,,trubner',s ,,oriental ,,series ,,popular ,,re-,,issue ,,at ,a ,,uniform ,,price ,demy #hvo1 dark green cloth1 gilt4 ,,alberuni3 ,india4 ,an ,account of the ,religion1 ,philosophy1 ,literature1 ,geography1 ,chronology1 ,astronomy1 ,customs1 ,laws1 and ,astrology of ,india1 about ,a4,d4 #ajcj4 ,by ,dr4 ,edward ,c4 ,sachau4 ,,arnold 7,sir ,e473 ,indian ,poetry and ,indian ,idylls4 ,containing #8,the ,indian ,song of ,songs1' from the ,sanskrit of the ,gita ,govinda of ,jayadeva2 ,two ,books from #8,the ,iliad of ,india' 7,mahabharata72 #8,proverbial ,wisdom1' from the ,shlokas of the ,hitopadesa1 and other ,oriental ,poems4 ,,barth 7,dr4 ,a473 ,the ,religions of ,india4 ,authorised ,translation by ,rev4 ,j4 ,wood4 ,,bigandet 7,b4 ,p473 ,life or ,legend of ,gaudama1 the ,buddha of the ,burmese2 ,with ,annotations1 the ,ways to ,neibban1 and ,notice on the ,phongyies or ,burmese ,monks4 ,,beal 7,prof4 ,s473 ,life of ,hiuen-,tsiang4 ,by the ,shamans ,hwui ,li and ,yen-,tsung4 ,with a ,preface containing an ,account of the ,works of ,i-,tsing4 ,,beal 7,prof4 ,s473 ,si-,yu-,ki3 ,buddhist ,records of the ,western ,world4 ,translated from the ,chinese of ,hiuen-,tsiang4 ,,boulting 7,dr4 ,w473 ,four ,pilgrims4 ,i41 ,hiuen ,tsiang2 ,,ii41 ,swulf2 ,,iii41 ,mohammed ibn abd ,allah2 ,,iv41 ,ludovico ,varthema of ,bologna4 ,,cowell 7,prof4 ,e4 ,b473 ,sarva-,darsana-,samgraha3 or1 ,review of the ,different ,systems of ,hindu ,philosophy4 ,by ,madhava ,acharya4 ,translated by ,prof4 ,e4 ,b4 ,cowell1 ,m4,a41 and ,prof4 ,a4 ,e4 ,gough1 ,m4,a4 ,,dowson 7,prof4 ,j473 ,classical ,dictionary of ,hindu ,mythology and ,religion1 ,geography1 ,history1 and ,literature4 ,,edkins 7,dr4 ,j473 ,chinese ,buddhism3 ,a ,volume of ,sketches1 ,historical and ,critical4 ,new and ,revised ,edition4 ,,rockhill 7,w4 ,w473 ,the ,life of the ,buddha and the ,early ,history of his ,order4 ,derived from ,tibetan works in the ,bkah-hgyur and ,bstan-hgyur4 ,followed by notices on the early history of ,tibet and ,khoten4 ,,haug 7,dr4 ,m473 ,essays on the ,sacred ,language1 ,writings1 and ,religion of the ,parsis4 ,,weber 7,dr4 ,a473 ,history of ,indian ,literature4 ,translated by ,john ,mann1 ,m4,a41 and ,theodore ,zachariae1 ,ph4,d4 ,fourth ,edition4 ,other ,volumes to follow4 ,,london ,,kegan ,,paul1 ,,trench1 ,,trubner ,,co41 ,ltd4 ,,arabic ,,thought ,,and ,,its ,,place ,,in ,,history ,,by ,,de ,,lacy ,o',,leary1 ,d4,d4 ,lecturer in ,aramaic and ,syriac1 ,bristol ,university ,london3 ,,kegan ,,paul1 ,,trench1 ,,trubner ,,co41 ,,ltd4 ,,new ,,york3 ,e4 ,p4 ,,dutton ,,co4 #aibb ,,foreword ,history traces the evolution of the social structure in which the community exists to-day4 ,there are three chief factors at work in this evolution2 racial descent1 culture drift1 and transmission of language3 the first of these physiological and not necessarily connected with the other two1 whilst those two are not always associated with each other4 ,in the evolution of the social structure the factor of first importance is the transmission of culture1 which is not a matter of heredity but due to contact1 for culture is learned and reproduced by imitation and not inherited4 ,culture must be taken in the widest sense to include political1 social1 and legal institutions1 the arts and crafts1 religion1 and the various forms of intellectual life which show their presence in literature1 philosophy1 and otherwise1 all more or less connected1 and all having the common characteristic that they cannot be passed on by physical descent but must be learned in after life4 ,but race1 culture1 and language resemble one another in so far as it is true that all are multiplex and perpetually interwoven1 so that in each the lines of transmission seem rather like a tangled skein than an ordered pattern2 results proceed from a conflicting group of causes amongst which it is often difficult to apportion the relative influences4 ,the culture of modern ,europe derives from that of the ,roman ,empire1 itself the multiple resultant of many forces1 amongst which the intellectual life of ,hellenism was most effective1 but worked into a coherent system by the wonderful power of organization1 which was one of the most salient characteristics of that ,empire4 ,the whole cultural life of medival ,europe shows this ,hellenistic-,roman culture passed on1 developed1 and modified by circumstances4 ,as the ,empire fell to pieces the body of culture became subject to varying conditions in different localities1 of which the divergence between the ,greek-speaking ,east and the ,latin-speaking ,west is the most striking example4 ,the introduction of ,muslim influence through ,spain is the one instance in which we seem to get an alien culture entering into this ,roman tradition and exercising a disturbing influence4 ,in fact1 this ,muslim culture was at bottom essentially a part of the ,hellenistic-,roman material1 even the theology of ,islam being formulated and developed from ,hellenistic sources1 but ,islam had so long lived apart from ,christendom and its development had taken place in surroundings so different that it seems a strange and alien thing4 ,its greatest power lay in the fact that it presented the old material in an entirely fresh form4 99 99 99 99 99 ,it is the effort of the following pages to trace the transmission of ,hellenistic thought through the medium of ,muslim philosophers and ,jewish thinkers who lived in ,muslim surroundings1 to show how this thought1 modified as it passed through a period of development in the ,muslim community and itself modifying ,islamic ideas1 was brought to bear upon the culture of medival ,latin ,christendom4 ,so greatly had it altered in external form during the centuries of its life apart1 that it seemed a new type of intellectual life and became a disturbing factor which diverted ,christian philosophy into new lines and tended to disintegrate the traditional theology of the ,church1 directly leading up to the ,renascence which gave the death-blow to medival culture3 so little had it altered in real substance that it used the same text-books and treated very much the same problems already current in the earlier scholasticism which had developed independently in ,latin ,christendom4 ,it will be our effort so to trace the history of medival ,muslim thought as to show the elements which it had in common with ,christian teaching and to account for the points of divergence4 ,de ,l4 ,o',l4 ,,contents ,,chap4 ,,page ,i ,,the ,,syriac ,,version ,,of ,,hellenism #a ,,ii ,,the ,,arab ,,period #ef ,,iii ,,the ,,coming ,,of ,,the ,,abbasids #hi ,,iv ,,the ,,translators #aje ,v ,,the ,,mu,,tazilites #abc ,,vi ,,the ,,eastern ,,philosophers #ace ,,vii ,,sufism #aha ,,viii ,,orthodox ,,scholasticism #bjh ,,ix ,,the ,,western ,,philosophy #bbf ,x ,,the ,,jewish ,,transmittors #bfa ,,xi ,,influence ,,of ,,the ,,arabic ,,philosophers ,,on ,,latin ,,scholasticism #bge ,,concluding ,,paragraph #bie ,,chronological ,,table #bif ,,transcriber',s ,,note ,,chapter ,i ,,the ,,syriac ,,version ,,of ,,hellenism ,the subject proposed in the following pages is the history of the cultural transmission by which ,greek philosophy and science were passed from ,hellenistic surroundings to the ,syriac speaking community1 thence to the ,arabic speaking world of ,islam1 and so finally to the ,latin ,schoolmen of ,western ,europe4 ,that such a transmission did take place is known even to the beginner in medival history1 but how it happened1 and the influences which promoted it1 and the modifications which took place en route1 appear to be less generally known1 and it does not seem that the details1 scattered through works of very diverse types1 are easily accessible to the ,english reader4 ,many historians seem content to give only a casual reference to its course1 sometimes even with strange chronological confusions which show that the sources used are still the medival writers who had very imperfect information about the development of intellectual life amongst the ,muslims4 ,following medival usage we sometimes find the ,arabic writers referred to as 8,arabs0 or 8,moors10 although in fact there was only one philosopher of any importance who was an ,arab by race1 and comparatively little is known about his work4 ,these writers belonged to an ,arabic speaking community1 but very few of them were actually ,arabs4 ,after the later ,hellenistic development ,greek culture spread outward into the oriental fringe of people who used ,syriac1 ,coptic1 ,aramaic1 or ,persian as their vernacular speech1 and in these alien surroundings it took a somewhat narrower development and even what we may describe as a provincial tone4 ,there is no question of race in this4 ,culture is not inherited as a part of the physiological heritage transmitted from parent to child2 it is learned by contact due to intercourse1 imitation1 education1 and such like things1 and such contact between social groups as well as between individuals is much helped by the use of a common language and hindered by difference of language4 ,as soon as ,hellenism overflowed into the vernacular speaking communities outside the ,greek speaking world it began to suffer some modification4 ,it so happened also that these vernacular speaking communities wanted to be cut off from close contact with the ,greek world because very bitter theological divisions had arisen and had produced feelings of great hostility on the part of those who were officially described as heretics against the state church in the ,byzantine ,empire4 ,in this present chapter we have to consider three points2 in the first place the particular stage of development reached by ,greek thought at the time when these divisions took place2 secondly the cause of these divisions and their tendencies2 and thirdly the particular line of development taken by ,hellenistic culture in its oriental atmosphere4 ,first stands the question of the stage of development reached by ,hellenism1 and we may test this by its intellectual life as represented by science and philosophy1 at the time when the oriental off-shoot shows a definite line of separation4 ,english education1 largely dominated by the principles learned at the renascence1 is inclined to treat philosophy as coming to an end with ,aristotle and beginning again with ,descartes after a long blank during which there lived and worked some degenerate descendants of the ancients who hardly need serious consideration4 ,but this position violates the primary canon of history which postulates that all life is continuous1 the life of the social community as well as the physical life of an organic body3 and life must be a perpetual series of causes and results1 so that each event can only be explained by the cause which went before1 and can only be fully understood in the light of the result which follows after4 ,what we call the 8middle ages0 had an important place in the evolution of our own cultural condition1 and owed much to the transmitted culture which came round from ancient ,hellenism through ,syriac1 ,arabic1 and ,hebrew media4 ,but this culture came as a living thing with an unbroken and continuous development from what we call the 8classic0 age4 ,as the philosophy of the great classic schools passes down to these later periods it shows great modifications1 but this alteration is itself a proof of life4 ,philosophy1 like religion1 in so far as it has a real vitality1 must change and adapt itself to altered conditions and new requirements3 it can remain pure and true to its past only in so far as its life is artificial and unreal1 lived in an academic atmosphere far removed from the life of the community at large4 ,in such an unnatural atmosphere no doubt1 it is possible for a religion or a philosophy to live perfectly pure and uncorrupt1 but it is certainly not an ideal life3 in real life there are bound to be introduced many unworthy elements and some which can only be described as actually corrupt4 ,so it is inevitable that as a religion or a philosophy lives and really fulfils its proper functions it has to pass through many changes4 ,of course the same holds good for all other forms of culture3 it may be true that a country is happy if it has no history1 but it is the placid happiness of vegetable life1 not the enjoyment of the higher functions of rational being4 ,in considering the transmission of ,greek philosophy to the ,arabs we see that philosophy still as a living force1 adapting itself to changed conditions but without a break in the continuity of its life4 ,it was not1 as now1 an academic study sought only by a group of specialists1 but a living influence which guided men in their ideas about the universe in which they lived and dominated all theology1 law1 and social ideas4 ,for many centuries it pervaded the atmosphere in which ,western ,asia was educated and in which it lived4 ,men became ,christians1 for a time the new religious interest filled their minds1 but later on it was inevitable that philosophy should re-assert its power1 and then ,christian doctrine had to be re-cast to conform to it3 the descendants of these people became ,muslims and then again1 after an interval1 religion had to conform itself to current philosophy4 ,we have no such dominant philosophical system in force to-day1 but we have a certain mass of scientific facts and theories which form an intellectual background to modern ,european life and the defenders of traditional religion find it necessary to adjust their teaching to the principles implied in those facts and theories4 ,but the important point is that then ,christian teachers began to put themselves into touch with current philosophy1 and so when the ,muslims later on did the same1 they had to reckon with philosophy as they found it actually living in their own days3 they did not become ,platonists or ,aristotelians in the sense in which we should understand the terms4 ,the current philosophy had changed from the older standards1 not because the degenerate people of those days could not understand the pure doctrines of ,plato and ,aristotle1 but because they took philosophy so seriously and earnestly as an explanation of the universe and of man's place in it that they were bound to re-adjust their views in the light of what they regarded as later information1 and the views had altered to adjust themselves with the course of human experience4 ,from ,plato onwards philosophy had been very largely concerned with theories which more or less directly concerned the structure of society3 it was perceived that a very large part of man's life1 duties1 and general welfare1 was intimately concerned with his relations to the community in which he lived4 ,but soon after the time of ,aristotle the general conditions of the social order were seen to be undergoing a profound modification3 great empires with highly organised administrations replaced the self-governing city states of the older period1 and social life had to adjust itself to the new conditions4 ,a man who was a citizen of the ,roman ,empire was a citizen in quite a different sense from that in which one was a citizen of the ,athenian ,republic4 ,the ,stoic philosophy1 which is of this later age1 already presupposes these new conditions and in course of time the other schools orientated themselves similarly4 ,one of the first results is a tendency to eclecticism and to combination of the tenets of several schools4 ,the new outlook1 broader in its horizon1 perhaps shallower in other respects1 impelled men to take what was an imperialist attitude instead of a local or national one4 ,precisely similar changes were forced upon the ,jewish religion4 ,hellenistic ,judaism1 at the beginning of the ,christian era1 is concerned with the human species and the race of ,israel is considered chiefly as a means of bringing illumination to mankind at large4 ,it was this ,hellenistic ,judaism which culminated in ,st4 ,paul and the expansion of the ,christian ,church1 whilst orthodox ,judaism1 that is to say the provincial ,jewery of ,palestine reverted to its racial attitude under the pressure of circumstances partly reactionary against the too rapid progress of ,hellenism and partly political in character4 ,the old pagan religions showed many local varieties1 and from those a world-wide religion could only be evolved by some speculative doctrines which reconciled their divergences4 ,never has a religion of any extension been formed from local cults otherwise than by the ministry of some kind of speculative theology3 sometimes the fusion of cults has spontaneously provided such a theology1 as was the case in the ,nile valley and in ,mesopotamia in early times1 and when the theology was produced it brought its solvent power to bear rapidly and effectively on other surrounding cults4 ,as many races and states were associated together in the ,greek ,empire which1 though apparently separated into several kingdoms1 yet had an intellectual coherence and a common civilization1 and this was still more definitely the case when the closer federation of the ,roman ,empire followed1 philosophy was forced more and more in the direction of speculative theology3 it assumed those ethical and doctrinal functions which we generally associate with religion1 the contemporary local cults concerning themselves only with ritual duties4 ,thus in the early centuries of the ,christian era ,hellenistic philosophy was evolving a kind of religion1 of a high moral tone and definitely monotheistic in doctrine4 ,this theological philosophy was eclectic1 but rested upon a basis of ,platonism4 ,whilst the philosophers were developing a monotheistic and moral system which they hoped to make a world religion1 the ,christians were attempting a similar task on somewhat different lines4 ,the earlier converts to the ,christian religion were not as a rule drawn from the educated classes and shewed a marked suspicion and dislike towards those superior persons1 such as the ,gnostics1 or at least the pre-,marcionite ,gnostics1 who were disposed to patronise them4 ,gradually however this attitude changed and we begin to find men like ,justin ,martyr who had received a philosophical education and yet found it quite possible to co-ordinate contemporary science and ,christian doctrine4 ,in ,rome1 in ,africa1 and in ,greece the ,christians were a despised minority1 chiefly drawn from the unlettered class1 and ostentatiously ignored by the writers of the day4 ,like the ,jew of the ,ghetto they were forced to live an isolated life and thrown back upon their internal resources4 ,but in ,alexandria and1 to a lesser degree in ,syria1 they were more in the position of the modern ,jew in ,anglo ,saxon lands1 though bitterly hated and occasionally persecuted1 and were brought under the intellectual influences of the surrounding community and thus experienced a solvent force in their own ideas4 ,when at last ,christianity appears in the ascendant it has been largely re-cast by ,hellenistic influences1 its theology is re-stated in philosophical terms1 and thus in the guise of theology a large amount of philosophical material was transmitted to the vernacular speaking hinterland of ,western ,asia4 ,the ,arabic writer ,masdi informs us that ,greek philosophy originally flourished at ,athens1 but the ,emperor ,augustus transferred it from ,athens to ,alexandria and ,rome1 and ,theodosius afterwards closed the schools at ,rome and made ,alexandria the educational centre of the ,greek world 7,masdi3 ,livre de l'avertissement1 trad4 ,b4 ,carra de ,vaux1 ,paris1 #ahif1 p4 #agj74 ,although grotesquely expressed this statement contains an element of truth in so far as it represents ,alexandria as gradually becoming the principal home of ,greek philosophy4 ,it had begun to take a leading place even in the days of the ,ptolemies1 and in scientific1 as distinguished from purely literary work1 it had assumed a position of primary importance early in the ,christian era4 ,the schools of ,athens remained open until ,a4,d4 #ebi1 but had long been out of touch with progressive scholarship4 ,rome also shows great philosophers1 most often of oriental birth1 down to a late age1 but although these were given a kindly welcome and a hearing1 ,roman education was more interested in jurisprudence1 indeed the purely ,roman philosophical speculation is that embedded in ,justinian's code4 ,antioch also had its philosophy1 but this was never of more than secondary importance4 ,in the course of what we may term the ,alexandrian period the ,platonic school had steadily taken the first place4 ,it was indeed considerably changed from the ancient ,academic standards1 chiefly by the introduction of semi-mystical elements which were attributed to ,pythagoras1 and later by fusion with the neo-,aristotelian school4 ,the ,pythagorean elements probably can be traced ultimately to an ,indian source1 at least in such instances as the doctrine of the unreality of matter and phenomena which appears in ,indian philosophy as my1 and the re-incarnation of souls which is avatar4 ,the tendency of native ,greek thought1 as seen in ,democritus and other genuinely ,greek thinkers1 was distinctly materialistic1 but ,plato apparently incorporates some alien matter1 probably ,indian1 perhaps some ,egyptian ideas as well4 ,we know there was a transmission of oriental thought influencing ,hellenism1 but very little is known of the details4 ,certainly ,plotinus and the neo-,platonists were eclectic thinkers and drew freely from oriental sources1 some disguised as ,pythagorean1 by a long sojourn in ,greek lands4 ,in the #crd century ,a4,d4 we find the beginnings of what is known as neo-,platonism4 ,a very typical passage in ,gibbon's ,decline and ,fall 7ch4 xiii47 refers to the neo-,platonists as 8men of profound thought and intense application2 but1 by mistaking the true object of philosophy1 their labours contributed much less to improve than to corrupt the human understanding4 ,the knowledge that is suited to our situation and powers1 the whole compass of moral1 natural1 and mathematical science1 was neglected by the new ,platonists2 whilst they exhausted their strength in the verbal disputes of metaphysics1 attempted to explore the secrets of the invisible world1 and studied to reconcile ,aristotle with ,plato1 on subjects of which both these philosophers were as ignorant as the rest of mankind40 ,although this passage is coloured by some of the peculiar prejudices of ,gibbon it fairly represents a common attitude towards neo-,platonism and might equally apply to every religious movement the world has ever seen4 ,the neo-,platonists were the result1 we may say the inevitable result1 of tendencies which had been at work ever since the age of ,alexander and the widening of the mental horizon and the decay of interest in the old civic life4 ,the older philosophers had endeavoured to produce efficient citizens2 but under imperialist conditions efficient citizens were not so much wanted as obedient subjects4 ,through all this period there are very clear indications of the new trend of thought which assumes a more theological and philanthropic character1 aiming at producing good men rather than useful citizens4 ,the speculations of ,philo the ,jewish ,platonist give very plain indications of these new tendencies as they appeared in ,alexandria4 ,he shows the monotheistic tendency which was indeed present in the older philosophers but now begins to be more strongly emphasized as philosophy becomes more theological in its speculations1 though no doubt in his case this was largely due to the religion he professed4 ,he expressed the doctrine of a ,one ,god1 eternal1 unchanging1 and passionless1 far removed above the world of phenomena1 as the ,first ,cause of all that exists1 a philosophical monotheism which can be fitted in with the ,old ,testament but does not naturally proceed from it4 ,the doctrine of an ,absolute ,reality as the necessary cause of all that is variable1 something like the fulcrum which ,archimedes needed to move the world1 was one to which all philosophy1 and especially the ,platonic school1 was tending4 ,but1 as causation to some extent implies change1 this ,first ,cause could not be regarded as directly creating the world1 but only as the eternal source of an eternally proceeding emanation by means of which the power of the ,first ,cause is projected so as to produce the universe and all it contains4 ,the essential features of this teaching are1 the absolute unity of the ,first ,cause1 its absolute reality1 its eternity1 and its invariability1 all of which necessarily removes it above the plane of things knowable to man2 and the operative emanation ceaselessly issuing forth1 eternal like its source1 yet acting in time and space1 an emanation which ,philo terms the ,logos or 8,word40 ,although these theories are to a large extent only an expression of logical conclusions towards which the ,platonists were then advancing1 ,philo had curiously little influence4 ,no doubt there was a tendency to regard his teaching as mainly an attempt to read a ,platonic meaning into ,jewish doctrine1 and certainly the large amount of attention he devoted to exegesis of the ,old ,testament and to ,jewish apologetics would prevent his works from receiving serious attention from non-,jewish readers4 ,again1 although his ideas about monotheism and the nature of ,god were those to which ,platonism was tending1 they represent also a ,jewish attitude which1 starting from a monotheistic stand-point was then1 under ,hellenistic influence1 making towards a supra-sensual idea of ,god1 explaining away the anthropomorphisms of the ,old ,testament and postulating an emanation1 the ,hochma or 8wisdom0 of ,god as the intermediary in creation and revelation4 ,undoubtedly ,philo1 or the ,philonic school of ,hellenistic ,judaism1 was responsible for the ,logos doctrine which appears in the portions of the ,new ,testament bearing the name of ,st4 ,john4 ,he had an influence also on ,jewish thought as appears in the ,targums where the operative emanation which proceeds from the ,first ,cause is no longer the 8wisdom0 of ,god but the 8,word40 ,he seems to have had no influence at all on the course of ,alexandrian philosophy generally4 ,the tendencies which were at work in ,philo were also leavening ,greek thought outside ,jewish circles and all schools of philosophy show a growing definiteness in their assertion of ,one ,god eternal and invariable1 as the source and ,first ,cause of the universe4 ,it is a recognition of the principal of uniformity in nature and of the necessity of accounting for the cause of this uniformity4 ,the ,gnostic sects1 which were of philosophical origin1 simply show the definite acceptance of this ,first ,cause and1 having accepted it as on a plane far removed above imperfection and variation1 suggest intermediary emanations as explaining the production of an imperfect and variable universe from a primary source which is itself perfect and unchanging4 ,the descriptive accounts of the successive emanations1 each less perfect than that from which it proceeds1 which ultimately produced the world in which we perceive phenomena1 are different in different ,gnostic systems1 often crude enough and grotesque in our eyes1 and frequently drawing from ,christianity or ,judaism or some other of the oriental religions which were then attracting the attention of the ,roman world4 ,but these details are of minor importance4 ,all ,gnostic theories bear witness to the belief that there is a ,first ,cause1 absolutely real1 perfect1 eternal1 and far removed above this world of time and space1 and that some emanation or emanations must have intervened to connect the resultant world1 such as we know it1 with this sublime ,cause3 and such belief indicates in crude form a general conviction which was getting hold of all current thought in the early centuries of the ,christian era4 ,complementary to this was the psychological teaching represented by the ,aristotelian commentator ,alexander of ,aphrodisias who taught at ,athens1 ,a4,d4 #aih-baa4 ,his extant works include commentaries on the first book of the ,analytica ,priora1 on the ,topica1 ,meteorology1 de sensu1 the first five books of the ,metaphysics and an abridgment of the other books of the ,metaphysics1 as well as treatises on the soul1 etc4 ,over and over again his treatise on the soul and his commentaries are translated into ,arabic1 paraphrased1 and made the subject of further commentaries1 until it seems that his psychology is the very nucleus of all ,arabic philosophy1 and it is this which forms the main point of the ,arabic influence on ,latin scholasticism4 ,it becomes indeed absolutely essential that we understand the ,alexandrian interpretation of the ,aristotelian psychology if we are to follow the oriental development of ,greek science4 ,the first point is to understand what is to be implied in the term 8soul40 ,plato was really a dualist in that he regards the soul as a separate entity which animates the body and compares it to a rider directing and controlling the horse he rides4 ,but ,aristotle makes a more careful analysis of psychological phenomena4 ,in the treatise de anima he says 8there is no need to enquire whether soul and body are one1 any more than whether the wax and the imprint are one2 or1 in general1 whether the matter of a thing is the same with that of which it is the matter40 7,aristot3 de anima4 ,,ii4 i4 #dab4 b4 #f47 ,aristotle defines the soul as 8the first actuality of a natural body having in it the capacity of life0 7id4 #dab4 b4 #e71 in which 8first0 denotes that the soul is the primary form by which the substance of the body is actualized1 and 8actuality0 refers to the actualizing principle by which form is given to the body which otherwise would be only a collection of separate parts each having its own form but the aggregate being without corporate unity until the soul gives it form2 in this sense the soul is the realization of the body 7cf4 ,aristot3 ,metaph4 iii4 #ajdc4 a4 #ce74 ,a dead body lacks this actualizing and centralizing force and is only a collection of limbs and organs1 yet even so it is not an artificial collection such as a man might put together1 but 8a natural body having in it the capacity of life10 that is to say1 an organic structure designed for a soul which is the cause or reason of its existence and which alone enables the body to realize its object4 ,the soul contains four different faculties or powers which are not strictly to be taken as 8parts0 though in the passage cited above ,aristotle uses the term 8parts40 ,these are1 7i7 the nutritive1 the power of life whereby the body performs such functions as absorbing nourishment1 propagating its species1 and other functions common to all living beings1 whether animal or vegetable3 7ii7 the sensible1 by which the body obtains knowledge through the medium of the special senses of sight1 hearing1 touch1 etc41 and also the 8common sense0 by means of which these perceptions are combined1 compared1 and contrasted so that general ideas are obtained which ultimately rest on the sense perceptions3 7iii7 the locomotive1 which prompts to action1 as desire1 appetite1 will1 etc41 also based1 though indirectly1 on sense perception1 being suggested by memories of senses already in action3 7iv7 the intellect or pure reason1 which is concerned with abstract thought and is not based on sense perception4 ,all these1 embracing life in its widest application1 are classed together as soul1 but the last1 the intellect1 nous1 or rational soul1 is peculiar to man alone4 ,it does not depend on the senses1 directly or indirectly1 and so1 whilst the other three faculties necessarily cease to function when the bodily organs of sense cease1 it does not necessarily follow that this rational soul will cease as it is apparently independent of the organ sense4 ,this nous or 8spirit0 is reduced by ,aristotle to a much more restricted range than is usual in the older philosophers and is taken to mean that which has the capacity of abstract knowledge1 independent of the information due1 directly or indirectly1 to sense perception4 ,it would seem1 however1 to be a distinct species of faculty for ,aristotle says3 8,as regards intellect and the speculative faculty the case is not yet clear4 ,it would seem1 however1 to be a distinct species of soul1 and it alone is capable of separation from the body1 as that which is eternal from that which is perishable4 ,the remaining parts of the soul are1 as the foregoing consideration shows1 not separable in the way that some allege them to be3 at the same time it is clear that they are logically distinct40 7,arist4 de anima4 ,,ii4 ii4 #dac4 b4 #i74 ,it is suggested that 7i7 the rational soul is of a distinct species and so presumably derived from a different source than the other faculties of the soul1 but nothing is said as to whence it is derived3 7ii7 it is capable of existence independently of the body1 that is to say its activity does not depend on the operation of the bodily organs1 but it is not stated that it does so exist2 7iii7 it is eternal on the ground that it can exist apart from the perishable4 ,the obscurity of this statement has led to a great divergence in its treatment by commentators4 ,theophrastus offers cautious suggestions and evidently regards the rational soul as differing only in degree of evolution from the lower forms of soul faculty4 ,it was ,alexander of ,aphrodisias who opened up new fields of speculation1 distinguishing between a material intellect and an active intellect4 ,the former is a faculty of the individual soul and this it is which is the form of the body1 but it means no more than the capacity for thinking and is of the same source as the other faculties of the human soul4 ,the active intellect is not a part of the soul but is a power which enters it from outside and arouses the material intellect to activity2 it is not only different in source from the material soul1 but different in character in that it is eternal and so always has been and always will be1 its rational power existing quite apart from the soul in which the thinking takes place2 there is but one such substance and this must be identified with the deity who is the ,first ,cause of all motion and activity1 so that the active intellect is pictured as an emanation from the deity entering the human soul1 arousing it to the exercise of its higher functions1 and then returning to its divine source4 ,this theistic interpretation of ,aristotle was strongly opposed by the commentator ,themistius who considers that ,alexander forces the statement of the text out of its natural meaning and draws an unwarrantable deduction from the two sentences 8these differences must be present in the soul10 and 8this alone is immortal and eternal40 ,it seems1 however1 that ,alexander's interpretation played an important part in the formation of neo-,platonic theory1 and it certainly is the key to the history of ,muslim philosophy1 and is not without its importance in the development of ,christian mysticism4 ,the neo-,platonic school was founded by ,ammonius ,saccas1 but really takes its definite form under ,plotinus 7d4 #bfi ,a4,d474 ,in sketching in brief outline the leading principles of this system we shall confine ourselves to the last three books of the ,enneads 7iv-vi7 as these1 in the abridged form known as the 8,theology of ,aristotle0 formed the main statement of neo-,platonic doctrine known to the ,muslim world4 ,in the teaching of ,plotinus ,god is the ,absolute1 the ,first ,potency 7,enn4 #e4 #d4 #a471 beyond the sphere of existence 7id4 #e4 #d4 #b471 and beyond reality1 that is to say1 all that we know as existence and being is inapplicable to him1 and he is therefore unknowable1 because on a plane which is altogether beyond our thought4 ,he is unlimited and infinite 7id4 #f4 #e4 #i47 and consequently ,one1 as infinity excludes the possibility of any other than himself on the same plane of being4 ,yet ,plotinus does not allow the numeral 8one0 to be applied to ,god as numerals are understandable and refer to the plane of existence in which we have our being1 so that 8one0 as a mere number is not attributed to ,god1 but rather singularity in the sense of an exclusion of all comparison or of any other than himself4 ,as ,absolute ,god implies a compelling necessity so that all which proceeds from him is not enforced but is necessarily so in the sense that nothing else is possible2 thus1 for example1 it results from him that two sides of a triangle are greater than the third side1 they are not forced into greater length1 but in the nature of things must be so1 and this necessary nature has its compelling source in the ,first ,cause4 ,yet ,plotinus will not allow us to say that ,god 8wills0 anything1 for will implies a desire for what is not possessed or is not yet present 7id4 #e4 #c4 #ab72 will operates in time and space1 but necessity has for ever proceeded from the ,eternal ,one who does not act in time4 ,nor can we conceive ,god as knowing1 conscious1 or thinking1 all terms which describe our mental activities in the world of variable phenomena2 he is all-knowing by immediate apprehension 7,greek3 athroa epibol 7 which in no way resembles the operation of thought but is superconscious1 a condition which ,plotinus describes as 8wakefulness0 7,greek3 egrgorsis 71 a perpetual being aware without the need of obtaining information4 ,from the true ,god1 the eternal ,absolute1 proceeds the nous1 a term which has been variously rendered as ,reason1 ,intellect1 ,intelligence1 or ,spirit1 this last being the term which ,dr4 ,inge regards as the best expression 7,inge3 ,plotinus4 ii4 p4 #ch71 and this nous is fairly equivalent to the ,philonic and ,christian ,logos4 ,an external emanation is necessitated in order that the ,first ,cause may remain unchanged which would not be the case if it had once not been a source and then had become the source of emanation2 there can be no 8becoming0 in the ,first ,cause4 ,the emanation is of the same nature as its cause1 but is projected into the world of phenomena4 ,it is self-existent1 eternal1 and perfect1 and comprehends within itself the 8spirit world10 the objects of abstract reason1 the whole of the reality which lies behind the world of phenomena2 the things perceived are only the shadows of these real ones4 ,it perceives1 not as seeking and finding1 but as already possessing 7id4 #e4 #a4 #d471 and the things perceived are not separate or external but as included and apprehended by immediate intuition 7id4 #e4 #b4 #b47 ,from the nous proceeds the psyche1 the principle of life and motion1 the world soul which is in the universe and which is shared by every living creature4 ,it also knows1 but only through the processes of reasoning1 by means of separating1 distributing1 and combining the data obtained by sense perception1 so that it corresponds in function to the 8common sense0 of ,aristotle1 whilst the nous shows the functions which are attributed to it by ,aristotle and has the character which ,alexander reads into ,aristotle4 ,the work of ,plotinus was continued by his pupil ,porphyry 7d4 #cjj ,a4,d47 who taught at ,rome1 and is chiefly noteworthy as the one who completed the fusion of ,platonic and ,aristotelian elements in the neo-,platonic system1 and especially as introducing the scientific methods of ,aristotle4 ,plotinus had criticized adversely the ,aristotelian categories 7,enn4 vi471 but ,porphyry and all the later neo-,platonists returned to ,aristotle4 ,indeed1 he is best known to posterity as the author of the ,isagoge1 long current as the regular introduction to the logical ,organon of ,aristotle4 ,then came ,jamblichus 7d4 #ccj71 the pupil of ,porphyry who used neo-,platonism as the basis of a pagan theology2 and finally ,proklus 7d4 #dhe7 its last great pagan adherent who was even more definitely a theologian4 ,neo-,platonism was the system just coming to the forefront when the ,christians of ,alexandria began to be in contact with philosophy4 ,the first prominent ,alexandrian ,christian who endeavoured to reconcile philosophy and ,christian theology was ,clement of ,alexandria who1 like ,justin ,martyr1 was a ,platonist of the older type4 ,clement's ,stromateis is a very striking work which shows the general body of ,christian doctrine adapted to the theories of ,platonic philosophy4 ,it does not tamper with the traditional ,christian doctrine1 but it is evidently the work of one who sincerely believed that ,plato had partially foreseen what the ,gospels taught1 and that he had used a clear and efficient terminology which was in all respects suitable for the expression of profound truths1 and so ,clement uses this terminology1 incidentally assuming the ,platonic metaphysics1 and so unconsciously modifies the contents of ,christianity4 ,if we ask whether this results in a fair presentation of ,christian teaching we shall perhaps be inclined to admit that1 in spite of modification and in view of the scientific attitude of the times it substantially does so3 when truths already expressed by those who have not received a scientific training are repeated by those who have and who are careful to cast their expression into logical and consistent form1 some modification is inevitable4 ,whether the scientific assumptions and philosophy generally of ,clement were correct is1 of course1 another matter2 modern opinion would say it was incorrect4 ,but1 so far as contemporary science went1 it was obviously an honest effort4 ,it has not been appreciated by all ,clement's successors and he is one of the few ,christian leaders who has been formally deprived of the honorific title of 8saint0 which was at one time prefixed to his name4 ,within the next few centuries the re-formulation of ,christianity proceeded steadily until at last it appears as essentially ,hellenistic1 but with the ,platonic element now modified by the more spiritualistic influences of neo-,platonism4 ,undoubtedly this was a gain for ,christianity1 for when we read the ,didache and other early non-,hellenistic ,christian material we cannot help feeling that it shows a narrower and more cramped outlook and one far less suited to satisfy the needs and aspirations of humanity at large4 ,it is curious to compare ,clement of ,alexandria with ,tertullian1 one of the greatest1 if not the greatest1 of the literary lights of ,latin ,christianity1 but severe1 puritanically rigid1 and suspicious and hostile in his attitude towards philosophy which he regards as essentially pagan4 ,the next great leader of ,alexandrian ,christian thought was ,origen himself a pupil of ,plotinus1 and one who found little difficulty in adapting contemporary philosophy to ,christian doctrine1 although this adaptation was by no means received with approval in all parts of the ,christian community4 ,under ,clement and ,origen the catechetical instruction which was regularly given in all churches to candidates for baptism was expanded and developed on the lines of the lectures given by the philosophers in the ,museum1 and so a ,christian school of philosophical theology was formed4 ,this development was not regarded favourably by the older fashioned churches nor by the philosophers of the ,museum1 and even amongst the ,alexandrian ,christians there was a section which viewed it with disapproval1 especially evident when the school became so prominent that it tended to overshadow the ordinary diocesan organization4 ,this is not the place to consider the various intrigues which ultimately compelled ,origen to leave ,alexandria and retire to ,palestine4 ,there1 at ,caesarea1 he founded a school on the model of that at ,alexandria4 ,this second foundation did not attain the same eminence as its proto-type1 perhaps because ,origen's influence turned its activities into a direction too highly specialised in textual criticism1 but it prompted a development which ultimately played an important part in the history of the ,syrian church where1 for some time to come1 theological activity mainly centered in these schools which had their imitators amongst the ,zoroastrians and the ,muslims4 ,the first such school in ,syria was founded at ,antioch by ,malchion about #bgj ,a4,d4 and deliberately copied the pattern set at ,alexandria and ultimately became its rival4 ,about fifty years later a school was established at ,nisibis1 the modern ,nasibin on the ,mygdonius river1 in the midst of a ,syriac speaking community4 ,the church had spread inland from the ,mediterranean shores and had by this time many converts in the hinterland who were accustomed to use ,syriac and not ,greek4 ,for the benefit of these the work at ,nisibis was done in ,syriac1 ,syriac versions were prepared of the theological works studied at ,antioch1 and the ,greek language was taught so that the ,syriac speaking ,christians were brought into closer touch with the life of the ,church at large4 ,the acquiescence of the ,church in the ,alexandrian philosophy had far-reaching consequences4 ,the ,church did not officially adopt the neo-,platonic philosophy in its entirety1 but it had to adjust itself to an atmosphere in which the neo-,platonic system was accepted as the last word in scientific enquiry and where the ,aristotelian metaphysics and psychology were assumed as an established and unquestionable basis of knowledge4 ,it was impossible for churchmen1 educated in this atmosphere1 to do otherwise than accept these principles1 just as it is impossible for us to admit that the body of a saint can be in two places at once1 our whole education training us to assume certain limitations of time and space1 although a devout ,muslim of ,morocco can believe it and honours two shrines as each containing the body of the same saint who1 he believes1 in his life time had power of over-passing the limitations of space4 ,the general postulates of the later ,platonic and ,aristotelian philosophy were firmly established in the fourth century in ,alexandria and its circle1 and were no more open to question than the law of gravity or the rotundity of the earth would be to us4 ,it was known that there were people who questioned these things1 but it could only be accounted for by blind ignorance in those who had not received the benefits of an enlightened education4 ,the ,christians were no more able to dispute these principles than anyone else4 ,they were perfectly sincere in their religion1 many articles of faith which present considerable difficulty to the modern mind presented no difficulty to them2 but it was perfectly obvious that the statements of ,christian doctrine must be brought into line with the current theory of philosophy1 or with self evident truth as they would have termed it4 ,it shows a strange lack of historical imagination when we talk slightingly about how ,christians quarrelled over words1 forgetting what these words represented and how they stood for the established conclusions of philosophy as then understood4 ,this comes out very plainly in the ,arian controversy4 ,both sides agreed that ,christ was the ,son of ,god1 the relation of ,father and ,son being1 of course1 not that of human parentage but rather by way of emanation3 both agreed that ,christ was ,god1 as the emanation necessarily had the same nature as the source from which it proceeded3 both agreed that the ,son proceeded from the ,father in eternity and before the worlds were created1 the ,son or ,logos being the intermediary of creation4 ,but some1 and these1 it would seem1 mainly associated with the school of ,antioch1 so spoke of the ,son proceeding from the ,father as an event which had taken place far before all time in the remoteness of eternity1 it is true1 but so that there was when the ,father had not yet begotten the ,son1 for1 they argued1 the ,father must have preceded the ,son as the cause precedes the effect1 and so the ,son was1 as it were1 less eternal than the ,father4 ,at once the ,alexandrians corrected them4 ,to begin with there are no degrees in eternity3 but1 most serious error of all1 this idea made ,god liable to variation1 at one period of eternity he had been alone1 and then he had become a father3 philosophy taught that the ,first ,cause1 the ,true ,god1 is liable to no change1 if he is ,father now1 he must have been so from all eternity3 we must understand the ,son as the ,logos for ever eternally issuing forth from the ,father as source4 ,the actual merits of the controversy do not at present concern us3 we simply notice the fact that the current ,greek philosophy entirely dominated the theology of the ,church and it was imperative for that theology to be expressed in terms which fitted in with the philosophy4 ,the result of the ,arian struggle was that the ,eastern church came to recognise the ,alexandrian philosophy as the exponent of orthodoxy1 and in this it was followed by the greater part of the ,western ,church1 though the ,west ,goths still remained attached to the ,arian views which they had learned from their first teachers4 ,by the fifth century ,arian doctrine had been completely eliminated from the state church and ,alexandrian philosophy which had been the chief means of bringing about this result1 was dominant1 although there are indications that it was viewed with suspicion in some quarters4 ,amongst the controversies which took place in the post-,nicene age the most prominent are those which concerned the person of the incarnate ,christ1 and these are largely questions of psychology4 ,it was generally admitted that man has a psyche or animal soul which he shares with the rest of the sentient creatures1 and in addition to this a spirit or rational soul which1 under the influence of the neo-,platonists or of ,alexander of ,aphrodisias1 was regarded as an emanation from the creative spirit1 the ,logos or 8,agent ,intellect10 a belief which ,christian theologians supported by the statement in ,genesis that ,god breathed into man the breath of life and so man became a living soul4 ,in fact ,st4 ,paul had already distinguished between the two elements1 the animal soul and the immortal spirit1 in accordance with the psychology which had been developed in his time4 ,but ,christian theology supposed that in ,christ was also present the eternal ,logos which had been the creative ,spirit and of which the spirit or rational soul was itself an emanation4 ,what1 therefore1 would be the relation between the ,logos and its own emanation when they came together in the same person8 ,if the ,alexandrian philosophy and the ,christian religion were both true the problem was capable of reasonable solution3 if its only answer was a manifest absurdity then either the psychology or ,christianity was in error1 and then1 as always1 it was assumed that contemporary science was sure and religion had to be tested by its standard4 ,to this particular problem two solutions were proposed4 ,the one1 especially maintained at ,alexandria1 was that the ,logos and the rational soul or spirit1 being in the relation of source and emanation1 necessarily fused together when simultaneously present in the same body1 the point being of course that the ,logos was the agent of creation1 the ,true ,god not acting therein as it was an activity in time1 but through the intermediary of the ,logos1 whilst the animal soul dispersed through creation was ultimately derived from the ,logos1 but the spirit was directly proceeding from it1 all of which represents the philosophical theory formulated by ,alexander of ,aphrodisias and the neo-,platonists and then accepted as unassailable4 ,the other solution1 which found its chief advocates at ,antioch1 laid stress on the completeness of the humanity of ,christ so that the body1 animal soul1 and spirit were necessarily complete in the humanity and the ,logos dwelt in the human frame without subtracting the spirit which was one of the essentials of humanity1 and so there could have been no fusion because this would have implied the return of the spirit to its source and consequently its subtraction from the humanity of ,christ4 ,this solution1 it will be observed1 postulates the same psychology as the other1 and whichever view prevailed the ,church would be irrevocably committed to the current psychology by this definition of its doctrine4 ,both solutions offered perfectly logical deductions from the postulates assumed and it only wanted the advocates of one or the other to over-state the case so as to transgress against the teachings of philosophy or of traditional religion4 ,the first false move came from ,antioch4 ,laying great stress on the completeness of the humanity of ,christ so that body1 soul1 and spirit were necessarily connected in the human frame1 the view was so expressed as to describe the ,virgin ,mary as the mother of the human ,christ1 body1 soul1 and spirit alone1 which implied1 or seemed to imply1 that at birth ,christ was man only and afterwards became ,god by the ,logos entering into the human body1 a conclusion possibly not intended by those who expressed their views but pressed by their opponents4 ,this had been the teaching of ,diodorus and of ,theodore of ,mopseustia both associated with the school of ,antioch1 and defended in its extremer form by ,nestorius1 a monk of ,antioch1 who was made bishop of ,constantinople in ,a4,d4 #dbh4 ,violent controversies ensued which resulted in a general council at ,ephesus in #dca1 where the ,alexandrian party succeeded in getting ,nestorius and his followers condemned as heretics4 ,two years later the ,nestorians1 absolutely confident that their opponents were utterly illogical in supposing that the rational soul and the ,logos in ,christ were fused or united together1 repudiated the official church and organised themselves as the ,church which had no part with the heretics of ,ephesus4 ,the state ,church1 however1 had the weight of the temporal authority behind it1 and the heavy hand of persecution fell severely upon the ,nestorians4 ,in ,antioch and ,greek speaking ,syria persecution did its work effectually and the ,nestorians were reduced to the position of a fugitive sect1 in ,egypt1 as might be expected1 they had no footing1 and the westerns as usual agreed with the dominant state church3 only amongst the ,syriac speaking ,christians the ,nestorian teaching had a free course1 and that section for the most part adhered to it4 ,some time before this the school at ,nisibis had been closed1 or rather removed to ,edessa4 ,in ,a4,d4 #cfc the city of ,nisibis had been handed over to the ,persians as one of the conditions of the peace which closed the unfortunate war commenced by ,julian1 and the members of the school1 retiring into ,christian territory1 had re-assembled at ,edessa1 where a school was opened in #cgc1 and thus ,edessa in a ,syriac speaking district but within the ,byzantine ,empire1 became the centre of the vernacular speaking ,syriac church4 ,at the ,nestorian schism the school at ,edessa was the rallying place of those who did not accept the decisions of ,ephesus1 but in #dci it was closed by the ,emperor ,zeno on account of its strong ,nestorian character1 and the ejected members led by ,barsuma1 a pupil of ,ibas 7d4 #deg71 who had been the great luminary of ,edessa1 migrated across the ,persian border4 ,barsuma was able to persuade the ,persian king ,piruz that the orthodox1 that is to say the state1 ,church was pro-,greek1 but that the ,nestorians were entirely alienated from the ,byzantine ,empire by the harsh treatment they had received4 ,on this understanding they were favourably received and remained loyal to the ,persian monarchy in the subsequent wars with the ,empire4 ,the ,nestorians re-opened the school at ,nisibis and this became the focus of ,nestorian activity by which an orientalised phase of ,christianity was produced4 ,gradually the ,nestorian missionaries spread through all central ,asia and down into ,arabia so that the races outside the ,greek ,empire came to know ,christianity first in a ,nestorian form4 ,it seems probable that ,muhammad had contact with ,nestorian teachers 7,hirschfeld3 ,new ,researches4 p4 #bc71 and certainly ,nestorian monks and missionaries had much intercourse with the earlier ,muslims4 ,these ,nestorians were not only anxious to teach ,christianity but very naturally attached the utmost importance to their own explanations of the person of ,christ4 ,this could only be made clear by the help of theories drawn from ,greek philosophy1 and so every ,nestorian missionary became to some extent a propagandist of that philosophy3 they translated into ,syriac not only the great theologians such as ,theodore of ,mopseustia who explained their views1 but also ,greek authorities such as ,aristotle and his commentators because some knowledge of these was necessary to understand the theology4 ,much of this work of translation shows a real desire to explain their teaching1 but it shows also a strong resentment against the ,emperor and his state church2 as that church used the ,greek language in its liturgy and teaching1 the ,nestorians were anxious to discard ,greek1 they celebrated the sacraments only in ,syriac and set themselves to promote a distinctly native theology and philosophy by means of translated material and ,syriac commentaries4 ,these became the medium by which ,aristotle and the neo-,platonic commentators were transmitted to ,asia outside the ,empire1 and so later on as we shall see it was a group of ,nestorian translators who1 by making ,arabic versions from the ,syriac1 first brought ,hellenistic philosophy to the ,arabic world4 ,but there was also a weak side1 for the ,nestorian ,church1 cut off from the wider life of ,hellenism1 became distinctly provincial4 ,its philosophy plays round and round that prevalent at the schism1 it spreads this philosophy to new countries1 it produces an extensive educational system1 and elaborates its material1 but it shows no development4 ,if we regard the main test of educational efficiency as being in its research product and not simply the promulgation of material already attained1 then ,nestorianism was not an educational success3 and it seems that this should be the supreme test1 for knowledge is progressive1 and so the smallest contribution towards further progress must be of more real value than the most efficient teaching of results already achieved4 ,yet it would be difficult to over-estimate the importance of ,nestorianism in preparing an oriental version of ,hellenistic culture in the pre-,muslim world4 ,its main importance lies in its