,note3 ,images of the original pages are
 available through       ,internet      
,archive4 ,see                          
https3_/_/archive4org_/details_/humespol
itical#jj;humeuoft        ,some         
characters might not display properly in
 this ,,utf-#h       text file 7e4g41   
empty squares74 ,if so1 the reader      
should       consult the original page  
images noted above4   ,transcriber's    
note3        ,text enclosed by          
underscores is in italics 7italics74    
,original small capitals are now        
uppercase 7but some small       capital 
styling has been discarded74            
,footnotes have been relabeled #a-aag1  
converted to endnotes1       and moved  
to the ends of the relevant chapters4   
,the ,scott ,library4  ,,hume',s        
,,political ,,discourses4    ,for ,full 
,list of the ,volumes in ,this ,series1 
,see ,catalogue at ,end of ,book4       
,,hume',s ,,political ,,discourses4     
,with an ,introduction by ,william ,bell
 ,robertson1 ,author of 8,foundations of

 ,political ,economy10 8,slavery of     
,labour10 ,etc4       ,the ,walter      
,scott ,publishing ,co41 ,ltd4 ,london  
and ,felling-on-,tyne4 ,new ,york3 #c   
,east #adth ,street4     ,,contents4    
,introduction                           
vii   ,of ,commerce                     
#a   ,of ,refinement in the ,arts       
#ae   ,of ,money                        
#bg   ,of ,interest                     
#ci   ,of the ,balance of ,trade        
#ea   ,of the ,jealousy of ,trade       
#fg   ,of the ,balance of ,power        
#ga   ,of ,taxes                        
#gh   ,of ,public ,credit               
#hc   ,of some ,remarkable ,customs     
#ih   ,of the ,populousness of ,ancient 
,nations                   #ajf   ,of   
the ,original ,contract                 
#agd   ,of ,passive ,obedience          
#aib   ,of the ,coalition of ,parties   
#aif   ,of the ,protestant ,succession  
#bjc   ,idea of a ,perfect ,commonwealth
                           #bad   ,that 
,politics may be ,reduced to a ,science 

#bbi   ,of the ,first ,principles of    
,government                    #bdc     
,of ,political ,society                 
#bdg   ,alphabetical ,arrangement of    
,authorities cited by ,hume    #bec     
,,introduction4   ,regretting the meagre
 records of the life of ,adam ,smith1   
the ,right ,hon4 ,r4 ,b4 ,haldane1      
,m4,p41#a remarks3--8,we think of him1  
in the main1 and we think of him        
rightly1 as the bosom friend of ,david  
,hume0 7b4 #agaa1 d4 #aggg74 ,naturally1
 incidents in the life of a philosopher 
are neither numerous nor stirring4 ,it  
is unreasonable to expect them1 and such
 stories as are handed down regarding   
great thinkers are best not to be       
accepted unreservedly4 ,i leave ,hume1  
therefore1 to present his own picture as
 drawn in ,my own ,life--the picture he 
wished posterity to have--which         
consequently follows this introduction1 
and is itself followed by ,adam ,smith's
 celebrated letter to ,mr4 ,strahan1    
,hume's publisher1 giving an account of 

,hume's death4  ,it is chiefly as a     
political economist that ,hume concerns 
us here1 as it is in the ,political     
,discourses1 first published in #ageb1  
his economic principles are set forth4  
,what the reader may expect to find in  
these ,discourses ,i prefer to let      
writers of renown tell4 ,thus ,lord     
,brougham--   8,of the ,political       
,discourses it would be difficult to    
speak in  terms of too great            
commendation4 ,they combine almost every
 excellence  which can belong to such a 
performance4 ,the reasoning is clear1   
and  unencumbered with more words or    
more illustrations than are necessary   
for bringing out the doctrines4 ,the    
learning is extensive1 accurate1  and   
profound1 not only as to systems of     
philosophy1 but as to history1  whether 
modern or ancient4 4 4 4 ,the great     
merit1 however1 of these  ,discourses is
 their originality1 and the new system  
of politics  and political economy which
 they unfold4 ,mr4 ,hume is1 beyond all 

doubt1 the author of the modern         
doctrines which now rule the world of   
science1 which are to a great extent the
 guide of practical statesmen1  and are 
only prevented from being applied in    
their fullest extent to  the affairs of 
nations by the clashing interests and   
the ignorant  prejudices of certain     
powerful classes40  ,thus1 again1 ,j4   
,hill ,burton1#b ,hume's biographer--   
8,these ,discourses are in truth the    
cradle of political economy2 and  much  
as that science has been investigated   
and expounded in later  times1 these    
earliest1 shortest1 and simplest        
developments of its  principles are     
still read with delight even by those   
who are masters  of all the literature  
of this great subject4 ,but they possess
 a  quality which more elaborate        
economists have striven after in vain1  
in being a pleasing object of study not 
only to the initiated1 but to  the      
ordinary popular reader1 and of being   
admitted as just and true  by many who  

cannot or will not understand the views 
of later writers  on political economy4 
,they have thus the rarely conjoined    
merit that1  as they were the first to  
direct the way to the true sources of   
this  department of knowledge1 those who
 have gone farther1 instead of          
superseding them1 have in the general   
case confirmed their accuracy40  ,the   
,discourses1 in ,hume's own words1 was  
8the only work of mine that was         
successful on the first publication10   
and its success was great4 ,translated  
into ,french immediately1 8they         
conferred10 says ,professor ,huxley1 8a 
,european reputation upon their author2 
and1 what was more to the purpose1      
influenced the later school of          
economists of the eighteenth century40  
,on the same head ,burton says--8,as no 
,frenchman had previously approached the
 subject of political economy with a    
philosophical pen1 this little book was 
a main instrument1 either by causing    
assent or provoking controversy1 in     

producing the host of ,french works     
published between the time of its       
translation and the publication of      
,smith's ,wealth of ,nations in #aggf4  
,the work of the elder ,mirabeau in     
particular--,l'ami des ,hommes--was in a
 great measure a controversial          
examination of ,hume's opinions on      
population40  ,professor ,knight of ,st4
 ,andrews1 again1 echoes similar        
sentiments4   8,the merit of the        
,discourses10 he remarks1 8is not only  
great1 but  they are unrivalled to this 
day2 and it is not too much to affirm   
that  they prepared the way for all the 
subsequent economic literature of       
,england1 including the ,wealth of      
,nations1 in which ,smith laid down  the
 broad and durable foundations of the   
science4 4 4 4 ,the effect  produced by 
these ,discourses was great4            
,immediately translated into  ,french1  
they passed through five editions in    
fourteen years4 ,they  were a           
distinctive addition to ,english        

literature1 and were strictly           
scientific1 though not technical4 ,they 
at once floated ,hume into  fame1       
bringing him to the front1 both as a    
thinker and as a man of  letters2 and   
posterity has ratified this judgment of 
the hour4 4 4 4  ,they contain many     
original germs of economic truth4 ,the  
effect they  had on practical statesmen1
 such as ,pitt1 must not be overlooked4 
,it  was perhaps an advantage that the  
economic doctrines1 both of ,hume and   
,smith1 were published at that          
particular time1 as they led naturally  
and easily to several reforms1 without  
being developed to extremes1 as  was    
subsequently the case in ,france40  ,all
 this testimony as to the merits of the 
,discourses--testimony from men of      
widely divergent views--is sufficient   
justification for offering them in      
popular form to the public at a time    
like the present1 when the foundations  
of political economy are1 one might say1
 being re-laid4#c  ,we have already     

hinted at the friendship that existed   
between ,hume and ,adam ,smith4 ,hume   
was ,smith's senior by twelve years1 and
 seems to have had the latter brought   
under his notice by ,hutcheson1         
,professor of ,moral ,philosophy at     
,glasgow ,university4 ,in a letter to   
,hutcheson1 dated ,march #dth1 #agdj1 he
 says--8,my bookseller has sent to ,mr4 
,smith a copy of my book1#d which ,i    
hope he has received as well as your    
letter40 8,the ,smith here mentioned10  
,burton says1 8we may fairly conclude1  
notwithstanding the universality of the 
name1 to be ,adam ,smith1 who was then a
 student in the ,university of ,glasgow1
 and not quite seventeen years old4 ,it 
may be inferred that ,hutcheson had     
mentioned ,smith as a person on whom it 
would serve some good purpose to bestow 
a copy of the ,treatise2 and we have    
here evidently the first introduction to
 each other's notice of two friends1 of 
whom it can be said there was no third  
person writing the ,english language    

during the same period who has had so   
much influence upon the opinions of     
mankind as either of these two men40    
,hume's influence upon ,adam ,smith was 
great4 ,even in the ring of the         
phraseology of the ,wealth of ,nations  
,i sometimes fancy ,i can hear ,hume4   
,anyway1 the book referred to in the    
above letter as sent to ,smith1 ,mr4    
,haldane considers as 8in all           
probability0 the determining factor in  
making ,smith abandon his original      
intention of entering the ,church4      
8,whether ,hume could have been but for 
,smith we cannot now say2 but we know   
that1 but for ,hume1 ,smith could never 
have been40#e ,while agreeing that 8but 
for ,hume ,smith could never have been10
 ,i see no reason to question that ,hume
 could have been without ,smith4 ,hume  
had within him what may here be called  
the divine light1 and it had to come    
out4 ,that is why1 8in poverty and      
riches1 in health and sickness1 in      
laborious obscurity and amidst the blaze

 of fame10 his ruling passion--a passion
 for literature--never abated4 ,no man  
can strike out for himself an original  
line and stick to it like this1 8through
 thick and thin10 unless he have        
assurance of the truth of that that is  
in him4 ,hume had this assurance4 ,true1
 he sought fame--and he achieved fame2  
not for its own sake--that is           
inconceivable in so great a thinker1 a  
thinker with such a true notion of the  
relation of things--but for the sake of 
the truths he had to promulgate2 for the
 higher his eminence the wider and more 
attentive would be his audience4 ,of    
course1 he sought fame1 and he found    
gratification in it4 ,it was not the    
gratification of vanity1 however1 that  
writers on ,hume usually interpret it   
as2 it was the gratification arising    
from the knowledge that one has hit the 
mark--that one has not laboured in vain4
 ,the petty vanity ascribed to ,hume    
would not have suffered him as 8the     
parent of the first elucidations of     

political economy to see his own        
offspring eclipsed1 and to see it with  
pride0--his attitude1 according to      
,burton1 on the successful reception of 
,the ,wealth of ,nations4 ,vanity1      
again1 would have prevented between     
these two men that unalloyed friendship 
so charming to contemplate4  ,in #aggf1 
the year before ,hume's death1 ,the     
,wealth of ,nations appeared1 and here  
is how ,hume writes to the author3--    
8,february #h1 #aggf4   8,,dear         
,,smith1--,i am as lazy a correspondent 
as you1 yet my anxiety about  you makes 
me write4 ,by all accounts your book has
 been printed long  ago2 yet it has     
never been so much as advertized4 ,what 
is the reason8  ,if you wait till the   
fate of ,america be decided1 you may    
wait long4   8,by all accounts you      
intend to settle with us this spring2   
yet we hear  no more of it4 ,what is the
 reason8 ,your chamber in my house is   
always  unoccupied4 ,i am always at     
home4 ,i expect you to land here4   8,i 

have been1 am1 and shall be probably in 
an indifferent state of  health4 ,i     
weighed myself t'other day1 and find ,i 
have fallen five  complete stones4 ,if  
you delay much longer ,i shall probably 
disappear  altogether4   8,the ,duke of 
,buccleuch tells me that you are very   
zealous in ,american  affairs4 ,my      
notion is that the matter is not so     
important as is  commonly imagined4 ,if 
,i be mistaken1 ,i shall probably       
correct my error  when ,i see you or    
read you4 ,our navigation and general   
commerce may  suffer more than our      
manufactures4 ,should ,london fall as   
much in its  size as ,i have done1 it   
will be the better4 ,it is nothing but a
 hulk  of bad and unclean humours40  ,at
 last the book appears1 and ,hume writes
 his friend1 ,april #ast1 #aggf3--   8,i
 am much pleased with your performance2 
and the perusal of it has  taken me from
 a state of great anxiety4 ,it was a    
work of so much  expectation by         
yourself1 by your friends1 and by the   

public1 that ,i  trembled for its first 
appearance1 but am now much relieved4   
,not but  that the reading of it        
necessarily requires so much attention1 
and  the public is disposed to give so  
little1 that ,i shall still doubt  for  
some time of its being at first very    
popular4 ,but it has depth  and solidity
 and acuteness1 and is so much          
illustrated by curious  facts that it   
must at last take the public attention4 
,it is probably  much improved by your  
last abode in ,london4 ,if you were here
 at my  fireside1 ,i should dispute some
 of your principles4 ,i cannot think    
that the rent of farms makes any part of
 the price of produce1#f  but that the  
price is determined altogether by the   
quantity and the  demand4 4 4 4 ,but    
these and a hundred other points are fit
 only to be  discussed in conversation40
  ,hume1 though he 8took a particular   
pleasure in the company of modest women1
 and had no reason to be displeased with
 the reception he met with from them10  

died unmarried4 ,adam ,smith also died  
unmarried1 8though he was for several   
years10 according to ,dugald ,stewart1  
8attached to a young lady of great      
beauty and accomplishment40 ,hume1 in   
the ,essay 8,of the ,study of ,history10
 speaks of being desired once by 8a     
young beauty for whom ,i had some       
passion to send her some novels and     
romances for her amusement40 ,david was 
a 8canny0 man though4 ,in these         
circumstances the following playful     
sally in a letter from ,hume to ,mrs4   
,dysart1 of ,eccles1 a relative1 may    
have interest3--8,what arithmetic will  
serve to fix the proportion between good
 and bad wives1 and rate the different  
classes of each8 ,sir ,isaac ,newton    
himself1 who could measure the course of
 the planets and weigh the earth as in a
 pair of scales--even he had not algebra
 enough to reduce that amiable part of  
our species to a just equation2 and they
 are the only heavenly bodies whose     
orbits are as yet uncertain40  ,the     

foregoing are mere glimpses of this     
truly great man1 and are offered with a 
view to awakening and stimulating       
amongst general readers a desire for    
first-hand knowledge of ,david ,hume4   
,w4 ,b4 ,r4  ,may #aijf4   ,,my ,,own   
,,life4  ,it is difficult for a man to  
speak long of himself without vanity2   
therefore1 ,i shall be short4 ,it may be
 thought an instance of vanity that ,i  
pretend at all to write my life2 but    
this narrative shall contain little more
 than the ,history of my ,writings2 as1 
indeed1 almost all my life has been     
spent in literary pursuits and          
occupations4 ,the first success of most 
of my writings was not such as to be an 
object of vanity4  ,i was born the #bfth
 of ,april #agaa1 old style1 at         
,edinburgh4 ,i was of a good family1    
both by father and mother4 ,my father's 
family is a branch of the ,earl of      
,home's or ,hume's2 and my ancestors had
 been proprietors of the estate1 which  
my brother possesses1 for several       

generations4 ,my mother was daughter of 
,sir ,david ,falconer1 ,president of the
 ,college of ,justice2 the title of     
,halkerton came by succession to her    
brother4  ,my family1 however1 was not  
rich2 and1 being myself a younger       
brother1 my patrimony1 according to the 
mode of my country1 was of course very  
slender4 ,my father1 who passed for a   
man of parts1 died when ,i was an       
infant1 leaving me1 with an elder       
brother and a sister1 under the care of 
our mother1 a woman of singular merit1  
who1 though young and handsome1 devoted 
herself entirely to the rearing and     
educating of her children4 ,i passed    
through the ordinary course of education
 with success1 and was seized very early
 with a passion for literature1 which   
has been the ruling passion of my life1 
and the great source of my enjoyments4  
,my studious disposition1 my sobriety1  
and my industry gave my family a notion 
that the law was a proper profession for
 me2 but ,i found an insurmountable     

aversion to everything but the pursuits 
of philosophy and general learning2 and 
while they fancied ,i was poring upon   
,voet and ,vinnius1 ,cicero and ,virgil 
were the authors which ,i was secretly  
devouring4  ,my very slender fortune1   
however1 being unsuitable to this plan  
of life1 and my health being a little   
broken by my ardent application1 ,i was 
tempted1 or rather forced1 to make a    
very feeble trial for entering into a   
more active scene of life4 ,in #agcd ,i 
went to ,bristol1 with some             
recommendations to eminent merchants1   
but in a few months found that scene    
totally unsuitable to me4 ,i went over  
to ,france1 with a view of prosecuting  
my studies in a country retreat1 and ,i 
there laid that plan of life which ,i   
have steadily and successfully pursued4 
,i resolved to make a very rigid        
frugality supply my deficiency of       
fortune1 to maintain unimpaired my      
independency1 and to regard every object
 as contemptible except the improvement 

of my talents in literature4  ,during my
 retreat in ,france1 first at ,rheims1  
but chiefly at ,la ,fleche1 in ,anjou1  
,i composed my ,treatise of ,human      
,nature4 ,after passing three years very
 agreeably in that country1 ,i came over
 to ,london in #agcg4 ,in the end of    
#agch ,i published my ,treatise1 and    
immediately went down to my mother and  
my brother1 who lived at his            
country-house1 and was employing himself
 very judiciously and successfully in   
the improvement of his fortune4  ,never 
literary attempt was more unfortunate   
than my ,treatise of ,human ,nature4 ,it
 fell dead-born from the press1 without 
reaching such distinction as even to    
excite a murmur among the zealots4 ,but 
being naturally of a cheerful and       
sanguine temper1 ,i very soon recovered 
the blow1 and prosecuted with great     
ardour my studies in the country4 ,in   
#agdb ,i printed at ,edinburgh the first
 part of my ,essays3 the work was       
favourably received1 and soon made me   

entirely forget my former               
disappointment4 ,i continued with my    
mother and brother in the country1 and  
in that time recovered the knowledge of 
the ,greek language1 which ,i had too   
much neglected in my early youth4  ,in  
#agde ,i received a letter from the     
,marquis of ,annandale1 inviting me to  
come and live with him in ,england2 ,i  
found also that the friends and family  
of that young nobleman were desirous of 
putting him under my care and direction1
 for the state of his mind and health   
required it4 ,i lived with him a        
twelvemonth4 ,my appointments during    
that time made a considerable accession 
to my small fortune4 ,i then received an
 invitation from ,general ,st4 ,clair to
 attend him as a secretary to his       
expedition1 which was at first meant    
against ,canada1 but ended in an        
incursion on the coast of ,france4 ,next
 year--to wit1 #agdg--;,i received an   
invitation from the ,general to attend  
him in the same station in his military 

embassy to the courts of ,vienna and    
,turin4 ,i then wore the uniform of an  
officer1 and was introduced at these    
courts as aide-de-camp to the ,general1 
along with ,sir ,harry ,erskine and     
,captain ,grant1 now ,general ,grant4   
,these two years were almost the only   
interruptions which my studies have     
received during the course of my life4  
,i passed them agreeably1 and in good   
company2 and my appointments1 with my   
frugality1 had made me reach a fortune1 
which ,i called independent1 though most
 of my friends were inclined to smile   
when ,i said so2 in short1 ,i was now   
master of near a thousand pounds4  ,i   
had always entertained a notion that my 
want of success in publishing the       
,treatise of ,human ,nature had         
proceeded more from the manner than the 
matter1 and that ,i had been guilty of a
 very usual indiscretion in going to the
 press too early4 ,i1 therefore1 cast   
the first part of that work anew in the 
,inquiry concerning ,human              

,understanding1 which was published     
while ,i was at ,turin4 ,but this piece 
was at first little more successful than
 the ,treatise of ,human ,nature4 ,on my
 return from ,italy1 ,i had the         
mortification to find all ,england in a 
ferment on account of ,dr4 ,middleton's 
,free ,inquiry1 while my performance was
 entirely overlooked and neglected4 ,a  
new edition1 which had been published at
 ,london1 of my ,essays1 ,moral and     
,political1 met not with a much better  
reception4  ,such is the force of       
natural temper1 that these              
disappointments made little or no       
impression on me4 ,i went down in #agdi 
and lived two years with my brother at  
his country-house1 for my mother was now
 dead4 ,i there composed the second part
 of my ,essays1 which ,i called         
,political ,discourses1 and also my     
,inquiry concerning the ,principles of  
,morals1 which is another part of my    
,treatise that ,i cast anew4 ,meanwhile1
 my bookseller1 ,a4 ,millar1 informed me

 that my former publications 7all but   
the unfortunate ,treatise7 were         
beginning to be the subject of          
conversation2 that the sale of them was 
gradually increasing1 and that new      
editions were demanded4 ,answers by     
,reverends and ,right ,reverends came   
out two or three in a year2 and ,i      
found1 by ,dr4 ,warburton's railing1    
that the books were beginning to be     
esteemed in good company4 ,however1 ,i  
had a fixed resolution1 which ,i        
inflexibly maintained1 never to reply to
 anybody2 and not being very irascible  
in my temper1 ,i have easily kept myself
 clear of all literary squabbles4 ,these
 symptoms of a rising reputation gave me
 encouragement1 as ,i was ever more     
disposed to see the favourable than     
unfavourable side of things2 a turn of  
mind which it is more happy to possess  
than to be born to an estate of ten     
thousand a year4  ,in #agea ,i removed  
from the country to the town1 the true  
scene for a man of letters4 ,in #ageb   

were published at ,edinburgh1 where ,i  
then lived1 my ,political ,discourses1  
the only work of mine that was          
successful on the first publication4 ,it
 was well received abroad and at home4  
,in the same year was published at      
,london my ,inquiry concerning the      
,principles of ,morals2 which1 in my own
 opinion 7who ought not to judge on that
 subject71 is of all my writings1       
historical1 philosophical1 or literary1 
incomparably the best4 ,it came         
unnoticed and unobserved into the world4
  ,in #ageb the ,faculty of ,advocates  
chose me their ,librarian1 an office    
from which ,i received little or no     
emolument1 but which gave me the command
 of a large library4 ,i then formed the 
plan of writing the ,history of         
,england2 but being frightened with the 
notion of continuing a narrative through
 a period of seventeen hundred years1 ,i
 commenced with the accession of the    
,house of ,stuart1 an epoch when1 ,i    
thought1 the misrepresentations of      

faction began chiefly to take place4 ,i 
was1 ,i own1 sanguine in my expectations
 of the success of this work4 ,i thought
 that ,i was the only historian that had
 at once neglected present power1       
interest1 and authority1 and the cry of 
popular prejudices2 and as the subject  
was suited to every capacity1 ,i        
expected proportional applause4 ,but    
miserable was my disappointment3 ,i was 
assailed by one cry of reproach1        
disapprobation1 and even detestation2   
,english1 ,scotch1 and ,irish1 ,whig and
 ,tory1 ,churchman and ,sectary1        
,freethinker and ,religionist1 ,patriot 
and ,courtier1 united in their rage     
against the man who had presumed to shed
 a generous tear for the fate of        
,charles ,i4 and the ,earl of           
,strafford2 and after the first         
ebullitions of their fury were over1    
what was still more mortifying1 the book
 seemed to sink into oblivion4 ,mr4     
,millar told me that in a twelvemonth1  
he sold only forty-five copies of it4 ,i

 scarcely1 indeed1 heard of one man in  
the three kingdoms1 considerable for    
rank or letters1 that could endure the  
book4 ,i must only except the ,primate  
of ,england1 ,dr4 ,herring1 and the     
,primate of ,ireland1 ,dr4 ,stone1 which
 seem two odd exceptions4 ,these        
dignified prelates separately sent me   
messages not to be discouraged4  ,i was1
 however1 ,i confess1 discouraged2 and  
had not the war been at that time       
breaking out between ,france and        
,england1 ,i had certainly retired to   
some provincial town of the former      
kingdom1 have changed my name1 and never
 more have returned to my native        
country4 ,but as this scheme was not now
 practicable1 and the subsequent volume 
was considerably advanced1 ,i resolved  
to pick up courage1 and to persevere4   
,in this interval ,i published at       
,london my ,natural ,history of         
,religion1 along with some other small  
pieces4 ,its public entry was rather    
obscure1 except only that ,dr4 ,hurd    

wrote a pamphlet against it1 with all   
the illiberal petulance1 arrogance1 and 
scurrility which distinguish the        
,warburtonian school4 ,this pamphlet    
gave me some consolation for the        
otherwise indifferent reception of my   
performance4  ,in #agef1 two years after
 the fall of the first volume1 was      
published the second volume of my       
,history1 containing the period from the
 death of ,charles ,i4 till the         
,revolution4 ,this performance happened 
to give less displeasure to the ,whigs1 
and was better received4 ,it not only   
rose itself1 but helped to buoy up its  
unfortunate brother4  ,but though ,i had
 been taught1 by experience1 that the   
,whig party were in possession of       
bestowing all places1 both in the ,state
 and in literature1 ,i was so little    
inclined to yield to their senseless    
clamour1 that in about a hundred        
alterations which further study1        
reading1 or reflection engaged me to    
make in the reigns of the two first     

