commentary of ,proclus1 which is extant on this dialogue1 does not extend to more than a third part of it2 and this ,dissertation on ,magic1 which is only extant in ,latin1 was published by ,ficinus the translator1 immediately after his ,excerpta from this ,commentary4 ,so that it seems highly probable1 that the manuscript from which ,ficinus translated his ,excerpta1 was much more perfect1 than that which has been preserved to us1 in consequence of containing this account of the magic of the ancients4 8,in the same manner as lovers gradually advance from that beauty which is apparent in sensible forms1 to that which is divine2 so the ancient priests1 when they considered that there is a certain alliance and sympathy in natural things to each other1 and of things manifest to occult powers1 and discovered that all things subsist in all1 they fabricated a sacred science from this mutual sympathy and similarity4 ,thus they recognized things supreme in such as are subordinate1 and the subordinate in the supreme3 in the celestial regions1 terrene properties subsisting in a causal and celestial manner2 and in earth celestial properties1 but according to a terrene condition4 ,for how shall we account for those plants called heliotropes1 that is1 attendants on the sun1 moving in correspondence with the revolution of its orb1 but selenitropes1 or attendants on the moon1 turning in exact conformity to her motion8 ,it is because all things pray1 and hymn the leaders of their respective orders2 but some intellectually1 and others rationally2 some in a natural1 and others after a sensible manner4 ,hence the sun-flower1 as far as it is able1 moves in a circular dance towards the sun2 so that if any one could hear the pulsation made by its circuit in the air1 he would perceive something composed by a sound of this kind1 in honor of its king1 such as a plant is capable of framing4 ,hence1 too1 we may behold the sun and moon in the earth1 but according to a terrene quality2 but in the celestial regions1 all plants1 and stones1 and animals1 possessing an intellectual life according to a celestial nature4 ,now the ancients1 having contemplated this mutual sympathy of things1 applied for occult purposes1 both celestial and terrene natures1 by means of which1 through a certain similitude1 they deduced divine virtues into this inferior abode4 ,for1 indeed1 similitude itself is a sufficient cause of binding things together in union and consent4 ,thus1 if a piece of paper is heated1 and afterwards placed near a lamp1 though it does not touch the fire1 the paper will be suddenly inflamed1 and the flame will descend from the superior to the inferior parts4 ,this heated paper we may compare1 to a certain relation of inferiors to superiors2 and its approximation to the lamp1 to the opportune use of things according to time1 place1 and matter4 ,but the procession of fire into the paper1 aptly represents the presence of divine light1 to that nature which is capable of its reception4 ,lastly1 the inflammation of the paper may be compared to the deification of mortals1 and to the illumination of material natures1 which are afterwards carried upwards like the enkindled paper1 from a certain participation of divine seed4 8,again1 the lotus1 before the rising of the sun1 folds its leaves into itself1 but gradually expands them on its rising3 unfolding them in proportion to the sun's ascent to the zenith2 but as gradually contracting them1 as that luminary descends to the west4 ,hence this plant1 by the expansion and contraction of its leaves1 appears no less to honor the sun1 than men by the gesture of their eye-lids1 and the motion of their lips4 ,but this imitation and certain participation of supernal light1 is not only visible in plants1 which possess nothing more than a vestige of life1 but likewise in particular stones4 ,thus the sun-stone1 by its golden rays1 imitates those of the sun2 but the stone called the eye of heaven1 or of the sun1 has a figure similar to the pupil of an eye1 and a ray shines from the middle of the pupil4 ,thus too the lunar stone1 which has a figure similar to the moon when horned1 by a certain change of itself1 follows the lunar motion4 ,lastly1 the stone called helioselenus1 i4 e4 of the sun and moon1 imitates1 after a manner1 the congress of those luminaries1 which it images by its color4 ,so that all things are full of divine natures2 terrestrial natures receiving the plenitude of such as are celestial1 but celestial of supercelestial essences2#aja while every order of things proceeds gradually in a beautiful descent from the highest to the lowest4 ,for whatever particulars are collected into one above the order of things1 are afterwards dilated in descending1 various souls being distributed under their various ruling divinities4 8,in the next place1 there are many solar animals1 such as lions and cocks1 which participate1 according to their nature1 of a certain solar divinity2 whence it is wonderful how much inferiors yield to superiors in the same order1 though they do not yield in magnitude and power4 ,hence it is said1 that a cock is very much feared1 and as it were reverenced1 by a lion2 the reason of which we cannot assign from matter or sense1 but from the contemplation alone of a supernal order4 ,for thus we shall find that the presence of the solar virtue accords more with a cock than with a lion4 ,this will be evident from considering that the cock1 as it were1 with certain hymns1 applauds and calls to the rising sun1 when he bends his course to us from the antipodes2 and that solar angels sometimes appear in forms of this kind1 who though they are without shape1 yet present themselves to us who are connected with shape1 in some sensible form4 ,sometimes too there are dmons with a leonine front1 who1 when a cock is placed before them1 unless they are of a solar order1 suddenly disappear2 and this1 because those natures which have an inferior rank in the same order1 always reverence their superiors2 just as many1 on beholding the images of divine men1 are accustomed1 from the very view1 to be fearful of perpetrating any thing base4 8,in fine1 some things turn round correspondent to the revolutions of the sun1 as the plants which we have mentioned1 and others after a manner imitate the solar rays1 as the palm and the date2 some the fiery nature of the sun1 as the laurel2 and others a different property4 ,for1 indeed1 we may perceive that the properties which are collected in the sun1 are every where distributed to subsequent natures constituted in a solar order2 that is1 to angels1 dmons1 souls1 animals1 plants1 and stones4 ,hence the authors of the ancient priesthood discovered from things apparent1 the worship of superior powers1 while they mingled some things and purified others4 ,they mingled many things indeed together1 because they saw that some simple substances possessed a divine property 7though not taken singly7 sufficient to call down that particular power1 of which they were participants4 ,hence1 by the mingling of many things together1 they attracted upon us a supernal influx2 and by the composition of one thing from many1 they produced an assimilation to that one which is above many2 and composed statues from the mixture of various substances conspiring in sympathy and consent4 ,besides this1 they collected composite odours1 by a divine art1 into one1 comprehending a multitude of powers1 and symbolizing with the unity of a divine essence2 considering that division debilitates each of these1 but that mingling them together1 restores them to the idea of their exemplar4 8,but sometimes one herb1 or one stone1 is sufficient to a divine operation4 ,thus1 a thistle is sufficient to procure the sudden appearance of some superior power2 but a laurel1 raccinum1 7or a thorny kind of sprig7 the land and sea onion1 the coral1 the diamond1 and the jasper1 operate as a safeguard4 ,the heart of a mole is subservient to divination1 but sulphur and marine water to purification4 ,hence1 the ancient priests1 by the mutual relation and sympathy of things to each other1 collected their virtues into one1 but expelled them by repugnancy and antipathy2 purifying when it was requisite with sulphur and bitumen1 and sprinkling with marine water4 ,for sulphur purifies1 from the sharpness of its odour2 but marine water1 on account of its fiery portion4 ,besides this1 in the worship of the ,gods1 they offered animals1 and other substances congruous to their nature2 and received1 in the first place1 the powers of dmons1 as proximate to natural substances and operations2 and by these natural substances they convoked into their presence those powers to which they approached4 ,afterwards1 they proceeded from dmons to the powers and energies of the ,gods2 partly1 indeed1 from dmoniacal instruction1 but partly by their own industry1 interpreting convenient symbols1 and ascending to a proper intelligence of the ,gods4 ,and lastly1 laying aside natural substances and their operations1 they received themselves into the communion and fellowship of the ,gods40 ,it will doubtless be objected by most of the present period1 who believe in nothing beyond the information of their senses1 that plants1 animals1 and stones1 no longer possess those wonderful sympathetic powers1 which are mentioned by ,proclus in the above extract4 ,in answer to any such objector1 whose little soul1 7in the language of the ,emperor ,julian7 is indeed acute1 but sees nothing with a vision healthy and sound1 it must be said1 that this is not at all wonderful at a period1 when1 as the author of the ,asclepian dialogue justly observes1 8there is a lamentable departure of divinity from man1 when nothing worthy of heaven1 or celestial concerns1 is heard or believed1 and when every divine voice is by a necessary silence dumb40#ajb ,but to the philosophic reader1 it must be observed1 that as in the realms of generation1 or in other words1 the sublunary region1 wholes1 viz4 the spheres of the different elements1 remain perpetually according to nature2 but their parts are sometimes according1 and sometimes contrary to nature2 this must also be true of the parts of the earth4 ,when those circulations therefore take place1 during which the parts of the earth subsist according to nature1 and which are justly called1 by ,plato1 fertile periods1 the powers of plants1 animals1 and stones1 magically sympathize with superior natures1 in consequence of a more abundant participation of them1 through a greater degree of aptitude to receive1 and alliance to the participated powers4 ,but during those circulations1 in which the parts of the earth subsist contrary to nature1 as at present1 and which ,plato calls barren periods1 the powers of plants1 animals1 and stones1 no longer possess a magic sympathy1 and consequently are no longer capable of producing magical operations4 ,p4 #ajf4 ,the eternal essence of number is the most providential principle of the universe1 c4 ,the following account of the manner in which the ,pythagoreans philosophized about numbers1 is extracted from my ,theoretic ,arithmetic1 and the information contained in it is principally derived from the great ,syrianus4 8,the ,pythagoreans1 turning from the vulgar paths1 and delivering their philosophy in secret to those alone who were worthy to receive it1 exhibited it to others through mathematical names4 ,hence1 they called forms1 numbers1 as things which are the first separated from impartible union2 for the natures which are above forms1 are also above separation4#ajc ,the all-perfect multitude of forms1 therefore1 they obscurely signified through the duad2 but they indicated the first formal principles by the monad and duad1 as not being numbers2 and also by the first triad and tetrad1 as being the first numbers1 the one being odd1 and the other even1 from which by addition the decad is generated2 for the sum of #a1 #b1 #c1 and #d1 is ten4 ,but after numbers1 in secondary and multifarious lives1 introducing geometrical prior to physical magnitudes2 these also they referred to numbers1 as to formal causes and the principles of these2 referring the point indeed1 as being impartible1 to the monad2 but a line1 as the first interval1 to the duad2 and again1 a superficies1 as having a more abundant interval1 to the triad2 and a solid to the tetrad4 ,they also called1 as is evident from the testimony of ,aristotle1 the first length the duad2 for it is not simply length1 but the first length1 in order that by this they might signify cause4 ,in a similar manner also1 they denominated the first breadth1 the triad2 and the first depth the tetrad4 ,they also referred to formal principles all psychical knowledge4 ,and intellectual knowledge indeed1 as being contracted according to impartible union1 they referred to the monad2 but scientific knowledge1 as being evolved1 and as proceeding from cause to the thing caused1 yet through the inerratic1 and always through the same things1 they referred to the duad2 and opinion to the triad1 because the power of it is not always directed to the same thing1 but at one time inclines to the true1 and at another to the false4 ,and they referred sense to the tetrad1 because it has an apprehension of bodies2 for in the duad1 indeed1 there is one interval from one monad to the other2 but in the triad there are two intervals from any one monad to the rest2 and in the tetrad there