being preparatory to ,islam which brought forward ,arabic as a cosmopolitan medium for the interchange of thought and so enabled the ,syriac material to be used in a wider and more fruitful field4 ,although ,nestorius had been condemned1 the ,church was left with a problem4 ,the objection was true that1 if the ,logos and the rational soul in ,christ were fused together so that the rational soul or spirit lost itself in its source1 the ,logos dwelt in an animal body and the full humanity of ,christ disappeared4 ,the ,nestorian view of a temporary 8connection0 was now condemned as heretical1 but was it necessary to go to the other extreme of 8fusion0 which was the logical result of the ,alexandrian teaching8 ,the ,church wished to be philosophically correct and yet to avoid the conclusions which might be drawn from either view in its extreme form4 ,in fact philosophy ruthlessly pressed home was the danger of which the ,church was most afraid1 feeling in some dim realm of sub-consciousness that the deposit of faith did not quite fall into line with science1 or at least with the science then in fashion2 and the ,church's real enemies were the enthusiasts who were confident that doctrine and philosophy were both absolutely true4 ,nor have we1 even in these days1 altogether learned the lesson that both are still partial and progressive4 ,islam had to go through exactly the same experience in her day and came out of it with very similar results1 that is to say both the ,christian and ,muslim churches finally chose the via media adopting the philosophical statement of doctrine but condemning as heretical the logical conclusions which might be deduced4 ,the ,alexandrian school1 elated perhaps at its victory over ,nestorius1 became rather intemperate in the statement of its views and pressed them home to an extreme conclusion4 ,at once the warning prediction of the ,nestorians was justified3 the teaching of a 8fusion0 between the ,logos and the rational soul in ,christ entirely undermined his humanity4 ,another controversy ensued and in this1 as in the former one1 neither side suggested any doubt as to the psychology or metaphysics borrowed from the ,aristotelian and neo-,platonic philosophies1 that was throughout assumed as certain1 the problem was to make ,christian doctrine fit in with it4 ,now those who opposed the ,alexandrian conclusions maintained the theory of a 8union0 between the ,logos and the rational soul in ,christ1 so that the complete humanity was preserved as well as the deity1 and the union was such as to be inseparable and so safeguarded from the ,nestorian theory4 ,in fact this was simply admitting the philosophical statement and forbidding its being pressed home to its possible conclusions4 ,this is described as 8orthodox0 doctrine and rightly so in the sense that it expresses1 though in philosophical terms1 a doctrine as it was held before the ,church had learned any philosophy1 and excluded possible deductions which came within range as soon as a philosophical statement was made4 ,this is the normal result when doctrine originally expressed by those ignorant of philosophy has to be put into logical and scientific terms3 the only orthodox representation of the traditional belief must be a compromise4 99 99 99 99 99 ,this second controversy resulted in the ,council of ,chalcedon in ,a4,d4 #ddh1 at which the advocates of the theory of 8fusion0 were expelled from the state church1 and thus a third body was formed1 each of the three claiming to represent the true faith4 ,practically the whole of the ,egyptian ,church followed the 8fusionists0 or ,monophysites or ,jacobites1 as they were called after ,jacob of ,serugh1 who was mainly instrumental in organizing them as a church3 in ,syria also they had a strong following4 ,like the ,nestorians they were persecuted by the ,emperor and the state church1 but unlike them they did not migrate outside the ,byzantine ,empire1 but remained an important though strongly disaffected body within its limits1 though later on they sent out off-shoots into other lands4 ,like the ,nestorians they tended to discard the language of their persecutors and to use the vernacular ,coptic and ,syriac3 it is rightly claimed that the golden age of ,syriac literature and philosophy begins with the ,monophysite schism4 ,a curious line of demarcation however1 is observed in ,syriac between the ,jacobites in the ,west and the ,nestorians in the ,east3 they used different dialects1 which is probably the result of their geographical distribution1 and they used different scripts in writing which was partly due to deliberate intension1 though partly also to the use of slightly different implements for writing4 ,when we consider the results of the ,monophysite and ,nestorian schisms we begin to understand why so much ,greek philosophical material was translated into ,syriac1 whilst the ,nestorian movement was the effective reason why ,syriac gradually became the medium for transmitting ,hellenistic culture into the parts of ,asia which lay beyond the confines of the ,byzantine ,empire during the centuries immediately preceding the outspread of ,islam4 ,it is obvious that the late ,aristotelian and neo-,platonic philosophers were of vital importance to everyone engaged in the theological controversies of the day1 and the ,aristotelian logic was of equal importance as on it depended the way in which terms were used4 ,after their separation from the ,greek ,church the ,nestorians and ,monophysites turned to the vernacular speaking ,christians1 and so a large body of philosophical as well as theological matter was translated into ,syriac2 very much less into ,coptic1 for the ,egyptian ,monophysites were not called upon to face so much controversy as their brethren in ,syria4 ,the period between the schisms and the beginning of ,muslim interest in philosophy was one of prolific translation1 commenting1 and exposition4 ,whilst there is much interest in tracing the literary history of a nation1 there is comparatively little in following the history of a literature which is confined to activities of this sort1 for it cannot be much more than a list of names4 ,commentary and essay might indeed open up a field of originality1 but nothing of the sort appears in this type of ,syriac work3 it seems as though the provincialism which followed severance from the ,greek world brought in narrowing restrictions so that1 although we get able and diligent workers1 they never seem able to advance beyond re-statement1 more or less accurate1 of results already achieved4 ,besides philosophy and theology we find a considerable interest in medicine and the two sciences of chemistry and astronomy which were treated as allied to it1 for astronomy1 regarded from the astrological point of view1 was supposed to be closely associated with the conditions of life and death1 of health and disease4 ,medical studies were especially attached to the school of ,alexandria4 ,philosophy proper had been so largely taken over by theology that the secular investigators were rather impelled to turn to the natural sciences and as a centre of medical and allied studies the ancient school of ,alexandria continued its development without loss of continuity1 but under changed conditions4 ,john ,philoponus1 or ,john the ,grammarian1 as he was called1 was one of the later commentators on ,aristotle and also one of the early lights of this medical school4 ,the date of his death is not known1 but he was teaching at ,alexandria at the time when ,justinian closed the schools at ,athens in ,a4,d4 #ebi4 ,the next great leader of this school was ,paul of ,aegina who flourished at the time of the ,muslim conquest1 and whose works long served as popular manuals of medicine4 ,the founders of the medical school at ,alexandria established a regular course of education for the training of medical practitioners1 and for this purpose selected sixteen works of ,galen1 some of which were re-edited in an abridged form1 and were made the subject of regular explanatory lectures4 ,at the same time the school became a centre of original research1 not only in medicine1 but also in chemistry and other branches of natural science4 ,thus1 on the eve of the ,muslim conquest ,alexandria had become a great home of scientific enquiry4 ,to some extent this was unfortunate as the existing traditions in ,egypt directed those investigations very much into obscurantist lines and tended to the use of magical forms1 talismans1 etc41 and to introduce an astrological bias4 ,this afterwards became the great defect of ,arabic medicine as appears later even in medival ,padua1 but it was not the fault of ,islam1 it was an inheritance from ,alexandria4 ,such material as remains of ,syriac research shows us a saner and sounder method in vogue there1 but ,alexandria had eclipsed the ,syrian scientists at the time of the ,muslim invasion1 at least in popular esteem1 and this was a determining factor in directing ,arabic research into these astrological by-paths4 ,amongst the famous products of this school was ,paul of ,aegina1 whose medical works formed the basis of much of the medival ,arabic and ,latin teaching1 and the priest ,ahrun 7,aaron7 who composed a manual of medicine which was afterwards translated into ,syriac and became a popular authority4 ,alexandria was the centre also of chemical science1 and as such was the parent of later ,arabic alchemy4 ,it appears from ,m4 ,berthelot's exhaustive study of ,arabic chemistry 7,la chimie au moyen age3 ,paris1 #ahic7 that the ,arabic material may be divided into two classes1 the one based upon1 and mainly translated from1 the ,greek writers current in ,alexandria1 the other representing a later school of independent investigation4 ,of the former class ,berthelot gives three specimens1 the ,books of ,crates1 of al-,habid1 and of ,ostanes1 all representing the ,greek tradition which flourished at ,alexandria on the eve of the ,muslim invasion4 ,whilst the ,alexandrians kept alive an interest in medical and the allied sciences the separated branches of the vernacular speaking churches of ,asia were more interested in logic and speculative philosophy4 ,it was perhaps natural that the ,monophysites with their strong ,egyptian connection should adopt the commentaries of ,john ,philoponus1 himself a ,monophysite of a type1 but both they and the ,nestorians invariably used ,porphyry's ,isagoge as an introductory manual4 ,in the general treatment of metaphysics and psychology as applied to theology1 and in the treatment of theology itself1 the ,monophysites inclined more towards neo-,platonism and mysticism than the ,nestorians1 and their life centered more in the monasteries1 whilst the ,nestorians adhered rather to the older system of local schools1 although they too had monasteries1 and in course of time the schools adopted the discipline and methods of the convent4 ,the oldest and greatest of the ,nestorian schools was that of ,nisibis1 but in ,a4,d4 #eej ,mar ,ahba1 a convert from ,zoroastrianism1 who had become catholicos or patriarch of the ,nestorians1 established a school at ,seleucia on the model of ,nisibis4 ,a little later the ,persian king1 ,kusraw ,anushirwan 7,nushirwan1 flor4 #eca-egh ,a4,d47 who had been greatly impressed by the view of ,hellenistic culture which he had obtained during his war with ,syria1 and had offered hospitality to the ejected ,greek philosophers when ,justinian closed the schools at ,athens1 founded a ,zoroastrian school at ,junde-,shapur1 in ,khuzistan1 where not only ,greek and ,syriac works1 but also philosophical and scientific writings brought from ,india1 were translated into ,pahlawi1 or ,old ,persian1 and there the study of medicine taught by ,greek and ,indian physicians was developed more fully than in the theological atmosphere of the ,christian schools1 although some of the most distinguished medical teachers in this school were themselves ,nestorian ,christians4 ,amongst the alumni of ,junde-,shapur were the ,arab ,hares b4 ,kalada1 who afterwards became famous as a practitioner1 and his son ,ennadr1 cited in the #eth canon of ,ibn ,sina 7,avicenna71 an enemy of the ,prophet ,muhammad who was amongst those defeated at the battle of ,badr and was put to death by ,ali4 ,several ,indian medical writers are cited by ,razes and others1 notably ,sharak and ,qolhoman1 whilst the treatise on poisons by the ,indian ,shanak was1 at a later date1 translated into ,persian by ,manka for ,yahya b4 ,khalid the ,barmecide and afterwards into ,arabic for the ,abbasid ,khalif al-,mamun4 ,manka1 who was medical attendant to ,harunu r-,rashid1 translated from ,sanskrit various medical and other works4 ,besides the ,christian and ,zoroastrian schools there was also a pagan school at ,harran1 of whose foundation we have no further information4 ,harran had been a centre of ,hellenic influence from the time of ,alexander the ,great and remained a refuge for the old ,greek religion when the ,greek world at large had become ,christian4 ,although it would appear that ,harran had an inheritance from the ancient ,babylonian religion1 which had a late revival during the first centuries of the ,christian era1 this had been entirely overlaid with the developments of paganism as revised by the neo-,platonists4 ,indeed ,harran shows the last stand of ,greek paganism and neo-,platonism as the two had been formulated by ,porphyry and they continued there to live out a vigorous though secluded life4 ,there were thus several agencies at work developing and extending ,hellenistic influence in ,persia and ,mesopotamia which later on became a ,persian province1 and besides these established schools there were many secondary forces4 ,the ,persian armies returning from the invasion of ,syria brought back many items of ,hellenic culture1 amongst them the ,greek system of baths which was copied in ,persia and continued by the ,muslims who spread this refinement throughout the ,islamic world1 so that what we call the ,turkish bath is a lineal descendant of the old ,greek bath passed through the ,persians of pre-,muslim times1 and then spread more widely by the ,muslims4 ,these armies brought home also a great admiration for ,greek architecture and engineering1 and ,greek architects1 engineers1 and craftsmen being amongst the most valued plunder brought back from ,syria1 by their help ,persia endeavoured to start building in the ,greek style4 ,thus the centuries immediately before the outspread of ,islam show a wide and steady extension of ,hellenistic influences in all the different forms of culture1 in science1 philosophy1 art1 architecture1 and in the luxuries of life3 and even before this1 ever since the days of ,alexander the ,great1 there had been a percolation of ,greek influence1 so that ,western ,asia was steeped in ,hellenistic art1 in many cases very crudely represented and combined with native elements4 ,when the oppressive control of the ,umayyads was lifted and the native population came again to its own1 we can hardly wonder that this meant a revival of ,hellenism4 ,we have already mentioned ,ibas 7d4 #deg7 as the teacher of ,barsuma who led the ,nestorian migration into ,persia and re-opened the school of ,nisibis4 ,this ,ibas had been the great luminary of the school of ,edessa in its last days and seems to have been the first to make a ,syriac translation of ,porphyry's ,isagoge1 the recognised manual of logic preparatory to ,aristotle's ,organon4 ,this shows that logic had been taken as the chief material of education amongst the ,nestorians and very much the same seems to have been the case amongst the ,monophysites4 ,about the same time flourished ,probus1 who is said to have been a presbyter of ,antioch1 and produced commentaries upon ,porphyry's ,isagoge1 and on ,aristotle's ,hermeneutica1 ,soph4 ,elench41 and ,analytica ,priora1 these commentaries becoming favourite manuals amongst the ,syriac speaking students of logic4 ,hoffman's ,de ,hermeneuticis apud ,syros 7,leipzic1 #ahgc7 gives the text of the commentary on the ,hermeneutica followed by a ,latin translation4 ,the method employed here and in all ,syriac commentaries is to take a short passage1 often no more than a few words1 of the ,text of ,aristotle translated into ,syriac and then give an explanation of the meaning sometimes extending to several pages1 sometimes only a brief remark1 according to the difficulty of the text1 very much as if a teacher were reading aloud and explaining passages by passage as he read4 ,this became the usual method of commenting and was afterwards copied by the ,muslims in their commentaries on the ,quran4 ,the commentary on the ,isagoge has been published by ,baumstark 7,aristotles bei den ,syrern1 ,leipzic1 #aijj71 and that on the ,analytica ,priora by the great ,louvain scholar ,prof4 ,hoonacker in the ,journal ,asiatique for ,july-,august1 #aijj4 ,the greatest of the ,monophysite scholars was ,sergius of ,ras al-,ayn 7d4 #ecf71 who was both a translator and the author of original treatises on philosophy1 medicine1 and astronomy4 ,his medical work was his chief interest and he left a permanent mark as a translator into ,syriac of a considerable part of ,galen4 ,he spent some time in ,alexandria where he perfected himself in a knowledge of ,greek and learned chemistry and medicine in the ,alexandrian medical school then just beginning its career4 ,some of his translation of ,galen is preserved in the ,british ,mus4 ,,mss4 ,addit4 #adffa and #agaef3 in the latter are fragments of the 8,medical art0 and 8,faculties of the aliments0 which have been edited by ,sachau 7,inedita ,syriaca1 ,vienna1 #ahgj74 ,of his philosophical work ,sachau has given us the versions which he made of the ,isagoge and ,table of ,porphyry1 and ,aristotle's ,categories and the dubious de mundo1 as well as a treatise on 8the soul0 which is not the de anima of ,aristotle4 ,he wrote original treatises on logic in seven books 7incomplete--,brit4 ,mus4 ,add4 #adffj contains that on the categories71 on 8negation and affirmation10 on 8genus1 species1 and individual10 on 8the causes of the universe according to ,aristotle0 and minor essays4 ,in astronomy he has left a tract 8on the influence of the moon0 which is based on the work of ,galen 7cf4 ,sachau1 op4 cit47 ,the writings of ,sergius circulated amongst both ,nestorians and ,monophysites1 all regarding him as a leading authority on medicine and logic1 and in medicine it seems that he was the founder of a ,syriac school which became the parent of ,arabic medicine1 certainly that school owed its impetus to him4 ,bar ,hebraeus refers to him as 8a man eloquent and greatly skilled in the books of the ,greeks and ,syrians and a most learned physician of men's bodies4 ,he was indeed orthodox in his opinions1 as the #8,prologue' bears witness1 but in morals corrupt1 depraved1 and stained with lust and avarice0 7,bar ,hebraeus4 ed4 ,abbeloos et ,lamy4 i4 #bje-g74 ,in the same century lived ,ahudemmeh who became bishop of ,tagrit in ,a4,d4 #eei1 and introduced the commentary of ,john ,philoponus as the regular manual of instruction amongst the ,syriac speaking ,monophysites4 ,he is said to have composed treatises on the definitions of logic1 on the freedom of the will1 on the soul1 on man considered as a microcosm1 and on the composition of man as of soul and body1 this last in part preserved in ,,ms4 ,brit4 ,mus4 ,addit4 #adfbj4 ,amongst the ,nestorian scholars of the sixth century was ,paul the ,persian who produced a treatise on logic which he dedicated to ,king ,khusraw and has been published in ,m4 ,land's ,analecta ,syriaca 7iv74 ,this has brought us to the period of the ,muslim invasion4 ,in #fch ,syria was conquered1 and the conquest of ,mesopotamia followed in the course of the same year1 that of ,persia four years later4 ,in #ffa the ,umayyad dynasty of ,arab rulers was established in ,damascus2 but all this did not greatly affect the internal life of the ,christian communities who lived on in perfect liberty1 subject only to the payment of the poll tax4 ,about #fej the ,nestorian ,henanieshu wrote a treatise on logic 7cf4 ,budge3 ,thomas of ,marga4 i4 #gi7 and commented on ,john ,philoponus4 ,the ,monophysites had no great schools like the ,nestorians1 but their convent at ,qensherin1 on the left bank of the ,euphrates1 was a great centre of ,greek studies4 ,its most famous product was ,severus ,sebokt who flourished on the eve of the ,muslim conquest4 ,he was the author of a commentary on ,aristotle's ,hermeneutica of which only fragments survive1 of a treatise on the syllogisms of the ,analytica ,priora1 and of epistles dealing with terms used in the ,hermeneutica and on the difficult points in ,aristotle's ,rhetoric 7cf4 ,brit4 ,mus4 ,add4 #adffj1 #agaef74 ,in astronomy he wrote on 8the ,figures of the ,zodiac0 and on 8the ,astrolabe10 the former of these is preserved in ,br4 ,mus4 ,add4 #adech and has been published by ,sachau 7op4 cit471 the latter in ,berlin ,,ms4 ,sachau #ahf and published by ,nau in the ,journal ,asiatique of #ahii4 ,athanasius of ,balad who became ,monophysite patriarch in #fhd was a pupil of ,severus ,sebokt1 and is chiefly known as the translator of a new ,syriac version of ,porphyry's ,isagoge 7,vatican ,ms4 ,syr4 #aeh4 cf4 ,bar ,hebraeus ,chron4 ,eccles4 ed4 ,abbeloos et ,lamy4 i4 #bhg74 ,james of ,edessa 7d4 #gjh ,a4,d47 also was a pupil of ,severus ,sebokt at the same convent1 was made bishop of ,edessa about #fhd and abandoned this see in #fhh as the result of his failure to carry out the reformation of the monasteries in his diocese3 he retired to the monastery of ,st4 ,james at ,kaishun1 between ,aleppo and ,edessa1 but left this to become lecturer at the monastery of ,eusebona1 in the diocese of ,antioch where 8for eleven years he taught the psalms and the reading of the scriptures in ,greek and revived the ,greek language which had fallen into disuse0 7,bar ,hebr4 ,chron4 ,eccles4 i4 #bia74 ,attacked by the brethren who disapproved of the study of ,greek1 he migrated to the monastery of ,teleda where he prepared a revised version of the ,peshitta or ,syriac ,vulgate of the ,old ,testament1 finally returning to ,edessa about four months before his death4 ,his ,enchiridion1 a treatise on the terms used in philosophy1 is preserved in the ,brit4 ,mus4 ,,ms4 ,addit4 #abaed4 ,george1 who became 8bishop of the ,arabs0 in #fhf1 was himself a pupil of ,athanasius of ,balad and translated the whole logical ,organon of ,aristotle1 of which his versions of the ,catagories1 ,hermeneutica1 and ,analytica ,priora appear in ,brit4 ,mus4 ,addit4 #adfei1 each furnished with an introduction and commentary4 ,these names cover the whole period between the two schisms and the ,muslim invasion and suffice to show that the ,syriac speaking community continued diligent in the study of the ,aristotelian logic and metaphysics1 and also gave attention to medical and scientific studies4 ,it is not exactly a brilliant or original form of cultural activity1 for the most part it was only the transmission of received texts with the preparation of new translations1 commentaries1 and explanatory treatises1 but this itself fulfilled an important function4 ,the ,muslim invasion made no change in the course of these studies3 the ,umayyads did not interfere with the schools and the ,syriac students went their own way living a life quite apart from that of their ,arab rulers4 ,now and then unscrupulous or angry clergy appealed to the ,khalif against their fellow clergy and this was the commonest cause of interference which the historians describe as persecution4 ,such was the experience of ,henanieshu who became ,nestorian ,catholicos in ,a4,d4 #fhf4 ,the bishop of ,nisibis made complaints against him to the ,khalif ,abdul-,malik in consequence of which he was deposed1 imprisoned1 and then thrown over a cliff4 ,he was not killed by his fall1 though severely lamed2 by the kindness of some shepherds he was sheltered and nursed back to health1 and then retired to the monastery of ,yannan near ,mosul1 resuming his patriarchal office after the death of the bishop of ,nisibis1 and holding it until his own death in #gja 7,bar ,heb4 ,chron4 ,eccles4 ,abbeloos et ,lamy4 ii4 #ace-adj74 ,besides sermons1 letters1 and a biography of ,dewada1 he wrote an educational treatise on 8the twofold duty of the school0 as a place of religious and moral influence on the one hand1 and of an academy of the humanities on the other 7cf4 ,asseman ,,bo47 iii4 part ,i4 #aed and also an 8,explanation of the ,analytica0 7id74 ,mar ,abha ,,iii4 became ,nestorian ,catholicos somewhere about #gdj 7#acc ,a4,h47 and produced a commentary on ,aristotle's logic 7cf4 ,bar ,heb4 ii4 #aec74 ,this brings us down to the period when the ,muslim world began to take an interest in these philosophical and scientific studies1 and translations and commentaries began to appear in ,arabic4 ,but ,syriac studies did not at once disappear and it will be convenient to enumerate briefly some of those who appeared in later times down to the age of ,bar ,hebraeus 7d4 ,a4,d4 #abhf71 with whom the literary history of ,syriac comes to an end4 ,in the latter part of the eighth century we find ,jeshudena bishop of ,basra writing an 8introduction to logic40 ,shortly afterwards ,jeshubokt metropolitan of ,persia wrote on the ,categories 7cf4 ,journ4 ,asiat4 ,may-,june4 #aijf74 ,hunayn b4 ,ishaq1 his son ,ishaq1 and his nephew ,hubaysh1 with some other companions1 formed the college of translators established at ,baghdad by the ,khalif al-,mamun to render the ,greek and other philosophical and scientific texts into ,arabic1 a work to which we shall refer again2 but ,hunayn1 who was a ,nestorian ,christian1 was also occupied in making translations from the ,greek into ,syriac3 he prepared1 or revised1 ,syriac versions of ,porphyry's ,isagoge1 ,aristotle's ,hermeneutica1 part of the ,analytica1 the de generatione et corruptione1 the de anima1 part of the ,metaphysics1 the ,summa of ,nicolas of ,damascus1 the ,commentary of ,alexander of ,aphrodisias1 and the greater part of the works of ,galen1 ,dioscorus1 ,paul of ,aegina1 and ,hippocrates4 ,his son ,ishaq also made a translation of ,aristotle's de anima1 and it is significant that this treatise and the commentary of ,alexander ,aphr4 now begins to take the most prominent place in philosophical study2 the centre of interest is moving from logic to psychology4 ,about the same time the physician ,john ,bar ,maswai 7d4 ,a4,d4 #heg7 composed various medical works in ,syriac and ,arabic4 ,he1 like ,hunayn1 was one of the intellectual group which the ,abbasids gathered together in their new capital city of ,baghdad4 ,contemporary also were the ,syriac writers ,denha 7or ,ibas7 who compiled a commentary on the ,aristotelian logical ,organon3 ,abzud1 the author of a poetical essay on the divisions of philosophy1 and then1 after a series of minor writers on logic1 ,dionysius ,bar ,salibi in the twelfth century ,a4,d41 who composed commentaries on the ,isagoge1 the ,categories1 ,hermeneutica1 and ,analytica2 and in the early part of the following century ,yaqub ,bar ,shakako1 author of a collection of 8,dialogues0 of which the second book deals with philosophical questions of logic1 physics1 mathematics1 and metaphysics4 ,the series of ,syriac philosophical writers closes with ,gregory ,bar ,hebraeus1 or ,abu l-,faraj in the thirteenth century ,a4,d4 whose 8,book of the ,pupils of the ,eyes0 is a compendium of logic summarising and explaining the ,isagoge1 and ,aristotle's ,categories1 ,hermeneutica1 ,analytica1 ,topica1 and ,sophistica ,elenchi2 his 8,book of the ,upholding of ,wisdom0 being a summary introduction to logic1 physics1 metaphysics1 and theology4 ,a third work 8,the ,cream of ,science0 is an encyclopdia of the ,aristotelian philosophy1 and this work appears also in an abridged form as the 8,business of ,businesses40 ,he was also the translator into ,syriac of ,dioscorus on simples1 and author of a treatise on the medical ,questions of ,hunayn b4 ,ishaq1 and of a work on geography called 8the ,ascent of the ,spirit40 ,although esteemed as one of the greatest ,syriac authorities and for centuries holding a place of primary importance1 he was in reality no more than a compiler who produced encyclopdic works dealing with the researches of his predecessors4 ,the great importance of the ,syriac speaking ,christian communities was as the medium whereby ,hellenistic philosophy and science was transmitted to the ,arabic world4 ,there was no independent development in its ,syriac atmosphere1 and even the choice of material had already been made by the ,hellenists before it passed into ,syriac hands4 ,it was now definitely established that the basis of the 8humanities0 was the ,aristotelian logic1 and that this as well as all other studies in the work of ,aristotle was to be interpreted according to the neo-,platonic commentators4 ,in medicine and chemistry the curriculum of the school of ,alexandria was recognised as authoritative and this1 in so far as it was based upon ,galen and ,hippocrates1 and upon the teaching of ,paul of ,aegina in obstetrical medicine1 was to the good3 but there was a mystical side of ,alexandrian science mixed up with astrology1 so that particular drugs had to be taken where certain planets were in the ascendant1 and such like ideas1 which gave a magical tone to ,alexandrian and ,arabic medicine which was not for its advantage1 although it must be remembered that the ready contempt formerly poured upon ,arabic science as mere charlatanism is now expressed more cautiously3 we are prepared to admit that very much real and valuable work was done in medicine and chemistry1 although it is probable that the ,egyptian obscurantism did rather tend to hinder the steady development of the sounder tradition derived from ,galen and the ,greek physicians4 ,we are thus able to understand that 8,muslim theology1 philosophy1 and science put forth their first luxuriant shoots on a soil which was saturated with ,hellenistic culture40 7,nicholson3 ,mystics of ,islam4 ,london1 #aiad p4 #i47 ,the passage of ,hellenism took place through five channels3-- 7i7 ,the ,nestorians who hold the first place as the earliest teachers of the ,muslims and the most important transmitters of medicine4 7ii7 ,the ,jacobites or ,monophysites who were the chief influences in introducing neo-,platonic speculations and mysticism4 7iii7 ,the ,zoroastrians of ,persia and especially the school of ,junde-,shapur1 although this had a strong ,nestorian element4 7iv7 ,the ,pagans of ,harran who came forward at a later stage4 7v7 ,the ,jews who1 in this connection1 occupy a somewhat peculiar position3 they had no contact with the tradition of ,aristotelian philosophy1 their academies at ,sora and ,pumbaditha were concerned with their own traditional law and ,bible exegesis only4 ,jewish philosophical studies began later and were themselves derived from the ,arabic philosophers4 ,but they shared with the ,nestorians an inclination towards medical studies so that ,jewish physicians appear in the early days of ,baghdad4 ,yet they come distinctly second to the ,nestorians4 ,thus amongst the medical writers mentioned by ,dr4 ,leclerc in his ,histoire de la mdecine arabe 7,paris1 #ahgf7 we find amongst the names cited for the tenth cent4 ,a4,d4 that there are #bi ,christians1 #c ,jews1 and #d pagans of ,harran1 though in the next century only #c ,christians appear1 as against #g ,jews1 the work then passing very largely into ,muslim hands4 ,,chapter ,,ii ,,the ,,arab ,,period ,islam in its earlier form was entirely an ,arab religion4 ,the temporal side of the ,prophet ,muhammad's mission shows him engaged in an effort to unite the tribes of the ,hijaz in a fraternal union1 to limit the custom of the razzia 7ghazza7 or marauding foray1 and to form an orderly community4 ,these temporal aims were due to the influence of ,madina on the ,prophet and to the conviction that it was only in such a community that his religious teaching could obtain a serious attention4 ,in ,mecca he had been faced with constant opposition chiefly due to the tribal jealousies and strife which formed the normal condition of a ,bedwin community4 ,madina was a city in a sense quite different from that in which the term could be applied to ,mecca4 ,it had developed a civic life1 rudimentary no doubt but very far in advance of the ,meccan conditions1 and had inherited a constitutional tradition from ,aramaean and ,jewish colonists4 ,at ,madina the ,prophet began to perceive the difference produced by the association of men in an ordered communal life as contrasted with the incoherence of the older tribal conditions1 and the accompanying difference of attitude towards religion4 ,this last was not really due to civic life but more directly to ,jewish influence1 although no doubt the conditions of city life were more favourable to the evolution of speculative theology than those of the wilder tribes4 ,the older ,arabs seem to have accepted the idea of one supreme ,god1 but speculated little about him3 they did not regard the supreme deity as at all entering into their personal interests1 which were concerned only with the minor tribal deities who were expected to attend diligently to tribal affairs and were sharply censured when they appeared to be negligent about the interests of their clients4 ,the desert man had no tendency to the sublime thoughts about ,god with which he is sometimes credited1 nor had he any great reverence towards the minor members of his pantheon4 ,the ,prophet found it one of his most difficult tasks to introduce the observance of prayer amongst the ,arabs1 and they do not appear very much attached to it at the present day4 ,in ,madina the ,prophet was in contact with men whose attitude towards religion was very different and who were more in sympathy with the principles which he had learned from very much the same sources as themselves4 ,in ,madina1 therefore1 the ,prophet added a temporal side to the spiritual work in which he had been previously engaged4 ,it was not consciously a change of attitude1 but simply the adoption of a subsidiary task which seemed to provide a most useful accessory to the work which he had already been doing4 ,its keynote is given in the ,madinian ,sura #di4aj1 8,only the faithful are brethren1 wherefore make peace between your brethren40 ,it was a call to his fellow ,arabs of the ,hijaz to cease their strife and to unite in the bonds of brotherhood4 ,such a union on the part of those whose habits and ideals were warlike and who were disinclined to the arts of peace1 necessarily produced an attitude of hostility towards persons outside their community4 ,was this militant attitude any part of ,muhammad's plans8 ,the answer must certainly be in the negative4 ,the military enterprises of early ,islam were no part of its original programme4 ,in those enterprises the ,prophet and his immediate successors show a hesitating and dubious attitude2 obviously their hands were forced and they take the lead reluctantly4 ,as ,fr4 ,lammens says3-- ,le ,qoran travailla runir les tribus du ,higaz4 ,la prdication de ,mahomet russit mettre sur pied une arme1 la plus nombreuse1 la plus discipline qu'on ut vue jusque-l dans la ,pninsule4 ,cette force ne pouvait longtemps demeurer sans emploi4 ,par ailleurs l-islam1 en imposant la paix entre les tribus1 rallies la nouvelle religion ou simplement l'tat mdinois en formation1--le talf al-qolob poursuivait ce dernier objectif--l'islam allait fermer tout issue l'inquite activit des nomades4 ,il prtendait supprimer tout le moins limiter1 le droit de razzia1 plac la base de cette socit patriarcalement anarchique4 ,il fallait s'attendre voir le torrent2 momentanment endigu1 dborder sur les rgions frontires4 8,que ,mahomet ait assign ce but leurs efforts8 ,il devient difficile de dfendre cette thse1 trop facilement accepte jusqu'ici40 7,lammens3 ,le berceau de l'islam4 ,rome1 #aiad1 i4 p4 #age47 ,in the expedition against ,mecca a militant attitude was the inevitable result of compelling circumstances4 ,the ,meccans were actively hostile and had adopted a persecuting attitude towards those who accepted the new religion4 ,at the time the ,quraysh tribe1 to which ,muhammad belonged1 was so far in the ascendant that its adhesion was necessary for the progress of ,islam in the ,hijaz3 the championship of some prominent tribe was essential1 and ,muhammad himself was deeply attached to the traditional 8,house of ,god0 at ,mecca1 to which his own family was bound by many associations2 besides he desired the adherence of his own tribe as his mission was to it in the first place4 ,had the ,meccan opposition not been broken down the ,muslim religion could have been no more than the local cult of ,madina1 and even as such would have had to be perpetually on the defensive4 ,no doubt the 8holy war0 as an institution was based on the traditions of this expedition1 but such a war is related to the later enterprises for the conquest of non-,arab nations by a line of development which the ,prophet himself could hardly have anticipated4 ,the challenge to ,heraclius is on a similar footing4 ,although we may not be disposed to accept the traditional account given by ,bukhari1 there no doubt was some such challenge4 ,but ,heraclius had only recently re-conquered ,syria for the ,byzantine ,empire1 the land he had acquired included a considerable portion of the ,syrian desert which formed a geographical unity with ,arabia1 and amongst his subjects were ,arab tribes closely akin to those of the ,hijaz4 ,islam became a militant religion because it spread amongst the ,arabs at a time when they were beginning to enter upon a career of expansion and conquest1 and this career had already commenced before ,muhammad had got beyond the first--the purely spiritual--stage of his work4 ,the only reason why the earlier ,arab efforts were not followed up immediately seems to have been that the ,arabs were so surprised at their success that they were unprepared to take advantage of it4 ,for some time previously ,arab settlements had been formed in the debateable land where the ,persian and ,byzantine ,empires met1 but this encroachment had been more or less veiled by the nominal suzerainty of one or other of the great states4 ,the ,quda1 a tribe of ,himyaritic ,arabs1 had settled in ,syria and become ,christian1 and was charged by the ,byzantine ,emperor with the general control of the ,arabs of ,syria 7,masudi3 iii41 #bad-e72 that tribe was superseded by the tribe of ,salih 7id4 #baf71 and that by the ,arab kingdom of ,ghasan which acknowledged the ,emperor of ,byzantium as its overlord1 whilst the ,arab kingdom of ,hira acknowledged the ,persian king4 ,somewhere between ,a4,d4 #fjd and #faj1 when the first beginnings of persecution were falling on the ,prophet in ,mecca1 the ,arabs led by al-,mondir inflicted a crushing defeat upon the ,persian army under ,king ,khusraw ,parwiz1 who1 a few years before1 had led a victorious force to the invasion of the ,byzantine province of ,syria4 ,this victory showed the ,arabs that1 in spite of its imposing appearance1 the ,persian ,empire1 and presumably the ,byzantine also1 were vulnerable1 and a determined effort might easily place the wealth of both at the disposal of the ,arabs4 ,the ,muslim conquests of the #gth century ,a4,d4 form the last of a series of great ,semitic outspreads of which the earliest recorded in history resulted in the formation of the empire of ,babylon some #bbbe years before the ,christian era4 ,in all these the motive power lay in the ,arabs who represent the parent ,semitic stock1 the more or less nomadic inhabitants of the barren highlands of ,western ,asia1 who have always tended to prey upon the more cultured and settled dwellers in the river valleys and on the lower slopes of the hills4 8,the belts between mountain and desert1 the banks of the great rivers1 the lower hills near the sea1 these are the lines of civilization 7actual or potential7 in ,western ,asia4 ,the consequence of these conditions is that through all the history of ,western ,asia there runs the eternal distinction between the civilized cultivators of the plains and lower hills and the wild peoples of mountain and desert4 ,the great monarchies which have arisen here have rarely been effective beyond the limits of cultivation2 mountain and desert are another world in which they can get1 at best1 only precarious footing4 ,and to the monarchical settled peoples the near neighbourhood of this unsubjugated world has been a continual menace4 ,it is a chaotic region out of which may pour upon them at any weakening of the dam hordes of devastators4 ,at the best of times it hampers the government by offering a refuge and recruiting ground to all the enemies of order40 7,bevan3 ,house of ,seleucus1 i41 p4 #bb47 ,scornful of agriculture and with a strong distaste for settled and especially for urban life1 the ,bedwin are those who have remained nomads by preference1 and like all races at that stage of evolution1 find the most congenial outlet for their vigour in tribal warfare and plundering expeditions4 ,from the earliest dawn of history they have always been strongly tempted by the wealth of the settled communities within reach1 and appear in the oldest records as robber bands4 ,sometimes predatory excursions were followed by settlement1 and the invading tribes learned the culture of those amongst whom they settled3 all the ,semitic groups other than the ,arabs had formed such settlements before the #gth century ,a4,d41 and these groups are distinguished one from another1 and all from the parent stock1 simply by the cultural influences due to the earlier inhabitants of the lands they entered2 the ,arab stock itself remained high and dry1 the stranded relic of more primitive conditions1 though itself not absolutely free from a reacting influence4 ,the only thing that ever has restrained the incursions of these nomadic tribes into such neighbouring lands as offer hope of plunder is the military power of those who endeavour to place a barrier for the protection of the settled community of the cultivated area1 and every ,arab outspread has been due1 not to the pressure of hunger resulting from the desiccation of ,arabia1 nor to religious enthusiasm1 but simply to the weakness of the power which tried to maintain a dam against them4 ,in the #gth century ,a4,d4 the two powers bordering on the ,arab area were the ,byzantine and ,persian empires4 ,both of these were1 to all appearance1 flourishing and stable1 but both alike were in reality greatly weakened by external and internal causes which were closely parallel in the two4 ,externally1 both had been severely shaken by some centuries of warfare in which they had disputed the supremacy of ,western ,asia1 and both had suffered from rear attacks by more barbarous foes4 ,internally1 both alike had a thoroughly unsatisfactory social structure1 though the details differ3 in the ,byzantine ,empire almost the whole burden of a very heavy taxation fell upon the middle classes1 the curiales1 and the armies were mainly composed of foreign mercenaries1 whilst in the ,persian ,empire a rigid caste system stifled natural development4 ,in both we see a state church engaged in active persecution and thereby alienating a large section of the subject population4 ,the career of ,muslim conquest came with great suddenness4 ,between the years #ad and #ba ,a4,h4 7,a4,d4 #fce-fda7 the ,arabs obtained possession of ,syria1 ,iraq1 ,egypt1 and ,persia4 ,they owed to ,islam the united action which made these conquests possible1 but the older ,muslims who had shared the ideals and labours of the ,prophet1 though put at the head1 were carried forward reluctantly and yet irresistibly by the expanding force behind them4 ,many of them viewed these large accessions with very real anxiety4 ,when the second ,khalif ,umar saw the large number of prisoners and captives from ,jall 7,persia7 flocking into ,arabia1 he exclaimed1 8,o1 ,god1 ,i take refuge with thee from the children of these captives of ,jall40 ,already the community of ,islam contained three distinct strata4 7i7 ,the 8old believers10 i4e41 the sahibs or companions of the ,prophet and the early converts who placed the religion of ,islam first and desired that religion to produce a real brotherhood of all believers1 whether ,arab or not4 ,important by their prestige they were numerically in the minority4 7ii7 ,the ,arab party1 consisting of those who had embraced ,islam only when ,muhammad had shown his power by the capture of ,mecca4 ,they accepted ,muslim leadership because ,muhammad and the first two ,khalifs were at the moment in the ascendancy1 but they had no attachment to the religion of ,islam4 ,they were those who would have gone forward to conquest under any efficient leader as soon as it was clear that ,persia and the ,greek ,empire were vulnerable1 and to them it was a detriment that union under a leader incidentally involved adherence to a new religion4 ,at the head of these purely secular ,arabs was the ,umayyad clan of the tribe of ,quraysh1 and the main thing which gained their continued adherence to ,islam was that the ,prophet himself had belonged to that tribe and so the prestige of ,islam involved that of the ,quraysh who thereby became a kind of aristocracy4 ,although the ,umayyads were thus able to gratify their personal pride1 always a strong factor in semi-civilised psychology1 and even to obtain a considerable measure of control over the other tribes1 this only served to perpetuate the pre-,islamic conditions of tribal jealousy1 for the primacy of the ,quraysh was bitterly resented by many rivals4 ,for the most part the true ,arab party was1 and still is1 indifferent towards religion4 8,the genuine ,arab of the desert is1 and remains at heart1 a sceptic and a materialist2 his hard1 clear1 keen1 but somewhat narrow intelligence1 ever alert in its own domain1 was neither curious nor credulous in respect to immaterial and supra-sensual things2 his egotistical and self-reliant nature found no place and felt no need for a ,god who1 if powerful to protect1 was exacting of service and self-denial40 7,browne3 ,literary ,hist4 of ,persia1 i41 pp4 #ahi-aij47 ,the ,arab certainly was not disposed to regard the conquered alien1 even if he embraced ,islam1 as a brother4 ,to him the conquest of foreign lands meant only the acquisition of vast estates1 of great wealth and unlimited power3 to him the conquered were simply serfs to be used as a means of rendering the conquered lands more productive4 ,the conquered were allowed the choice either to embrace ,islam or to pay the poll tax1 but the ,umayyads discouraged conversion as damaging to the revenue1 although the cruel and hated ,hajjaj b4 ,yusuf 7d4 #ie7 forced even converts to pay the tax from which they were legally exempt4 7iii7 ,the third stratum consisted of the 8clients0 7mawla1 plur4 mawl71 the non-,arab converts1 theoretically received as brethren and actually so treated by the 8old believers10 but regarded as serfs by ,arabs of the ,umayyad type4 ,owing to the wide expansion of ,islam these rapidly increased in number until1 in the #bnd century of the ,hijra1 they formed the vast majority of the ,muslim world4 ,the two first ,khalifs were 8old believers0 who had been companions of the ,prophet in his flight from ,mecca4 ,the third1 ,uthman1 had also been one of the ,prophet's companions1 but he was a weak man and moreover1 belonged to the ,umayyad clan1 which1 as the aristocratic element in ,mecca1 was then in the ascendant and1 unable to free himself from the nepotism which is an ,arab failing1 allowed the rich conquests of ,syria1 ,egypt1 ,iraq1 and ,persia to become the prey of ambitious members of the clan and thus suffered the complete secularising of the ,islamic state4 ,when1 in #ce ,a4,h41 he fell a victim to the assassin1 he was succeeded by ,ali1 one of the older ,muslims and the ,prophet's cousin and son-in-law4 ,but at ,ali's accession the internal division appears as an accomplished fact4 ,the purely secular ,arabs1 led by the ,umayyad ,muawiya1 who was governor of ,syria1 entirely refused to recognise ,ali1 affecting to regard him as implicated in the murder of ,uthman1 or at least as protecting his murderers4 ,on the other hand1 the ,kharijite sect1 claiming to represent the older ,muslim type1 but in reality mainly composed of the ,arabs of ,arabia and of the military colonies1 who were envious of the power and wealth of the ,umayyad faction1 at first supported him1 then turned against him1 and in #da were responsible for his assassination4 ,at ,ali's death ,muawiya became ,khalif and founded the ,umayyad dynasty which ruled from #da to #acb ,a4,h4 ,during the whole of this period the official ,khalifate was ,arab first and ,muslim only in the second place4 ,this forms the second period of the history of ,islam when the religion of the ,prophet was allowed to sink into the background and the ,arab regarded himself as the conqueror ruling over a subject population4 ,there was no forcible conversion of a subject population1 indeed1 save in the reign of ,umar ,,ii 7,a4,h4 #ii-aja7 conversions were rather discouraged as detrimental to the poll tax levied on non-,muslims4 ,there was no attempt to force the ,arabic language3 until the reign of ,abdu l-,mlik 7#fe-hf71 who started an ,arabic coinage1 the public records were kept and official business transacted in ,greek1 ,persian1 or ,coptic1 as local requirements demanded1 and the change to ,arabic seems to have been suggested by the non-,muslim clerks4 ,when ,arabic became the official medium of public business then1 of course1 motives of convenience and self-interest caused its general adoption4 ,hitherto it had been used in prayer by those who had become ,muslim1 but now it had to be learned more accurately by all who had to do with the collection of the revenue or the administration of justice4 ,incidentally this became a matter of great importance1 as it provided a common medium for the exchange of thought throughout the whole ,muslim world4 ,as rulers in ,syria1 the ,arabs were in contact with a fully developed culture which was brought to bear upon them in various ways1 in the structure of society and in social order generally1 in the arts and crafts1 and in intellectual life4 ,the ,greek influence was nearest at hand1 but there was also a very strong ,persian element in close contact with them4 ,the provincial officials of ,syria1 all trained in the methods of the ,byzantine ,empire1 continued in their employ1 and1 as ,syria was the seat of the ,umayyad government1 the state came under ,greek influence4 ,yet1 for all this1 even in ,umayyad times1 the ,persian influence seems to have been very strong in political organization4 ,the governments already existing in ,egypt and ,syria were provincial1 dependent upon and subordinate to1 the central government at ,byzantium1 and constantly recruited by ,byzantine officials1 at least in their upper grades4 ,the ,persian government1 on the other hand1 was a self-contained one1 fully organised throughout and including the supreme and central authority4 ,until the fall of the ,umayyads1 after which ,persian influence became supreme1 the political structure of the ,muslim state was somewhat experimental2 apparently the rulers left the details altogether to the subordinate officials who adapted to the needs of the state such elements as they could use from the old provincial administration4 ,in the matter of taxation the early ,khalifate continued the system already in vogue and employed existing methods for the collection of the newly imposed poll tax4 ,it was on this side that the ,umayyad rule was most unsatisfactory4 ,like many who have been bred in poverty and have afterwards suddenly come into great wealth1 the ,arabs behaved as though their wealth was inexhaustible3 each governor bought his appointment from the state and it became a recognised custom for him to exact a cash payment from the outgoing governor1 and then he was free to raise what he could from his defenceless subjects to prepare for the day when his opportunities of exaction came to an end4 ,the thoroughly unsatisfactory condition of the ,umayyad financial system was one of the leading causes of their fall4 ,one of the ,umayyad sheikhs1 named ,minkari1 when asked the reason of their fall1 replied3-- 8,we gave to pleasure the time which should have been devoted to business4 ,our subjects1 harshly treated by us and despairing of obtaining justice1 longed to be delivered from us3 the tax payers1 overburdened with exactions1 were estranged from us3 our lands were neglected1 our resources wasted4 ,we left business to our ministers who sacrificed our interests to their own advantage1 and transacted our affairs as they pleased and without our knowledge4 ,the army1 with its pay always in arrear1 ceased to obey us4 ,and so the small number of our supporters left us without defence against our enemies1 and the ignorance of how we stood was one of the chief causes of our fall40 7,masudi3 vi41 #ce-cf47 ,it will not be unfair to say1 therefore1 that during the ,umayyad period the ,arabs learned practically nothing of the art of government and of the work of administration4 ,they were in the position of prodigal young heirs who leave all details to their men of business and content themselves with squandering the proceeds4 ,in the case of civil law matters were rather different4 ,the civil law is necessarily based on the social and economic structure of the community1 and in the acquired provinces this was so different from that prevailing in ,arabia that it was necessarily forced on the attention of the ,arabs4 ,moreover1 in primitive ,islam1 the line was not clearly drawn between the canon law and the civil law4 ,inheritance1 the taking of pledges1 and such like matters1 were to the ,arabs subject to the direction and sanction of the law of ,god as revealed by his ,prophet4 ,thus1 for example1 ,sura #d1 one of the later ,madinian revelations1 contains a statement of the law relating to guardianship1 inheritance1 marriage1 and kindred topics1 according to the social conditions prevailing at ,madina4 ,but in the ,greek and ,persian dominions the conquering ,arab had to deal with more complex conditions for which the revealed law made no provision1 although what it did contain so far touched the subject that it could not be treated regardless of revelation4 ,it seemed impossible to disregard the revealed precepts and substitute an alien legislation1 although this has been done in the modern ,ottoman ,empire1 but not without many and grave protests2 in the first century it would have been intolerable1 for every disaffected faction would have used it to break up the ,muslim state which was only held together by the prestige of the ,prophetical tradition4 ,we may well suppose that the ,umayyads would have had no reluctance to try the experiment1 but it was too dangerous4 ,the only alternative was to expand the sacred law so as to include new requirements1 and in the ,umayyad period this was done by the addition of a vast number of fictitious traditions professing to relate what the ,prophet had said and done in conditions in which he had never been placed4 ,in describing these traditions as 8fictitious10 it is not necessarily implied that they were fraudulent1 although many were so1 showing an obvious motive in increasing the privileges and rights of the dominant faction or asserting the tribal pre-eminence of the ,quraysh1 etc4 ,but more often they are 8fictitious0 in the sense of legal fictions rightly correcting the actual law in the interests of equity4 ,when entirely new conditions arose1 the question would be asked1 8,how would the ,prophet have acted in this case80 ,the early companions of the ,prophet1 educated in the same environment as he had been educated1 and confident that their outlook was essentially the same as his1 had no hesitation in stating what he would have done or said1 and their statement was almost certainly correct3 but they worded their evidence1 or it was afterwards worded for them1 as a statement of what the ,prophet actually had done or said4 ,and1 later again1 in a subsequent generation1 when new problems arose1 no difficulty was felt in accepting the supposition that the ,prophet would have admitted the reasonable and just solution which the ,roman jurists proposed4 ,thus it finally came to pass that a considerable portion of the ,roman civil law was embodied in the traditions of ,islam 7cf4 ,santillana3 ,code civil et commerciel tunisien4 ,tunis1 #ahii1 etc47 ,it is not to be supposed that ,arab governors and judges studied the ,roman code1 they simply accepted its provisions as they found them in force in ,syria and ,egypt1 and thus learned its general principles from the usage of the civil courts already existing4 ,in many places material is found in the traditions which can be traced to ,zoroastrian1 ,jewish1 and even ,buddhist sources1 though these deal rather with ritual and the description of the unseen world and serve to show how readily ,islam absorbed elements with which it was in contact4 ,so far as the actual needs of the civil law are concerned1 the chief source was the ,roman law1 and these needs fill a very large part of the traditions4 ,it was not until the close of the ,umayyad period that the ,muslims began to develop a scientific jurisprudence and to make a critical examination and codification of the traditions4 ,in the case of jurisprudence there were at first two schools1 a ,syrian and a ,persian4 ,the ,syrian school formulated its system under the leadership of al-,awzai 7d4 #aeg71 and for some time it prevailed over all parts of the ,muslim world which had been parts of the ,byzantine ,empire4 ,the ,persian school owed its origin to ,abu ,hanifa 7d4 #aej7 and1 as the seat of government was removed to ,iraq by the ,abbasids and ,abu ,hanifa's system was enforced by his pupil ,abu ,yusuf 7d4 #ahb7 who was chief ,qadi under the ,khalif ,harunu r-,rashid1 it had a tremendous advantage over the ,syrian school4 ,it became the official system of the ,abbasid courts and still holds its own through ,central ,asia1 ,north ,india1 and wherever the ,turkish element prevails1 whilst the ,syrian system has become extinct4 ,abu ,hanifa's system represents a serious and moderate revision of the methods which had already come into use as extending the discipline of ,islam to the needs of a complex