,stuarts1 ,i have made all of them      
invariably to the ,tory side4 ,it is    
ridiculous to consider the ,english     
constitution before that period as a    
regular plan of liberty4  ,in #agei ,i  
published my ,history of the ,house of  
,tudor4 ,the clamour against this       
performance was almost equal to that    
against the history of the two first    
,stuarts4 ,the reign of ,elizabeth was  
particularly obnoxious4 ,but ,i was now 
callous against the impressions of      
public folly1 and continued very        
peaceably and contentedly in my retreat 
at ,edinburgh1 to finish1 in two        
volumes1 the more early part of the     
,english ,history1 which ,i gave to the 
public in #agfa1 with tolerable1 and but
 tolerable success4  ,but               
notwithstanding this variety of winds   
and seasons1 to which my writings had   
been exposed1 they had still been making
 such advances that the copy-money given
 me by the booksellers much exceeded    
anything formerly known in ,england2 ,i 

was become not only independent1 but    
opulent4 ,i retired to my native country
 of ,scotland1 determined never more to 
set my foot out of it2 and retaining the
 satisfaction of never having preferred 
a request to one great man1 or even     
making advances of friendship to any of 
them4 ,as ,i was now turned of fifty1 ,i
 thought of passing all the rest of my  
life in this philosophical manner1 when 
,i received1 in #agfc1 an invitation    
from the ,earl of ,hertford1 with whom  
,i was not in the least acquainted1 to  
attend him on his embassy to ,paris1    
with a near prospect of being appointed 
,secretary to the embassy1 and1 in the  
meanwhile1 of performing the functions  
of that office4 ,this offer1 however    
inviting1 ,i at first declined1 both    
because ,i was reluctant to begin       
connections with the great1 and because 
,i was afraid the civilities and gay    
company of ,paris would prove           
disagreeable to a person of my age and  
humour2 but on his lordship's repeating 

the invitation1 ,i accepted of it4 ,i   
have every reason1 both of pleasure and 
interest1 to think myself happy in my   
connections with that nobleman1 as well 
as afterwards with his brother1 ,general
 ,conway4  ,those who have not seen the 
strange effects of ,modes1 will never   
imagine the reception ,i met with at    
,paris1 from men and women of all ranks 
and stations4 ,the more ,i resiled from 
their excessive civilities1 the more ,i 
was loaded with them4 ,there is1        
however1 a real satisfaction in living  
in ,paris1 from the great number of     
sensible1 knowing1 and polite company   
with which that city abounds above all  
places in the universe4 ,i thought once 
of settling there for life4  ,i was     
appointed ,secretary to the embassy2 and
 in summer #agfe1 ,lord ,hertford left  
me1 being appointed ,lord ,lieutenant of
 ,ireland4 ,i was charg d'affaires till 
the arrival of the ,duke of ,richmond1  
towards the end of the year4 ,in the    
beginning of #agff ,i left ,paris1 and  

next summer went to ,edinburgh1 with the
 same view as formerly1 of burying      
myself in a philosophical retreat4 ,i   
returned to that place1 not richer1 but 
with much more money1 and a much larger 
income1 by means of ,lord ,hertford's   
friendship1 than ,i left it2 and ,i was 
desirous of trying what superfluity     
could produce1 as ,i had formerly made  
an experiment of a competency4 ,but in  
#agfg ,i received from ,mr4 ,conway an  
invitation to be ,under ,secretary2 and 
this invitation1 both the character of  
the person and my connections with ,lord
 ,hertford prevented me from declining4 
,i returned to ,edinburgh in #agfi1 very
 opulent 7for ,i possessed a revenue of 
#ajjj a year71 healthy1 and1 though     
somewhat stricken in years1 with the    
prospect of enjoying long my ease1 and  
of seeing the increase of my reputation4
  ,in spring #agge1 ,i was struck with a
 disorder in my bowels1 which at first  
gave me no alarm1 but has since1 as ,i  
apprehend it1 become mortal and         

incurable4 ,i now reckon upon a speedy  
dissolution4 ,i have suffered very      
little pain from my disorder2 and what  
is more strange1 have1 notwithstanding  
the great decline of my person1 never   
suffered a moment's abatement of my     
spirits2 insomuch1 that were ,i to name 
the period of my life which ,i should   
most choose to pass over again1 ,i might
 be tempted to point to this later      
period4 ,i possess the same ardour as   
ever in study1 and the same gaiety in   
company4 ,i consider1 besides1 that a   
man of sixty-five1 by dying1 cuts off   
only a few years of infirmities2 and    
though ,i see many symptoms of my       
literary reputation's breaking out at   
last with additional lustre1 ,i knew    
that ,i could have but few years to     
enjoy it4 ,it is difficult to be more   
detached from life than ,i am at        
present4  ,to conclude historically with
 my own character4 ,i am1 or rather was 
7for that is the style ,i must now use  
in speaking of myself1 which emboldens  

me the more to speak my sentiments7--,i 
was1 ,i say1 a man of mild dispositions1
 of command of temper1 of an open1      
social1 and cheerful humour1 capable of 
attachment1 but little susceptible of   
enmity1 and of great moderation in all  
my passions4 ,even my love of literary  
fame1 my ruling passion1 never soured my
 temper1 notwithstanding my frequent    
disappointments4 ,my company was not    
unacceptable to the young and careless1 
as well as to the studious and literary2
 and as ,i took a particular pleasure in
 the company of modest women1 ,i had no 
reason to be displeased with the        
reception ,i met with from them4 ,in a  
word1 though most men anywise eminent   
have found reason to complain of        
calumny1 ,i never was touched1 or even  
attacked by her baleful tooth3 and      
though ,i wantonly exposed myself to the
 rage of both civil and religious       
factions1 they seemed to be disarmed in 
my behalf of their wonted fury4 ,my     
friends never had occasion to vindicate 

any one circumstance of my character and
 conduct3 not but that the zealots1 we  
may well suppose1 would have been glad  
to invent and propagate any story to my 
disadvantage1 but they never could find 
any which they thought would wear the   
face of probability4 ,i cannot say there
 is no vanity in making this funeral    
oration of myself1 but ,i hope it is not
 a misplaced one2 and this is a matter  
of fact which is easily cleared and     
ascertained4  ,april #ah1 #aggf4        
,,adam ,,smith',s ,,celebrated ,,account
 ,,of ,,hume',s ,,death4  8,,kirkcaldy1 
,,fifeshire1 ,nov4 #i1 #aggf4  8,,dear  
,,sir1--,it is with a real1 though a    
very melancholy pleasure1 that ,i sit   
down to give you some account of the    
behaviour of our excellent friend1 ,mr4 
,hume1 during his last illness4         
8,though1 in his own judgment1 his      
disease was mortal and incurable1 yet he
 allowed himself to be prevailed upon1  
by the entreaty of his friends1 to try  
what might be the effects of a long     

journey4 ,a few days before he set out  
he wrote that account of his own life   
which1 together with his other papers1  
he has left to your care4 ,my account1  
therefore1 shall begin where his ends4  
8,he set out for ,london towards the end
 of ,april1 and at ,morpeth met with    
,mr4 ,john ,home and myself1 who had    
both come down from ,london to see him1 
expecting to have found him in          
,edinburgh4 ,mr4 ,home returned with    
him1 and attended him during the whole  
of his stay in ,england1 with that care 
and attention which might be expected   
from a temper so perfectly friendly and 
affectionate4 ,as ,i had written to my  
mother that she might expect me in      
,scotland1 ,i was under the necessity of
 continuing my journey4 ,his disease    
seemed to yield to exercise and change  
of air1 and when he arrived in ,london  
he was apparently in much better health 
than when he left ,edinburgh4 ,he was   
advised to go to ,bath to drink the     
waters1 which appeared for some time to 

have so good an effect upon him that    
even he himself began to entertain1 what
 he was not apt to do1 a better opinion 
of his own health4 ,his symptoms1       
however1 soon returned with their usual 
violence1 and from that moment he gave  
up all thoughts of recovery1 but        
submitted with the utmost cheerfulness1 
and the most perfect complacency and    
resignation4 ,upon his return to        
,edinburgh1 though he found himself much
 weaker1 yet his cheerfulness never     
abated1 and he continued to divert      
himself as usual1 with correcting his   
own works for a new edition1 and reading
 books of amusement1 with the           
conversation of his friends1 and1       
sometimes in the evening1 with a party  
at his favourite game of whist4 ,his    
cheerfulness was so great1 his          
conversation and amusements ran so much 
in their usual strain that1             
notwithstanding all bad symptoms1 many  
people could not believe he was dying4  
#8,i shall tell your friend1 ,colonel   

,edmondstone1' said ,doctor ,dundas to  
him one day1 #8that ,i left you much    
better1 and in a fair way of recovery4' 
#8,doctor1' said he1 #8as ,i believe you
 would not choose to tell anything but  
the truth1 you had better tell him that 
,i am dying as fast as my enemies1 if ,i
 have any1 could wish1 and as easily and
 as cheerfully as my best friends could 
desire4' ,colonel ,edmondstone soon     
afterwards came to see him1 and took    
leave of him2 and on his way home he    
could not forbear writing him a letter  
bidding him once more an eternal adieu1 
and applying to him1 as a dying man1 the
 beautiful ,french verses in which the  
,abb ,chaulieu1 in expectation of his   
own death1 laments his approaching      
separation from his friend1 the ,marquis
 de la ,fare4 ,mr4 ,hume's magnanimity  
and firmness were such1 that his most   
affectionate friends knew that they     
hazarded nothing in talking or writing  
to him as to a dying man1 and that1 so  
far from being hurt by this frankness1  

he was rather pleased and flattered by  
it4 ,i happened to come into his room   
while he was reading this letter1 which 
he had just received1 and which he      
immediately showed me4 ,i told him that 
though ,i was sensible how very much he 
was weakened1 and that appearances were 
in many respects very bad yet his       
cheerfulness was still so great1 the    
spirit of life seemed still to be so    
very strong in him1 that ,i could not   
help entertaining some faint hopes4 ,he 
answered--#8,your hopes are groundless4 
,an habitual diarrha of more than a     
year's standing would be a very bad     
disease at any age3 at my age it is a   
mortal one4 ,when ,i lie down in the    
evening1 ,i feel myself weaker than when
 ,i rose in the morning2 and when ,i    
rise in the morning1 weaker than when ,i
 lay down in the evening4 ,i am         
sensible1 besides1 that some of my vital
 parts are affected1 so that ,i must    
soon die4' #8,well1' said ,i1 #8if it   
must be so1 you have at least the       

satisfaction of leaving all your        
friends1 your brother's family in       
particular1 in great prosperity4' ,he   
said that he felt that satisfaction so  
sensibly1 that when he was reading a few
 days before1 ,lucian's ,dialogues of   
the ,dead1 among all the excuses which  
are alleged to ,charon for not entering 
readily into his boat1 he could not find
 one that fitted him3 he had no house to
 finish1 he had no daughter to provide  
for1 he had no enemies upon whom he     
wished to revenge himself4 #8,i could   
not well imagine1' said he1 #8what      
excuse ,i could make to ,charon in order
 to obtain a little delay4 ,i have done 
everything of consequence which ,i ever 
meant to do2 and ,i could at no time    
expect to leave my relations and friends
 in a better situation than that in     
which ,i am now like to leave them2 ,i  
therefore have all reason to die        
contented4' ,he then diverted himself   
with inventing several jocular excuses1 
which he supposed he might make to      

,charon1 and with imagining the very    
surly answers which it might suit the   
character of ,charon to return to them4 
#8,upon further consideration1' said he1
 #8,i thought ,i might say to him1 good 
,charon1 ,i have been correcting my     
works for a new edition2 allow me a     
little time that ,i may see how the     
public receives the alterations4' ,but  
,charon would answer1 #8,when you have  
seen the effect of these1 you will be   
for making other alterations4 ,there    
will be no end of such excuses2 so1     
honest friend1 please step into the     
boat4' ,but ,i might still urge1 #8,have
 a little patience1 good ,charon2 ,i    
have been endeavouring to open the eyes 
of the public4 ,if ,i live a few years  
longer1 ,i may have the satisfaction of 
seeing the downfall of some of the      
prevailing systems of superstition4'    
,but ,charon would then lose all temper 
and decency4 #8,you loitering rogue2    
that will not happen these many hundred 
years4 ,do you fancy ,i will grant you a

 lease for so long a term8 ,get into the
 boat this instant1 you lazy1 loitering 
rogue4'  8,but though ,mr4 ,hume always 
talked of his approaching dissolution   
with great cheerfulness1 he never       
affected to make any parade of his      
magnanimity4 ,he never mentioned the    
subject but when the conversation       
naturally led to it1 and never dwelt    
longer upon it than the course of the   
conversation happened to require2 it was
 a subject1 indeed1 which occurred      
pretty frequently1 in consequence of the
 inquiries which his friends who came to
 see him naturally made concerning the  
state of his health4 ,the conversation  
which ,i mentioned above1 and which     
passed on ,thursday the #hth of ,august1
 was the last except one that ,i ever   
had with him4 ,he had now become so very
 weak that the company of his most      
intimate friends fatigued him2 for his  
cheerfulness was still so great1 his    
complaisance and social disposition were
 still so entire1 that when any friend  

was with him he could not help talking  
more1 and with greater exertion than    
suited the weakness of his body4 ,at his
 own desire1 therefore1 ,i agreed to    
leave ,edinburgh1 where ,i was staying  
partly upon his account1 and returned to
 my mother's house here1 at ,kirkcaldy1 
upon condition that he would send for me
 whenever he wished to see me2 the      
physician who saw him most frequently1  
,dr4 ,black1 undertaking in the meantime
 to write me occasionally an account of 
the state of his health4  8,on the #bbnd
 of ,august the doctor wrote me the     
following letter3--  8#8,since my last  
,mr4 ,hume has passed his time pretty   
easily1 but is much weaker4 ,he sits up1
 goes downstairs once a day1 and amuses 
himself with reading1 but seldom sees   
anybody4 ,he finds that even the        
conversation of his most intimate       
friends fatigues and oppresses him2 and 
it is happy that he does not need it1   
for he is quite free from anxiety1      
impatience1 or low spirits1 and passes  

his time very well with the assistance  
of amusing books4'  8,i received the day
 after a letter from ,mr4 ,hume himself1
 of which the following is an extract3--
  8#8,,edinburgh1 ,august #bc1 #aggf4   
8#8,,my ,,dearest ,,friend1--,i am      
obliged to make use of my nephew's hand 
in writing to you1 as ,i do not rise    
to-day4                   8#8,i go very 
fast to decline1 and last night had a   
small fever1 which ,i hoped might put a 
quicker period to this tedious illness2 
but unluckily it has1 in a great        
measure1 gone off4 ,i cannot submit to  
your coming over here on my account1 as 
it is possible for me to see you so     
small a part of the day1 but ,dr4 ,black
 can better inform you concerning the   
degree of strength which may from time  
to time remain with me4 ,adieu1 etc4'   
8,three days after ,i received the      
following letter from ,dr4 ,black3--    
8#8,,edinburgh1 ,august #bfth1 #aggf4   
8#8,,dear ,,sir1--,yesterday1 about four
 o'clock afternoon1 ,mr4 ,hume expired4 

,the near approach of his death became  
evident in the night between ,thursday  
and ,friday1 when his disease became    
excessive1 and soon weakened him so much
 that he could no longer rise out of his
 bed4 ,he continued to the last         
perfectly sensible1 and free from much  
pain or feeling of distress4 ,he never  
dropped the smallest expression of      
impatience1 but when he had occasion to 
speak to the people about him always did
 it with affection and tenderness4 ,i   
thought it improper to write to bring   
you over1 especially as ,i heard that he
 had dictated a letter to you desiring  
you not to come4 ,when he became very   
weak it cost him an effort to speak1 and
 he died in such a happy composure of   
mind that nothing could exceed it6'     
8,thus died our most excellent and      
never-to-be-forgotten friend1 concerning
 whose philosophical opinions men will1 
no doubt1 judge variously1 every one    
approving or condemning them according  
as they happen to coincide or disagree  

with his own2 but concerning whose      
character and conduct there can scarce  
be a difference of opinion4 ,his temper1
 indeed1 seemed to be more happily      
balanced--if ,i may be allowed such an  
expression--than that perhaps of any    
other man ,i have ever known4 ,even in  
the lowest state of his fortune his     
great and necessary frugality never     
hindered him from exercising1 upon      
proper occasions1 acts both of charity  
and generosity4 ,it was a frugality     
founded not upon avarice but upon the   
love of independency4 ,the extreme      
gentleness of his nature never weakened 
either the firmness of his mind or the  
steadiness of his resolutions4 ,his     
constant pleasantry was the genuine     
effusion of good-nature and good-humour 
tempered with delicacy and modesty1 and 
without even the slightest tincture of  
malignity--so frequently the            
disagreeable source of what is called   
wit in other men4 ,it never was the     
meaning of his raillery to mortify1 and 

therefore1 far from offending1 it seldom
 failed to please and delight even those
 who were the object of it4 ,to his     
friends--who were frequently the object 
of it--there was not perhaps any one of 
all his great and amiable qualities     
which contributed more to endear his    
conversation4 ,and that gaiety of       
temper1 so agreeable in society1 but    
which is so often accompanied with      
frivolous and superficial qualities1 was
 in him certainly attended with the most
 severe application1 the most extensive 
learning1 the greatest depth of thought1
 and a capacity in every respect the    
most comprehensive4 ,upon the whole1 ,i 
have always considered him1 both in his 
lifetime and since his death1 as        
approaching as nearly to the idea of a  
perfectly wise and virtuous man as      
perhaps the nature of human frailty will
 permit4  8,i ever am1 dear sir1 most   
affectionately yours1  8,,adam ,,smith40
   8,it is a usual fallacy10 says ,hume 
in 8,of the ,populousness of ,ancient   