are three4 ,they referred1 therefore1 to principles every thing knowable1 viz4 beings1 and the gnostic powers of these4 ,but they divided beings not according to breadth1 but according to depth2 into intelligibles1 objects of science1 objects of opinion1 and sensibles4 ,in a similar manner1 also1 they divided knowledge into intellect1 science1 opinion1 and sense4 ,the extremity1 therefore1 of the intelligible triad1 or animal itself1 as it is called by ,plato in the ,timus1 is assumed from the division of the objects of knowledge1 manifesting the intelligible order1 in which forms themselves1 viz4 the first forms and the principles of these1 are contained1 viz4 the idea of the one itself1 of the first length1 which is the duad itself1 and also the ideas of the first breadth and the first depth2 7for in common the term first is adapted to all of them71 viz4 to the triad itself1 and the tetrad itself4 8,again1 the ,pythagoreans and ,plato did not denominate idea from one thing1 and ideal number from another4 ,but since the assertion is eminently true1 that all things are similar to number1 it is evident that number1 and especially every ideal number1 was denominated on account of its paradigmatic peculiarity4 ,if any one1 however1 wishes to apprehend this from the appellation itself1 it is easy to infer that idea was so called1 from rendering as it were its participants similar to itself1 and imparting to them form1 order1 beauty1 and unity2 and this in consequence of always preserving the same form1 expanding its own power to the infinity of particulars1 and investing with the same species its eternal participants4 ,number also1 since it imparts proportion and elegant arrangement to all things1 was allotted this appellation4 ,for the ancients1 says ,syrianus1#ajd call to adapt or compose arsai1 whence is derived arithmos number4 ,hence anarsion among the ,greeks signifies incomposite4 ,hence too1 those ,grecian sayings1 you will adapt the balance1 they placed number together with them1 and also number and friendship4 ,from all which number was called by the ,greeks arithmos1 as that which measures and orderly arranges all things1 and unites them in amicable league4 8,farther still1 some of the ,pythagoreans discoursed about inseparable numbers alone1 i4 e4 numbers which are inseparable from mundane natures1 but others about such as have a subsistence separate from the universe1 in which as paradigms they saw those numbers are contained1 which are perfected by nature4 ,but others1 making a distinction between the two1 unfolded their doctrine in a more clear and perfect manner4 ,if it be requisite1 however1 to speak concerning the difference of these monads1 and their privation of difference1 we must say that the monads which subsist in quantity1 are by no means to be extended to essential numbers2 but when we call essential numbers monads1 we must assert that all of them mutually differ from each other by difference itself1 and that they possess a privation of difference from sameness4 ,it is evident also1 that those which are in the same order1 are contained through mutual comparison1 in sameness rather than in difference1 but that those which are in different orders are conversant with much diversity1 through the dominion of difference4 8,again1 the ,pythagoreans asserted that nature produces sensibles by numbers2 but then these numbers were not mathematical but physical2 and as they spoke symbolically1 it is not improbable that they demonstrated every property of sensibles by mathematical names4 ,however1 says ,syrianus1 to ascribe to them a knowledge of sensible numbers alone1 is not only ridiculous1 but highly impious4 ,for they received indeed1 from the theology of ,orpheus1 the principles of intelligible and intellectual numbers1 they assigned them an abundant progression1 and extended their dominion as far as to sensibles themselves40 ,again1 their conceptions about mathematical and physical number1 were as follow3 8,as in every thing1 according to the doctrine of ,aristotle1 one thing corresponds to matter1 and another to form1 in any number1 as for instance the pentad1 its five monads1 and in short its quantity1 and the number which is the subject of participation1 are derived from the duad itself2 but its form1 i4 e4 the pentad itself1 is from the monad2 for every form is a monad1 and unites its subject quantity4 ,the pentad itself1 therefore1 which is a monad1 proceeds from the principal monad1 forms its subject quantity1 which is itself formless1 and connects it to its own form4 ,for there are two principles of mathematical numbers in our souls3 the monad1 which comprehends in itself all the forms of numbers1 and corresponds to the monad in intellectual natures2 and the duad1 which is a certain generative principle of infinite power1 and which on this account1 as being the image of the never-failing and intelligible duad1 is called indefinite4 ,while this proceeds to all things1 it is not deserted in its course by the monad1 but that which proceeds from the monad continually distinguishes and forms boundless quantity1 gives a specific distinction to all its orderly progressions1 and incessantly adorns them with forms4 ,and as in mundane natures1 there is neither any thing formless1 nor any vacuum among the species of things1 so likewise in mathematical number1 neither is any quantity left innumerable2 for thus the forming power of the monad would be vanquished by the indefinite duad1 nor does any medium intervene between the consequent numbers1 and the well-disposed energy of the monad4 8,neither1 therefore1 does the pentad consist of substance and accident1 as a white man2 nor of genus and difference1 as man of animal and biped2 nor of five monads mutually touching each other1 like a bundle of wood2 nor of things mingled1 like a drink made from wine and honey2 nor of things sustaining position1 as stones by their position complete the house2 nor lastly1 as things numerable1 for these are nothing else than particulars4 ,but it does not follow that numbers themselves1 because they consist of indivisible monads1 have nothing else besides monads1 7for the multitude of points in continued quantity is an indivisible multitude1 yet it is not on this account that there is a completion of something else from the points themselves72 but this takes place because there is something in them which corresponds to matter1 and something which corresponds to form4 ,lastly1 when we unite the triad with the tetrad1 we say that we make seven4 ,the assertion1 however1 is not true3 for monads conjoined with monads1 produce indeed the subject of the number #g1 but nothing more4 ,who then imparts the heptadic form to these monads8 ,who is it also that gives the form of a bed to a certain number of pieces of wood8 ,shall we not say that the soul of the carpenter1 from the art which he possesses1 fashions the wood1 so as to receive the form of a bed1 and that the numerative soul1 from possessing in herself a monad which has the relation of a principle1 gives form and subsistence to all numbers8 ,but in this only consists the difference1 that the carpenter's art is not naturally inherent in us1 and requires manual operation1 because it is conversant with sensible matter2 but the numerative art is naturally present with us1 and is therefore possessed by all men1 and has an intellectual matter which it instantaneously invests with form4 ,and this is that which deceives the multitude1 who think that the heptad is nothing besides seven monads4 ,for the imagination of the vulgar1 unless it first sees a thing unadorned1 afterwards the supervening energy of the adorner1 and lastly1 above all the thing itself1 perfect and formed1 cannot be persuaded that it has two natures1 one formless1 the other formal1 and still further1 that which beyond these imparts form2 but asserts1 that the subject is one1 and without generation4 ,hence1 perhaps1 the ancient theologists and ,plato ascribed temporal generations to things without generation1 and to things which are perpetually adorned1 and regularly disposed1 privation of order and ornament1 the erroneous and the boundless1 that they might lead men to the knowledge of a formal and effective cause4 ,it is1 therefore1 by no means wonderful1 that though seven sensible monads are never without the heptad1 these should be distinguished by science1 and that the former should have the relation of a subject1 and be analogous to matter1 but the latter should correspond to species and form4 8,again1 as when water is changed into air1 the water does not become air1 or the subject of air1 but that which was the subject of water becomes the subject of air1 so when one number unites itself with another1 as for instance the triad with the duad1 the species or forms of the two numbers are not mingled1 except in their immaterial reasons 7or productive principles71 in which at the same time that they are separate1 they are not impeded from being united1 but the quantities of the two numbers which are placed together1 become the subject of the pentad4 ,the triad1 therefore1 is one1 and also the tetrad1 even in mathematical numbers3 for though in the ennead or number nine1 you may conceive a first1 second1 and third triad1 yet you see one thing thrice assumed2 and in short1 in the ennead there is nothing but the form of the ennead in the quantity of nine monads4 ,but if you mentally separate its subject1 7for form is impartible7 you will immediately invest it with forms corresponding to its division2 for our soul cannot endure to see that which is formless1 unadorned1 especially as she possesses the power of investing it with ornament4 8,since also separate numbers possess a demiurgic or fabricative power1 which mathematical numbers imitate1 the sensible world likewise contains images of those numbers by which it is adorned2 so that all things are in all1 but in an appropriate manner in each4 ,the sensible world1 therefore1 subsists from immaterial and energetic reasons1 and from more ancient causes4 ,but those who do not admit that nature herself is full of productive powers1 lest they should be obliged to double things themselves1 these wonder how from things void of magnitude and gravity1 magnitude and gravity are composed2 though they are never composed from things of this kind which are void of gravity and magnitude1 as from parts4 ,but magnitude is generated from essentially impartible elements2 since form and matter are the elements of bodies2 and still much more is it generated from those truer causes which are considered in demiurgic reasons and forms4 ,is it not therefore necessary that all dimensions1 and all moving masses1 must from these receive their generation8 ,for either bodies are unbegotten1 like incorporeal natures2 or of things with interval1 things without interval are the causes2 of partibles impartibles2 and of sensibles and contraries1 things insensible and void of contact3 and we must assent to those who assert that things possessing magnitude are thus generated from impartibles4 ,hence the ,pythagorean ,eurytus1 and his followers1 beholding the images of things themselves in numbers1 rightly attributed certain numbers to certain things1 according to their peculiarity4 ,in consequence of this1 he said that a particular number is the boundary of this plant1 and again1 another number of this animal2 just as of a triangle #f is the boundary1 of a square #i1 and of a cube #h4 ,as the musician1 too1 harmonizes his lyre through mathematical numbers1 so nature through her own natural numbers1 orderly arranges1 and modulates her productions4 8,indeed1 that numbers are participated by the heavens1 and that there is a solar number1 and also a lunar number1 is manifest according to the adage1 even to the blind4 ,for the restitutions of the heavenly bodies to their pristine state 77 would not always be effected through the same things1 and in the same manner1 unless one and the same number bad dominion in each4 ,yet all these contribute to the procession of the celestial spheres1 and are contained by their perfect number4 ,but there is also a certain natural number belonging to every animal4 ,for things of the same species would not be distinguished by organs after the same manner1 nor would they arrive at puberty and old age about the same time1 or generate1 nor would the ftus be nourished or increase1 according to regular periods1 unless they were detained by the same measure of nature4 ,according to the best of the ,pythagoreans also1 ,plato himself1 number is the cause of better and worse generations4 ,hence though the ,pythagoreans sometimes speak of the squares and cubes of natural numbers1 they do not make them to be monadic1 such as the number #i1 and the number #bg2 but they signify through these names1 from similitude1 the progression of natural numbers into1 and dominion about1 generations4 ,in like manner1 though they call them equal or double1 they exhibit the dominion and symphony of ideas in these numbers4 ,hence different things do not use the same number1 so far as they are different1 nor do the same things use a different number1 so far as they are the same4 8,in short1 physical numbers are material forms divided about the subject which receives them4 ,but material powers are the sources of connexion and modification to bodies4 ,for form is one thing1 and the power proceeding from