and advanced civilization4 ,under the ,umayyads the jurists had supplemented any deficiencies in the law by their own opinion 7ray7 which meant the application of the judgment of a man trained under the ,roman law as to what was just and fair4 ,in that early period no derogatory sense was attached to 8opinion0 which rested on the theory that the intellect could intuitively perceive what is right and just1 thus assuming that there is an objective standard of right and wrong capable of apprehension by philosophical enquiry1 a theory which shows the influence of ,greek ideas embodied in the ,civil ,code4 ,but the ,abbasid period experienced an orthodox reaction which tended to limit freedom in using speculative opinion1 and ,abu ,hanifa shows this limitation4 ,in his system weight was attached to every positive statement of the ,quran which could be taken as bearing upon the civil law1 only to a slight extent did he avail himself of the evidence of tradition1 to a much larger extent he employs qiyas or 8analogy10 which means that a new condition is judged by comparison with some older one already treated in the ,quran1 and he also employed what he called istihsan1 8the preferable10 that is to say1 what seemed to be equitable and right even when it diverged from the logical conclusion which could be deduced from the revealed law4 ,only in this latter case did he admit what can be described as 8opinion10 and this is strictly limited to the adoption of a course necessary to avoid an obvious injustice4 ,as thus stated1 ,abu ,hanifa's system was broader1 milder1 and more reasonable than any other treatment of the ,islamic law3 but it is a mistake to suppose that it still is mild and reasonable1 for in the course of time the decisions pronounced as to 8the preferable0 have become hardened into precedents and the ,hanifite code expresses only those fixed decisions of early medival ,islam without flexibility4 ,the case is parallel with the ,english treatment of equity4 ,in older times equity shows us the philosophical principles of justice correcting the defects of common law2 but modern practice displays these principles fossilized as precedents and as rigid and formal in their application as the common law itself4 ,as first conceived1 8the preferable0 shows the influence of ,roman law and ,greek philosophy1 both of which contemplated an objective standard of right and wrong which could be discovered by investigation1 the ,stoic teaching1 predominant in ,roman law1 tending to treat this discovery as intuitive4 ,unsupported by other evidence1 we might hesitate to suggest that istihsan necessarily had a ,hellenistic basis1 but when we compare the ideas of ,abu ,hanifa with the contemporary teaching of ,wasil b4 ,ata 7d4 #aca7 in theology1 we are forced to the conclusion that the same influences are at work in both1 and in ,wasil these are certainly derived from ,greek philosophy4 ,we are not justified in supposing that ,abu ,hanifa ever read the ,greek philosophers or the ,roman law1 but he lived at a period when the general principles deduced from these sources were beginning to permeate ,muslim thought1 though in fact his teaching tends to limit and define the application of the general principles according to a system4 ,the older ,muslims supposed that good and evil depend simply on the arbitrary will of ,god1 who commands and forbids as he sees fit3 it was the influence of the ,greek philosophy which brought in the idea that these distinctions are not arbitrary but due to some natural difference existing in nature between good and evil and that ,god is just in that his decrees conform to this standard4 ,in orthodox ,islam there are now four schools of jurisprudence showing allowable differences in the treatment of the canon law4 ,most absurdly they are sometimes described as 8sects03 this they are not as the differences of opinion are fully recognised as all equally orthodox4 ,the followers of ,abu ,hanifa form the most numerous of these schools1 the other three being all more or less reactionary as compared with it4 ,the contemporary ,malik b4 ,anas 7d4 #agi7 was openly actuated by dislike of the admission of istihsan and the recognition thereby given to 8opinion0 for this he substituted what he called istislah or 8public expediency10 allowing analogy to be set aside only when its logical conclusion would be detrimental to the community4 ,the difference seems to be more a verbal correction than a material change1 but the underlying motive is clear and indicates an orthodox reaction4 ,at the same time he attached much greater weight to the evidence of tradition1 adding to it also the principle of ijma or 8consensus10 which in his system meant the common usage of ,madina4 ,undoubtedly ,ibn ,malik's position was theoretically sound3 the ,islamic state had taken form at ,madina and nothing could give so clear light on the policy of the ,prophet and his companions as the local customary law of the mother city4 ,at the same time ,ibn ,malik took tradition quite seriously1 indeed1 the critical and scientific treatment of tradition begins with his manual known as the ,muwatta4 ,to-day ,ibn ,malik's school prevails in ,upper ,egypt and ,north ,africa west of ,egypt4 ,the third authority ash-,shafii 7d4 #bjd7 takes an intermediate position between ,abu ,hanifa and ,ibn ,malik1 interpreting ijma as the general usage of ,islam1 and not of the city of ,madina alone4 ,the fourth authority1 ,ahmad b4 ,hanbal 7d4 #bda71 shows an entirely reactionary position which reverted to a close adherence to ,quran and tradition2 it carried great weight amongst the orthodox1 especially in ,baghdad1 but now survives only in remote parts of ,arabia4 ,in the sphere of the arts and crafts1 our best evidence lies in architecture and engineering4 ,in these the ,arabs had no skill and were conscious of their incapacity4 ,the earliest mosques were simply enclosures surrounded by a plain wall1 but a new type was developed under the first ,umayyad ,khalif ,muawiya1 who employed ,persian non-,muslim builders in the construction of the mosque at ,kufa1 and they worked on the lines of the architecture already used by the ,sasanid kings4 ,in this mosque the traditional square enclosure was retained1 but the quadrangle was surrounded by a cloister in the form of a collonade with pillars #cj cubits high of stone drums held together by iron clamps and lead beddings4 ,from this the cloistered quadrangle became the general type of the congregational mosque and remained so until late ,turkish times1 when it was partly superseded by the ,byzantine domed church4 ,the dome had been used in earlier times only as the covering of a tomb1 standing alone or attached to a mosque4 ,the same ,khalif ,muawiya employed bricks and mortar in restorations which he made at ,mecca1 and introduced ,persian workmen to execute the repairs4 ,in #abd ,a4,h4 7,a4,d4 #gjj7 the fifth ,umayyad ,khalif found it necessary to repair the damage caused at ,mecca by flood1 and for this purpose employed a ,christian architect from ,syria4 ,in the time of the next ,khalif al-,walid1 the 8,old ,mosque0 of ,fustat 7,cairo71 that is now known as the 8,mosque of ,amr10 was rebuilt by the architect ,yahya b4 ,hanzala1 who probably was a ,persian4 ,the earlier mosque had been a simple enclosure4 ,the next oldest mosque of ,cairo1 that of ,ibn ,tulun 7,a4,h4 #bhc7 also had a non-,muslim architect1 the ,christian ,ibn ,katib al-,fargani4 ,not only in the earlier period1 but also in the days of the ,abbasids1 the ,muslims relied exclusively upon ,greek and ,persian1 to a less degree on ,coptic1 architects1 engineers1 and craftsmen for building and decoration4 ,in ,spain of the #bnd century 7#hth century ,a4,d47 we find the ,byzantine ,emperor sending a mosaic worker and #cbj quintals of tessarae for the adorning of the great mosque at ,cordova4 ,in origin all ,muslim art had a ,byzantine beginning1 but the traditions of ,byzantine art received a peculiar direction by passing through a ,persian medium1 and this medium colours all work done after the close of the ,umayyad period4 ,only in the west1 in ,spain1 and to a less degree in ,north ,africa1 do we find traces of direct ,byzantine influence in later times4 ,but ,persian art1 as developed under the later ,sasanids1 was itself derived from ,byzantine models1 and mainly from models and by craftsmen introduced by ,khusraw ,i4 7circ4 ,a4,d4 #ebh72 but even at that early stage there were also some ,indian influences apparent in ,persian and ,east-,byzantine work1 as1 for example1 in the use of the horse shoe arch which first appears in ,western ,asia in the church of ,dana on the ,euphrates1 circ4 ,a4,d4 #edj4 ,but the horse shoe arch in pre-,muslim times1 as in ,india1 is purely decorative and is not employed in construction4 ,thus it appears that the real work of ,islam in art and architecture lay in connecting the various portions of the ,muslim world in one common life1 so that ,syria1 ,persia1 ,iraq1 ,north ,africa1 and ,spain shared the same influences1 which were ultimately ,greek or ,graeco-,persian1 the ,indian element1 of quite secondary importance1 entering directly through ,persia4 ,already before the outspread of ,islam1 ,byzantine art had entirely replaced native models in ,egypt1 and this was largely the case in ,persia as well4 ,at most we can say that ,islam evolved a quasi-,byzantine style which owed its distinctive features to the limitations of the ,persian artists1 but which occasionally attained a better level by the importation of ,byzantine craftsmen4 ,exactly the same general conclusions hold good in the history of the ceramic arts and in the illumination of manuscripts1 though here the observance of the ,quranic prohibition of the portrayal of animal figures1 strictly observed only in some quarters and least regarded in ,persia and ,spain1 caused a greater emphasis to be laid on vegetable forms in decoration1 and on geometrical patterns4 ,in the field of science and philosophy1 where we get such abundant evidence in the ,abbasid period1 we are left with very little material under the ,umayyads4 ,we know that the medical school at ,alexandria continued to flourish1 and we read of one ,adfar1 a ,christian1 who was distinguished as a student of the books of ,hermes1 the occult authority which did most to divert ,egyptian science into a magical direction1 and we are informed that he was sought out by a young ,roman named ,morienus 7,marianos7 who became his pupil and at his master's death retired to a hermitage near ,jerusalem4 ,later on the prince ,khalid b4 ,yazid1 of the ,umayyad family 7d4 #he ,a4,h4--#gjd ,a4,d47 is said to have become the pupil of ,marianos and to have studied with him chemistry1 medicine1 and astronomy4 ,he was the author of three epistles1 in one of which he narrated his conversations with ,marianos1 another relates the manner in which he studied chemistry1 and a third explains the enigmatical allusions employed by his teachers4 ,long before this medical and scientific studies had passed over to ,persia1 but ,alexandria retained its reputation as the chief centre of such work throughout the ,umayyad period4 ,towards the end of the ,umayyad age the influence of ,hellenistic thought begins to appear in the nature of criticism upon accepted views of ,muslim theology4 ,as in jurisprudence1 we have no ground for supposing that ,muslims at this stage were directly acquainted with ,greek material1 but general ideas were obtained by intercourse with those who had been long under ,hellenistic influences1 and especially by intercourse with ,christians amongst whom the premises of psychology1 metaphysics1 and logic had encroached very largely upon the field of theology by the nature of the subjects debated in the ,arian1 ,nestorian1 and ,monophysite controversies which turned mainly upon psychological and metaphysical problems4 ,the ideas with which the ,muslims were brought into contact suggested difficulties in their own theology1 as yet only partially formulated1 and in religious theories which had taken form in a community entirely ignorant of philosophy4 ,some of the older fashioned believers met these questions with a plain negative1 simply refusing to admit that there was a difficulty or any question for consideration3 reason 7aql71 they said1 could not be applied to the revelation of ,god1 and it was alike an innovation to dispute that revelation or to defend it4 ,but others felt the pressure of the questions proposed and1 whilst strictly faithful to the statements of the ,quran1 endeavoured to bring their expression into conformity with the principles of philosophy4 ,the questions first proposed were concerned with 7a7 the revelation of the ,word of ,god1 and 7b7 the problem of free will4 7a7 ,the ,prophet speaks of revelation as 8coming down0 7nazala7 from ,god and refers to the 8mother of the book0 which seems to designate the unrevealed source from which the revealed words are derived4 ,it may be that this refers to the idea of which the word is the expression1 and that in this the ,prophet was influenced by ,christian or ,jewish theories which had originally a ,platonic colouring1 but it seems probable that he had no very clear theory as to the 8mother of the book40 ,at an early date the view arose that the ,quran had existed1 though not expressed in words1 that the substance and meaning were eternal as part of the wisdom of ,god1 though it had been put into words in time and then communicated to the ,prophet1 which is now the orthodox teaching on the basis of ,qur4 #hj4 #ae4 that it was written 8by the hands of scribes honoured and righteous10 this being taken to mean that it was written at ,god's dictation by supernatural beings in paradise and afterwards sent down to the ,prophet4 ,that is not the necessary meaning of the verse1 which may refer to the previous revelations made to the ,jews and ,christians which the ,prophet regarded as true but afterwards corrupted1 so that the ,quran is simply the pure transcription of ,divine ,truth imperfectly represented by those earlier revelations4 ,under the ,umayyads1 when a rigid orthodoxy was taking form in quarters not sympathetic towards the official ,khalif1 a view arose that the actual words expressed in the ,quran were co-eternal with ,god1 and it was only the writing down of these words which had taken place in time4 ,it seems probable that this theory of an eternal 8word0 was suggested by the ,christian doctrine of the 8,logos40 ,it can be traced primarily to the teaching of ,st4 ,john ,damascene 7d4 circ4 #afj ,a4,h4 ,a4,d4 #ggf7 who served as secretary of state under one of the ,umayyads1 either ,yazid ,,ii4 or ,hijam1 and his pupil ,theodore ,abucara 7d4 #bag #hcb71 who express the relation of the ,christian ,logos to the ,eternal ,father in terms very closely resembling those employed in ,muslim theology to denote the relation between the ,quran or revealed word and ,god4 7cf4 ,von ,kremer3 ,streifzuege4 pp4 #g-i74 ,we know from the extant works of these two ,christian writers that theological discussions between ,muslims and ,christians were by no means uncommon at the time4 ,the ,mutazilites of whom ,wasil b4 ,ata 7d4 #aca7 is generally regarded as the founder1 were a sect of rationalistic tendencies1 and they were opposed to the doctrine of the eternity of the ,quran and the claim that it was uncreated because the conclusions to be drawn seemed to them to introduce distinct personalities corresponding to the persons of the ,christian ,trinity1 and in these views they were undoubtedly influenced by the form in which ,st4 ,john ,damascene presented the doctrine of the ,trinity4 ,as it was implied that there was an attribute of wisdom possessed by ,god which was not a thing created by ,god but eternally with him1 and this wisdom may be conceived as not absolutely identical with ,god but possessed by him1 the ,mutazilites argued that it was something co-eternal with ,god but other than ,god1 and so an eternal ,quran was a second person of the ,godhead and ,god was not absolutely one4 ,al-,muzdar1 a ,mutazilite greatly revered as an ascetic1 expressly denounces those who believe in an eternal ,quran as ditheists4 ,the ,mutazilites called themselves ,ahlu t-,tawhid wa-l-,adl 8the people of unity and justice10 the first part of this title implying that they alone were consistent defenders of the doctrine of the ,divine ,unity4 7b7 ,as to the freedom or otherwise of the human will1 the ,quran is perfectly definite in its assertion of ,god's omnipotence and omniscience3 all things are known to him and ruled by him1 and so human acts and the rewards and punishments due to men must be included3 8no misfortune happens either on earth or in yourselves but we made it1--it was in the book0 7,qur4 #eg4 #bb72 8everything have ,we set down in the clear book of our decrees0 7,qur4 #cf72 8had ,we pleased ,we had certainly given to every soul its guidance1 but true is the word which hath gone forth from me1--,i shall surely fill hell with jinn and men together40 7,qur4 #cb4 #ac74 ,yet the appeal for moral conduct implies a certain responsibility1 and consequently freedom1 on man's part4 ,in the mind of the ,prophet1 no doubt1 the inconsistency between moral obligations and responsibility on the one hand1 and the unlimited power of ,god on the other1 had not been perceived1 but towards the end of the ,umayyad period these were pressed to their logical conclusions4 ,on the one side were the ,qadarites 7qadr 8power071 the advocates of free will4 ,this doctrine first appears in the teaching of ,mabad al-,yuhani 7d4 #hj ,a4,h47 who is said to have been the pupil of the ,persian ,sinbuya and taught in ,damascus4 ,very little is known of the early ,qadarites1 but it is stated that ,sinbuya was put to death by the ,khalif ,abdu l-,malik1 and that the ,khalif ,yazid ,,ii4 7#ajb-ajf ,a4,h47 favoured their views4 ,on the other side were the ,jabarites 7jabr1 8compulsion07 who preached strict determinism and were founded by the ,persian ,jahm b4 ,safwan 7d4 circ4 #acj74 ,it is baseless to argue that either free will or determinism were necessarily due to ,persian pre-,islamic beliefs1 it is evident that the logical deduction of doctrinal theology in either direction was done by ,persians2 they were1 indeed1 the theologians of early ,islam4 ,it must be noted that the full development of fatalism was not reached until a full century after the foundation of ,islam and that its first exponent was put to death as a heretic4 ,the earlier ,qadarites had a ,persian origin1 but the reaction against the ,jabarites was led by ,wasil b4 ,ata whose teaching clearly shows the solvent force of ,hellenistic philosophy acting on ,muslim theology4 ,wasil was the pupil of the ,qadarite ,hasan ibn ,abi l-,hasan 7d4 #aaj7 but he 8seceded0 from his teacher and this is given as the traditional reason for calling him and his followers the ,mutazila or 8secession10 and did so on the ground of the apparent injustice imputed to ,god in his apportionment of rewards and penalties4 ,the details of the controversy are quite secondary1 the important point is that the ,mutazilites claimed to be 8the people of ,unity and ,justice10 this latter meaning that ,god conformed to an objective standard of just and right action so that he could not be conceived as acting arbitrarily and in disregard of justice1 an idea borrowed from ,hellenistic philosophy for the older ,muslim conception regarded ,god as acting as he willed and the standard of right and wrong merely a dependent on his will4 ,throughout the whole ,umayyad period we see the conquering ,arabs1 so far the rulers of the ,muslim world1 in contact with those who1 though treated with arrogant contempt as serfs1 were really in possession of a much fuller culture than their rulers4 ,in spite of the haughty attitude of the ,arab there was a considerable exchange of thought1 and the community of ,islam began to absorb ,hellenistic influences in several directions1 and so the canon law and theology of the ,muslims was beginning1 at the end of the ,umayyad period1 to be leavened by ,greek thought4 ,it was1 however1 a period of indirect influence2 there is no indication1 save in a few instances in the study of natural science and medicine1 of ,muslim teachers or students availing themselves directly of ,greek material1 but only that they were in contact with those who were familiar with the work of ,greek philosophers and jurists4 ,it was a period of suspended animation1 to some extent1 during which a new language and a new religion were being assimilated by the very diverse elements now comprised in the ,khalifate1 and those elements were being welded together in a common life4 ,however great were the sectarian and political differences of later times1 the church of ,islam long remained1 and to a great extent still remains1 possessed with a common life in the sense that there is a mutual understanding between the several parts and that thus an intellectual or religious influence has been able to pass rapidly from one extreme to the other1 and the religious duty of pilgrimage to ,mecca has done much to foster this community of life and to promote intercourse between the several parts4 ,such an understanding has by no means always produced sympathy or friendliness1 and the various movements as they have passed from one part to the other have often been considerably modified in the passage2 but the motive power behind a movement in ,persia has been intelligible in ,muslim ,spain--though perhaps intensely disliked there--and most often a movement beginning in any one district has sooner or later had some contact with every other district4 ,there is no such division in ,islam as that which prevents the average ,english churchman from knowing about and appreciating a religious movement at work in the ,coptic or ,serbian church4 ,the common life of ,islam is largely based on the use of the ,arabic language as the medium of daily life1 or at least of prayer and the medium of scholarship1 and this was extremely effective before the inclusion of large ,turkish and ,indian elements which have never really become ,arabic speaking4 ,it was this which made the ,arabic speaking community of ,islam so favourable a medium of cultural transmission4 ,the ,umayyad period was a marking time during which this common life was being evolved1 and with it was evolved necessarily the bitterness of sectarian and faction divisions which always result when divergent types are in too close contact with one another4 ,,chapter ,,iii ,,the ,,coming ,,of ,,the ,,abbasids ,the rule of the ,umayyads had been a period of tyrannical oppression on the part of the ,arab rulers upon their non-,arab subjects and especially upon the mawali or converts drawn from the native population of the conquered provinces who not only were not admitted to equality1 as was the professed principle of the religion of ,islam1 but were treated simply as serfs4 ,this was in no sense due to religious persecution1 for it was the converts who were the most aggrieved1 nor was it due to a racial antipathy as between a ,semitic and an ,aryan people1 nor yet to anything that could be described as a 8national0 feeling on the part of the ,persians and other conquered races1 but simply a species of 8class0 feeling due to the contempt felt by the ,arabs for those whom they had conquered and hatred on the part of the conquered towards their arrogant masters1 a hatred intensified by disgust at their misgovernment and ignorance of the traditions of civilization4 ,there were other causes also which helped to intensify this feeling of hatred especially in the case of the ,persians4 ,amongst these was a semi-religious feeling1 even amongst those who had become converts to ,islam4 ,it had been the old usage of the ,persians to regard the ,sasanid kings1 the descendants of the legendary kayani dynasty of heroes who had first established a settled community in ,persia1 as bagh not quite perhaps what we should understand as 8gods10 but rather as incarnations of deity1 the divine spirit passing on by transmigration from one ruler to another1 and so they ascribed to the king miraculous powers and worshipped him as the shrine of a divine presence4 ,at the ,muslim conquest the ,sasanid kings had not only ceased to rule1 but the dynasty had become extinct4 ,many of the ,persians who1 in spite of adopting ,islam1 still clung to their old ideas1 were quite ready to treat the ,khalif with the same adoration as their kings1 but felt a distinct distaste for the theory of the ,khalifate according to which the ,khalif was no more than a chieftain elected in the democratic fashion of the desert tribes1 a thing which seemed to them like reversion to primitive barbarism4 ,our own experience in dealing with oriental races has shown us that there is a great deal which must be taken seriously in ideas of this kind4 ,of course those who had been subjects of the ,roman ,empire had no inclination towards deifying their rulers1 unless perhaps some who had been only recently incorporated from more oriental elements3 but those who had been under ,persian rule craved a deified prince4 ,in ,a4,h4 #ada-adb this took the form of an attempt to deify the ,khalif by a fanatical sect of ,persian origin known as the ,rawandiyya which broke out into open revolt when the ,khalif refused to be treated as a god and cast their leaders into prison3 the members of the sect1 and many other of their fellow-countrymen1 considered that a ,khalif was no valid sovereign who refused to be recognised as a deity4 ,from the second century of the ,hijra down to modern times there has been a continuous stream of pseudo-prophets who have claimed to be gods1 or successful leaders who have been deified by their followers4 ,the latest of these appears in the earlier phases of the ,babi movement1 ,a4,d4 #ahdd-aheb1 though the doctrines of re-incarnation and of the presence of the divine spirit in the leader seem to be less emphasized in present day ,babism1 at least in this country and ,america4 ,the most prevalent form of these ideas occurs in the essentially ,persian movement known as the ,shia or 8schismatics40 ,these are divided into two types1 both alike holding that the succession of the ,prophet is confined to the hereditary descendants of ,ali the cousin and son-in-law of the ,prophet to whom alone was given the divine right of the ,imamate or leadership4 ,the two types differ in the meaning of this ,imamate1 the one group contenting itself with maintaining that ,ali and his descendants have a divine authority whereby the ,imams are the only legitimate rulers of ,islam and its infallible guides2 of this moderate type of ,shia is the religion of ,morocco and the form prevalent about ,sana in ,south ,arabia4 ,the other group presses the claim that the ,imam is the incarnation of a divine spirit1 sometimes asserting that it was only by fraud that the prophet ,muhammad interposed and acted as spokesman for the divine ,imam ,ali4 ,of this type is the ,shia which forms the state religion of modern ,persia1 spreading westwards into ,mesopotamia and eastwards into ,india4 ,the commonest belief1 prevalent in the modern ,shia1 is that there were twelve ,imams of whom ,ali was the first1 and ,muhammad al-,muntazar1 who succeeded at the death of his father the eleventh ,imam al-,hasan al-,askari in #bfj ,a4,h4 7 ,a4,d4 #hgc7 was the last4 ,soon after his accession ,muhammad ,al-,muntazar 8vanished0 at ,samrr1 the town which served as the ,abbasid capital from ,a4,h4 #bbb to #bgi4 ,the mosque at ,samrr is said to cover an underground vault into which he disappeared and from which he will emerge again to resume his office when the propitious time has arrived1 and the place whence he is to issue forth is one of the sacred spots visited by ,shiite pilgrims4 ,meanwhile the ,shahs and princes are ruling the faithful only as deputies of the concealed ,imam4 ,the disappearance of ,muhammad al-,muntazar took place more than a century after the fall of the ,umayyads but we have anticipated in order to show the general tendency of the ,shiite ideas which were prevalent even in ,umayyad times1 especially in ,northern ,persia1 and did much to promote the revolt against the secularised ,umayyad rule4 ,a curious importance also is attached to the date4 ,the disaffection of the mawali came to a head towards the end of the first century of the ,muslim era4 ,there was a general belief that the completion of the century would see the end of existing conditions1 just as in ,western ,europe the year #ajjj ,a4,d4 was expected to mark the dawn of a new world4 ,dissatisfaction was at its height1 especially in ,khurasan1 and the disaffected for the most part rallied round the ,alids4 ,the ,alid claims which did so much to overthrow the ,umayyad dynasty and indirectly led to the bringing forward of the ,persian element by which the transmission of ,hellenistic culture was most furthered1 are best understood by the help of a genealogical table4 al-,hanafiya 7#a7 ,ali ,fatima ,muhammad 7#b7 ,hasan 7#c7 ,husayn ,abu ,hashim 7#d7 ,ali ,zayn ,zayd 7#e7 ,muhammad al-,bakir 7#f7 ,jafar as-,sadiq ,ismail 7#g7 ,musa al-,qazam ,muhammad 7#h7 ,ali ar-,rida 7#i7 ,muham4 al-,jawad 7#aj7 ,ali al-,hadi 7#aa7 ,hasan al-,askari 7#ab7 ,muham4 al-,muntazar ,ali had two wives1 7i7 al-,hanafiya1 by whom he had a son ,muhammad1 and 7ii7 ,fatima1 the daughter of the ,prophet ,muhammad1 by whom he had two sons1 ,hasan and ,husayn4 ,all the ,alid party believed that ,ali should have succeeded the ,prophet by divine right and regarded the first three ,khalifs as usurpers4 ,already under the third ,khalif ,uthman the dissatisfied mawla element had begun to look to ,ali as their champion1 and he in the true spirit of early ,islam supported their claim to the rights of brotherhood as fellow ,muslims4 ,this partisanship received its extreme expression in the preaching of the ,jewish convert ,abdu b4 ,saba1 who declared the divine right of ,ali to the ,khalifate as early as ,a4,h4 #cb4 ,ali himself apparently did not take so pronounced a view1 but certainly regarded himself as in some degree injured by his exclusion4 ,in #ce ,ali was appointed ,khalif and ,ibn ,saba then declared that he was not only ,khalif by divine right1 but that a divine spirit had passed from the ,prophet to him1 so that he was raised to a supernatural level4 ,this theory ,ali himself repudiated4 ,when he was assassinated in #dj ,abdu declared that his martyred soul had passed to heaven and would in due course descend to earth again3 his spirit was in the clouds1 his voice was heard in the thunder1 the lightning was his rod4 ,the ,umayyad party led by ,muawiya never submitted to ,ali1 although they did not question the legitimacy of his appointment4 ,at his death ,muawiya became the fifth ,khalif1 but had to face the claims of al-,hasan1 ,ali's son4 ,al-,hasan made terms with ,muawiya and died in #di1 poisoned1 it was commonly stated4 ,the other son1 al-,husayn1 tried to enforce his claim1 but met a tragic death at ,kerbela4 ,after al-,husayn's death some of the ,alid partisans recognised ,muhammad the son of ,ali and al-,hanafiya as the fourth ,imam2 he1 it is true1 disowned these supporters1 but that was a detail to which they paid no attention4 ,his supporters were known as ,kaysanites1 and owed their origin to ,kaysan1 a freedman of ,ali1 who formed a society for the purpose of avenging the deaths of al-,hasan and al-,husayn4 ,when this ,muhammad died in #ha his followers divided into two sections1 some accepting the fact of his death1 others supposing that he had simply passed into concealment to appear again in due course4 ,this idea of a 8concealed0 ,imam was a heritage from the older religious theories of ,persia and recurs again and again in ,shia history4 ,the important point is that both sections of this party continued to exist all through the ,umayyad period1 steadily refusing to recognise the official ,khalifa as more than usurpers1 and looking forward to the day when they could avenge the martyrdom of ,ali and his sons4 ,we need not linger over the family of al-,hasan and his descendants4 ,they were involved in ,alid risings at ,madina1 and after the suppression of one of these in #afi1 long after the fall of the ,umayyads1 ,idris the great-grandson of al-,hasan escaped to the far ,west and established a 8moderate0 ,shiite ,dynasty in what is now ,morocco1 so that the subsequent history of that house concerns the history of the ,west4 ,most of the ,shiites regard the third ,imam1 al-,husayn as being succeeded by his son ,ali ,zayn4 ,al-,husayn1 like al-,hasan1 was not only the son of ,ali1 but also of the ,prophet's daughter1 ,fatima4 ,in al-,husayn's case moreover there was another heritage which ultimately proved more important than descent from either ,ali or ,fatima3 he was generally supposed to have married the daughter of the last of the ,persian kings1 the 8mother of the ,imams10 and this traditional marriage with the ,persian princess1--its historical evidence is very dubious--has been regarded by the ,persian ,shiites as the most important factor in the ,imamate1 although this1 of course1 has nothing whatever to do with the religion of ,islam4 ,that so great weight could be attached to such a consideration serves to show how really foreign and non-,muslim a thing the ,shia is4 ,ali ,zayn had two sons1 ,zayd and ,muhammad al-,bakir4 ,of these ,zayd was a pupil of ,wasil b4 ,ata and associated with the ,mutazilite movement3 he is generally regarded as a rationalist4 ,indeed1 as we shall now see frequently1 the heretical ,shiite party was very generally mixed up with free thought and frequently shows adherence to ,greek philosophy3 it seems as though its inspiring spirit was hostility towards orthodox ,islam1 and a readiness to ally itself with anything which tended to criticize unfavourably the orthodox doctrines4 ,zayd had a body of followers who established themselves in ,north ,persia where they held their own for some time1 and a branch of their party still exists in ,south ,arabia1 still suspected of rationalist proclivities4 ,most of the ,shiites1 however1 recognised ,muhammad al-,bakir as the fifth ,imam1 and ,jafar as-,sadiq as the sixth4 ,this latter also was a devoted follower of the 8new learning10 that is to say1 of ,hellenistic philosophy1 and is generally regarded as the founder1 or at least the chief exponent1 of what are known as batinite views1 that is to say the allegorical interpretation of the ,quran1 so that revelation is made to mean1 not the literal statement1 but an inner meaning1 and this inner meaning generally shows a strong influence of ,hellenistic philosophy4 ,it is only the divinely directed ,imam who can expound the true meaning of the ,quran which remains a sealed book to the uninitiated4 ,jafar was1 it would appear1 the first of the ,alids who openly asserted that he was a divine incarnation as well as an inspired teacher3 his predecessors had done no more than acquiesce in such claims when made by their followers1 and very often had repudiated them4 ,abu ,hashim1 the son of ,muhammad b4 al-,hanafiya1 died in #ih ,a4,h4 poisoned1 it was generally believed1 by the ,khalif ,sulayman1 and bequeathed his rights to ,muhammad b4 ,ali b4 ,abdullah1 a descendant of the house of ,hashim1 to which the ,prophet and ,ali had belonged1 the rival clan of the ,quraysh tribe opposed to the clan of the ,umayyads4 ,abu ,hashim assumed that the ,imamate was his to be passed on to whom he saw fit1 a view of the ,imamate which was not accepted by the stricter ,shiites who were legitimists1 but the partisans of ,abu ,hashim do not seem to have been extremists in spite of their ,kaysanite origin4 ,in #ii the ,khalifate passed to ,umar ,,ii4 the one ,umayyad who showed ,alid sympathies1 putting an end to the public cursing of ,ali which had formed part of the public ritual in the mosques of ,damascus since the days of ,muawiya and who represented a type of personal piety to which the ,umayyad ,khalifs had hitherto been strangers4 ,his brief reign of less than three years did not1 however1 remove the evils of tyranny and misgovernment1 and he was followed by other rulers more in conformity with the old bad type4 ,about the time of ,umar's death a deputation of ,shiites waited upon ,muhammad b4 ,ali the ,hashimite1 a man of noted piety and the one who had now become1 as legatee of ,abu ,hashim the son of ,muhammad b4 al-,hanafiya1 the recognised head of an important wing of the ,shiites1 and swore to support him in an endeavour to obtain the ,khalifate 8that ,god may quicken justice and destroy oppression0 7,dinwari3 ,akhbaru t-,tiwal4 ed4 ,guirgass1 ,leiden4 p4 #ccd73 and ,muhammad had answered that 8this is the season of what we hope and desire1 because one hundred years of the calendar are completed40 7id47 ,the supporters of the family of ,muhammad b4 al-,hanafiya1 who had now transferred their allegiance to ,muhammad b4 ,ali1 were extremely important1 not so much by reason of their numbers as by their excellent organisation4 ,they had developed a regular system of missionaries 7dai1 plur4 duat7 who travelled under the guise of merchants and confined their teaching to private instructions and informal intercourse1 a method which has become the standard type of ,muslim missionary propaganda4 ,by ,abu ,hashim's death and legacy ,muhammad b4 ,ali found this very fully organised missionary work at his service1 and its emissaries were fully confident that his acceptance of the overtures of the ,shiite deputation meant that he stood as the champion of ,shiite claims4 ,the stricter ,shiites who followed the house of al-,husayn did not admit the claims of ,muhammad b4 al-,hanafiya or his descendants1 but they supported ,muhammad b4 ,ali's efforts under the impression that he was a ,shiite champion4 ,the propaganda in favour of ,muhammad b4 ,ali is sometimes referred to as ,abbasid because he was descended from al-,abbas1 one of the three sons of ,abdu l-,muttalib1 and so brother of ,abu ,talib the father of the ,imam ,ali and of ,abdullah who was grandfather of the ,prophet ,muhammad4 ,at the time1 however1 the missionaries claimed rather to be the supporters of the ,hashimites1 a term which was ambiguous1 perhaps intentionally so4 ,it was afterwards explained as referring to the house of ,hashim which was the rival clan of the ,quraysh opposed to the ,umayyads and that to which the ,prophet1 and ,ali1 and al-,abbas belonged3 but in the minds of many of the ,shiites it was taken to mean the followers of ,abu ,hashim1 the grandson of ,al-,hanafiya4 ,muhammad b4 ,ali died in #abf ,a4,h4 leaving three sons1 ,ibrahim1 ,abu l-,abbas1 and ,abu ,jafar1 the first of these being recognised as his successor4 ,about the same time ,abu ,muslim1 who became governor of ,khurasan in #abi comes into prominence4 ,it is dubious whether he was an ,arab or a native of ,iraq 7cf4 ,masudi4 vi4 #ei71 indeed1 the claim was made that he was a descendant of ,gandarz1 one of the ancient kings of ,persia 7id47 ,now ,khurasan was the area most disaffected towards the ,umayyads1 and there the ,hashimite missionaries had been most active and successful4 ,abu ,muslim threw himself into this work heartily and began gathering together an armed body of men who before long numbered #bjj1jjj4 ,information and warning was sent to the ,khalif ,marwan ,,ii4 but was ignored3 indeed the court at ,damascus took no notice until #acj4 ,abu ,muslim at length openly raised the black standard as the signal of revolt against the ,umayyads whose official colour was white4 ,then all the ,khalif did was to seize ,muhammad b4 ,ali's son ,ibrahim and put him to death4 ,the other two sons escaped and fled to ,kufa where they were sheltered and concealed by some ,shiites1 the second son ,abu l-,abbas1 known to history as as-,saffah 8the butcher0 being recognised as the ,hashimite leader4 ,abu ,muslim's success was rapid and complete1 and in #acb the ,umayyad dynasty was overthrown and partly exterminated1 and so 8the butcher0 became the first of the ,abbasid ,khalifs1 so called as being of the family of al-,abbas the son of ,abdu l-,muttalib4 ,as soon as the ,khalif ,abu l-,abbas was seated on the throne his chief aim was to secure the establishment of his dynasty by getting rid of all possible rivals1 and it was the vigour he showed in doing this which earned for him the title of 8the ,butcher40 ,first of all he hunted down and slew all the representatives he could find of the ,umayyad family4 ,one of these escaped1 ,abdu r-,rahman1 and went to ,africa where he endeavoured to form a body of supporters without success1 and then crossed over to ,spain where in #ach he established himself at ,cordova1 and there he and his descendants ruled until #dbb ,a4,h4 ,these ,spanish ,umayyads claimed to be legitimist rulers1 but never assumed the divine claims of the ,alid section4 ,abu ,muslim1 who had done most to establish the ,umayyad dynasty1 next provoked the ,khalif's jealousy1 probably with good cause for he was indignant to find that 8the ,butcher0 was no sooner on the throne than he entirely discarded the ,shiites who had helped to place him there1 and so within the first year of the ,abbasid rule ,abu ,muslim was put to death4 ,the fall of the ,umayyads brought an end to the tyranny of the ,arab minority1 as it now was1 and placed the preponderance for a clear century 7,a4,h4 #acb-bcb7 in ,persian hands4 ,the government was remodelled on ,persian lines1 and to ,persian influence was due the institution of the wazir or responsible minister at the head of the executive4 ,the title is probably identical with the ,old ,persian vi-chir or 8overseer0 7thus ,darmesteter3 ,etudes ,iraniennes i4 p4 #eh4 note #c472 before this the chief minister was simply clerk 7ktib7 or adviser 7mushir7 and was simply one of the ,khalif's attendants who was employed to conduct correspondence1 or to give advice when occasion required4 ,in #ace the noble ,persian family of ,barmecides began to supply wazirs1 and these controlled the policy of the ,khalifate until #ahi4 ,from the time of al-,mansur 7,a4,h4 #acf-aeh7 onwards the ,persians began to assert their pre-eminence and a party was formed known as the ,shuubiyya or 8anti-,arab party0 of those who held1 not only that the alien converts were equal to the ,arabs1 but that the ,arabs were a half savage and inferior race in all respects1 contrasting unfavourably with the ,persians1 ,syrians1 and ,copts4 ,this party produced considerable mass of controversial literature in which free course was given to the general dislike felt towards the ,arabs and which reveals the intensity of the contempt and hatred felt towards these parvenus4 ,the ,arabs had boasted of their racial descent and had devoted much attention to the keeping of their genealogies1 at least in the century immediately preceding the rise of ,islam2 as they had then only just commenced to count descent in the father's line these genealogies were purely fictitious in so far as they dealt with pre-,islamic ancestors4 ,the ,arabs were in fact a parvenu people only just emerging out of barbarism 7cf4 ,lammens3 ,le berceau de l'islam4 p4 #aag74 ,but the ,persians1 no less careful about genealogical records1 to which their caste system had caused them to pay considerable attention1 boasted authentic genealogies of much greater antiquity4 ,in literature1 in science1 in ,muslim canon law1 in theology1 and even in the scientific treatment of ,arabic grammar1 the ,persians very rapidly surpassed the ,arabs1 so that we must be careful always to refer to ,arabic philosophy1 ,arabic science1 etc41 in the history of ,muslim culture1 rather than to ,arab philosophy1 etc41 remembering that1 though expressed in the ,arabic language1 the common medium of all the ,muslim world1 only in a very few cases was it the work of ,arabs3 for the most part the ,arabic philosophers and scientists1 historians1 grammarians1 theologians1 and jurists were ,persians1 ,turks1 or ,berbers by birth1 though using the ,arabic language4 ,the fall of the ,umayyads and the replacing of the ,arabs by the ,persians commences the golden age of ,arabic literature and scholarship4 ,the older ,arabic literature1 that namely which was written by ,arabs as yet untouched by external influences1 consists entirely of poetry1 the work of professional bards who sing of desert life and warfare1 lament over the deserted camping grounds1 boast of their tribe1 and abuse their enemies4 ,it forms a distinct class of poetic composition1 which has developed its own literary standards1 and attained a high standard of excellence in its way4 ,in many respects this older ,arab poetry makes a special appeal to us1 it shows an observation of nature which is very striking1 it has an undercurrent of melancholy which seems an echo of the desert1 and an emotional side which seems convincing in its reality4 ,at the same time it has very distinct limitations in its range of interest and subject matter4 ,undoubtedly a careful study of this early ,arab poetry is a necessary preparation for a proper appreciation of the literary forms of ,arabic and of its oldest vocabulary and syntax1 and of recent years much attention has been given to it4 ,but this older ,arabic poetry1 apparently a native production1 but possibly influenced in pre-,islamic times by some external contacts as yet undefined1 comes to an end soon after the fall of the ,umayyads1 save in ,spain1 where1 under the exiled and fugitive remnant of the ,umayyad dynasty1 the production of such poetry survived4 ,but this type of poetry is really outside our present enquiry1 save to note that it was a ,persian scholar1 ,hammad b4 ,sabur ar-,rawiya 7d4 circ4 #aef-aei7 who collected and edited the seven ancient ,arabic poems known as the ,muallaqat or 8suspended10 i4e41 the catena or series1 and thus set what may be called the classical standard of the ancient poetry and vocabulary4 ,at the accession of the ,abbasids the old ,arab type passes away and the intellectual guidance of the ,muslim community passes into the hands of the ,persians4 ,,chapter ,,iv ,,the ,,translators ,one of the first and most significant indications of the new orientation of ,muslim thought was the extensive production of ,arabic translations of works dealing with philosophical and scientific subjects1 with the result that eighty years after the fall of the ,umayyads the ,arabic speaking world possessed ,arabic translations of the greater part of the works of ,aristotle1 of the leading neo-,platonic commentators1 of some of the works of ,plato1 of the greater part of the works of ,galen1 and portions of other medical writers and their commentators1 as well as of other ,greek scientific works and of various ,indian and ,persian writings4 ,this period of activity in translating falls into two stages1 the first from the accession of the ,abbasids to the accession of al-,mamun 7,a4,h4 #acb-aih71 when a large amount of work was done by various independent translators1 largely ,christians1 ,jews1 and recent converts from non-,islamic religions2 the second under al-,mamun and his immediate successors1 when the work of translation mainly centered in the academy newly founded at ,baghdad1 and a consistent effort was made to render the material necessary for philosophical and scientific research available for the ,arabic speaking student4 ,the earlier translation work is especially associated with ,abdullah b4 al-,muqaffa1 a native of ,fars and originally a ,zoroastrian1 who made his profession of faith before a brother of ,muhammad b4 ,ali1 the father of as-,saffah1 and became his secretary4 ,presuming on his employer's protection he ventured to make derisive and impertinent remarks to ,arab dignitaries and especially to ,sufyan1 the governor of ,basra1 whom he used to salute with a lewd jest against his mother's chastity4 ,it seems that men of ,arab birth who held political office under the early ,abbasids often had to put up with such insults from the ex-serfs4 ,after an unsuccessful attempt at revolt by another of the ,khalif's uncles ,ibn al-,muqaffa was directed to prepare a draft letter of pardon to be presented to the ,khalif al-,mansur1 who succeeded his brother as-,saffah1 for his official seal1 but he drew up the letter in such terms as to arouse the ,khalif's indignation2 amongst other things the letter said1 8if at any time the ,commander of the ,faithful act perfidiously towards his uncle ,abdullah b4 ,ali1 his wives shall be divorced from him1 his horses shall be confiscated for the service of ,god 7in war71 his slaves shall become free1 and the ,muslims loosed from their allegiance to him40 ,the ,khalif enquired who had prepared this letter and on being informed directed ,sufyan to put him to death4 ,pleased thus to gratify his personal rancour the governor of ,basra executed ,ibn al-,muqaffa with great cruelty1 though the details differ in different accounts1 in ,a4,h4 #adb or #adc4 ,although conforming to ,islam1 ,ibn al-,muqaffa was generally regarded as a ,zindiq1 a term properly signifying a ,manichan but used loosely by the ,arabic writers to denote a member of one of the ,persian religions who professed outward conformity to ,islam1 but secretly adhered to his own creed1 or as a term of abuse to denote a heretic of any sort4 ,the word itself is a ,persian rendering of siddiq or 8initiate10 a title assumed by full members of the ,manichan sect4 ,it implies the possession of esoteric knowledge and from this idea rose the practice common amongst the ,shiite sects of concealing their real beliefs from general profession and assuming the external appearance of orthodoxy4 ,masudi 7viii4 #bic7 states that 8many heresies arose after the publication of the works of ,mani1 ,ibn ,daysan1 and ,marcion translated from ,persian and ,pahlawi into ,arabic by ,abdullah b4 al-,muqaffa and others40 ,under al-,mansur and by his orders1 translations were made from ,greek1 ,syriac1 and ,persian1 the ,syriac and ,persian books being themselves translations from ,greek or ,sanskrit4 ,the best known work of ,ibn ,muqaffa1 was the translation of the ,kalila wa-,dimna or 8,fables of ,bidpai0 from the ,old ,persian which was itself a translation from the ,sanskrit4 ,ibn al-,muqaffa's translation into ,arabic is generally regarded as a standard model of ,arabic prose4 ,the ,persian original is lost1 but a version in ,syriac made from it by the ,nestorian missionary ,budh1 about ,a4,d4 #egj1 is extant and has been published 7ed4 ,bickell and ,benfey4 #ahgf72 the ,sanskrit original also is lost in what was presumably its earlier form1 but we find its material in a much expanded form in two ,sanskrit books1 7i7 in the ,panchatantra1 which contains the stories which appear as #e1 #g1 #h1 #i1 #aj1 #ag1 of de ,sacy's ,arabic text1 and 7ii7 the ,mahabharata1 which contains chapters #aa1 #ab1 #ac4 ,evidently the old ,syriac of ,budh1 a translation of the ,persian translation of the original1 is the best representative of the older form of the text4 ,the ,arabic version of ,ibn al-,muqaffa shows a number of interpolations and additions which all1 of course1 appear in the derived versions1 in the later ,syriac1 the several medival ,persian translations which are made from the ,arabic and not from the old ,persian1 and in the numerous ,latin1 ,hebrew1 ,spanish1 ,persian1 and ,greek versions4 ,it was this ,arabic translation which gave to the book a wider circulation than possessed before or than it could ever have had1 and introduced it to the western world4 ,the case was exactly parallel with ,aristotle and similar material3 ,arabic became a medium of extremely wide transmission and the additions made as material passed through ,arabic received a wide circulation also4 ,ibn ,muqaffa lived in the reign of al-,mansur and during that same period we are told 7,masudi4 viii4 #bia-b7 that ,arabic versions were made of several treatises of ,aristotle1 of the ,almagesta of ,ptolemy1 of the book of ,euclid1 and other material from the ,greek4 ,about #aef ,a4,h4 an ,indian traveller brought to ,baghdad a treatise on arithmetic and another on astronomy3 the astronomical treatise was the ,siddhanta which came to be known to the ,arabic writers as the ,sindhind1 it was translated by ,ibrahim al-,fazari and opened up a new interest in astronomical studies3 some little time afterwards ,muhammad b4 ,musa al-,kharizmi combined the ,greek and ,indian systems of astronomy1 and from this time forth the subject takes a prominent place in ,arabic studies4 ,the great ,arabic astronomers belong to a later generation1 such as ,abu ,mashar of ,baghdad1 the pupil of al-,kindi1 who died in ,a4,h4 #bgb 7 ,a4,d4 #hhe71 known to the ,latin medival writers as 8,abumazar10 and ,muhammad b4 ,jabir b4 ,sinan al-,battani 7d4 #cag ,a4,h4 ,a4,d4 #ibi7 who was known as 8,albategnius40 ,the ,indian work on arithmetic was even more important as by its means the ,indian numerals were introduced1 to be passed on in due course as 8,arabic0 numerals1 and this decimal system of numbering has made possible an extension of arithmetical processes and indeed of mathematics generally which would have been difficult with any of the older and more cumbersome systems4 ,al-,mansur1 after founding ,baghdad in ,a4,h4 #adh 7 ,a4,d4 #gfe7 summoned a ,nestorian physician1 ,george ,boktishu1 from the school at ,junde-,shapur and established him a court physician1 and from this time there was a series of ,nestorian physicians connected with the court and forming a medical school at ,baghdad4 ,george fell ill in ,baghdad and was allowed to retire to ,junde-,shapur1 his place being taken by his pupil ,issa b4 ,thakerbokht1 who was the author of a book on therapeutics4 ,later came ,bokhtishu son of ,george who was physician to ,harunu r-,rashid in #aga 7 ,a4,d4 #ghg71 and then ,gabriel1 another son of ,george1 who was sent to attend ,jafar the ,barmecide in #age and stood high in ,harun's favour3 he wrote an introduction to logic1 a letter to al-,mamun on foods and drinks1 a manual of medicine based on ,dioscorus1 ,galen1 and ,paul of ,aegina1 medical pandects1 a treatise on perfumes1 and other works4 ,in medicine1 as will be remembered1 the ,indian system had been introduced at ,junde-,shapur and combined with the ,greek1 but the latter clearly predominated4 ,another important settler in ,baghdad was the ,jewish ,syrian physician ,john bar ,maserjoye1 who translated the ,syntagma of ,aaron into ,syriac and presided over the medical school gathered in the ,muslim capital4 ,for a long time the ,arabic work in medicine was limited to translation of the great ,greek authorities and practice on the lines learned in ,alexandria4 ,we have already referred to the unfortunate influence derived from the ,egyptian school which diverted both medicine and chemistry into semi-magical lines1 an evil tendency from which the ,arabic school never quite freed itself4 ,a considerable time elapsed before the ,arabic speaking community produced any original writers on medicine4 ,about the end of the third century we find ,abu l-,abbas ,ahmad b4 ,thayib as-,sarakhsi1 a pupil of al-,kindi1 who is stated to have written a treatise on the soul1 an abridgment of ,porphyry's ,isagoge1 and an introductory manual of medicine 7,masudi4 ii4 #gb74 ,at that time medical studies were still very largely in ,christian and ,jewish hands1 and we find the ,syriac physician ,john ben ,serapion 7end of #ith cent4 ,a4,d47 writing in ,syriac medical pandects which were circulated in two editions1 the latter of which was translated into ,arabic by several writers independently and long afterwards into ,latin by ,gerard of ,cremona4 ,the father of ,arabic medicine proper was ,abu ,bakr ,muhammad b4 ,zakariyya ar-,razi 7d4 ,a4,h4 #caa-cbj ,a4,d4 #ibc-icb7 who was known to ,latin medival writers as 8,razes10 a student of music1 philosophy1 literature1 and finally medicine4 ,in his medical pandects he uses both ,greek and ,indian authorities1 and the introduction of these latter in subordination to the classic authorities used at ,alexandria was the really important contribution made by the ,arabic students to the progress of science4 ,unfortunately ar-,razi's work suffered from the defect that it greatly lacks order and arrangement1 it is a collection of more or less separate treatises1 and so not at all convenient to use4 ,for this reason more perhaps than any other he was replaced by ,ibn ,sina 7,avicenna7 whose work1 if anything1 errs in the opposite direction and suffers from an extremely elaborate arrangement and systematization4 ,it will be noticed that with the ,arabic writers1 as with their ,syriac predecessors1 the leading medical writers were usually also exponents of logic and commentators on ,aristotle as well as ,galen4 ,the ,khalif al-,mansur was the patron who did most to attract the ,nestorian physicians to the city of ,baghdad which he had founded1 and he was also a prince who did much to encourage those who set themselves to prepare ,arabic translations of ,greek1 ,syriac1 and ,persian works4 ,still more important was the patronage given by the ,khalif al-,mamun who in ,a4,h4 #bag 7 ,a4,d4 #hcb7 founded a school at ,baghdad1 suggested no doubt by the ,nestorians and ,zoroastrian schools already existing1 and this he called the ,bayt al-,hikma or 8,house of ,wisdom10 and this he placed under the guidance of ,yahya b4 ,masawaih 7d4 ,a4,h4 #bdc ,a4,d4 #heg71 who was an author both in ,syriac and ,arabic1 and learned also in the use of ,greek4 ,his medical treatise on 8,fevers0 was long in repute and was afterwards translated into ,latin and into ,hebrew4 ,the most important work of the academy however was done by ,yahya's pupils and successors1 especially ,abu ,zayd ,hunayn b4 ,ishaq al-,ibadi 7d4 #bfc ,a4,h4 ,a4,d4 #hgf71 the ,nestorian physician to whom we have already referred as translating into ,syriac the chief medical authorities as well as parts of ,aristotle's ,organon4 ,after studying at ,baghdad under ,yahya he visited ,alexandria and returned1 not only with the training given at what was then the first medical school1 but with a good knowledge of ,greek which he employed in making translations in ,syriac and ,arabic4 ,with him were associated his son ,ishaq and his nephew ,hubaysh4 ,hunayn prepared ,arabic translations of ,euclid2 of various portions of ,galen1 ,hippocrates1 ,archimedes1 ,apollonius1 and others1 as well as of the ,republic1 ,laws1 and ,timus of ,plato1 the ,categories1 ,physics1 and ,magna ,moralia of ,aristotle1 and the commentary of ,themistius on book #cj of the ,metaphysics1 as well as an ,arabic translation of the ,bible4 ,he also translated the spurious ,mineralogy of ,aristotle1 which long served as one of the leading authorities on chemistry1 and the medical pandects of ,paul of ,aegina4 ,his son1 besides original works on medicine1 produced ,arabic versions of the ,sophist of ,plato1 the ,metaphysics1 de anima1 de generatione et de corruptione1 and the ,hermeneutica of ,aristotle which ,hunayn had translated into ,syriac1 as well as some of the commentaries of ,porphyry1 ,alexander of ,aphrodisias1 and ,ammonius4 ,a little later we find the ,syrian ,christian ,questa b4 ,luqa1 a native of ,baalbek1 who had studied in ,greece1 prominent as a translator4 ,the fourth century ,a4,h4 was the golden period of the ,arabic translators1 and it is worth noting that1 although the work was done chiefly by ,syriac speaking ,christians1 and inspired by ,syriac tradition a very large number of the translations were made directly from the ,greek1 by men who had studied the language in ,alexandria or ,greece2 very often the same scholar made ,syriac and ,arabic translations from the ,greek text4 ,there were also translators from the ,syriac1 but these usually come after the translators from the ,greek4 ,amongst the ,nestorian translators from ,syriac was ,abu ,bishr ,matta b4 ,yunus 7d4 #cbh ,a4,h4 ,a4,d4 #ici71 who rendered into ,arabic the ,analytica ,posteriora and the poetics of ,aristotle1 ,alexander of ,aphrodisias' commentary on the de generatione et de corruptione1 and ,themistius' commentary on book #cj of the ,metaphysics1 all from the existing ,syriac versions4 ,he was also the author of original commentaries on ,aristotle's ,categories and the ,isagoge of ,porphyry4 ,the ,jacobite translators come on the scene after the ,nestorians4 ,amongst the ,jacobites translating from ,syriac to ,arabic we find ,yahya b4 ,adi of ,takrit 7d4 #cfd71 a pupil of ,hunayn1 who revised many of the existing versions and prepared translations of ,aristotle's ,categories1 ,sophist4 ,elench41 ,poetics1 and ,metaphysics1 ,plato's ,laws and ,timus1 as well as ,alexander of ,aphrodisias' commentary on the ,categories and ,theophrastus on the ,moralia4 ,the ,jacobite ,abu ,ali ,isa b4 ,zaraah 7d4 #cih7 translated the ,categories1 the ,natural ,history1 and the de partibus animalium1 with the commentary of ,john ,philoponus4 ,this is a convenient place to summarize briefly the range of ,aristotelian material available to ,arabic students of philosophy4 ,the whole of the logical ,organon was accessible in ,arabic1 and in this were included the ,rhetoric and ,poetics1 as well as ,porphyry's ,isagoge4 ,of the works on natural science they had the ,physica1 de coelo1 de generatione et corruptione1 de sensu1 the ,historia animalium1 the spurious ,meteorologia1 and the de anima4 ,on mental and moral science they had the ,metaphysics1 the ,nicomachan ,ethics and the ,magna ,moralia4 ,strangely enough the ,politics was not included in the ,aristotelian canon1 its place being taken by ,plato's ,laws or ,republic4 ,besides these the ,arabic students accepted as ,aristotelian a ,mineralogy1 of which we have no knowledge1 and a ,mechanics4 ,of these the logical ,organon always remained the basis of a humane education1 side by side with the indigenous study of grammar1 and this essentially logical basis of education seems to have been influenced by the example of the existing system developed amongst the ,syrians1 although it must be remembered a similar system was developed quite independently in ,latin scholasticism prior to the earliest contact with the ,arabic writers4 ,the ,aristotelian logic has always remained an orthodox and generally accepted science4 ,the philosophical and theological controversies and the developments produced by the ,arabic philosophers centred mainly in questions of metaphysics and psychology1 and so were particularly concerned with the #abth book of ,metaphysics and the treatise de anima1 more especially the #crd book4 ,as we have already noted the psychology of ,aristotle was interpreted in the light of ,alexander of ,aphrodisias' commentary1 and thus received a theistic and supernatural colouring which receives its fuller development in neo-,platonic teaching4 ,most important in the fuller development of this neo-,platonic doctrine was the so-called ,theology of ,aristotle which appeared in ,arabic about #bbf ,a4,h4 ,it was in fact an abridged paraphrase of the last three books 7iv-vi7 of the ,enneads of ,plotinus made by ,naymah of ,emessa1 boldly circulated and generally received as a genuine work of ,aristotle4 ,it might be regarded as a literary fraud1 but it is quite possible that ,plotinus was confused with ,plato whose name appears in ,arabic as ,aflatun1 it seems indeed that this particular confusion was made by some other writers1 and the translators accepted the current belief1 maintained by all the neo-,platonic commentators1 that the teaching of ,aristotle and that of ,plato were substantially the same1 the superficial appearances of difference being such as could be easily explained away4 ,by means of this ,theology the fully developed doctrine of the neo-,platonists was put into general circulation and combined with the teaching of ,alexander of ,aphrodisias and thus exercised an enormous influence on the philosophy of ,islam in several directions4 ,in the hands of the philosophers properly so called it developed an ,islamic neo-,platonism which received its final form at the hands of ,ibn ,sina 7,avicenna7 and ,ibn ,rushd 7,averroes71 and in this form exercised a powerful influence over ,latin scholasticism4 ,transmitted in another atmosphere it affected ,sufism or ,muslim mysticism1 and was mainly responsible for the speculative theology which that mysticism developed4 ,in a modified form some of the resultant principles gathered from these two sources finally entered into orthodox ,muslim scholastic theology4 ,the main points of this neo-,platonic doctrine as it figures in ,muslim theology present the teaching of the active intellect of aql faal1 the ,agent ,intellect of ,alexander ,aph4 as an emanation from ,god1 and the aql hayyulani or passive intellect in man only aroused to activity by the operation of this ,agent ,intellect1 which is substantially the doctrine of ,alexander ,aph43 the aim of man is to attain a union or ittisal in which his intellect becomes one with the ,agent ,intellect1 although the means of attaining this union and the nature of the union differ in the doctrines of the philosophers and the mystics1 as we shall see in due course4 ,next to philosophy proper medical science is the most important heritage received by the ,arabic world from ,hellenism4 ,but this science derived through an ,alexandrian medium had a serious defect in the accretions which the later ,egyptian school had added to the pure teaching of ,galen and ,hippocrates4 ,as we have already noted this accretion is of a quasi magical character and shows itself in talismans1 etc41 and theories which are based on ideas which are now classed as 8sympathetic magic40 ,the real impetus came ultimately from transmitted ,hellenism1 but this influence was derived immediately from the ,nestorians in philosophy proper1 and from the ,nestorians and the ,zoroastrian school at ,junde-,shapur in medicine4 ,a good deal later comes the influence of the pagan school at ,harran1 which also had a neo-,platonic tendency4 ,when the second ,abbasid ,khalif al-,mansur passed by ,harran on his way to fight against the ,byzantine ,emperor he was astonished to observe the strange appearance of some of the citizens who came out to meet him1 wearing their hair long and having close fitting tunics4 ,when the ,khalif asked whether they were ,christians1 ,jews1 or ,zoroastrians1 they replied that they were neither4 ,he then enquired if they were 8people of a book10 for it was only those who possessed written scriptures who could be tolerated in ,muslim dominions2 but to this they returned such hesitating and ambiguous replies that the ,khalif at length felt convinced that he had discovered a colony of pagans1 as was the case1 and he ordered them to adopt some one or other of the 8religions of the book0 before his return from the war1 or to suffer the penalty of death4 ,at this they were greatly alarmed3 some of them became ,muslims1 others ,christians or ,zoroastrians1 but some declined to desert their traditional beliefs4 ,these latter naturally had the most anxious time1 wondering how they could contrive to evade the ,khalif's demands4 ,at length a ,muslim lawyer offered to show them a way out of the difficulty if they paid him a substantial fee for doing so4 ,the fee was paid and he advised them to claim to be ,sabians1 because ,sabians are mentioned in the ,quran as belonging to a religion 8of the book10 but no one knew who the ,sabians were4 ,there is a sect known as ,sabiyun or ,sabaean1 whose religion is a strange mixture of ancient ,babylonian state worship1 ,christian ,gnosticism1 and ,zoroastrianism1 living in the mashe lands near ,basra1 but they had always been careful to keep their religious beliefs secret from all outsiders1 and although they were no doubt the sect mentioned in the ,quran under the name of ,sabiyun or ,sabians1 none could prove that the pagans of ,harran were not also comprised under this term4 ,the ,khalif never did pass back by ,harran1 the pagans who had assumed the name of ,sabian continued to use it1 those who had become ,christians or ,zoroastrians reverted to their old faith and submitted to its new name2 those who had become ,muslims were obliged to remain so as the penalty of death lay upon any who became renegades from that religion4 ,the most distinguished of the alumni of ,harran was ,thabit b4 ,qurra 7d4 #bhi ,a4,h471 a scholar familiar with ,greek1 ,syriac1 and ,arabic1 who produced many works on logic1 mathematics1 astrology1 and medicine1 as well as on the ritual and beliefs of the paganism to which he remained faithful4 ,following in his footsteps were his son ,abu ,said ,sinan1 his grandsons ,ibrahim and ,abu l-,hasan ,thabit1 and his great grandsons ,ishaq and ,abu l-,faraj4 ,all these specialized in mathematics and astronomy4 ,it seems that we ought to associate with ,harran ,jabir b4 ,hayyan a perfectly historical character but of somewhat uncertain date1 but believed to have been a pupil of the ,umayyad prince ,khalid1 who distinguished himself by his researches in chemistry4 ,many chemical treatises bear the name of ,jabir and a great proportion of these are probably quite authentic4 ,m4 ,berthelot in the #crd volume of his ,la chimie au moyen age 7,paris1 #ahic7 has made a careful analysis of the ,arabic chemists and regards the whole material capable of division into two classes1 the one a reproduction of the investigations of the ,greek chemists of ,alexandria1 the other as representing original investigations1 though based upon the ,alexandrian studies in the first place1 and all this original material he regards as due to the initiative of ,jabir who thus becomes in chemistry very much what ,aristotle was in logic4 ,berthelot publishes in this book six treatises claiming to be by ,jabir1 and these he regards as representative of all ,arabic chemical material1 the later investigators continuing in the lines laid down by this first investigator4 ,for a long time the main object in view was the transmutation of metals1 but at a later period chemistry enters into closer connection with medical work though never losing the metallurgical character which we imply when we speak of 8alchemy40 ,the object in view of the ,arabic students of alchemy does not appeal to the modern scientist1 although the possibility of transmuting elements is no longer regarded as the impossible dream which it appeared to the chemists of the nineteenth century3 and1 at the same time1 it is perfectly clear that with admitted limitations1 the ,arabic chemists were bona fide investigators1 though not understanding correctly the results of the experiments they made4 ,all the texts published by ,m4 ,berthelot begin with the warning that the contents are to be kept strictly secret1 and often contain a statement that some essential process is omitted in order that the unenlightened student may not be able to perform the experiments successfully1 lest the wholesale production of gold should be a means of corrupting the whole human race4 ,undoubtedly the ,arabic chemists did claim to have attained a knowledge of the means of transmuting the baser metals into gold but the histories contain various references which show that these claims were adversely criticised by many contemporary thinkers1 and that a great many of the ,arabic writers regarded chemistry1 as it was then understood1 as a mere imposture4 ,more than once it was noted that the philosopher al-,farabi1 who fully believed that it was possible to change other metals into gold and wrote a treatise on how it might be done1 himself lived and died in great poverty1 whilst ,ibn ,sina1 who did not believe in alchemy1 enjoyed modest comfort and could have commanded wealth had he been willing to accept it4 ,in the course of the middle ages various treatises by ,jabir were translated into ,latin1 where his name appears as ,geber1 and exercised a considerable influence in producing a western school of alchemy4 ,before long many original alchemical works were produced in ,western ,europe and a considerable proportion of these were published under the name of ,geber but are pure forgeries4 ,as a result the personality of ,geber took a semi mythical character and attempts have been made to account for the diverse and contradictory statements about his life and death1 and about the country and century in which he lived by supposing that there were several persons who bore the name2 but the fact seems to be that he early attained a position of great prominence as a chemical writer1 and that later ages fathered on him a number of apocryphal productions4 ,berthelot considers that the best evidence associates him with ,harran in the early part of the second century of the ,hijra4 ,,chapter ,v ,,the ,,mu,,tazilites ,when the ,aristotelian philosophy was first made known to the ,muslim world it was received almost as a revelation supplementing the ,quran4 ,at that time it was very imperfectly understood and the discrepancies between it and orthodox theology were not perceived4 ,thus the ,quran and ,aristotle were read together and regarded as supplementing one another in perfect good faith1 but inevitably the conclusions1 and still more perhaps the methods1 of ,greek philosophy began to act as a powerful solvent on the traditional beliefs4 ,maqrizi refers to the ,mutazilites as seizing with avidity on the books of the philosophers1 and certainly now new difficulties begin to appear as well as the two great problems which had been prominent at the beginning of the second century--the eternity of the ,quran and the question of free will4 ,the new difficulties were especially concerned with the qualities of ,god and1 later1 with the ,quranic promise of the beatific vision4 ,the problem of the qualities of ,god is very closely parallel to the earlier difficulty as to the eternity of the ,quran1 indeed it appears as an enlargement of it4 ,christian theologians educated in the methods of ,greek philosophy had already debated this matter1 and in their hands it had taken the form of the question1 8how many1 and what1 attributes are compatible with the unity of ,god80 ,if ,god's wisdom1 whether expressed in the ,quran or not expressed1 were eternal there was something which ,god possessed1 and consequently something other than ,god which was equal to him in eternity and was not created by him1 so that it could not be said that ,god was alone and that all other things proceeded from him as their cause as the eternal quality always was side by side with ,god1 and so ,wasil b4 ,ata declared 8he who affirms an eternal quality beside ,god1 affirms two gods40 ,but this applies equally to all qualities1 justice1 mercy1 etc41 and1 as was suggested by the study of ,aristotle1 all the categories1 all that could be predicated of ,god as subject1 were either created by ,god and so were not essential and eternal attributes1 or else were external things equal with ,god4 ,the second generation of ,mutazilites1 of those who begin to show direct acquaintance with ,greek philosophy1 begins with ,abu l-,hudayl al-,allaf of ,basra 7d4 #bbf ,a4,h471 who lived at the time when ,greek philosophy was beginning to be studied with great ardour and was received without question4 ,he admits the attributes of ,god and regards them as eternal1 but treats them on lines very similar to those employed by the ,christians in dealing with the divine hypostases1 that is to say1 they are not external things possessed by ,god but modes or phases of the divine essence4 ,the will of ,god for example1 he treats as a mode of knowledge1 that is to say that ,god wills what is good is equivalent to saying that ,god knows it to be good4 ,but in dealing with the will we must distinguish between 7a7 that which exists in place1 as the moral rules in ,god's commandments to men1 for there could be no will against theft until the creation of things which could be stolen2 in such case the will exists in time and is created1 for it depends upon a created thing3 and 7b7 that which exists not in place and without an object to which the will refers1 as when ,god willed to create before the thing to be created existed4 ,in man the inner volition is free1 but the outer acts are not free2 sometimes they are controlled by external forces in the body1 or even outside the body1 and sometimes they are controlled by the inner volition4 ,aristotle speaks of the universe as existing from eternity1 but the ,quran refers to its creation1 yet these are not inconsistent3 we must suppose that it existed eternally1 but in perfect quiescence and stillness1 as it were latent and potential rather than actual1 and without those qualities which appear in the categories of logic and are to us the only known terms of existence4 ,creation meant that ,god brought in movement so that things began to exist in time and space1 and the universe comes to an end when it returns again to the state of absolute rest in which it was at the beginning4 ,men can distinguish between good and evil by the light of reason1 for good and evil have objective characters which can be recognised so that our knowledge of this difference does not depend only on ,god's revelation3 but no man can know anything about ,god but by the medium of revelation which is given principally for this purpose4 ,ibrahim b4 ,sayar an-,nazzam 7d4 #bca71 the next great ,mutazilite leader was a devoted student of the ,greek philosophers and an encyclopdic writer4 ,in this he was typical of the earlier ,arabic philosophers whose endeavour was to apply ,greek science to the interpretation of life and nature generally1 an aim which necessarily tended to produce encyclopdic compilations rather than original studies in any one field of knowledge4 ,already the ,mutazilites had reached the position that good and evil represent objective realities and that ,god1 knowing the good1 does not will that which is contrary to it2 but an-,nazzam presses this further and asserts that ,god can do nothing in the creature save what is for its good and is in itself just4 ,to this the objection was raised that in such case ,god's own acts are determined and are not free4 ,an-,nazzam replied that he admitted this determination1 not in action but in potentiality as ,god is restricted by his own nature4 ,he attempted to reproduce the ancient doctrine that the soul is the form of the body1 as had already been asserted by ,aristotle1 but he misunderstood the terminology employed and represents the soul as of the same shape as the body4 ,this implies that the soul is a very subtile kind of substance permeating the whole body in the same way as butter permeates milk1 or as oil permeates the sesame3 both soul and body are equal in size and alike in shape4 ,freedom of the will is peculiar to ,god and man1 all other created things are subject to necessity4 ,god created all things at once in remote eternity1 but reserved them in a state of quiescence so that they may be described as 8concealed10 and then projected them into active existence at successive intervals4 ,the next great ,mutazilite leader was ,bishr b4 ,mutamir 7d4 #bbf circ47 in whose work we find a more definite attempt to apply philosophical speculation to the practical needs of ,islam4 ,in the case of free will he enters directly into the question of how far external influences limit freedom of the will and so diminish responsibility4 ,infants cannot be condemned to eternal punishment because they have no responsibility1 having never exercised free will4 ,unbelievers1 however1 are condemned to punishment because1 although they have not the help of revelation1 it is possible for them to know that there must be a ,god1 and only one ,god1 by the light of reason4 ,in dealing with actions and their moral values we have to consider not only one agent and one object1 but often a series1 the act being transmitted from one to the other so that each of the intervening objects becomes the agent to the next object4 ,this serial connection he termed 8begetting0 7tawullud74 ,mamar b4 ,abbad as-,sulami 7d4 #bbj7 describes ,god as creating substances but not accidents1 so that he produced a kind of universal matter common to all existing things and to this matter or essence the accidents are added1 some produced by a force inherent in the essence created1 others by free will on the part of the creature4 ,following the neo-,platonic commentators on ,aristotle he treats the attributes of ,god as purely negative1 so that ,god is unknowable by man4 ,in the case of wisdom or knowledge1 that which is known must either be identical with ,god1 or external to him3 if ,god is the agent who knows and that which is known as object is also himself1 there is a distinction between ,god the agent and ,god the object which implies two persons1 and this is subversive of the divine unity3 but if ,god is the agent and knows something external to himself1 that knowledge depends on the external object1 and ,god therefore is not absolute but in some sense dependent on something other than himself4 ,hence the attributes of ,god cannot be such as the positive qualities which exist in man1 but only the negation of those which are distinctively human and dependent3 we can only say that he is infinite1 meaning unlimited in space1 or eternal as unlimited in time1 or other like terms negative of the known things which can be predicated of man4 ,the general tendency of ,mamar's teaching is distinctly pantheistic3 partly this is due to the logical development of a tendency already inherent in the neo-,platonic doctrine with which all ,arabic thought was now becoming saturated1 and partly it was due to oriental influences which were now beginning to appear in ,islam4 ,mamar's pantheism was more fully developed by ,tumameh b4 al-,ashras 7d4 #bac7 who treats the world as indeed created by ,god1 but created according to a law of nature so that it is the expression of a force latent in ,god and not due to an act of volition4 ,tumameh entirely deserts al-,allaf's attempt to reconcile the ,aristotelian doctrine of the eternity of matter with the teaching of the ,quran1 and quite frankly states that the universe is eternal like ,god4 ,this is by no means the last word in ,islamic pantheism1 but its subsequent development rather belongs to the doctrines of the extremer ,shiite sects and to ,sufism4 ,reverting to an-,nazzam1 the great leader of the middle age of the ,mutazilites1 we find his teaching continued by his pupils ,ahmad b4 ,habit1 ,fadl al-,hudabi1 and ,amr b4 ,bahr al-,jahiz4 ,on the theological side all the ,mutazilites admitted the eternal salvation of good ,muslims1 and most agreed that unbelievers would receive eternal punishment3 but there were differences of view as to those who were believers but died unrepentant in sin4 ,for the most part the ,mutazilites took the lax view that these would be favourably treated as against the rigorist opinion which reserved eternal salvation to good ,muslims1 an opinion which appeared amongst the stricter believers during the ,umayyad period4 ,the two first named of an-,nazzam's pupils1 however1 introduced a new theory entirely repugnant to orthodox ,islam1 though familiar to the extremer ,shiite sects1 that those neither decisively good nor absolutely bad1 pass by transmigration into other bodies until they finally deserve either salvation or damnation4 ,with these two thinkers also we are brought into contact with another problem which now began to present itself to ,islam1 the doctrine of the 8beatific vision40 ,islam generally had expected the vision of ,god to be the chief of the rewards enjoyed in paradise1 but the treatment of the attributes of ,god had been so definitely against the anthropomorphic ideas expressed in the ,quran that it became difficult to explain what could be meant by 8seeing ,god40 ,ahmad and ,fadl dealing with this subject deny that men ever will or can see ,god2 the beatific vision can at most mean that they are brought face to face with the 8,agent ,intellect0 which is an emanation from the ,first ,cause1 and 8seeing0 in such a connection must of course mean something quite different from what we understand as vision4 ,amr b4 ,bahr al-,jahiz 7d4 #bee71 the third of an-,nazzam's pupils mentioned above1 may be regarded as the last of the middle period of the ,mutazilites4 ,he was an encyclopdic writer according to the fashion of the time and wrote on literature1 theology1 logic1 philosophy1 geography1 natural history1 and other subjects 7cf4 ,masudi viii4 #cc1 etc47 ,to free will he gives rather a new bearing4 ,the will he regards as simply a manner of knowing and so as an accident of knowledge2 a voluntary act he defines as one known to its agent4 ,those who are condemned to the fire of hell do not suffer eternally by it1 but are changed by its purification4 ,the term 8,muslim0 must be taken to include all who believe that ,god has neither form or body1 since the attribution of a human form to ,god is the essential mark of the idolater1 that he is just and wills no evil1 and that ,muhammad is his prophet4 ,substance he treats as eternal1 accidents are created and variable4 ,we have now reached the third stage of the history of the ,mutazilites1 that which marks their decline4 ,during this latter period they divide into two schools1 that of ,basra giving its attention mainly to the attributes of ,god1 that of ,baghdad being chiefly occupied with the more purely philosophical discussion of what is meant by an existing thing4 ,the ,basrite discussions received their final form in the dispute between al-,jubbay 7d4 #cjc7 and his son ,abu ,hashim 7d4 #cba74 ,the latter held that the attributes of ,god are distinct modes of being1 we know the essence under such varying modes or conditions1 but they are not states1 nor are they thinkable apart from the essence1 though they are distinct from it but do not exist apart from it4 ,against this his father objected that these subjective attributes are only names and convey no concept4 ,the attributes are thus asserted to be neither qualities nor states so as to imply subject or agent1 but they are inseparably united with the essence4 ,against all views of this sort the orthodox adhered1 and still adhere to the opinion that ,god has real qualities4 ,those who laid emphasis on this in opposition to the ,mutazilite speculations are commonly known as ,sifatites 7sifat1 qualities71 but they admit that1 as ,god is not like a man1 the qualities attributed to him in the ,quran are not the same as those qualities bearing the same names which are referred to men1 and it is not possible for us to know the real import of the qualities attributed to ,god4 ,a more pronounced recoil against the ,mutazilite speculations appears in ,abu ,abdullah b4 ,karram 7d4 #bef7 and his followers who were known as ,karramites4 ,these returned to a crude anthropomorphism and held that ,god not only has qualities of precisely the same kind as a man may have1 but that he actually sits on a throne1 etc41 taking in plain literal sense all the statements made in the ,quran4 ,the ,mutazilite school of ,baghdad concerned itself mainly with the metaphysical question--8what is a thing80 ,it was admitted that 8thing0 denotes a concept which could be known and could serve as subject to a predicate4 ,it does not necessarily exist1 for existence is a quality added to the essence3 with this addition the essence becomes an entity 7mawjud71 without this addition it is a non-entity 7madum7 but still has substance and accident1 so that ,god creates by adding the single attribute of existence4 ,the whole course of ,mutazilite speculation shows the influence of ,greek philosophy as applied to ,muslim theology1 but the influence is for the most part indirect4 ,the ideas of ,aristotle1 as the course of speculation projected to the forefront the problems with which he had dealt in times past1 were received through a ,syriac ,christian medium1 for the most part imperfectly understood and somewhat modified by the emphasis which ,christian controversy had given to certain particular aspects4 ,more or less directly prompted by the ,mutazilite controversy we have three other lines of development3 in the first place we have the 8philosophers0 as the name is used by the ,arabic writers1 meaning those students and commentators who based their work directly on the ,greek text or at least on the later and better versions4 ,in their hands philosophical enquiry took a somewhat changed direction as they began to understand better the real meaning of what ,aristotle had taught4 ,in the second place we have the orthodox theology of al-,ashari1 al-,ghazali1 and others1 which represents ,muslim theological science as modified and partly directed by ,aristotelian philosophy1 consciously endeavouring to make a working compromise between that philosophy and ,muslim theology4 ,the older ,mutazilite tradition came to an end in the time of al-,ashari3 men who felt the force of philosophical questions either adopted the orthodox scholasticism of al-,ashari and those who came after him1 or followed the course of the philosophers and drift away from the traditional beliefs of ,islam altogether4 ,in the third place we have the ,sufi movement1 in which we find neo-,platonic elements mingled with others from the east1 from ,india and ,persia4 ,the ,mutazilites proper come to an end with the fourth century ,a4,h4 ,,chapter ,,vi ,,the ,,eastern ,,philosophers ,the ,aristotelian philosophy was first made known to the ,muslim world through the medium of ,syriac translations and commentaries1 and the particular commentaries used amongst the ,syrians never ceased to control the direction of ,arabic thought4 ,from the time of al-,mamun the text of ,aristotle began to be better known1 as translations were made directly from the ,greek1 and this resulted in a more accurate appreciation of his teaching1 although still largely controlled by the suggestions of the commentaries circulated amongst the ,syrians4 ,the ,arabic writers give the name of failasuf 7plur4 falasifa71 a transliteration of the ,greek ,greek3 philosophos 1 to those who based their study directly on the ,greek text1 either as translators or as students of philosophy1 or as the pupils of those who used the ,greek text4 ,the word is used to denote a particular series of ,arabic scholars who arose in the third century ,a4,h4 and came to an end in the seventh century1 and who had their origin in the more accurate study of ,aristotle based on an examination of the ,greek text and the ,greek commentators whose work was circulated in ,syria1 and is employed as though these falasifa formed a particular sect or school of thought4 ,other philosophical students were termed hakim or nazir4 ,the line of these falasifa forms the most important group in the history of ,islamic culture4 ,it was they who were largely responsible for awakening ,aristotelian studies in ,latin ,christendom1 and it was they who developed the ,aristotelian tradition which ,islam had received from the ,syriac community1 correcting and revising its contents by a direct study of the ,greek text and working out their conclusions on lines indicated by the neo-,platonic commentators4 ,the first of the series is ,yaqub b4 ,ishaq al-,kindi 7d4 circ4 #bfj ,a4,h4 #hgc ,a4,d471 who began very much as a ,mutazilite interested in the theological problems discussed by the members of that school of thought1 but desirous of testing and examining these more accurately1 made use of the translations taken directly from the ,greek and then only recently published4 ,by this means he brought a much stricter method to bear1 and thus opened the way to an ,aristotelian scholarship much in advance of anything which had been contemplated so far4 ,as a result his pupils and those who came after them raised new questions and ceased to confine themselves to ,mutazilite problems1 and al-,kindi was their intellectual ancestor in those new enquiries which his methods and his use of the ,greek text alone made possible4 ,it is a strange fact that al-,kindi1 the parent of ,arabic philosophy1 was himself one of the very few leaders of ,arabic thought who was a true ,arab by race4 ,for the most part the scientists and philosophers of the ,muslim world were of ,persian1 ,turkish1 or ,berber blood1 but al-,kindi was descended from the ,yemenite kings of ,kinda 7cf4 genealogy quoted from the ,tarikh al-,hakama cited in note 7#bb7 of ,de ,slane's trans4 of ,ibn ,khallikan1 vol4 i4 p4 #cee74 ,very little is known about his life1 save that his father was governor of ,kufa1 that he himself studied at ,baghdad1 under what teachers is not known1 and stood high in favour with the ,khalif ,mutasim 7,a4,h4 #bah-bbg74 ,his real training and equipment lay in a knowledge of ,greek1 which he used in preparing translations of ,aristotle's ,metaphysics1 ,ptolemy's ,geography1 and a revised edition of the ,arabic version of ,euclid4 ,besides this he made ,arabic abridgments of ,aristotle's ,poetica and ,hermeneutica1 and ,porphyry's ,isagoge1 and wrote commentaries on ,aristotle's ,analytica ,posteriora1 ,sophistica ,elenchi1 the ,categories1 the apocryphal ,apology2 on ,ptolemy's ,almagesta and ,euclid's ,elements1 and original treatises1 of which the essay 8,on the ,intellect0 and another 8,on the five essences0 are the most noteworthy 7,latin tr4 by ,a4 ,nagy in ,baeumker and ,hertling's ,beitrge zur ,geschichte der ,philosophie des ,,ma4 ,,ii4 #e4 ,mnster1 #ahig74 ,he accepted as genuine the ,theology of ,aristotle which had been put into circulation by ,naymah of ,emessa1 and1 we are told1 revised the ,arabic translation4 ,the ,theology was an abridgment of the last three books of ,plotinus' ,enneads1 and presumably al-,kindi compared this with the text of the ,enneads1 corrected the terminology and general sense in accordance with the original1 and evidently did so without any suspicion that it was not a genuine work of ,aristotle4 ,the ,theology had not been long introduced to the ,muslim world1 and it is certain that the use of it made by al-,kindi was a main cause of its subsequent importance4 ,endorsed by him it not only took an assured place in the ,aristotelian canon1 but became the very kernel of the teaching developed by the whole series of falasifa1 emphasizing the tendencies already marked in the commentary of ,alexander of ,aphrodisias4 ,the influence of the ,theology and of ,alexander appear most clearly in the treatise 8,on the ,intellect0 which is based on the doctrine of the faculties of the soul as described in ,aristotle's de anima ,,ii4 ii4 ,al-,kindi1 developing the doctrine as presented by the neo-,platonic commentators1 describes the faculties or degrees of intelligence in the soul as four1 of which three are actually and necessarily in the human soul1 but one enters from outside and is independent of the soul4 ,of the three former one is latent or potential1 as the knowledge of the art of writing is latent in the mind of one who has learned to write2 the second is active1 as when the scribe evokes from the latent state this knowledge of writing which he desires to put into practice2 the third is the degree of intelligence actually involved in the operation of writing1 where the knowledge now quickened into activity guides and directs the act4 ,the external faculty is the 8,agent ,intellect0 7aql faal7 which proceeds from ,god by way of emanation and which1 though acting on the faculties in the body1 is independent of the body1 as its knowledge is not based upon perceptions obtained through the senses4 ,it is futile to maintain that the history of ,arabic philosophy shows a lack of originality in the ,semitic mind2 for one thing not one of the philosophers of first rank after al-,kindi was of ,arab birth1 very few could be described as ,semitic4 ,it would be more correct to say that the ,greek philosophers stood alone1 until quite modern times1 in attempting anything which could be described as a scientific psychology4 ,until the methods and material of modern natural science came to be applied to psychological research there was little1 if any1 advance on the psychological theories of the ancient ,greek investigators1 and the only point of difference in later schools was as to which particular aspect of ancient research would be selected as the starting-place4 ,here lies the great importance of al-,kindi1 for it was he who selected and indicated the starting-point which all the later ,arabic philosophers began from1 and selected the material which they developed4 ,the particular basis thus selected by al-,kindi was the psychology of ,aristotle's de ,anima as expounded by ,alexander of ,aphrodisias4 ,this was suggested but not in all respects clearly indicated by the ,syriac philosophers1 and it seems certain that al-,kindi's development was very largely influenced by the ,theology of ,aristotle1 a work which he evidently esteemed very greatly4 ,the relation between ,alexander ,aphr4 and ,plotinus1 whose teaching appeared in the ,theology1 may be described as being that ,alexander's teaching contained all the germs of neo-,platonism1 whilst ,plotinus shows the neo-,platonic system fully worked out4 ,as first presented this system must have seemed fully consistent with the teaching of the ,quran1 indeed it would appear as complementary to it4 ,in man was an animal soul which he shared with the lower creation1 but added to it was a rational soul or spirit which proceeded directly from ,god and was immortal because it was not dependent on the body4 ,the possible conclusions which proved to be inconsistent with the teachings of revelation were not as yet fully worked out4 ,we need not linger over al-,kindi's logical teaching which carried on and corrected ,arabic study of the ,aristotelian logic4 ,this was not a mere side issue1 it is true1 although logic did not play so important a part in ,arabic education as it did in ,syriac4 ,in ,syriac it was the basis of all that we should regard as the humanities1 but in ,arabic this position was taken by the study of grammar1 which was developed on rather fresh and independent lines1 though slightly modified by the study of logic in later times4 ,still1 so long as the ,muslim world had any claim to be regarded as fostering philosophical studies1 and to a less degree even in later times1 the ,aristotelian logic has been only second to grammar as the basis of a humane education4 ,al-,kindi's real influence is shown in the introduction of the problems of psychology and of metaphysics1 and the work of the falasifa centres in these two studies on the lines indicated by al-,kindi4 ,in psychology1 as we have seen1 al-,kindi introduced a system already fully developed by ,alexander and the neo-,platonic commentators on ,aristotle1 kept alive amongst the ,syriac students of philosophy1 and then further developed from this point by his successors4 ,in metaphysics the circumstances were different4 ,al-,kindi apparently was the one who introduced the problems of metaphysics to the ,muslim world1 but it is obvious that he did not clearly understand ,aristotle's treatment of these problems4 ,the problems involved in the ideas of movement1 time1 and place are treated by ,aristotle in books iv41 v4 and vii4 of the ,physics1 which had been translated by al-,kindi's contemporary1 ,hunayn4 b4 ,ishaq1 and in the ,metaphysics1 of which at the time no ,arabic translation existed1 so that1 so far as it was used1 al-,kindi must have consulted the ,greek text4 ,the essay 8,on the ,five ,essences0 treats the ideas of the five conditions of matter1 form1 movement1 time1 and place4 ,of these he defines 7a7 matter as that which receives the other essences but cannot itself be received as an attribute1 and so if the matter is taken away the other four essences are necessarily removed also4 7b7 ,form is of two kinds1 that which is the essential of the genius1 being inseparable from the matter1 and that which serves to describe the thing itself1 i4e41 the ten ,aristotelian categories--substance1 quantity1 quality1 relation1 place1 time1 situation1 condition1 action1 and passion2 and this form is the faculty whereby a thing 7shay7 is produced from formless matter1 as fire is produced from the coincidence of dryness and heat1 the matter being the dryness and heat1 the form being the fire2 without form the matter is abstract but real1 becoming a thing when it takes form4 ,as ,de ,vaux points out 7,avicenne1 p4 #he7 this illustration shows that al-,kindi does not grasp ,aristotle's meaning correctly4 7c7 ,movement is of six kinds3 two are variations in substance1 as either generation or corruption1 i4e41 production or destruction2 two are variations in quantity by increase or decrease2 one is variation in quality1 and one is change of position4 7d7 ,time is itself akin to movement1 but proceeds always and only in one direction2 it is not movement1 though akin1 for movement shows diversities of direction4 ,time is known only in relation to a 8before0 or 8after10 like movement in a straight line and at a uniform rate1 and so can only be expressed as a series of continuous numbers4 7e7 ,place is by some supposed to be a body1 but this is refuted by ,aristotle3 it is rather the surface which surrounds the body4 ,when the body is taken away the place does not cease to exist1 for the vacant space is instantly filled by some other body1 air1 water1 etc41 which has the same surrounding surface4 ,admittedly al-,kindi shows a crude treatment of these ideas1 but he was the first to direct ,arabic thought in this direction1 and from these arose a new attitude towards the revealed doctrine of creation on the part of those who came after him4 ,al-,kindi1 the 8,philosopher of the ,arabs10 as he was called 7circ4 #cfe71 contains our best account of the various sects existing in ,islam towards the end of the #crd century ,a4,h4 as he met them in the course of his travels4 ,it has been published as the second volume of ,de ,goeje's ,bibliotheca ,geographorum ,arab4 7,leiden41 #ahgc74 ,the next great philosopher was ,muhammad b4 ,muhammad b4 ,tarkhan ,abu ,nasr al-,farabi 7d4 #cci71 of ,turkish descent4 ,he was 8a celebrated philosopher1 the greatest indeed that the ,muslims ever had2 he composed a number of works on logic1 music1 and other sciences4 ,no ,musulman ever reached in the philosophical sciences the same rank as he1 and it was by the study of his writings and the imitation of his style that ,avicenna attained proficiency and rendered his own works so useful40 7,ibn ,khallikan1 iii4 #cjg74 ,he was born at ,farab or ,otrar near ,balasaghum1 but travelled widely4 ,in the course of his wanderings he came to ,baghdad but1 as at the time he knew no ,arabic1 he was unable to enter into the intellectual life of the city4 ,he set himself first to acquire a knowledge of the ,arabic language1 and then became a pupil of the ,christian physician ,matta b4 ,yunus1 who was at that time a very old man1 and under him he studied logic4 ,to increase his studies he removed to ,harran1 where he met the ,christian philosopher ,yuhanna b4 ,khailan1 and continued to work at logic under his direction4 ,he then returned to ,baghdad1 where he set to work at the ,aristotelian philosophy1 in the course of his studies reading the de anima #bjj times1 the ,physics #dj times4 ,his chief interest1 however1 was in logic1 and it is on his logical work that his fame chiefly rests4 ,from ,baghdad he went to ,damascus1 and thence to ,egypt1 but returned to ,damascus1 where he settled for the rest of his life4 ,at that time the empire of the ,khalifa of ,baghdad was beginning to split up into many states1 just like the ,roman ,empire under the later ,karlings1 and the officials of the ,khalifate were forming semi-independent principalities under the nominal suzerainty of the ,khalif and establishing hereditary dynasties4 ,the ,hamdanids ,shiites1 who began to rule in ,mosul in #bic1 established themselves at ,aleppo in #ccc and achieved great fame and power as successful leaders against the ,byzantine emperors4 ,in #ccd 7 #idf ,a4,d47 the ,hamdanid ,prince ,sayf ad-,dawla took ,damascus1 and al-,farabi lived under his protection4 ,at that period the orthodox were distinctly reactionary1 and it was the various ,shiite rulers who showed themselves the patrons of science and philosophy4 ,at ,damascus al-,farabi led a secluded life4 ,most of his time he spent by the borders of one of the many streams which are so characteristic a feature of ,damascus1 or in a shady garden1 and here he met and talked with his friends and pupils4 ,he was accustomed to write his compositions on loose leaves1 8for which reason nearly all his productions assume the form of detached chapters and notes2 some of them exist only in fragments and unfinished4 ,he was the most indifferent of men for the things of this world2 he never gave himself the least trouble to acquire a livelihood or possess a habitation4 ,sayf al-,dawla settled on him a daily pension of four dirhams out of the public treasury1 this moderate sum being the amount to which al-,farabi had limited his demand40 7,ibn ,khallikan1 iii4 #cji-caj47 ,al-,farabi was the author of a series of commentaries on the logical ,organon1 which contained nine books according to the ,arabic reckoning1 namely3 7i47 ,the ,isagoge of ,porphyry4 7ii47 ,the ,categories or al-,maqulat4 7iii47 ,the ,hermeneutica or al-,ibara or al-,tafsir4 7iv47 ,the ,analytica ,priora or al-,qiyas ,i4 7v47 ,the ,analytica ,posteriora or al-,burhan4 7vi47 ,the ,topica or al-,jadl4 7vii47 ,the ,sophistica ,elenchi or al-,maghalit4 7viii47 ,the ,rhetoric or al-,khataba4 7ix47 ,the ,poetics or ash-,shir4 ,he also wrote an 8,introduction to ,logic0 and an 8,abridgment of ,logic02 indeed1 as we have already noted1 his main work lay in the exposition of logic4 ,he took some interest in political science and edited a summary of the laws of ,plato1 which very often replaces the ,politics in the ,arabic ,aristotelian canon4 ,in ,ethics he wrote a commentary on the ,nicomachan ,ethics of ,aristotle1 but ethical theory did not1 as a rule1 appeal greatly to ,arabic students4 ,in natural science he was the author of commentaries on the ,physics1 ,meteorology1 de coelo et de mundo of ,aristotle1 as well as of an essay 8,on the movement of the heavenly spheres40 ,his work in psychology is represented by a commentary on ,alexander of ,aphrodisias' commentary on the ,de ,anima1 and by treatises 8,on the soul10 8,on the power of the soul10 8,on the unity and the one10 and 8,on the intelligence and the intelligible10 some of which afterwards circulated in medival ,latin translations1 which continued to be reprinted well into the #agth century 7e4g41 ,de intelligentia et de intelligibili4 ,paris1 #afch74 ,in metaphysics he wrote essays on 8,substance10 8,time10 8,space and ,measure10 and 8,vacuum40 ,in mathematics he wrote a commentary on the ,almagesta of ,ptolemy1 and a treatise on various problems in ,euclid4 ,he was a staunch upholder of the neo-,platonic theory that the teaching of ,aristotle and that of ,plato are essentially in accord and differ only in superficial details and modes of expression2 he wrote treatises 8,on the agreement between ,plato and ,aristotle0 and on 8,the object before ,plato and ,aristotle40 ,in essays 8,against ,galen0 and 8,against ,john ,philoponus0 he criticised the views of those commentators1 and endeavoured to defend the orthodoxy of ,aristotle by making them responsible for apparent discrepancies with the teaching of revelation4 ,he was interested also in the occult sciences1 as appears from his treatises 8,on geomancy10 8,on the ,jinn10 and 8,on dreams40 ,his chemical treatise called kimiya t-,tabish1 8the chemistry of things heated10 has been classed as a work on natural science and also as a treatise on magic2 this was the unfortunate direction which ,arabic chemistry was taking4 ,he also wrote several works on music4 7,cf4 ,schmlders3 ,documenta ,philos4 ,arab4 ,bonn41 #ahcf1 for ,latin versions of select treatises74 ,as we have already noted1 his primary importance was as a teacher of logic4 ,a great deal of what he has written is simply a reproduction of the outlines of the ,aristotelian logic and an exposition of its principles1 but ,de ,vaux 7,avicenne1 pp4 #id-ig7 has drawn attention to evidences of original thought in his 8,letter in reply to certain questions40 ,like al-,kindi he accepted the ,theology as a genuine work of ,aristotle1 and shows very clear traces of its influences4 ,in his treatise 8,on the intelligence0 he makes a careful analysis of the way in which the term aql 7reason1 intelligence1 spirit7 is employed in general speech and in philosophical enquiry4 ,in common language 8a man of intelligence0 denotes a man of reliable judgment1 who uses his judgment in an upright way to discern between good and evil1 and thus is distinguished from a crafty man who employs his mind in devising evil expedients4 ,theologians use the term aql to denote the faculty which tests the validity of statements1 either approving them as true or rejecting them as false4 ,in the ,analytica ,aristotle uses 8intelligence0 for the faculty by which man attains directly to the certain knowledge of axioms and general abstract truths without the need of proof2 this faculty al-,farabi explains as being the part of the soul in which intuition exists1 and which is thereby able to lay hold of the premises of speculative science1 i4e41 the reason of intelligence proper as the term is employed in the de anima1 the rational soul which ,alexander of ,aphrodisias takes as an emanation from ,god4 ,following al-,kindi1 al-,farabi speaks of four faculties or parts of the soul3 the potential or latent intelligence1 intelligence in action1 acquired intelligence1 and the agent intelligence4 ,the first is the aql hayyulani1 the passive intelligence1 the capacity which man has for understanding the essence of material things by abstracting mentally that essence from the various accidents with which it is associated in perception1 more or less equivalent to the 8common sense0 of ,aristotle4 ,the intelligence in action or aql bi-l-fil is the potential faculty aroused to activity and making this abstraction4 ,the agent intelligence or aql faal is the external power1 the emanation from ,god which is able to awaken the latent power in man and arouse it to activity1 and the acquired intelligence or aql mustafad is the intelligence aroused to activity and developed under the inspiration of the agent intelligence4 ,thus the intelligence in action is related to the potential intellect as form is to matter1 but the agent intelligence enters from outside1 and by its operation the intelligence receives new powers1 so that its highest activity is 8acquired40 ,al-,farabi appears throughout as a devout ,muslim1 and evidently does not appreciate the bearing of the ,aristotelian psychology on the doctrine of the ,quran4 ,the earlier belief of ,islam1 as of most religions1 was a heritage from primitive animism1 which regarded life as due to the presence of a perfectly substantial1 though invisible1 thing called the soul3 a thing is alive so long as the soul is present1 it dies when the soul goes away4 ,in the earlier forms of animism this is the explanation of all movement3 the flying arrow has a 8soul0 in it so long as it moves1 it ceases to move when this soul goes away or desires to rest4 ,this involves no belief in the immortality of the soul1 nor is the soul invested with any distinct personality1 all that comes later2 it is simply that life is regarded as a kind of substance1 very light and impalpable but perfectly self-existent4 ,what may be described as the 8ghost0 theory marks a later stage of evolution1 when the departed soul is believed to retain a distinct personality and still to possess the form and some at least of the sensations associated with the being in which it formerly dwelt4 ,such was the stage reached by ,arab psychology at the time of the preaching of ,islam4 ,the ,aristotelian doctrine represented the soul as containing different energies or parts1 such as it had in common with the vegetable world and such others as it possessed in common with the lower kinds of animals3 that is to say the faculties of nutrition1 reproduction1 and all the perceptions obtained from the use of the organs of sense1 as well as the intellectual generalisations derived from the use of those senses1 are simply laid on one side as forms of energy derived from the potentialities latent in the material body1 very nearly the position indeed of modern materialism1 as the term is used in psychology4 ,this does not oppose a belief in ,god1 who is the prime source of the powers which exist1 although that is brought out more by the commentators than by ,aristotle himself2 nor does it infringe the doctrine of an immortal and separable soul or spirit which exists in man in addition to what we may describe as the vegetative and animal soul4 ,it is this spirit1 the rational soul which has entered from outside and exists in man alone1 which is immortal4 ,such a doctrine sets an impassible gulf between man and the rest of creation1 and explains why it is impossible for those whose thought is formed on ,aristotelian lines1 whether in orthodox ,islam or in the ,catholic ,church1 to admit the 8rights0 of animals1 although ready to regard benevolent action towards them as a duty4 ,but more1 the highly abstract rational soul or spirit of the ,aristotelian doctrine1 void of all that could be shared with the lower creatures1 and even of all that could be developed from anything that an animal is capable of possessing1 is the only part of man which is capable of immortality1 and such a spirit separated from its body and the lower functions of the animal soul can hardly fit in with the picture of the future life as portrayed in the ,quran4 ,further1 the ,quran regards that future life as incomplete until the spirit is re-united with the body1 a possibility which the ,aristotelians could hardly contemplate4 ,the ,aristotelian doctrine showed the animal soul not as an invisible being but merely as a form of energy in the body3 so far as it was concerned1 death did not mean the going away of this soul1 but the cessation of the functions of the bodily faculties1 just as combustion ceases when a candle is blown out1 the flame not going away and continuing to exist apart2 or as the impression of a seal on wax which disappears when the wax is melted and does not continue a ghostly existence on its own account4 ,the only immortal part of man1 therefore1 was the part which came to him as an emanation from the ,agent ,intellect1 and when this emanation was set free from its association with the human body and lower soul it became inevitable to suggest its reabsorption in the omnipresent source from which it had been derived4 ,the logical conclusion was thus a denial1 not of a future life1 nor of its eternity1 but of the separate existence of an individual soul1 and this1 as we shall see1 was actually worked out as a result of ,arabic ,aristotelianism4 ,thus the scholastic theologians1 both of ,islam and of ,latin ,christianity1 attack the philosophers as undermining belief in individual personality and in opposing the doctrine of the resurrection1 and in this latter1 it must be remembered1 ,muslim doctrine is committed to cruder details than prevail in ,christianity4 ,but al-,farabi did not see where the ,aristotelian teaching would lead him3 to him ,aristotle seemed orthodox because his doctrines seemed to prove the immortality of the soul4 ,al-,farabi expresses his theory of causality in the treatise called 8the gems of wisdom40 ,everything which exists after having not existed1 he says1 must be brought into being by a cause which itself may be the result of some preceding cause1 and so on1 until we reach a ,first ,cause1 which is and always has been1 its eternity being necessary because there is no other cause to precede it1 and ,aristotle has shown that the chain of causes cannot be infinite4 ,the ,first ,cause is one and eternal1 and is ,god 7cf4 ,aristot4 ,metaph4 #ab4 #g1 and similarly ,plato1 ,timus #bh74 ,being unchanged this ,first ,cause is perfect1 and to know it is the aim of all philosophy1 for obviously everything would be intelligible if the cause of all were known4 ,this ,first ,cause is the 8necessary being0 whose existence is necessary to account for all other existence2 it has neither genus1 species1 nor differentia2 it is both external and internal1 at once apparent and concealed2 it cannot be perceived by any faculty but is knowable by its attributes1 and the best approach to knowledge is to know that it is inaccessible4 ,in this treatment al-,farabi is mingling the teaching of philosophy proper with mysticism1 in his days rapidly developing in ,asiatic ,islam1 and especially in the ,shiite community with which he was in contact4 ,from the philosophical point of view ,god is unknowable but necessary1 just as eternity and infinity are unknowable but necessary1 because ,god is