,nations10 8to consider all the ages of 
antiquity as one period40 ,the dates    
given in the ,appendix may serve as a   
corrective in this regard4   ,,notes1   
,,introduction4  #a ,life of ,adam      
,smith1 8,great ,writers0 series4   #b  
,life and ,correspondence of ,david     
,hume1 #ahdf4   #c ,see ,foundations of 
,political ,economy1 ,the ,walter ,scott
 ,publishing ,company1 ,limited4   #d   
,his ,treatise of ,human ,nature1       
regarding the publication of which he   
wrote in #agea to ,sir ,gilbert ,elliot1
 of ,minto--8,i was carried away by the 
heat of youth and invention to publish  
too precipitately4 ,so vast an          
undertaking1 planned before ,i was      
one-and-twenty1 and composed before ,i  
was twenty-five1 must necessarily be    
very defective4 ,i have repented my     
haste a hundred and a hundred times40   
#e ,haldane1 ,life of ,adam ,smith1     
8,great ,writers0 series4   #f ,hume's  
view is the juster here4     ,,hume',s  
,,political ,,discourses  ,illustration1

 ornamental     ,,of ,,commerce4   ,the 
greatest part of mankind may be divided 
into two classes3 that of shallow       
thinkers1 who fall short of the truth2  
and that of abstruse thinkers1 who go   
beyond it4 ,the latter class are by far 
the most uncommon2 and ,i may add1 by   
far the most useful and valuable4 ,they 
suggest hints1 at least1 and start      
difficulties1 which they want1 perhaps1 
skill to pursue2 but which may produce  
very fine discoveries1 when handled by  
men who have a more just way of         
thinking4 ,at worst1 what they say is   
uncommon2 and if it should cost some    
pains to comprehend it1 one has1        
however1 the pleasure of hearing        
something that is new4 ,an author is    
little to be valued who tells us nothing
 but what we can learn from every       
coffee-house conversation4  ,all people 
of shallow thought are apt to decry even
 those of solid understanding1 as       
abstruse thinkers1 and metaphysicians1  
and refiners2 and never will allow      

anything to be just which is beyond     
their own weak conceptions4 ,there are  
some cases1 ,i own1 where an            
extraordinary refinement affords a      
strong presumption of falsehood1 and    
where no reasoning is to be trusted but 
what is natural and easy4 ,when a man   
deliberates concerning his conduct in   
any particular affair1 and forms schemes
 in politics1 trade1 economy1 or any    
business in life1 he never ought to draw
 his arguments too fine1 or connect too 
long a chain of consequences together4  
,something is sure to happen that will  
disconcert his reasoning1 and produce an
 event different from what he expected4 
,but when we reason upon general        
subjects1 one may justly affirm that our
 speculations can scarce ever be too    
fine1 provided they be just2 and that   
the difference between a common man and 
a man of genius is chiefly seen in the  
shallowness or depth of the principles  
upon which they proceed4 ,general       
reasonings seem intricate1 merely       

because they are general2 nor is it easy
 for the bulk of mankind to distinguish1
 in a great number of particulars1 that 
common circumstance in which they all   
agree1 or to extract it1 pure and       
unmixed1 from the other superfluous     
circumstances4 ,every judgment or       
conclusion1 with them1 is particular4   
,they cannot enlarge their view to those
 universal propositions which comprehend
 under them an infinite number of       
individuals1 and include a whole science
 in a single theorem4 ,their eye is     
confounded with such an extensive       
prospect2 and the conclusions derived   
from it1 even though clearly expressed1 
seem intricate and obscure4 ,but however
 intricate they may seem1 it is certain 
that general principles1 if just and    
sound1 must always prevail in the       
general course of things1 though they   
may fail in particular cases2 and it is 
the chief business of philosophers to   
regard the general course of things4 ,i 
may add that it is also the chief       

business of politicians2 especially in  
the domestic government of the state1   
where the public good1 which is1 or     
ought to be1 their object1 depends on   
the concurrence of a multitude of cases2
 not1 as in foreign politics1 on        
accidents and chances1 and the caprices 
of a few persons4 ,this therefore makes 
the difference between particular       
deliberations and general reasonings1   
and renders subtlety and refinement much
 more suitable to the latter than to the
 former4  ,i thought this introduction  
necessary before the following          
discourses on commerce1 money1 interest1
 balance of trade1 etc41 where1 perhaps1
 there will occur some principles which 
are uncommon1 and which may seem too    
refined and subtle for such vulgar      
subjects4 ,if false1 let them be        
rejected2 but no one ought to entertain 
a prejudice against them merely because 
they are out of the common road4  ,the  
greatness of a state1 and the happiness 
of its subjects1 however independent    

they may be supposed in some respects1  
are commonly allowed to be inseparable  
with regard to commerce2 and as private 
men receive greater security in the     
possession of their trade and riches    
from the power of the public1 so the    
public becomes powerful in proportion to
 the riches and extensive commerce of   
private men4 ,this maxim is true in     
general1 though ,i cannot forbear       
thinking that it may possibly admit of  
some exceptions1 and that we often      
establish it with too little reserve and
 limitation4 ,there may be some         
circumstances where the commerce1 and   
riches1 and luxury of individuals1      
instead of adding strength to the       
public1 will serve only to thin its     
armies1 and diminish its authority among
 the neighbouring nations4 ,man is a    
very variable being1 and susceptible of 
many different opinions1 principles1 and
 rules of conduct4 ,what may be true    
while he adheres to one way of thinking 
will be found false when he has embraced

 an opposite set of manners and         
opinions4  ,the bulk of every state may 
be divided into husbandmen and          
manufacturers4 ,the former are employed 
in the culture of the land2 the latter  
work up the materials furnished by the  
former1 into all the commodities which  
are necessary and ornamental to human   
life4 ,as soon as men quit their savage 
state1 where they live chiefly by       
hunting and fishing1 they must fall into
 these two classes2 though the arts of  
agriculture employ at first the most    
numerous part of the society4#g ,time   
and experience improve so much these    
arts1 that the land may easily maintain 
a much greater number of men than those 
who are immediately employed in its     
cultivation1 or who furnish the more    
necessary manufactures to such as are so
 employed4  ,if these superfluous hands 
apply themselves to the finer arts1     
which are commonly denominated the arts 
of luxury1 they add to the happiness of 
the state1 since they afford to many the

 opportunity of receiving enjoyments    
with which they would otherwise have    
been unacquainted4 ,but may not another 
scheme be proposed for the employment of
 these superfluous hands8 ,may not the  
sovereign lay claim to them1 and employ 
them in fleets and armies1 to increase  
the dominions of the state abroad1 and  
spread its fame over distant nations8   
,it is certain that the fewer desires   
and wants are found in the proprietors  
and labourers of land1 the fewer hands  
do they employ2 and consequently the    
superfluities of the land1 instead of   
maintaining tradesmen and manufacturers1
 may support fleets and armies to a much
 greater extent than where a great many 
arts are required to minister to the    
luxury of particular persons4 ,here     
therefore seems to be a kind of         
opposition between the greatness of the 
state and the happiness of the subjects4
 ,a state is never greater than when all
 its superfluous hands are employed in  
the service of the public4 ,the ease and

 convenience of private persons require 
that these hands should be employed in  
their service4 ,the one can never be    
satisfied but at the expense of the     
other4 ,as the ambition of the sovereign
 must entrench on the luxury of         
individuals1 so the luxury of           
individuals must diminish the force and 
check the ambition of the sovereign4    
,nor is this reasoning merely           
chimerical1 but is founded on history   
and experience4 ,the republic of ,sparta
 was certainly more powerful than any   
state now in the world1 consisting of an
 equal number of people1 and this was   
owing entirely to the want of commerce  
and luxury4 ,the ,helotes were the      
labourers3 the ,spartans were the       
soldiers or gentlemen4 ,it is evident   
that the labour of the ,helotes could   
not have maintained so great a number of
 ,spartans1 had these latter lived in   
ease and delicacy and given employment  
to a great variety of trades and        
manufactures4 ,the like policy may be   

remarked in ,rome4 ,and indeed1 through 
all ancient history1 it is observable   
that the smallest republics raised and  
maintained greater armies than states   
consisting of triple the number of      
inhabitants are able to support at      
present4 ,it is computed that in all    
,european nations the proportion between
 soldiers and people does not exceed one
 to a hundred4 ,but we read that the    
city of ,rome alone1 with its small     
territory1 raised and maintained1 in    
early times1 ten legions against the    
,latins4 ,athens1 whose whole dominions 
were not larger than ,yorkshire1 sent to
 the expedition against ,sicily near    
forty thousand men4 ,dionysius the      
elder1 it is said1 maintained a standing
 army of a hundred thousand foot and ten
 thousand horse1 besides a large fleet  
of four hundred sail1#h though his      
territories extended no farther than the
 city of ,syracuse1 about a third part  
of the island of ,sicily1 and some      
seaport towns or garrisons on the coast 

of ,italy and ,illyricum4 ,it is true   
the ancient armies1 in time of war1     
subsisted much upon plunder2 but did not
 the enemy plunder in their turn8 which 
was a more ruinous way of levying tax   
than any other that could be devised4   
,in short1 no probable reason can be    
assigned for the great power of the more
 ancient states above the modern but    
their want of commerce and luxury4 ,few 
artisans were maintained by the labour  
of the farmers1 and therefore more      
soldiers might live upon it4 ,titus     
,livius says that ,rome1 in his time1   
would find it difficult to raise as     
large an army as that which1 in her     
early days1 she sent out against the    
,gauls and ,latins4 ,instead of those   
soldiers who fought for liberty and     
empire in ,camillus's time1 there were  
in ,augustus's days musicians1 painters1
 cooks1 players1 and tailors2 and if the
 land was equally cultivated at both    
periods1 it is evident it could maintain
 equal numbers in the one profession as 

in the other4 ,they added nothing to the
 mere necessaries of life in the latter 
period more than in the former4  ,it is 
natural on this occasion to ask whether 
sovereigns may not return to the maxims 
of ancient policy1 and consult their own
 interest in this respect more than the 
happiness of their subjects4 ,i answer  
that it appears to me almost impossible2
 and that because ancient policy was    
violent1 and contrary to the more       
natural and usual course of things4 ,it 
is well known with what peculiar laws   
,sparta was governed1 and what a prodigy
 that republic is justly esteemed by    
every one who has considered human      
nature1 as it has displayed itself in   
other nations and other ages4 ,were the 
testimony of history less positive and  
circumstantial1 such a government would 
appear a mere philosophical whim or     
fiction1 and impossible ever to be      
reduced to practice4 ,and though the    
,roman and other ancient republics were 
supported on principles somewhat more   

natural1 yet was there a very           
extraordinary concurrence of            
circumstances to make them submit to    
such grievous burdens4 ,they were free  
states2 they were small ones2 and the   
age being martial1 all the neighbouring 
states were continually in arms4        
,freedom naturally begets public spirit1
 especially in small states2 and this   
public spirit1 this amor patri1 must    
increase when the public is almost in   
continual alarm1 and men are obliged    
every moment to expose themselves to the
 greatest dangers for its defence4 ,a   
continual succession of wars makes every
 citizen a soldier3 he takes the field  
in his turn1 and during his service is  
chiefly maintained by himself4 ,and     
notwithstanding that his service is     
equivalent to a very severe tax1 it is  
less felt by a people addicted to arms1 
who fight for honour and revenge more   
than pay1 and are unacquainted with gain
 and industry as well as pleasure4#i    
,not to mention the great equality of   

fortunes amongst the inhabitants of the 
ancient republics1 where every field    
belonging to a different proprietor was 
able to maintain a family1 and rendered 
the numbers of citizens very            
considerable1 even without trade and    
manufactures4  ,but though the want of  
trade and manufactures1 amongst a free  
and very martial people1 may sometimes  
have no other effect than to render the 
public more powerful1 it is certain     
that1 in the common course of human     
affairs1 it will have a quite contrary  
tendency4 ,sovereigns must take mankind 
as they find them1 and cannot pretend to
 introduce any violent change in their  
principles and ways of thinking4 ,a long
 course of time1 with a variety of      
accidents and circumstances1 is         
requisite to produce those great        
revolutions which so much diversify the 
face of human affairs4 ,and the less    
natural any set of principles are which 
support a particular society1 the more  
difficulty will a legislator meet with  

in raising and cultivating them4 ,it is 
his best policy to comply with the      
common bent of mankind1 and give it all 
the improvements of which it is         
susceptible4 ,now1 according to the most
 natural course of things1 industry1 and
 arts1 and trade increase the power of  
the sovereign as well as the happiness  
of the subjects2 and that policy is     
violent which aggrandizes the public by 
the poverty of individuals4 ,this will  
easily appear from a few considerations1
 which will present to us the           
consequences of sloth and barbarity4    
,where manufactures and mechanic arts   
are not cultivated1 the bulk of the     
people must apply themselves to         
agriculture2 and if their skill and     
industry increase1 there must arise a   
great superfluity from their labour     
beyond what suffices to maintain them4  
,they have no temptation1 therefore1 to 
increase their skill and industry2 since
 they cannot exchange that superfluity  
for any commodities which may serve     

either to their pleasure or vanity4 ,a  
habit of indolence naturally prevails4  
,the greater part of the land lies      
uncultivated4 ,what is cultivated yields
 not its utmost1 for want of skill or   
assiduity in the farmer4 ,if at any time
 the public exigencies require that     
great numbers should be employed in the 
public service1 the labour of the people
 furnishes now no superfluities by which
 these numbers can be maintained4 ,the  
labourers cannot increase their skill   
and industry on a sudden4 ,lands        
uncultivated cannot be brought into     
tillage for some years4 ,the armies1    
meanwhile1 must either make sudden and  
violent conquests1 or disband for want  
of subsistence4 ,a regular attack or    
defence1 therefore1 is not to be        
expected from such a people1 and their  
soldiers must be as ignorant and        
unskilful as their farmers and          
manufacturers4  ,everything in the world
 is purchased by labour1 and our        
passions are the only causes of labour4 

,when a nation abounds in manufactures  
and mechanic arts1 the proprietors of   
land1 as well as the farmers1 study     
agriculture as a science1 and redouble  
their industry and attention4 ,the      
superfluity which arises from their     
labour is not lost1 but is exchanged    
with the manufacturers for those        
commodities which men's luxury now makes
 them covet4 ,by this means land        
furnishes a great deal more of the      
necessaries of life than what suffices  
for those who cultivate it4 ,in times of
 peace and tranquillity this superfluity
 goes to the maintenance of             
manufacturers1 and the improvers of     
liberal arts4 ,but it is easy for the   
public to convert many of these         
manufacturers into soldiers1 and        
maintain them by that superfluity which 
arises from the labour of the farmers4  
,accordingly we find that this is the   
case in all civilized governments4 ,when
 the sovereign raises an army1 what is  
the consequence8 ,he imposes a tax4     

,this tax obliges all the people to     
retrench what is least necessary to     
their subsistence4 ,those who labour in 
such commodities must either enlist in  
the troops or turn themselves to        
agriculture1 and thereby oblige some    
labourers to enlist for want of         
business4 ,and to consider the matter   
abstractly1 manufactures increase the   
power of the state only as they store up
 so much labour1 and that of a kind to  
which the public may lay claim1 without 
depriving any one of the necessaries of 
life4 ,the more labour1 therefore1 is   
employed beyond mere necessaries1 the   
more powerful is any state2 since the   
persons engaged in that labour may      
easily be converted to the public       
service4 ,in a state without            
manufactures there may be the same      
number of hands2 but there is not the   
same quantity of labour1 nor of the same
 kind4 ,all the labour is there bestowed
 upon necessaries1 which can admit of   
little or no abatement4  ,thus the      

greatness of the sovereign and the      
happiness of the state are1 in a great  
measure1 united with regard to trade and
 manufactures4 ,it is a violent method1 
and in most cases impracticable1 to     
oblige the labourer to toil in order to 
raise from the land more than what      
subsists himself and family4 ,furnish   
him with manufactures and commodities1  
and he will do it of himself4           
,afterwards you will find it easy to    
seize some part of his superfluous      
labour1 and employ it in the public     
service1 without giving him his wonted  
return4 ,being accustomed to industry1  
he will think this less grievous than   
if1 at once1 you obliged him to an      
augmentation of labour without any      
reward4 ,the case is the same with      
regard to the other members of the      
state4 ,the greater is the stock of     
labour of all kinds1 the greater        
quantity may be taken from the heap     
without making any sensible alteration  
upon it4  ,a public granary of corn1 a  

storehouse of cloth1 a magazine of arms2
 all these must be allowed real riches  
and strength in any state4 ,trade and   
industry are really nothing but a stock 
of labour1 which1 in time of peace and  
tranquillity1 is employed for the ease  
and satisfaction of individuals2 but in 
the exigencies of state1 may1 in part1  
be turned to public advantage4 ,could we
 convert a city into a kind of fortified
 camp1 and infuse into each breast so   
martial a genius1 and such a passion for
 public good1 as to make every one      
willing to undergo the greatest         
hardships for the sake of the public1   
these affections might now1 as in       
ancient times1 prove alone a sufficient 
spur to industry1 and support the       
community4 ,it would then be            
advantageous1 as in camps1 to banish all
 arts and luxury2 and1 by restrictions  
on equipage and tables1 make the        
provisions and forage last longer than  
if the army were loaded with a number of
 superfluous retainers4 ,but as these   

principles are too disinterested and too
 difficult to support1 it is requisite  
to govern men by other passions1 and    
animate them with a spirit of avarice   
and industry1 art and luxury4 ,the camp 
is1 in this case1 loaded with a         
superfluous retinue2 but the provisions 
flow in proportionately larger4 ,the    
harmony of the whole is still supported1
 and the natural bent of the mind being 
more complied with1 individuals1 as well
 as the public1 find their account in   
the observance of those maxims4  ,the   
same method of reasoning will let us see
 the advantage of foreign commerce1 in  
augmenting the power of the state1 as   
well as the riches and happiness of the 
subjects4 ,it increases the stock of    
labour in the nation1 and the sovereign 
may convert what share of it he finds   
necessary to the service of the public4 
,foreign trade1 by its imports1         
furnishes materials for new             
manufactures2 and by its exports1 it    
produces labour in particular           

commodities which could not be consumed 
at home4 ,in short1 a kingdom that has a
 large import and export must abound    
more with industry1 and that employed   
upon delicacies and luxuries1 than a    
kingdom which rests contented with its  
native commodities4 ,it is1 therefore1  
more powerful1 as well as richer and    
happier4 ,the individuals reap the      
benefit of these commodities1 so far as 
they gratify the senses and appetites4  
,and the public is also a gainer1 while 
a greater stock of labour is1 by this   
means1 stored up against any public     
exigency2 that is1 a greater number of  
laborious men are maintained1 who may be
 diverted to the public service without 
robbing any one of the necessaries or   
even the chief conveniences of life4    
,if we consult history1 we shall find   
that in most nations foreign trade has  
preceded any refinement in home         
manufactures1 and given birth to        
domestic luxury4 ,the temptation is     
stronger to make use of foreign         

commodities1 which are ready for use1   
and which are entirely new to us1 than  
to make improvements on any domestic    
commodity1 which always advance by slow 
degrees1 and never affect us by their   
novelty4 ,the profit is also very great 
in exporting what is superfluous at     
home1 and what bears no price1 to       
foreign nations1 whose soil or climate  
is not favourable to that commodity4    
,thus men become acquainted with the    
pleasures of luxury and the profits of  
commerce2 and their delicacy and        
industry1 being once awakened1 carry    
them to farther improvements in every   
branch of domestic as well as foreign   
trade4 ,and this perhaps is the chief   
advantage which arises from a commerce  
with strangers4 ,it rouses men from     
their indolence2 and presenting the     
gayer and more opulent part of the      
nation with objects of luxury1 which    
they never before dreamed of1 raises in 
them a desire of a more splendid way of 
life than what their ancestors enjoyed2 

and at the same time the few merchants  
who possess the secret of this          
importation and exportation make        
exorbitant profits1 and becoming rivals 
in wealth to the ancient nobility1 tempt
 other adventurers to become their      
rivals in commerce4 ,imitation soon     
diffuses all those arts2 while domestic 
manufacturers emulate the foreign in    
their improvements1 and work up every   
home commodity to the utmost perfection 
of which it is susceptible4 ,their own  
steel and iron1 in such laborious hands1
 becomes equal to the gold and rubies of
 the ,indies4  ,when the affairs of the 
society are once brought to this        
situation1 a nation may lose most of its
 foreign trade1 and yet continue a great
 and powerful people4 ,if strangers will
 not take any particular commodity of   
ours1 we must cease to labour in it4    
,the same hands will turn themselves    
towards some refinement in other        
commodities which may be wanted at home4
 ,and there must always be materials for

 them to work upon2 till every person in
 the state1 who possesses riches1 enjoys
 as great plenty of home commodities1   
and those in as great perfection1 as he 
desires2 which can never possibly       
happen4 ,china is represented as one of 
the most flourishing empires in the     
world1 though it has very little        
commerce beyond its own territories4    
,it will not1 ,i hope1 be considered as 
a superfluous digression1 if ,i here    
observe1 that as the multitude of       
mechanical arts is advantageous1 so is  
the great number of persons to whose    
share the productions of these arts     
fall4 ,a too great disproportion among  
the citizens weakens any state4 ,every  
person1 if possible1 ought to enjoy the 
fruits of his labour1 in a full         
possession of all the necessaries1 and  
many of the conveniences of life4 ,no   
one can doubt but such an equality is   
most suitable to human nature1 and      
diminishes much less from the happiness 
of the rich than it adds to that of the 

poor4 ,it also augments the power of the
 state1 and makes any extraordinary     
taxes or impositions be paid with much  
more cheerfulness4 ,where the riches are
 engrossed by a few1 these must         
contribute very largely to the supplying
 the public necessities4 ,but when the  
riches are dispersed among multitudes1  
the burden feels light on every         
shoulder1 and the taxes make not a very 
sensible difference on any one's way of 
living4  ,add to this1 that where the   
riches are in few hands these must enjoy
 all the power1 and will readily        
conspire to lay the whole burden on the 
poor1 and oppress them still farther1 to
 the discouragement of all industry4    
,in this circumstance consists the great
 advantage of ,england above any nation 
at present in the world1 or that appears
 in the records of story4 ,it is true1  
the ,english feel some disadvantages in 
foreign trade by the high price of      
labour1 which is in part the effect of  
the riches of their artisans1 as well as

 of the plenty of money2 but as foreign 
trade is not the most material          
circumstance1 it is not to be put in    
competition with the happiness of so    
many millions4 ,and if there were no    
more to endear to them that free        
government under which they live1 this  
alone were sufficient4 ,the poverty of  
the common people is a natural1 if not  
an infallible effect of absolute        
monarchy2 though ,i doubt whether it be 
always true1 on the other hand1 that    
their riches are an infallible result of
 liberty4 ,liberty must be attended with
 particular accidents1 and a certain    
turn of thinking1 in order to produce   
that effect4 ,lord ,bacon1 accounting   
for the great advantages obtained by the
 ,english in their wars with ,france1   
ascribes them chiefly to the superior   
ease and plenty of the common people    
amongst the former2 yet the governments 
of the two kingdoms were1 at that time1 
pretty much alike4 ,where the labourers 
and artisans are accustomed to work for 

low wages1 and to retain but a small    
part of the fruits of their labour1 it  
is difficult for them1 even in a free   
government1 to better their condition1  
or conspire among themselves to heighten
 their wages4 ,but even where they are  
accustomed to a more plentiful way of   
life1 it is easy for the rich1 in a     
despotic government1 to conspire against
 them1 and throw the whole burden of the
 taxes on their shoulders4  ,it may seem
 an odd position1 that the poverty of   
the common people in ,france1 ,italy1   
and ,spain is1 in some measure1 owing to
 the superior riches of the soil and    
happiness of the climate2 and yet there 
want not many reasons to justify this   
paradox4 ,in such a fine mould or soil  
as that of those more southern regions1 
agriculture is an easy art2 and one man1
 with a couple of sorry horses1 will be 
able1 in a season1 to cultivate as much 
land as will pay a pretty considerable  
rent to the proprietor4 ,all the art1   
which the farmer knows1 is to leave his 