it another4 ,for form itself is indeed impartible and essential2 but being extended1 and becoming bulky1 it emits from itself1 as if it were a blast1 material powers which are certain qualities4 ,thus1 for instance1 in fire1 the form and essence of it is impartible1 and is truly the image of the cause of fire3 for in partible natures1 the impartible has a subsistence4 ,but from form which is impartible in fire1 and which subsists in it as number1 an extension of it accompanied with interval takes place about matter1 from which the powers of fire are emitted1 such as heat1 or refrigeration1 or moisture1 or something else of the like kind4 ,and these qualities are indeed essential1 but are by no means the essence of fire4 ,for essences do not proceed from qualities1 nor are essence and power the same thing4 ,but the essential every where precedes power4 ,and from this being one the multitude of powers proceeds1 and the distributed from that which is undistributed2 just as many energies are the progeny of one power40 ,p4 #ajg4 ,for ,pythagoras always proclaimed1 that nothing admirable pertaining to the ,gods or divine dogmas1 should be disbelieved4 ,this in the ,protreptics forms the fourth symbol1 and is thus explained by ,iamblichus3--8,this dogma sufficiently venerates and unfolds the transcendency of the ,gods1 affording us a viaticum1 and recalling to our memory that we ought not to estimate divine power from our judgment4 ,but it is likely that some things should appear difficult and impossible to us1 in consequence of our corporeal subsistence1 and from our being conversant with generation and corruption2 from our having a momentary existence2 from being subject to a variety of diseases2 from the smallness of our habitation2 from our gravitating tendency to the middle2 from our somnolency1 indigence and repletion2 from our want of counsel and our imbecility2 from the impediments of our soul1 and a variety of other circumstances1 although our nature possesses many illustrious prerogatives4 ,at the same time however we perfectly fall short of the ,gods1 and neither possess the same power with them1 nor equal virtue4 ,this symbol therefore in a particular manner introduces the knowledge of the ,gods1 as beings who are able to effect all things4 ,on this account it exhorts us to disbelieve nothing concerning the ,gods4 ,it also adds1 nor about divine dogmas2 viz4 those belonging to the ,pythagoric philosophy4 ,for these being secured by disciplines and scientific theory1 are alone true and free from falsehood1 being corroborated by all-various demonstration1 accompanied with necessity4 ,the same symbol1 also1 is capable of exhorting us to the science concerning the ,gods3 for it urges us to acquire a science of that kind1 through which we shall be in no respect deficient in things asserted about the ,gods4 ,it is also able to exhort the same things concerning divine dogmas1 and a disciplinative progression4 ,for disciplines alone give eyes to1 and produce light about1 all things1 in him who intends to consider and survey them4 ,for from the participation of disciplines1 one thing before all others is effected1 viz4 a belief in the nature1 essence1 and power of the ,gods1 and also in those ,pythagoric dogmas1 which appear to be prodigious to such as have not been introduced to1 and are uninitiated in1 disciplines2 ,so that the precept disbelieve not is equivalent to participate and acquire those things through which you will not disbelieve2 that is to say1 acquire disciplines and scientific demonstrations40 ,p4 #hh4 ,after this manner therefore it is said that music was discovered by ,pythagoras4 ,the following particulars relative to music are added for the purpose of elucidating what is said about it in this chapter4 8,take two brazen chords1 such as are used in harps2 for those chords which are made from the intestines of sheep are for the most part either false or obnoxious to the change of the air1 ,illustration3 ,a------------------,b ,c------------------,d ,e 8,let these chords be perfectly equal1 and equally stretched1 so as to be in unison1 i4 e4 so that there may be only one sound1 though there are two strings4 ,but it is requisite that they should be placed upon some oblong and polished rule4 ,the ancients called this rule an harmonic rule1 or also a monochord1 by which instrument all consonances and dissonances1 and likewise musical intervals1 were tried4 ,let now one of these chords be bisected in ,e4 ,afterwards under the point ,e place what is vulgarly called the tactus1 but which was denominated by the ancients1 from its figure1 a hemisphere4 ,the tactus1 therefore1 being placed under ,e1 press there the chord1 so that one half of it only1 as for instance ,,ed1 may be wholly struck and resound4 ,having therefore struck each of the chords at the same time1 viz4 the whole of ,,ab1 and the half ,,ed1 so that they may resound at one and the same time1 you will hear the sweetest of all consonances1 composed from the sound of the whole chord ,,ab1 and the sound of the half ,,ed4 ,this consonance the ancients called diapason1 i4 e4 through all the chords1 because in the musical instruments of the ancients1 the two extreme chords1 i4 e4 the most grave1 and the most acute of all the chords1 contained this consonance2 so that1 from the gravest chord having made a transition through all the chords to the supreme and most acute of all1 they would hear this sweetest consonance4 ,it was1 likewise1 said to be in a duple ratio of the proportion of one sound to the other4 ,for the sound of the chord ,,ab is doubly greater or more grave than the sound of the half ,,ed4 ,for as sounding bodies are to each other1 so are their sounds4 ,but the chord ,,ab is the double of ,,ed4 ,this1 however1 is now commonly called the octave1 because from the first sound1 and that the gravest1 which is called ut1 as far as to that sound which corresponds to it in the consonance diapason1 there are these eight sounds1 ut1 re1 mi1 fa1 sol1 re1 mi1 fa4 ,and of these the first ut1 and the last fa1 which is the eighth1 produce the consonance diapason1 or the double1 or the octave4 8,again1 let the same chord ,,cd be divided into three equal parts in the points ,f1 ,g4 ,illustration3 ,a------------------------,b ,c------------------------,d ,f ,g 8,,fd1 therefore1 will be two-thirds as well of the whole ,,cd as of the whole ,,ab4 ,let the tactus now be placed in ,f1 and let ,,ab and ,,fd be struck at the same time1 and a consonance very sweet and perfect will indeed be heard1 yet not so sweet as the diapason4 ,this the ancients called diapente 7i4 e4 through five chords71 because the first and the fifth chord produce this consonance4 ,but according to proportion it is called sesquialter1 because the chord ,,ab is sesquialter to ,,fd1 and consequently the sounds of these chords also are in the same ratio4 ,but sesquialter ratio is when the greater quantity ,,ab contains the less ,,fd once1 and the half of it besides4 ,it is1 indeed1 commonly called the fifth1 because it is composed from the first sound ut1 and the fifth1 sol4 8,again1 let the same chord be cut into four equal parts in the points ,h1 ,e1 ,i1 ,illustration3 ,a-------------------------------------- --------------,b ,c-------------------------------------- --------------,d ,k ,l ,h ,f ,m ,n ,e ,g ,i 8so that the chord ,,hd1 may be three-fourths of the whole ,,cd4 ,the tactus1 therefore1 being placed in ,h1 let ,,ab and ,,hd be struck at one and the same time1 and a consonance will be heard1 indeed1 yet more imperfect than the preceding two4 ,this was called by the ancients diatessaron1 i4 e4 through four chords or sounds1 for a similar reason to that by which the former were denominated4 ,with reference1 however1 to the ratio of the chords and sounds1 it is called sesquitertian1 because the greater ,,ab contains the less once1 and a third part of it besides4 ,but it is now commonly called a fourth1 because it is found between the first sound ut1 and the fourth fa4 ,if now the point ,f be added in the preceding figure1 and at one and the same time two chords ,,hd and ,,fd are compared in arithmetical ratios1 we shall find that the greater ,,hd will have to the less ,,fd a sesquioctave#aje ratio1 and the sound of the greater ,,hd to the less ,,fd will have the same ratio1 i4 e4 in modern terms1 that between fa and sol there is a sesquioctave ratio4 ,but if these two sounds are heard together1 they will be discordant to the ear4 ,again1 the distance between these sounds fa1 sol1 or between the chords ,,hd and ,,fd1 or between the two harmonic intervals ,,hd and ,,fd1 the ratio of which was sesquioctave1 was called by the ancients a tone4 ,afterwards they divided the whole of ,,cd into nine equal parts1 the first of which is divided in ,k1 so that the whole ,,cd may have to the remainder ,,kd1 which contains eight of those parts1 a sesquioctave ratio4 ,this1 in like manner1 will be the interval of a tone1 the first sound of which1 i4 e1 of the whole ,,cd1 is now called ut1 but the second sound of the rest of the chord ,,kd is called re4 ,afterwards they in a similar manner divided the remainder ,,kd into nine parts1 the first part of which is marked in the point ,l4 ,and for the same reason between the chord ,,kd and the chord ,,kd1 and their sounds1 there will be a sesquioctave ratio4 ,the sound of the chord ,,ld is now called mi2 but the interval which remains between the chord ,,ld and the chord ,,hd has not a sesquioctave ratio1 but less than it almost by half1 and therefore an interval of this kind was called a semitone1 and also diesis or a division4 ,but that interval which remains between the points ,f and ,e they divided after the same manner1 as the space between ,c and ,h was divided1 and they again found the same sounds4 ,let those divisions be marked by the points ,m and ,n2 and here1 also1 between ,n and ,e1 or between mi and fa1 there is in like manner another semitone4 ,these eight sounds1 therefore1 are ut1 re1 mi1 fa1 sol1 re1 mi1 fa1 which compose the whole diapason4 ,for as we have before observed1 between ut and the last fa is the consonance diapason1 or between the chord ,,cd or ,,ab1 and the chord ,,ed4 ,but from the intervals which are between the sounds there are two semitones1 viz4 one between mi and fa1 denoted by the letters ,l1 ,n1 and the other between the last mi and fa1 denoted by the letters ,n1 ,e4 ,the remaining five intervals are entire tones4 ,it must1 also1 be observed1 that from ut to the first sol is the consonance diapente1 which contains three tonic intervals1 and one semitone2 nevertheless in all there are five sounds1 ut1 re1 mi1 fa1 sol4 8,again1 from sol to the last fa there are four sounds1 sol1 re1 mi1 fa1 which are perfectly similar to the first four1 ut1 re1 mi1 fa4 ,nevertheless these are more grave1 but those are more acute4 ,and as from ut to the first fa is the diatessaron1 so likewise from sol to the last fa is another diatessaron1 from which1 in the last place1 it must be observed1 it follows that the two consonances diatessaron and diapente constitute the whole diapason2 or that the diapason is divided into one diatessaron1 and one diapente4 ,for from ut to sol is the diapente1 but from sol to the last fa is the diatessaron4 ,this will also be the case if we should say that from ut to the first fa is the diatessaron1 as is evident from the division of the chord2 but from the first fa to the last fa is the diapente1 as is evident from the four intervals of the chord1 three of which are tones1 and the remaining interval is a semitone1 which also in the other diapente were contained between ut and sol4 8,now again1 let the tactus be placed in ,i2 but ,i is the fourth part of the whole ,,cd4 ,let1 also1 ,,ab and ,,id be struck at one and the same time1 and the sweetest consonance1 called bisdiapason1 will be produced2 which is so denominated1 because it is composed from two diapasons1 of which the first is between ,,ab or ,,cd1 and ,,ed1 but the second is between ,,ed and ,,id2 for the ratio of these is double as well as of those4 ,the ratio1 also1 of the bisdiapason is quadruple1 as is evident from the division2 and is commonly called a fifteenth1 because from the first ut to this sound1 which is also denominated fa1 there would be fifteen sounds1 if the interval ,,ei were divided after the same manner as the first ,,ce is divided4 8,farther still1 let ,,gd be a third part of the whole ,,cd1 and let the tactus be placed in ,g4 ,then at one and the same time let ,,ab and ,,gd be struck1 and a sweet consonance will be heard1 which is called diapasondiapente1 because it is composed from one diapason contained by the interval ,,ce1 or the two chords ,,cd1 ,,ed1 and one diapente1 contained by the interval ,,eg1 or the chords ,,ed1 ,,gd4 ,for the chord ,,ed is sesquialter to the chord ,,gd2 which ratio constitutes the nature of the diapente4 ,the proportion1 also1 of this consonance is triple4 ,for the chord ,,ab or ,,cd is triple of ,,gd2 and it is commonly called the twelfth1 because between ut and sol1 denoted by the letter ,g1 there would be twelve sounds1 if the interval ,,eg received its divisions4 ,from all which it is manifest by the experience of the ear1 that there are altogether five consonances1 three simple1 the diapason1 the diapente1 and the diatessaron2 but two composite1 the bisdiapason1 and the diapasondiapente40 ,in the last place1 it is necessary to observe that those ancient ,greeks differently denominated these sounds1 ut1 re1 c4 ,for the first1 i4 e4 the gravest sound or chord1 which is now called ut1 they1 denominated hypate1 and the others in the following order3 ,ut1 ,hypate1 i4 e4 ,principalis4 ,re1 ,parhypate1 -- ,postprincipalis4 ,mi1 ,lychanos1 -- ,index4 ,fa1 ,mese1 -- ,media4 ,sol1 ,paramese1 -- ,postmedia4 ,re1 ,trite1 -- ,tertia4 ,mi1 ,paranete1 -- ,antepenultima4 ,fa1 ,nete1 -- ,ultima1 vel suprema4 ,p4 #aji4 ,i swear by him who the tetractys found4 ,the tetrad was called by the ,pythagoreans every number1 because it comprehends in itself all the numbers as far as to the decad1 and the decad itself2 for the sum of #a1 #b1 #c1 and #d1 is #aj4 ,hence both the decad and the tetrad were said by them to be every number2 the decad indeed in energy1 but the tetrad in capacity4 ,the sum likewise of these four numbers was said by them to constitute the tetractys1 in which all harmonic ratios are included4 ,for #d to #a1 which is a quadruple ratio1 forms the symphony bisdiapason2 the ratio of #c to #b1 which is sesquialter1 forms the symphony diapente2 #d to #c1 which is sesquitertian1 the symphony diatessaron2 and #b to #a1 which is a duple ratio1 forms the diapason4 ,in consequence1 however1 of the great veneration paid to the tetractys by the ,pythagoreans1 it will be proper to give it a more ample discussion1 and for this purpose to show from ,theo of ,smyrna1#ajf how many tetractys there are3 8,the tetractys10 says he1 8was not only principally honored by the ,pythagoreans1 because all symphonies are found to exist within it1 but also because it appears to contain the nature of all things40 ,hence the following was their oath3 8,not by him who delivered to our soul the tetractys1 which contains the fountain and root of everlasting nature40 ,but by him who delivered the tetractys they mean ,pythagoras2 for the doctrine concerning it appears to have been his invention4 ,the above-mentioned tetractys1 therefore1 is seen in the composition of the first numbers #a4 #b4 #c4 #d4 ,but the second tetractys arises from the increase by multiplication of even and odd numbers beginning from the monad4 ,of these1 the monad is assumed as the first1 because1 as we have before observed1 it is the principle of all even1 odd1 and evenly-odd numbers1 and the nature of it is simple4 ,but the three successive numbers receive their composition according to the even and the odd2 because every number is not alone even1 nor alone odd4 ,hence the even and the odd receive two tetractys1 according to multiplication2 the even indeed1 in a duple ratio2 for #b is the first of even numbers1 and increases from the monad by duplication4 ,but the odd number is increased in a triple ratio2 for #c is the first of odd numbers1 and is itself increased from the monad by triplication4 ,hence the monad is common to both these1 being itself even and odd4 ,the second number1 however1 in even and double numbers is #b2 but in odd and triple numbers #c4 ,the third among even numbers is #d2 but among odd numbers is #i4 ,and the fourth among even numbers is #h2 but among odd numbers is #bg4 #a4 #b4 #d4 #h4 #a4 #c4 #i4 #bg4 ,in these numbers the more perfect ratios of symphonies are found2 and in these also a tone is comprehended4 ,the monad1 however1 contains the productive principle of a point4 ,but the second numbers #b and #c contain the principle of a side1 since they are incomposite1 and first1 are measured by the monad1 and naturally measure a right line4 ,the third terms are #d and #i1 which are in power a square superficies1 since they are equally equal4 ,and the fourth terms #h and #bg being equally equally equal1 are in power a cube4 ,hence from these numbers1 and this tetractys1 the increase takes place from a point to a solid4 ,for a side follows after a point1 a superficies after a side1 and a solid after a superficies4 ,in these numbers also1 ,plato in the ,timus constitutes the soul4 ,but the last of these seven numbers1 i4 e4 #bg1 is equal to all the numbers that precede it2 for #a #b #c #d #h #i #bg4 ,there are1 therefore1 two tetractys of numbers1 one of which subsists by addition1 but the other by multiplication1 and they comprehend musical1 geometrical1 and arithmetical ratios1 from which also the harmony of the universe consists4 ,but the third tetractys is that which according to the same analogy or proportion comprehends the nature of all magnitude4 ,for what the monad was in the former tetractys1 that a point is in this4 ,what the numbers #b and #c1 which are in power a side1 were in the former tetractys1 that the extended species of a line1 the circular and the right1 are in this2 the right line indeed subsisting in conformity to the even number1 since it is terminated#ajg by two points2 but the circular in conformity to the odd number1 because it is comprehended by one line which has no end4 ,but what in the former tetractys the square numbers #d and #i were1 that the two-fold species of planes1 the rectilinear and the circular1 are in this4 ,and what the cube numbers #h and #bg were in the former1 the one being an even1 but the other an odd number1 that the two solids1 one of which has a hollow superficies1 as the sphere and the cylinder1 but the other a plane superficies1 as the cube and pyramid1 are in this tetractys4 ,hence1 this is the third tetractys1 which gives completion to every magnitude1 from a point1 a line1 a superficies1 and a solid4 ,the fourth tetractys is of the simple bodies fire1 air1 water1 and earth1 which have an analogy according to numbers4 ,for what the monad was in the first tetractys1 that fire is in this4 ,but the duad is air1 the triad is water1 and the tetrad is earth4 ,for such is the nature of the elements according to tenuity and density of parts4 ,hence fire has to air the ratio of #a to #b2 but to water1 the ratio of #a to #c2 and to earth1 the ratio of #a to #d4 ,in other respects also they are analogous to each other4 ,the fifth tetractys is of the figures of the simple bodies4 ,for the pyramid1 indeed1 is the figure of fire2 the octaedron1 of air2 the icosaedron1 of water2 and the cube1 of earth4 ,the sixth tetractys is of things rising into existence through the vegetative life4 ,and the seed1 indeed1 is analogous to the monad and a point4 ,but if it increases in length it is analogous to the duad and a line2 if in breadth1 to the triad and a superficies2 but if in thickness1 to the tetrad and a solid4 ,the seventh tetractys is of communities2 of which the principle indeed1 and as it were monad1 is man2 the duad is a house2 the triad a street2 and the tetrad a city4 ,for a nation consists of these4 ,and these indeed are the material and sensible tetractys4 ,the eighth tetractys consists of the powers which form a judgment of things material and sensible1 and which are of a certain intelligible nature4 ,and these are1 intellect1 science1 opinion1 and sense4 ,and intellect1 indeed1 corresponds in its essence to the monad2 but science to the duad2 for science is the science of a certain thing4 ,opinion subsists between science and ignorance2 but sense is as the tetrad4 ,for the touch which is common to all the senses being fourfold1 all the senses energize according to contact4 ,the ninth tetractys is that from which the animal is composed1 the soul and the body4 ,for the parts of the soul1 indeed1 are the rational1 the irascible1 and the epithymetic1 or that which desires external good2 and the fourth is the body in which the soul subsists4 ,the tenth tetractys is of the seasons of the year1 through which all things rise into existence1 viz4 the spring1 the summer1 the autumn1 and the winter4 ,and the eleventh is of the ages of man1 viz4 of the infant1 the lad1 the man1 and the old man4 ,hence there are eleven tetractys4 ,the first is that which subsists according to the composition of numbers4 ,the second1 according to the multiplication of numbers4 ,the third subsists according to magnitude4 ,the fourth is of the simple bodies4 ,the fifth is of figures4 ,the sixth is of things rising into existence through the vegetative life4 ,the seventh is of communities4 ,the eighth is the judicial power4 ,the ninth is of the parts of the animal4 ,the tenth is of the seasons of the year4 ,and the eleventh is of the ages of man4 ,all of them however are proportional to each other4 ,for what the monad is in the first and second tetractys1 that a point is in the third2 fire in the fourth2 a pyramid in the fifth2 seed in the sixth2 man in the seventh2 intellect in the eighth2 and so of the rest4 ,thus1 for instance1 the first tetractys is #a4 #b4 #c4 #d4 ,the second is the monad1 a side1 a square1 and a cube4 ,the third is a point1 a line1 a superficies1 and a solid4 ,the fourth is fire1 air1 water1 earth4 ,the fifth the pyramid1 the octaedron1 the icosaedron1 and the cube4 ,the sixth1 seed1 length1 breadth and depth4 ,the seventh1 man1 a house1 a street1 a city4 ,the eighth1 intellect1 science1 opinion1 sense4 ,the ninth1 the rational1 the irascible1 and the epithymetic parts1 and the body4 ,the tenth1 the spring1 summer1 autumn1 winter4 ,the eleventh1 the infant1 the lad1 the man1 and the old man4 ,the world also1 which is composed from these tetractys1 is perfect1 being elegantly arranged in geometrical1 harmonical1 and arithmetical proportion2 comprehending every power1 all the nature of number1 every magnitude1 and every simple and composite body4 ,but it is perfect1 because all things are the parts of it1 but it is not itself the part of any thing4 ,hence1 the ,pythagoreans are said to have first used the before-mentioned oath1 and also the assertion that 8all things are assimilated to number40 ,p4 #aaa4 ,this number is the first that partakes of every number1 and when divided in every possible way1 receives the power of the numbers subtracted1 and of those that remain4 ,because #f consists of #a1 #b and #c1 the two first of which are the principles of all number1 and also because #b and #c are the first even and odd1 which are the sources of all the species of numbers2 the number #f may be said to partake of every number4 ,in what ,iamblichus afterwards adds1 ,i suppose he alludes to #f being a perfect number and therefore equal to all its parts4 ,p4 #acd4 ,not to step above the beam of the balance4 ,this is the #adth ,symbol in the ,protreptics of ,iamblichus1 whose explanation of it is as follows3 8,this symbol exhorts us to the exercise of justice1 to the honoring equality and moderation in an admirable degree1 and to the knowledge of justice as the most perfect virtue1 to which the other virtues give completion1 and without which none of the rest are of any advantage4 ,it also admonishes us1 that it is proper to know this virtue not in a careless manner1 but through theorems and scientific demonstrations4 ,but this knowledge is the business of no other art and science than the ,pythagoric philosophy alone1 which in a transcendent degree honors disciplines before every thing else40 ,the following extract also from my ,theoretic ,arithmetic1 7p4 #aid471 will in a still greater degree elucidate this symbol4 ,the information contained in it is derived from the anonymous author of a very valuable work entitled ,theologumena ,arithmetic1 and which has lately been reprinted at ,leipsic1 8,the ,pythagoreans called the pentad providence and justice1 because it equalizes things unequal1 justice being a medium between excess and defect1 just as #e is the middle of all the numbers that are equally distant from it on both sides as far as to the decad1 some of which it surpasses1 and by others is surpassed1 as may be seen in the following arrangement3 #a4 #d4 #g4 #b4 #e4 #h4 #c4 #f4 #i4 8,for here1 as in the middle of the beam of a balance1 #e does not depart from the line of the equilibrium1 while one scale is raised1 and the other is depressed4 8,in the following arrangement also1 viz4 #a1 #b1 #c1 #d1 #e1 #f1 #g1 #h1 #i1 it will be found that the sum of the numbers which are posterior1 is triple the sum of those that are prior to #e2 for #f #g #h #i #cj2 but #a #b #c #d #aj4 ,if therefore the numbers on each side of #e represent the beam of a balance1 #e being the tongue of it1 when a weight depresses the beam1 an obtuse angle is produced by the depressed part with the tongue1 and an acute angle by the elevated part of the beam4 ,hence it is worse to do than to suffer an injury3 and the authors of the injury verge downward as it were to the infernal regions2 but the injured tend upward as it were to the ,gods1 imploring the divine assistance4 ,hence the meaning of the ,pythagoric symbol is obvious1 8,pass not above the beam of the balance40 ,since however injustice pertains to inequality1 in order to correct this1 equalization is requisite1 that the beam of the balance may remain on both sides without obliquity4 ,but equalization is effected by addition and subtraction4 ,thus if #d is added to #e1 and #d is also taken from #e1 the number #i will be produced on one side1 and #a on the other1 each of which is equally distant from #e4 ,thus too1 if #c is added to #e1 and is also subtracted from it1 on the one side #h will be produced1 and on the other #b4 ,if #b is added to #e1 and likewise taken from it1 #g and #c will be produced4 ,and by adding #a to #e1 and subtracting #c from it1 #f and #d will be the result2 