above all knowledge3 but in another sense ,god is beneath all knowledge1 as the ultimate reality must underline all existing things1 and every result is a manifesting of the cause4 ,the proof of the existence of ,god is founded upon the argument in ,plato1 ,timus #bh1 and ,aristotle1 ,metaphysics #ab4 #g1 and was later on used by ,albertus ,magnus and others4 ,in the first place a distinction is made between the possible1 which may be only potential1 and the real4 ,for the possible to become real it is necessary that there should be an effective cause4 ,the world is evidently composite1 and so cannot itself be the first cause1 for the first cause must be single and not multiple3 therefore the world evidently proceeds from a cause other than itself4 ,the immediate cause may itself be the result of another preceding cause1 but the series of causes cannot be infinite1 nor can they return as a circle upon themselves1 therefore if we trace back we must ultimately reach an ens primum1 itself uncaused1 which is the cause of all1 and this first cause exists of necessity1 but not by a necessity caused by anything other than itself4 ,it must be single and unchangeable1 free from all accidents1 absolute1 perfect1 and good1 and the absolute intelligentia1 intelligibile1 and intelligens4 ,in itself it possesses wisdom1 life1 insight1 will1 power1 beauty and goodness1 not as acquired or external qualities1 but as aspects of its own essence4 ,it is the first will and the first willing1 and also the first object of will4 ,it is the end of all philosophy to know this first ,cause1 which is ,god1 because as ,he is the cause of all1 all can be understood and explained by understanding and knowing ,him4 ,that the first ,cause is single and one and the cause of all agrees with the teaching of the ,quran1 and al-,farabi freely uses ,quranic phraseology in perfect good faith1 supposing that the ,aristotelian doctrine corroborates the doctrine of the ,quran4 ,the most curious part of al-,farabi's work is the way in which he employs the terminology of the ,quran as corresponding to that of the neo-,platonists1 so that the ,quranic pen1 tablet1 etc41 represent the neo-,platonic1 etc4 ,it may be questioned whether1 even in al-,farabi1 philosophy really does fit in with ,quranic doctrine1 but the divergence was not yet sufficiently marked to compel attention4 ,assured of the conformity of the teaching of ,aristotle with the teaching of revelation al-,farabi denies that ,aristotle teaches the eternity of matter1 and so is inconsistent with the dogma of creation4 ,the whole question depends on what is meant by 8creation40 ,god1 he supposes1 created all things in an instant in unmeasured eternity1 not directly1 but by the intermediary operation of the aql or ,agent ,intelligence4 ,in this sense ,aristotle held that the universe existed in eternity1 but it so existed as a created thing4 ,creation was therefore complete before ,god1 acting through the aql1 introduced movement1 at which time commenced2 as movement and time came into existence simultaneously1 forthwith creation already existing in the timeless came out of its concealment and entered into reality4 ,the term 8creation0 is sometimes used as applying to this emergence from timeless quiesence1 but more properly may be taken as denoting the causation1 which1 as it preceded time1 came into unmeasured eternity1 which is what ,aristotle means when he speaks of the world as eternal4 ,thus both ,quran and ,aristotle are right1 but each uses 8creation0 to denote a different thing4 ,it is difficult to over-estimate the importance of al-,farabi4 ,practically all we afterwards meet in ,ibn ,sina and ,ibn ,rushd is already to be found in substance in his teaching1 only that these later philosophers have realized that the ,aristotelian system cannot be reconciled with the traditional theology1 and so1 having given up all attempt at formal reconciliation1 are able to express themselves more clearly and to press home their tenets to their logical conclusions4 ,when considering the reconciliation between philosophy and ,quran attempted by al-,farabi it is important to compare and contrast the reconciliation attempted on quite other lines by al-,ashari and other founders of orthodox scholasticism4 ,it must be noted that the beginning of scholasticism was contemporary with al-,farabi4 ,as has been noted1 al-,farabi was mixed up with the ,shiite group2 the supporters of ,alid claims who held aloof from the official ,khalifate at ,baghdad4 ,about the time of al-,kindi's death 7circ4 #bfj71 the twelfth ,imam of the ,ithna ashariya or orthodox ,shiite sect1 ,muhammad al-,muntazar1 8disappeared40 ,in the year #cbj1 within the period of al-,farabi's activity1 the ,buwayhid princes became the leading power in ,iraq1 and in #ccd1 five years before his death1 they obtained possession of ,baghdad1 so that for the next #acc years the ,khalifs were in very much the same position as the ,frankish kings when they1 surrounded with great ceremony and treated with the utmost reverence1 were no more than puppets in the hands of the ,mayors of the ,palace4 ,in exactly the same way the ,khalifs1 half popes and half emperors1 whose sign manual was sought as giving a show of legitimacy to sovereigns even in far-off ,india1 possessed in ,baghdad only ceremonial functions1 and were treated as honoured prisoners by the ,buwayhid ,emirs1 who themselves were ,shiites of the ,ithna ashariya sect1 and who1 consequently1 regarded the ,khalifs as mere usurpers4 ,at this period the ,shiites were the patrons of philosophy1 and the orthodox ,sunnis generally took a reactionary attitude4 ,besides the ,ithna ashariya1 the comparatively orthodox ,shiites1 there was another branch of extremer type known as the ,sabiya or 8seveners40 ,the sixth ,imam ,jafar as-,sadiq had nominated his son ,ismail as his successor1 but as ,ismail was one day found drunk1 ,jafar disinherited him and appointed his second son ,musa al-,qazam 7d4 #ahc74 ,but some did not admit that the ,imamate1 whose divine right passed by hereditary descent1 could be transferred at will1 but remained loyal to ,ismail1 and these preferred1 when ,ismail died in ,jafar's lifetime1 to transfer their allegiance to his son ,muhammed1 reckoning him as the seventh ,imam4 ,these 8seveners0 continued to exist as an obscure sect until1 it would appear1 somewhere about the year #bbj1 when ,abdullah1 the son of a ,persian oculist named ,maymun1 either was made their head or led a secession from them1 and organised his followers with a kind of freemasonry in seven 7afterwards nine7 grades of initiation and a very admirably organised system of propaganda on the lines already laid down by the ,hashimites 7cf4 supra74 ,in the earlier grades the doctrine of batn or allegorical interpretation of the ,quran was laid down as essential to a right understanding of its meaning1 for the literal sense is often obscure1 and sometimes refers to things incomprehensible1 a doctrine commonly attributed to ,jafar as-,sadiq4 ,the initiate was then taught that the true meaning could not be discovered by private interpretation but needed an authoritative teacher1 the ,imam1 or1 as he had disappeared1 his accredited representative1 the ,mahdi ,abdullah1 son of ,maymun4 ,in the higher grades the disciple had this inner meaning of the ,quran disclosed to him1 and this proved to be substantially the ,aristotelian and neo-,platonic doctrine in general outline1 together with certain oriental elements derived from ,zoroastrianism and ,masdekism4 ,these oriental elements figured chiefly in the doctrines taught to the intermediate grades1 the higher ones attaining a pure agnosticism with an ,aristotelian background4 ,the sect thus formed spread1 developed1 and finally divided4 ,it had a successful career in the ,bahrayn or district near the junction of the two rivers1 the ,tigris and ,euphrates1 and there its followers were known as ,qarmatians1 after the name of a leading missionary4 ,it met with success also in and around ,aden1 but we have no account of its subsequent history there4 ,from ,aden missionaries passed over to ,north ,africa1 where it had its chief success1 and when ,ubayd ,allah1 a descendant of ,abdullah1 passed over there an independent state was founded1 with its capital at ,kairawan 7#big ,a4,h474 ,from ,kairawan a missionary propaganda was conducted in ,egypt1 then suffering from almost perennial misgovernment1 and in the days of the deputy ,kafur a definite invitation was sent by the ,egyptian officials asking for the ,khalif of ,kairawan to enter ,egypt4 ,at length ,ubayd ,allah's great-grandson al-,moizz did invade ,egypt in #cef1 and established there the ,fatimite ,khalifate1 which lasted until the country was conquered by ,saladin in #efg4 ,the ,sabiya sect was thus geographically divided into two branches1 one in ,asia represented by the ,qarmatians1 the other in ,africa under the ,fatimite ,khalifs4 ,in the ,asiatic branch the members were chiefly drawn from the ,nabatan peasantry1 and the sect took the form of a revolutionary group with communist teaching1 and violently opposed to the ,muslim religion4 ,in their contemptuous hostility they finally attacked ,mecca1 slew many of the dignitaries of the city and a number of pilgrims who were there1 and carried off the sacred black stone1 which they retained for several years4 ,in the hands of the ,qarmatians the sect ceased to be a propaganda of philosophical doctrine1 it became simply anti-religious and revolutionary4 ,the history of the ,african branch took a different turn4 ,possession of an important state brought with it a position of respectability1 and political ambition replaced religious enthusiasm4 ,as the majority of the subject population was strictly orthodox1 the peculiar tenets of the sect were1 to a large extent1 allowed to drop into the background2 candidates were still admitted to initiation and instructed1 but1 although the ,fatimite rulers in ,egypt were liberal patrons of scholarship1 and generally showed a more tolerant attitude than other contemporary ,muslim rulers1 they certainly did not carry out a wholesale ,aristotelian propaganda2 indeed1 the line of 8philosophers0 proper simply misses over ,fatimite ,egypt1 although there were several distinguished medical workers there4 ,from the ,ismailians or ,sabiya of ,egypt there came two interesting off-shoots4 ,towards the end of the reign of the sixth ,fatimite ,khalif1 al-,hakim1 who may have been a religious fanatic1 perhaps insane1 or possibly an enlightened religious reformer of views far ahead of his age--his real character is one of the problems of history--there arrived in ,egypt certain ,persian teachers holding doctrines of transmigration and of theophanies1 which seem to be endemic in ,persia1 and these persuaded al-,hakim that he was an incarnation of the ,deity4 ,a riot followed the open preaching of this claim1 and the preachers fled to ,syria1 then a part of the ,fatimite dominions1 and there founded a sect which still exists in the ,lebanon under the name of the ,druzes4 ,soon after this al-,hakim himself disappeared2 some said he was murdered1 others said he had retired to a ,christian monastery1 and was recognised there afterwards as a monk2 others believed he had gone up to heaven1 and more than one claimant appeared asserting that he was al-,hakim returned from concealment4 ,the other off-shoot shows a more definitely philosophical bearing4 ,in the days of al-,mustansir1 al-,hakim's grandson1 one of the ,ismailian missionaries1 a ,persian named ,nasir-i-,khusraw1 came from ,khurasan to ,egypt1 and after a stay of seven years returned home4 ,this seems to have coincided with a kind of revival in the ,ismailian sect1 which now regarded ,cairo as its headquarters4 ,the ,qarmatians had quite passed away2 al-,hakim1 whatever his later eccentricities1 had been a patron of scholarship1 the founder of an academy1 the ,daru l-,hikma1 or 8,house of ,wisdom10 at ,cairo1 and had enriched it with a large library1 and was himself distinguished as a student of astronomy4 ,the reign of his grandson was the golden age of ,fatimid science1 and apparently ,shiites from all parts of ,asia found their way to ,egypt4 ,in #dga another dai or missionary1 ,hasan-i-,sabbah1 a pupil of ,nasir-i-,khusraw1 visited ,cairo and was received by the ,chief ,dai1 but not allowed to see the ,khalif1 and eighteen months later was compelled to leave the country and return to ,asia4 ,there were two factions in ,cairo1 the adherents respectively of the ,khalif's two sons1 ,nizar and ,mustali2 ,nasir-i-,khusraw and ,hasan-i-,sabbah had already made themselves known as supporters of the elder son ,nizar1 but the court officials in ,egypt adhered to the younger son ,mustali4 ,when the ,khalif al-,mustansir died in #dhg the ,ismailian sect divided into two new branches1 the ,egyptians and ,africans generally recognising ,mustali1 the ,asiatics adhering to ,nizar4 ,this latter group had already been well organised by ,nasir-i-,khusraw and ,hasan-i-,sabbah1 who for several years previously had been preaching the rights of ,nizar4 ,on his return home1 about #dgc1 ,hasan-i-,sabbah had secured possession of a stronghold known as ,alamut1 8the eagle's teaching0 7cf4 ,browne3 ,lit4 ,history of ,persia1 ii4 #bjc1 espec4 note #ac71 and this became the headquarters of the sect of ,nizaris or ,assassins1 who figure so prominently in the history of the ,crusades4 ,they had many mountain strongholds1 but all were under the control of the ,sheikh or 8,old ,man of the ,mountain10 as the ,crusaders and ,marco ,polo called him1 at ,alamut4 ,these ,sheikhs or ,grand ,masters of the order continued for eight generations1 until ,alamut was captured by the ,mongols in #fah ,a4,h4 7 #abba ,a4,d471 and the last was put to death4 ,as the order grew it spread into ,syria1 and it was the ,syrian branch with which the ,crusaders from ,europe came most into contact4 ,in this order we find the old system of successive grades of initiation4 ,the ,lasiqs1 or 8adherents10 had but little knowledge of the real doctrines of the sect1 and attached to them were the ,fidais or 8self-devoted10 bound to blind obedience and ready to execute vengeance at the bidding of their superiors2 these were the men to whom the ,crusaders especially applied the term ,assassins1 that is ,hashishin or 8users of hashish10 referring to the hashish or ,indian hemp which they commonly used as a means of exaltation4 ,above these were the ,rafiqs or 8companions10 and above these was an ordered hierarchy of dais or missionaries1 ,chief ,missionaries 7dai i-,kabir71 and ,supreme ,missionary 7dai d-,duat74 ,in the eyes of outsiders the whole sect had a sinister appearance2 the crimes of the ,fidais1 usually committed under striking and dramatic circumstances1 and the reputed heresies of the superior grades were sufficient to secure this1 and the general dread with which they were regarded was increased by incidents which showed that they had spies and sympathizers in all directions4 ,the superior grades1 however1 were true heirs of the old ,ismailian principles and ardent students of philosophy and science4 ,when the ,mongols under ,hulagu seized ,alamut in #fed 7 ,a4,d4 #abef7 they found an extensive library and an observatory with a collection of valuable astronomical instruments4 ,the ,mongol capture meant the downfall of the ,assassins1 although the ,syrian branch still continued in humbler fashion1 and the sect has adherents even at the present day4 ,scattered relics survive also in central ,asia1 in ,persia1 and in ,india2 the ,agha ,khan is a lineal descendant of ,ruknu d-,din ,khurshah1 the last ,sheikh at ,alamut4 ,thus the movement started by ,abdullah1 the son of ,maymun1 whose original purpose seems to have been to maintain a highly philosophical religion as revealed by ,aristotle and the neo-,platonists1 but to safeguard this as an esoteric faith disclosed only to initiates1 the rank and file being apparently ,shiite sectaries1 produced a group of very curious sects4 ,in the ,qarmatians the esoteric tenets were compelled to take a debased form because those who professed them1 and into whose hands this branch fell altogether1 were illiterate peasants4 ,in the ,fatimid state of ,egypt they were minimised because political considerations rendered it expedient to conciliate orthodox ,muslim opinion4 ,and in the ,assassins1 confined1 it seems1 to the higher grades of the initiates1 they produced a rich intellectual development1 though allied to a system which shows fanaticism unscrupulously used by the leaders that they might live out their lives in a philosophical seclusion1 protected from the dangers which surrounded them4 ,before leaving this particular subject1 which shows the promulgation of philosophy as an esoteric creed1 we must refer to a society known as the ,ikhwanu s-,safa or 8the brotherhood of purity40 ,we do not know what its connection with ,abdullah b4 ,maymun's sect may have been beyond the fact that they were contemporary and of kindred aims1 but it certainly seems that there was some connection3 it has been suggested that this brotherhood represents the original teaching of ,abdullah's sect4 ,it was divided into four grades1 but its doctrines were promulgated freely at an early date1 though we do not know whether this general divulging of its teaching was part of the original plan or forced upon it by circumstances4 ,it appears openly about #cfj1 some hundred years after ,abdullah founded his sect1 shortly after the ,fatimites had conquered ,egypt and some time after the ,qarmatians had returned the sacred black stone which they had stolen from the 8,house of ,god0 at ,mecca4 ,it seems tempting to suggest that it may have been a reformation of the ,ismailians on the part of those who wished to return to the original aims of the movement4 ,the published work of the brotherhood appears in a series of #ea epistles1 the ,rasail ikhwani s-,safa1 which form an encyclopdia of philosophy and science as known to the ,arabic-speaking world in the #dth cent4 ,a4,h4 ,they do not propose any new theories but simply furnish a manual of current material4 ,the whole text of these epistles has been printed at ,calcutta1 whilst portions of the voluminous whole have been edited by ,prof4 ,dieterici between #aheh and #ahgb1 and these were followed in #ahgf and #ahgi by two volumes called ,makrokosmos and ,mikrokosmos1 in which an epitome is presented of the whole work4 ,it appears that the leading spirit in the preparation of this encyclopdia was ,zayd b4 ,rifaa1 and with him were associated ,abu ,sulayman ,muhammad al-,busti1 ,abu l-,hasan ,ali az-,zanjani1 ,abu ,ahmad al-,mahrajani1 and al-,awfi1 but it does not follow that these were the founders of the brotherhood1 as some have supposed4 ,a great part of the ,epistles of the ,brotherhood deals with logic and the natural sciences1 but when the writers turn to metaphysics1 psychology1 or theology1 we find very clear traces of the neo-,platonic doctrines as contained in ,alexander of ,aphrodisias and matured by ,plotinus4 ,god1 we read1 is above all knowledge and above all the categories of human thought4 ,from ,god proceeds the aql or intelligence1 a complete spiritual emanation which contains in itself the forms of all things1 and from the aql proceeds the ,universal ,soul1 and from that ,soul comes primal matter3 when this primal matter becomes capable of receiving dimensions it becomes secondary matter1 and from that the universe proceeds4 ,the ,universal ,soul permeates all matter and is itself sustained by the perpetual emanation of itself from the aql4 ,this ,universal ,soul permeating all things yet remains one2 but each individual thing has a part-soul1 which is the source of its force and energy1 this part-soul having a varying degree of intellectual capacity4 ,the union of soul and matter is temporary2 by wisdom and faith the soul tends to be set free from its material fetters1 and so to approach nearer to the present spirit or aql4 ,the right aim of life is the emancipation of the soul from matter1 so that it may be absorbed in the parent spirit and thus approach nearer to the ,deity4 ,all this is but a repetition of the teaching of al-,farabi and the neo-,platonists1 slightly coloured1 perhaps1 by ,sufism1 and expressed less logically and lucidly than in the teaching of the philosophers4 ,in general character it shows a tendency towards pantheism1 akin to the tendency we have already observed in certain of the ,mutazilites4 ,god1 properly so called1 is outside1 or rather on such a plane that man does not know1 and never can know1 anything about ,him4 ,even the aql is on a plane other than that on which the human soul lives4 ,but the ,universal ,soul which permeates all things is an emanation from this ,spirit1 and the ,spirit emanates from the unknowable ,god4 ,comparing this with the teaching of al-,kindi and al-,farabi it is clear that it is based upon the same material1 but it is in the hands of those who have made it a religion1 and this religion has entirely broken away from the orthodox doctrine of the ,quran4 ,in al-,farabi this breach is not conscious1 although really quite complete2 in his successors we see a full realization of the cleavage4 ,comparing it with ,sufism the superficial resemblances are very close1 the more so as ,sufism borrows a great deal of philosophical1 i4e41 neo-,platonic terminology1 but in fact there is an essential divergence3 the ,epistles of the brethren represent the emancipation of the soul from matter as the aim of life1 and the final result is reabsorption in the ,universal ,soul1 but they represent this emancipation as due to an intellectual force1 so that the soul's salvation lies in wisdom and knowledge2 it is a cult of intellect4 ,but ,sufism is spiritual in another sense3 it has the same aim in view1 but it regards the means as wisdom in the sense of religious truth as found by the devout soul in piety1 not as the wisdom obtained by intellectual learning4 ,we seem1 however1 justified in saying that ,sufism is the heir of the philosophical teaching of al-,farabi and the ,brethren of ,purity1 at least in ,asia4 ,after the first quarter of the fifth century philosophical teaching seems to have disappeared altogether in ,asia1 but this is only apparent4 ,in substance it remains in ,sufism1 and we may say that the essential change lies in the new meaning given to 8wisdom10 which ceases to signify scientific facts and speculations acquired intellectually1 and is taken to mean a supra-intellectual knowledge of ,god4 ,this1 perhaps1 represents the ,indian contribution working upon elements of ,hellenistic origin4 ,the doctrines of the ,brethren of ,purity were introduced to the ,west by a ,spanish doctor1 ,muslim b4 ,muhammad ,abu l-,qasim al-,majriti al-,andalusi 7d4 #cie-f71 and were largely influential in producing the falasifa of ,spain1 who ultimately exercised so great an influence on medival ,latin scholasticism4 ,before leaving this particular section of our subject it will be well to note that all these sects and groups we have mentioned after al-,farabi1 from the sect founded by ,abdullah b4 ,maymun to the ,brethren of ,purity1 agreed in treating philosophy1 at least in so far as it had any bearing on theological topics1 as esoteric1 and not to be disclosed to any save the elect4 ,this general attitude will appear again1 in a slightly different form1 in the works of the ,spanish philosophers1 and to some extent recurs in all ,islamic thought4 ,the greatest product in ,asia of the ferment of thought produced by the general study of the ,aristotelian and neo-,platonic philosophies appears in ,abu ,ali al-,husayn b4 ,abdullah b4 ,sina 7d4 #dbh ,a4,d4 #ajbg71 commonly known as ,ibn ,sina1 which is ,latinized as ,avicenna4 ,his life is known to us from an autobiography completed by his pupil1 ,abu ,ubayd al-,juzjani1 from his master's recollections4 ,we learn that his father was governor of ,kharmayta1 but1 after his son's birth1 he returned to ,bukhara1 which had been the original home of his family1 and it was there that ,ibn ,sina received his education4 ,during his youth some ,ismailian missionaries arrived from ,egypt1 and his father became one of their converts4 ,from them the son learned ,greek1 philosophy1 geometry1 and arithmetic4 ,this helps to remind us how the whole ,ismailian propaganda was associated with ,hellenistic learning4 ,it is sometimes stated that the ,egypt of the ,fatimite age was isolated from the intellectual life of ,islam at large3 but this is hardly accurate2 from first to last the whole of the ,ismailian movement was connected with the intellectual revival due to the reproduction of ,greek philosophy in ,arabic form1 less so1 of course1 when the ,ismailian converts were drawn from the illiterate classes1 as was the case with the ,qarmatians1 and when the attention of the members was engrossed with political ambitions1 as was the case with the ,fatimids whilst they were building up their power in ,africa before the invasion of ,egypt4 ,but even under the most unfavourable conditions it seems that the dais or missionaries regarded the spread of science and philosophy as a leading part of their duties1 quite as much so as the preaching of the ,alid claims of the ,fatimite ,khalif4 ,learning ,greek and ,greek philosophy from these missionaries ,ibn ,sina made rapid progress1 and then turned to the study of jurisprudence and mystic theology4 ,jurisprudence1 that is to say1 the canon law based on one of the orthodox systems laid down by ,abu ,hanifa and the other recognised jurists1 or by their ,shiite rivals1 has always been the backbone of ,islamic scholarship1 and was thus parallel with the study of canon law in medival ,europe3 in each case it turned men's attention to the development of the social structure towards an ideal1 and this had an educative influence of the highest value4 ,we1 holding very different principles1 may be tempted to under-estimate this influence1 but it is worth noting that1 whilst our aims are opportunist in character1 the canonist of ,islam or of ,christendom had a more definitely constructed ideal1 with a more complete and scientific finality1 which1 in so far as it was an ideal1 was an uplifting power4 ,in ,muslim lands the canonists were the one power which had the courage and ability to resist the caprices of an autocratic government1 and to compel even the most arbitrary princes to submit to principles which1 however narrow and defective they may seem to us1 yet made the ruler admit that he was subordinate to a system1 and defined the limits allowed by that system in conformity with ideals of equity and justice4 ,it is interesting to note that in ,ibn ,sina's time mystic theology had already taken its place as a subject of serious study4 ,a short time afterwards a philosopher named an-,natali arrived at ,bukhara and became a guest of ,ibn ,sina's father4 ,bearing in mind the technical meaning of failasuf1 we recognise this guest as a professed ,aristotelian1 and presumably one able to obtain his living as a teacher of the ,aristotelian doctrine4 ,from him ,ibn ,sina learned logic and had his mind directed towards the ,aristotelian teaching1 which was then preached like a religion4 ,after this he studied ,euclid1 the ,almagesta1 and the 8,aphorisms of the ,philosophers40 ,his next study was medicine1 in which he made so great progress that he adopted the practice of medicine as his profession4 ,he attempted to study ,aristotle's ,metaphysics1 but found himself entirely incapable of understanding its meaning1 until one day he casually purchased one of al-,farabi's books1 and by its help he was able to grasp the meaning and purport of what had so far eluded him4 ,it is on this ground that we are entitled to describe ,ibn ,sina as a pupil of al-,farabi3 it was al-,farabi's work which really formed his mind and guided him to the interpretation of ,aristotle2 al-,farabi was1 in the truest sense1 the parent of all subsequent ,arabic philosophers2 great as was ,ibn ,sina he does not enter into the tradition in the same way as al-,farabi1 and does not exercise the same influence on his successors1 although al-,ghazali classes him with al-,farabi1 and calls them the leading interpreters of ,aristotle4 ,emphasis is sometimes laid upon the fact that ,ibn ,sina treats philosophy as quite apart from revelation as given in the ,quran2 but in this he was not original3 it was the general tendency of all who came after al-,farabi2 we can only say that ,ibn ,sina was the first important writer who illustrates this tendency4 ,called to exercise his medical skill at the court of ,nuh b4 ,mansur1 the ,samanid governor of ,khurasan1 he enjoyed that prince's favour1 and in his library studied many works of ,aristotle hitherto unknown to his contemporaries1 and when that library was burned he was regarded as the sole transmitter of the doctrines contained in those books4 ,this represents contemporary ,arabic opinion about him3 there is no evidence in his existing writings that he had access to ,aristotelian material other than that generally known to the ,syriac and ,arabic writers4 ,when the affairs of the ,samanid dynasty fell into disorder ,ibn ,sina removed to ,khwarazan1 where he1 with several other scholars1 enjoyed the enlightened patronage of the ,mamuni ,emir4 ,but this ,emir was living a somewhat precarious existence in the neighbourhood of the ,turkish ,sultan ,mahmud of ,ghazna1 the stern champion of orthodoxy and the conqueror of ,india4 ,it was obvious that the ,sultan coveted the ,emir's dominions1 and that when he chose to seize them it would be impossible to resist2 he actually did take them in #djh4 ,meanwhile the ,sultan was treated with the utmost deference by the ,emir and such of his neighbours as were allowed to live on sufferance4 ,mahmud wished to be distinguished as a patron of learning1 and 8invited0 scholars to his court--in plain words1 he kidnapped scholars and took care that they never afterwards transgressed the strictest limits of orthodoxy4 ,amongst others the ,emir received a letter inviting such men of learning as were to be found in ,khwarazan to his court4 ,the ,emir read out the letter to the five most distinguished scholars who were his guests1 leaving them to act as they thought fit4 ,three of the guests were attracted by the ,sultan's reputation for generosity and accepted the invitation1 but two1 ,ibn ,sina and ,masihi1 were afraid to venture1 so they escaped privately and fled2 overtaken by a sandstorm in the desert ,masihi perished1 but ,ibn ,sina1 after long wanderings1 finally found a refuge in ,isfahan1 where the ,buwayhid ,alau d-,dawla ,muhammad held his court4 ,his experiences show plainly that it was the ,shiites who were the supporters of philosophy1 and that the growing ,turkish power of ,mahmud of ,ghazna and of the ,seljuks who succeeded him was reactionary and unfavourably disposed towards philosophical research4 ,it was the ,turkish power which finally checked the progress of ,arabic philosophy in the ,east4 ,ibn ,sina wrote many works in ,arabic and ,persian1 and a number of these are still extant4 ,amongst his productions were as-,shafa1 an encyclopdia of physics1 metaphysics1 and mathematics in eighteen volumes 7ed4 ,forget1 ,leiden1 #ahib71 a treatise on logic and philosophy1 and the medical works on which his fame so largely rests4 ,the best known of these are the ,najat abridged from the as-,shafa1 and the medical ,canon1 in which he reproduced the teaching of ,galen and ,hippocrates with illustrative material from the later medical writers4 ,the ,canon is more methodical in its arrangement than the al-,hawi of ,razes1 hitherto the popular manual of medicine in ,arabic2 indeed1 its chief defect is an excessively elaborate classification4 ,it became the leading medical authority1 and1 after translation into ,latin by ,gerard of ,cremona1 served for many centuries as the chief representative of the ,arabic school of medicine in western ,europe1 holding its place in the universities of ,montpelier and ,louvain down to ,a4,d4 #afej4 ,ibn ,sina treats logic as of use rather in a negative than in a positive way3 8the end of logic is to give a man a standard rule1 by observing which he is preserved from error in reasoning0 7,isharat ed4 ,forget1 p4 #b74 ,his treatise on this subject in ,tis ,rasail fi-l-,hikma wa-l-,tabiyat 7p4 #gi1 pub4 ,stamboul1 #abih71 is divided into nine parts corresponding to the ,arabic canon of ,aristotle1 which includes the ,isagoge as well as the ,rhetoric and ,poetics4 ,he makes special note to the logical bearing of particular grammatical constructions which in ,arabic differ from the forms used in ,greek1 as1 for example1 where the ,greek expresses the universal negative by 8all ,a is not ,b10 but ,arabic renders this 8nothing of ,a 7is7 ,b40 ,he lays great emphasis upon accurate definition1 which he describes as the essential basis of all sound reasoning1 and to this he devotes much attention4 ,definition proper must state the quiddity of a thing1 its genus1 differentia1 and all its essential characteristics1 and is thus distinct from mere description1 which need only give the propria and accidents in such a way that the thing may be recognised correctly4 ,in dealing with the universal and the particular he considers that the universal exists only in the human mind3 the abstract idea of the genus is formed in the mind of the observer when he compares individuals and makes note of their points of similarity1 but this abstract idea exists only as a mental concept and has no objective reality4 ,the universal precedes the individual 7genus ante res7 only in the way that the general idea existed in the mind of the ,creator before the individual was formed1 just as the idea of an object to be made exists in the mind of the artificer before the work is executed4 ,the general idea is realised in matter 7genus in rebus71 but only when accompanied by accidents3 apart from these accidents it exists only as a mental abstraction4 ,after the general idea is realised in matter 7genus post res7 it is possible for the intellect to make a mental abstraction and to use this as a standard of comparison with other individuals4 ,the generic belongs only to the realm of thought1 and such abstract ideas have no objective existence1 although they may be used as real in logic4 ,the soul is treated as a collection of faculties 7kowa7 or forces acting on the body3 all activity of any sort1 in bodies animal or vegetable1 as well as human1 proceeds either from such forces added to the body or from the mixture of elements from which the body is formed4 ,the simplest soul condition is that of the vegetable whose activity is limited to nutrition and generation and accretion by growth 7,najat1 p4 #dc74 ,the animal soul possesses the vegetable faculties but adds to them others1 and the human soul adds yet others to these1 and the addition made to the human soul enables it to be described as a rational soul4 ,the faculties present in the soul may be divided into two classes1 the faculties of perception and the faculties of action4 ,the faculties of perception are partly external and partly internal3 of these the external faculties exist in the body wherein the soul dwells and are the eight senses1 sight1 hearing1 taste1 smell1 perception of heat and cold1 perception of dry and moist1 perception of resistance as by hard and soft1 and perception of rough and smooth4 ,by means of these senses the form of the external object is reproduced in the soul of the percipient4 ,there are four internal faculties of perception3 7i47 al-musawira1 8the formative10 whereby the soul perceives the object without the aid of the senses as by an act of imagination2 7ii47 al-mufakkira1 8the cogitative10 by which the soul perceiving a number of qualities associated together abstracts one or more of them from the others with which they are associated1 or groups together those which are not seen as connected2 this is the faculty of abstraction which is employed in forming general ideas2 7iii47 al wahm1 or 8opinion10 by means of which a general conclusion is drawn from a number of ideas grouped together2 and 7iv47 al-hafiza or az-zakira1 8memory10 which preserves and records the judgments formed4 ,men and animals perceive particulars by means of sense2 man attains the knowledge of universals by means of reason4 ,the aql or rational soul of man is conscious of its own faculties1 not by means of an external1 i4e41 bodily sense1 but immediately by the exercise of its own reasoning power4 ,this proves to be an independent entity1 even though accidentally connected with a body and dependent on that body for sense perception3 the possibility of direct knowledge without sense perception shows that it is not essentially dependent on the body1 and the possibility of its existence without the body1 which follows logically from its independence1 is the proof of its immortality4 ,every living creature perceives that it has only one ego or soul in itself1 and this soul1 says ,ibn ,sina1 did not exist prior to the body but was created1 that is to say1 proceeded by emanation from the ,agent ,intellect at the time when the body was generated4 7,najat1 p4 #ea74 ,under the head of ,physics ,ibn ,sina considers the forces observed in nature1 including all that are in the soul1 save only that which is peculiar to the rational soul of man4 ,these forces are of three kinds3 some1 such as weight1 are an essential part of the body in which they occur2 others are external to the body on which they act1 and are such as cause movement or rest2 and others1 again1 are such as the faculties possessed by the non-rational souls of the spheres1 which produce movement directly without external impulse4 ,no force is infinite2 it may be increased or diminished1 and always produces a finite result4 ,time is regarded as essentially dependent on movement2 although it is not itself a form of movement1 so far as the idea of time is concerned1 it is measured and made known by the movements of the heavenly bodies4 ,following al-,kindi place is defined as 8the limit of the container which touches the contained40 ,vacuum is 8only a name01 in fact it is impossible1 for all space can be increased1 diminished1 or divided into parts1 and so must contain something capable of increase1 etc4 ,god alone is 8necessary being10 and so the supreme reality4 ,space1 time1 etc41 belong to 8actual being10 and whatever necessity they possess is derived from ,god4 ,the objects studied in physical science are only 8possible being10 which may or may not become 8actual being40 ,god alone is necessarily existent through all eternity3 ,he is the truth in the sense that ,he alone is true absolutely1 all other reality is so only in so far as it is derived from ,god4 ,from ,god by emanation comes the aql or 8,agent ,intellect10 and from this proceeds the intellect or reason which differentiates the rational soul in man from the soul in other creatures4 ,to every man this intellect is given1 and in due course it returns to the 8,agent ,intellect0 which was its source4 ,the soul's possible activity1 independent of the body with which it is associated1 proves its immortality1 but this immortality does not imply separate existence1 but rather reabsorption in the source4 ,from the aql also proceeds the universe1 but not like the reason of man by direct emanation1 but by the medium of successive emanations4 ,ibn ,sina was the last of the great philosophers of the ,east4 ,two causes combined to terminate philosophy proper in ,asiatic ,islam4 ,in the first place it had become closely identified with the ,shiite heresies1 and was thus in bad repute in the eyes of the orthodox2 whilst the ,shiite sects themselves1 all of the extremer kind 7ghulat71 which had devoted themselves most to philosophical studies1 had also taken up a number of pre-,islamic religious theories1 such as transmigration of souls1 etc41 which were detrimental to scientific research4 ,neo-,platonism had shown itself at an earlier period prone to similar tendencies4 ,as a result the ,shiites tended towards mystic and often fantastic theories1 which were discouraging to the study of ,aristotelian doctrines4 ,the second cause lay in the rise of dominant ,turkish elements1 ,mahmud of ,ghazna1 then the ,saljuk ,turks1 which were of uncompromising orthodoxy1 and abhorred everything which was associated with the ,shiites or tended to rationalism4 ,for all that it left permanent marks in ,asiatic ,islam in two directions3 in orthodox scholasticism and in mysticism4 ,we have already noted that ,muslim b4 ,muhammad ,abu l-,qasim al-,majriti al-,andalusi 7d4 #cie-f71 as his name denotes1 a native of ,madrid1 brought the teachings of the ,brethren of ,purity to ,spain1 and so incidentally aroused an interest there in the philosophy which had been studied in the ,east4 ,for some time no important results appeared1 then followed a series of brilliant philosophical writers and teachers1 deriving their inspiration partly from the ,brethren1 and partly from the ,jewish students4 ,,chapter ,,vii ,,sufism ,sufism or ,islamic mysticism1 which becomes prominent in the course of the #crd cent4 ,a4,h41 was partly a product of ,hellenistic influences1 and exercised a considerable influence on the philosophers of the time of ,ibn ,sina and afterwards4 ,the name ,sufi is derived from suf 8wool10 and so means 8wool-clad10 thus denoting a person who from choice used clothing of the simplest kind and avoided every form of luxury or ostentation4 ,that this is the true meaning is proved by the fact that ,persian employs as its equivalent the term pashmina-push1 which also means 8wool-clad40 ,by a popular error the ,arabic writers on ,sufism often treat the word as derived from safa1 8purity10 and so make it something akin to 8puritan02 and still more incorrectly certain ,western writers have supposed that it is a transliteration of the ,greek ,greek3 sophos 4 ,the emphasis is laid upon the ascetic avoidance of luxury and the voluntary adoption of simplicity in clothing on the part of those to whom the term is applied4 ,if we regard this as a form of asceticism it will be at once objected that asceticism has no place in the teaching of the ,quran and is alien to the character of early ,islam4 ,in a sense this is true1 and in a sense untrue according to the meaning we attach to the term 8asceticism40 ,as it is used in the history of ,christian monasticism1 or of the devotees of several ,indian religions1 or even of the latter ,sufis1 it implies a deliberate avoidance of the normal pleasures and indulgences of human life1 and especially of marriage1 as things which entangle the soul and prevent its spiritual progress4 ,in this sense asceticism is alien to the spirit of ,islam1 and appears amongst ,muslims only as an exotic4 ,but the term may be used1 not very accurately perhaps1 of the puritanical restraint and simplicity which avoids all luxury and display1 and deliberately tries to retain a primitively simple and self-denying manner of life4 ,in this latter sense asceticism or puritanism was a distinguishing mark of the 8old believer0 as contrasted with the secularised ,arab of the ,umayyad type1 and this attitude always had its admirers4 ,the historians constantly refer with commendation to the abstemious lives of the early ,khalifs and the 8,companions0 of the ,prophet1 and describe how they were abstinent not from poverty but in order to put themselves on an equality with their subjects1 and to preserve the traditional mode of life of the ,prophet and his first followers1 and very often in the recognised ,traditions we find mention of the bare and simple mode of life of the first ,muslims4 ,quite early this simplicity appears as the distinctive mark of the strict ,muslim1 and emphasizes the difference between him and the worldly followers of the ,umayyads1 and similar instances appear amongst the devout ,muslims of the present day4 ,such were not ,sufis1 but they may be regarded as the precursors of the ,sufis4 ,the historian al-,fakhri1 describing the abstemious life of the first ,khalifs1 says that they endeavoured by this self-restraint to wean themselves from the lusts of the flesh4 ,this is reading a later idea into a much earlier practice1 which was originally designed simply as a more accurate following of the ,prophet1 who was unable to enjoy any luxury or splendour2 but it shows that later generations were inclined to ascribe a more definitely ascetic motive to the affectedly simple life of the earlier ,muslims1 and no doubt that early puritanism1 misunderstood by later ages1 contributed to spread asceticism4 ,al-,qushayri 7cited ,browne3 ,lit4 ,hist4 of ,persia1 i4 pp4 #big-h71 after referring to the 8,companions0 and 8,followers0 of the first age of ,islam1 then mentions the 8ascetes0 or 8devotees0 as the elect of a later age1 those who were most deeply concerned with matters of religion1 and finally the ,sufis as those elect of still later times1 8whose souls were set on ,god1 and who guarded their hearts from the disasters of heedlessness40 ,historically this is an error1 for the saints of early ,islam were inspired by a spirit of strict adherence to the traditional life of their desert ancestors and rejected luxury as an 8innovation10 very much the same spirit as that observed in the ancient ,hebrew prophets2 whilst the ,sufis were no enthusiasts for tradition1 but eschewed bodily indulgence as an entanglement of the flesh which hindered the progress of the spirit1 so that they were in no sense the successors of the 8,companions10 but were influenced by new ideas unknown to early ,islam4 ,yet superficially the results were very much alike1 and this caused the two to be connected1 and helped the later custom of connecting the early puritans with the ascetics of a subsequent age4 ,in its earliest form1 also1 ,islam made a strong appeal to the motive of fear1 an appeal not based on divine severity so much as on divine justice and on man's consciousness of his own sinfulness and unworthiness1 and on the fleeting passage of the life lived in this present world4 ,there was an intense concentration on the ,day of ,judgment and on the perils of the sinner1 a teaching which is perceived in the ,quran even by the most casual reader3 but all this was not altogether congenial to the ,arab1 although he in poetry certainly inclined towards a tone of sadness4 ,the inevitable result of this teaching was asceticism in the puritanical sense1 or1 perhaps we should say1 a tone of severity in religion4 ,jami1 one of the greatest ,persian authorities on ,sufism1 tells us that the name 8,sufi0 was first applied to ,abu ,hashim 7d4 #afb71 an ,arab of ,kufa who spent the greater part of his life in ,syria1 and is typical of the early ,islamic devotee who followed the simplicity of the ,prophet's life and was deeply influenced by the ,quranic teaching about sin1 judgment1 and the brief passage of earthly life4 ,similar devotees1 claimed as ,sufis by later ,sufi writers1 but more properly devotees who were their precursors1 appear in the course of the #bnd century1 such as ,ibrahim b4 ,adham 7d4 #afb71 ,daud of ,tayy 7d4 #afe71 ,fadayl of ,iyad 7d4 #ahh71 ,maruf of ,karkh 7d4 #bjj71 and others1 both men and women4 ,amongst these there was gradually evolved the beginnings of an ascetic theology in traditional sayings and narratives of their lives and conduct1 a hagiology which lays great emphasis upon their penances and self mortification4 ,of this material the most important is the recorded teaching of ,maruf of ,karkh1 from which we may quote the definition of ,sufism as 8the apprehension of divine realities10 which1 in a slightly altered sense perhaps1 becomes the keynote of later ,sufism4 ,can we trace the origin of these early recluses8 ,von ,kremer 7,herrsch1 p4 #fg7 considers this type as a native ,arab growth developed from pre-,islamic ,christian influences4 ,christian monasticism we know was familiar to the ,arabs in the country fringing the ,syrian desert and in the desert of ,sinai3 of this we have evidence both in ,christian writers like ,nilus and in the pre-,islamic poets1 as in the words of ,imru l-,qays3-- 8,friend1 see the lightning--it flashed and is gone1 like the flashing of two hands on a crowned pillar3 ,did its blaze flash forth8 or was it the lamp of a monk who poured oil on the twisted wick80 ,the hermit's life was known even in ,arabia itself1 and tradition relates that ,muhammad received his first call when he had retired to the cave of ,hira and was living as a recluse there1 returning periodically to his home and taking back food with him to the cave 7cf4 ,bukhari3 ,sahih1 i474 ,it seems likely1 indeed1 that the early recluses of ,islam were inspired by the example of ,christian monasticism1 either directly or through the medium of ,muhammad's traditional retirement4 ,but these recluses were not numerous1 and admittedly neglect the ,quranic command to marry 7,qur4 #bd1 #cb74 ,thus the earlier asceticism shows the character of devout quietism1 of a puritanical abstinence from display of wealth and from self-indulgence1 of a strict simplicity of life rather than of a voluntary poverty and mortification1 of occasional retirement from the world1 and only in rare instances of the permanent adoption of the hermit life4 ,an instance of this type occurs in ,abu l-,abbas as-,sabti 7d4 #ahd71 son of the ,khalif ,harunu r-,rashid1 who renounced rank and fortune for a life of meditation and retirement4 ,in the latter part of the #crd cent4 we begin to find evidences of a 8new ,sufism10 which was inspired by religious ideals other than those which had been dominant in early ,islam1 and which developed from those ideals a theology of its own1 which for a long time was not admitted as orthodox4 ,asceticism still occurs1 but whilst1 on the one hand1 it begins to take a more definite character in the deliberate seeking of poverty and mortification1 it is1 on the other hand1 relegated to a subordinate place as a merely preparatory stage in the ,sufi life1 which is technically described as a 8journey40 ,poverty1 which amongst the early ,muslims was esteemed simply in so far as it reproduced the modest life of the ,prophet and his companions1 and was a standing protest against the secularisation of the ,umayyads1 now assumed greater prominence as a devotional exercise1 a change which appears definitely in ,daud at-,tai 7d4 #afe71 who limited his possessions to a rush mat1 a brick which he used as a pillow1 and a leather water bottle4 ,in later ,sufism poverty takes a position of great prominence3 the terms faqir1 8poor man10 and darwish1 8mendicant10 become synonyms for 8,sufi40 ,but in ,sufi teaching religious poverty does not mean absence of possessions only3 it implies the absence of all interest in earthly things1 the giving up of all participation in earthly possessions1 and desiring ,god as the only aim of desire4 ,so mortification is the subjugation of the evil part of the animal soul1 the nafs which is the seat of the lust and passions1 and so the weaning of the soul from material interests1 a 8dying to self and to the world0 as a beginning of a living to ,god4 ,what was the source of the theology developed in the newer ,sufism8 ,undoubtedly this was neo-,platonic1 as has been proved by ,dr4 ,nicholson 7,selected ,poems from the ,diwan of ,shams-i-,tabriz1 ,camb41 #ahih1 and ,the ,mystics of ,islam1 ,lond4 #aiad71 and by ,prof4 ,browne 7,literary ,hist4 of ,persia1 ,lond41 #aijb1 chap4 xiii471 and forms part of the influence which came into ,islam at the introduction of ,greek philosophy under the ,abbasids4 ,but as in philosophy and other cultural transmissions direct ,greek influence was preceded by an indirect influence brought to bear through ,syriac and ,persian1 so it was also in neo-platonic theology1 for neo-,platonic influences had already been brought to bear upon the ,syrians and ,persians in the pre-,islamic period4 ,in the forefront of the later direct influence must be placed the so-called ,theology of ,aristotle1 which it is no exaggeration to describe as the most prominent and the widest circulated manual of neo-,platonism which has ever appeared4 ,it is1 as we have already stated1 an abridged translation of the last three books of ,plotinus' ,enneads4 ,now the mysticism of ,plotinus is philosophical and not religious1 but it lends itself to a theological interpretation very easily1 just as neo-,platonism as a whole very readily became a theological system in the hands of ,jamblichus1 of the pagans of ,harran1 and such like2 and the ,sufis were inclined to make this application1 whilst the falasifa confined themselves to its philosophical side4 ,it seems probable that the influence of the ,pseudo-,dionysius was brought to bear upon ,islam about the same time4 ,the ,pseudo-,dionysian writings consist of four treatises1 of which two1 a treatise 8,on ,mystical ,theology0 in five chapters1 and a treatise 8,on the ,names of ,god0 in thirteen chapters1 have been the chief source of ,christian mystical theology4 ,the first reference to these writings occurs in ,a4,d4 #ecb1 when the claim was made that they were the work of ,dionysius1 the ,areopagite1 a pupil of ,st4 ,paul1 or at least represent his teaching4 ,in several places the writer cites ,hierotheus as his teacher1 and this enables us to identify the source as a ,syrian monk named ,stephen ,bar ,sudaili1 who wrote under the name of ,hierotheus 7cf4 ,asseman1 ,bibl4 ,orient4 ii4 #bij-bia74 ,this ,bar ,sudaili was abbot of a convent at ,edessa1 and was involved in controversy with ,james of ,sarugh1 so that we may refer the writings to the latter part of the #eth century ,a4,d4 ,they were translated into ,syriac very soon after their first appearance in ,greek1 and1 as familiar to ,syriac ,christians1 must have become indirectly known to the ,muslims4 ,we have no direct evidence as to their translation into ,arabic1 but ,mai gives fragments of other works of ,bar ,sudaili which appear in ,arabic ,,mss4 in his ,spicilegium ,romanum 7iii4 #gjg74 ,the traditional view of the relations between ,sufism and philosophy is described in the anecdote cited by ,prof4 ,browne 7,lit4 ,hist4 of ,persia1 ii4 #bfa1 from ,akhlag-i-,jalali7 of the ,sufi ,abu ,said b4 ,abi l-,khayr 7d4 #dda ,a4,h4 #ajdi ,a4,d471 who is said to have met and conversed with ,ibn ,sina2 when they parted ,abu ,said said of ,ibn ,sina1 8,what ,i see1 he knows10 whilst ,ibn ,sina said1 8,what ,i know1 he sees40 ,but there were other influences of a secondary character at work in ,iraq and ,persia which become important when we remember that it was the subject population of those parts which had1 to a large extent1 replaced the ,arabs as the leaders of ,islam during the ,abbasid period4 ,in connection with the ,sufis probably we cannot refer any influence to the ,zoroastrian religion proper1 which had a non-ascetic and national character2 but the ,manichan and ,masdekite religions1 the two 8free churches0 of ,persia1 show a definitely ascetic tone1 and when we find1 as is the case1 that many of the early ,sufis were converts from ,zoroastrianism1 or the sons of such converts1 we are inclined to suspect that1 though professing that recognised religion1 they were in all probability actually ,zindiqs1 that is to say secretly heretics and initiates of the ,manichan or ,masdekite sect making external profession of the more recognised cult1 as was the common practice of these ,zindiqs4 ,note must also be made of the ,gnostic influences transmitted through the ,saniya of the fen country between ,wasit and ,basra1 the ,mandans1 as they are called to distinguish them from the so-called ,sabians of ,harran4 ,the ,sufi ,maruf of ,karkh was himself the son of ,sabian parents4 ,and again we must not ignore the probability of ,buddhist influences1 for ,buddhist propaganda had been active in pre-,islamic times in ,eastern ,persia and ,transoxiana4 ,buddhist monasteries existed in ,balkh1 and it is noteworthy that the ascete ,ibrahim b4 ,adham 7d4 #afb--;cf4 supra7 is traditionally described as a prince of ,balkh who left his throne to become a darwish4 ,on closer examination1 however1 it does not appear that ,buddhist influence can have been very strong1 as there are essential differences between ,sufi and ,buddhist theories4 ,a superficial resemblance exists between the ,buddhist nirvana and the fana or reabsorption of the soul in the ,divine ,spirit of ,sufism4 ,but the ,buddhist doctrine represents the soul as losing its individuality in the passionless placidity of absolute quiescence1 whilst the ,sufi doctrine1 though also teaching a loss of individuality1 regards everlasting life as consisting in the ecstatic contemplation of the ,divine ,beauty4 ,there is an ,indian parallel to fana1 but it is not in ,buddhism1 but in the ,vedantic pantheism4 ,it is generally accepted that the first exponent of ,sufi doctrine was the ,egyptian1 or ,nubian1 ,dhu n-,nun 7d4 #bde-bdf71 a pupil of the jurist ,malik b4 ,anas1 who lived at the time when there was much percolation of ,hellenistic influence into the ,islamic world4 ,he was indeed nearly contemporary with ,abdullah1 the son of ,maymum1 whose work we have already noticed4 ,dhu n-,nun's teaching was recorded and systematized by al-,junayd of ,baghdad 7d4 #big71 and in it appears essential doctrine of ,sufism1 as of all mysticism1 in the teaching of tawhid1 the final union of the soul with ,god1 a doctrine which is expressed in a way closely resembling the neo-,platonic teaching1 save that in ,sufism the means whereby this union is to be attained is not by the exercise of the intuitive faculty of reason but by piety and devotion4 ,still the two come very close when we find in the teachings of the later philosophers that the highest exercise of reason consists in the intuitive apprehension of the eternal verities rather than in any other activity of the intellect4 ,al-,junayd is stated by ,jami to have been a ,persian1 and it is chiefly in ,persian hands that the doctrines of ,sufism develop and turn towards pantheism4 ,both agnosticism and pantheism are present practically in the later neo-,platonism2 agnosticism as regards the unknowable ,first ,cause1 the ,god from the ,agent ,intellect is an emanation1 a doctrine which develops in the teaching of the philosophers and of the ,ismailians and kindred sects2 but ,sufi teaching centres its attention upon the knowable ,god1 