ground fallow for a year1 so soon as it 
is exhausted2 and the warmth of the sun 
alone and temperature of the climate    
enrich it1 and restore its fertility4   
,such poor peasants1 therefore1 require 
only a simple maintenance for their     
labour4 ,they have no stock nor riches1 
which claim more2 and at the same time1 
they are for ever dependent on their    
landlord1 who gives no leases1 nor fears
 that his land will be spoiled by the   
ill methods of cultivation4 ,in         
,england1 the land is rich1 but coarse2 
must be cultivated at a great expense2  
and produces slender crops1 when not    
carefully managed1 and by a method which
 gives not the full profit but in a     
course of several years4 ,a farmer1     
therefore1 in ,england must have a      
considerable stock and a long lease2    
which beget proportional profits4 ,the  
fine vineyards of ,champagne and        
,burgundy1 that oft yield to the        
landlord above five pounds per acre1 are
 cultivated by peasants who have scarce 

bread2 and the reason is1 that such     
peasants need no stock but their own    
limbs1 with instruments of husbandry    
which they can buy for twenty shillings4
 ,the farmers are commonly in some      
better circumstances in those countries2
 but the graziers are most at their ease
 of all those who cultivate the land4   
,the reason is still the same4 ,men must
 have profits proportionable to their   
expense and hazard4 ,where so           
considerable a number of labouring poor 
as the peasants and farmers are in very 
low circumstances1 all the rest must    
partake of their poverty whether the    
government of that nation be monarchical
 or republican4  ,we may form a similar 
remark with regard to the general       
history of mankind4 ,what is the reason 
why no people living between the tropics
 could ever yet attain to any art or    
civility1 or reach even any police in   
their government1 and any military      
discipline2 while few nations in the    
temperate climates have been altogether 

deprived of these advantages8 ,it is    
probable that one cause of this         
phenomenon is the warmth and equality of
 weather in the torrid zone1 which      
render clothes and houses less requisite
 for the inhabitants1 and thereby       
remove1 in part1 that necessity which is
 the great spur to industry and         
invention4 ,curis acuens mortalia corda4
 ,not to mention that the fewer goods or
 possessions of this kind any people    
enjoy1 the fewer quarrels are likely to 
arise amongst them1 and the less        
necessity will there be for a settled   
police or regular authority to protect  
and defend them from foreign enemies1 or
 from each other4   ,,notes1 ,,of       
,,commerce4  #g ,monsieur ,melon1 in his
 political essay on commerce1 asserts   
that even at present1 if you divide     
,france into twenty parts1 sixteen are  
labourers or peasants1 two only         
artisans1 one belonging to the law1     
church1 and military1 and one merchants1
 financiers1 and bourgeois4 ,this       

calculation is certainly very erroneous4
 ,in ,france1 ,england1 and indeed most 
parts of ,europe1 half of the           
inhabitants live in cities2 and even of 
those who live in the country1 a very   
great number are artisans1 perhaps above
 a third4   #h ,diod4 ,sic41 lib4 #b4   
,this account1 ,i own1 is somewhat      
suspicious1 not to say worse1 chiefly   
because this army was not composed of   
citizens1 but of mercenary forces4   #i 
,the more ancient ,romans lived in      
perpetual war with all their neighbours2
 and in old ,latin the term 8hostis0    
expressed both a stranger and an enemy4 
,this is remarked by ,cicero2 but by him
 is ascribed to the humanity of his     
ancestors1 who softened1 as much as     
possible1 the denomination of an enemy  
by calling him by the same appellation  
which signified a stranger4 7,de ,off41 
lib4 #b47 ,it is1 however1 much more    
probable1 from the manners of the times1
 that the ferocity of those people was  
so great as to make them regard all     

strangers as enemies1 and call them by  
the same name4 ,it is not1 besides1     
consistent with the most common maxims  
of policy or of nature that any state   
should regard its public enemies with a 
friendly eye1 or preserve any such      
sentiments for them as the ,roman orator
 would ascribe to his ancestors4 ,not to
 mention that the early ,romans really  
exercised piracy1 as we learn from their
 first treaties with ,carthage1         
preserved by ,polybius1 lib4 #c1 and    
consequently1 like the ,sallee and      
,algerine rovers1 were actually at war  
with most nations1 and a stranger and an
 enemy were with them almost synonymous4
     ,,of ,,refinement ,,in ,,the       
,,arts4   ,luxury is a word of a very   
uncertain signification1 and may be     
taken in a good as well as in a bad     
sense4 ,in general1 it means great      
refinement in the gratification of the  
senses1 and any degree of it may be     
innocent or blameable1 according to the 
age1 or country1 or condition of the    

person4 ,the bounds between the virtue  
and the vice cannot here be fixed       
exactly1 more than in other moral       
subjects4 ,to imagine that the          
gratifying any of the senses1 or the    
indulging any delicacy in meats1 drinks1
 or apparel1 is in itself a vice1 can   
never enter into a head that is not     
disordered by the frenzies of           
enthusiasm4 ,i have1 indeed1 heard of a 
monk abroad who1 because the windows of 
his cell opened upon a very noble       
prospect1 made a covenant with his eyes 
never to turn that way1 or receive so   
sensual a gratification4 ,and such is   
the crime of drinking champagne or      
burgundy1 preferably to small beer or   
porter4 ,these indulgences are only     
vices when they are pursued at the      
expense of some virtue1 as liberality or
 charity2 in like manner as they are    
follies when for them a man ruins his   
fortune1 and reduces himself to want and
 beggary4 ,where they entrench upon no  
virtue1 but leave ample subject whence  

to provide for friends1 family1 and     
every proper object of generosity or    
compassion1 they are entirely innocent1 
and have in every age been acknowledged 
such by almost all moralists4 ,to be    
entirely occupied with the luxury of the
 table1 for instance1 without any relish
 for the pleasures of ambition1 study1  
or conversation1 is a mark of gross     
stupidity1 and is incompatible with any 
vigour of temper or genius4 ,to confine 
one's expense entirely to such a        
gratification1 without regard to friends
 or family1 is an indication of a heart 
entirely devoid of humanity or          
benevolence4 ,but if a man reserve time 
sufficient for all laudable pursuits1   
and money sufficient for all generous   
purposes1 he is free from every shadow  
of blame or reproach4  ,since luxury may
 be considered either as innocent or    
blameable1 one may be surprised at those
 preposterous opinions which have been  
entertained concerning it2 while men of 
libertine principles bestow praises even

 on vicious luxury1 and represent it as 
highly advantageous to society2 and on  
the other hand1 men of severe morals    
blame even the most innocent luxury1 and
 regard it as the source of all the     
corruptions1 disorders1 and factions    
incident to civil government4 ,we shall 
here endeavour to correct both these    
extremes1 by proving1 first1 that the   
ages of refinement are both the happiest
 and most virtuous2 secondly1 that      
wherever luxury ceases to be innocent1  
it also ceases to be beneficial2 and    
when carried a degree too far1 is a     
quality pernicious1 though perhaps not  
the most pernicious1 to political       
society4  ,to prove the first point1 we 
need but consider the effects of        
refinement both on private and on public
 life4 ,human happiness1 according to   
the most received notions1 seems to     
consist in three ingredients3 action1   
pleasure1 and indolence2 and though     
these ingredients ought to be mixed in  
different proportions1 according to the 

particular dispositions of the person1  
yet no one ingredient can be entirely   
wanting without destroying1 in some     
measure1 the relish of the whole        
composition4 ,indolence or repose1      
indeed1 seems not of itself to          
contribute much to our enjoyment2 but1  
like sleep1 is requisite as an          
indulgence to the weakness of human     
nature1 which cannot support an         
uninterrupted course of business or     
pleasure4 ,that quick march of the      
spirits which takes a man from himself1 
and chiefly gives satisfaction1 does in 
the end exhaust the mind1 and requires  
some intervals of repose1 which1 though 
agreeable for a moment1 yet1 if         
prolonged1 beget a languor and lethargy 
that destroy all enjoyment4 ,education1 
custom1 and example have a mighty       
influence in turning the mind to any of 
these pursuits2 and it must be owned1   
that where they promote a relish for    
action and pleasure1 they are so far    
favourable to human happiness4 ,in times

 when industry and arts flourish1 men   
are kept in perpetual occupation1 and   
enjoy1 as their reward1 the occupation  
itself1 as well as those pleasures which
 are the fruits of their labour4 ,the   
mind acquires new vigour2 enlarges its  
powers and faculties2 and by an         
assiduity in honest industry1 both      
satisfies its natural appetites and     
prevents the growth of unnatural ones1  
which commonly spring up when nourished 
with ease and idleness4 ,banish those   
arts from society1 you deprive men both 
of action and of pleasure2 and leaving  
nothing but indolence in their place1   
you even destroy the relish of          
indolence1 which never is agreeable but 
when it succeeds to labour1 and recruits
 the spirits1 exhausted by too much     
application and fatigue4  ,another      
advantage of industry and of refinements
 in the mechanical arts is that they    
commonly produce some refinements in the
 liberal2 nor can the one be carried to 
perfection without being accompanied1 in

 some degree1 with the other4 ,the same 
age which produces great philosophers   
and politicians1 renowned generals and  
poets1 usually abounds with skilful     
weavers and ship-carpenters4 ,we cannot 
reasonably expect that a piece of       
woollen cloth will be wrought to        
perfection in a nation which is ignorant
 of astronomy1 or where ethics are      
neglected4 ,the spirit of the age       
affects all the arts2 and the minds of  
men1 being once roused from their       
lethargy and put into a fermentation1   
turn themselves on all sides1 and carry 
improvements into every art and science4
 ,profound ignorance is totally         
banished1 and men enjoy the privilege of
 rational creatures1 to think as well as
 to act1 to cultivate the pleasures of  
the mind as well as those of the body4  
,the more these refined arts advance1   
the more sociable do men become2 nor is 
it possible that1 when enriched with    
science and possessed of a fund of      
conversation1 they should be contented  

to remain in solitude1 or live with     
their fellow-citizens in that distant   
manner which is peculiar to ignorant and
 barbarous nations4 ,they flock into    
cities2 love to receive and communicate 
knowledge2 to show their wit or their   
breeding2 their taste in conversation or
 living1 in clothes or furniture4       
,curiosity allures the wise2 vanity the 
foolish2 and pleasure both4 ,particular 
clubs and societies are everywhere      
formed1 both sexes meet in an easy and  
sociable manner1 and the tempers of men1
 as well as their behaviour1 refine     
apace4 ,so that1 besides the            
improvements which they receive from    
knowledge and the liberal arts1 it is   
impossible but they must feel an        
increase of humanity from the very habit
 of conversing together and contributing
 to each other's pleasure and           
entertainment4 ,thus industry1          
knowledge1 and humanity are linked      
together by an indissoluble chain1 and  
are found1 from experience as well as   

reason1 to be peculiar to the more      
polished1 and1 what are commonly        
denominated1 the more luxurious ages4   
,nor are these advantages attended with 
disadvantages which bear any proportion 
to them4 ,the more men refine upon      
pleasure the less will they indulge in  
excesses of any kind1 because nothing is
 more destructive to true pleasure than 
such excesses4 ,one may safely affirm   
that the ,tartars are oftener guilty of 
beastly gluttony when they feast on     
their dead horses than ,european        
courtiers with all their refinements of 
cookery4 ,and if libertine love1 or even
 infidelity to the marriage-bed1 be more
 frequent in polite ages1 when it is    
often regarded only as a piece of       
gallantry1 drunkenness1 on the other    
hand1 is much less common--a vice more  
odious and more pernicious both to mind 
and body4 ,and in this matter ,i would  
appeal not only to an ,ovid or a        
,petronius1 but to a ,seneca or a ,cato4
 ,we know that ,csar1 during ,catiline's

 conspiracy1 being necessitated to put  
into ,cato's hands a billet-doux which  
discovered an intrigue with ,servilia1  
,cato's own sister1 that stern          
philosopher threw it back to him with   
indignation1 and1 in the bitterness of  
his wrath1 gave him the appellation of  
drunkard1 as a term more opprobrious    
than that with which he could more      
justly have reproached him4  ,but       
industry1 knowledge1 and humanity are   
not advantageous in private life alone2 
they diffuse their beneficial influence 
on the public1 and render the government
 as great and flourishing as they make  
individuals happy and prosperous4 ,the  
increase and consumption of all the     
commodities which serve to the ornament 
and pleasure of life are advantageous to
 society1 because at the same time that 
they multiply those innocent            
gratifications to individuals1 they are 
a kind of storehouse of labour1 which1  
in the exigencies of state1 may be      
turned to the public service4 ,in a     

nation where there is no demand for such
 superfluities men sink into indolence1 
lose all the enjoyment of life1 and are 
useless to the public1 which cannot     
maintain nor support its fleets and     
armies from the industries of such      
slothful members4  ,the bounds of all   
the ,european kingdoms are at present   
pretty near the same they were two      
hundred years ago2 but what a difference
 is there in the power and grandeur of  
those kingdoms6 ,which can be ascribed  
to nothing but the increase of art and  
industry4 ,when ,charles ,,viii4 of     
,france invaded ,italy1 he carried with 
him about #bj1jjj men2 and yet this     
armament so exhausted the nation1 as we 
learn from ,guicciardin1 that for some  
years it was not able to make so great  
an effort4 ,the late ,king of ,france1  
in time of war1 kept in pay above       
#djj1jjj men1#aj though from ,mazarin's 
death to his own he was engaged in a    
course of wars that lasted near thirty  
years4  ,this industry is much promoted 

by the knowledge inseparable from the   
ages of art and refinement2 as1 on the  
other hand1 this knowledge enables the  
public to make the best advantage of the
 industry of its subjects4 ,laws1 order1
 police1 discipline--these can never be 
carried to any degree of perfection     
before human reason has refined itself  
by exercise1 and by an application to   
the more vulgar arts1 at least1 of      
commerce and manufactures4 ,can we      
expect that a government will be well   
modelled by a people who know not how to
 make a spinning-wheel1 or to employ a  
loom to advantage8 ,not to mention that 
all ignorant ages are infested with     
superstition1 which throws the          
government off its bias1 and disturbs   
men in the pursuit of their interest and
 happiness4  ,knowledge in the arts of  
government naturally begets mildness and
 moderation1 by instructing men in the  
advantages of humane maxims above rigour
 and severity1 which drive subjects into
 rebellion1 and render the return to    

submission impracticable1 by cutting off
 all hopes of pardon4 ,when the tempers 
of men are softened as well as their    
knowledge improved1 this humanity       
appears still more conspicuous1 and is  
the chief characteristic which          
distinguishes a civilized age from times
 of barbarity and ignorance4 ,factions  
are then less inveterate1 revolutions   
less tragical1 authority less severe1   
and seditions less frequent4 ,even      
foreign wars abate of their cruelty2 and
 after the field of battle1 where honour
 and interest steel men against         
compassion as well as fear1 the         
combatants divest themselves of the     
brute1 and resume the man4  ,nor need we
 fear that men1 by losing their         
ferocity1 will lose their martial       
spirit1 or become less undaunted and    
vigorous in defence of their country or 
their liberty4 ,the arts have no such   
effect in enervating either the mind or 
body4 ,on the contrary1 industry1 their 
inseparable attendant1 adds new force to

 both4 ,and if anger1 which is said to  
be the whetstone of courage1 loses      
somewhat of its asperity by politeness  
and refinement1 a sense of honour1 which
 is a stronger1 more constant1 and more 
governable principle1 acquires fresh    
vigour by that elevation of genius which
 arises from knowledge and a good       
education4 ,add to this that courage can
 neither have any duration nor be of any
 use when not accompanied with          
discipline and martial skill1 which are 
seldom found among a barbarous people4  
,the ancients remarked that ,datames was
 the only barbarian that ever knew the  
art of war4 ,and ,pyrrhus1 seeing the   
,romans marshal their army with some art
 and skill1 said with surprise1 8,these 
barbarians have nothing barbarous in    
their discipline60 ,it is observable    
that as the old ,romans1 by applying    
themselves solely to war1 were the only 
uncivilized people that ever possessed  
military discipline1 so the ,italians   
are the only civilized people among     

,europeans that ever wanted courage and 
a martial spirit4 ,those who would      
ascribe this effeminacy of the ,italians
 to their luxury or politeness1 or      
application to the arts1 need but       
consider the ,french and ,english1 whose
 bravery is as incontestable as their   
love for luxury and their assiduity in  
commerce4 ,the ,italian historians give 
us a more satisfactory reason for this  
degeneracy of their countrymen4 ,they   
show us how the sword was dropped at    
once by all the ,italian sovereigns2    
while the ,venetian aristocracy was     
jealous of its subjects1 the ,florentine
 democracy applied itself entirely to   
commerce2 ,rome was governed by priests1
 and ,naples by women4 ,war then became 
the business of soldiers of fortune1 who
 spared one another1 and1 to the        
astonishment of the world1 could engage 
a whole day in what they called a       
battle1 and return at night to their    
camp without the least bloodshed4  ,what
 has chiefly induced severe moralists to

 declaim against refinement in the arts 
is the example of ancient ,rome1 which1 
joining to its poverty and rusticity1   
virtue and public spirit1 rose to such a
 surprising height of grandeur and      
liberty2 but having learned from its    
conquered provinces the ,asiatic luxury1
 fell into every kind of corruption1    
whence arose sedition and civil wars1   
attended at last with the total loss of 
liberty4 ,all the ,latin classics1 whom 
we peruse in our infancy1 are full of   
these sentiments1 and universally       
ascribe the ruin of their state to the  
arts and riches imported from the ,east3
 insomuch that ,sallust represents a    
taste for painting as a vice no less    
than lewdness and drinking4 ,and so     
popular were these sentiments during the
 latter ages of the republic1 that this 
author abounds in praises of the old    
rigid ,roman virtue1 though himself the 
most egregious instance of modern luxury
 and corruption2 speaks contemptuously  
of the ,grecian eloquence1 though the   

most eloquent writer in the world2 nay1 
employs preposterous digressions and    
declamations to this purpose1 though a  
model of taste and correctness4  ,but it
 would be easy to prove that these      
writers mistook the cause of the        
disorders in the ,roman state1 and      
ascribed to luxury and the arts what    
really proceeded from an ill-modelled   
government and the unlimited extent of  
conquests4 ,refinement on the pleasures 
and conveniences of life has no natural 
tendency to beget venality and          
corruption4 ,the value which all men put
 upon any particular pleasure depends on
 comparison and experience2 nor is a    
porter less greedy of money1 which he   
spends on bacon and brandy1 than a      
courtier1 who purchases champagne and   
ortolans4 ,riches are valuable at all   
times1 and to all men1 because they     
always purchase pleasures such as men   
are accustomed to and desire2 nor can   
anything restrain or regulate the love  
of money but a sense of honour and      

virtue1 which1 if it be not nearly equal
 at all times1 will naturally abound    
most in ages of knowledge and           
refinement4  ,of all ,european kingdoms1
 ,poland seems the most defective in the
 arts of war1 as well as peace1         
mechanical as well as liberal2 and yet  
it is there that venality and corruption
 do most prevail4 ,the nobles seem to   
have preserved their crown elective for 
no other purpose but regularly to sell  
it to the highest bidder2 this is almost
 the only species of commerce with which
 that people are acquainted4  ,the      
liberties of ,england1 so far from      
decaying since the improvements in the  
arts1 have never flourished so much as  
during that period4 ,and though         
corruption may seem to increase of late 
years1 this is chiefly to be ascribed to
 our established liberty1 when our      
princes have found the impossibility of 
governing without parliaments1 or of    
terrifying parliaments by the phantom of
 prerogative4 ,not to mention that this 

corruption or venality prevails         
infinitely more among the electors than 
the elected1 and therefore cannot justly
 be ascribed to any refinements in      
luxury4  ,if we consider the matter in a
 proper light1 we shall find that       
improvements in the arts are rather     
favourable to liberty1 and have a       
natural tendency to preserve1 if not    
produce a free government4 ,in rude1    
unpolished nations1 where the arts are  
neglected1 all the labour is bestowed on
 the cultivation of the ground2 and the 
whole society is divided into two       
classes--proprietors of land and their  
vassals or tenants4 ,the latter are     
necessarily dependent1 and fitted for   
slavery and subjection2 especially where
 they possess no riches1 and are not    
valued for their knowledge in           
agriculture1 as must always be the case 
where the arts are neglected4 ,the      
former naturally erect themselves into  
petty tyrants1 and must either submit to
 an absolute master for the sake of     

peace and order1 or if they will        
preserve their independency1 like the   
ancient barons1 they must fall into     
feuds and contests among themselves1 and
 throw the whole society into such      
confusion as is perhaps worse than the  
most despotic government4 ,but where    
luxury nourishes commerce and industry1 
the peasants1 by a proper cultivation of
 the land1 become rich and independent2 
while the tradesmen and merchants       
acquire a share of the property1 and    
draw authority and consideration to that
 middling rank of men1 who are the best 
and firmest basis of public liberty4    
,these submit not to slavery1 like the  
poor peasants1 from poverty and meanness
 of spirit2 and having no hopes of      
tyrannizing over others1 like the       
barons1 they are not tempted1 for the   
sake of that gratification1 to submit to
 the tyranny of their sovereign4 ,they  
covet equal laws1 which may secure their
 property1 and preserve them from       
monarchical as well as aristocratical   

tyranny4  ,the ,house of ,commons is the
 support of our popular government1 and 
all the world acknowledges that it owed 
its chief influence and consideration to
 the increase of commerce1 which threw  
such a balance of property into the     
hands of the commons4 ,how inconsistent 
then is it to blame so violently a      
refinement in the arts1 and to represent
 it as the bane of liberty and public   
spirit6  ,to declaim against present    
times1 and magnify the virtue of remote 
ancestors1 is a propensity almost       
inherent in human nature3 and as the    
sentiments and opinions of civilized    
ages alone are transmitted to posterity1
 hence it is that we meet with so many  
severe judgments pronounced against     
luxury1 and even science2 and hence it  
is that at present we give so ready an  
assent to them4 ,but the fallacy is     
easily perceived from comparing         
different nations that are              
contemporaries1 where we both judge more
 impartially and can better set in      