in all which instances1 the numbers produced are equidistant from #e1 and the sum of each couple is equal to #aj40 ,p4 #afa4 ,such as dig not fire with a sword4 ,this is the #ith ,symbol in the ,protreptics1 and is thus explained by ,iamblichus4 8,this symbol exhorts to prudence4 ,for it excites in us an appropriate conception with respect to the propriety of not opposing sharp words to a man full of fire and wrath1 nor contending with him4 ,for frequently by words you will agitate and disturb an ignorant man1 and will yourself suffer things dreadful and unpleasant40 ,heraclitus also testifies to the truth of this symbol4 ,for he says1 8,it is difficult to fight with anger3 for whatever is necessary to be done redeems the soul40 ,and this he says truly4 ,for many1 by gratifying anger1 have changed the condition of their soul1 and have made death preferable to life4 ,but by governing the tongue1 and being quiet1 friendship is produced from strife1 the fire of anger being extinguished2 and you yourself will not appear to be destitute of intellect40 ,p4 #bjj4 ,but this follows from the whole being naturally prior to the part1 and not the part to the whole4 ,for whole co-subverts1 but is not co-subverted by part3 since if whole is taken away1 part also is taken away2 but the contrary does not follow4 ,p4 #bca4 ,such therefore as hope the intellective and gnostic part of virtue1 are denominated skilful and intelligent2 but such as have the ethical and pre-elective part of it1 are denominated useful and equitable4 ,the following account of the virtues is extracted from the ,notes to my ,translation of the ,phdo of ,plato3 ,the first of the virtues are the physical1 which are common to brutes1 being mingled with the temperaments1 and for the most part contrary to each other2 or rather pertaining to the animal4 ,or it may be said that they are illuminations from reason1 when not impeded by a certain bad temperament3 or that they are the result of energies in a former life4 ,of these ,plato speaks in the ,politicus and the ,laws4 ,the ethical virtues1 which are above these1 are ingenerated by custom and a certain right opinion1 and are the virtues of children when well educated4 ,these virtues also are to be found in some brute animals4 ,they likewise transcend the temperaments1 and on this account are not contrary to each other4 ,these virtues ,plato delivers in the ,laws4 ,they pertain however at the same time both to reason and the irrational nature4 ,in the third rank above these are the political virtues1 which pertain to reason alone2 for they are scientific4 ,but they are the virtues of reason adorning the irrational part as its instrument2 through prudence adorning the gnostic1 through fortitude the irascible1 and through temperance the epithymetic power1 7or the power which is the source of desire27 but adorning all the parts of the irrational nature through justice4 ,and of these virtues ,plato speaks much in the ,republic4 ,these virtues too follow each other4 ,above these are the cathartic virtues1 which pertain to reason alone1 withdrawing from other things to itself1 throwing aside the instruments of sense as vain1 repressing also the energies through these instruments1 and liberating the soul from the bonds of generation4 ,plato particularly unfolds these virtues in the ,phdo4 ,prior to these however are the theoretic virtues1 which pertain to the soul1 introducing itself to natures superior to itself1 not only gnostically1 as some one may be induced to think from the name1 but also orectically3 for it hastens to become1 as it were1 intellect instead of soul2 and intellect possesses both desire and knowledge4 ,these virtues are the converse of the political3 for as the latter energize about things subordinate according to reason1 so the former about things more excellent according to intellect4 ,these virtues ,plato delivers in the ,thetetus4 ,according to ,plotinus1 there is also another gradation of the virtues besides these1 viz1 the paradigmatic4 ,for1 as our eye1 when it is first illuminated by the solar light1 is different from that which illuminates1 as being illuminated1 but afterwards is in a certain respect united and conjoined with it1 and becomes1 as it were1 solar-form2 so also our soul at first indeed is illuminated by intellect1 and energizes according to the theoretic virtues1 but afterwards becomes1 as it were1 that which is illuminated1 and energizes uniformly according to the paradigmatic virtues4 ,and it is the business indeed of philosophy to make us intellect2 but of theurgy to unite us to intelligibles1 so that we may energize paradigmatically4 ,and as when possessing the physical virtues1 we know mundane bodies 7for the subjects to virtues of this kind are bodies72 so from possessing the ethical virtues1 we know the fate of the ,universe1 because fate is conversant with irrational lives4 ,for the rational soul is not under fate2 and the ethical virtues are irrational1 because they pertain to the irrational part4 ,according to the political virtues we know mundane affairs1 and according to the cathartic supermundane2 but as possessing the theoretic we know intellectual1 and from the paradigmatic intelligible natures4 ,temperance also pertains to the ethical virtues2 justice to the political1 on account of compacts2 fortitude to the cathartic1 through not verging to matter2 and prudence to the theoretic4 ,observe too1 that ,plato in the ,phdo calls the physical virtues servile1 because they may subsist in servile souls2 but he calls the ethical adumbrations1 because their possessors only know that the energies of such virtues are right1 but do not know why they are so4 ,it is well observed too here1 by ,olympiodorus1 that ,plato calls the cathartic and theoretic virtues1 those which are in reality true virtues4 ,he also separates them in another way1 viz4 that the political are not telestic1 i4 e4 do not pertain to mystic ceremonies1 but that the cathartic and theoretic are telestic4 ,hence1 ,olympiodorus adds1 the cathartic virtues are denominated from the purification which is used in the mysteries2 but the theoretic from perceiving things divine4 ,on this account he accords with the ,orphic verses1 that ,the soul that uninitiated dies1 ,plung'd in the blackest mire in ,hades lies4 ,for initiation is the divinely-inspired energy of the virtues4 ,olympiodorus also further observes1 that by the thyrsus-bearers1 ,plato means those that energize according to the political virtues1 but by the ,bacchuses those that exercise the cathartic virtues4 ,for we are bound in matter as ,titans1 through the great partibility of our nature2 but we rise from the dark mire as ,bacchuses4 ,hence we become more prophetic at the time of death3 and ,bacchus is the inspective guardian of death1 because he is likewise of every thing pertaining to the ,bacchic sacred rites4 ,all the virtues likewise exhibit their proper characters1 these being every where common1 but subsisting appropriately in each4 ,for the characteristic property of fortitude is the not declining to things subordinate2 of temperance1 a conversion from an inferior nature2 of justice1 a proper energy1 and which is adapted to being2 and of prudence1 the election and selection of things good and evil4 ,olympiodorus farther observes1 that all the virtues are in the ,gods4 ,for many ,gods1 says he1 are adorned with their appellations2 and all goodness originates from the ,gods4 ,likewise1 prior1 to things which sometimes participate the virtues1 as is our case1 it is necessary there should be natures which always participate them4 ,in what order1 therefore1 do the virtues appear8 ,shall we say in the psychical8 ,for virtue is the perfection of the soul2 and election and pre-election are the energies and projections of the soul4 ,hence the ,chaldan oracles conjoin fontal virtue with fontal soul1 or in other words1 with soul subsisting according to cause4 ,but may it not also be said1 that the virtues naturally wish to give an orderly arrangement to that which is disordered8 ,if this be admitted1 they will originate from the demiurgic order4 ,how then will they be cathartic there8 ,may we not say1 ,olympiodorus adds1 that through the cathartic virtues considered according to their causal subsistence in ,jupiter the demiurgus1 he is enabled to abide in his accustomed mode1 as ,plato says in the ,timus8 ,and farther still1 according to ancient theologists1 he ascends to the tower of ,saturn1 who is a pure intellect4 ,as this distribution of the virtues1 however1 is at present no less novel than important1 the following discussion of them from the 1 or ,auxiliaries to ,intelligibles1 of ,porphyry1 is added for the sake of the genuinely philosophic reader3 8,there is one kind of virtues pertaining to the political character1 and another to the man who tends to contemplation1 and on this account is called theoretic1 and is now a beholder4 ,and there are also other virtues pertaining to intellect1 so far as it is intellect1 and separate from soul4 ,the virtues indeed of the political character1 and which consist in the moderation of the passions1 are characterised by following and being obedient to the reasoning about that which is becoming in actions4 ,hence1 looking to an innoxious converse with neighbours1 they are denominated1 from the aggregation of fellowship1 political4 ,and prudence indeed subsists about the reasoning part2 fortitude about the irascible part2 temperance1 in the consent and symphony of the epithymetic with the reasoning part2 and justice in each of these performing its proper employment with respect to governing and being governed4 ,but the virtues of him who proceeds to the contemplative life1 consist in a departure from terrestrial concerns4 ,hence also1 they are called purifications1 being surveyed in the refraining from corporeal actions1 and avoiding sympathies with the body4 ,for these are the virtues of the soul elevating itself to true being4 ,the political virtues1 therefore1 adorn the mortal man1 and are the forerunners of purifications4 ,for it is necessary that he who is adorned by these1 should abstain from doing any thing precedaneously in conjunction with body4 ,hence in purifications1 not to opine with body1 but to energize alone1 gives subsistence to prudence2 which derives its perfection through energizing intellectually with purity4 ,but not to be similarly passive with the body1 constitutes temperance4 ,not to fear a departure from body as into something void1 and nonentity1 gives subsistence to fortitude4 ,but when reason and intellect are the leaders1 and there is no resistance from the irrational part1 justice is produced4 ,the disposition therefore1 according to the political virtues1 is surveyed in the moderation of the passions2 having for its end to live as man conformable to nature4 ,but the disposition according to the theoretic virtues1 is beheld in apathy2#ajh the end of which is a similitude to ,god4 8,since1 however1 of purification one kind consists in purifying1 but another pertains to those that are purified1 the cathartic virtues are surveyed according to both these significations of purification2 for they purify the soul1 and are present with purification4 ,for the end of purification is to become pure4 ,but since purification1 and the being purified1 are an ablation of every thing foreign1 the good resulting from them will be different from that which purifies2 so that if that which is purified was good prior to the impurity with which it is defiled1 purification is sufficient4 ,that1 however1 which remains after purification1 is good1 and not purification4 ,the nature of the soul also was not good1 but is that which is able to partake of good1 and is boniform4 ,for if this were not the case1 it would not have become situated in evil4 ,the good1 therefore1 of the soul consists in being united to its generator2 but its evil1 in an association with things subordinate to itself4 ,its evil also is two-fold2 the one arising from an association with terrestrial natures2 but the other from doing this with an excess of the passions4 ,hence all the political virtues1 which liberate the soul from one evil1 may be denominated virtues1 and are honorable4 ,but the cathartic are more honorable1 and liberate it from evil1 so far as it is soul4 ,it is necessary1 therefore1 that the soul when purified should associate with its generator4 ,hence the virtue of it after its conversion consists in a scientific knowledge of true being2 but this will not be the case unless conversion1 precedes4 8,there is therefore another genus of virtues after the cathartic and political1 and which are the virtues of the soul energizing intellectually4 ,and here1 indeed1 wisdom and prudence consist in the contemplation of those things which intellect possesses4 ,but justice consists in performing what is appropriate in a conformity to1 and energizing according to intellect4 ,temperance is an inward conversion of the soul to intellect4 ,and fortitude is apathy2 according to a similitude of that to which the soul looks1 and which is naturally impassive4 ,these virtues also1 in the same manner as the others1 alternately follow each other4 8,the fourth species of the virtues1 is that of the paradigms subsisting in intellect2 which are more excellent than the psychical virtues1 and exist as the paradigms of these2 the virtues