which the philosopher would describe as the ,agent ,intellect or ,logos1 and this develops more usually in a pantheistic direction4 ,the doctrines thus developed and expressed by al-,junayd were boldly preached by his pupil1 ash-,shibli of ,kurasan 7d4 #cce74 ,al-,husayn b4 ,mansur al-,hallaj 7d4 #cji7 was a fellow-student of ash-,shibli1 and shows ,sufism as allied with extremely unorthodox elements4 ,he was of ,zoroastrian descent and closely in touch with the ,qarmatians1 and seems to have held those doctrines which are usually associated with the ghulat or extreme ,shiites1 such as transmigration1 incarnation1 etc4 ,he was put to death as a heretic for declaring 8,i am the truth01 thus identifying himself with ,god4 ,the accounts given of him show great differences of opinion3 for the most part the earlier historians1 approaching the subject from an orthodox stand-point1 represent him as a wily conjurer who by pretended miracles gained a number of adherents1 but later ,sufi writers regard him as a saint and martyr who suffered because he disclosed the great secret of the union between the soul and ,god4 ,the doctrine of hulul1 or the incarnation of ,god in the human body1 was one of the cardinal tenets of the ghulat4 ,according to al-,hallaj1 man is essentially divine because he was created by ,god in his own image1 and that is why1 in ,qur4 #b1 #cb1 ,god bids the angels worship ,adam4 ,in hulul1 which is treated as tawhid taking place in this present life1 the deity of ,god enters the human soul in the same way that the soul at birth enters the body4 ,this teaching is a fusion of the old pre-,islamic ,persian beliefs as to incarnation and the philosophical theories of neo-,platonism1 of the ,intellect or rational soul or spirit1 as it is more commonly called by ,english writers1 the part added to the animal soul is an emanation from the ,agent ,intellect1 to which it will ultimately return and with which it will be united 7cf4 ,massignon3 ,kitab al-,tawasin1 ,paris1 #aiac74 ,this is an extremely interesting illustration of the fusion of oriental and ,hellenistic elements in ,sufism1 and shows that the theoretical doctrines of ,sufism1 whatever they may have borrowed from ,persia and ,india1 receive their interpretative hypotheses from neo-,platonism4 ,it is interesting also as shewing in the person of al-,hallaj a meeting-point between the ,sufi and the philosopher of the ,ismailian school4 ,very similar was the teaching of ,abu ,yazid or ,bayazid of ,bistam 7d4 #bfj71 who was also of ,zoroastrian descent4 ,the pantheistic element is very clearly defined3 8,god10 he said1 8is an unfathomable ocean02 he himself was the throne of ,god1 the preserved ,tablet1 the ,pen1 the ,word--all images taken from the ,quran--,abraham1 ,moses1 ,jesus1 and ,gabriel1 for all who obtain true being are absorbed into ,god and become one with ,god4 ,pantheistic views and the doctrine of hulul occur frequently in ,sufi teaching1 but they are by no means universal4 ,indeed1 we cannot make any accurate statement of ,sufi doctrine in detail1 but only of general principles and tendencies4 ,the ,sufis do not form a sect1 but are simply devotees of mystical tendencies spread through all the branches of the ,muslim community4 ,in the #crd cent4 they are most prominent amongst the ,shiites1 and so ,shiite views seem to be incorporated in ,sufism1 but they form no integral part of it4 ,precisely similar conditions occur in ,christianity where mysticism has flourished in the extremer ,protestant sects as well as in the contemplative orders of the ,catholic ,church1 and1 in spite of theological differences1 has a very considerable amount of common material4 ,only it must be noted that no basis of mysticism exists unless some such relations between the human soul and ,god are pre-supposed1 as are suggested by neo-,platonism4 ,christian mysticism1 in the true sense1 does not begin in the ,west until the works of the ,pseudo-,dionysius were translated into ,latin in the #ith cent4 ,a4,d41 and ,muslim mysticism dates from the translation of the ,theology of ,aristotle4 ,on the other hand1 it must also be noted that mysticism exercises a strong modifying influence on theology generally4 ,the tendency of mysticism is towards a latitudinarian type3 it is consequently opposed1 consciously or unconsciously1 to definite dogmatic teaching and so to speculative theology and philosophy4 ,superficially ,muslim mysticism seems to be organised like a sect4 ,reference is often made to the various 8grades0 of ,sufis4 ,but these are not official grades like those of the ,ismailians and similar bodies1 but denote successive stages on the path of personal holiness3 it is no more than a fanciful terminology1 perhaps borrowed from some of the sects because it seems that ,sufism flourished earliest and most freely in some of the extremer ,shiite groups4 ,it was1 and is1 most usual for the beginner in the path of holiness to put himself under the direction of some experienced spiritual guide1 who acts as his teacher1 and is known as sheikh1 murshid1 or pir4 ,in many cases this pupilage involves absolute and blind obedience to the teacher1 because the renunciation of personal wishes and inclinations and all that can be described as self-will is one of the forms of abnegation required of those who seek to be weaned from earthly interests4 ,from the grouping of devotees around some prominent teacher has arisen the foundation of darwish confraternities1 sometimes as sodalities of laymen1 who pursue their secular occupations and meet from time to time for religious exercises and instruction1 and sometimes as permanent communities living in strict obedience under a sheikh4 ,traces of such monastic institutions appear in ,damascus about #aej ,a4,h41 and in ,khurasan some fifty years later4 ,none of the existing orders of ,islam1 however1 seem to be of so early a date4 ,we hear of a sheikh ,alwan 7circ4 #adi71 whose shrine is at ,jedda1 and who is the reputed founder of the ,alwaniya community1 a body now existing only as a subdivision of the ,rifaite order4 ,there are also orders known as the ,adhamiya1 ,bastamiya1 and ,saqatiya1 which trace their origin to ,ibrahim b4 ,adham 7cf4 above71 to ,bayazid ,bastami1 and to ,sari as-,saqati respectively1 but whose real origin is uncertain4 ,in the #fth century we are on surer ground4 ,there is no reason to question the claim of the ,rifaite order to trace its foundation to ,abu l-,abbas ,ahmad b4 ,ali l-,hasan ,ali ibn ,abi l-,abbas ,ahmad ,rifai 7d4 #egh71 a native of the village of ,umm ,abida1 near the junction of the ,tigris and ,euphrates4 ,in his lifetime he gathered a large body of disciples1 whom he incorporated in an order in #egf1 the members living in community under a sheikh1 to whom they owed unquestioning obedience1 but having also1 like other orders1 a number of lay adherents4 ,dying without issue the headship of his order passed to his brother's family4 ,it exists to-day in two main branches 7i47 the ,alwaniya1 already mentioned1 and 7ii47 the ,gibawi1 who are best known from their association with the ceremony of the dawsa1 at which the sheikh used to ride over the prostrate bodies of his followers4 ,of all the orders now flourishing in ,egypt it is the one most inclined to fanatical observances at its zikr or prayer-meeting1 the members cutting themselves1 driving sharp skewers and knives into their bodies1 swallowing snakes1 etc41 and in prayer allowing the name of ,god oft-repeated to become at last no more than a half articulate groan4 ,they are usually distinguished by black-turbans4 ,the ,qadariya claim ,abdu l-,qadir ,jilani 7d4 #efa7 as their founder4 ,at their zikr there is none of the fire-eating1 serpent-swallowing1 or self-mutilation of the ,rifaites1 but only the name of ,god is repeated1 always clearly enunciated and followed by a pause4 ,the ,badawiya were founded by ,abu l-,fita ,ahmad 7d4 #fge71 whose shrine is at ,tanta1 in ,lower ,egypt4 ,the zikr is of a sober kind1 the ,divine name being repeated in a loud voice without cutting1 fire-eating1 etc4 ,the ,mawlawiya or dancing darwishes were founded by the ,persian mystical poet ,jalalu d-,din ,rumi1 the author of the poem known as the ,masnawi4 ,the ,suhrwardiya trace their origin to ,shihabu d-,din1 a pantheistic ,sufi of ,baghdad1 who was put to death by ,saladin in #ehg4 ,in each of these orders a special course of instruction has taken a more or less conventional form1 and there have been certain great teachers whose writings have come into use as manuals1 and so have impressed their views upon ,sufism generally4 ,yet the fact remains that ,sufi teaching is essentially eclectic1 and can be formulated only in broad principles and tendencies4 ,of these the following seem to be of most general application3-- 7i47 ,god alone exists2 ,god is the only reality1 all else is illusive4 ,this is the ,sufi rendering of the doctrine of the unity of ,god4 ,strictly speaking 8,god0 here signifies the ,agent ,intellect1 that is to say1 the revelation of ,god who in ,himself is unknowable1 but the ,sufi does not make this philosophical distinction clear1 or else deliberately regards the revelation of ,god as ,god4 ,but in man there is a rational soul1 which is to ,god as a mirrored image is to the object which it reflects1 and is capable of approaching the ,divine reality4 ,as other than ,god is merely illusive it is obvious that a knowledge of ,god the ,reality cannot be attained by the medium of created things1 and thus the ,sufis were led1 like the neo-,platonists1 to attach greater value to immediate intuition by the rational soul than to the use of arguments1 and so to place direct revelation above what is ordinarily described as reason4 ,this is a line of development common to all forms of mysticism1 and results in a preference for ecstasy or similar spiritual experience above the record of past revelation as given in the ,quran4 ,the doctrine of ecstasy 7hal or maqama7 was first formulated by ,dhu n-,nun1 and implies fana or 8passing away10 i4e41 insensibility to the things of this world1 and finally baqa or 8continuance0 in ,god4 ,usually this experience is accompanied by loss of sensation1 though this is not always the case1 and there are many legends of ,sufi saints which represent them as totally unconscious of violence of wounds2 and this is not confined to legend1 for most extraordinary sufferings are endured1 apparently with perfect placidity1 by darwishes at the present day1 perhaps in accordance with psychological laws which are imperfectly understood1 and this is the underlying idea in the exercises undergone by the ,rifai darwishes and others4 ,the exercise known as zikr 7dhikr7 or 8remembering10 in accordance with the command in ,qur4 #cc1 #da1 8remember ,god often10 is an attempt to make an advance towards the ecstatic state4 ,it was perhaps under ,sufi influence that we find philosophy inclining to prefer knowledge obtained by immediate intuition2 it was certainly under such influence that ecstasy is treated as a means of obtaining such direct apprehension of truth in the later philosophers4 7ii47 ,the ,sufi doctrine of ,god as the only reality has a direct bearing not only on creation but also on the problem of good and evil4 ,as a thing can only be known by its opposite1 light by darkness1 health by sickness1 being by non-being1 so ,god could only be made known to man as reality contrasted with non-reality1 and the mingling of these two opposites produces the world of phenomena in which light is made known by a background of darkness1 which darkness is itself only the absence of light3 or1 as being proceeds by successive emanations from the ,first ,cause1 and becomes weaker or less real in each emanation as it recedes further from the great ,reality1 it incidentally becomes more perceptible as it becomes less real4 ,thus evil1 which is merely the negation of the moral beauty of the ,reality1 appears in the latest emanation as the unreal background which is the inevitable result of a projection of the emanation from the ,first ,cause1 who is entirely good1 into a world of phenomena4 ,evil is therefore not real1 it is merely the result1 the inevitable result1 of the mingling of reality with unreality4 ,in fact1 this is implied in the doctrine that all other than ,god is unreal4 7iii47 ,the aim of the soul is union with ,god4 ,this doctrine of tawhid1 as we have seen1 received early expression in ,muslim mystic theology4 ,dr4 ,nicholson is of opinion that 8the ,sufi conception of the passing away 7fana7 of individual self in universal being is certainly of ,indian origin4 ,its first great exponent was the ,persian mystic ,byazd of ,bistm1 who may have received it of his teacher1 ,ab ,al of ,sind 7,scinde470 7,nicholson3 ,mystics of ,islam1 p4 #ag47 ,but this is only one particular way of presenting a doctrine which has a much wider range and is present in all mystical teaching1 including that of the neo-,platonists4 ,in the highest sense it is the basis of ,sufi ethics1 for the summum bonum is defined as the union of the individual soul with ,god1 and all is good which helps towards this1 all is evil which retards it1 and this is true of ,christian and all other forms of mysticism equally4 ,we cannot say definitely that the doctrine of the unitive state is borrowed from neo-,platonism1 from ,buddhism1 or from ,gnosticism2 it is the common property of all1 and is the natural conclusion from the mystics premises as to the nature of ,god and of the human soul4 ,it may well be that certain presentations of this doctrine show ,indian details1 but in this as in all other parts of ,sufi speculation it seems that the constructive theory employed in forming a theological system was neo-,platonic3 even in mysticism the ,greek mind exercised its influence in analysing and constructing hypotheses4 ,at quite an early age the soul's desire for union with its ,divine source began to be clothed in terms borrowed from the expression of human love4 ,with some hesitation we may say1 perhaps1 that this is distinctly oriental1 although it was so only as a means of expressing a desire which is characteristic of all mysticism4 ,we find the same1 at a later period1 though in a much more restrained fashion1 in ,christian mysticism1 and it is not easy to see the actual line of contact1 if any4 ,perhaps we must be content to regard it as independently developed as a means of expressing the soul's longing4 ,the rise of ,sufi teaching was not without opposition1 and this was mainly on three grounds 7i47 the ,sufis advocated constant prayer in the form of unceasing silent intercourse with ,god1 and by this tended to discard the fixed salawat or five obligatory prayers at appointed hours1 one of the compulsory duties of ,islam and one of its distinctive marks4 ,ultimately the ,sufi position was that these fixed ritual observances were for the people at large who had not made any advance in the deeper spiritual knowledge1 but might be disregarded by those who were more mature in grace1 a position which is closely parallel to that attained by the philosophers4 7ii47 ,they introduced zikirs or religious exercises1 consisting in a continuous repetition of the name of ,god1 a form of devotion unknown to older ,islam1 and consequently an innovation4 ,and 7iii47 many of them adopted the practice of tawakkul1 or complete dependence on ,god1 neglecting all kinds of labour or trade1 refusing medical aid in sickness1 and living on alms begged from the faithful4 ,all these were 8innovations10 and as such met with very definite opposition1 mostly1 no doubt1 because they were repugnant to the sober tone of traditional ,islam1 which has always been suspicious of oriental fanaticism4 ,the more serious objection1 that it really dispensed with the religion of the ,quran is implied if not expressed2 it introduced an entirely new concept of ,god and a new standard of religious values2 if ,sufi ideas prevailed the practices of the ,muslim religion would be at best the tolerable and harmless usages of those who were not initiated into vital religion4 ,in fact1 however1 the philosophical principles brought forward by the neo-,platonic ,aristotelian works in general circulation were so far influential and regarded as reconcileable with the ,quran that ,sufism1 in so far as it was neo-,platonic1 did not appear to be destructive of ,islam1 but only at variance with customary usage4 ,nevertheless1 ,sufism was generally looked upon as heretical1 not only from the 8innovations0 we have mentioned1 but because of the close alliance between the doctrines of its extremer advocates and those of the more advanced ,shiites4 ,it is indeed most significant that it developed chiefly amongst the same elements which gave the readiest hearing to philosophy and still adhered to ,zoroastrian and ,masdekite ideas4 ,no doubt the ill repute of ,sufism was largely due to the bad company it kept4 ,it was not until the time of al-,ghazali 7d4 #eje7 that ,sufism began to take its place in orthodox ,islam4 ,al-,ghazali1 left an orphan at an early age1 had been educated by a ,sufi friend1 and1 after becoming an ,asharite and as such acting as president of the ,nazimite academy at ,baghdad1 found himself in spiritual difficulties1 and spent eleven years in retirement and in the practices of devotion1 with the result that when he returned to work as a teacher in #ddi his instruction was strongly leavened by mysticism1 practically a return to the principles he had been taught in his early years4 ,as al-,ghazali became in course of time the dominant influence in ,muslim scholasticism1 a modified and orthodox ,sufism was introduced into ,sunni theology and has since held its own4 ,at the same time he reduced ,sufism to a scientific form1 and gave1 or rather supported1 a terminology derived from ,plotinus4 ,such a ,sufism may be described as ,muslim mystic theology purged of its ,shiite accretions4 ,this admission of a modified ,sufism into the orthodox church of ,islam took place in the sixth century ,a4,h4 ,in the following century ,sufism appeared in ,spain1 but there it arrived as transmitted through an orthodox medium1 and hence differs from ,asiatic mysticism4 ,the first ,spanish ,sufi seems to have been ,muhyi d-,din ibn ,arabi 7d4 #fch71 who travelled in ,asia and died at ,damascus4 ,he was a follower of ,ibn ,hazm1 who1 as we shall see later1 represents a system of jurisprudence of a type more reactionary even than that of ,ibn ,hanbal4 ,in ,spain itself the leading ,sufi was ,abdu l-,haqq ibn ,sabin 7d4 #ffg71 who shows the more characteristic ,spanish attitude of a ,sufi who was also a philosopher1 for ,spanish ,sufism was essentially speculative4 ,like many other philosophers of the ,muwahhid period he adhered outwardly to the ,zahirites1 the most reactionary party of the narrowest orthodoxy4 ,in the #gth century1 also1 we have ,jalalu d-,din ,rumi 7d4 #fgb71 who practically completes the golden age of ,sufism4 ,although a ,persian he was an orthodox ,sunni4 ,he was a native of ,balkh1 but his father was compelled to leave that city and migrate westward1 and finally settled at ,qonya 7,iconium71 where he died4 ,jalalu d-,din had been educated by his father1 and after his death he sought further instruction at ,aleppo and ,damascus1 where he came under the influence of ,burhanu d-,din of ,tirmidh1 who had been one of his father's pupils1 and continued his training in ,sufi doctrines4 ,after this teacher's death he came in touch with the eccentric but saintly ,shams-i-,tabriz1 a man of great spiritual power but illiterate1 who left a great impress on his age by his tremendous spiritual enthusiasm and the strange crudity of his conduct and character4 ,it was after the death of ,shams-i-,tabriz that ,jalalu d-,din commenced his great mystical poem1 the ,masnawi1 a work which has attained an extraordinary eminence and reverence throughout the whole of ,turkish ,islam4 ,as already mentioned1 ,jalalu d-,din founded an order of ,darwishes known as the ,mawlawi order1 or 8dancing darwishes10 as they are called by ,europeans4 ,the whole course of doctrinal ,sufism begins with ,dhu n-,nun and ends with ,jalalu d-,din2 later writers do little more than repeat their teaching in new literary form1 and it will be sufficient to select a few typical examples4 ,in the #hth cent4 we have ,abdu r-,razzaq 7d4 #gcj71 a pantheistic ,sufi who wrote a commentary on and defended the teaching of ,muhiyyu d-,din ibnu l-,arabi4 ,he advocated the doctrine of free will on the ground that the human soul is an emanation from ,god1 and so shares the ,divine character4 ,this world1 he holds1 is the best possible world3 differences in condition exist and justice consists in accepting these and adapting things to their situation2 ultimately all things will cease to exist as they are reabsorbed in ,god1 the only reality4 ,men are divided into three classes3 the first contains the men of the world1 whose life centres in self and who are indifferent towards religion2 a second class contains the men of the reason1 who discern ,god intellectually by his external attributes and manifestations2 and as a third class are the men of the spirit1 who perceive ,god intuitively4 ,although ,sufism has now taken a recognised place in the life of ,islam1 it was not allowed to pass without occasional challenge4 ,the leading opponent was the ,hanbalite reformer1 ,ibn ,taymiya 7d4 #gbh71 who represented the reactionary but popular theology4 ,he rejected formal adherence to any school1 dismissed all importance attached to ,ijma or 8consensus0 save that based on the agreement of the ,prophet's ,companions2 he denounced the scholastic theology of al-,ashari and al-,ghazali1 and defined the ,divine attributes on the lines laid down by ,ibn ,hazm4 ,at that time the ,sufi an-,nasr al-,manbiji was prominent in ,cairo1 and to him ,ibn ,taymiya wrote a letter denouncing the ,sufi doctrine of ittihad as heresy4 ,from this arose a quarrel between the two rival forces of ,islam1 traditional orthodoxy and mysticism1 in the course of which ,ibn ,taymiya suffered persecution and imprisonment4 ,towards the end of his life1 in #gbf1 he issued a fatwa or declaration of opinion against the lawfulness of the reverence paid to the tombs of saints and of the invocation of saints1 the ,prophet himself included4 ,in this he was the precursor of the ,wahibi reformation of the #ahth cent4 ,a4,d4 ,,mss4 exist in which the works of ,ibn ,taymiya are copied out by the hand of ,abdu l-,wahhab1 who was evidently a close student of that reformer1 all of whose theories he reproduces4 ,ash-,sharani of ,cairo 7d4 #igc7 is typical of the later orthodox ,sufi4 ,he was a follower of ,ibn ,arabi on general lines but without his pantheism4 ,his writings are a strange mixture of lofty speculation and lowly superstition1 his life was full of intercourse with jinns and other supernatural beings4 ,the truth1 he states1 is not to be reached by the aid of reason1 but only by ecstatic vision4 ,the wali is the man who possesses the gift of illumination 7ilham71 or direct apprehension of the spiritual1 but that grace differs from the inspiration 7wahy7 bestowed upon the prophets1 and the wali must submit to the guidance of prophetic revelations4 ,all walis are essentially under the qutb1 but the qutb is inferior to the companions of ,muhammad4 ,whatever rule 7tariqa7 a darwish follows he is guided by ,god1 but ash-,sharani himself preferred the rule of al-,junayd4 ,the varying opinions of the canonists are adapted to the different needs of men4 ,ash-,sharani was the founder of a darwish order which forms a subdivision of the ,badawiya 7cf4 above74 ,his writings have considerable influence in modern ,islam1 and form the programme of those who advocate a neo-,sufi reformation4 ,,chapter ,,viii ,,orthodox ,,scholasticism ,the formation of an orthodox scholasticism within the ,muslim church appears as a development spread over the #dth-#eth centuries of the ,hijra 7#aj-aa cent4 ,a4,d471 and is in three strata associated with the three leaders1 al-,ashari1 al-,baqilani1 and al-,ghazali4 ,such a development1 of course1 is principally of interest for the internal history of ,islam and the evolution of ,muslim theology1 but it had its influence also on the transmission of ,arabic thought to ,latin ,christendom in two ways3 7i47 directly1 in that al-,ghazali was established as one of the great ,arabic authorities when the ,latins began to study the interpreters of ,aristotle1 and his teaching is quoted by ,st4 ,thomas ,aquinas and other scholastic writers2 and 7ii47 indirectly1 because a considerable part of the work of ,ibn ,rushd 7,averroes7 takes the form of controversy against the followers of al-,ghazali2 his ,destruction of the ,destruction1 for example1 is a refutation of al-,ghazali's ,destruction of the ,philosophers4 ,it thus becomes imperative to know something about the position and teaching of al-,ghazali and the influences which prepared the way for his work4 ,such a movement as orthodox scholasticism was inevitable4 ,the position at the end of the third century was quite impossible4 ,the orthodox ,muslim adhered strictly to tradition1 and entirely refused to admit 8innovation0 7bida73 he had been forced into this position as a reaction against his earlier ready acceptance of ,plato and ,aristotle as inspired teachers1 for the later errors of the ,mutazilites showed what extremely dangerous conclusions could be drawn by those who came under ,hellenistic influence1 and the more accurately the ,greek philosophers were studied the worse the heresies gathered from them4 ,orthodox thought held itself carefully aloof from the ,mutazilites and philosophers on the one side1 and from the ,shiites and ,sufis on the other1 confining itself to the safe studies of ,quran exegesis1 tradition1 and the canon law in which at ,baghdad the reactionary influence of ,ibn ,hanbal was predominant4 ,the whole of the third century had been a time of reaction on the part of the orthodox1 very largely due to the unfortunate attempt of al-,mamun to force rationalism on his subjects4 ,al-,ghazali tells us in his 8,confessions0 that some sincere ,muslims felt themselves bound to reject all the exact sciences as of dangerous tendency1 and so repudiated scientific theories as to eclipses of the sun and moon4 ,all speculation lay under a ban1 because it led to 8innovation0 in belief or in practice2 it was contrary to orthodoxy to use the methods of ,greek philosophy to prove revealed doctrine as much as it was to impugn it1 for both alike were innovations on the traditional usage2 nothing was known of spiritual matters save what is actually stated in the ,quran and tradition1 and from this nothing could be deduced by the use of argument1 for logic itself was a ,greek innovation1 at least as applied to theology3 only that was known which was actually stated1 and no explanation of the statement was lawful4 ,thus1 when ,ahmad ibn ,hanbal was examined by the inquisitors of al-,mamun he replied only by quoting the words of the ,quran or tradition1 refusing to draw any conclusions from these statements and admitting no conclusions drawn1 keeping silence when arguments were proposed to him1 and protesting that such examination as to religious belief was itself an innovation4 ,this position was hardly satisfactory to those who had inherited any part of the ,hellenic tradition1 and it ultimately became impossible4 ,an organic body which cannot adapt itself to its surroundings is doomed to decay4 ,the ,islamic state had sufficient vitality to meet the new conditions introduced by its expansion to ,syria and ,persia1 and now the time had come for ,islamic theology to adapt itself to the new thought that was invading it4 ,as we have seen1 the philosophers al-,kindi and al-,farabi were loyal ,muslims1 and had no suspicion that their investigations were leading to heretical conclusions1 and such was undoubtedly the case with the earlier ,mutazilites also1 but results had justified the orthodox in a suspicious attitude towards 8argument0 7kalam74 ,now1 towards the close of the third century the attempt to find an orthodox kalam appears as a movement which originates with the ,mutazilites1 of whom a section of the more conservative sought to return to an orthodox stand-point1 and to use kalam in theology in defence of the traditional beliefs as against the heretical conclusions which were in circulation4 ,following a somewhat later usage we may employ this term kalam to denote an orthodox philosophical theology1 that is to say1 one in which the methods of philosophy were used1 but the primary material was obtained from revelation1 and thus one which was closely parallel with the scholastic theology of ,latin ,christendom4 ,we have cited the name of al-,ashari as representative of the first stage of this movement1 but it is equally represented by the contemporary al-,mataradi in ,samarqand and by at-,tahawi in ,egypt4 ,of these1 however1 at-,tahawi has quite passed into oblivion4 ,for long the ,asharites and the ,mataridites formed rival orthodox schools of kalam1 and al-,mataridi's system still has a certain vogue amongst ,turkish ,muslims1 but the ,asharite system is that which commands the widest assent4 ,theologians reckon thirteen points of difference between the two schools1 all of purely theoretical importance4 ,al-,ashari was born at ,basra in #bfj or #bgj1 and died at ,baghdad about #ccj or #cdj4 ,at first he was an adherent of the ,mutazilites1 but one ,friday in ,a4,h4 #cjj he made a public renunciation of the views of that party1 and took up a definitely orthodox position2 in the pulpit of the great mosque at ,basra he said1 8,they who know me know who ,i am2 as for those who do not know me1 ,i am ,ali b4 ,ismail al-,ashari1 and ,i used to hold that the ,quran was created1 that the eyes of men shall not see ,god1 and that we ourselves are the authors of our evil deeds2 now ,i have returned to the truth2 ,i renounce these opinions1 and ,i take the engagement to refute the ,mutazilites and expose their infamy and turpitude0 7,ibn ,khallikan1 ii4 #bbh74 ,from this it will be perceived that the doctrines then regarded as characteristic of the ,mutazilites were 7i47 that the ,quran was created1 7ii47 the denial of the possibility of the beatific vision1 and 7iii47 the freedom of the will4 ,in the period after this change al-,ashari wrote a controversial work against the ,mutazilites1 which bears the name ,kitab ash-,sharh wa-t-,tafsil1 8the book of explanation and exposition02 he was the author also of religious treatises called ,luma 8flashes10 ,mujaz 8abridgment10 ,idah al-,burhan 8elucidation of the ,burhan10 and ,tabiyin 8illustrations40 ,his real importance1 however1 lay in founding a school of orthodox scholasticism1 afterwards more fully developed by al-,baqilani1 and gradually spreading through the ,muslim world1 although strongly opposed on the one side by the falasifah1 who saw in its teaching the introduction of traditional beliefs limiting and restricting the ,aristotelian doctrine1 and on the other side by the more reactionary orthodox1 who disapproved the use of philosophical methods as applied to theological subjects4 ,this use of philosophy in the explanation and defence of religion came to be known as kalam1 and those who employed it were called mutakallamin4 ,in dealing with the old problems of ,muslim theology1 such as the eternity of the ,quran1 the freedom of the will1 etc41 the ,asharites do seem to have produced a reasonable statement of doctrine1 which yet safeguarded the main demands of orthodoxy4 7a7 ,as to the ,quran they held that it was eternal in ,god1 but its expression in words and syllables was created in time4 ,this does not of course mean that the expression was due to the ,prophet to whom it was revealed1 but to ,god1 so that the doctrine of literal inspiration was asserted in the strictest form4 ,nor was it thus created when it was revealed1 but long before in remote ages when it was first uttered to the angels and 8august beings10 and was afterwards disclosed by the angel ,gabriel to the ,prophet ,muhammad4 ,this1 which is now the orthodox belief1 has furnished an opportunity for controversy to ,christians and modern rationalists1 who have fixed upon the use of particular words1 introduced into ,arabic as loan words from ,syriac1 ,persian1 and ,greek1 and appear in the ,quran3 how1 they ask1 can it be explained that words revealed at a remote period of past eternity1 long before the creation of the world1 as it is commonly asserted1 show the influence of foreign languages which were brought to bear upon ,arabic in the #gth cent4 ,a4,d48 and ,muslim apologists1 who have always maintained the absolute purity of ,quranic ,arabic as one of the evidences of ,divine origin1 seem to regard this as a serious difficulty4 ,the view that the ,quran is eternal in substance1 and thus in substance revealed to the ,prophet1 who was left to express it in his own words1 which would thereby show the limitations of his time1 is not admitted by the orthodox4 ,it will be noted also that the ,asharite teaching evades and does not answer an old difficulty3 if the substance of the ,quran is the wisdom of ,god and is co-eternal with ,him1 even though emanating from ,him1 we have something other than ,god1 namely1 ,his wisdom1 eternally existing with ,him1 and this can be represented as parallel with the persons of the ,christian ,trinity1 so as to be inconsistent with the absolute unity of ,god4 7b7 ,this brings us to the attributes of ,god generally4 ,the ,asharites in this controversy side with the traditional school against the philosophers4 ,of the ten ,aristotelian categories they regard only two--existence1 i4e41 ens1 and quality as objectively real2 the other eight are merely relative characteristics 7itibar7 subjective in the mind of the knower1 and having no objective reality4 ,god has qualities--indeed1 no less than twenty are enumerated1 but amongst these is mukhalafa1 which is the quality of uniqueness in qualification1 so that the qualities and attributes ascribed to ,god must either be such as cannot be applied to men1 or else1 if the terms can be used of created beings1 they must have quite different meanings when applied to ,god1 and these qualities thus signified must be such as could not be predicated of men or of any other created being4 ,thus1 that ,god has power and wisdom means that ,he is almighty and omniscient in a way which could not possibly be stated of any men4 ,in practice this works so that no attribute can be applied to ,god unless it is expressly so applied in the text of the ,quran2 if it occurs there it may be used1 but must be understood as having a meaning other than such a term would have when used in the normal way of men4 ,it cannot be that ,god's attributes differ from those of men only in degree1 as that ,he is wiser and more powerful than man1 but they differ in their whole nature4 ,it is noted also that ,god is qiyam bi-n-nafs1 or 8subsisting in ,himself10 that is to say1 independent of any other than ,himself1 and so ,god's knowledge does not depend on the existence or nature of the thing known4 7c7 ,as to freedom of the will4 ,god creates power in the man and creates also the choice1 and ,he then creates the act corresponding to this power and choice4 ,thus the action is 8acquired0 by the creature4 ,of the categories existence is the first substratum1 and to this the other predicables are added3 none of these others are separable or per se1 they can only exist in the essence4 ,it is admitted that such qualities exist in the ens1 but they are only adjuncts which come into being with the ens and go out of existence with it4 ,therefore the world consists of entia or substances on which the mind reflects the qualities which are not in the thing itself but only in the mind4 ,against the ,aristotelian theory that matter suffers the impress of form1 he argues that all impress is subjective in the mind3 if all qualities fall out substance itself ceases to exist1 and so substance is not permanent but transitory1 which opposes the ,aristotelian doctrine of the eternity of matter4 ,the substances perceived by us are atoms which come into existence from vacuity and drop out of existence again4 ,thus1 when a body moves from one position to another the atoms in the first position cease to be1 and a group of new similar atoms come into existence in the second position1 so that movement involves a series of annihilations and creations4 ,the cause of these changes is ,god1 the only permanent and absolute reality4 ,there is no secondary cause1 as there are no laws of nature2 in every case ,god acts directly upon each atom4 ,thus1 fire does not cause burning1 but ,god creates a being burned when fire touches a body1 and the burning is directly ,his work4 ,so in the freedom of the will1 as1 for example1 when a man writes1 ,god gives the will to write and causes the apparent motion of the pen and of the hand1 and also directly creates the writing which seems to proceed from the pen4 ,existence is the very self of the thing4 ,this is peculiar to al-,ashari and his followers3 all others hold existence to be the state 7hl7 necessary to the essence1 but in al-,ashari it is the essence4 ,so ,god exists1 and ,his existence is the self 7ayn7 of ,his essence4 ,such a system involves ethical difficulties2 it appears that there can be no responsibility if there is no connection between action and the act done4 ,al-,ashari replied that there is a unity in the will of ,god1 so that cause and effect are not isolated as though independent atoms1 but all is disposed according to a ,divine plan4 ,this answer1 however1 can hardly be regarded as adequate4 ,this system is an attempt to deal with the difficulties raised by philosophy1 but al-,ashari considers it preferable that the difficulties should never be raised1 and so strongly urges that the mysteries of philosophy should never be discussed with the multitude4 ,we shall see the same conclusion set forth by the later philosopher of the ,west1 but on a somewhat different ground2 they regarded the mysteries of philosophy as containing the supreme truth1 for which the multitude was not ripe1 and so they should not be discussed publicly1 as the people were not able to understand2 but al-,ashari seems rather to regard these mysteries as likely to be not edifying1 as introducing questions which are of small importance compared with the great truths of revelation4 ,the ,asharite system thus described was completed by al-,baqilani 7d4 #djc71 but it did not become general until it was popularised by al-,ghazali in the ,east and by ,ibn ,tumart in the ,west4 ,al-,mataridi1 of ,samarqand was a contemporary of al-,ashari1 and reached very similar results4 ,amongst the points peculiar to al-,mataridi we may note 7a7 the attribute of creating has been an attribute of ,god from all eternity1 but this attribute is distinct from the thing created2 7b7 ,creatures have certain choice of action1 and for the things done by this choice they are rewarded or punished2 good actions are only done by the pleasure 7rida7 of ,god1 but bad actions are not always by ,his pleasure2 7c7 ,ability to do the action goes with the will and the act1 so that the creature cannot have an action imposed on him as a task which is not in his power4 ,he agrees with al-,ashari in holding that the world and all it contains have been created by ,god from nothing3 it consists of substances and attributes4 ,the substances exist in themselves1 either as compounds1 such as bodies1 or as non-compounds1 as essences which are indivisible4 ,attributes have no separate existence1 but depend for their existence on bodies or essences4 ,god is not essence1 nor attribute1 nor body1 nor anything formed1 bounded1 numbered1 limited1 nor compounded4 ,he cannot be described by mahiya 7quiddity71 nor kayfiya 7modality72 ,he does not exist in time or place1 and nothing resembles ,him or is outside ,his knowledge or power4 ,he has qualities from all eternity existing in ,his essence2 they are not ,he nor is ,he other than they4 ,for some time the ,asharites had to meet keen opposition and even persecution1 and it was not until the middle of the #eth cent4 that they came to be admitted generally as orthodox ,muslims4 ,their triumph was assured in #dei ,a4,h41 when ,nizam al-,mulk1 the wazir of ,alp ,arslan1 founded at ,baghdad the ,nizamite academy as a theological college of ,asharite teaching4 ,still the ,hanbalites raised occasional riots1 and demonstrated against those whom they regarded as free thinkers2 but these were put down by authority1 and in #eaf the ,khalif himself attended the ,asharite lectures4 ,the ,mutazilites were now merely a survival2 as broad church theologians they had fallen into general disrepute in the eyes of the orthodox1 and they were equally disliked by the philosophers as defective in their adherence to the ,aristotelian system4 ,the educated fell now into three broad groups3 on the one hand were the orthodox1 who came under the influence of al-,ashari or al-,mataridi2 on the other were those who accepted the doctrines of the philosophers1 and in the third place were those who rejected all philosophy1 and confined their attention solely to ,quran tradition and the canon law1 and who should not be excluded from the ranks of the educated1 although their studies ran in somewhat narrow lines4 ,the final triumph of the ,asharite theology was the work of al-,ghazali 7d4 #eje74 ,he was born at ,tus in #dej 7 #ajeh ,a4,d472 early left an orphan he was educated by a ,sufi friend1 and then attended the school at ,naisabur4 ,as his education progressed he cut loose from ,sufi influence and became an ,asharite1 and in #dhd he was appointed president of the ,nazimite ,academy at ,baghdad4 ,gradually1 however1 he became a prey to spiritual unrest1 and in #dhh resigned his post and retired to ,syria1 where he spent some years in study and the practices of devotion4 ,in #dii he returned to active work as a teacher in the ,nazimite ,academy at ,naisabur1 where he became the leader of a modified ,asharite system strongly leavened by mysticism1 which we may regard as the final evolution of orthodox ,muslim theology4 ,al-,ghazali1 following al-,ashari1 taught that philosophical theory cannot form the basis of religious thought1 thus opposing the position of the philosophers4 ,by revelation only can the primary essentials of truth be attained4 ,philosophy itself is no equal or rival of revelation3 it is no more than common sense and regulated thinking1 which may be employed by men about religion or any other subject2 at best it acts as a preservative against error in deduction and argument1 the primary material for which1 so far as religion is concerned1 can be furnished only by revelation4 ,but against this he appears also as the transmitter of the teaching already given1 by al-,qushayri1 which introduced the mysticism of the ,sufis into orthodox ,islam4 ,revelation indeed is given by means of the ,quran and tradition1 and it is sufficient to accept what is thus revealed1 but the ultimate truth of revelation can be tested and proved only by the experience of the individual4 ,so far as men are concerned this is possible by means of ecstasy whereby one becomes a knower 7arif71 and receives assurance and enlightenment by direct communication from ,god4 ,the soul of man differs from all other created things2 it is essentially spiritual1 and so outside the categories which are applicable only to material things4 ,the soul has been breathed into man by ,god 7,qur4 #ae1 #bi2 #ch1 #gb71 and this is comparable to the way in which the sun sends out its rays and gives warmth to those things on which its rays rest4 ,the soul1 which has no dimension1 shape1 or locus1 rules the body in the same way as ,god rules the world1 so that the body is a microcosm reproducing the conditions of the world4 ,the essential element of this soul is not the intelligence which is concerned with the bodily frame1 but the will3 just as ,god is primarily known not as thought or intelligence1 but as the volition which is the cause of creation4 ,thus ,god cannot be considered as the spirit animating the world1 which is the pantheistic position1 but as volition outside the world which has willed it to be4 ,the aim of scholastic theology is to preserve the purity of orthodox belief from heretical innovation3 8,god raised up a school of theologians and inspired them with the desire to defend orthodoxy by means of a system of proofs adapted to unveil the devices of the heretics and to foil the attacks which they made on the doctrines established by tradition0 7,al-,ghazali3 ,confessions74 ,aristotle himself was an unbeliever using arguments he should not1 but1 in spite of his errors1 his teaching as expounded by al-,farabi and ,ibn ,sina is the system of thought which comes nearest to ,islam 7id474 ,because of its unavoidable difficulties and the grave errors contained in ,aristotle and his ,arabic commentators men are not to be encouraged to read philosophy 7id474 ,there are three different worlds or planes of existence 7i47 the alam al-mulk is that in which existence is apparent to the senses1 the world made known by perception1 and this is in a state of constant change2 7ii47 the alam al-malakut1 the changeless and eternal world of reality established by ,god's decree1 of which the world of perception is but the reflexion2 7iii47 and the alam al-jarabut or intermediate state1 which properly belongs to the world of reality1 but seems to be in the plane of perception4 ,in this intermediate state is the human soul1 which belongs to the plane of reality1 though apparently projected into the perceptible plane to which it does not belong1 and then returns to reality4 ,the pen1 tablet1 etc41 mentioned in the ,quran are not mere allegories2 they belong to the world of reality1 and so are something other than what we see in this world of perception4 ,these three worlds or planes are not separate in time or space1 they are rather to be considered as modes of existence4 ,the theories of the astronomers as to movements of the heavenly bodies are to be accepted--al-,ghazali adhered1 of course1 to the ,ptolemaic system--but these deal only with the lowest plane1 the world of sense4 ,behind all nature is ,god1 who is on the plane of reality4 ,this higher plane cannot be reached by reason or intellect1 whose operations must rely on the evidence of sense perception4 ,to reach the plane of reality man must be raised by a spiritual faculty1 8by which he perceives invisible things1 the secrets of the future and other concepts as inaccessible to reason as the concepts of reason are inaccessible to mere discrimination and what is perceived by discrimination of the senses0 7op4 cit474 ,inspiration means the disclosing of realities to the prophets or saints1 and these realities can only be known by such revelation or by the personal experience of ecstasy by which the soul is raised to the plane of reality4 ,not only are the religious truths in the ,quran revealed1 but all ideas of good and evil are similarly revealed1 and could not be attained by the unaided use of reason1 a view which is obviously intended to refute the ,mutazilite claim that moral differences can be perceived by reason4 ,the philosophers also have attained truths by revelation1 and the main substance of medicine and astronomy is based on such revelation 7op4 cit474 ,unlike ,ibn ,rushd1 al-,ghazali thus emphasizes supra-rational intuition attained in a state of ecstasy1 whereby the soul is raised above the world of shadow and reflection to the plane of reality4 ,this was pure mysticism1 and thus al-,ghazali introduces a ,sufi element into orthodox ,islam4 ,at the same time he reduced ,sufism to a scientific form1 and endorsed the ,plotinian terminology4 ,macdonald summarises his work under four heads3 7i47 he established an orthodox mysticism2 7ii47 he popularised the use of philosophy2 7iii47 he rendered philosophy subordinate to theology1 and 7iv47 he restored the fear of ,god when the element of fear was tending to be thrust into the background1 at least by the educated4 ,from this time on the term kalam was usually applied to philosophy adapted to the use of theologians4 ,the chief works left by al-,ghazali are the ,ihya ,ulum ad-,din1 of which it is understood that a translation by ,h4 ,bauer is in preparation1 and the ,miyar al-,ilm1 a treatise on logic4 ,to posterity1 however1 he is best known by his ,confessions1 an autobiographical account of his spiritual life and development1 which may not unfitly be placed beside the ,confessions of ,st4 ,augustine4 ,al-,ghazali completes the development of orthodox ,muslim theology4 ,from this time forth it ceased to have any originality1 and for the most part showed signs of decadence4 ,here and there we find ,sufi revivals2 indeed1 ,sufism is the only phase of ,islam which kept free from the rigid conservatism which has laid its iron hand of repression upon ,muslim life and thought generally4 ,in ,yemen the system of al-,ghazali was kept alive by generations of ,sufis1 but for the most part ,sufism preferred less orthodox paths4 ,against these ,sufi movements we see from time to time others of a distinctly reactionary character1 such as that of the ,wahabis1 who opposed the theology of al-,ghazali when it was generally recognised as the orthodox teaching at ,mecca1 and in this they were followed by the ,sanusi4 ,sayyid ,murtada 7d4 #abje ,a4,h4 #aghh ,a4,d471 a native of ,zabid in ,yihama1 wrote a commentary on al-,ghazali's ,ihya ,ulum ad-,din1 and thus revived the study of the great scholastic theologian4 ,from that time the ,islamic community has not lacked neo-,ghazalian students1 and many consider that that school contains the best promise for modern ,islam4 ,,chapter ,,ix ,,western ,,philosophy ,muslim rule in ,north ,africa west of the ,nile valley was commenced under conditions very different from those prevailing in ,egypt and ,syria4 ,the ,arabs found this land occupied by the ,berbers or ,libyans1 the same race which from the time of the earliest ,pharaohs had been a perpetual menace to ,egypt1 and which1 on the ,mediterranean seaboard1 had offered a serious problem to ,phnician1 ,greek1 ,roman and ,gothic colonists4 ,for some thousands of years these ,berbers had remained very much the same as when they had emerged from the neolithic stage1 and were hardy desert men like the ,arabs in pre-,islamic times4 ,their language was not ,semitic1 but shows very marked ,semitic affinities1 and1 although language transmission is often quite distinct from racial descent1 it seems probable that in this case there was a parallel1 and this is best explained by supposing that both were derived from the neolithic race which at one time spread along the whole of the south coast of the ,mediterranean and across into ,arabia1 but that some cause1 perhaps the early development of civilization in the ,nile valley1 had cut off the eastern wing from the rest1 and this segregated portion developed the peculiar characteristics which we describe as ,semitic4 ,the series of ,greek1 ,punic1 ,roman1 and ,gothic settlements had left no permanent mark on the ,berber population1 on their language1 or on their culture4 ,at the time of the ,arab invasion the country was theoretically under the ,byzantine ,empire1 and the invading ,arabs had to meet the resistance of a ,greek army2 but this was not a very serious obstacle1 and the invaders were soon left face to face with the ,berber tribes4 ,the ,muslim invasion of ,north ,africa followed immediately after the invasion of ,egypt1 but the internal disputes of the ,muslim community prevented a regular conquest4 ,it was not until a second invasion took place in ,a4,h4 #de 7 ,a4,d4 #ffe7 that we can regard the ,arabs as commencing the regular conquest and settlement of the country4 ,for centuries afterwards the ,arab control was precarious in the extreme1 revolts were constantly taking place1 and many ,berber states were founded1 some of which had an existence of considerable duration4 ,as a rule there was a pronounced racial feeling between ,berbers and ,arabs1 but there were also tribal feuds1 and ,arab policy generally aimed at playing off one powerful tribe against another4 ,gradually the ,arabs spread all along ,north ,africa and down to the desert edge1 their tribes as a rule occupying the lower ground1 whilst the older population had its chief centres in the mountainous districts4 ,during the invasion of #de the city of ,kairawan was founded some distance south of ,tunis4 ,the site was badly chosen1 and is now marked only by ruins and a scanty village1 but for some centuries it served as the capital city of ,ifrikiya1 which was the name given to the province lying next to ,egypt1 embracing the modern states of ,tripoli1 ,tunis1 and the eastern part of ,algeria up to the meridian of ,bougie4 ,west of this lay ,maghrab1 or the 8western land10 which was divided into two districts1 ,central ,maghrab extending from the borders of ,ifrikiya across the greater part of ,algeria and the eastern third of ,morocco1 and ,further ,maghrab1 which spread beyond to the ,atlantic coast4 ,in these provinces ,arabs and ,berbers lived side by side1 but in distinct tribes1 the intercourse between the two varying in different localities and at different times4 ,for the most part each race preserved its own language1 the several ,arabic dialects being distinguished by archaic forms and a phonology somewhat modified by ,berber influences2 but there are instances of ,berber tribes which have adopted ,arabic1 and some of the ,arab and mixed groups have preferred the ,berber language4 ,the religion of ,islam spread rapidly amongst the ,berbers1 but it took a particular development1 which shows a survival of many pre-,islamic religious ideas4 ,the worship of saints and the devotion paid at their tombs is a corruption which appears elsewhere1 on lines quite distinct from the ,asiatic beliefs as to incarnation or transmigration1 and in the west this saint worship takes an extreme form1 although here and there are tribes which reject it altogether1 as is the case with the ,b4 ,messara1 the ,ida of ,south ,morocco1 etc4 ,pilgrimages 7ziara7 are made to saints' tombs1 commemorative banquets are held there 7wada or taan71 and acts of worship1 often taking a revolting form1 are paid to living saints1 who are known as murabits or marabouts1 a word which literally means 8those who serve in frontier forts 7ribat710 where the soldiers were accustomed to devote themselves to practices of piety4 ,these saints are also known as sidi 7lords71 or mulaye 7teachers71 and in the ,berber language of the ,twaregs as aneslem1 or 8,islamic40 ,very often they are insane persons1 and are allowed to indulge every passion and to disregard the ordinary laws of morality4 ,even those living at the present day are credited with miraculous powers1 not only with gifts of healing1 but with exemption from the limitations of space and from the laws of gravity 7cf4 ,trumelet3 ,les saints de l'islam1 ,paris1 #ahha72 in many cases the same saint has two or more tombs1 and is believed to be buried in each1 for it is argued that1 as he was able to be in two or more places at once during life1 so his body can be in several tombs after death4 ,all this1 of course1 is no normal development of ,islam1 to which it is plainly repugnant4 ,how thin a veneer of ,muslim usages covers over a mass of primitive animism may be seen from ,dr4 ,westermarck's essay on 8,belief in spirits in ,morocco10 the firstfruits of the newly established ,academy at ,abo in ,finland 7,humaniora4 ,i4 i4 ,abo1 ,finland1 #aibj71 and from ,dr4 ,montet's ,le culte des saints musulmans dans l',afrique du nord 7,geneva1 #aije74 ,amongst the ,berber tribes in perpetual conflict with the ,arab garrisons there was always a refuge and a welcome for the lost causes of ,islam1 and so almost every heretical sect and every defeated dynasty made its last stand there1 so that even now those parts show the strangest survivals of otherwise forgotten movements4 ,no doubt this was mainly due to a perennial tone of disaffection towards the ,arab rulers1 and anyone in revolt against the ,khalif was welcomed for that very fact4 ,the conquest of ,spain towards the end of the #ast cent4 ,a4,h4 7early #hth cent4 ,a4,d47 was jointly an ,arab and ,berber undertaking1 the ,berbers being in the great majority in the invading army1 and most of the leaders being ,berber4 ,thus in ,andalusia the old rivalries between ,arab and ,berber figure largely in the next few centuries4 ,at first ,andalusia was regarded merely as a district attached to the province of ,north ,africa1 and was ruled from ,ifrikiya4 ,in ,a4,h4 #ach1 after the fall of the ,umayyads in ,asia1 a fugitive member of the fallen dynasty1 ,abdu r-,rahman1 failing in an attempt to restore his family in ,africa1 crossed over to ,spain1 and there established a new and independent power1 with its seat of government at ,cordova1 and in ,a4,h4 #cag one of his descendants formally assumed the title of 8,commander of the ,faithful40 ,the ,umayyads of ,spain very closely reproduced the general characteristics of their rule in ,syria4 ,they were tolerant1 and made free use of ,christian and ,jewish officials2 they encouraged the older literary arts1 and especially poetry1 and employed ,greek artists and architects2 but though doing much for the more material elements of culture1 there is no evidence under their rule of any interest in ,greek learning or philosophy4 ,yet1 though in a sense old-fashioned1 the country was by no means isolated1 and we find frequent intercourse between ,spain and the east4 ,the religious duty of the pilgrimage has always been an important factor in promoting the common life of ,islam1 and there is abundant evidence that the ,spanish ,muslims looked steadily eastwards for religious guidance1 accepting the hadith1 the canon law1 and the development of a scientific jurisprudence as it took shape in the east4 ,both ,muslims and ,jews travelled to ,mesopotamia in order to complete their education1 and thus kept in contact with the more cultured life of ,asia4 ,but ,spanish ,islam had no feeling of sympathy with the philosophical speculation popular in the east1 and certainly disapproved the latitudinarian developments which were taking place under the ,abbasids of the third century3 its tendency was to a rigid