opposition those manners with which we  
are sufficiently acquainted4 ,treachery 
and cruelty1 the most pernicious and    
most odious of all vices1 seem peculiar 
to uncivilized ages2 and by the refined 
,greeks and ,romans were ascribed to all
 the barbarous nations which surrounded 
them4 ,they might justly1 therefore1    
have presumed that their own ancestors1 
so highly celebrated1 possessed no      
greater virtue1 and were as much        
inferior to their posterity in honour   
and humanity as in taste and science4   
,an ancient ,frank or ,saxon may be     
highly extolled2 but ,i believe every   
man would think his life or fortune much
 less secure in the hands of a ,moor or 
,tartar than in those of a ,french or   
,english gentleman1 the rank of men the 
most civilized in the most civilized    
nations4  ,we come now to the second    
position which we proposed to           
illustrate--viz41 that as innocent      
luxury1 or a refinement in the arts and 
conveniences of life1 is advantageous to

 the public1 so1 wherever luxury ceases 
to be innocent1 it also ceases to be    
beneficial2 and when carried a degree   
farther1 begins to be a quality         
pernicious1 though perhaps not the most 
pernicious1 to political society4  ,let 
us consider what we call vicious luxury4
 ,no gratification1 however sensual1 can
 of itself be esteemed vicious4 ,a      
gratification is only vicious when it   
engrosses all a man's expense1 and      
leaves no ability for such acts of duty 
and generosity as are required by his   
situation and fortune4 ,suppose that he 
correct the vice1 and employ part of his
 expense in the education of his        
children1 in the support of his friends1
 and in relieving the poor1 would any   
prejudice result to society8 ,on the    
contrary1 the same consumption would    
arise1 and that labour which at present 
is employed only in producing a slender 
gratification to one man1 would relieve 
the necessitous1 and bestow satisfaction
 on hundreds4 ,the same care and toil   

which raise a dish of peas at ,christmas
 would give bread to a whole family     
during six months4 ,to say that1 without
 a vicious luxury1 the labour would not 
have been employed at all1 is only to   
say that there is some other defect in  
human nature1 such as indolence1        
selfishness1 inattention to others1 for 
which luxury in some measure provides a 
remedy1 as one poison may be an antidote
 to another4 ,but virtue1 like wholesome
 food1 is better than poisons1 however  
corrected4  ,suppose the same number of 
men that are at present in ,britain1    
with the same soil and climate3 ,i ask1 
is it not possible for them to be       
happier1 by the most perfect way of life
 which can be imagined1 and by the      
greatest reformation which ,omnipotence 
itself could work in their temper and   
disposition8 ,to assert that they cannot
 appears evidently ridiculous4 ,as the  
land is able to maintain more than all  
its inhabitants1 they could never1 in   
such a ,utopian state1 feel any other   

ills than those which arise from bodily 
sickness2 and these are not the half of 
human miseries4 ,all other ills spring  
from some vice1 either in ourselves or  
others2 and even many of our diseases   
proceed from the same origin4 ,remove   
the vices1 and the ills follow4 ,you    
must only take care to remove all the   
vices4 ,if you remove part1 you may     
render the matter worse4 ,by banishing  
vicious luxury1 without curing sloth and
 an indifference to others1 you only    
diminish industry in the state1 and add 
nothing to men's charity or their       
generosity4 ,let us1 therefore1 rest    
contented with asserting that two       
opposite vices in a state may be more   
advantageous than either of them alone2 
but let us never pronounce vice in      
itself advantageous4 ,is it not very    
inconsistent for an author to assert in 
one page that moral distinctions are    
inventions of politicians for public    
interest1 and in the next page maintain 
that vice is advantageous to the        

public8#aa ,and indeed it seems1 upon   
any system of morality1 little less than
 a contradiction in terms to talk of a  
vice which is in general beneficial to  
society4  ,prodigality is not to be     
confounded with a refinement in the     
arts4 ,it even appears that that vice is
 much less frequent in the cultivated   
ages4 ,industry and gain beget          
frugality1 among the lower and middle   
ranks of men1 and in all the busy       
professions4 ,men of high rank1 indeed1 
it may be pretended1 are more allured by
 the pleasures1 which become more       
frequent4 ,but idleness is the great    
source of prodigality at all times1 and 
there are pleasures and vanities in     
every age1 which allure men equally when
 they are unacquainted with better      
enjoyments4 ,not to mention that the    
high interest paid in rude times quickly
 consumes the fortunes of the landed    
gentry1 and multiplies their            
necessities4  ,i thought this reasoning 
necessary in order to give some light to

 a philosophical question which has been
 much disputed in ,britain4 ,i call it a
 philosophical question1 not a political
 one2 for whatever may be the           
consequence of such a miraculous        
transformation of mankind as would endow
 them with every species of virtue and  
free them from every species of vice1   
this concerns not the magistrate1 who   
aims only at possibilities4 ,he cannot  
cure every vice by substituting a virtue
 in its place4 ,very often he can only  
cure one vice by another1 and in that   
case he ought to prefer what is least   
pernicious to society4 ,luxury1 when    
excessive1 is the source of many ills2  
but it is in general preferable to sloth
 and idleness1 which would commonly     
succeed in its place1 and are more      
pernicious both to private persons and  
to the public4 ,when sloth reigns1 a    
mean1 uncultivated way of life prevails 
amongst individuals1 without society1   
without enjoyment4 ,and if the          
sovereign1 in such a situation1 demands 

the service of his subjects1 the labour 
of the state suffices only to furnish   
the necessaries of life to the          
labourers1 and can afford nothing to    
those who are employed in the public    
service4   ,,notes1 ,,of ,,refinement   
,,in ,,the ,,arts4  #aj ,the inscription
 on the ,place de ,vendme says #ddj1jjj4
   #aa ,fable of the ,bees4     ,,of    
,,money4   ,money is not1 properly      
speaking1 one of the subjects of        
commerce1 but only the instrument which 
men have agreed upon to facilitate the  
exchange of one commodity for another4  
,it is none of the wheels of trade2 it  
is the oil which renders the motion of  
the wheels more smooth and easy4 ,if we 
consider any one kingdom by itself1 it  
is evident that the greater or less     
plenty of money is of no consequence1   
since the prices of commodities are     
always proportioned to the plenty of    
money1 and a crown in ,henry ,,vii4's   
time served the same purpose as a pound 
does at present4 ,it is only the public 

which draws any advantage from the      
greater plenty of money1 and that only  
in its wars and negotiations with       
foreign states4 ,and this is the reason 
why all rich and trading countries1 from
 ,carthage to ,britain and ,holland1    
have employed mercenary troops1 which   
they hired from their poorer neighbours4
 ,were they to make use of their native 
subjects1 they would find less advantage
 from their superior riches1 and from   
their great plenty of gold and silver1  
since the pay of all their servants must
 rise in proportion to the public       
opulence4 ,our small army in ,britain of
 #bj1jjj men is maintained at as great  
expense as a ,french army thrice as     
numerous4 ,the ,english fleet1 during   
the late war1 required as much money to 
support it as all the ,roman legions    
which kept the whole world in subjection
 during the time of the emperors4#ab    
,the greater number of people and their 
greater industry are serviceable in all 
cases--at home and abroad1 in private   

and in public4 ,but the greater plenty  
of money is very limited in its use1 and
 may even sometimes be a loss to a      
nation in its commerce with foreigners4 
,there seems to be a happy concurrence  
of causes in human affairs which checks 
the growth of trade and riches1 and     
hinders them from being confined        
entirely to one people1 as might        
naturally at first be dreaded from the  
advantages of an established commerce4  
,where one nation has got the start of  
another in trade it is very difficult   
for the latter to regain the ground it  
has lost1 because of the superior       
industry and skill of the former1 and   
the greater stocks of which its         
merchants are possessed1 and which      
enable them to trade for so much smaller
 profits4 ,but these advantages are     
compensated1 in some measure1 by the low
 price of labour in every nation which  
has not an extensive commerce1 and does 
not very much abound in gold and silver4
 ,manufactures1 therefore1 gradually    

shift their places1 leaving those       
countries and provinces which they have 
already enriched1 and flying to others1 
whither they are allured by the         
cheapness of provisions and labour1 till
 they have enriched these also and are  
again banished by the same causes4 ,and1
 in general1 we may observe that the    
dearness of everything1 from plenty of  
money1 is a disadvantage which attends  
an established commerce1 and sets bounds
 to it in every country by enabling the 
poorer states to under-sell the richer  
in all foreign markets4  ,this has made 
me entertain a great doubt concerning   
the benefit of banks and paper-credit1  
which are so generally esteemed         
advantageous to every nation4 ,that     
provisions and labour should become dear
 by the increase of trade and money is1 
in many respects1 an inconvenience2 but 
an inconvenience that is unavoidable1   
and the effect of that public wealth and
 prosperity which are the end of all our
 wishes4 ,it is compensated by the      

advantages which we reap from the       
possession of these precious metals1 and
 the weight which they give the nation  
in all foreign wars and negotiations4   
,but there appears no reason for        
increasing that inconvenience by a      
counterfeit money1 which foreigners will
 not accept in any payment1 and which   
any great disorder in the state will    
reduce to nothing4 ,there are1 it is    
true1 many people in every rich state   
who1 having large sums of money1 would  
prefer paper with good security1 as     
being of more easy transport and more   
safe custody4 ,if the public provide not
 a bank1 private bankers will take      
advantage of this circumstance2 as the  
goldsmiths formerly did in ,london1 or  
as the bankers do at present in ,dublin2
 and therefore it is better1 it may be  
thought1 that a public company should   
enjoy the benefit of the paper-credit   
which always will have place in every   
opulent kingdom4 ,but to endeavour      
artificially to increase such a credit  

can never be the interest of any trading
 nation2 but must lay them under        
disadvantages1 by increasing money      
beyond its natural proportion to labour 
and commodities1 and thereby heightening
 their price to the merchant and        
manufacturer4 ,and in this view1 it must
 be allowed that no bank could be more  
advantageous than such a one as locked  
up all the money it received1#ac and    
never augmented the circulating coin1 as
 is usual1 by returning part of its     
treasure into commerce4 ,a public bank  
by this expedient might cut off much of 
the dealings of private bankers and     
money-jobbers2 and though the state bore
 the charge of salaries to the directors
 and tellers of this bank 7for1         
according to the preceding supposition1 
it would have no profit from its        
dealings71 the national advantage1      
resulting from the low price of labour  
and the destruction of paper-credit1    
would be a sufficient compensation4 ,not
 to mention that so large a sum1 lying  

ready at command1 would be a great      
convenience in times of public danger   
and distress2 and what part of it was   
used might be replaced at leisure1 when 
peace and tranquillity were restored to 
the nation4  ,but of this subject of    
paper-credit we shall treat more largely
 hereafter1 and ,i shall finish this    
essay on money by proposing and         
explaining two observations1 which may  
perhaps serve to employ the thoughts of 
our speculative politicians1 for to     
these only ,i all along address myself4 
,it is enough that ,i submit to the     
ridicule sometimes in this age attached 
to the character of a philosopher1      
without adding to it that which belongs 
to a projector4  ,it was a shrewd       
observation of ,anacharsis the          
,scythian1 who had never seen money in  
his own country1 that gold and silver   
seemed to him of no use to the ,greeks  
but to assist them in numeration and    
arithmetic4 ,it is indeed evident that  
money is nothing but the representation 

of labour and commodities1 and serves   
only as a method of rating or estimating
 them4 ,where coin is in greater plenty1
 as a greater quantity of it is required
 to represent the same quantity of      
goods1 it can have no effect1 either    
good or bad1 taking a nation within     
itself2 no more than it would make any  
alteration on a merchant's books if1    
instead of the ,arabian method of       
notation1 which requires few characters1
 he should make use of the ,roman1 which
 requires a great many4 ,nay1 the       
greater quantity of money1 like the     
,roman characters1 is rather            
inconvenient1 and requires greater      
trouble both to keep and transport it4  
,but notwithstanding this conclusion1   
which must be allowed just1 it is       
certain that since the discovery of     
mines in ,america industry has increased
 in all the nations of ,europe1 except  
in the possessors of those mines2 and   
this may justly be ascribed1 amongst    
other reasons1 to the increase of gold  

and silver4 ,accordingly1 we find that  
in every kingdom into which money begins
 to flow in greater abundance than      
formerly everything takes a new face2   
labour and industry gain life1 the      
merchant becomes more enterprising1 the 
manufacturer more diligent and skilful1 
and even the farmer follows his plough  
with greater alacrity and attention4    
,this is not easily to be accounted for1
 if we consider only the influence which
 a greater abundance of coin has in the 
kingdom itself1 by heightening the price
 of commodities1 and obliging every one 
to pay a greater number of these little 
yellow or white pieces for everything he
 purchases4 ,and as to foreign trade1 it
 appears that great plenty of money is  
rather disadvantageous1 by raising the  
price of every kind of labour4  ,to     
account1 then1 for this phenomenon1 we  
must consider that though the high price
 of commodities be a necessary          
consequence of the increase of gold and 
silver1 yet it follows not immediately  

upon that increase2 but some time is    
required before the money circulates    
through the whole state1 and makes its  
effects be felt on all ranks of people4 
,at first1 no alteration is perceived2  
by degrees the price rises1 first of one
 commodity then of another1 till the    
whole at last reaches a just proportion 
with the new quantity of specie which is
 in the kingdom4 ,in my opinion1 it is  
only in this interval or intermediate   
situation1 between the acquisition of   
money and rise of prices1 that the      
increasing quantity of gold and silver  
is favourable to industry4 ,when any    
quantity of money is imported into a    
nation1 it is not at first dispersed    
into many hands1 but is confined to the 
coffers of a few persons1 who           
immediately seek to employ it to the    
best advantage4 ,here are a set of      
manufacturers or merchants1 we shall    
suppose1 who have received returns of   
gold and silver for goods which they    
sent to ,cadiz4 ,they are thereby       

enabled to employ more workmen than     
formerly1 who never dream of demanding  
higher wages1 but are glad of employment
 from such good paymasters4 ,if workmen 
become scarce1 the manufacturer gives   
higher wages1 but at first requires an  
increase of labour2 and this is         
willingly submitted to by the artisan1  
who can now eat and drink better1 to    
compensate his additional toil and      
fatigue4 ,he carries his money to       
market1 where he finds everything at the
 same price as formerly1 but returns    
with greater quantity and of better     
kinds1 for the use of his family4 ,the  
farmer and gardener1 finding that all   
commodities are taken off1 apply        
themselves with alacrity to the raising 
more2 and at the same time can afford to
 take better and more clothes from their
 tradesmen1 whose price is the same as  
formerly1 and their industry only       
whetted by so much new gain4 ,it is easy
 to trace the money in its progress     
through the whole commonwealth2 where we

 shall find that it must first quicken  
the diligence of every individual1      
before it increase the price of labour4 
,and that the specie may increase to a  
considerable pitch before it have this  
latter effect appears1 amongst other    
instances1 from the frequent operations 
of the ,french king on the money2 where 
it was always found that the augmenting 
the numerary value did not produce a    
proportional rise of the prices1 at     
least for some time4 ,in the last year  
of ,louis ,,xiv4 money was raised       
three-sevenths1 but prices augmented    
only one4 ,corn in ,france is now sold  
at the same price1 or for the same      
number of livres it was in #afhc2 though
 silver was then at thirty livres the   
mark1 and is now at fifty2#ad not to    
mention the great addition of gold and  
silver which may have come into that    
kingdom since the former period4  ,from 
the whole of this reasoning we may      
conclude that it is of no manner of     
consequence1 with regard to the domestic

 happiness of a state1 whether money be 
in a greater or less quantity4 ,the good
 policy of the magistrate consists only 
in keeping it1 if possible1 still       
increasing2 because1 by that means1 he  
keeps alive a spirit of industry in the 
nation1 and increases the stock of      
labour1 in which consists all real power
 and riches4 ,a nation whose money      
decreases is actually1 at that time1    
much weaker and more miserable than     
another nation which possesses no more  
money but is on the increasing hand4    
,this will be easily accounted for if we
 consider that the alterations in the   
quantity of money1 either on the one    
side or the other1 are not immediately  
attended with proportionable alterations
 in the prices of commodities4 ,there is
 always an interval before matters be   
adjusted to their new situation1 and    
this interval is as pernicious to       
industry when gold and silver are       
diminishing as it is advantageous when  
these metals are increasing4 ,the       

workman has not the same employment from
 the manufacturer and merchant1 though  
he pays the same price for everything in
 the market2 the farmer cannot dispose  
of his corn and cattle1 though he must  
pay the same rent to his landlord4 ,the 
poverty1 and beggary1 and sloth which   
must ensue are easily foreseen4  ,the   
second observation which ,i proposed to 
make with regard to money may be        
explained after the following manner4   
,there are some kingdoms1 and many      
provinces in ,europe 7and all of them   
were once in the same condition71 where 
money is so scarce that the landlord can
 get none at all from his tenants1 but  
is obliged to take his rent in kind1 and
 either to consume it himself1 or       
transport it to places where he may find
 a market4 ,in those countries the      
prince can levy few or no taxes but in  
the same manner2 and as he will receive 
very small benefit from impositions so  
paid1 it is evident that such a kingdom 
has very little force even at home1 and 

cannot maintain fleets and armies to the
 same extent as if every part of it     
abounded in gold and silver4#ae ,there  
is surely a greater disproportion       
betwixt the force of ,germany at present
 and what it was three centuries ago1   
than there is in its industry1 people1  
and manufactures4 ,the ,austrian        
dominions in the empire are in general  
well peopled and well cultivated1 and   
are of great extent1 but have not a     
proportionable weight in the balance of 
,europe2 proceeding1 as is commonly     
supposed1 from the scarcity of money4   
,how do all these facts agree with that 
principle of reason1 that the quantity  
of gold and silver is in itself         
altogether indifferent8 ,according to   
that principle1 wherever a sovereign has
 numbers of subjects1 and these have    
plenty of commodities1 he should of     
course be great and powerful1 and they  
rich and happy1 independent of the      
greater or lesser abundance of the      
precious metals4 ,these admit of        

divisions and subdivisions to a great   
extent2 and where they would become so  
small as to be in danger of being lost1 
it is easy to mix them with a baser     
metal1 as is practised in some countries
 of ,europe1 and by that means raise    
them to a bulk more sensible and        
convenient4 ,they still serve the same  
purposes of exchange1 whatever their    
number may be1 or whatever colour they  
may be supposed to have4  ,to these     
difficulties1 ,i answer that the effect 
here supposed to flow from scarcity of  
money really arises from the manners and
 customs of the inhabitants1 and that we
 mistake1 as is too usual1 a collateral 
effect for a cause4 ,the contradiction  
is only apparent1 but it requires some  
thought and reflection to discover the  
principles by which we can reconcile    
reason to experience4  ,it seems a maxim
 almost self-evident that the prices of 
everything depend on the proportion     
between commodities and money1 and that 
any considerable alteration on either of

 these has the same effect1 either of   
heightening or lowering the prices4     
,increase the commodities1 they become  
cheaper2 increase the money1 they rise  
in their value4 ,as1 on the other hand1 
a diminution of the former and that of  
the latter have contrary tendencies4    
,it is also evident that the prices do  
not so much depend on the absolute      
quantity of commodities and that of     
money which are in a nation1 as in that 
of the commodities which come or may    
come to market1 and of the money which  
circulates4 ,if the coin be locked up in
 chests1 it is the same thing with      
regard to prices as if it were          
annihilated2 if the commodities be      
hoarded in granaries1 a like effect     
follows4 ,as the money and commodities1 
in these cases1 never meet1 they cannot 
affect each other4 ,were we1 at any     
time1 to form conjectures concerning the
 price of provisions1 the corn which the
 farmer must reserve for the maintenance
 of himself and family ought never to   

enter into the estimation4 ,it is only  
the overplus1 compared to the demand1   
that determines the value4  ,to apply   
these principles1 we must consider that 
in the first and more uncultivated ages 
of any state1 ere fancy has confounded  
her wants with those of nature1 men1    
contented with the productions of their 
own fields1 or with those rude          
preparations which they themselves can  
work upon them1 have little occasion for
 exchange1 or at least for money1 which1
 by agreement1 is the common measure of 
exchange4 ,the wool of the farmer's own 
flock1 spun in his own family1 and      
wrought by a neighbouring weaver1 who   
receives his payment in corn or wool1   
suffices for furniture or clothing4 ,the
 carpenter1 the smith1 the mason1 the   
tailor are retained by wages of a like  
nature2 and the landlord himself1       
dwelling in the neighbourhood1 is       
contented to receive his rent in the    
commodities raised by the farmer4 ,the  
greatest part of these he consumes at   

home1 in rustic hospitality2 the rest1  
perhaps1 he disposes of for money to the
 neighbouring town1 whence he draws the 
few materials of his expense and luxury4
  ,but after men begin to refine on all 
these enjoyments1 and live not always at
 home1 nor are contented with what can  
be raised in their neighbourhood1 there 
is more exchange and commerce of all    
kinds1 and more money enters into that  
exchange4 ,the tradesmen will not be    
paid in corn1 because they want         
something more than barley to eat4 ,the 
farmer goes beyond his own parish for   
the commodities he purchases1 and cannot
 always carry his commodities to the    
merchant who supplies him4 ,the landlord
 lives in the capital1 or in a foreign  
country1 and demands his rent in gold   
and silver1 which can easily be         
transported to him4 ,great undertakers1 
and manufacturers1 and merchants arise  
in every commodity2 and these can       
conveniently deal in nothing but in     
specie4 ,and consequently1 in this      

situation of society1 the coin enters   
into many more contracts1 and by that   
means is much more employed than in the 
former4  ,the necessary effect is1 that1
 provided the money does not increase in
 the nation1 everything must become much
 cheaper in times of industry and       
refinement than in rude1 uncultivated   
ages4 ,it is the proportion between the 
circulating money and the commodities in
 the market which determines the prices4
 ,goods that are consumed at home1 or   
exchanged with other goods in the       
neighbourhood1 never come to market2    
they affect not in the least the current
 specie2 with regard to it they are as  
if totally annihilated2 and consequently
 this method of using them sinks the    
proportion on the side of the           
commodities and increases the prices4   
,but after money enters into all        
contracts and sales1 and is everywhere  
the measure of exchange1 the same       
national cash has a much greater task to
 perform3 all commodities are then in   

the market2 the sphere of circulation is
 enlarged2 it is the same case as if    
that individual sum were to serve a     
larger kingdom2 and therefore1 the      
proportion being here lessened on the   
side of the money1 everything must      
become cheaper1 and the prices gradually
 fall4  ,by the most exact computations 
that have been formed all over ,europe1 
after making allowance for the          
alteration in the numerary value or the 
denomination1 it is found that the      
prices of all things have only risen    
three1 or at most1 four times1 since the
 discovery of the ,west ,indies4 ,but   
will any one assert that there is not   
much more than four times the coin in   
,europe that was in the fifteenth       
century and the centuries preceding it8 
,the ,spaniards and ,portuguese from    
their mines1 the ,english1 ,french1 and 
,dutch by their ,african trade1 and by  
their interlopers in the ,west ,indies1 
bring home six millions a year1 of which
 not above a third part goes to the     