of the soul being the similitudes of them4 ,and intellect indeed is that in which all things subsist at once as paradigms4 ,here1 therefore1 prudence is science2 but intellect that knows all things is wisdom4 ,temperance is that which is converted to itself4 ,the proper work of intellect1 is the performance of its appropriate duty1 and this is justice#aji4 ,but fortitude is sameness1 and the abiding with purity in itself1 through an abundance of power4 ,there are therefore four genera of virtues2 of which1 indeed1 some pertain to intellect1 concur with the essence of it1 and are paradigmatic4 ,others pertain to soul now looking to intellect1 and being filled from it4 ,others belong to the soul of man1 purifying itself1 and becoming purified from the body1 and the irrational passions4 ,and others are the virtues of the soul of man1 adorning the man1 through giving measure and bound to the irrational nature1 and producing moderation in the passions4 ,and he1 indeed1 who has the greater virtues has also necessarily the less2 but the contrary is not true1 that he who has the less has also the greater virtues4 ,nor will he who possesses the greater1 energize precedaneously according to the less1 but only so far as the necessities of the mortal nature require4 ,the scope also of the virtues1 is1 as we have said1 generically different in the different virtues4 ,for the scope of the political virtues1 is to give measure to the passions in their practical energies according to nature4 ,but the scope of the cathartic virtues1 is entirely to obliterate the remembrance of the passions4 ,and the scope of the rest subsists analogously to what has been before said4 ,hence1 he who energizes according to the practical virtues1 is a worthy man3 but he who energizes according to the cathartic virtues1 is a dmoniacal man1 or is also a good dmon4 ,he who energizes according to the intellectual virtues alone1 is a ,god4 ,but he who energizes according to the paradigmatic virtues1 is the father of the ,gods4 ,we1 therefore1 ought especially to pay attention to the cathartic virtues1 since we may obtain these in the present life4 ,but through these1 the ascent is to the more honorable virtues4 ,hence it is requisite to survey to what degree purification may be extended4 ,for it is a separation from body1 and from the passive motion of the irrational part4 ,but how this may so effected1 and to what extent1 must now be said4 8,in the first place1 indeed1 it is necessary that he who intends to acquire this purification1 should1 as the foundation and basis of it1 know himself to be a soul bound in a foreign thing1 and in a different essence4 ,in the second place1 as that which is raised from this foundation1 he should collect himself from the body1 and as it different places1 so as to be disposed in a manner perfectly impassive with respect to the body4 ,for he who energizes uninterruptedly according to sense1 though he may not do this with an adhering affection1 and the enjoyment resulting from pleasure1 yet at the same time his attention is dissipated about the body1 in consequence of becoming through sense#aaj in contact with it4 ,but we are addicted to the pleasures or pains of sensibles1 in conjunction with a promptitude1 and converging sympathy2 from which disposition it is requisite to be purified4 ,this1 however1 will be effected by admitting necessary pleasures1 and the sensations of them1 merely as remedies1 or as a liberation from pain1 in order that the rational part may not be impeded in its energies4 ,pain also must be taken away4 ,but if this is not possible1 it must be mildly diminished4 ,and it will be diminished1 if the soul is not co-passive with it4 ,anger1 likewise1 must as much as possible be taken away2 and must by no means be premeditated4 ,but if it cannot be entirely removed1 deliberate choice must not be mingled with it1 but the unpremeditated motion must be the impulse of the irrational part4 ,that however which is unpremeditated is imbecile and small4 ,all fear1 likewise1 must be expelled4 ,for he who acquires this purification1 will fear nothing4 ,here1 however1 if it should take place1 it will be unpremeditated4 ,anger therefore and fear must be used for the purpose of admonition4 ,but the desire of every thing base must be exterminated4 ,such a one also1 so far as he is a cathartic philosopher1 will not desire meats and drinks4 ,neither must there be the unpremeditated in natural venereal connexions2 but if this should take place1 it must only be as far as to that precipitate imagination which energizes in sleep4 ,in short1 the intellectual soul itself of the purified man1 must be liberated from all these corporeal propensities4 ,he must likewise endeavour that what is moved to the irrational nature of corporeal passions1 may be moved without sympathy1 and without animadversion2 so that the motions themselves may be immediately dissolved1 through their vicinity to the reasoning power4 ,this1 however1 will not take place while the purification is proceeding to its perfection2 but will happen to those in whom reason rules without opposition4 ,hence in these1 the inferior part will so venerate reason1 that it will be indignant if it is at all moved1 in consequence of not being quiet when its master is present1 and will reprove itself for its imbecility4 ,these1 however1 are yet only moderations of the passions1 but at length terminate in apathy1 for when co-passivity is entirely exterminated1 then apathy is present with him who is purified from it4 ,for passion becomes moved1 when reason imparts excitation1 through verging to the irrational nature40 ,p4 #bgi4 ,the theorems of philosophy are to be enjoyed1 as much as possible1 as if they were ambrosia and nectar1 c4 c4 ,this ,sentence in the original of ,arcerius is as follows3 1 ' 1 ' 1 1 4 ,in the edition of the ,protreptics by ,kiessling1 which ,i did not see1 till the greater part of this work was printed1 is substituted for 1 but in my opinion very erroneously2 and this ,german editor1 from not perceiving the necessity of reading ' 1 1 4 4 instead of retaining the reading of ,arcerius1 has made nonsense of this part of the ,sentence4 ,for his version of it is3 8,nam et sincera est eorum dulcedo1 et divinam naturam1 animum magnum efficere possunt40 ,,footnotes #a 1 1 1 1 1 4 4 ,julian4 ,orat4 ,,iv4 ,thus too the celebrated ,bullialdus1 in his ,notes on ,theo of ,smyrna1 speaks of ,iamblichus as a man of a most acute genius4 #b,there is a ,greek and ,latin edition of this admirable work by ,gale1 under the title of ,iamblichus ,de ,mysteriis4 #c 1 1 1 1 1 4 4 ,see the ,testimonies prefixed by ,gale to his edition of the above-mentioned work4 #d,this ,sopater succeeded ,plotinus in his philosophical school4 #e,the exact time of ,iamblichus' death is unknown4 ,it is however certain that it was during the reign of ,constantine2 and according to the accurate ,fabricius1 prior to the year of ,christ #ccc4 ,vid4 ,biblioth4 ,grc4 ,tom4 ,,iv4 p4 #bhc4 #f,this ,sextus is probably the same that ,seneca so greatly extols1 and from whom he derives many of those admirable sentences with which his works abound4 ,vid4 ,senec ,epistolas1 #ei1 #fd1 #ih1 et lib4 #b de ,ir1 c4 #cf1 et lib4 #c4 c4 #cf4 #g;,all these were published in one vol4 #abmo4 by ,mr4 ,bridgman1 under the title of ,translations from the ,greek1 in the year #ahjd1 and well deserve to be perused by the liberal reader4 #h;i4 e4 ,having black leaves4 #i;i4 e4 ,it must not be admitted1 that ,apollo was actually connected with ,pythas2 for this would be absurd in the extreme2 but the assertion of ,epimenides1 ,eudoxus1 and ,xenocrates must be considered as one of those mythological narrations in which heroes are said to have ,gods for their fathers1 or ,goddesses for their mothers1 and the true meaning of it is as follows3 ,according to the ancient theology1 between those perpetual attendants of a divine nature called essential heroes1 who are impassive and pure1 and the bulk of human souls who descend to earth with passivity and impurity1 it is necessary there should be an order of human souls who descend with impassivity and purity4 ,for as there is no vacuum either in incorporeal or corporeal natures1 it is necessary that the last link of a superior order1 should coalesce with the summit of one proximately inferior4 ,these souls were called by the ancients1 terrestrial heroes1 on account of their high degree of proximity and alliance to such as are essentially heroes4 ,hercules1 ,theseus1 ,pythagoras1 ,plato1 c4 were souls of this kind1 who descended into mortality both to benefit other souls1 and in compliance with that necessity by which all natures inferior to the perpetual attendants of the ,gods are at times obliged to descend4 ,but as1 according to the arcana of ancient theology1 every ,god beginning from on high produces his proper series as far as to the last of things1 and this series comprehends many essences different from each other1 such as ,dmoniacal1 ,heroical1 ,nymphical1 and the like2 the lowest powers of these orders1 have a great communion and physical sympathy with the human race1 and contribute to the perfection of all their natural operations1 and particularly to their procreations4 8,hence0 7says ,proclus in ,,mss4 ,schol4 in ,crat47 8it often appears1 that heroes are generated from the mixture of these powers with mankind2 for those that possess a certain prerogative above human nature1 are properly denominated heroes40 ,he adds3 8,not only a dmoniacal genus of this kind sympathizes physically with men1 but other kinds sympathize with other natures1 as ,nymphs with trees1 others with fountains1 and others with stags or serpents40 ,olympiodorus1 in his life of ,plato1 observes of that philosopher1 8,that an ,apolloniacal spectre is said to have had connexion with ,perictione his mother1 and that appearing in the night to his father ,aristo1 it commanded him not to sleep with ,perictione during the time of her pregnancy2 which mandate ,aristo obeyed40 ,the like account of the divine origin of ,plato1 is also given by ,apuleius1 ,plutarch1 and ,hesychius4 #aj;i4 e4 ,the priests of ,jupiter4 #aa;,from what has been said in the note1 p4 #d1 respecting the divine origin of ,pythagoras1 it follows that he was a terrestrial hero belonging to the series of ,apollo4 ,thus too the ,esculapius who once lived on the earth1 and was the inventor of medicine1 proceeded1 according to the ancient mythology1 from the ,god ,esculapius1 who subsists in ,apollo1 just as the hero ,bacchus proceeded from the ,bacchus who subsists in ,jupiter4 ,hence the ,emperor ,julian 7apud ,cyril47 says of ,esculapius3 8,i had almost forgotten the greatest of the gifts of ,jupiter and the ,sun1 but ,i have very properly reserved it to the last4 ,for it is not peculiar to us only1 but is common also1 ,i think1 to our kindred the ,greeks4 ,for ,jupiter1 in intelligibles1 generated from himself ,esculapius2 but he was unfolded into light on the earth1 through the prolific light of the sun4 ,he therefore1 proceeding from heaven to the earth1 appeared uniformly in a human shape about ,epidaurus4 ,but thence becoming multiplied in his progressions1 he extended his saving right hand to all the earth4 ,he came to ,pergamus1 to ,ionia1 to ,tarentum1 and afterwards to ,rome4 ,thence he went to the island ,co1 afterwards to gas1 and at length to wherever there is land and sea4 ,nor did we individually1 but collectively1 experience his beneficence4 ,and at one and the same time1 he corrected souls that were wandering in error1 and bodies that were infirm40 #ab,those ,gods1 according to the ,orphic theology1 that contain in themselves the first principle of stability1 sameness1 and being1 and who also were the suppliers of conversion to all things1 are of a male characteristic2 but those that are the causes of all-various progressions1 separations1 and measures of life1 are of a feminine peculiarity4 #ac,this inventor of names was called by the ,egyptians ,theuth1 as we are informed by ,plato in the ,philebus and ,phdrus2 in the latter of which dialogues1 ,socrates says3 8,i have heard1 that about ,naucratis in ,egypt1 there was one of the ancient ,gods of the ,egyptians1 to whom a bird was sacred1 which they call ,ibis2 but the name of the dmon himself was ,theuth4 ,according to tradition1 this ,god first discovered number and the art of reckoning1 geometry and astronomy1 the games of chess and hazard1 and likewise letters40 ,on this passage ,i observe as follows1 in ,vol4 #c4 of my translation of ,plato3 ,the genus of disciplines belonging to ,mercury1 contains gymnastic1 music1 arithmetic1 geometry1 astronomy1 and the art of speaking and writing4 ,this ,god1 as he is the source of invention1 is called the son of ,maia2 because investigation1 which is implied by ,maia1 produces invention3 and as unfolding the will of ,jupiter1 who is an intellectual ,god1 he is the cause of mathesis or discipline4 ,he first subsists in ,jupiter1 the artificer of the world2 next among the supermundane ,gods2 in the third place1 among the liberated ,gods2 fourthly1 in the planet ,mercury2 fifthly1 in the ,mercurial order of dmons2 sixthly1 in human souls1 who are the attendants of this ,god2 and in the seventh degree1 his properties subsist in certain animals1 such as the ibis1 the ape1 and sagacious dogs4 ,the narration of ,socrates in this place1 