orthodoxy and strict conservatism1 its interests were confined to the canon law1 ,quranic exegesis1 and the study of tradition4 ,the reactionary character of ,spanish ,islam is well illustrated by ,ibn ,hazm 7d4 #def ,a4,h471 the first important theologian which it produced4 ,rejecting the four recognised and orthodox schools of canon law1 and discarding even the rigid system of ,ibn ,hanbal as not strict enough1 he became an adherent of the school founded by ,daud az-,zahiri 7d4 #bgj71 which has never been admitted as on the same footing as the other four1 and now is totally extinct4 ,in the teaching of that school ,quran and tradition were taken in their strictest and most literal sense2 any sort of deduction by analogy was forbidden2 8it is evident that here we have to do with an impossible man and school1 and so the ,muslim world found4 ,most said roundly that it was illegal to appoint a ,zahirite to act as judge1 on much the same grounds that objection to circumstantial evidence will throw out a man now as juror4 ,if they had been using modern language1 they would have said that it was because he was a hopeless crank40 7,macdonald3 ,muslim ,theology1 p4 #aaj74 ,this was the system which ,ibn ,hazm now introduced into ,spain1 and it was one calculated to appeal to the stern puritan strain which undoubtedly exists in the ,iberian character4 ,the novel point was that ,ibn ,hazm applied the principles and methods of jurisprudence to theology proper4 ,like ,daud he entirely rejected the principles of analogy and taqlid1 that is1 the following of authority in the sense of accepting the dictum of a known teacher4 ,as this undermined all existing systems1 and required every man to study ,quran and tradition for himself1 it did not receive the approval of the canonists1 who1 in ,spain as elsewhere1 were the followers of recognised schools1 such as that of ,abu ,hanifa and the other orthodox systems1 and it was not until a full century afterwards that he gained any number of adherents4 ,in theology he admitted the ,asharite doctrine of mukhalafa1 the difference of ,god from all created beings1 so that human attributes could not be applied to him in the same sense as they were used of men2 but he carried this a stage further1 and opposed the ,asharites1 who1 though admitting the difference1 had then argued about the attributes of ,god as though they described ,god's nature1 when the very fact of difference deprives them of any meaning intelligible to us4 ,as in the ,quran ninety-nine descriptive titles are applied to ,god we may lawfully employ them1 but we neither know what they imply nor can we argue anything from them4 ,the same method is applied to the treatment of the anthropomorphical expressions which are applied to ,god in the ,quran2 we may use those expressions1 but we have not the slightest idea of what they may indicate1 save that we know they do not mean what they would mean as used of men4 ,in ethics the only distinction between good and evil is based on ,god's will1 and our only knowledge of that distinction is obtained from revelation4 ,if ,god forbids theft it is wrong only because ,god forbids it2 there is no standard other than the arbitrary approval or disapproval of ,god4 ,although it took a century for these views to obtain any number of adherents1 ,ibn ,hazm was no obscure figure during his lifetime4 ,he became prominent as a violent and abusive controversialist1 an opponent of the ,asharite party and of the ,mutazilites1 curiously enough treating the latter more gently as having limited ,god's qualities4 ,ibn ,hazm lived at a time when the ,umayyads of ,cordova were already in their decay1 and in #dbb the dynasty fell4 ,very soon the whole of ,andalusia was split into a number of independent principalities1 and this was followed by a period of anarchy1 during which the country was exposed more and more to ,christian attacks1 until at length ,mutamid1 ,king of ,seville1 fearing that the ,muslim states would disappear altogether under the tide of ,christian conquest1 advised his co-religionists to appeal for help to the ,murabit power in ,morocco1 which1 with much misgiving1 they did4 ,the ,murabits1 the name is that commonly applied to saints in ,morocco1 were the product of a religious revival led by ,yahya b4 ,ibrahim of the clan of the ,jidala1 a branch of the great ,berber tribe of ,latuna1 one of those light-complexioned ,berber races such as can still be seen in ,algeria1 and are apparently nearest akin to the ,lebu as they are represented in ancient ,egyptian paintings4 ,in #dbh 7 #ajcf ,a4,d47 ,yahya performed the pilgrimage to ,mecca1 and was astonished and delighted at the evidences of culture and prosperity which he saw in the lands through which he travelled1 so far exceeding anything which had previously entered his experience4 ,on his return journey he stopped at ,kairawan and became a hearer at the lectures given there by ,abu ,amran4 ,the lecturer was greatly struck by the diligence and attention of his pupil1 and greatly surprised when he discovered that he was a product of one of the wild and barbarous tribes of the far west4 ,but when ,yahya asked that one of the alumni of ,kairawan might be sent home with him to teach his fellow-tribesmen no one was found willing to venture amongst a people who were generally regarded as fierce and savage1 until at last the task was undertaken by ,abdullah ibn ,jahsim4 ,helped by his companion ,yahya commenced a religious revival amongst the ,berbers of the ,west1 and seems to have modelled his work on the example of the ,prophet1 by force of arms urging his reforms upon the neighbouring tribes and laying the foundation of a united kingdom1 a work which was continued by his successor1 ,yusuf b4 ,tashfin1 and so at length a powerful kingdom was established1 which extended from the ,mediterranean to the ,senegal4 ,many such ,berber states were established at various times1 but1 as a rule1 they fell into decay after a couple of generations4 ,yusuf b4 ,tashfin was the champion now invited by the ,muslims of ,spain1 not without misgivings in many quarters1 but the choice seemed to lie only between ,christian or ,berber1 and the ,berbers were at least of their own religion and of the same race as the majority of the ,spanish ,muslims4 ,yusuf came as a helper1 but a second time invited he stayed on and established his authority over the country1 and thus ,spain became a province under the rule of the ,murabit princes of ,morocco4 ,yusuf was succeeded by ,ali1 who was successful in restraining the ,christians1 and at one time even formed plans to drive them out of ,spain altogether4 ,murabit rule1 which lasted #ce years1 brought many changes and itself experienced many changes4 ,the rulers were rough men of uncouth manners and fanatical outlook4 ,not many years before1 it will be remembered1 the ,arabs of ,kairawan were reluctant to venture into their land1 such was their ill repute4 ,they were partially humanised by a religious movement1 and thus naturally show a religious character which bordered on fanaticism4 ,ali himself was entirely in the hands of the faqirs or mendicant devotees and qadis1 and the government was liable to interference from these irresponsible fanatics at every turn4 ,it was a state of affairs which awakened the impatience of the cultured ,muslims of ,spain1 who expressed their feelings in many caustic epigrams and satirical poems4 ,but very soon a change began to work4 ,the ,murabits and their followers did not become less attached to the devotees1 who swarmed unchecked on every side and received idolatrous attentions from the multitude1 but they learned the luxuries and refinements of the cultured life then prevailing in ,spain and showed themselves apt pupils4 ,indeed1 their downfall may be explained either as due to effete luxury or to faqir-ridden superstition1 as we shall see later on4 ,the intellectual life of ,muslim ,spain up to the ,murabit period was conservative rather than backward4 ,its literary men were nearer the old traditional ,arab type than was the case in the eastern ,khalifate1 where ,persian influences had pushed the ,arab so much into the background2 its scholars were still occupied exclusively with the traditional sciences1 exegesis1 canon law1 and traditions4 ,the ,murabit invasion offered a stimulus to satirical verse1 but otherwise did nothing to promote either literature or science4 ,yet it is under ,murabit rule that we find the first beginnings of western philosophy1 and the line of transmission is from the ,mutazilites of ,baghdad through the ,jews and thence to the ,muslims of ,spain4 ,the ,jews act as intermediaries who bring the ,muslim philosophy of ,asia into contact with the ,muslims of ,spain4 ,for a long time the ,jews had taken no part in the development of ,hellenistic philosophy1 although in the latter ,syriac period they had participated in medical studies and in natural science1 of which we have seen evidence in the important work of ,jewish physicians and scientists at ,baghdad under al-,mamun and the early ,abbasids4 ,outside medicine and natural science ,jewish interest seems to have been mainly confined to ,biblical exegesis1 tradition1 and canon law4 ,one of the few exceptions to this restriction of interests was ,said al-,fayyumi or ,saadya ben ,joseph 7d4 #cca ,a4,h4 #idb ,a4,d471 a native of ,upper ,egypt1 who became one of the ,geonim of the academy at ,sora on the ,euphrates1 and is best known as the translator of the ,old ,testament into ,arabic1 which had now replaced ,aramaic as the speech of the ,jews both in ,asia and in ,spain4 ,as an author his most important work was the ,kitab al-,amanat wa-l-,itiqadat1 or 8,book of the articles of faith and dogmatics10 which was finished in #cba-b 7 ,a4,d4 #icc71 and was afterwards translated into ,hebrew as ,sefer ,emunot we-,deot by ,judah b4 ,tibbon4 ,he was the author also of a commentary on the ,pentateuch1 of which only a portion 7on ,exod4 #cj1 #aa-af7 survives1 as well as other works2 but it is in the first-named and in the commentary that his views appear most clearly4 ,for the first time a ,jewish writer shows familiarity with the problems raised by the ,mutazilites1 and gives these a serious attention from the ,jewish stand-point4 ,it does not seem1 however1 that we should class ,said as a ,mutazilite2 he more properly represents the movement which produced his ,muslim contemporaries1 al-,ashari and al-,mataridi1 that is to say1 he is one of those who use orthodox kalam and adapt philosophy to apologetic purposes4 ,his position is shown most clearly in the 8,book of the articles of faith and dogmatics0 in dealing with the three problems of 7a7 creation1 7b7 the ,divine ,unity1 and 7c7 free will4 ,in the first of these he defends the doctrine of a creation ex nihilo1 but in giving proofs of the necessity of a creator he shows in three out of the four arguments employed distinct traces of ,aristotelian influences4 ,in treating the doctrine of the ,divine ,unity he is chiefly concerned with opposing the ,christian teaching of the ,trinity1 but incidentally is compelled to deal with the idea of ,god and the ,divine attributes1 and in doing so maintains that none of the ,aristotelian categories can be applied to ,god4 ,as to the human will he defends its freedom1 and his task is mainly an effort to reconcile this with the omnipotence and omniscience of ,god4 ,in the fragment on ,exodus he refers to the commands of revelation and the commands of reason1 these latter1 he asserts1 being based on philosophical speculation4 ,evidently the ,mutakallamin movement1 professedly an orthodox reaction from the ,mutazilites1 represents a great widening of philosophical influences4 ,philosophy was no longer a subject confined to one group of scholars who were interested in ,greek writings1 but had spread out until it reached the mosques1 and could no longer be thrust aside as an heretical aberration1 and in its outspread it had penetrated the ,jewish schools as well4 ,but ,said produced no immediate disciples1 and those who followed him in the ,jewish academies of ,mesopotamia showed no interest in his methods4 ,yet his work1 apparently barren1 was destined to have results of the widest importance after a century's interval4 ,in spite of distance and the difficulties of travel there was a very close and frequent intercourse maintained between all the ,jews of the ,sefardi group1 those1 namely1 who had adopted ,arabic as their ordinary speech and who were living under ,muslim rule4 ,the ,ashkenazi ,jews in the north and centre of ,europe who lived in ,christian lands and did not use ,arabic were definitely separated from these others by the barrier of language1 and thus in different surroundings the two groups developed marked differences in their use of ,hebrew1 in their liturgical formularies1 and in their popular beliefs and folk-lore4 ,thus we must bear in mind that a synagogue in ,spain would naturally be in close touch with synagogues in ,mesopotamia1 but it was not likely to have any contact with one in the ,rhine valley4 ,although the earlier ,jewish settlers in ,spain and ,provence had enjoyed considerable freedom1 restrictions had been imposed by the council of ,elvira 7,a4,d4 #cjc-d71 and they had to suffer considerable severity under the later ,west ,goths4 ,the coming of the ,muslims had greatly eased their position1 chiefly because the ,jews had taken a leading part in assisting and probably in inviting the invaders2 they often furnished garrisons to occupy towns which the ,muslims had conquered1 and were the means of supplying them with information as to the enemy's movements4 ,it seems probable that they had been in correspondence with the ,muslims beforehand1 so that they shared with ,witiza's partisans the responsibility of inviting the invasion4 ,under ,umayyad rule their prosperity continued and increased4 ,very often we find ,jews occupying high positions at court and in the civil service1 and these favorable conditions seem to have prevailed until the time of the ,muwahhids1 for it does not appear that the ,murabits1 for all their fanaticism1 took any measures against ,christians or ,jews4 ,important amongst the ,jews of the ,umayyad period was ,hasdai ben ,shabrut 7d4 #cfj or #chj ,a4,h471 a physician under ,abdu r-,rahman1 who sent presents to ,sora and ,pumbaditha1 and carried on a correspondence with ,dosa1 son of the ,gaon ,said al-,fayyumi4 ,hitherto it had been the custom for the western ,jews to refer all difficult problems of the canon law to the learned of the academies in ,mesopotamia1 just as their ,muslim neighbours referred to the ,east for guidance in jurisprudence and theology4 ,but ,hasdai took advantage of the accidental presence of ,moses ,ben ,enoch in ,cordova to found a native ,spanish academy for rabbinical studies there1 and appointed ,moses its president1 a step which received the warm approval of the ,umayyad prince4 ,this turned out to be more important than its founder had anticipated2 it was not merely a provincial school reproducing the work of the eastern academies1 but resulted in the transference of ,jewish scholarship to ,spain4 ,at that time ,asiatic ,islam was beginning to feel the restricting power of the orthodox reaction1 whilst ,spain1 on the other hand1 saw the opening of a golden age4 ,shortly before this date the ,umayyad ,hakim ,,ii4 had been working to encourage ,muslim scholarship in the west1 and had sent his agents to purchase books in ,cairo1 ,damascus1 ,baghdad1 and ,alexandria4 ,in the reactionary age of ,mahmud of ,ghazna 7#chh-dba7 ,muslim b4 ,muhammad al-,andalusi had been instrumental in introducing the teachings of the 8,brethren of ,purity0 to the ,muslims of ,spain4 ,we cannot say that the ,jews anticipated the ,muslims of ,spain in their study of philosophy1 but it is clear that the ,jews were associated with the first dawn of the new learning in ,spain1 and thus as the sun was setting in the ,east a new day was beginning to break in the ,west4 ,the first leader of ,spanish philosophy was the ,jew ,abu ,ayyub ,sulayman b4 ,yahya b4 ,jabirul 7d4 #dej ,a4,h4 #ajeh ,a4,d471 commonly known as ,ibn ,gabirol 7,jabirul71 and hence 8,avencebrol0 in the ,latin scholastic writers4 ,he is chiefly known as the author of ,maqor ,chayim1 8,the ,fountain of ,life10 a title based on the words of ,psalm #cf1 #aj1 which was one of the works translated into ,latin at the college of ,toledo and so well known to the scholastic writers as the ,fons ,vitae 7ed4 ,baumer3 ,avencebrolis ,fons ,vitae1 ,mnster1 #ahie74 ,it was this work which really introduced neo-,platonism to the ,west4 ,ibn ,jabirul teaches that ,god alone is pure reality1 and ,he is the only actual substance2 ,he has no attributes1 but in ,him are will and wisdom1 not as possessed attributes but as aspects of ,his nature4 ,the world is produced by the impress of form upon pre-existing universal matter4 8,separate substances0 in the sense of ideas abstracted from the things in which they exist 7cf4 ,aristot4 de anima4 iii4 #g1 #h1 8and so the mind when it thinks of mathematical forms thinks of them as separated1 though they are not separated07 do not exist apart in reality2 the abstracting is only a mental process1 so the general idea exists only as a concept1 not as a reality4 ,but between the purely spiritual being of ,god and the crudely material observed in the bodies existing in this world are intermediate forms of existence1 such as angels1 souls1 etc41 wherein the form is not impressed upon matter4 ,besides this 8,fountain of ,life0 ,ibn ,gabirol was the author of two ethical treatises1 the ,tikkun ,midwoth han-,nefesh1 8the correction of the manners of the soul10 in which man is treated as a microcosm after the kabbalistic fashion2 and ,mibchar hap-,peninim1 a collection of ethical maxims collected from the ,greek and ,arabic philosophers4 ,the former has been published at ,luneville in #ahjd1 the latter at ,hamburg in #ahdd4 ,at the beginning of the sixth century ,a4,h41 a younger contemporary of al-,ghazali1 we have ,abu ,bakr ibn ,bajja 7d4 #ecc ,a4,h4 #aach ,a4,d471 the first of the ,muslim philosophers of ,spain4 ,by this time1 some three-quarters of a century after the death of ,ibn ,sina1 ,arabic philosophy was almost extinct in ,asia and was treated as a dangerous heresy4 ,in ,egypt1 it is true1 there was a greater degree of toleration1 though less than in the golden age of the ,fatimids1 but ,egypt was regarded with suspicion as the home of heresy and of forms of superstition which were uncongenial to the philosopher4 ,spain thus becomes the place of refuge for ,muslim philosophy as it had already become the nursery of ,jewish speculation4 ,ibn ,bajja1 known to the ,latin schoolmen as 8,avempace10 found in ,murabit ,spain the freedom and toleration which ,asia no longer afforded4 ,he continues the work of al-,farabi1 not1 it will be noted1 of ,ibn ,sina1 and develops the neo-,platonic interpretation of ,aristotle on sober and conservative lines4 ,he wrote commentaries on ,aristotle's ,physics1 de generatione et corruptione1 and the ,meteora2 he produced original works on mathematics1 on 8the soul10 and a treatise which he called 8,the ,hermit's ,guide10 which was used by ,ibn ,rushd 7,averroes7 and by the ,jewish writer ,moses of ,narbonne in the #adth cent4 ,a4,d4 ,in this last work he makes a distinction between 8animal activity10 in which action is due to the prompting of the emotions1 passions1 etc41 and 8human activity10 which is suggested and directed by abstract reason1 and from this distinction draws a rule of life and conduct4 ,he is chiefly cited by the ,latin schoolmen with reference to the doctrine of 8separate substances40 8,avempace held that1 by the study of the speculative sciences1 we are able by means of the images which we know from these ideas to attain to the knowledge of separate substances0 7,st4 ,thomas ,aq4 c4 ,gentiles1 #c1 #da74 ,this question as to the possibility of knowing substances separated1 i4e4 abstracted1 from the concrete bodies in which they exist in combination--and the 8separate substances0 were regarded as spiritual things--was prominent in medival scholasticism1 which inherited it from the ,arabic philosophers1 and from it came the further question whether the contemplation of such abstract ideas gives us a better knowledge of realities than observation of the concrete bodies4 ,both ,albertus ,magnus and ,st4 ,thomas ,aquinas associate ,avempace especially with this question and with the doctrine of the 8acquired intellect10 to which we have already referred in our notes on ,ibn ,sina1 and which completes the theory of 8separate substances0 by supposing that intelligible forms stream into our souls from an outside ,agent ,intellect by way of emanation as substantial forms descend on corporeal matter4 ,st4 ,thomas ,aquinas shows direct knowledge of ,avempace's treatment of these subjects1 but this is not so evident in ,albertus4 ,avempace1 like all other ,arabic philosophers1 describes ittisal or union of the human intellect with the ,agent ,intellect1 of which it is an emanation1 as the supreme beatitude and final end of human life4 ,by the operation of the ,agent ,intellect on the latent intellect in man this is awakened to life1 but eternal life consists in the complete union of the intellect with the ,agent ,intellect4 ,in ,avempace the ,sufi strain is much weaker than in al-,farabi2 the means of attaining this union is not by ecstasy1 but by a steady disentangling of the soul of those material things which hinder its pure intellectual life and consequent union4 ,this leads us to the teaching of asceticism as the discipline of the soul for its spiritual progress1 and the ascetic and solitary life is the ideal proposed by ,avempace4 ,this ascetic and contemplative hermit life is not1 however1 in any sense a religious life1 for in this respect ,avempace has advanced far beyond al-,farabi2 he is fully conscious that pure philosophy cannot be reconciled with the teachings of revelation1 a conviction which now marks the definite separation of the 8philosophers0 from the orthodox scholastics of ,islam1 such as al-,ghazali and his school2 he regards the teachings of revelation as an imperfect presentation of the truths which are more completely and correctly learned from ,aristotle1 and only admits the ,quran and its religion as a discipline for the multitude whose intelligence neither desires nor is capable of philosophical reasoning4 ,strangely enough he lived in security1 protected from the attacks of hostile theologians1 under the protection of the ,murabit princes4 ,within a few years after the death of ,avempace the ,murabit dynasty came to an end4 ,the succeeding dynasty1 the ,muwahhids1 were of ,berber origin like the ,murabits1 and1 like them1 had their origin in a religious revival4 ,the foundation of the ,muwahhids is associated with ,ibn ,tumart 7d4 #ebd ,a4,h4 #aabi ,a4,d474 ,he was a native of ,morocco1 and a strange combination of fanatic and scholastic4 ,he claimed to be a descendant of ,ali1 and posed as the 8,mahdi0 possessing the supernatural grace of isma or 8security from error10 and thus introduced ,shiite ideas into ,morocco2 and at the same time it was he who introduced to the ,west the orthodox scholasticism of al-,ghazali1 although at the same time he professed to be a follower of ,ibn ,hazm4 ,he travelled in ,asia1 where1 no doubt1 he learned of al-,ghazali and his doctrines4 ,roughly treated at ,mecca he removed to ,egypt1 where he rendered himself prominent and objectionable by his puritanical criticisms on the manners of the people4 ,setting out from ,alexandria in a ship travelling westwards he occupied himself with a reformation of the morals of the crew1 compelling them to observe the correct hours of prayer and the other duties of religion4 ,in #eje he appeared at ,mahdiya1 where he took up his abode in a wayside mosque4 ,there he used to sit at the window watching the passers-by1 and1 whenever he saw any of them carrying a jar of wine or a musical instrument1 he used to sally out and seize the offensive article and break it4 ,the common people reverenced him as a saint1 but many of the wealthier citizens resented his activities1 and at length brought a complaint against him before the ,emir ,yahya4 ,the ,emir heard their complaints and observed ,ibn ,tumart and took note of the impression he had made upon the populace4 ,with characteristic craft the ,emir treated the reformer with all possible respect1 but advised1 nay rather urged1 him to bestow the favour of his presence upon some other town as soon as convenient to him1 and so he removed to ,bijaiya 7,bougie in ,algeria74 ,here his ways were extremely unpopular1 and he was driven away4 ,he next settled at ,mellala1 where he met a boy named ,abdu l-,mumin al-,kumi 7d4 #eeh71 a potter's son1 whom he made his disciple and declared to be his successor4 ,at this time the ,murabit dynasty had fallen from its original puritanism and was distinguished for the wealth and luxury which had been made possible by the conquest of ,spain1 and the splendour and ostentation of the royal family at ,morocco laid it open to criticism4 ,one ,friday a faqir entered the public square where a throne was made ready for the ,emir1 and1 pushing his way through the guards who stood round1 boldly took his seat upon the throne and refused to leave4 ,it was the ,mahdi ,ibn ,tumart1 and1 so great was the superstitious reverence accorded to all faqirs1 and to him above all1 that none of the guards standing round ventured to remove him by force4 ,at length the ,emir himself appeared and1 finding who had occupied his official seat1 declined to interfere with the redoubtable faqir's will1 but it was privately made plain to ,ibn ,tumart that it would be wise for him to leave the city for a while4 ,the ,mahdi therefore retired to ,fez1 but soon afterwards returned to ,morocco4 ,one day he met in the streets the ,emir's sister1 who had adopted the shameless foreign custom of riding in public without a veil4 ,the ,mahdi stopped her and poured out a stream of abuse at her for this neglect of established custom1 then1 overcome by his indignation1 he pulled her off the beast she was riding4 ,he seems1 however1 to have felt some alarm at his own temerity and fled forthwith to ,tinamel1 where he openly raised the standard of revolt against a corrupt and unfaithful dynasty4 ,at first this rebellion did not meet with much success1 but1 after the ,mahdi's death1 the leadership fell to his pupil1 ,abdu l-,mumin1 who took ,oran1 ,tlemsen1 ,fez1 ,sale1 ,ceuta1 and in #edb became master of ,morocco1 and in due course seized all the empire of the ,murabits4 ,the new dynasty established by ,abdu l-,mumin is known by the name of the ,muwahhids or 8,unitarians10 a title which the ,spanish historians render by 8,almohades10 and their rule endured until #ffg ,a4,h4 7 #abfh ,a4,d474 ,ibn ,tumart professed to be a follower of al-,ghazali1 and introduced his system of orthodox scholasticism to the ,west4 ,in canon law he followed the reactionary school of ,daud az-,zahiri and ,ibn ,hazm1 like the ,murabits who preceded him4 ,to the multitude he was the champion of ,berber nationality2 he translated the ,quran into the ,berber language1 and caused the call to prayer to be made in ,berber instead of ,arabic4 ,muwahhid rule introduced a period of bigotry and of religious persecution4 ,it was under the rule of this dynasty that we find the ,jews leaving the country in large numbers and migrating to ,africa or to ,provence1 and many ,christians also fled to join the ,castilian forces in the north4 ,modern historians tend to condemn the later severities of ,christian rulers towards their ,muslim subjects1 and often seem to speak of those subjects as the peaceable and cultured population which had lived under the ,umayyads and the ,murabits4 ,but ,spain's last experience of the ,muslims was of the fierce1 bigoted1 and persecuting ,muwahhids1 whose tone was very different4 ,strangely1 however1 it was under these intolerant rulers that ,spanish ,islam passed through its golden age of philosophical speculation1 and not only so1 but the philosophers were protected and favoured by the ,muwahhid court4 ,quite early in this period the position seems to have been tacitly arranged that the philosophers were absolutely free in their work and teaching1 provided that teaching was not spread abroad amongst the populace3 it was to be regarded as a species of esoteric truth reserved for the enlightened4 ,it seems almost certain that this attitude was deliberately arranged by the philosophers themselves2 it had already been sketched out by some of the ,asiatic writers1 and definitely laid down by al-,ashari and al-,ghazali1 and the ,muwahhids1 it must be remembered1 professed to be ,ghazalians4 ,but whilst the philosophers enjoyed this exceptional freedom of speculation1 so different from the repressive orthodoxy of the ,turkish dynasties in ,asia1 and defended the system in their writings1 the rulers officially were enforcing amongst the multitude of their subjects the severest orthodoxy and the most reactionary system of jurisprudence1 so reactionary that it was never admitted by the ,asiatic sultans4 ,the first great leader of philosophical thought in ,muwahhid ,spain was ,ibn ,tufayl 7d4 #eha #aahe71 who was wazir and court physician under the ,muwahhid ,abu ,yaqub 7,a4,h4 #eeh-ehj74 ,his teaching was in general conformity with that of ,ibn ,bajja 7,avempace71 but the mystic element is much more strongly marked4 ,he admits ecstasy as a means of attaining the highest knowledge and of approaching ,god4 ,but in ,ibn ,tufayl's teaching this knowledge differs very much from that aimed at by the ,sufis3 it is mystic philosophy rather than mystic theology4 ,the beatific vision reveals the ,agent ,intellect and the chain of causation reaching down to man and then back again to itself4 ,in his views as to the need of removing the doctrines of philosophy from the multitude he shows the same principles as ,ibn ,bajja1 which are those which came to be recognised as the proper official attitude under the ,muwahhids1 and defends them in a romance called ,hayy b4 ,yaqzan1 8the ,living ,one son of the ,wakeful10 the work by which his name is best remembered4 ,in this story we have the picture of two islands1 one inhabited by a solitary recluse who spends his time in contemplation and thereby raises his intellect until he finds that he is able to apprehend the eternal verities which are in the ,one ,active intellect4 ,the other island is inhabited by ordinary people who are occupied in the commonplace incidents of life and follow the practices of religion in the form known to them4 ,in this way they are content and happy1 but fall far short of the complete and perfect happiness of the recluse on the other island4 ,in course of time the recluse1 who is perfectly well aware of the neighbouring island and its inhabitants1 begins to feel great pity for them in that they are excluded from the more perfect felicity which he enjoys1 and in an honest desire for their welfare1 goes over to them and preaches the truth as he has found it4 ,for the most part he is quite unintelligible to them1 and the only result is that he produces confusion1 doubt1 and controversial strife amongst those whom he desired to benefit1 but who are incapable of the intellectual life which he has led4 ,in the end he returns to his island convinced that it is a mistake to interfere with the conventional religion of the multitude4 ,ibn ,rushd 7,a4,h4 #ebj-eie71 known to the ,west as ,averroes1 was the greatest of the ,arabic philosophers1 and was practically their last4 ,he was a native of ,cordova and the friend and protg of ,ibn ,tufayl1 by whom he was introduced to ,abu ,yaqub in #edh4 ,he was1 however1 more outspoken than ,ibn ,tufayl1 and wrote several controversial works against al-,ghazali and his followers4 ,the family to which he belonged was one whose members usually became jurists1 and ,ibn ,rushd acted as ,qadi in various ,spanish towns2 like most of the ,arabic philosophers he studied medicine1 and in #egh was appointed court physician to ,abu ,yaqub4 ,by this time he had finished his career as an author4 ,under the ,muwahhid ,abu ,yusuf al-,mansur he was censured as a heretic and banished from ,cordova4 ,it must be remembered that the ,muwahhids1 like the ,murabits1 were really ,moroccan rulers1 to whom ,spain was a foreign province4 ,it was whilst the ,emir was in ,spain and at ,cordova1 making ready for an attack upon the ,christians1 that ,ibn ,rushd was disgraced1 and it seems probable that this was mainly a matter of policy1 as the ,emir1 on the eve of a religious war1 was desirous of proving his own strict orthodoxy by the public disapproval of one who had been rather too outspoken in his speculative theories4 ,as soon as the ,emir returned to ,morocco the order of exile was revoked1 and later on ,ibn ,rushd appears at the court of ,morocco1 where he died in #eie4 ,amongst the ,muslims ,ibn ,rushd has not exercised great influence2 it was the ,jews who supplied the bulk of his admirers1 and they1 scattered in ,provence and ,sicily by ,muwahhid persecution1 seem to have been chiefly instrumental in introducing him to ,latin ,christendom4 ,his chief medical work was known as the ,kulliyat1 8the universal10 which1 under the ,latinized name of 8colliget10 became popular as a manual in the medival universities where the ,arabic system of medicine was in use4 ,he wrote also on jurisprudence a text-book of the law of inheritance1 which is still extant in ,,ms41 and also produced works on astronomy and grammar4 ,he maintained that the task of philosophy was one approved and commended by religion1 for the ,quran shows that ,god commands men to search for the truth4 ,it is only the prejudice of the unenlightened which fears freedom of thought1 because for those whose knowledge is imperfect the truths of philosophy seem to be contrary to religion4 ,on this topic he composed two theological treatises--8,on the ,agreement of ,religion with ,philosophy0 and 8,on the ,demonstration of ,religious ,dogmas10 both of which have been edited by ,m4 ,j4 ,mueller4 ,the popular beliefs he does not accept1 but he regards them as wisely designed to teach morality and to develop piety amongst the people at large2 the true philosopher allows no word to be uttered against established religion1 which is a thing necessary for the welfare of the people4 ,aristotle he regards as the supreme revelation of ,god to man3 with it religion is in total agreement1 but as religion is known to the multitude it only partially discloses ,divine truth and adapts it to the practical needs of the many2 in religion there is a literal meaning1 which is all the uneducated are able to attain1 and there is an 8interpretation10 which is the disclosing of deeper truths beneath the surface which it is not expedient to communicate to the multitude4 ,he opposes the position of ,ibn ,bajja1 who inclined to solitary meditation and avoided the discussion of philosophical problems2 he admits and desires such discussion provided it is confined to the educated who are able to understand its bearing1 and not brought before the multitude who are thereby in danger of having their simple faith undermined4 ,he agrees with ,ibn ,bajja1 however1 as against ,ibn ,tufayl in disapproval of ecstasy2 such a thing may be1 but it is too rare to need serious consideration4 ,there are different classes of men who fall roughly into three groups4 ,the highest of these are those whose religious belief is based on demonstration 7burhan71 the result of reasoning from syllogisms which are priori certain2 these are the men to whom the philosopher makes his appeal4 ,the lowest stratum contains those whose faith is based on the authority of a teacher or on presumptions which cannot be argued out and are not due to the exercise of pure reason2 it is mischievous to put 8demonstration0 or reason or controversy before people of this type1 for it can only cause them doubt and difficulty4 ,intermediate between these two strata are those who have not attained the use of pure reason--which1 with ,ibn ,rushd1 seems to be simply intuition--but are capable of argument and controversy by means of which their faith can be defended and proved2 8demonstration0 proper is not to be laid before these1 but it is right to enter into argument with them and to assist them to rise above the level of those whose belief is based only upon authority4 ,most of all1 ,ibn ,rushd opposed the teaching of the mutakallimin or orthodox scholastic theologians1 whom he regarded as subverting the pure principles of the ,aristotelian philosophy1 and of these he considered the worst to be al-,ghazali1 8that renegade of philosophy40 ,his leading controversial work is the ,destruction of the ,destruction 7,tahafat at-,tahafat71 which he designed as a refutation of al-,ghazali's ,destruction of the ,philosophers4 ,but it was as a commentator on the text of ,aristotle that he became best known to subsequent generations amongst the ,jews and the later ,latin scholastics2 he was the great and final commentator4 ,strangely1 however1 ,ibn ,rushd never perceived the importance of reading ,aristotle in the original2 he had no knowledge of ,greek1 and gives no sign of supposing that a study of the ,greek text would at all assist a student of the philosopher4 ,the method of his commentaries is the time-honoured form derived from the ,syriac commentators3 a sentence of the text is given and the explanatory comments follow4 ,in main substance ,ibn ,rushd reproduces the psychology of ,aristotle as interpreted by al-,farabi and ,ibn ,sina1 but with some important modifications4 ,in man is a passive and an active intellect3 the active intellect is roused to action by the operation of the ,agent ,intellect1 and thus becomes an acquired intellect2 the individual intellects are many1 but the ,agent ,intellect is but one1 though present in each1 just as the sun is one1 but there are in action as many suns as there are bodies which it illuminates4 ,this is the form of the ,aristotelian doctrine as it had been transmitted through ,ibn ,sina2 the ,agent ,intellect is one1 but it is as by emanation present in each1 so that the quickening power in each one is part of the universal ,agent ,intellect4 ,but ,ibn ,rushd differs from his predecessors in his treatment of the passive intellect1 the aql hayyulani1 which is the seat of latent and potential faculties upon which the ,agent operates4 ,in all the earlier systems this passive intellect was regarded as purely individual and as operated on by the emanation of the universal ,agent1 but ,ibn ,rushd regarded the passive intellect also as but a portion of a universal soul and as individual only in so far as temporarily occupying an individual body4 ,even the passive powers are part of a universal force animating the whole of nature4 ,this is the doctrine of pampsychism1 which exercised so strong an attraction for many of the medival scholastics1 and has its adherents at the present day2 thus ,james 7,principles of ,psychology1 p4 #cdf7 says3 8,i confess that the moment ,i become metaphysical and try to define the more1 ,i find the notion of some sort of an anima mundi thinking in all of us to be a more promising hypothesis1 in spite of all its difficulties1 than that of a lot of absolutely individual souls40 ,ibn ,rushd regards ,alexander of ,aphrodisias as mistaken in supposing that the passive intellect is a mere disposition2 it is in us1 but belongs to something outside2 it is not engendered1 it is incorruptible1 and so in a sense resembles the ,agent ,intellect4 ,this doctrine is the very opposite to what is commonly described as materialism1 which represents the mind as merely a form of energy produced by the activity of the neural functions4 ,the activity of brain and nerves1 according to ,ibn ,rushd1 are due to the presence of an external force2 not only1 as ,aristotle teaches1 at least according to ,alexander ,aph4's interpretation1 is the highest faculty of the reason due to the operation of the external one ,agent ,intellect1 but the passive intellect on which this agent acts is itself part of a great universal soul1 which is the one source of all life and the reservoir to which the soul returns when the transitory experience of what we call life is finished4 ,ibn ,rushd's views do not receive much attention or criticism from ,muslim scholars1 but the ,christian scholastics brought two main arguments against this theory1 one psychological1 the other theological4 ,the psychological objection is that it is entirely subversive of individuality3 if the conscious life of each is only part of the conscious life of a universal soul there can be no real ego in any one of us2 but there is no fact to which consciousness bears clearer witness than the reality and individuality of the ego4 ,this did not touch the possibility that the individual soul might be drawn from a universal soul as its source1 nor did it disprove that the individual soul might be reabsorbed again in the universal soul1 but in so far as ,ibn ,rushd's view represented the soul as throughout a part of the universal soul it was argued that this is contrary to experience1 which makes it clear that in this present life the ego is very distinctly individual4 ,the theological argument was that ,ibn ,rushd's view denied the immortality of the soul1 and so was contrary to the ,christian faith4 ,this objection deals more specifically with the reabsorption of the soul of the individual in the universal soul2 such cessation of separate and individual existence1 it was argued1 meant that the soul as such no longer existed4 ,as we have already noted1 ,aristotle gives a rather narrow range to the highest faculty of reason1 confining its activity to the perception of abstract ideas2 8as to the things spoken of as abstract 7the mind7 thinks of them as it would of the being snub-nosed1 if by an effort of thought it thinks of it qua snub-nosed1 not separately1 but qua hollow1 without the flesh in which the hollowness is adherent3 so when it thinks of mathematical forms1 it thinks of them as separated1 though they are not separated0 7,aristot4 de anima4 iii4 #g1 #g-h74 ,those who followed ,alexander ,aph4 and the neo-,platonists took this 8abstract0 in a very narrow sense1 and in the ,arabic commentators these abstractions even become non-substantial beings1 as it were disembodied1 or rather bodiless1 spirits3 8in quibusdam libris de ,arabico translatis substantiae separatae1 quae nos angelos dicimus1 intelligentiae vocantur0 7,s4 ,thos4 ,aquin4 ,quaest4 ,disp4 de anima4 #af74 ,can man know these substantiae separatae by his natural faculties8 ,ibn ,rushd says he can3 if otherwise nature has acted in vain1 for there would be an intelligibile without an intelligens to understand it2 but ,aristotle has shewn 7,polit4 #a1 #h1 #ab7 that nature does nothing in vain1 so that if there be an intelligibile there must be an intelligens capable of perceiving it4 8,the commentator 7i4e4 ,ibn ,rushd7 says in #b ,met4 comm4 i4 7in fine7 that if abstract substances cannot be understood by us then nature has acted in vain1 because it made that which is by nature understandable in itself to be not understood by anyone4 ,but nothing is superfluous or in vain in nature4 ,therefore immaterial substances can be understood by us40 7,s4 ,thos4 ,aquin4 ,summa4 #a1 #hh47 ,as the ,agent ,intellect enters into communication with relative being it has to suffer the conditions of relativity1 and so is not equally efficient in all2 it acts on sensible images as form acts on matter1 yet the ,agent ,intellect never becomes corruptible as that on which it acts4 ,these are in outline the points in the teaching of ,ibn ,rushd1 which show the most marked differences from that of his predecessors1 and which afterwards provoked most controversy amongst the ,latin scholastics4 ,ibn ,rushd really ends the illustrious line of ,arabic ,aristotelians4 ,a few ,aristotelian scholars followed in ,spain1 but with the decay of the ,muwahhid power these came to an end4 ,of those later scholars we may mention ,muhyi ad-,din b4 ,arabi 7d4 #fch7 and ,abdu l-,haqq b4 ,sabin 7d4 #ffg74 ,the former of these was primarily a ,sufi1 and shows a strong inclination towards pantheism4 ,abdu l-,haqq1 the last of the ,muwahhid circle1 was also a ,sufi1 but at the same time an accurate student of ,aristotle4 ,in modern ,islam there is no ,aristotelian scholarship1 save only in logic1 where ,aristotle has always held his own4 ,,chapter ,x ,,the ,,jewish ,,transmittors ,we have already seen that the ,jews took a prominent part in bringing a knowledge of philosophical research from ,asia to ,spain1 and ,ibn ,jabirul 7,avencebrol7 takes his place in the line of transmission by which ,spanish ,islam was brought into contact with these studies4 ,this did not end the participation of the ,jews in philosophical work1 but their subsequent writers do not form part of the regular series of ,aristotelian students influencing the ,muslim world1 but are rather confined to ,jewish circles4 ,yet they are of an importance wider than merely sectarian interests1 for it was by means of ,jewish disciples of ,ibn ,rushd that he was raised to a position of much greater importance than he has ever enjoyed in the ,muslim world4 ,amongst the ,jews1 indeed1 there arose a strong ,averroist school1 which later on was the chief means of introducing ,ibn ,rushd's theories to ,latin scholasticism4 ,as we shall see later the transmission of philosophy from ,arabic to ,latin surroundings falls into two stages3 in the earlier the ,arabic material passes directly1 and the works used are those which had attained a leading importance in ,islam1 but in the later stage the ,jews were the intermediaries1 and thus the choice of text-books and authorities was largely influenced by an existing ,jewish scholasticism4 ,ibn ,jabirul shows the ,aristotelian philosophy introduced to ,jewish surroundings1 just as ,said al-,fayyumi in ,mesopotamia shows the entrance of ,mutazilite discussions amongst the ,jews4 ,in fact1 all the intellectual experiences of the ,muslim community were repeated amongst the ,jews4 ,in ,islam the ,mutazilites and the philosophers were followed by the scholastics1 who took their final form under al-,ghazali1 and so in ,judaism also al-,ghazali has his parallel4 ,the founder of an orthodox ,jewish scholasticism was the ,spanish ,jew1 ,jehuda hal-,levi 7d4 #edj ,a4,h4 #aade ,a4,d471 who lived during the ,murabit rule and the coming of the ,muwahhids4 ,his teaching is known by a work entitled ,sefer ha-,kuzari1 which consists of five essays1 supposed to be dialogues between the ,king of the ,chazars and a ,jewish visitor to his court4 ,these dialogues discuss various topics of a philosophical and political character4 ,the study of philosophy is commended1 but it is pointed out that good conduct is not attained by philosophy1 which is occupied with scientific investigations1 and many of these have no direct bearing upon the duties of practical life2 the best means of promoting right conduct is religion1 which is the established tradition of wisdom revealed to men of ancient times4 ,even in speculative matters a surer guidance is often furnished by religious tradition than by the speculations of philosophers4 ,god created all things from nothing2 the attempt to explain the presence of imperfection and evil in the world by the theory of the eternity of matter1 or by the operation of laws of nature is futile2 those laws themselves must refer back to ,god4 ,the difficulty arising from the mingling of evil with good in creation is admitted2 the real solution is unknown1 but it must be maintained that creation was the work of ,god in spite of the difficulties which this presents4 ,as to the nature and attributes of ,god1 the distinction which ,said al-,fayyumi tried to make between the essential and other attributes is untenable4 ,the attributes stated in the ,old ,testament may be applied to ,god because they are revealed1 which is exactly the same teaching as that of al-,ashari and al-,ghazali4 ,these attributes are either referring to active qualities1 or to relative1 or to negative4 ,those which are active and those which are relative are used metaphorically2 we do not know their real significance4 ,the fifth essay is more especially directed against the philosophers as teaching doctrines subversive of revelation4 ,in the first place he disapproves the theory of emanations2 the work of creation was directly performed by ,god without any intermediary2 if there were emanations1 why did they stop short at the lunar sphere8 ,this refers to the descriptions given by the ,arabic writers who endeavour to explain the successive emanations from the ,first ,cause as reaching down to different spheres4 ,he opposes also the attempt of the ,mutakallimin to reconcile philosophy and theology as tending to undermine the truths of revealed religion1 so that he takes a more reactionary position than al-,ghazali4 ,this was inevitable1 for ,jewish thought had as yet been much less influenced by philosophy than was the case with the ,muslims4 ,he objects also to the description of the soul as intellect1 more it would appear because common usage confined 8intellectual activity0 too much to philosophical speculation1 and especially he protested against the implication that only souls of philosophers were finally united to the ,agent ,intellect4 ,the soul of man is a spiritual substance and imperishable2 it does not win immortality by intellectual activity but is necessarily immortal by its own nature4 ,he admits1 however1 that the passive soul in man is influenced by the ,agent ,intellect1 which he seems to regard as the wisdom of ,god personified4 ,generally1 therefore1 ,hal-,levi defined ,jewish orthodoxy as against the teachings of the philosophers3 he recognises the force of philosophical speculation1 but is himself distinctly conservative4 ,god was literally the creator1 and no philosophical definition of creation which tended to explain it otherwise than according to traditional belief was permissible4 ,but ,hal-,levi does not seem to have had any great influence outside ,judaism1 and his work rather tends to show how far ,jewish thought of the #fth cent4 of the ,hijra was out of sympathy with current philosophical speculation1 though no longer ignorant of it4 ,it was in ,spain that the ,jews especially distinguished themselves as physicians1 reproducing and extending the investigations of the ,arabic authorities1 who were pupils of the ,nestorians and ,jews in the first place4 ,the most distinguished of these ,spanish ,jews who became leaders in medical science was ,ibn ,zuhr 7d4 #eie ,a4,h4 #aaii ,a4,d471 commonly known to the medival ,west as 8,avenzoar40 ,he was a native of ,seville and member of a family of physicians4 ,jewish philosophy does not take a leading place until the appearance of ,abu ,imran ,moses b4 ,maymun b4 ,abdullah 7d4 #fja ,a4,h4 #abjd ,a4,d471 a contemporary and follower of ,ibn ,rushd and the one who did most to establish an ,averroist school1 and so passed on his work and influence to ,latin ,christendom4 ,he was the son of a pupil of ,hal-,levi1 and1 it is said1 a pupil of one of ,ibn ,bajja's pupils4 ,his family retired to ,africa to avoid the persecution of the ,muwahhids and settled for a time in ,fez1 then removed to ,egypt4 ,it was whilst he was at ,cairo that ,ibn ,maymun1 or ,maimonides as he is more commonly called by ,european writers1 first heard of ,ibn ,rushd4 ,his chief work is known as ,dalalat al-,hairin1 8the ,guide of the ,perplexed10 which1 like all his other books1 was produced in ,arabic2 about the time of his death this work was translated into ,hebrew by ,samuel b4 ,tibbon as ,moreh ,nebukin4 ,the ,arabic text1 edited by ,munk1 was published at ,paris 7#c vols47 in #ahef-ff1 and in #ahhd an ,english translation by ,friedlnder was published in ,london4 ,next to this in importance is the treatise ,maqalah fi-t-,tawhid1 a treatise on the unity of ,god1 of which a ,hebrew translation was made in the #adth cent4 ,a4,d4 ,his other works were mainly medical1 and include treatises 8on poisons and their antidotes10 8on hmorrhoids10 8on asthma10 and a commentary on ,hippocrates4 ,maimonides' teaching reproduces the substance of that already associated with al-,farabi and ,ibn ,sina put into a ,jewish form4 ,god is the ,intellect1 the ens intelligens1 and the intelligibile3 ,he is the necessary ,first ,cause and the permanent source4 ,he is essentially and necessarily one1 and attributes cannot be so used as to imply plurality3 only those attributes which describe activity are admissible1 not those which imply relations between ,god and the creature4 ,like ,ibn ,rushd he disapproves of the ,mutakallimin1 whom he regards as mere opportunists in their philosophy and without any staple principles1 besides which their method of compromise does not face fairly the law of causality4 ,the ,aristotelian doctrine of the eternity of matter cannot1 however1 be admitted2 creation must have been from nothing1 as follows from the law of causality2 that such was the case cannot be proved1 but every contrary supposition is untenable4 ,all the properties of matter1 the laws of nature1 etc41 had their beginning at creation4 ,on the first day ,god created the beginnings 7reshit71 that is to say the intelligences1 from which proceeded the several spheres1 and introduced movement1 so that on this day the whole universe and all its contents came into existence4 ,on the succeeding days these contents were disposed in order and developed2 then on the seventh day ,god rested1 which means that ,he ceased from active operation and laid the universe under the control of natural laws1 which guided it henceforth4 ,the teaching of ,maimonides shows a somewhat modified form of the system already developed by al-,farabi and ,ibn ,sina adapted to ,jewish beliefs4 ,it had a rapid and wide success1 spreading through the greater part of the ,jewish community in his own lifetime4 ,but this success was not without some opposition--the synagogues of ,aragon1 ,catalonga1 and of ,provence1 where a very large number of ,jews had sought refuge from the ,muwahhids2 the synagogue at ,narbonne1 on the other hand1 defended him4 ,it was not until the following century1 and chiefly by the efforts of ,david ,kimchi1 that ,maimonides was at length generally accepted as the leading doctor of the ,jewish church4 ,although ,maimonides was known to the ,latin scholastics1 it was not his work nor that of any other ,jewish teacher which really made the ,jews important to medival western thought so much as the work they did in popularising ,ibn ,rushd1 whom they called 8the soul and intelligence of ,aristotle40 ,jewish ,,mss4 of ,aristotle are rarely found without ,ibn ,rushd's commentary1 and his paraphrases very commonly bear the name of ,aristotle at their head4 ,it was as the commentator that he held so high a position in ,jewish thought1 and it was as the final and authoritative commentator that he finally took his place in ,latin scholasticism introduced by ,jewish teachers4 ,the ,muwahhid persecution scattered many of the ,spanish ,jews to ,africa and to ,provence and ,languedoc4 ,those who took refuge in ,africa1 like ,maimonides1 retained the use of the ,arabic language1 but ,arabic quickly became obsolete amongst those who had fled north4 ,no doubt the refugees in ,provence found it necessary to use the ,provencal dialect for communication with their ,christian neighbours1 but that dialect had never yet been used for scientific or philosophical purposes2 in ,western ,christendom ,latin was invariably used for all educational and scholarly purposes1 but the refugee ,jews did not feel disposed to adopt a language which had no traditional associations for them and was altogether a foreign tongue never as yet employed for ,jewish purposes4 ,under these circumstances the ,jewish leaders deliberately copied the actual condition prevailing amongst their ,jewish neighbours where the ancient ,latin was in use as a learned language1 whilst its derived dialects were the speech in everyday use1 and so they revived the use of ,hebrew as the medium of teaching and literature4 ,throughout ,hebrew had retained its place as a liturgical language2 there had been synagogue liturgies in ,greek1 but those belonged to a much earlier period4 ,the revival of ,hebrew produced a neo-,hebrew which does not preserve a line of historical continuity with the ancient ,hebrew4 ,for some time ,hebrew had been a dead language in the ,east1 and it had never spread as a living speech to the ,west4 ,but this artificial revival1 which has more than one parallel in history1 was not so difficult a feat as it sounds at first4 ,the vernacular speech of the ,spanish ,jew was ,arabic1 and philologically ,arabic is very nearly a dialect if not of ,arabic1 yet at least of a proto-,arabic1 which shows many close parallels with ,hebrew4 ,of course at that time the true philological relations were not understood3 influenced by theological prepossessions the ,jew rather tended to regard ,arabic as a derivative of ,hebrew2 yet the kinship was obvious1 and in the early translations made from ,arabic to ,hebrew it is not uncommon to find that most of the words are translated in such a way that the same root-form is used as in the original4 ,secondly1 it was not only the case that ,hebrew 8came easily0 to those who knew ,arabic1 but there had been serious philological studies by ,jehudh ,chayyug1 ,david ,kimchi1 and others which had emphasized this close kinship1 and had indeed adapted all the rules of ,arabic grammar to the use of ,hebrew2 it was therefore possible to compose and even to speak a tolerable ,hebrew by the conscious rendering of the ,arabic vocabulary into ,hebrew4 ,it is not suggested that the inaugurators of neo-,hebrew ignored the characteristics of the classical speech2 in fact they did not do so1 but they were in a position to use ,hebrew as though a dialect differing from ,arabic only in detail1 and in this attitude they were more strictly correct than they supposed4 ,before long ,arabic began to be entirely discarded1 and ,hebrew1 whose revival flattered ,jewish susceptibilities1 was taken up with vigour as a language of the schools2 how far it came into use in the home we do not know4 ,this change necessitated the translation of the later theological and philosophical writers from ,arabic into ,hebrew4 ,tradition puts the beginning of this work of translation in the #abth century1 but this is not possibly true4 ,it was not until well into the #acth century that ,hebrew translations begin to appear4 ,the most famous translators were of the family of ,jehuda ben ,tibbon1 who cannot himself be accepted as a translator4 ,the first work was done by ,samuel ben ,tibbon1 who compiled a ,hebrew 8,opinions of the ,philosophers10 which is a catena of passages from ,ibn ,rushd and other ,muslim falasifah4 ,this production was in general use as a popular manual until it was replaced by complete translations of the actual texts1 when1 of course1 such compilations went out of use4 ,the principal part of the work was done by ,moses ben ,tibbon 7circ4 #abfj ,a4,d471 who translated most of the commentaries of ,ibn ,rushd1 some portions of his medical works1 and ,maimonides' 8,guide of the ,perplexed40 ,about this time ,frederick ,,ii4 was strongly desirous of introducing the ,arabic writers to the knowledge of the ,west1 a matter to which we shall refer again when we come to consider the translation of the ,arabic philosophical works into ,latin1 and so we find him protecting and pensioning ,yaqub ben ,abba ,mari1 a son-in-law of ,samuel ben ,tibbon1 at ,naples1 and this ,yaqub employed in preparing a ,hebrew translation of ,ibn ,rushd's commentaries on the ,aristotelian ,organon4 ,the thirteenth century ,a4,d4 shows us a continuous series of ,hebrew scholars either preparing compilations and abridgments or actually translating the full text of the leading ,arabic philosophers1 and especially of ,ibn ,rushd4 ,about #abdg ,jehuda ben ,salomo ,cohen1 of ,toledo1 published his ,hebrew 8,search for ,wisdom10 an encyclopdia of ,aristotelian doctrines mainly based upon the teachings of ,ibn ,rushd4 ,a little later ,shem-,tov b4 ,yusuf b4 ,falaquera also reproduced the doctrines of ,ibn ,rushd in his essays1 and later again in the #acth century ,gerson b4 ,salomo compiled 8,the ,door of ,heaven10 which shows the same influence4 ,about #abeg ,solomon b4 ,yusuf b4 ,aiyub1 a refugee who had come from ,granada to ,bziers1 translated the text of ,ibn ,rushd's commentary on the de coelo and de mundo1 and in the latter part of this century complete translations begin to take the place of abridgments and collections of extracts4 ,about #abhd ,zerachia ben ,isaac from ,barcelona translated ,ibn ,rushd's commentaries on the ,physics1 the ,metaphysics1 and the treatises de coelo and de mundo4 ,rnan has drawn attention to the fact that the same works are translated again and again1 sometimes by translators who were very nearly contemporary and lived in the same neighbourhood4 ,evidently these translations did not quickly enter into wide circulation1 and it does not seem that the task of the translator was held in any great esteem2 it was regarded as a purely mechanical work1 and not credited with any literary possibilities4 ,early in the #adth century ,kalonymos b4 ,kalonymos b4 ,meir translated ,ibn ,rushd's commentaries on the ,topica1 ,sophistica1 and ,analytica ,posteriora 7completed #acad72 then his commentaries on the ,physica1 ,metaphysics1 de coelo and de mundo1 de generatione and de corruptione1 and the ,meteora 7completed #acag71 and followed these by a translation of the ,destruction of the ,destruction4 ,an independent ,hebrew translation of this latter work was made about the same time by ,kalonymos b4 ,david b4 ,todros4 ,about #acba ,rabbi ,samuel ben ,jehuda ben ,meshullam at ,marseilles prepared ,hebrew versions of ,ibn ,rushd's commentaries on the ,nicomachan ,ethics and his paraphrase of the ,republic of ,plato1 which was regarded by the ,arabic writers as part of the ,aristotelian canon4 ,it is rather interesting to note that somewhere about the same time ,juda ben ,moses ben ,daniel of ,rome prepared a ,hebrew translation of de substantia orbis from the ,latin translation which was itself derived from the ,arabic4 ,to a great extent the ,hebrew and ,latin translations were being made contemporaneously but quite independently2 it was not until well into the #adth century that they begin to influence one another4 ,it was during this later stage that so many of the ,arabic philosophical works were translated into ,latin via ,hebrew1 and this gave a marked preponderance to ,ibn ,rushd1 the result of the ,jewish vogue of his writings2 the earlier translations into ,latin from the ,arabic rather tend to lay weight on ,ibn ,sina4 ,in the course of the #adth century ,a4,d4 the ,hebrew commentators on ,ibn ,rushd begin4 ,chief amongst these was ,lavi ben ,gerson1 of ,bagnols1 who wrote a commentary on ,ibn ,rushd's ,ittisal on the doctrine of the union of the soul with the ,agent ,intelligence1 and on ,ibn ,rushd's treatise 8on the substance of the world40 ,levi's teaching reproduces the ,arabic ,aristotelianism much more freely and frankly than was ventured by ,maimonides2 he admits the eternity of the world1 the primal matter he describes as substance without form1 and creation meant only the impress of form on this formless substance4 ,contemporary with ,levi was ,moses of ,narbonne1 who1 between #acdj and #acej1 produced commentaries on the same works of ,ibn ,rushd as had already been treated by ,levi1 as well as other of the treatises on physical science4 ,the fourteenth century was the golden age of ,jewish scholasticism and the following century sees it in its decay4 ,ibn ,rushd was still studied and commentaries were still compiled4 ,about #adee ,joseph ben ,shem-,tob of ,segovia produced a commentary on ,aristotle's ,ethics which he intended to supplement ,ibn ,rushd1 who had not written a commentary on this portion of ,aristotle4 ,elias del ,medigo1 who taught at ,padua towards the end of the #aeth century1 is regarded by ,rnan as the last great ,jewish ,averroist4 ,he wrote a commentary on the de substantia orbis in #adhe1 and also published annotations on ,averroes4 ,the #afth century shows the final decay of ,jewish ,averroism4 ,in #aefj an abridgment of the logic of ,averroes was published at ,riva di ,trento1 and this has remained a standard work amongst ,jews1 but outside logic ,averroes was beginning to fall into disrepute4 ,rabbi ,moses ,almosnino 7circ4 #aech7 uses al-,ghazali's work against the philosophers to oppose ,ibn ,rushd1 and evidences occur of an interest in ,plato by those who despised ,aristotle as a relic of the dark ages4 ,the later ,jewish philosophers such as ,spinoza are not in touch with the medival tradition1 whose continuity is severed towards the end of the #afth century2 later work shows the influence of post-renascence non-,jewish thought4 ,,chapter ,,xi ,,influence ,,of ,,the ,,arabic ,,philosophers ,,on ,,latin ,,scholasticism ,we have now followed the way in which ,hellenistic philosophy was passed from the ,greeks to the ,syrians1 from the ,syrians to the ,arabic-speaking ,muslims1 and was by the ,muslims carried from ,asia to the far ,west4 ,we have now to consider the way in which it was handed on from these ,arabic-speaking people to the ,latins4 ,the first contact of the ,latins with the philosophy of the ,muslims was in ,spain1 as might be expected4 ,at that time1 that is to say during the ,middle ,ages1 we can rightly describe the ,western parts of ,europe as 8,latin10 since ,latin was used not only in the services of the church but as a means of teaching and as a means of intercourse between the educated2 it does not imply that the vernacular speech in all the western lands was of ,latin origin1 and of course makes no suggestion of a 8,latin race02 it refers only to a cultural group1 and we are employing the term 8,latin0 only to denote those who shared a civilization which may fairly be described as of ,latin origin4 ,in ,spain this ,latin culture was in contact with the ,arabic culture of the ,muslims4 ,the transmission of ,arabic material to ,latin is especially associated with ,raymund1 who was ,archbishop of ,toledo from #aacj to #aaej ,a4,d4 ,toledo had become part of the kingdom of ,castile in #ajhe1 during the disordered period just before the ,murabit invasion4 ,it had been captured by ,alfonso ,,vi41 and he had made it the capital city of his kingdom1 and the ,archbishop of ,toledo became the ,primate of ,spain4 ,when the town was taken it was agreed that the citizens should have freedom to follow their own religion1 but the year after its capture the ,christians forcibly seized the great church1 which had been converted into a congregational mosque about #cgj years before1 and restored it to ,christian use4 ,for the most part1 however1 the ,muslims lived side by side with the ,christians in ,toledo1 and their presence in the same city as the king1 the royal court1 and the ,primate made a considerable impression on their neighbours1 who began to take some interest in the intellectual life of ,islam during the following years4 ,the ,archbishop ,raymund desired to make the ,arabic philosophy available for ,christian use4 ,at the moment1 it will be remembered1 the ,muwahhids were established in ,spain1 and their bigotry caused a number of the ,jews and ,christians to take refuge in the surrounding countries4 ,raymund founded a college of translators at ,toledo1 which he put in the charge of the archdeacon ,dominic ,gondisalvi1 and entrusted it with the duty of preparing ,latin translations of the most important ,arabic works on philosophy and science1 and thus many translations of the ,arabic versions of ,aristotle and of the commentaries as well as of the abridgments of al-,farabi and ,ibn ,sina were produced4 ,the method employed in this college and the method commonly followed in the ,middle ,ages was to use the services of an interpreter1 who simply placed the ,latin word over the ,arabic words of the original1 and finally the ,latinity was revised by the presiding clerk1 the finished translation usually bearing the name of the revisor4 ,it was an extremely mechanical method2 and the interpreter was treated as of minor importance4 ,it seems that the preparation of a translation was done to order in very much the same way as the copying of a text1 and was not regarded as more intellectual than the work of transcription4 ,the revisor did no more than see that the sentences were grammatical in form3 the structure and syntax was still ,arabic1 and was often extremely difficult for the ,latin reader to understand1 the more so as the more troublesome words were simply transliterated from the ,arabic4 ,the interpreters employed in this college certainly included some ,jews2 it is known that one of them bore the name of ,john of ,seville4 ,we have very little information as to the circulation of the translations made at ,toledo1 but it is certain that about thirty years afterwards the whole text of ,aristotle's logical ,organon was in use in ,paris1 and this was not possible so long as the ,latin translations were limited to those which had been transmitted by ,boethius1 ,john ,scotus1 and the fragments of ,plato derived through ,st4 ,augustine4 ,but this material already in the possession of the ,west was the foundation of scholasticism1 and was developed as far as it would go4 ,boethius transmitted a ,latin version of ,porphyry's ,isagoge and of the ,categories and ,hermeneutics of ,aristotle1 whilst ,john ,scotus translated the ,pseudo-,dionysius4 ,the further development of ,latin scholasticism came in three stages3 first1 the introduction of the rest of the text of ,aristotle1 as well as the scientific works of the whole logical canon1 by translation from the ,arabic2 then came translations from the ,greek following the capture of ,constantinople in #abjd2 and thirdly1 the introduction of the ,arabic commentators4 ,the first ,latin scholastic writer who shows a knowledge of the complete logical ,organon was ,john of ,salisbury 7d4 #aahb ,a4,d471 who was a lecturer at ,paris1 but it does not appear that the metaphysical and psychological works of ,aristotle were in circulation as yet4 ,by this time ,paris had become the centre of scholastic philosophy1 which was now beginning to predominate theology4 ,this takes its form1 as yet untouched by ,arabic methods1 in the work of ,peter ,lombard 7d4 #aafj ,a4,d471 whose 8,sentences10 an encyclopdia of the controversies of the time but a mere compilation1 remained a popular book down to the #agth century4 ,the methods and form used in the 8,sentences0 shows the influence of ,abelard1 and still more of the ,decretals of ,gratian4 ,it is interesting to note that ,peter ,lombard possessed and used a newly finished translation of ,st4 ,john ,damascene4 ,early in the #acth century we find various controversies at ,paris on subjects very like those debated by the ,arabic philosophers1 but in reality derived from quite independent sources4 ,nothing would seem more suggestive of ,arabic influence than discussion of the essential unity of souls1 which seems as though it were an echo of ,ibn ,rushd2 but this doctrine had been developed independently from neo-,platonic material in the ,celtic church1 and1 in its main features not at all unlike the teaching of ,ibn ,rushd1 was fairly common in ,ireland 7cf4 ,rnan3 ,averroes1 #acb-acc74 ,so we find ,ratramnus of ,corbey in the #ith century writing against one ,macarius in refutation of similar views4 ,here ,arabic influence is out of the question2 at the time1 indeed1 ,ibn ,rushd was not yet born4 ,so of ,simon of ,tournay1 who was a teacher of theology at ,paris about #abjj ,a4,d41 we read that 8whilst he follows ,aristotle too closely1 he is by some recent writers accused of heresy0 7,henry of ,gand3 ,lib4 de script4 eccles4 c4 #bd in ,fabrisius ,bibliotheca1 #b1 p4 #aba71 but this simply means that he carried to an extreme the application of the dialectical method to theology4 ,more interest attaches to the decrees passed at a synod held at ,paris in #abji and endorsed by the decisions of the ,papal ,legate in #abae4 ,these measures were provoked by the pantheistic teaching of ,david of ,dinant and ,amalric of ,bena1 who revived the semipantheistic doctrines of ,john ,scotus' ,periphysis1 and the prohibitions dealing with them cite passages from ,scotus verbatim4 ,the ,periphysis itself was condemned by ,honorius ,,iii4 in #abbe4 ,but the decrees of #abji also forbade the use of ,aristotle's ,natural ,philosophy and the 8commenta10 whilst the ,legate's orders of #abae allowed the logical works of the old and new translations where perhaps the 8new translations0 refers to the 8new0 translations made from the ,arabic as contrasted with the 8old0 versions of ,boethius1 though it is just possible that some version direct from the ,greek was in circulation and known as the 8new translations10 and also forbade the reading of the ,metaphysics1 ,natural ,philosophy1 etc41 all material which had become accessible through the ,arabic4 ,in #abae ,frederick ,,ii4 became ,emperor1 and in #abca he began to reorganize the kingdom of ,sicily4 ,both in ,sicily and in the course of his crusading expeditions in the ,east ,frederick had been brought into close contact with the ,muslims and was greatly attracted to them4 ,he adopted oriental costume and many ,arabic customs and manners1 but1 most important of all1 he was a great admirer of the ,arabic philosophers1 whose works he was able to read in the original1 as he was familiar with ,german1 ,french1 ,italian1 ,latin1 ,greek1 and ,arabic4 ,contemporary historians represent him as a free-thinker1 who regarded all religions as equally worthless1 and attributed to him the statement that the world had suffered from three great imposters1 ,moses1 ,christ1 and ,muhammad4 ,this opinion of ,frederick is expressed in passionate words by ,gregory ,,ix4 in the encyclical letter 8ad omnes principes et prelatos terrae0 7in ,mansi4 xxiii4 #gi71 where he compares the ,emperor to the blaspheming beast of ,apocalypse xiii41 but ,frederick in reply likened the ,pope to the beast described in ,apoc4 vi41 8the great dragon which reduced the whole world10 and professed a perfectly orthodox attitude towards ,moses1 ,christ1 and ,muhammad4 ,it is quite probable1 as ,rnan 7,averroes1 p4 #bic7 supposes1 that the views ascribed to ,frederick really are based on a professed sympathy towards the ,arabic philosophers1 who regarded all religions as equally tolerable for the uninstructed multitude1 and commonly illustrated their remarks by citing the 8three laws0 which were best known to them4 ,in #abbd ,frederick founded a university at ,naples1 and made it an academy for the purpose of introducing ,arabic science to the western world1 and there various translations were made from ,arabic into ,latin and into ,hebrew4 ,by his encouragement ,michael ,scot visited ,toledo about #abag and translated ,ibn ,rushd's commentaries on ,aristotle's de coelo et de mundo1 as well as the first part of the de anima4 ,it seems probable also that he was the translator of commentaries on the ,meteora1 ,parva ,naturalia1 de substantia orbis1 ,physics1 and de generatione et de corruptione4 ,ibn ,sina's commentaries were in general circulation before this1 so that they were very probably the 8commentaries0 referred to in the ,paris decree of #abji1 but we do not know who was responsible for their rendering into ,latin1 save that they almost certainly proceeded from the college at ,toledo4 ,the introduction of ,ibn ,rushd1 not of great repute amongst the ,muslims1 bears evidence to the weight of ,jewish influence in ,sicily and in the new academy at ,naples4 ,we know that ,michael ,scot was assisted by a ,jew named ,andrew4 ,another translator of this period was a ,german ,hermann who was in ,toledo about #abef1 after ,frederick's death4 ,he translated the abridgment of the ,rhetoric made by al-,farabi1 ,ibn ,rushd's abridgment of the ,poetics1 and other less known works of ,aristotle4 ,hermann's translations were described by ,roger ,bacon as barbarous and hardly intelligible2 he transliterated the names so as to show even the tanwin in ,ibn ,rosdin1 abi ,nasrin1 etc4 ,by the middle of the #acth century nearly all the philosophical works of ,ibn ,rushd were translated into ,latin1 except the commentary on the ,organon1 which came a little later1 and the ,destruction of the ,destruction1 which was not rendered into ,latin until the ,jew ,kalonymos did so in #acbh4 ,some of his medical works also were translated in the #acth century1 namely1 the ,colliget1 as it was called1 and the treatise de formatione2 others were translated from the ,hebrew into ,latin early in the following century4 ,the first evidence of the general circulation of ideas taken from ,averroes 7,ibn ,rushd7 is associated with ,william of ,auvergne1 who was ,bishop of ,paris1 and these show a considerable amount of inaccuracy in detail4 ,in #abdj ,william published censures against certain opinions1 which he states to be derived from the ,arabic philosophers2 amongst these he expresses his disapproval of the doctrine of the ,first ,intelligence1 an emanation from ,god1 as being the agent of creation1 a doctrine common to all the philosophers1 but which he attributes specifically to al-,ghazali2 he objects also to the teaching that the world is eternal1 which he attributes correctly to ,aristotle and ,ibn ,sina1 but mentions ,averroes as an orthodox defender of the truth2 he further condemns the doctrine of the unity of intellects1 which most incorrectly he attributes to ,aristotle1 and also refers to al-,farabi as maintaining this heresy2 throughout he cites ,averroes as a sounder teacher who tends to correct these ideas1 but his description of the doctrine of the unity of intellects reproduces the features which are distinctive of ,averroes4 ,the arguments he uses against this latter doctrine are1 on the whole1 very much the same as those employed a little later by ,albertus ,magnus and ,st4 ,thomas1 viz41 that the doctrine undermines the reality of the individual personality1 and is inconsistent with the observed facts of diversity of intelligence in different persons4 ,he cites ,abubacer 7,ibn ,bajja7 as a commentator on ,aristotle's ,physics1 but in fact this was a book on which ,ibn ,bajja did not write a commentary1 and the substance of the citation agrees with the teaching of ,averroes4 ,at that time evidently the position was that ,aristotle and the ,arabic commentators generally were regarded with suspicion save in the treatment of logic1 the one exception being ,averroes1 who was considered to be perfectly orthodox4 ,so strange a perversion of the facts could only be due to ,jewish influence1 for the ,jews at that time were devoted adherents of ,averroes4 ,when the friars began to take their place in the work of the universities we note two striking changes3 7i47 the friars cut loose entirely from the timid policy of conservatism and begin to make free use of all the works of ,aristotle and of the ,arabic commentators1 and also make efforts to procure newer and more correct translations of the ,aristotelian text from the original ,greek2 under this leadership the universities gradually became more modern and enterprising in their scientific work1 though not without evidence of strong opposition in certain quarters4 7ii47 ,as a natural corollary a more correct appreciation was made of the tendencies of the several commentators4 ,the leader in these newer studies was the ,franciscan ,alexander ,hales 7d4 #abde71 who was the first to make free use of ,aristotle outside the logical ,organon4 ,his ,summa1 which was left unfinished and continued by the ,franciscan ,william of ,melitona1 was based on the ,sentences of ,peter ,lombard1 and serves as a commentary to it4 ,peter ,lombard1 however1 had not quoted ,aristotle at all1 whilst ,alexander uses the metaphysical and scientific works as well as the logic4 ,from this time forth the ,franciscans begin to use the ,arabic commentators4 ,the more accurate study of ,aristotle in medival scholasticism begins with ,albertus ,magnus 7#abjf-abhj71 the ,dominican friar who first really perceived the importance of careful and critical versions of the text1 and thus introduced a strictly scientific standard of method4 ,he studied at ,padua1 a daughter university of ,bologna1 but became a ,dominican in #abbc4 ,his methods were followed and developed by his pupil1 ,st4 ,thomas ,aquinas 7d4 #abgd71 who arranged his work on the lines already indicated in ,albertus' commentary on ,aristotle's ,politics1 lines which became the regulation method in ,latin scholastic writers1 and he was at pains to get new translations made directly from the ,greek1 which was now freely accessible2 a new translation direct from the ,greek was made by ,william de ,moerbeka at the request of ,st4 ,thomas4 ,but there is a significant change from the time when ,albertus delivered his lectures3 in the work of ,albertus the commentator chiefly used was ,ibn ,sina1 but in that of ,st4 ,thomas there is a free use of ,averroes 7,ibn ,rushd71 although ,st4 ,thomas shows that he is perfectly well aware of the peculiar doctrines held by this latter philosopher1 and guards himself carefully from them4 ,st4 ,thomas frequently enters into controversy with the ,arabic commentators1 and especially attacks the doctrines 7i47 that there was a primal indefinite matter to which form was given at creation 7cf4 ,summa4 lae quaes4 #ff1 art4 #b72 7ii47 that there were successive series of emanations1 a doctrine which had now assumed an astrological character2 7iii47 that the ,agent ,intellect was the intermediary in creation 7cf4 ,summa4 #a1 #de1 #e2 #dg1 #a2 #ij1 #a72 7iv47 that creation ex nihilo is impossible2 7v47 that there is not a special providence ruling and directing the world2 and 7vi47 most of all1 the doctrine of the unity of intellects1 a doctrine which1 as he shows1 is not to be found in ,aristotle1 ,alexander of ,aphrodisias1 ,avicenna1 or ,ghazali1 but is a speculative theory of ,averroes alone1 at least in the form then becoming popular as pampsychism4 ,all these objections were essentially the same as had been already brought forward by the orthodox scholastics of ,islam1 and undoubtedly al-,ghazali is used in refuting them4 ,according to ,st4 ,thomas1 the doctrine of pampsychism is entirely subversive of human personality and of the separate individuality of the ego1 to which our own consciousness bears witness4 ,god creates the soul for each child as it is born2 it is no emanation1 but has a separate and distinct personality4 ,as a corollary he denies the ittisal or final 8union10 which involves the reabsorption of the soul in its source4 ,it is worth noting that ,st4 ,thomas received his education before joining the ,dominican order in the university of ,naples1 which had been founded by ,frederick ,,ii4 and was a centre of interest in the ,arabic philosophers1 and this probably goes far to account for his more accurate appreciation of their teaching4 ,unquestionably ,st4 ,thomas ,aquinas must be regarded as the prince of the ,latin scholastics1 for it is he who first draws freely upon metaphysics and psychology and co-ordinates them with theology--the psychological analysis given in the ,secunda secundae of the ,summa is one of the best products of the ,latin scholastics--and also he was the first to appreciate correctly the difficulties of translation and insist on an accurate rendering as essential to an understanding of ,aristotle4 ,for the most part1 as we have noted1 the medival scholars undervalued the translator's task and were content with a hack interpreter1 and saw no reason for applying themselves to the study of the original text1 a view in which the ,arabic philosophers shared4 ,incidentally ,st4 ,thomas was the first who makes free use of all the ,arabic commentators and shows that he is fully aware of their defects4 ,undoubtedly he regarded ,averroes as the best exponent of the ,aristotelian text1 and the supreme master in logic1 but heretical in his metaphysics and psychology4 ,about #abef ,averroes' teaching about the unity of intelligences was sufficiently widespread at ,paris to induce ,albertus to write his treatise 8,on the unity of the intellect against the ,averroists10 a treatise which he afterwards inserted in his ,summa4 ,in #abfi certain propositions from ,averroes were formally condemned4 ,at this time his works were well known1 and there was a distinct party at ,paris which had adopted his views and which we may describe as a semi-,judaistic party4 ,this time both ,albertus and ,st4 ,thomas published treatises against the doctrine of the unity of intelligences4 ,again in #abgg various ,averroist theses were condemned at ,paris1 for the most part emanating from the ,franciscans1 who1 as ,bacon notes 7opus ,tert4 #bc71 were strongly inclined towards ,averroes both at ,paris and in ,england1 a condition which prevailed until the great ,franciscan doctor ,duns ,scotus 7d4 #acjh7 took a definitely anti-,averroist line4 ,still1 even in the #adth century1 when ,averroism was practically dead at ,paris1 it still retained its hold amongst the ,franciscans in the ,english 8nation40 ,the ,dominicans were less favourably disposed towards the ,arabic writers1 at least after the time of ,albertus1 and show a much more careful estimate of their work4 ,this was no doubt due to the fact that they had a house of ,arabic studies in ,spain1 and were actually engaged in controversy with the ,muslims4 ,as a rule a careful distinction is drawn between ,averroes the commentator1 who is treated with great respect as an exponent of the text of ,aristotle1 and ,averroes the philosopher1 who is regarded as heretical4 ,it seems as though there was a deliberate policy to secure ,aristotle by sacrificing the ,arabic commentators4 ,very characteristic of the work of the ,dominicans was the ,pugio ,fidei adversum ,mauros et ,judaeos of ,raymund ,martini1 who lived in ,aragon and ,provence2 he was familiar with ,hebrew1 and freely uses the ,hebrew translations of the ,arabic philosophers4 ,his arguments are largely borrowed from al-,ghazali's ,destruction of the ,philosophers4 ,it is curious to note that1 in his anxiety to defend ,aristotle1 he accuses ,averroes of borrowing the doctrine of the unity of intelligences from ,plato1 and in a sense there was an element of truth in this1 for the ,averroist doctrine was ultimately derived from neo-,platonic sources4 ,raymund also cites the medical teaching of ,averroes at a date earlier than any ,latin version1 and here again shows familiarity with the ,hebrew translations4 ,john ,baconthorp 7d4 #acdf71 the provincial of the ,english ,carmelites and 8doctor0 of the ,carmelite order1 tends to palliate the heretical tendencies of ,averroes' teaching1 and was called by his contemporaries 8the prince of ,averroists10 a title which was apparently regarded as a compliment4 ,amongst the ,augustinian friars ,giles of ,rome in his de ,erroribus ,philosophorum was an opponent of the teaching of ,averroes1 especially attacking the doctrine of the unity of souls and the union or ittisal1 but ,paul of ,venice 7d4 #adbi71 of the same order1 shows a tendency favourable to ,averroism in his ,summa4 ,the #acth century had generally used ,ibn ,sina 7,avicenna7 as a commentator on ,aristotle1 but in the #adth century the general tendency was to prefer ,averroes1 who was regarded as the leading exponent of the ,aristotelian text even by those who disapproved his teaching4 ,the ,university of ,montpelier as a centre of medical studies might be expected to use the ,arabic authorities1 but this university1 though traditionally founded by ,arabic physicians driven out of ,spain1 was re-founded as a distinctly ecclesiastical institution in the #acth century1 and became the home of ,greek medical studies based on ,galen and ,hippocrates1 though probably the earlier texts in use were translated from the ,arabic versions4 ,to this more wholesome ,greek character the university remained faithful1 and there was always a tendency at ,montpelier to regard the ,arabic use of talismans and astrology in medicine as heretical4 ,it was not until the beginning of the #adth century that the ,arabic medical writers began to be used there at all1 and they remained in quite a secondary rank4 ,in #acjd ,averroes' ,canones de medicinis laxativis was translated from the ,hebrew1 and in #acdj we find that i4 and iv4 of the ,canons of ,avicenna are included in the official syllabus set for candidates for medical degrees1 and from this time forward the lectures include courses on the ,arabic physicians4 ,in #aefg the ,arabic medical works were definitely struck off the list of books required for examination in the schools at the petition of the students1 but occasional lectures on the ,canons of ,avicenna were given down to #afjg4 ,the real home of ,averroism was the ,university of ,bologna1 with its sister ,university of ,padua1 and from these two centres an ,averroist influence spread over all ,n4,e4 ,italy1 including ,venice and ,ferrara1 and so continued until the #agth century4 ,it was a precursor of the rationalism and anti-church feeling of the renascence1 perhaps assisted by ,venetian contact with the ,east4 ,at ,bologna ,arabic influence was predominant in medicine2 already in the later #acth century the medical course centres in the ,canon of ,avicenna and the medical treatises of ,averroes1 with the result that astrology became a regular subject of study1 and degrees were granted in it4 ,most of the physicians of ,bologna and ,padua were astrologers1 and were generally regarded as free-thinkers and heretics4 ,bologna had at one time enjoyed the favour of ,frederick ,,ii41 and he had presented the ,university with copies of the ,latin translations prepared by his order from ,arabic and ,greek4 ,the 8,great ,commentary0 was firmly established at ,padua1 and in #accd the ,servite friar ,urbano de ,bologna published a commentary on the commentary of ,averroes1 which was printed in #adib by order of the general of the ,servites4 ,but it is ,gaetano of ,tiena 7d4 #adfe71 a canon of the cathedral at ,padua1 who is generally regarded as the founder of ,paduan ,averroism4 ,he was less bold in his statements than the ,augustinian ,paul of ,venice1 but still quite definitely an ,averroist in his teaching as to the ,agent ,intellect and the unity of souls1 etc4 ,he seems to have had a great popularity1 as many copies of his lectures survive4 ,this ,averroist cult in ,padua held good through the greater part of the #aeth century4 ,towards the end of the century1 however1 the reaction begins1 and comes from two distinct sources4 ,on one side ,pomponat lectured at ,padua on the de anima1 but interprets it by the aid of ,alexander of ,aphrodisias and discards ,averroes1 setting forth his doctrines in the form of essays instead of the time-honoured commentary on the ,aristotelian text4 ,from this time 7circ4 #adie7 the university of ,padua was divided into two factions1 the ,averroists and the ,alexandrians4 ,pomponat was at the same time a representative of more distinctly rationalist theories1 towards which the ,italian mind was then tending4 ,it was not that ,alexander was more difficult to reconcile with the ,christian faith than ,averroes1 but that those whose scepticism was inclined to be more freely expressed took advantage of these new methods of interpretation to give free vent to their own opinions4 ,quite independent of these ,alexandrians were the humanists proper1 who objected most to the barbarous ,latinity of the text-books in general use1 and especially to the terminology employed in the translations made from the ,arabic commentators4 ,representative of these was ,thomus1 who about #adig began to lecture at ,padua on the ,greek text of ,aristotle1 and to treat it very largely as a study of the ,greek language and literature4 ,philosophical controversy at this time was centred chiefly in the psychological problems connected with the nature of the soul1 and especially with its separate existence and the prospects of immortality4 ,this indeed was perceived to be a crucial problem of religion and was very keenly debated4 ,in the early years of the #afth century the controversy became even more prominent1 until the ,lateran ,council of #aeab tried to check such discussions and passed a a formal condemnation1 which1 however1 was powerless to restrain the debates4 ,it is to be noticed that these discussions did not arise from any philo-pagan attitude of the renascence1 although they favoured that attitude1 but from the topics suggested by the study of the ,arabic philosophers in ,n4,e4 ,italy1 and had their beginning in the problem as to whether the soul at death could continue an individual existence or was reabsorbed in the source1 the reservoir of life1 whether ,agent ,intellect or universal soul4 ,officially the ,university of ,padua continued to maintain a moderate ,averroism4 ,in #adgb the editio princeps of ,averroes' commentaries was published at ,padua4 ,then in #adie-g ,niphus produced a fuller and more complete edition4 ,through the next half-century a series of essays1 discussions1 and analyses of ,averroes were produced almost continuously1 and in #aeeb-c appeared the great edition of ,averroes' commentaries1 with marginal notes by ,zimara4 ,in the course of the #afth century1 also1 ,padua produced a new translation of ,averroes from the ,hebrew4 ,the last of the ,averroist succession was ,csar ,cremonini 7d4 #afca71 who1 however1 shows strong leanings towards ,alexandrianism4 ,by this time the study of the ,arabic philosophers in ,europe was confined to the medical writers and to the commentaries of ,averroes4 ,outside ,padua and ,bologna ,averroes retained his position as the principal exponent of ,aristotle to the end of the #aeth century4 ,in the ordinances of ,louis ,,xi4 7#adgc7 it is laid down that the masters at ,paris are to teach ,aristotle1 and to use as commentaries ,averroes1 ,albertus ,magnus1 ,thomas ,aquinas1 and similar writers instead of ,william of ,ockham and others of his school1 which is no more than saying that the official attitude is to be realist and not nominalist4 ,with the #afth century the study of the ,arabic commentators on ,aristotle fell into disrepute outside ,padua and its circle1 but for a century more the ,arabic medical writers had a limited range of influence in the ,european universities4 ,the actual line of transmission in and after the #aeth century lay in the passage of the anti-ecclesiastical spirit developed in ,north ,east ,italy under the influence of the ,arabic philosophers to the ,italian renascence4 ,the arrival of ,greek scholars after the fall of ,constantinople and the resultant interest developed in archological research diverted attention into a new direction1 but this should not disguise the fact that the pro-,arabic element in scholastic days was the direct parent of the philo-pagan element in the renascence1 at least in ,southern ,europe4 ,in northern lands it was the archological side which assumed greater importance and was brought to bear upon theological subjects4 ,,concluding ,,paragraph ,we have now traced the transmission of a particular type of ,hellenistic culture through the ,syrian ,church1 the ,zoroastrians of ,persia1 and the pagans of ,harran to the ,islamic community1 where it was rather compromised by the patronage of those whom the official ,muslim teachers decided to regard as heretics4 ,in spite of this censure it has left a very distinct and enduring impression on ,muslim theology and on popular beliefs4 ,after a chequered career in the ,east it passed over to the ,western ,muslim community in ,spain1 where it had a very specialised development1 which finally made a deeper impression on ,christian and ,jewish thought than on that of the ,muslims themselves1 and attained its final evolution in ,north-,east ,italy1 where1 as an anti-ecclesiastical influence1 it prepared the way for the ,renascence4 ,but this main line of development is not really the most important2 all along that line it was branching off on one side or another1 and its richest fruits must be sought in these side issues1 in the scholasticism which1 in ,islam1 in ,judaism1 and in ,christianity1 was a reaction from its teaching1 and in the medical1 chemical1 and other scientific studies of the ,middle ,ages1 which largely owed their inspiration to its influence4 ,it is the most romantic history of culture drift which is known to us in detail4 ,,chronological ,,table ,years from the death of the ,prophet ,muhammad to the fall of the ,muwahhid dynasty in ,spain4 ---------------------------------------- ---------------------------- ,a4,h4 ,a4,d4 ,,muslim ,,year ,,leading ,,events4 ,,begins4 ---------------------------------------- ---------------------------- #aa #fcb ,mar4 #bi d4 of ,muhammad4 ,abu ,bakr ,khalif4 #ab #fcc #ah #ac #fcd #g ,umar ,khalif4 #ad #fce ,feb4 #be #ae #fcf #ad #af #fcg #b #ag #fch ,jan4 #bc ,syria and ,mesopotamia conquered4 #ah #fci #ab #ai #fdj #b #bj #fdj ,dec4 #ba ,egypt conquered4 #ba #fda #aj ,persia conquered4 #bb #fdb ,nov4 #cj #bc #fdc #ai ,uthman ,khalif4 #bd #fdd #g #be #fde ,oct4 #bh #bf #fdf #ah #bg #fdg #g #bh #fdh ,sept4 #be #bi #fdi #ad #cj #fej #d #ca #fea ,aug4 #bd #cb #feb #ab #cc #fec #b #cd #fed ,july #bb #ce #fee #aa ,ali ,khalif4 #cf #fef ,june #cj #cg #feg #ai #ch #feh #i #ci #fei ,may #bi #dj #ffj #ag #da #ffa #g ,muawiya ,i4 ,khalif3 ,umayyads4 #db #ffb ,apr4 #bf #dc #ffc #ae #dd #ffd #d #de #ffe ,mar4 #bd #df #fff #ac #dg #ffg #c #dh #ffh ,feb4 #bj #di #ffi #i ,al-,hasan died4 7#bnd ,imam47 #ej #fgj ,jan4 #bi #ea #fga #ah #eb #fgb #h #ec #fgb ,dec4 #bg #ed #fgc #af #ee #fgd #f #ef #fge ,nov4 #be #eg #fgf #ad #eh #fgg #c #ei #fgh ,oct4 #bc #fj #fgi #ac ,yazid ,khalif4 #fa #fhj #a ,karbela and d4 of al-,husayn4 #fb #fha ,sept4 #bj #fc #fhb #aj #fd #fhc ,aug4 #cj ,muawiya ,,ii4 ,khalif3 ,marwan ,khalif4 #fe #fhd #ah ,abdu l-,malik ,khalif4 #ff #fhe #h #fg #fhf ,july #bh #fh #fhg #ah #fi #fhh #f #gj #fhi ,june #be #ga #fij #ae #gb #fia #d #gc #fib ,may #bc #gd #fic #ac #ge #fid #b #gf #fie ,apr4 #ba #gg #fif #aj #gh #fig ,mar4 #cj #gi #fih #bj #hj #fii #i #ha #gjj ,feb4 #bf #hb #gja #ae #hc #gjb #d #hd #gjc ,jan4 #bd #he #gjd #ad #hf #gje #b al-,walid ,khalif4 #hg #gje ,dec4 #bc #hh #gjf #ab #hi #gjg #a #ij #gjh ,nov4 #bj #ia #gji #i #ib #gaj ,oct4 #bi #ic #gaa #ai #id #gab #g #ie #gac ,sept4 #bf #if #gad #af ,sulayman ,khalif4 #ig #gae #e #ih #gaf ,aug4 #be #ii #gag #ad ,umar ,,ii4 ,khalif4 #ajj #gah #c #aja #gai ,july #bd ,yazif ,,ii4 ,khalif4 #ajb #gbj #ab #ajc #gba #a #ajd #gbb ,june #ba #aje #gbc #aj #ajf #gbd ,may #bi ,hisham ,khalif4 #ajg #gbe #ai #ajh #gbf #h #aji #gbg ,apr4 #bh #aaj #gbh #af #aaa #gbi #e #aab #gcj ,mar4 #bf #aac #gca #ae #aad #gcb #c #aae #gcc ,feb4 #ba #aaf #gcd #aj #aag #gce ,jan4 #ca #aah #gcf #bj #aai #gcg #h #abj #gcg ,dec4 #bi #aba #gch #ah #abb #gci #g #abc #gdj ,nov4 #bf #abd #gda #ae #abe #gdb #d #abf #gdc ,oct4 #be ,al-,walid ,,ii4 ,khalif4 #abg #gdd #ae ,yazid ,,iii4--,ibrahim ,khalifs4 #abh #gde #c ,marwan ,,ii4 ,khalif4 #abi #gdf ,sept4 #bb #acj #gdg #aa #aca #gdh ,aug4 #ca #acb #gdi #bj ,end of ,umayyad dyn4--,as-,saffah ,khalif4 #acc #gej #i #acd #gea ,july #cj #ace #geb #ah #acf #gec #g ,al-,mansur ,khalif4 #acg #ged ,june #bg #ach #gee #af ,umayyads established at ,cordova4 #aci #gef #e #adj #geg ,may #be ,ibn al-,muqaffa killed4 #ada #geh #ad #adb #gei #d #adc #gfj ,apr4 #bb #add #gfa #aa #ade #gfb #a ,baghdad founded4 #adf #gfc ,mar4 #ba #adg #gfd #aj #adh #gfe ,feb4 #bg ,imam ,jafar as-,sadiq died4 #adi #gff #af #aej #gfg #f #aea #gfh ,jan4 #bf #aeb #gfi #ad #aec #ggj #d #aed #ggj ,dec4 #bd #aee #gga #ac #aef #ggb #b #aeg #ggc ,nov4 #ba #aeh #ggd #aa ,al-,mahdi ,khalif4 #aei #gge ,oct4 #ca #afj #ggf #ai #afa #ggg #i #afb #ggh ,sept4 #bh #afc #ggi #ag #afd #ghj #f #afe #gha ,aug4 #bf #aff #ghb #ae #afg #ghc #e #afh #ghd ,july #bd #afi #ghe #ad ,al-,hadi ,khalif4 #agj #ghf #c ,harunu r-,rashid ,khalif4 #aga #ghg ,june #bb #agb #ghh #aa 7,idrisids estab4 in ,morocco47 #agc #ghi ,may #ca #agd #gij #bj #age #gia #aj #agf #gib ,apr4 #bh #agg #gic #ah #agh #gid #g #agi #gie ,mar4 #bg #ahj #gif #af #aha #gig #e #ahb #gih ,feb4 #bb #ahc #gii #ab #ahd #hjj #a #ahe #hja ,jan4 #bj #ahf #hjb #aj #ahg #hjb ,dec4 #cj ,fall of the ,barmecides4 #ahh #hjc #bj #ahi #hjd #h #aij #hje ,nov4 #bg #aia #hjf #ag #aib #hjg #f #aic #hjh ,oct4 #be ,al-,amin ,khalif4 #aid #hji #ae #aie #haj #d #aif #haa ,sept4 #bc #aig #hab #ab #aih #hac #a ,al-,mamun ,khalif4 #aii #had ,aug4 #bb #bjj #hae #aa #bja #haf ,july #cj #bjb #hag #bj #bjc #hah #i #bjd #hai ,june #bh ,ash-,shafii died4 #bje #hbj #ag #bjf #hba #f #bjg #hbb ,may #bg #bjh #hbc #af #bji #hbd #d #baj #hbe ,apr4 #bd #baa #hbf #ac #bab #hbg #b ,decree that ,quran was created4 #bac #hbh ,mar4 #bb #bad #hbi #aa #bae #hcj ,feb4 #bh #baf #hca #ah #bag #hcb #g ,bayt al-,hikma founded 7circ47 #bah #hcc ,jan4 #bg ,al-,mutasim ,khalif1 orthodox reaction4 #bai #hcd #af 7,capital removed to ,samarra47 #bbj #hce #e #bba #hce ,dec4 #bf #bbb #hcf #ad #bbc #hcg #c #bbd #hch ,nov4 #bc #bbe #hci #ab #bbf #hdj ,oct4 #ca ,abu ,hudhayl died4 #bbg #hda #ba ,al-,wasiq ,khalif4 #bbh #hdb #aj #bbi #hdc ,sept4 #cj #bcj #hdd #ah #bca #hde #g ,an-,nazzam died4 #bcb #hdf ,aug4 #bh ,al-,mutawakkil ,khalif4 #bcc #hdg #ag #bcd #hdh #e #bce #hdi ,july #bf #bcf #hej #ae #bcg #hea #e #bch #heb ,june #bc #bci #hec #ab #bdj #hed #b #bda #hee ,may #bb #bdb #hef #aj #bdc #heg ,apr4 #cj #bdd #heh #ai #bde #hei #h #bdf #hfj ,mar4 #bh #bdg #hfa #ag ,al-,muntasir ,khalif4 #bdh #hfb #g ,al-,mustain ,khalif4 #bdi #hfc ,feb4 #bd #bej #hfd #ac #bea #hfe #b #beb #hff ,jan4 #bb ,al-,mutazz ,khalif4 #bec #hfg #aa #bed #hfh #a #bee #hfh ,dec4 #bj ,al-,muhtadi ,khalif4 #bef #hfi #i ,al-,mutamid ,khalif returns to ,baghdad4 #beg #hgj ,nov4 #bi ,al-,bukhari died4 #beh #hga #ah #bei #hgb #g #bfj #hgc ,oct4 #bg 7circ7 al-,kindi died4 #bfa #hgd #af #bfb #hge #f #bfc #hgf ,sept4 #bd #bfd #hgg #ac #bfe #hgh #c #bff #hgi ,aug4 #bc #bfg #hhj #ab #bfh #hha #a #bfi #hhb ,july #ba #bgj #hhc #aa #bga #hhd ,june #bi #bgb #hhe #ah #bgc #hhf #h #bgd #hhg ,may #bh #bge #hhh #af #bgf #hhi #f #bgg #hij ,apr4 #be #bgh #hia #ae #bgi #hib #c ,mutadid ,khalif4 #bhj #hic ,mar4 #bc #bha #hid #ac #bhb #hie #b #bhc #hif ,feb4 #ai #bhd #hig #h #bhe #hih ,jan4 #bh #bhf #hii #ag #bhg #ijj #g #bhh #ijj ,dec4 #bf #bhi #ija #af ,al-,muktafi ,khalif4 #bij #ijb #e #bia #ijc ,nov4 #bd #bib #ijd #ac #bic #ije #b #bid #ijf ,oct4 #bb #bie #ijg #ab ,al ,muqtadir ,khalif4 #bif #ijh ,sept4 #cj #big #iji #bj ,fatimite ,khalif at ,kairawan4 #bih #iaj #i #bii #iaa ,aug4 #bh #cjj #iab #ai ,al-,ashari professes orthodoxy4 #cja #iac #g #cjb #iad ,july #bg #cjc #iae #ag #cjd #iaf #e #cje #iag ,june #bd #cjf #iah #ad #cjg #iai #c #cjh #ibj ,may #bc #cji #iba #ab #caj #ibb #a #caa #ibc ,apr4 #ba #cab #ibd #i #cac #ibe ,mar4 #bi #cad #ibf #aj #cae #ibg #h #caf #ibh ,feb4 #be #cag #ibi #ad #cah #icj #c #cai #ica ,jan4 #bd #cbj #icb #ac ,al-,qahir ,khalif4 #cba #icc #a #cbb #icc ,dec4 #bb ar-,razi ,khalif4 #cbc #icd #aa al-,mataridi d4 #cbd #ice ,nov4 #cj ,buwayhids seize ,baghdad4 #cbe #icf #aj #cbf #icg #h #cbg #ich ,oct4 #bh #cbh #ici #ah #cbi #idj #f al-,muttaqi ,khalif4 #ccj #ida ,sept4 #bf #cca #idb #ae #ccb #idc #d #ccc #idd ,aug4 #bd al-,mustakfi ,khalif4 #ccd #ide #ac ,al-,muti ,khalif4 #cce #ide #b #ccf #idg ,july #bc #ccg #idh #aa #cch #idi #a #cci #iej ,june #bj al-,farabi d4 #cdj #iea #i #cda #ieb ,may #bi #cdb #iec #ah #cdc #ied #g #cdd #iee ,apr4 #bg #cde #ief #ae #cdf #ieg #d #cdg #ieh ,mar4 #be #cdh #iei #ad #cdi #ifj #c #cej #ifa ,feb4 #bj #cea #ifb #i #ceb #ifc ,jan4 #cj #cec #ifd #ai #ced #ife #g #cee #ife ,dec4 #bh #cef #iff #ag ,fatimites in ,egypt3 ,cairo founded4 #ceg #ifg #g #ceh #ifh ,nov4 #be #cei #ifi #ad #cfj #igj #d #cfa #iga ,oct4 #bd #cfb #igb #ab #cfc #igc #b ,at-,tai ,khalif4 #cfd #igd ,sept4 #ba #cfe #ige #aj #cff #igf ,aug4 #cj #cfg #igg #ai #cfh #igh #i #cfi #igi ,july #bi #cgj #ihj #ag #cga #iha #g #cgb #ihb ,june #bf #cgc #ihc #ae #cgd #ihd #d #cge #ihe ,may #bd #cgf #ihf #ac #cgg #ihg #c #cgh #ihh ,apr4 #ba #cgi #ihi #aa #chj #iij ,mar4 #ca ,al-,qadir ,khalif4 #cha #iia #bj #chb #iib #i #chc #iic ,feb4 #bf #chd #iid #ae #che #iie #e #chf #iif ,jan4 #be #chg #iig #ad #chh #iih #c ,rise of ,mahmud of ,ghazna4 #chi #iih ,dec4 #bc #cij #iii #ac #cia #ajjj #a #cib #ajja ,nov4 #bj #cic #ajjb #aj #cid #ajjc ,oct4 #cj #cie #ajjd #ah #cif #ajje #h #cig #ajjf ,sept4 #bg #cih #ajjg #ag #cii #ajjh #e #djj #ajji ,aug4 #be #dja #ajaj #ae #djb #ajaa #d #djc #ajab ,july #bc #djd #ajac #ac #dje #ajad #b #djf #ajae ,june #ba #djg #ajaf #aj #djh #ajag ,may #cj #dji #ajah #bj #daj #ajai #i #daa #ajbj ,apr4 #bg #dab #ajba #ag #dac #ajbb #f #dad #ajbc ,mar4 #bf #dae #ajbd #ae #daf #ajbe #d #dag #ajbf ,feb4 #bb #dah #ajbg #aa #dai #ajbh ,jan4 #ca #dbj #ajbi #bj #dba #ajcj #i #dbb #ajcj ,dec4 #bi ,al-,qaim ,khalif4 #dbc #ajca #ai #dbd #ajcb #g #dbe #ajcc ,nov4 #bf #dbf #ajcd #af #dbg #ajce #e #dbh #ajcf ,oct4 #be ,ibn ,sina 7,avicenna7 d4 #dbi #ajcg #ad #dcj #ajch #c #dca #ajci ,sept4 #bc #dcb #ajdj #aa #dcc #ajda ,aug4 #ca #dcd #ajdb #ba #dce #ajdc #aj #dcf #ajdd ,july #bi #dcg #ajde #ai #dch #ajdf #h #dci #ajdg ,june #bh #ddj #ajdh #af #dda #ajdi #e #ddb #ajej ,may #bf #ddc #ajea #ae #ddd #ajeb #c #dde #ajec ,apr4 #bc #ddf #ajed #ab #ddg #ajee #b ,saljuk ,turks in ,baghdad4 #ddh #ajef ,mar4 #ba #ddi #ajeg #aj #dej #ajeh ,feb4 #bh #dea #ajei #ag #deb #ajfj #f #dec #ajfa ,jan4 #bf #ded #ajfb #ae #dee #ajfc #d ,asharites tolerated4 #def #ajfc ,dec4 #be #deg #ajfd #ac #deh #ajfe #c #dei #ajff ,nov4 #bb #dfj #ajfg #aa #dfa #ajfh ,oct4 #ca #dfb #ajfi #bj #dfc #ajgj #i #dfd #ajga ,sept4 #bi #dfe #ajgb #ag #dff #ajgc #f #dfg #ajgd ,aug4 #bg ,al-,muqtadi ,khalif4 #dfh #ajge #af #dfi #ajgf #e #dgj #ajgg ,july #be #dga #ajgh #ad #dgb #ajgi #d #dgc #ajhj ,june #bb #dgd #ajha #aa #dge #ajhb #a #dgf #ajhc ,may #ba #dgg #ajhd #aj #dgh #ajhe ,apr4 #bi #dgi #ajhf #ah #dhj #ajhg #h #dha #ajhh ,mar4 #bg #dhb #ajhi #af #dhc #ajij #f #dhd #ajia ,feb4 #bc #dhe #ajib #ab #dhf #ajic #a #dhg #ajid ,jan4 #ba ,al-,mustadhir ,khalif4 #dhh #ajie #aa #dhi #ajie ,dec4 #ca #dij #ajif #ai #dia #ajig #i #dib #ajih ,nov4 #bh #dic #ajii #ag #did #aajj #f #die #aaja ,oct4 #bf #dif #aajb #ae #dig #aajc #e #dih #aajd ,sept4 #bc #dii #aaje #ac #ejj #aajf #b #eja #aajg ,aug4 #bb #ejb #aajh #aa #ejc #aaji ,july #ca #ejd #aaaj #bj #eje #aaaa #aj ,al-,ghazali died4 #ejf #aaab ,june #bh #ejg #aaac #ah #ejh #aaad #g #eji #aaae ,may #bg #eaj #aaaf #af #eaa #aaag #e #eab #aaah ,apr4 #bd ,al-,mustarshid ,khalif4 #eac #aaai #ad #ead #aabj #b #eae #aaba ,mar4 #bb #eaf #aabb #ab #eag #aabc #a #eah #aabd ,feb4 #ai #eai #aabe #g #ebj #aabf ,jan4 #bg #eba #aabg #ag #ebb #aabh #f #ebc #aabh ,dec4 #be #ebd #aabi #ae ,ibn ,tumart the ,mahdi died4 #ebe #aacj #d #ebf #aaca ,nov4 #bc #ebg #aacb #ab #ebh #aacc #a #ebi #aacd ,oct4 #bb ,ar-,rashid ,khalif #ecj #aace #aa ,al-,muktafi ,,ii4 ,khalif4 #eca #aacf ,sept4 #bi #ecb #aacg #ai #ecc #aach #h ,ibn ,bajja 7,avempace7 died4 #ecd #aaci ,aug4 #bh #ece #aadj #ag #ecf #aada #f #ecg #aadb ,july #bg #ech #aadc #af #eci #aadd #d #edj #aade ,june #bd ,jehuda hal-,levi died4 #eda #aadf #ac #edb #aadg #b #edc #aadh ,may #bb #edd #aadi #aa #ede #aaej ,apr4 #cj #edf #aaea #bj #edg #aaeb #h #edh #aaec ,mar4 #bi #edi #aaed #ah #eej #aaee #g #eea #aaef ,feb4 #be #eeb #aaeg #ac #eec #aaeh #b #eed #aaei ,jan4 #bc #eee #aafj #ab #eef #aafj ,dec4 #ca #eeg #aafa #ba #eeh #aafb #aj #eei #aafc ,nov4 #cj #efj #aafd #ah #efa #aafe #g #efb #aaff ,oct4 #bh #efc #aafg #ag #efd #aafh #e #efe #aafi ,sept4 #be #eff #aagj #ad ,saladin in ,egypt3 end of the ,fatimites4 #efg #aaga #d #efh #aagb ,aug4 #bc #efi #aagc #ab #egj #aagd #b #ega #aage ,july #bb #egb #aagf #aj #egc #aagg ,june #cj #egd #aagh #ai #ege #aagi #h ,an-,nasir ,khalif4 #egf #aahj ,may #bh #egg #aaha #ag #egh #aahb #g #egi #aahc ,apr4 #bf #ehj #aahd #ad #eha #aahe #d ,ibn ,tufayl died4 #ehb #aahf ,mar4 #bd #ehc #aahg #ac #ehd #aahh #b #ehe #aahi ,feb4 #ai #ehf #aaij #h #ehg #aaia ,jan4 #bi #ehh #aaib #ah #ehi #aaic #g #eij #aaic ,dec4 #bg #eia #aaid #af #eib #aaie #f #eic #aaif ,nov4 #bd #eid #aaig #ac #eie #aaih #c ,ibn ,rushd 7,averroes7 d4 #eif #aaii ,oct4 #bc #eig #abjj #ab #eih #abja #ab #eii #abjb ,sept4 #bj #fjj #abjc #aj #fja #abjd ,aug4 #bi ,maimonides died4 #fjb #abje #ah #fjc #abjf #h #fjd #abjg ,july #bh #fje #abjh #af #fjf #abji #f #fjg #abaj ,june #be #fjh #abaa #ae #fji #abab #c #faj #abac ,may #bc #faa #abad #ac #fab #abae #b #fac #abaf ,apr4 #bj #fad #abag #aj #fae #abah ,mar4 #cj #faf #abai #ai #fag #abbj #h #fah #abba ,feb4 #be #fai #abbb #ae #fbj #abbc #d ,ibn ,tumlus died4 #fba #abbd ,jan4 #bd #fbb #abbe #ac ,az-,zahir ,khalif4 #fbc #abbf #b ,al-,mustansir ,khalif4 #fbd #abbf ,dec4 #bb #fbe #abbg #ab #fbf #abbh ,nov4 #cj #fbg #abbi #bj #fbh #abcj #i #fbi #abca ,oct4 #bi #fcj #abcb #ah #fca #abcc #g #fcb #abcd ,sept4 #bf #fcc #abce #af #fcd #abcf #d #fce #abcg ,aug4 #bd #fcf #abch #ad #fcg #abci #c #fch #abdj ,july #bc ,ibn ,arabi died4 #fci #abda #ab #fdj #abdb #a ,al-,mustasim ,khalif4 #fda #abdc ,june #ba #fdb #abdd #i #fdc #abde ,may #bi #fdd #abdf #ai #fde #abdg #h #fdf #abdh ,apr4 #bf #fdg #abdi #af #fdh #abej #e #fdi #abea ,mar4 #bf #fej #abeb #ad #fea #abec #c #feb #abed ,feb4 #ba #fec #abee #aj #fed #abef ,jan4 #cj #fee #abeg #ai #fef #abeh #h ,halagu takes ,baghdad3 end of ,khalifate4 #feg #abeh ,dec4 #bi #feh #abei #ah #fei #abfj #f #ffj #abfa ,nov4 #bf #ffa #abfb #ae #ffb #abfc #d #ffc #abfd ,oct4 #bd #ffd #abfe #ac #ffe #abff #b #fff #abfg ,sept4 #bb #ffg #abfh #aj ,fall of the ,muwahhids4 ,printed in ,england by ,the ,clarendon ,press1 ,ltd41 ,cheltenham4 ,,transcriber',s ,,note ,obsolete1 archaic1 unusual and inconsistent spellings have been left in the text as in the original book4 ,obvious typos have been fixed1 as detailed below4 ,arabic words and names appear transliterated throughout the text4 ,ayn is represented by 1 and hamzah is represented by 4 ,the same word or name will appear throughout the text with and without diacriticals over the vowels1 and both with and without indications of ayn and hamzah4 ,my research indicates that the book ,bibl4 ,orient4 by ,asseman1 cited in the text1 is referring to ,bibliotheca orientalis ,clementino-vaticana444 by ,giuseppe ,simone ,assemani 7modern spelling of name74 ,in the following1 the correction is shown in square brackets3 ,page #aj matter1 probably ,indian1 perhaps some ,eygptian,egyptian #aa the new ,plantonists,platonists2 whilst they exhausted their #ab to which all philosophy1 and especially the ,plantonic,platonic #ae ,topica1 ,meterology,meteorology1 de sensu1 the first five books #af 8parts40 ,these are1 7#a;i7 the nutritive1 the power of #ai in the formation of neo-,plantonicneo-,platonic theory1 and it #bf where the ,aristotelian metaphysics and phychologypsychology #da commentaries of ,john ,philoponus1 himself a ,monophysit,monophysite #dc what we call the ,turkish bath is a lineal decendantdescendant of #dh patriarch in #fhd was a pupil of ,severus ,sekobt,sebokt1 and #ej persecution4 ,such was the experience of ,henanyeshu,henanieshu #ej to the ,khalif ,abdul-,malik,abdul-,malik in consequence of which #ej the humanities on the other 7cf4 ,assemsan,asseman ,,bo47 #ed luxurantluxuriant shoots on a soil which was saturated with #ed and the most important transmittorstransmitters of medicine4 #ee the medical writers mentioned by ,dr4 ,leclerq,leclerc in his #ee ,histoire de la mdicinemdecine arabe 7,paris1 #ahgf7 we find #ei dborder sur les rgions frontiresfrontires4 #gh 8,old ,mosque0 of ,fustat 7,cairo71 that is now known as the #hc ,the ,mutazilites,mutazilites of whom ,wasil b4 ,ata 7d4 #aca7 #hd possessed by him1 the ,mutazilites,mutazilites argued that it #hd eternal ,quran as ditheists4 ,the ,mutazilites,mutazilites #he moral obligations and reponsibilityresponsibility on the one #he to death by the ,khalif ,abdu,abdu l-,malik1 and that the #hf ,ata,ata whose teaching clearly shows the solvent force #hf and did so on the ground of the apparantapparent injustice #ia is confined to the hereditary descendants of ,ali,ali the #ib is one of the sacred spots visited by ,shiite,shiite pilgrims4 #ie risings at ,madinna,madina1 and after the suppression of one of #aje production of ,arabic tranlationstranslations of works #ajh treatises of ,aristotle1 of the almajasta,almagesta of ,ptolemy1 #aaj al-,mamunal-,mamun on foods and drinks1 a manual of medicine #aad ,metaphysics1 ,plato's ,laws and ,timas,timus1 as well as #aah in the ,quran,quran as belonging to a religion 8of the book10 #aai the sect mentioned in the ,quran,quran under the name of #abc ,quran,quran and the question of free will4 ,the new #abi and ,amr b4 ,bakr,bahr al-,jahiz4 ,on the theological #acj ,amr b4 ,bakr,bahr al-,jahir,jahiz 7d4 #bee71 the third of #ace time of al-,mamun,mamun the text of ,aristotle began to be #acg 7#bb7 of ,de ,slane's trans4 of ,ibn ,kkallikan,khallikan1 vol4 i4 p4 #acg ,beitrage,beitrge zur ,geschichte der philosophie,philosophie #aci which particular aspect afof ancient research would #adc ,muhammmad,muhammad b4 ,tarkhan ,abu ,nasr al-,farabi 7d4 #cci71 #adf ,almajesta,almagesta of ,ptolemy1 and a treatise on various #adg aqlaql 7reason1 intelligence1 spirit7 is employed in general #aeb #ab4 #g1 and similarly ,plato1 ,timaeus,timus #bh74 ,being unchanged #aec the argument in ,plato1 ,timaeus,timus #bh1 and ,aristotle1 #aef attempted on quite other lines by al-,ashari,ashari and #aef twelfth ,iman,imam of the ,ithna ashariya or orthodox #aef emperersemperors1 whose sign manual was sought as giving #aeg son ,ismail,ismail as his successor1 but as ,ismail,ismail was #aeg be transferred at will1 but remained loyal to ,ismail,ismail1 #afj the ,ismailians,ismailians or ,sabiya of ,egypt there came two #afj monastrymonastery1 and was recognised there afterwards as a #afa ,in #dga another daidai or missionary1 ,hasan-i-,sabbah1 #afa the younger son ,mustali,mustali4 ,when the ,khalif al-,mustansir #afc the ,agha ,khan is a lineal descendant afof ,ruknu #afc ,thus the movememtmovement started by ,abdullah1 the son #afe the ,ishmailians,ismailians on the part of those who wished #afe founders of the brotherhood1 as some have suppposedsupposed4 #afi al-,juzjanl,juzjani1 from his master's recollections4 ,we learn #afi classes1 as was the case with the ,qarmations,qarmatians1 and when #aga ,after this he studied ,euclid1 the ,almajesta,almagesta1 and the #agg formed4 ,men and animals perceive pariculars particulars #ahi ,syraic,syriac very soon after their first appearance in ,greek1 #ahi ,said,said b4 ,abi l-,khayr 7d4 #dda ,a4,h4 #ajdi ,a4,d471 who #ahi ,ibn ,sina2 when they parted ,abu ,said,said said of ,ibn ,sina1 #aia ,abdullah,abdullah1 the son of ,maymum1 whose work we have #aib ,ismailians,ismailians and kindred sects2 but ,sufi teaching #aid ,sufi and the philosopher of the ,ismailian,ismailian school4 #aif of the ,rifaite,rifaite order4 ,there are also orders #aii undergone by the ,rifai,rifai darwishes and others4 ,the #aii produces the world of phenomaphenomena in which light is made #bjd ,sufi was ,abdu l-,haqq ibn ,sabin,sabin 7d4 #ffg71 who shows #bbj and in #dhd he was appointed president of the ,nazmiite,nazimite #bbd the ,plotinian terminloogyterminology4 ,macdonald summarises #bbf eastern wing from the rest1 and this segratedsegregated portion #bcj seat of govermentgovernment at ,cordova1 and in ,a4,h4 #cag one #bcd more to ,christian attacks1 until at length ,mutamid,mutamid1 #bch work was the ,kitab al-,amanat wa-l-,itiqadat,itiqadat1 #bdg he learned of al-,ghazili,ghazali and his doctrines4 ,roughly #bec and grammergrammar4 ,he maintained that the task of philosophy #bfj ,abdu l-,haqq b4 ,sabim,sabin 7d4 #ffg74 ,the former of these #bfc which is exactly the same teaching as that of al-,ashari,ashari #bgb ,mataphysics,metaphysics1 and the treatises de coelo and #bgb ,mataphysics,metaphysics1 de coelo and de mundo1 #bgb on the ,nichomachan,nicomachan ,ethics and his paraphrase #bgh and phychologicalpsychological works of ,aristotle were in #bhb the ,jew ,calonymos,kalonymos did so in #acbh4 ,some of his #bhg to the study of the original testtext1 a view in #big #da #ffa #g ,muawiya,muawiya ,i4 ,khalif3 ,umayyads4 #bih #fd #fhc ,aug4 #cj ,muawiya,muawiya ,,ii4 ,khalif3 ,marwan ,khalif4 #cjc #bjd #hai ,june #bh ,ash-,shafi,shafii died4 #cjd #bah #hcc ,jan4 #bg ,al-,mutasim,mutasim ,khalif1 orthodox reaction4