,east ,indies4 ,this sum alone in ten   
years would probably double the ancient 
stock of money in ,europe4 ,and no other
 satisfactory reason can be given why   
all prices have not risen to a much more
 exorbitant height1 except that derived 
from a change of customs and manners4   
,besides that more commodities are      
produced by additional industry1 the    
same commodities come more to market    
after men depart from their ancient     
simplicity of manners2 and though this  
increase has not been equal to that of  
money1 it has1 however1 been            
considerable1 and has preserved the     
proportion between coin and commodities 
nearer the ancient standard4  ,were the 
question proposed1 ,which of these      
methods of living in the people1 the    
simple or refined1 is most advantageous 
to the state or public8 ,i should1      
without much scruple1 prefer the latter1
 in a view to politics at least2 and    
should produce this as an additional    
reason for the encouragement of trade   

and manufactures4  ,when men live in the
 ancient simple manner1 and supply all  
their necessaries from domestic industry
 or from the neighbourhood1 the         
sovereign can levy no taxes in money    
from a considerable part of his         
subjects2 and if he will impose on them 
any burdens1 he must take his payment in
 commodities1 with which alone they     
abound--a method attended with such     
great and obvious inconveniences1 that  
they need not here be insisted on4 ,all 
the money he can pretend to raise must  
be from his principal cities1 where     
alone it circulates2 and these1 it is   
evident1 cannot afford him so much as   
the whole state could1 did gold and     
silver circulate through the whole4 ,but
 besides this obvious diminution of the 
revenue1 there is also another cause of 
the poverty of the public in such a     
situation4 ,not only the sovereign      
receives less money1 but the same money 
goes not so far as in times of industry 
and general commerce4 ,everything is    

dearer where the gold and silver are    
supposed equal1 and that because fewer  
commodities come to market1 and the     
whole coin bears a higher proportion to 
what is to be purchased by it1 whence   
alone the prices of everything are fixed
 and determined4  ,here then we may     
learn the fallacy of the remark1 often  
to be met with in historians1 and even  
in common conversation1 that any        
particular state is weak1 though        
fertile1 populous1 and well cultivated1 
merely because it wants money4 ,it      
appears that the want of money can never
 injure any state within itself3 for men
 and commodities are the real strength  
of any community4 ,it is the simple     
manner of living which here hurts the   
public1 by confining the gold and silver
 to few hands and preventing its        
universal diffusion and circulation4 ,on
 the contrary1 industry and refinements 
of all kinds incorporate it with the    
whole state1 however small its quantity 
may be2 they digest it into every vein1 

so to speak1 and make it enter into     
every transaction and contract4 ,no hand
 is entirely empty of it4 ,and as the   
prices of everything fall by that means1
 the sovereign has a double advantage3  
he may draw money by his taxes from     
every part of the state1 and what he    
receives goes farther in every purchase 
and payment4  ,we may infer1 from a     
comparison of prices1 that money is not 
more plentiful in ,china than it was in 
,europe three centuries ago2 but what   
immense power is that empire possessed  
of1 if we may judge by the civil and    
military list maintained by it6         
,polybius tells us that provisions were 
so cheap in ,italy during his time that 
in some places the stated club#af at the
 inns was a semis a head1 little more   
than a farthing6 ,yet the ,roman power  
had even then subdued the whole known   
world4 ,about a century before that     
period the ,carthaginian ambassador     
said1 by way of raillery1 that no people
 lived more sociably amongst themselves 

than the ,romans1 for that in every     
entertainment which1 as foreign         
ministers1 they received they still     
observed the same plate at every table4 
,the absolute quantity of the precious  
metals is a matter of great             
indifference4 ,there are only two       
circumstances of any importance--viz41  
their gradual increase and their        
thorough concoction and circulation     
through the state2 and the influence of 
both these circumstances has been here  
explained4  ,in the following essay we  
shall see an instance of a like fallacy 
as that above mentioned1 where a        
collateral effect is taken for a cause1 
and where a consequence is ascribed to  
the plenty of money2 though it be really
 owing to a change in the manners and   
customs of the people4   ,,notes1 ,,of  
,,money4  #ab ,a private soldier in the 
,roman infantry had a denarius a day1   
somewhat less than eightpence4 ,the     
,roman emperors had commonly #be legions
 in pay1 which1 allowing #ejjj men to a 

legion1 makes #abe1jjj4 7,tacitus1 ,ann4
 lib4 #d47 ,it is true there were also  
auxiliaries to the legions1 but their   
numbers are uncertain as well as their  
pay4 ,to consider only the legionaries1 
the pay of the private men could not    
exceed #a1fjj1jjj4 ,now1 the ,parliament
 in the last war commonly allowed for   
the fleet #b1ejj1jjj4 ,we have therefore
 #ijj1jjj over for the officers and     
other expenses of the ,roman legions4   
,there seem to have been but few        
officers in the ,roman armies in        
comparison of what are employed in all  
our modern troops1 except some ,swiss   
corps4 ,and these officers had very     
small pay3 a centurion1 for instance1   
only double a common soldier4 ,and as   
the soldiers from their pay 7,tacitus1  
,ann4 lib4 #a7 bought their own clothes1
 arms1 tents1 and baggage1 this must    
also diminish considerably the other    
charges of the army4 ,so little         
expensive was that mighty ,government1  
and so easy was its yoke over the world4

 ,and1 indeed1 this is the more natural 
conclusion from the foregoing           
calculations2 for money1 after the      
conquest of ,egypt1 seems to have been  
nearly in as great plenty at ,rome as it
 is at present in the richest of the    
,european kingdoms4   #ac ,this is the  
case with the bank of ,amsterdam4   #ad 
,these facts ,i give upon the authority 
of ,monsieur du ,tot in his ,reflexions 
politiques1 an author of reputation2    
though ,i must confess that the facts   
which he advances on other occasions are
 often so suspicious as to make his     
authority less in this matter4 ,however1
 the general observation that the       
augmenting the money in ,france does not
 at first proportionably augment the    
prices is certainly just4  ,by the by1  
this seems to be one of the best reasons
 which can be given for a gradual and   
universal augmentation of the money1    
though it has been entirely overlooked  
in all those volumes which have been    
written on that question by ,melon1 ,du 

,tot1 and ,paris de ,verney4 ,were all  
our money1 for instance1 recoined1 and a
 penny's worth of silver taken from     
every shilling1 the new shilling would  
probably purchase everything that could 
have been bought by the old2 the prices 
of everything would thereby be          
insensibly diminished2 foreign trade    
enlivened2 and domestic industry1 by the
 circulation of a greater number of     
pounds and shillings1 would receive some
 increase and encouragement4 ,in        
executing such a project1 it would be   
better to make the new shilling pass for
 twenty-four half-pence1 in order to    
preserve the illusion1 and make it be   
taken for the same4 ,and as a recoinage 
of our silver begins to be requisite1 by
 the continual wearing of our shillings 
and six-pences1 it may be doubtful      
whether we ought to imitate the example 
in ,king ,william's reign1 when the     
clipped money was raised to the old     
standard4   #ae ,the ,italians gave to  
the ,emperor ,maximilian the nickname of

 ,pochi-,danari4 ,none of the           
enterprises of that prince ever         
succeeded1 for want of money4     ,,of  
,,interest4   ,nothing is esteemed a    
more certain sign of the flourishing    
condition of any nation than the lowness
 of interest2 and with reason1 though ,i
 believe the cause is somewhat different
 from what is commonly apprehended4 ,the
 lowness of interest is generally       
ascribed to the plenty of money2 but    
money1 however plentiful1 has no other  
effect1 if fixed1 than to raise the     
price of labour4 ,silver is more common 
than gold1 and therefore you receive a  
great quantity of it for the same       
commodities4 ,but do you pay less       
interest for it8 ,interest in ,batavia  
and ,jamaica is at #aj per cent41 in    
,portugal at #f2 though these places1 as
 we may learn from the prices of        
everything1 abound much more in gold and
 silver than either ,london or          
,amsterdam4  ,were all the gold in      
,england annihilated at once1 and       

one-and-twenty shillings substituted in 
the place of every guinea1 would money  
be more plentiful and interest lower8   
,no surely2 we should only use silver   
instead of gold4 ,were gold rendered as 
common as silver1 and silver as common  
as copper1 would money be more plentiful
 and interest lower8 ,we may assuredly  
give the same answer4 ,our shillings    
would then be yellow1 and our halfpence 
white2 and we should have no guineas4   
,no other difference would ever be      
observed2 no alteration on commerce1    
manufactures1 navigation1 or interest2  
unless we imagine that the colour of the
 metal is of any consequence4  ,now1    
what is so visible in these greater     
variations of scarcity or abundance of  
the precious metals must hold in all    
inferior changes4 ,if the multiplying   
gold and silver fifteen times makes no  
difference1 much less can the doubling  
or tripling them4 ,all augmentation has 
no other effect than to heighten the    
price of labour and commodities2 and    

even this variation is little more than 
that of a name4 ,in the progress towards
 these changes the augmentation may have
 some influence by exciting industry2   
but after the prices are settled1       
suitable to the new abundance of gold   
and silver1 it has no manner of         
influence4  ,an effect always holds     
proportion with its cause4 ,prices have 
risen about four times since the        
discovery of the ,indies1 and it is     
probable that gold and silver have      
multiplied much more2 but interest has  
not fallen much above a half4 ,the rate 
of interest1 therefore1 is not derived  
from the quantity of the precious       
metals4  ,money having merely a         
fictitious value1 arising from the      
agreement and convention of men1 the    
greater or less plenty of it is of no   
consequence1 if we consider a nation    
within itself2 and the quantity of      
specie1 when once fixed1 though never so
 large1 has no other effect than to     
oblige every one to tell out a greater  

number of those shining bits of metal   
for clothes1 furniture1 or equipage1    
without increasing any one convenience  
of life4 ,if a man borrows money to     
build a house1 he then carries home a   
greater load2 because the stone1 timber1
 lead1 glass1 etc41 with the labour of  
the masons and carpenters1 are          
represented by a greater quantity of    
gold and silver4 ,but as these metals   
are considered merely as                
representations1 there can no alteration
 arise from their bulk or quantity1     
their weight or colour1 either upon     
their real value or their interest4 ,the
 same interest1 in all cases1 bears the 
same proportion to the sum4 ,and if you 
lent me so much labour and so many      
commodities1 by receiving #e per cent4  
you receive always proportional labour  
and commodities1 however represented1   
whether by yellow or white coin1 whether
 by a pound or an ounce4 ,it is in vain1
 therefore1 to look for the cause of the
 fall or rise of interest in the greater

 or less quantity of gold and silver    
which is fixed in any nation4  ,high    
interest arises from three              
circumstances3 ,a great demand for      
borrowing2 little riches to supply that 
demand2 and great profits arising from  
commerce4 ,and these circumstances are a
 clear proof of the small advance of    
commerce and industry1 not of the       
scarcity of gold and silver4 ,low       
interest1 on the other hand1 proceeds   
from the three opposite circumstances3  
,a small demand for borrowing2 great    
riches to supply that demand2 and small 
profits arising from commerce4 ,and     
these circumstances are all connected   
together1 and proceed from the increase 
of industry and commerce1 not of gold   
and silver4 ,we shall endeavour to prove
 these points as fully and distinctly as
 possible1 and shall begin with the     
causes and the effects of a great or    
small demand for borrowing4  ,when the  
people have emerged ever so little from 
a savage state1 and their numbers have  

increased beyond the original multitude1
 there must immediately arise an        
inequality of property2 and while some  
possess large tracts of land1 others are
 confined within narrow limits1 and some
 are entirely without any landed        
property4 ,those who possess more land  
than they can labour employ those who   
possess none1 and agree to receive a    
determinate part of the product4 ,thus  
the landed interest is immediately      
established2 nor is there any settled   
government1 however rude1 in which      
affairs are not on this footing4 ,of    
these proprietors of land1 some must    
presently discover themselves to be of  
different tempers from others2 and while
 one would willingly store up the       
product of his land for futurity1       
another desires to consume at present   
what should suffice for many years4 ,but
 as the spending a settled revenue is a 
way of life entirely without occupation1
 men have so much need of somewhat to   
fix and engage them1 that pleasures1    

such as they are1 will be the pursuit of
 the greatest part of the landholders1  
and the prodigals amongst them will     
always be more numerous than the misers4
 ,in a state1 therefore1 where there is 
nothing but a landed interest1 as there 
is little frugality1 the borrowers must 
be very numerous1 and the rate of       
interest must hold proportion to it4    
,the difference depends not on the      
quantity of money1 but on the habits and
 manners which prevail4 ,by this alone  
the demand for borrowing is increased or
 diminished4 ,were money so plentiful as
 to make an egg be sold for sixpence1 so
 long as there are only landed gentry   
and peasants in the state1 the borrowers
 must be numerous and interest high4    
,the rent for the same farm would be    
heavier and more bulky1 but the same    
idleness of the landlord1 with the      
higher prices of commodities1 would     
dissipate it in the same time1 and      
produce the same necessity and demand   
for borrowing4  ,nor is the case        

different with regard to the second     
circumstance which we proposed to       
consider--viz41 the great or little     
riches to supply this demand4 ,this     
effect also depends on the habits and   
ways of living of the people1 not on the
 quantity of gold and silver4 ,in order 
to have in any state a great number of  
lenders1 it is not sufficient nor       
requisite that there be great abundance 
of the precious metals4 ,it is only     
requisite that the property or command  
of that quantity which is in the state1 
whether great or small1 should be       
collected in particular hands1 so as to 
form considerable sums1 or compose a    
great moneyed interest4 ,this begets a  
number of lenders and sinks the rate of 
usury2 and this1 ,i shall venture to    
affirm1 depends not on the quantity of  
specie1 but on particular manners and   
customs1 which make the specie gather   
into separate sums or masses of         
considerable value4  ,for suppose that1 
by miracle1 every man in ,britain should

 have five pounds slipped into his      
pocket in one night3 this would much    
more than double the whole money that is
 at present in the kingdom2 and yet     
there would not next day1 nor for some  
time1 be any more lenders1 nor any      
variation on the interest4 ,and were    
there nothing but landlords and peasants
 in the state1 this money1 however      
abundant1 could never gather into sums2 
and would only serve to increase the    
prices of everything1 without any       
further consequence4 ,the prodigal      
landlord dissipates it as fast as he    
receives it2 and the beggarly peasant   
has no means1 nor view1 nor ambition of 
obtaining above a bare livelihood4 ,the 
overplus of borrowers above that of     
lenders continuing still the same1 there
 will follow no reduction of interest4  
,that depends upon another principle1   
and must proceed from an increase of    
industry and frugality1 of arts and     
commerce4  ,everything useful to the    
life of man arises from the ground2 but 

few things arise in that condition which
 is requisite to render them useful4    
,there must1 therefore1 besides the     
peasants and the proprietors of land1 be
 another rank of men1 who1 receiving    
from the former the rude materials1 work
 them into their proper form1 and retain
 part for their own use and subsistence4
 ,in the infancy of society1 these      
contracts betwixt the artisans and the  
peasants1 and betwixt one species of    
artisans and another1 are commonly      
entered into immediately by the persons 
themselves1 who1 being neighbours1 are  
easily acquainted with each other's     
necessities1 and can lend their mutual  
assistance to supply them4 ,but when    
men's industry increases1 and their     
views enlarge1 it is found that the most
 remote parts of the state can assist   
each other as well as the more          
contiguous1 and that this intercourse of
 good offices may be carried on to the  
greatest extent and intricacy4 ,hence   
the origin of merchants1 the most useful

 race of men in the whole society1 who  
serve as agents between those parts of  
the state that are wholly unacquainted  
and are ignorant of each other's        
necessities4 ,here are in a city fifty  
workmen in silk and linen1 and a        
thousand customers2 and these two ranks 
of men1 so necessary to each other1 can 
never rightly meet till one man erects a
 shop1 to which all the workmen and all 
the customers repair4 ,in this province 
grass rises in abundance3 the           
inhabitants abound in cheese1 and       
butter1 and cattle2 but want bread and  
corn1 which1 in a neighbouring province1
 are in too great abundance for the use 
of the inhabitants4 ,one man discovers  
this4 ,he brings corn from the one      
province1 and returns with cattle2 and  
supplying the wants of both1 he is1 so  
far1 a common benefactor4 ,as the people
 increase in numbers and industry1 the  
difficulty of their intercourse         
increases3 the business of the agency or
 merchandise becomes more intricate1 and

 divides1 subdivides1 compounds1 and    
mixes to a greater variety4 ,in all     
these transactions it is necessary1 and 
reasonable1 that a considerable part of 
the commodities and labour should belong
 to the merchant1 to whom1 in a great   
measure1 they are owing4 ,and these     
commodities he will sometimes preserve  
in kind1 or more commonly convert into  
money1 which is their common            
representation4 ,if gold and silver have
 increased in the state together with   
the industry1 it will require a great   
quantity of these metals to represent a 
great quantity of commodities and       
labour2 if industry alone has increased1
 the prices of everything must sink1 and
 a very small quantity of specie will   
serve as a representation4  ,there is no
 craving or demand of the human mind    
more constant and insatiable than that  
for exercise and employment1 and this   
desire seems the foundation of most of  
our passions and pursuits4 ,deprive a   
man of all business and serious         

occupation1 he runs restless from one   
amusement to another2 and the weight and
 oppression which he feels from idleness
 is so great that he forgets the ruin   
which must follow from his immoderate   
expenses4 ,give him a more harmless way 
of employing his mind or body1 he is    
satisfied1 and feels no longer that     
insatiable thirst after pleasure4 ,but  
if the employment you give him be       
profitable1 especially if the profit be 
attached to every particular exertion of
 industry1 he has gain so often in his  
eye that he acquires1 by degrees1 a     
passion for it1 and knows no such       
pleasure as that of seeing the daily    
increase of his fortune4 ,and this is   
the reason why trade increases          
frugality1 and why1 among merchants1    
there is the same overplus of misers    
above prodigals as1 among the possessors
 of land1 there is the contrary4        
,commerce increases industry1 by        
conveying it readily from one member of 
the state to another1 and allowing none 

of it to perish or become useless4 ,it  
increases frugality1 by giving          
occupation to men1 and employing them in
 the arts of gain1 which soon engage    
their affection and remove all relish   
for pleasure and expense4 ,it is an     
infallible consequence of all           
industrious professions to beget        
frugality1 and make the love of gain    
prevail over the love of pleasure4      
,among lawyers and physicians who have  
any practice there are many more who    
live within their income than who exceed
 it1 or even live up to it4 ,but lawyers
 and physicians beget no industry1 and  
it is even at the expense of others they
 acquire their riches2 so that they are 
sure to diminish the possessions of some
 of their fellow-citizens as fast as    
they increase their own4 ,merchants1 on 
the contrary1 beget industry1 by serving
 as canals to convey it through every   
corner of the state2 and at the same    
time1 by their frugality1 they acquire  
great power over that industry1 and     

collect a large property in the labour  
and commodities which they are the chief
 instruments in producing4 ,there is no 
other profession1 therefore1 except     
merchandise1 which can make the moneyed 
interest considerable1 or1 in other     
words1 can increase industry1 and1 by   
also increasing frugality1 give a great 
command of that industry to particular  
members of the society4 ,without        
commerce1 the state must consist chiefly
 of landed gentry1 whose prodigality and
 expense make a continual demand for    
borrowing1 and of peasants1 who have no 
sums to supply that demand4 ,the money  
never gathers into large stocks or sums 
which can be lent at interest4 ,it is   
dispersed into numberless hands1 who    
either squander it in idle show and     
magnificence1 or employ it in the       
purchase of the common necessaries of   
life4 ,commerce alone assembles it into 
considerable sums2 and this effect it   
has merely from the industry which it   
begets and the frugality which it       

inspires1 independent of that particular
 quantity of precious metal which may   
circulate in the state4  ,thus an       
increase of commerce1 by a necessary    
consequence1 raises a great number of   
lenders1 and by that means produces a   
lowness of interest4 ,we must now       
consider how far this increase of       
commerce diminishes the profits arising 
from that profession1 and gives rise to 
the third circumstance requisite to     
produce a lowness of interest4  ,it may 
be proper to observe on this head that  
low interest and low profits of         
merchandise are two events that mutually
 forward each other1 and are both       
originally derived from that extensive  
commerce which produces opulent         
merchants and renders the moneyed       
interest considerable4 ,where merchants 
possess great stocks1 whether           
represented by few or many pieces of    
metal1 it must frequently happen that   
when they either become tired of        
business or have heirs unwilling or     

unfit to engage in commerce1 a great    
deal of these riches will seek an annual
 and secure revenue4 ,the plenty        
diminishes the price1 and makes the     
lenders accept of a low interest4 ,this 
consideration obliges many to keep their
 stocks in trade1 and rather be content 
with low profits than dispose of their  
money at an under value4 ,on the other  
hand1 when commerce has become very     
extensive1 and employs very large       
stocks1 there must arise rivalships     
among the merchants1 which diminish the 
profits of trade1 at the same time that 
they increase the trade itself4 ,the low
 profits of merchandise induce the      
merchants to accept more willingly of a 
low interest1 when they leave off       
business and begin to indulge themselves
 in ease and indolence4 ,it is needless1
 therefore1 to inquire which of these   
circumstances--viz41 low interest or low
 profits1 is the cause1 and which the   
effect4 ,they both arise from an        
extensive commerce1 and mutually forward