is both allegorical and anagogic or reductory4 ,naucratis is a region of ,egypt eminently subject to the influence of ,mercury1 though the whole of ,egypt is allotted to this divinity4 ,likewise1 in this city a man once florished full of the ,mercurial power1 because his soul formerly existed in the heavens of the ,mercurial order4 ,but he was first called ,theuth1 that is1 ,mercury1 and a ,god1 because his soul subsisted according to the perfect similitude of this divinity4 ,but afterwards a dmon1 because from the ,god ,mercury1 through a ,mercurial dmon1 gifts of this kind are transmitted to a ,mercurial soul4 #ad;,iamblichus derived this very beautiful passage from ,heraclides ,ponticus1 as is evident from ,cicero1 ,tusc4 ,qust4 lib4 v4 #c4 who relates the same thing of ,pythagoras1 from the aforesaid author4 #ae;i4 e4 ,with intelligibles properly so called4 #af;,iliad1 lib4 #ag4 ,the translation by ,pope4 #ag8,the ,pythagoreans10 says ,simplicius1 in his ,commentary on the #b;d book of ,aristotle's treatise ,on the ,heavens1 said1 8that an harmonic sound was produced from the motion of the celestial bodies1 and they scientifically collected this from the analogy of their intervals2 since not only the ratios of the sun and moon1 of ,venus and ,mercury1 but also of the other stars1 were discovered by them40 ,simplicius adds1 8,perhaps the objection of ,aristotle to this assertion of the ,pythagoreans1 may be solved according to the philosophy of those men1 as follows3 8,all things are not commensurate with each other1 nor is every thing sensible to every thing1 even in the sublunary region4 ,this is evident from dogs who scent animals at a great distance1 and which are not smelt by men4 ,how much more1 therefore1 in things which are separated by so great an interval as those which are incorruptible from the corruptible1 and celestial from terrestrial natures1 is it true to say1 that the sound of divine bodies is not audible by terrestrial ears8 ,but if any one like ,pythagoras1 who is reported to have heard this harmony1 should have his terrestrial body exempt from him1 and his luminous and celestial vehicle#ag;a and the senses which it contains purified1 either through a good allotment1 or through probity of life1 or through a perfection arising from sacred operations1 such a one will perceive things invisible to others1 and will hear things inaudible by others4 ,with respect to divine and immaterial bodies1 however1 if any sound is produced by them1 it is neither percussive nor destructive1 but it excites the powers and energies of sublunary sounds1 and perfects the sense which is co-ordinate with them4 ,it has also a certain analogy to the sound which concurs with the motion of terrestrial bodies4 ,but the sound which is with us in consequence of the sonorific nature of the air1 is a certain energy of the motion of their impassive sound4 ,if1 then1 air is not passive there1 it is evident that neither will the sound which is there be passive4 ,pythagoras1 however1 seems to have said that he heard the celestial harmony1 as understanding the harmonic proportions in numbers1 of the heavenly bodies1 and that which is audible in them4 ,some one1 however1 may very properly doubt why the stars are seen by our visive sense1 but the sound of them is not heard by our ears8 ,to this we reply that neither do we see the stars themselves2 for we do not see their magnitudes1 or their figures1 or their surpassing beauty4 ,neither do we see the motion through which the sound is produced2 but we see as it were such an illumination of them1 as that of the light of the sun about the earth1 the sun himself not being seen by us4 ,perhaps too1 neither will it be wonderful1 that the visive sense1 as being more immaterial1 subsisting rather according to energy than according to passion1 and very much transcending the other senses1 should be thought worthy to receive the splendor and illumination of the celestial bodies1 but that the other senses should not be adapted for this purpose4 ,of these1 however1 and such like particulars1 if any one can assign more probable causes1 let him be considered as a friend1 and not as an enemy40 #ag;a,the soul has three vehicles1 one etherial1 another aerial1 and the third this terrestrial body4 ,the first1 which is luminous and celestial1 is connate with the essence of the soul1 and in which alone it resides in a state of bliss in the stars4 ,in the second1 it suffers the punishment of its sins after death4 ,and from the third it becomes an inhabitant of earth4 #ah;i4 e4 ,of the discursive energy of reason1 or that part of the soul that reasons scientifically1 deriving the principles of its reasoning from intellect4 #ai,kuster1 one of the editors of this ,life of ,pythagoras1 not perceiving that these auditions are both questions and answers1 has made them to be questions only1 and in consequence of this was completely at a loss to conceive the meaning of 1 4 ,hence1 he thinks it should be1 2 but is not satisfied with this reading after all4 ,something ,i have no doubt is wanting2 but the sense of the passage is1 ,i conceive1 that which is given in the above translation4 #bj8,pythagoras10 7says ,proclus in ,,mss4 ,schol4 in ,cratylum17 8being asked what was the wisest of things1 said it was number2 and being asked what was the next in wisdom1 said1 he who gave names to things4 ,but by number1 he obscurely signified the intelligible order1 which comprehends the multitude of intellectual forms3 for there that which is the first1 and properly number1 subsists after the superessential one4#bj;a ,this likewise supplies the measures of essence to all beings1 in which also true wisdom1 and knowledge which is of itself1 and which is converted to and perfects itself1 subsist4 ,and as there the intelligible1 intellect1 and intelligence1 are the same1 so there also number and wisdom are the same4 ,but by the founder of names1 he obscurely signified the soul1 which indeed subsists from intellect1 and is not things themselves like the first intellect1 but possesses the images and essential transitive reasons of them as statues of beings4 ,being1 therefore1 is imparted to all things from intellect1 which knows itself and is replete with wisdom2 but that they are denominated is from soul1 which imitates intellect4 ,pythagoras therefore said1 that it was not the business of any casual person to fabricate names1 but of one looking to intellect and the nature of things40 #bj;ai4 e4 ,number according to cause1 which subsists at the extremity of the intelligible order4 ,for number according to hyparxis or essence1 subsists at the summit of the order which is intelligible and at the same time intellectual4 ,see the #c;d book of my translation of ,proclus on the ,theology of ,plato4 #ba,the words are omitted in the original1 but from the ,protrept4 of ,iamblichus evidently ought to be inserted4 #bb,the same thing is said by the ,pythagoreans to have befallen the person who first divulged the theory of incommensurable quantities4 ,see the first scholium on the #ajth book of ,euclid's ,elements1 in ,commandine's edition1 fol4 #aegb4 #bc;,iamblichus1 in this list of ,pythagoreans1 must not be supposed to enumerate those only who were contemporary with ,pythagoras3 since1 if he did1 he contradicts what he says of ,philolaus in ,chap4 #ca4 viz4 8that he was many ages posterior to ,pythagoras20 but those in general who came from the school of ,pythagoras1 and were his most celebrated disciples4 #bd;,from this passage it is evident that ,iamblichus had many sources of information1 which are unknown to modern critics2 and this circumstance alone ought to check their pedagogical impertinence4 #be;,for here ,i read1 conformably to the version of ,obrechtus1 4 #bf;,for here1 ,i read 2 as ,i do not see what morsus has to do with this place4 ,obrechtus has in his version 8pectorisque morsus20 but ,i have no doubt lamentations is the proper word1 which aptly associates with despondency4 #bg8,well-instituted polities10 7says ,proclus in ,,ms4 ,comment4 in ,alcibiad4 prior47 8are averse to the art of playing on wind-instruments2 and therefore neither does ,plato admit it4 ,the cause of this is the variety of this instrument1 the pipe1 which shows that the art which uses it should be avoided4 ,for instruments called ,panarmonia1 and those consisting of many strings1 are imitations of pipes4 ,for every hole of the pipe emits1 as they say1 three sounds at least2 but if the cavity above the holes be opened1 then each hole will emit more than three sounds40 #bh,odyss4 lib4 #d4 #bi;,iamblichus derived what he has said in this chapter about music1 from ,nicomachus4 #cj,the first part of this sentence in the original is 1 and in translating it ,i have followed the version of ,obrechtus1 because it appeared to me to convey the meaning of ,iamblichus1 though the translation is certainly forced1 and not such as the natural construction of the words will admit4 ,the translation of ,arcerius is1 8,cum hospes quidam in de sculapii fminam zonam auream habentem ejecisset20 and this is perfectly conformable to the natural construction of the words1 but then it is void of sense4 #ca,this history is copiously narrated in chap4 #cc4 #cb,see chap4 #cc4 #cc,these lines are as the numbers #d1 #c1 #b4 ,for #d to #c is sesquitertian1 #c to #b is sesquialter1 and #b is an arithmetical medium between #d and #c4 #cd;,for an explanation of this assertion of ,plato in the ,republic1 see my ,theoretic ,arithmetic4 #ce8,the ,pythagoreans10 7says ,syrianus in ,aristot4 ,metaphys4 lib4 #ac47 8received from the theology of ,orpheus1 the principles of intelligible and intellectual numbers1 they assigned them an abundant progression1 and extended their dominion as far as to sensibles themselves40 ,hence that proverb was peculiar to the ,pythagoreans1 that all things are assimilated to number4 ,pythagoras1 therefore1 in the ,sacred ,discourse1 clearly says1 that 8number is the ruler of forms and ideas1 and is the cause of ,gods and dmons40 ,he also supposes1 that 8to the most ancient and artificially ruling deity1 number is the canon1 the artificial reason1 the intellect also1 and the most undeviating balance of the composition and generation of all things40 1 1 1 1 1 4 ,syrianus adds1 8,but ,philolaus declared that number is the governing and self-begotten bond of the eternal permanency of mundane natures40 1 4 8,and ,hippasus1 and all those who were destined to a quinquennial silence1 called number the judicial instrument of the maker of the universe1 and the first paradigm of mundane fabrication40 1 4 8,but how is it possible they could have spoken thus sublimely of number1 unless they had considered it as possessing an essence separate from sensible1 and a transcendency fabricative1 and at the same time paradigmatic80 #cf;i4 e4 ,to spheres2 ,iamblichus indicating by this1 that ,pythagoras as well as ,orpheus considered a spherical figure as the most appropriate image of divinity4 ,for the universe is spherical2 and1 as ,iamblichus afterwards observes1 the ,gods have a nature and morphe similar to the universe2 morphe1 as we learn from ,simplicius1 pertaining to the color1 figure1 and magnitude of superficies4 ,keissling1 having no conception of this meaning1 and supposing the whole passage to be corrupt1 has made nonsense of it by his alterations4 ,for according to his version1 ,pythagoras1 after the manner of ,orpheus1 worshipped the ,gods not bound to a human form1 but to divine numbers4 ,for instead of he reads 4 ,but divine numbers both according to ,orpheus and ,pythagoras are the ,gods themselves4 #cg;i4 e4 ,futurity is long2 ,pythagoras signifying by this1 that those who do not take an oath religiously1 will be punished in some future period1 if they are not at present4 #ch;i4 e4 ,from the time in which the ,gods are fabulously said to have reigned in ,egypt4 #ci;,i wonder that the learned ,obrechtus should translate 1 cum omni juventute sua4 ,had his translation1 which is on the whole very excellent1 been reviewed by ,english or ,scotch critics1 they would have immediately said from this circumstance1 that he did not understand ,greek4 #dj;,iamblichus here alludes to a right-angled triangle1 and the ,pythagoric theorem of #dg4 #a of ,euclid4 ,for the square described on the longest side is equal to the two squares described on the two other sides4 ,the longest side therefore is said by geometricians to be equal in power to the powers of the other sides4 ,this however ,kiessling not understanding1 says1 8that power is the space contained between the concurring lines of figures1 and is the area of the triangle40 8 idem est1 quod 1 spatium1 quod infra concurrentes lineas figurarum continetur1 area trigoni40 ,but ,kiessling1 though a good verbalist1 is a bad geometrician1 and no philosopher4 #da;,in the original the tenth month2 but as it very seldom happens that a woman is in a state of pregnancy more than nine months1 it appears to me that for we should read the sixth month1 as in the above translation4 #db,obrechtus by translating in this place1 8,de fama et gloria10 has evidently mistaken the meaning of ,iamblichus4 #dc,the wise and magnanimous ,pythagoreans1 ,platonists1 ,peripatetics and ,stoics1 among the ancients1 looked to virtue as its own reward1 and performed what is right1 because it is right to do so4 ,and though they firmly believed in the