 each other4 ,no man will accept of low 
profits where he can have high interest1
 and no man will accept of low interest 
where he can have high profits4 ,an     
extensive commerce1 by producing large  
stocks1 diminishes both interest and    
profits2 and is always assisted in its  
diminution of the one by the            
proportional sinking of the other4 ,i   
may add1 that as low profits arise from 
the increase of commerce and industry1  
they serve in their turn to the further 
increase of commerce1 by rendering the  
commodities cheaper1 encouraging the    
consumption1 and heightening the        
industry4 ,and thus1 if we consider the 
whole connection of causes and effects1 
interest is the true barometer of the   
state1 and its lowness is a sign almost 
infallible of the flourishing of a      
people4 ,it proves the increase of      
industry1 and its prompt circulation    
through the whole state1 little inferior
 to a demonstration4 ,and though1       
perhaps1 it may not be impossible but a 

sudden and a great check to commerce may
 have a momentary effect of the same    
kind1 by throwing so many stocks out of 
trade1 it must be attended with such    
misery and want of employment in the    
poor that1 besides its short duration1  
it will not be possible to mistake the  
one case for the other4  ,those who have
 asserted that the plenty of money was  
the cause of low interest seem to have  
taken a collateral effect for a cause1  
since the same industry which sinks the 
interest does commonly acquire great    
abundance of the precious metals4 ,a    
variety of fine manufactures1 with      
vigilant1 enterprising merchants1 will  
soon draw money to a state if it be     
anywhere to be found in the world4 ,the 
same cause1 by multiplying the          
conveniences of life and increasing     
industry1 collects great riches into the
 hands of persons who are not           
proprietors of land1 and produces by    
that means a lowness of interest4 ,but  
though both these effects--plenty of    

money and low interest--naturally arise 
from commerce and industry1 they are    
altogether independent of each other4   
,for suppose a nation removed into the  
,pacific ,ocean1 without any foreign    
commerce1 or any knowledge of           
navigation3 suppose that this nation    
possesses always the same stock of coin1
 but is continually increasing in its   
numbers and industry3 it is evident that
 the price of every commodity must      
gradually diminish in that kingdom1     
since it is the proportion between money
 and any species of goods which fixes   
their mutual value2 and1 under the      
present supposition1 the conveniences of
 life become every day more abundant1   
without any alteration on the current   
specie4 ,a less quantity of money1      
therefore1 amongst this people will make
 a rich man1 during the times of        
industry1 than would serve to that      
purpose in ignorant and slothful ages4  
,less money will build a house1 portion 
a daughter1 buy an estate1 support a    

manufactory1 or maintain a family and   
equipage4 ,these are the uses for which 
men borrow money1 and therefore the     
greater or less quantity of it in a     
state has no influence on the interest4 
,but it is evident that the greater or  
less stock of labour and commodities    
must have a great influence1 since we   
really and in effect borrow these when  
we take money upon interest4 ,it is     
true1 when commerce is extended all over
 the globe the most industrious nations 
always abound most with the precious    
metals2 so that low interest and plenty 
of money are in fact almost inseparable4
 ,but still it is of consequence to know
 the principle whence any phenomenon    
arises1 and to distinguish between a    
cause and a concomitant effect4 ,besides
 that the speculation is curious1 it may
 frequently be of use in the conduct of 
public affairs4 ,at least1 it must be   
owned that nothing can be of more use   
than to improve1 by practice1 the method
 of reasoning on these subjects1 which  

of all others are the most important2   
though they are commonly treated in the 
loosest and most careless manner4       
,another reason of this popular mistake 
with regard to the cause of low interest
 seems to be the instance of some       
nations1 where1 after a sudden          
acquisition of money or the precious    
metals by means of foreign conquest1 the
 interest has fallen not only among them
 but in all the neighbouring states as  
soon as that money was dispersed and had
 insinuated itself into every corner4   
,thus1 interest in ,spain fell nearly a 
half immediately after the discovery of 
the ,west ,indies1 as we are informed by
 ,garcilasso de la ,vega2 and it has    
been ever since sinking in every kingdom
 of ,europe4 ,interest in ,rome1 after  
the conquest of ,egypt1 fell from #f to 
#d per cent41 as we learn from ,dion4   
,the causes of the sinking of interest  
upon such an event seem different in the
 conquering country and in the          
neighbouring states1 but in neither of  

them can we justly ascribe that effect  
merely to the increase of gold and      
silver4  ,in the conquering country it  
is natural to imagine that this new     
acquisition of money will fall into a   
few hands1 and be gathered into large   
sums which seek a secure revenue1 either
 by the purchase of land or by interest2
 and consequently the same effect       
follows1 for a little time1 as if there 
had been a great accession of industry  
and commerce4 ,the increase of lenders  
above the borrowers sinks the interest1 
and so much the faster if those who have
 acquired those large sums find no      
industry or commerce in the state1 and  
no method of employing their money but  
by lending it at interest4 ,but after   
this new mass of gold and silver has    
been digested1 and has circulated       
through the whole state1 affairs will   
soon return to their former situation1  
while the landlords and new             
money-holders1 living idly1 squander    
above their income1 and the former daily

 contract debt1 and the latter encroach 
on their stock till its final           
extinction4 ,the whole money may still  
be in the state1 and make itself be felt
 by the increase of prices1 but not     
being now collected into any large      
masses or stocks1 the disproportion     
between the borrowers and lenders is the
 same as formerly1 and consequently the 
high interest returns4  ,accordingly1 we
 find in ,rome that so early as         
,tiberius's time interest had again     
mounted to #f per cent41 though no      
accident had happened to drain the      
empire of money4 ,in ,trajan's time     
money lent on mortgages in ,italy bore  
#f per cent42 on common securities in   
,bithynia1 #ab4 ,and if interest in     
,spain has not risen to its old pitch1  
this can be ascribed to nothing but the 
continuance of the same cause that sunk 
it--viz41 the large fortunes continually
 made in the ,indies1 which come over to
 ,spain from time to time and supply the
 demand of the borrowers4 ,by this      

accidental and extraneous cause more    
money is to be lent in ,spain--that is1 
more money is collected into large sums 
than would otherwise be found in a state
 where there are so little commerce and 
industry4  ,as to the reduction of      
interest which has followed in ,england1
 ,france1 and other kingdoms of ,europe 
that have no mines1 it has been gradual1
 and has not proceeded from the increase
 of money1 considered merely in itself1 
but from the increase of industry1 which
 is the natural effect of the former    
increase1 in that interval1 before it   
raises the price of labour and          
provisions4 ,for to return to the       
foregoing supposition1 if the industry  
of ,england had risen as much from other
 causes 7and that rise might easily have
 happened though the stock of money had 
remained the same71 must not all the    
same consequences have followed which we
 observe at present8 ,the same people   
would1 in that case1 be found in the    
kingdom1 the same commodities1 the same 

industry1 manufactures1 and commerce1   
and consequently the same merchants with
 the same stocks--that is1 with the same
 command over labour and commodities1   
only represented by a smaller number of 
white or yellow pieces1 which1 being a  
circumstance of no moment1 would only   
affect the waggoner1 porter1 and        
trunk-maker4 ,luxury1 therefore1        
manufactures1 arts1 industry1 frugality 
flourishing equally as at present1 it is
 evident that interest must also have   
been as low1 since that is the necessary
 result of all these circumstances1 so  
far as they determine the profits of    
commerce and the proportion between the 
borrowers and lenders in any state4     
,,note1 ,,of ,,interest4  #af ,price for
 a meal4     ,,of ,,the ,,balance ,,of  
,,trade4   ,it is very usual in nations 
ignorant of the nature of commerce to   
prohibit the exportation of commodities1
 and to preserve among themselves       
whatever they think valuable and useful4
 ,they consider not that in this        

prohibition they act directly contrary  
to their intention1 and that the more is
 exported of any commodity the more will
 be raised at home1 of which they       
themselves will always have the first   
offer4  ,it is well known to the learned
 that the ancient laws of ,athens       
rendered the exportation of figs        
criminal1 that being supposed a species 
of fruit so excellent in ,attica that   
the ,athenians esteemed it too delicious
 for the palate of any foreigner2 and in
 this ridiculous prohibition they were  
so much in earnest that informers were  
thence called 8sycophants0 among them1  
from two ,greek words which signify figs
 and discoverer4 ,there are proofs in   
many old ,acts of ,parliament of the    
same ignorance in the nature of         
commerce1 particularly in the reign of  
,edward ,,iii42 and to this day in      
,france the exportation of corn is      
almost always prohibited--in order1 as  
they say1 to prevent famines1 though it 
is evident that nothing contributes more

 to the frequent famines which so much  
distress that fertile country4  ,the    
same jealous fear with regard to money  
has also prevailed among several        
nations1 and it required both reason and
 experience to convince any people that 
these prohibitions serve to no other    
purpose than to raise the exchange      
against them and produce a still greater
 exportation4  ,these errors1 one may   
say1 are gross and palpable2 but there  
still prevails1 even in nations well    
acquainted with commerce1 a strong      
jealousy with regard to the balance of  
trade1 and a fear that all their gold   
and silver may be leaving them4 ,this   
seems to me1 almost in every case1 a    
very groundless apprehension1 and ,i    
should as soon dread that all our       
springs and rivers should be exhausted  
as that money should abandon a kingdom  
where there are people and industry4    
,let us carefully preserve these latter 
advantages1 and we need never be        
apprehensive of losing the former4  ,it 

is easy to observe that all calculations
 concerning the balance of trade are    
founded on very uncertain facts and     
suppositions4 ,the custom-house books   
are allowed to be an insufficient ground
 of reasoning2 nor is the rate of       
exchange much better1 unless we consider
 it with all nations1 and know also the 
proportion of the several sums remitted1
 which one may safely pronounce         
impossible4 ,every man who has ever     
reasoned on this subject has always     
proved his theory1 whatever it was1 by  
facts and calculations1 and by an       
enumeration of all the commodities sent 
to all foreign kingdoms4  ,the writings 
of ,mr4 ,gee struck the nation with a   
universal panic when they saw it plainly
 demonstrated by a detail of particulars
 that the balance was against them for  
so considerable a sum as must leave them
 without a single shilling in five or   
six years4 ,but luckily twenty years    
have since elapsed1 with an expensive   
foreign war1 and yet it is commonly     

supposed that money is still more       
plentiful among us than in any former   
period4  ,nothing can be more           
entertaining on this head than ,dr4     
,swift1 an author so quick in discerning
 the mistakes and absurdities of others4
 ,he says1 in his ,short ,view of the   
,state of ,ireland1 that the whole cash 
of that kingdom amounted but to         
#ejj1jjj2 that out of this they remitted
 every year a neat million to ,england1 
and had scarce any other source from    
which they could compensate themselves1 
and little other foreign trade but the  
importation of ,french wines1 for which 
they paid ready money4 ,the consequence 
of this situation1 which must be owned  
to be disadvantageous1 was that in a    
course of three years the current money 
of ,ireland from #ejj1jjj was reduced to
 less than two2 and at present1 ,i      
suppose1 in a course of thirty years1 it
 is absolutely nothing4 ,yet ,i know not
 how that opinion of the advance of     
riches in ,ireland1 which gave the      

,doctor so much indignation1 seems still
 to continue and gain ground with       
everybody4  ,in short1 this apprehension
 of the wrong balance of trade appears  
of such a nature that it discovers      
itself wherever one is out of humour    
with the ministry1 or is in low spirits2
 and as it can never be refuted by a    
particular detail of all the exports    
which counterbalance the imports1 it may
 here be proper to form a general       
argument which may prove the            
impossibility of that event as long as  
we preserve our people and our industry4
  ,suppose four-fifths of all the money 
in ,britain to be annihilated in one    
night1 and the nation reduced to the    
same condition1 with regard to specie1  
as in the reigns of the ,harrys and     
,edwards1 what would be the consequence8
 ,must not the price of all labour and  
commodities sink in proportion1 and     
everything be sold as cheap as they were
 in those ages8 ,what nation could then 
dispute with us in any foreign market1  

or pretend to navigate or to sell       
manufactures at the same price which to 
us would afford sufficient profit8 ,in  
how little time1 therefore1 must this   
bring back the money which we had lost1 
and raise us to the level of all the    
neighbouring nations8 where1 after we   
have arrived1 we immediately lose the   
advantage of the cheapness of labour and
 commodities1 and the further flowing in
 of money is stopped by our fulness and 
repletion4  ,again1 suppose that all the
 money of ,britain were multiplied      
fivefold in a night1 must not the       
contrary effect follow8 ,must not labour
 and commodities rise to such an        
exorbitant height that no neighbouring  
nations could afford to buy from us1    
while their commodities1 on the other   
hand1 became so cheap in comparison     
that1 in spite of all the laws which    
could be formed1 they would be run in   
upon us1 and our money flow out till we 
come to a level with foreigners1 and    
lose that great superiority of riches   

which had laid us under such            
disadvantages8  ,now1 it is evident that
 the same causes which would correct    
these exorbitant inequalities1 were they
 to happen miraculously1 must prevent   
their happening in the common course of 
nature1 and must for ever1 in all the   
neighbouring nations1 preserve money    
nearly proportionable to the art and    
industry of each nation4 ,all water1    
wherever it communicates1 remains always
 at a level4 ,ask naturalists the       
reason3 they tell you that were it to be
 raised in any one place1 the superior  
gravity of that part not being balanced1
 must depress it till it meets a        
counterpoise2 and that the same cause   
which redresses the inequality when it  
happens must for ever prevent it without
 some violent external operation4#ag    
,can one imagine that it had ever been  
possible1 by any laws1 or even by any   
art or industry1 to have kept all the   
money in ,spain which the galleons have 
brought from the ,indies8 or that all   

commodities could be sold in ,france for
 a tenth of the price which they would  
yield on the other side of the          
,pyrenees1 without finding their way    
thither1 and draining from that immense 
treasure8 ,what other reason1 indeed1 is
 there why all nations at present gain  
in their trade with ,spain and          
,portugal1 but because it is impossible 
to heap up money1 more than any fluid1  
beyond its proper level8 ,the sovereigns
 of these countries have shown that they
 wanted not inclination to keep their   
gold and silver to themselves had it    
been in any degree practicable4  ,but as
 any body of water may be raised above  
the level of the surrounding element1 if
 the former has no communication with   
the latter1 so in money1 if the         
communication be cut off by any material
 or physical impediment 7for all laws   
alone are ineffectual71 there may1 in   
such a case1 be a very great inequality 
of money4 ,thus the immense distance of 
,china1 together with the monopolies of 

our ,india companies1 obstructing the   
communication1 preserve in ,europe the  
gold and silver1 especially the latter1 
in much greater plenty than they are    
found in that kingdom4 ,but1            
notwithstanding this great obstruction1 
the force of the causes above-mentioned 
is still evident4 ,the skill and        
ingenuity of ,europe in general         
surpasses perhaps that of ,china with   
regard to manual arts and manufactures1 
yet are we never able to trade thither  
without great disadvantage2 and were it 
not for the continual recruits which we 
receive from ,america1 money would very 
soon sink in ,europe and rise in ,china1
 till it came nearly to a level in both 
places4 ,nor can any reasonable man     
doubt but that industrious nation1 were 
they as near us as ,poland or ,barbary1 
would drain us of the overplus of our   
specie1 and draw to themselves a larger 
share of the ,west ,indian treasures4   
,we need have no recourse to a physical 
attraction to explain the necessity of  

this operation2 there is a moral        
attraction arising from the interests   
and passions of men which is full as    
potent and infallible4  ,how is the     
balance kept in the provinces of every  
kingdom among themselves but by the     
force of this principle1 which makes it 
impossible for money to lose its level1 
and either to rise or sink beyond the   
proportion of the labour and commodities
 which is in each province8 ,did not    
long experience make people easy on this
 head1 what a fund of gloomy reflections
 might calculations afford a melancholy 
,yorkshireman while he computed and     
magnified the sums drawn to ,london by  
taxes1 absentees1 commodities1 and found
 on comparison the opposite articles so 
much inferior8 ,and no doubt1 had the   
,heptarchy subsisted in ,england1 the   
legislature of each state had been      
continually alarmed by the fear of a    
wrong balance2 and it is probable that  
the mutual hatred of these states would 
have been extremely violent on account  

of their close neighbourhood2 they would
 have loaded and oppressed all commerce 
by a jealous and superfluous caution4   
,since the ,union has removed the       
barriers between ,scotland and ,england1
 which of these nations gains from the  
other by this free commerce8 ,or if the 
former kingdom has received any increase
 of riches1 can it be reasonably        
accounted for by anything but the       
increase of its art and industry8 ,it   
was a common apprehension in ,england   
before the ,union1 as we learn from     
,l',abbe du ,bos1 that ,scotland would  
soon drain them of their treasure were  
an open trade allowed2 and on the other 
side of the ,tweed a contrary           
apprehension prevailed--with what       
justice in both time has shown4  ,what  
happens in small portions of mankind    
must take place in greater4 ,the        
provinces of the ,roman empire no doubt 
kept their balance with each other1 and 
with ,italy1 independent of the         
legislature1 as much as the several     

counties of ,britain or the several     
parishes of each county4 ,and any man   
who travels over ,europe at this day may
 see by the prices of commodities that  
money1 in spite of the absurd jealousy  
of princes and states1 has brought      
itself nearly to a level1 and that the  
difference between one kingdom and      
another is not greater in this respect  
than it is often between different      
provinces of the same kingdom4 ,men     
naturally flock to capital cities1      
seaports1 and navigable rivers4 ,there  
we find more men1 more industry1 more   
commodities1 and consequently more      
money2 but still the latter difference  
holds proportion with the former1 and   
the level is preserved4#ah  ,our        
jealousy and our hatred of ,france are  
without bounds1 and the former sentiment
 at least must be acknowledged very     
reasonable and well-grounded4 ,these    
passions have occasioned innumerable    
barriers and obstructions upon commerce1
 where we are accused of being commonly 

the aggressors4 ,but what have we gained
 by the bargain8 ,we lost the ,french   
market for our woollen manufactures1 and
 transferred the commerce of wine to    
,spain and ,portugal1 where we buy much 
worse liquor at a higher price4 ,there  
are few ,englishmen who would not think 
their country absolutely ruined were    
,french wines sold in ,england so cheap 
and in such abundance as to supplant1 in
 some measure1 all ale and home-brewed  
liquors2 but would we lay aside         
prejudice1 it would not be difficult to 
prove that nothing could be more        
innocent1 perhaps advantageous4 ,each   
new acre of vineyard planted in ,france1
 in order to supply ,england with wine1 
would make it requisite for the ,french 
to take the produce of an ,english acre1
 sown in wheat or barley1 in order to   
subsist themselves2 and it is evident   
that we have thereby got command of the 
better commodity4  ,there are many      
edicts of the ,french ,king prohibiting 
the planting of new vineyards1 and      

ordering all those already planted to be
 grubbed up1 so sensible are they in    
that country of the superior value of   
corn above every other product4         
,mareschal ,vauban complains often1 and 
with reason1 of the absurd duties which 
load the entry of those wines of        
,languedoc1 ,guienne1 and other southern
 provinces that are imported into       
,brittany and ,normandy4 ,he entertained
 no doubt but these latter provinces    
could preserve their balance            
notwithstanding the open commerce which 
he recommends4 ,and it is evident that a
 few leagues more navigation to ,england
 would make no difference2 or if it did1
 that it must operate alike on the      
commodities of both kingdoms4  ,there is
 indeed one expedient by which it is    
possible to sink1 and another by which  
we may raise1 money beyond its natural  
level in any kingdom2 but these cases1  
when examined1 will be found to resolve 
into our general theory1 and to bring   
additional authority to it4  ,i scarce  

know any method of sinking money below  
its level but those institutions of     
banks1 funds1 and paper-credit which are
 so much practised in this kingdom4     
,these render paper equivalent to money1
 circulate it through the whole state1  
make it supply the place of gold and    
silver1 raise proportionally the price  
of labour and commodities1 and by that  
means either banish a great part of     
those precious metals1 or prevent their 
further increase4 ,what can be more     
short-sighted than our reasonings on    
this head8 ,we fancy1 because an        
individual would be much richer were his
 stock of money doubled1 that the same  
good effect would follow were the money 
of every one increased1 not considering 
that this would raise as much the price 
of every commodity1 and reduce every man
 in time to the same condition as       
before4 ,it is only in our public       
negotiations and transactions with      
foreigners that a greater stock of money
 is advantageous2 and as our paper is   

there absolutely insignificant1 we feel1
 by its means1 all the ill effects      
arising from a great abundance of money 
without reaping any of the              
advantages4#ai  ,suppose that there are 
twelve millions of paper which circulate
 in the kingdom as money 7for we are not
 to imagine that all our enormous funds 
are employed in that shape71 and suppose
 the real cash of the kingdom to be     
eighteen millions3 here is a state which
 is found by experience able to hold a  
stock of thirty millions4 ,i say1 if it 
be able to hold it1 it must of necessity
 have acquired it in gold and silver had
 we not obstructed the entrance of these
 metals by this new invention of paper4 
,whence would it have acquired that sum8
 ,from all the kingdoms of the world4   
,but why8 ,because1 if you remove these 
twelve millions1 money in this state is 
below its level compared with our       
neighbours2 and we must immediately draw
 from all of them till we be full and   
saturate1 so to speak1 and can hold no  

more4 ,by our present politics we are as
 careful to stuff the nation with this  
fine commodity of bank-bills and chequer
 notes as if we were afraid of being    
overburdened with the precious metals4  
,it is not to be doubted but the great  
plenty of bullion in ,france is1 in a   
great measure1 owing to the want of     
paper-credit4 ,the ,french have no      
banks2 merchants' bills do not there    
circulate as with us2 usury or lending  
on interest is not directly permitted1  
so that many have large sums in their   
coffers2 great quantities of plate are  
used in private houses1 and all the     
churches are full of it4 ,by this means 
provision and labour still remain much  
cheaper among them than in nations that 
are not half so rich in gold and silver4
 ,the advantages of this situation in   
point of trade1 as well as in great     
public emergencies1 are too evident to  
be disputed4  ,the same fashion a few   
years ago prevailed in ,genoa which     
still has place in ,england and         