immortality of the soul1 their conduct was not at all influenced by the hope of future reward4 ,this great truth indeed1 that virtue brings with it its own recompense1 is almost at present obsolete2 and it is no unusual thing to hear a man1 when afflicted1 exclaiming with ,methodistical cant1 8,the many troubles that ,i meet1 ,in getting to a ,mercy-seat60 #dd,these energies are called beneficent1 because they are of a purifying character4 ,hence ,plato in the ,timus says1 that a deluge is the consequence of the ,gods purifying the earth by water4 #de;,iamblichus a little before informs us1 that ,pythagoras suspected that ,phalaris intended to put him to death1 but at the same time knew that he was not destined to die by ,phalaris4 ,this being the case therefore1 ,pythagoras has no claim to fortitude in this instance1 in being free from the fear of death4 ,but he has great claim to it1 when it is considered that he was in the power of a tyrant who might have caused him to suffer tortures worse than death4 #df;i4 e4 ,humble 7 47 ,with the ,pythagoreans1 therefore1 humility was no virtue1 though in modern times it is considered to be the greatest of the virtues4 ,with ,aristotle likewise it is no virtue2 for in his ,nicomachean ,ethics he says1 8that all humble men are flatterers1 and all flatterers are humble40 #dg,see the ,cave of ,plato1 in the #gth book of his ,republic4 #dh,the original is1 1 which ,obrechtus erroneously translates1 8,metrodorus ,epicharmi filius ,thyrsi nepos40 #di,this observation applies also to those of the present day1 who1 from a profound ignorance of human nature1 attempt to enlighten by education the lowest class of mankind4 ,for this1 as ,i have elsewhere observed1 is an attempt to break the golden chain of beings1 to disorganise society1 and to render the vulgar dissatisfied with the servile situations in which ,god and nature intended them to be placed4 ,see p4 #gc4 of the introduction to my translation of ,select ,works of ,plotinus4 #ej,this also is asserted1 as ,i have before observed1 in the ,scholia on the #ajth book of ,commandine's edition of ,euclid's ,elements1 p4 #abb4 #ea,obrechtus has omitted to translate the words 1 8being now an elderly man40 #eb;,in the original 1 which ,obrechtus very erroneously translates impotens4 #ec;i4 e4 ,to the ,pythagoreans4 #ed,the whole of this paragraph1 the greater part of which is a repetition of what has been said elsewhere1 does not certainly belong to this place4 #ee;,in the original1 1 which ,obrechtus erroneously translates1 8et agrorum divisionem introduxerunt40 #ef,the words within the brackets are from a ,latin ,manuscript1 which was in the possession of ,fabricius4 #eg;,in the original1 1 4 ,this ,canter erroneously translates1 8,quandoquidem horum nulla pars totum queat constituere40 ,and ,gale has noticed the error4 #eh;,gale says in his notes1 that after he adds 1 but he should evidently have added 1 as in the above translation4 #ei;,in the original 1 which ,canter very defectively translates1 videndi facultate4 #fj;,for here1 ,i read 4 #fa;i4 e4 ,so far as he is considered as energizing in conjunction with the body2 but so far as he has an energy independent of the body1 viz4 so far as he is a rational soul1 the body is not to be considered as a part of his essence4 ,and the energy of the rational soul by itself alone1 without any assistance from the corporeal organs1 constitutes the true man1 into the definition of which body does not enter4 #fb;,canter1 in his version of these ,pythagoric fragments1 uniformly translates felicitas1 contrary to the obvious meaning of the word1 as is evident in this1 and many other passages4 ,it is also directly contrary to what ,aristotle says in cap4 #ac4 lib4 #g4 of his ,nicomachean ,ethics3 1 1 1 4 i4 e4 8,because felicity requires fortune1 it appears to some persons that prosperity is the same with felicity4 ,this however is not the case2 since prosperity1 when it is excessive1 is an impediment to felicity40 ,but ,canter did not1 ,i believe1 pretend to have any knowledge of philosophy3 and ,gale1 who did1 has not corrected him in this and many other places in which he has erred through the want of this knowledge4 ,gale however1 though verbally learned1 was but a garrulous smatterer in philosophy1 as is evident from his notes on ,iamblichus de ,mysteriis4 #fc;,for here1 ,i read 4 #fd;,in the original1 1 ' 1 1 which ,canter erroneously translates as follows3 8,quocirca mirandum non est1 si cuncta nonnunquam1 ver affectione mutat1 aliter eveniunt40 ,nor is the error noticed by ,gale4 #fe;i4 e4 ,in the etherial vehicle of the soul1 which when the soul energizes intellectually is spherical1 and is moved circularly4 ,this vehicle also is 1 or luciform1 throughout diaphanous1 and of a star-like nature4 ,hence ,marcus ,antoninus beautifully observes3 1 7lege 7 1 1 1 1 4 ,lib4 ,,ii4 i4 e4 8,the sphere of the soul is then luciform1 when the soul is neither extended to any thing external nor inwardly concurs with it1 nor is depressed by it1 but is illuminated with a light by which she sees the truth of all things1 and the truth that is in herself40 #ff,m4 ,meibomius observes1 that ,canter did not see that should be written in this place for 4 ,canter however was right in retaining 4 ,for the dianoetic is the same with the logistic part of the soul2 and it is evident that a part of the soul different from the dianoetic is here intended to be signified4 ,besides1 as ,aristotle shows in his ,nicomachean ,ethics1 when the irrational becomes obedient to the rational part of the soul1 the former then prohibits and vanquishes base appetites in conjunction with the latter4 #fgviz4 ,such as have the theoretic virtues4 #fh;i4 e4 ,such as have the ethical and political virtues4 #fi,the original is1 1 1 1 4 ,this sentence in its present state is certainly unintelligible4 ,for therefore1 ,i read 1 and then the sense will be as in the above translation4 ,the version of ,canter is certainly absurd2 for it is1 8,facultas tanquam robur et caus1 quo ferimus1 et in rebus permanemus40 ,and ,gale1 as usual1 takes no notice of the absurdity4 #gjviz41 ,the equal and that which is arranged1 belong to the order of bound1 and the unequal and that which is without arrangement1 to the order of infinity4 ,and bound and infinity are the two great principles of things after the ineffable cause of all4 ,see the third book of my translation of ,proclus1 ,on the ,theology of ,plato4 #gaviz4 ,the salvation of the universe arises from the co-adaptation of the sublunary region to the heavens4 #gb;,in the ,greek 2 on which ,gale observes1 8,forte 1 nisi aliud subsit mysterium40 ,but it appears to me that there is no occasion to substitute any other word for 4 ,for in the education of youth1 it is certainly requisite to unite allurement with erudition4 ,and the substitution of 1 ignorance1 is monstrous4 #gc;,in the original 1 instead of which ,gale proposes to read 1 which still leaves the sentence involved in obscurity4 ,but if for we read as in the above translation1 the meaning is clear4 #gd;,for in this place1 ,i read 4 #ge,neither of the ,latin translators ,north and ,arcerius have understood this passage1 and therefore have erroneously translated it4 ,for the original is3 4 ,this ,north translates3 8,atque omnia in rerum serie et ordine ab illo separata40 ,but ,arcerius3 8,atque omnia qu sunt in natur cognatione ordineque ab illo separata40 ,by the things however co-ordinate with1 and successive to ,god1 ,archytas means the other ,gods1 who1 though subordinate to the supreme1 yet in consequence of partaking of the same nature1 are said to be co-ordinate with him4 ,gale1 likewise1 did not perceive the error of the ,latin translators4 #gf,plato says this of ,god in his ,laws4 #gg,the above sentences are from ,stobi ,sententi1 p4 #c4 7the edition that of #afji17 and are ascribed to ,pythagoras4 #gh,the above seven sentences are to be found in p4 #d4 of ,stobus1 and as it appears to me are erroneously ascribed to ,socrates4 ,for ,i conceive them to have been written either by ,democrates or ,demophilus4 #gi,stob4 p4 #dh4 #hj;,hence the dogma of the ,stoics derived its origin1 that the wise man is independent of ,fortune4 #ha,stob4 p4 #fe4 ,these three sentences are ascribed to ,pythagoras4 #hb,stob4 p4 #hj4 ,these two sentences are ascribed to ,socrates1 but ,i have no doubt originally formed a part of the sentences of ,demophilus4 #hc,stob4 p4 #ajd4 ,this sentence is ascribed to ,democritus in ,stobus1 but has doubtless either ,democrates or ,demophilus for its author4 #hd,stob4 p4 #adg4 ,the above four sentences1 are in ,stobus ascribed to ,socrates2 but ,i refer them either to ,democrates or ,demophilus4 #he,this sentence in ,stobus is ascribed to ,socrates1 as is also the one which immediately precedes it1 viz4 8,the wealth of the avaricious man1 like the sun descending under the earth1 delights no living thing40 ,but as this sentence is to be found among the ,similitudes of ,demophilus1 there can be no doubt of the other belonging to the same work4 #hf,this and the preceding sentence1 are in ,stobus ascribed to ,democritus1 but ,i attribute them to ,democrates or ,demophilus4 #hg,this sentence in ,stobus is ascribed to ,pythagoras1 but1 excepting the part within the brackets1 is to be found among the sentences of ,demophilus4 #hh,this sentence in ,stobus1 is ascribed to ,democritus1 and that immediately preceding it1 to ,socrates2 but ,i ascribe both of them to ,democrates1 or ,demophilus4 #hi,this and the preceding sentences1 together with two other sentences that accompany them1 are in ,stobus ascribed to ,democritus2 but as the other two are to be found in the ,collection of ,democrates1 there can be no doubt that all of them are from the same author4 #ij;,for as every cause of existence to a thing1 is better than that thing1 so far as the one is cause and the other effect2 thus also that which gives a name to any thing is better than the thing named1 so far as it is named1 i4 e4 so far as pertains to its possession of a name4 ,for the nominator is the cause1 and the name the effect4 #ia;,in the ,latin it is 8post dispositionem corporis40 ,but for dispositionem it is evidently necessary to read dissolutionem4 #ib,this is conformable to the well-known ,pythagoric precept1 8,follow ,god40 #ic8,we can by no other means10 7says ,porphyry ,de ,abstinen4 lib4 ,i47 8obtain the true end of a contemplative1 intellectual life than by adhering to ,god1 if ,i may be allowed the expression1 as if fastened by a nail1 at the same time being torn away and separated from body and corporeal delights2 having procured safety from our deeds1 and not from the mere attention to words40 #id;,but intellect is the recipient of wisdom1 and therefore intellect is the true man4 ,this also is asserted by ,aristotle4 #ie;,in the ,latin fidelis2 but as ,ruffinus1 the ,latin translator of these sentences1 frequently adulterates the true meaning of ,sextus1 by substituting one word for another1 ,i have no doubt that in this sentence the original was eruditus1 and not fidelis4 ,my reason for so thinking is1 that in one of the sentences of ,demophilus it is said1 8that the life of ignorant men is a disgrace10 2 and this in the sentences of ,sextus is1 8,hominum infidelium vita1 opprobrium est40 ,if1 therefore1 ,ruffinus translates 1 infidelium1 there is every reason to suppose that he would translate 1 fidelis4 #if,several of these sentences as published by ,arcerius1 are in a very defective state2 but which1 as the learned reader will perceive1 ,i have endeavoured to amend in my translation of them4 #ig,this work is unfortunately lost4 #ih;,according to lian and ,suidas also1 melanurus is a fish2 but as the word signifies that which has a black termination1 it is very appropriately used as a symbol of a material nature4 #iiviz4 ,those ,gods that are characterized by the intelligible1 and intellect4 ,see my translation of ,proclus1 ,on the ,theology of ,plato4 #ajj,see the second edition of this work in ,nos4 #ae and #af of the ,pamphleteer4 #aja;i4 e4 ,natures which are not connected with body4 #ajb,see an extract of some length1 and of the greatest importance1 from this dialogue1 in my translation of ,select ,works of ,plotinus1 p4 #eec1 c4 #ajc;,forms subsist at the extremity of the intelligible triad1 which triad consists of being1 life1 and intellect4 ,but being and life1 with all they contain1 subsist here involved in impartible union4 ,see my ,proclus on the ,theology of ,plato4 #ajd;,in ,aristot4 ,metaphys4 ,lib4 #ac4 #aje;,because is to as #i to #h4 #ajf;,in ,mathemat4 p4 #adg4 #ajg;,instead of 1 it is necessary to read 2 the necessity of which emendation1 ,i wonder the learned ,bullialdus did not observe4 #ajh,this philosophic apathy is not1 as is stupidly supposed by most of the present day1 insensibility1 but a perfect subjugation of the passions to reason4 #aji,the words are omitted in the original4 ,but it is evident from ,plotinus1 that they ought to be inserted4 #aaj;,instead of ' here1 it is necessary to read ' 4 ,,the ,,end4 ,transcriber's ,notes --,silently corrected a few typos4 --,retained publication information from the printed edition3 this e,book is public-domain in the country of publication4 --,added a ,table of ,contents based on the chapter headings in the text4 --,in the text versions only1 text in italics is delimited by underscores4