,holland1 of using services of china    
ware instead of plate2 but the ,senate1 
wisely foreseeing the consequence1      
prohibited the use of that brittle      
commodity beyond a certain extent1 while
 the use of silver plate was left       
unlimited4 ,and ,i suppose1 in their    
late distresses1 they felt the good     
effect of this ordinance4 ,our tax on   
plate is1 perhaps1 in this view1        
somewhat impolitic4  ,before the        
introduction of paper-money into our    
colonies1 they had gold and silver      
sufficient for their circulation4 ,since
 the introduction of that commodity1 the
 least inconveniency that has followed  
is the total banishment of the precious 
metals4 ,and after the abolition of     
paper1 can it be doubted but money will 
return1 while these colonies possess    
manufactures and commodities1 the only  
thing valuable in commerce1 and for     
whose sake alone all men desire money8  
,what pity ,lycurgus did not think of   
paper-credit when he wanted to banish   

gold and silver from ,sparta6 ,it would 
have served his purpose better than the 
lumps of iron he made use of as money1  
and would also have prevented more      
effectually all commerce with strangers1
 as being of so much less real and      
intrinsic value4  ,it must1 however1 be 
confessed that1 as all these questions  
of trade and money are extremely        
complicated1 there are certain lights in
 which this subject may be placed so as 
to represent the advantages of          
paper-credit and banks to be superior to
 their disadvantages4 ,that they banish 
specie and bullion from a state is      
undoubtedly true1 and whoever looks no  
farther than this circumstance does well
 to condemn them2 but specie and bullion
 are not of so great consequence as not 
to admit of a compensation1 and even an 
overbalance from the increase of        
industry and of credit which may be     
promoted by the right use of            
paper-money4 ,it is well known of what  
advantage it is to a merchant to be able

 to discount his bills upon occasion2   
and everything that facilitates this    
species of traffic is favourable to the 
general commerce of a state4 ,but       
private bankers are enabled to give such
 credit by the credit they receive from 
the depositing of money in their shops2 
and the ,bank of ,england in the same   
manner1 from the liberty they have to   
issue their notes in all payments4      
,there was an invention of this kind    
which was fallen upon some years ago by 
the banks of ,edinburgh1 and which1 as  
it is one of the most ingenious ideas   
that has been executed in commerce1 has 
also been found very advantageous to    
,scotland4 ,it is there called a        
bank-credit1 and is of this nature3 ,a  
man goes to the bank and finds surety to
 the amount1 we shall suppose1 of five  
thousand pounds4 ,this money1 or any    
part of it1 he has the liberty of       
drawing out whenever he pleases1 and he 
pays only the ordinary interest for it  
while it is in his hands4 ,he may1 when 

he pleases1 repay any sum so small as   
twenty pounds1 and the interest is      
discounted from the very day of the     
repayment4 ,the advantages resulting    
from this contrivance are manifold4 ,as 
a man may find surety nearly to the     
amount of his substance1 and his        
bank-credit is equivalent to ready      
money1 a merchant does hereby in a      
manner coin his houses1 his household   
furniture1 the goods in his warehouse1  
the foreign debts due to him1 his ships 
at sea2 and can1 upon occasion1 employ  
them in all payments as if they were the
 current money of the country4 ,if a man
 borrows five thousand pounds from a    
private hand1 besides that it is not    
always to be found when required1 he    
pays interest for it whether he be using
 it or not2 his bank-credit costs him   
nothing except during the very moment in
 which it is of service to him1 and this
 circumstance is of equal advantage as  
if he had borrowed money at much lower  
interest4 ,merchants likewise from this 

invention acquire a great facility in   
supporting each other's credit1 which is
 a considerable security against        
bankruptcies4 ,a man1 when his own      
bank-credit is exhausted1 goes to any of
 his neighbours who is not in the same  
condition1 and he gets the money1 which 
he replaces at his convenience4  ,after 
this practice had taken place during    
some years at ,edinburgh1 several       
companies of merchants at ,glasgow      
carried the matter farther4 ,they       
associated themselves into different    
banks and issued notes so low as ten    
shillings1 which they used in all       
payments for goods1 manufactures1       
tradesmen1 labour of all kinds2 and     
these notes1 from the established credit
 of the companies1 passed as money in   
all payments throughout the country4 ,by
 this means a stock of five thousand    
pounds was able to perform the same     
operations as if it were ten1 and       
merchants were thereby enabled to trade 
to a greater extent1 and to require less

 profit in all their transactions4 ,in  
,newcastle and ,bristol1 as well as     
other trading places1 the merchants have
 since instituted banks of a like       
nature1 in imitation of those in        
,glasgow4 ,but whatever other advantages
 result from these inventions1 it must  
still be allowed that they banish the   
precious metals2 and nothing can be a   
more evident proof of it than a         
comparison of the past and present      
condition of ,scotland in that          
particular4 ,it was found1 upon the     
recoinage made after the ,union1 that   
there was near a million of specie in   
that country2 but notwithstanding the   
great increase of riches1 commerce and  
manufactures of all kinds1 it is thought
 that1 even where there is no           
extraordinary drain made by ,england1   
the current specie will not now amount  
to a fifth of that sum4  ,but as our    
projects of paper-credit are almost the 
only expedient by which we can sink     
money below its level1 so1 in my        

opinion1 the only expedient by which we 
can raise money above its level is a    
practice which we should all exclaim    
against as destructive--viz41 the       
gathering large sums into a public      
treasure1 locking them up1 and          
absolutely preventing their circulation4
 ,the fluid not communicating with the  
neighbouring element may1 by such an    
artifice1 be raised to what height we   
please4 ,to prove this we need only     
return to our first supposition of the  
annihilating the half or any part of our
 cash1 where we found that the immediate
 consequence of such an event would be  
the attraction of an equal sum from all 
the neighbouring kingdoms4 ,nor does    
there seem to be any necessary bounds   
set by the nature of things to this     
practice of hoarding4 ,a small city like
 ,geneva1 continuing this policy for    
ages1 might engross nine-tenths of the  
money of ,europe4 ,there seems1 indeed1 
in the nature of man an invincible      
obstacle to that immense growth of      

riches4 ,a weak state with an enormous  
treasure will soon become a prey to some
 of its poorer but more powerful        
neighbours2 a great state would         
dissipate its wealth in dangerous and   
ill-concerted projects1 and probably    
destroy with it what is much more       
valuable--the industry1 morals1 and     
number of its people4 ,the fluid in this
 case1 raised to too great a height1    
bursts and destroys the vessel that     
contains it1 and mixing itself with the 
surrounding element1 soon falls to its  
proper level4  ,so little are we        
commonly acquainted with this principle 
that1 though all historians agree in    
relating uniformly so recent an event as
 the immense treasure amassed by ,harry 
,,vii4 7which they make amount to       
#a1gjj1jjj71 we rather reject their     
concurring testimony than admit of a    
fact which agrees so ill with our       
inveterate prejudices4 ,it is indeed    
probable that that sum might be         
three-fourths of all the money in       

,england2 but where is the difficulty   
that such a sum might be amassed in     
twenty years by a cunning1 rapacious1   
frugal1 and almost absolute monarch8    
,nor is it probable that the diminution 
of circulating money was ever sensibly  
felt by the people1 or ever did them any
 prejudice4 ,the sinking of the prices  
of all commodities would immediately    
replace it1 by giving ,england the      
advantage in its commerce with all the  
neighbouring kingdoms4  ,have we not an 
instance in the small republic of       
,athens with its allies1 who in about   
fifty years between the ,median and     
,peloponnesian ,wars amassed a sum      
greater than that of ,harry ,,vii48#bj  
for all the ,greek historians and       
orators agree that the ,athenians       
collected in the citadel more than      
#aj1jjj talents1 which they afterwards  
dissipated1 to their own ruin1 in rash  
and imprudent enterprises4 ,but when    
this money was set a-running1 and began 
to communicate with the surrounding     

fluid1 what was the consequence8 ,did it
 remain in the state8 ,no2 for we find  
by the memorable census mentioned by    
,demosthenes and ,polybius that1 in     
about fifty years afterwards1 the whole 
value of the republic1 comprehending    
lands1 houses1 commodities1 slaves1 and 
money was less than #fjjj talents4      
,what an ambitious1 high-spirited people
 was this1 to collect and keep in their 
treasury1 with a view to conquests1 a   
sum which it was every day in the power 
of the citizens1 by a single vote1 to   
distribute among themselves1 and which  
would go near to triple the riches of   
every individual2 for we must observe   
that the numbers and private riches of  
the ,athenians are said by ancient      
writers to have been no greater at the  
beginning of the ,peloponnesian ,war    
than at the beginning of the            
,macedonian4  ,money was little more    
plentiful in ,greece during the age of  
,philip and ,perseus than in ,england   
during that of ,harry ,,vii41 yet these 

two monarchs in thirty years collected  
from the small kingdom of ,macedon a    
much larger treasure than that of the   
,english monarch4 ,paulus milius brought
 to ,rome about #a1gjj1jjj              
sterling--,pliny says #b1djj1jjj--;and  
that was but a part of the ,macedonian  
treasure2 the rest was dissipated by the
 resistance and flight of ,perseus4  ,we
 may learn from ,stanyan that the       
,canton of ,berne had #cjj1jjj lent at  
interest1 and had above six times as    
much in their treasury4 ,here1 then1 is 
a sum hoarded of #a1hjj1jjj sterling1   
which is at least quadruple of what     
should naturally circulate in such a    
petty state2 and yet no one who travels 
into the ,pais de ,vaux1 or any part of 
that canton1 observes any want of money 
more than could be supposed in a country
 of that extent1 soil1 and situation4   
,on the contrary1 there are scarce any  
inland provinces in the countries of    
,france or ,germany where the           
inhabitants are at this time so opulent1

 though that canton has vastly increased
 its treasure since #agad1 the time when
 ,stanyan wrote his judicious account of
 ,switzerland4#ba  ,the account given by
 ,appian of the treasure of the         
,ptolemies is so prodigious that one    
cannot admit of it1 and so much the less
 because the historian says the other   
successors of ,alexander were all so    
frugal1 and had many of them treasures  
not much inferior2 for this saving      
humour of the neighbouring princes must 
necessarily have checked the frugality  
of the ,egyptian monarchs1 according to 
the foregoing theory4 ,the sum he       
mentions is #gdj1jjj talents1 or        
#aia1aff1fff #acs4 #d;d41 according to  
,dr4 ,arbuthnot's computation2 and yet  
,appian says that he extracted his      
account from the public records1 and he 
was himself a native of ,alexandria4    
,from these principles we may learn what
 judgment we ought to form of those     
numberless bars1 obstructions1 and      
imposts which all nations of ,europe1   

and none more than ,england1 have put   
upon trade1 from an exorbitant desire of
 amassing money1 which never will heap  
up beyond its level while it circulates2
 or from an ill-grounded apprehension of
 losing their specie1 which never will  
sink below it4 ,could anything scatter  
our riches1 it would be such impolitic  
contrivances4 ,but this general ill     
effect1 however1 results from them1 that
 they deprive neighbouring nations of   
that free communication and exchange    
which the ,author of the world has      
intended1 by giving them soils1         
climates1 and geniuses so different from
 each other4  ,our modern politics      
embrace the only method of banishing    
money--the using paper-credit2 they     
reject the only method of amassing it1  
the practice of hoarding2 and they adopt
 a hundred contrivances which serve to  
no purpose but to check industry1 and   
rob ourselves and our neighbours of the 
common benefits of art and nature4  ,all
 taxes1 however1 upon foreign           

commodities are not to be regarded as   
prejudicial or useless1 but those only  
which are founded on the jealousy above 
mentioned4 ,a tax on ,german linen      
encourages home manufactures1 and       
thereby multiplies our people and       
industry2 a tax on brandy increases the 
sale of rum1 and supports our southern  
colonies4 ,and as it is necessary       
imposts should be levied for the support
 of government1 it may be thought more  
convenient to lay them on foreign       
commodities1 which can easily be        
intercepted at the port and subjected to
 the impost4 ,we ought1 however1 always 
to remember the maxim of ,dr4 ,swift1   
that1 in the arithmetic of the customs1 
two and two make not four1 but often    
make only one4 ,it can scarcely be      
doubted but if the duties on wine were  
lowered to a third1 they would yield    
much more to the ,government than at    
present2 our people might thereby afford
 to drink commonly a better and more    
wholesome liquor1 and no prejudice would

 ensue to the balance of trade1 of which
 we are so jealous4 ,the manufacture of 
ale beyond the agriculture is but       
inconsiderable1 and gives employment to 
few hands4 ,the transport of wine and   
corn would not be much inferior4  ,but  
are there not frequent instances1 you   
will say1 of states and kingdoms which  
were formerly rich and opulent1 and are 
now poor and beggarly8 ,has not the     
money left them with which they formerly
 abounded8 ,i answer1 if they lose their
 trade1 industry1 and people1 they      
cannot expect to keep their gold and    
silver1 for these precious metals will  
hold proportion to the former           
advantages4 ,when ,lisbon and ,amsterdam
 got the ,east ,india trade from ,venice
 and ,genoa1 they also got the profits  
and money which arose from it4 ,where   
the seat of government is transferred1  
where expensive armies are maintained at
 a distance1 where great funds are      
possessed by foreigners1 there naturally
 follows from these causes a diminution 

of the specie4 ,but these1 we may       
observe1 are violent and forcible       
methods of carrying away money1 and are 
in time commonly attended with the      
transport of people and industry2 but   
where these remain1 and the drain is not
 continued1 the money always finds its  
way back again1 by a hundred canals of  
which we have no notion or suspicion4   
,what immense treasures have been spent1
 by so many nations1 in ,flanders since 
the revolution1 in the course of three  
long wars6 ,more money perhaps than the 
half of what is at present in all       
,europe4 ,but what has now become of it8
 ,is it in the narrow compass of the    
,austrian provinces8 ,no1 surely2 it has
 most of it returned to the several     
countries whence it came1 and has       
followed that art and industry by which 
at first it was acquired4 ,for above a  
thousand years the money of ,europe has 
been flowing to ,rome by an open and    
sensible current2 but it has been       
emptied by many secret and insensible   

canals1 and the want of industry and    
commerce renders at present the papal   
dominions the poorest territories in all
 ,italy4  ,in short1 a government has   
great reason to preserve with care its  
people and its manufactures4 ,its money 
it may safely trust to the course of    
human affairs1 without fear or jealousy2
 or if it ever give attention to this   
latter circumstance1 it ought only to be
 so far as it affects the former4       
,,notes1 ,,of ,,the ,,balance ,,of      
,,trade4  #ag ,there is another cause1  
though more limited in its operation1   
which checks the wrong balance of trade1
 to every particular nation to which the
 kingdom trades4 ,when we import more   
goods than we export1 the exchange turns
 against us1 and this becomes a new     
encouragement to export1 as much as the 
charge of carriage and insurance of the 
money which becomes due would amount to4
 ,for the exchange can never rise higher
 than that sum4   #ah ,it must carefully
 be remarked that throughout this       

discourse1 wherever ,i speak of the     
level of money ,i mean always its       
proportional level to the commodities1  
labour1 industry1 and skill which is in 
the several states2 and ,i assert that  
where these advantages are double1      
treble1 quadruple to what they are in   
the neighbouring states1 the money      
infallibly will also be double1 treble1 
quadruple4 ,the only circumstance that  
can obstruct the exactness of these     
proportions is the expense of           
transporting the commodities from one   
place to another1 and this expense is   
sometimes unequal4 ,thus the corn1      
cattle1 cheese1 butter of ,derbyshire   
cannot draw the money of ,london so much
 as the manufactures of ,london draw the
 money of ,derbyshire4 ,but this        
objection is only a seeming one1 for so 
far as the transport of commodities is  
expensive1 so far is the communication  
between the places obstructed and       
imperfect4   #ai ,we observed in essay  
,of ,money1 that money1 when increasing1

 gives encouragement to industry during 
the interval between the increase of    
money and the rise of the prices4 ,a    
good effect of this nature may follow   
too from paper-credit2 but it is        
dangerous to precipitate matters at the 
risk of losing all by the failing of    
that credit1 as must happen upon any    
violent shock in public affairs4   #bj  
,there were about eight ounces of silver
 in a pound sterling in ,harry ,,vii4's 
time4   #ba ,the poverty which ,stanyan 
speaks of is only to be seen in the most
 mountainous cantons1 where there is no 
commodity to bring money2 and even there
 the people are not poorer than in the  
diocese of ,saltsburg on the one hand1  
or ,savoy on the other4     ,,of ,,the  
,,jealousy ,,of ,,trade4   ,having      
endeavoured to remove one species of    
ill-founded jealousy which is so        
prevalent among commercial nations1 it  
may not be amiss to mention another     
which seems equally groundless4 ,nothing
 is more usual1 among states which have 

made some advances in commerce1 than to 
look on the progress of their neighbours
 with a suspicious eye1 to consider all 
trading states as their rivals1 and to  
suppose that it is impossible for any of
 them to flourish but at their expense4 
,in opposition to this narrow and       
malignant opinion1 ,i will venture to   
assert that the increase of riches and  
commerce in any one nation1 instead of  
hurting1 commonly promotes the riches   
and commerce of all its neighbours2 and 
that a state can scarcely carry its     
trade and industry very far where all   
the surrounding states are buried in    
ignorance1 sloth1 and barbarism4  ,it is
 obvious that the domestic industry of a
 people cannot be hurt by the greatest  
prosperity of their neighbours2 and as  
this branch of commerce is undoubtedly  
the most important in any extensive     
kingdom1 we are so far removed from all 
reason of jealousy4 ,but ,i go farther1 
and observe that where an open          
communication is preserved among        

nations1 it is impossible but the       
domestic industry of every one must     
receive an increase from the            
improvements of the others4 ,compare the
 situation of ,great ,britain at present
 with what it was two centuries ago4    
,all the arts1 both of agriculture and  
manufactures1 were then extremely rude  
and imperfect4 ,every improvement which 
we have since made has arisen from our  
imitation of foreigners1 and we ought so
 far to esteem it happy that they had   
previously made advances in arts and    
ingenuity4 ,but this intercourse is     
still upheld to our great advantage4    
,notwithstanding the advanced state of  
our manufactures1 we daily adopt in     
every art the inventions and            
improvements of our neighbours4 ,the    
commodity is first imported from abroad1
 to our great discontent1 while we      
imagine that it drains us of our money2 
afterwards the art itself is gradually  
imported1 to our visible advantage4 ,yet
 we continue still to repine that our   

neighbours should possess any art1      
industry1 and invention1 forgetting that
 had they not first instructed us we    
should have been at present barbarians1 
and did they not still continue their   
instructions1 the arts must fall into a 
state of languor1 and lose that         
emulation and novelty which contribute  
so much to their advancement4  ,the     
increase of domestic industry lays the  
foundation of foreign commerce4 ,where a
 great number of commodities are raised 
and perfected for the home-market there 
will always be found some which can be  
exported with advantage4 ,but if our    
neighbours have no art nor cultivation1 
they cannot take them1 because they will
 have nothing to give in exchange4 ,in  
this respect1 states are in the same    
condition as individuals4 ,a single man 
can scarce be industrious where all his 
fellow-citizens are idle4 ,the riches of
 the several members of a community     
contribute to increase my riches1       
whatever profession ,i may follow4 ,they

 consume the produce of my industry1 and
 afford me the produce of theirs in     
return4  ,nor need any state entertain  
apprehensions that their neighbours will
 improve to such a degree in every art  
and manufacture as to have no demand    
from them4 ,nature1 by giving a         
diversity of geniuses1 climates1 and    
soils to different nations1 has secured 
their mutual intercourse and commerce1  
as long as they all remain industrious  
and civilized4 ,nay1 the more the arts  
increase in any state1 the more will be 
its demands from its industrious        
neighbours4 ,the inhabitants1 having    
become opulent and skilful1 desire to   
have every commodity in the utmost      
perfection2 and as they have plenty of  
commodities to give in exchange1 they   
make large importations from every      
foreign country4 ,the industry of the   
nations from whom they import receives  
encouragement2 their own is also        
increased by the sale of the commodities
 which they give in exchange4  ,but what

 if a nation has any staple commodity1  
such as the woollen manufacture is to   
,england8 ,must not the interfering of  
their neighbours in that manufacture be 
a loss to them8 ,i answer that when any 
commodity is denominated the staple of a
 kingdom1 it is supposed that that      
kingdom has some peculiar and natural   
advantages for raising the commodity2   
and if1 notwithstanding these           
advantages1 they lose such a            
manufactory1 they ought to blame their  
own idleness or bad government1 not the 
industry of their neighbours4 ,it ought 
also to be considered that by the       
increase of industry among the          
neighbouring nations the consumption of 
every particular species of commodity is
 also increased2 and though foreign     
manufactures interfere with us in the   
market1 the demand for our product may  
still continue1 or even increase4 ,and  
even should it diminish1 ought the      
consequence to be esteemed so fatal8 ,if
 the spirit of industry be preserved1 it

 may easily be diverted from one branch 
to another1 and the manufactures of     
wool1 for instance1 be employed in      
linen1 silk1 iron1 or other commodities 
for which there appears to be a demand4 
,we need not apprehend that all the     
objects of industry will be exhausted1  
or that our manufacturers1 while they   
remain on an equal footing with those of
 our neighbours1 will be in danger of   
wanting employment2 the emulation among 
rival nations serves rather to keep     
industry alive in all of them4 ,and any 
people is happier who possess a variety 
of manufactures1 than if they enjoyed   
one single great manufacture1 in which  
they are all employed4 ,their situation 
is less precarious1 and they will feel  
less sensibly those revolutions and     
uncertainties to which every particular 
branch of commerce will always be       
exposed4  ,the only commercial state    
which ought to dread the improvements   
and industry of their neighbours is such
 a one as ,holland1 which enjoying no   

extent of land1 nor possessing any      
native commodity1 flourishes only by    
being the brokers1 and factors1 and     
carriers of others4 ,such a people may  
naturally apprehend that as soon as the 
neighbouring states come to know and    
pursue their interest1 they will take   
into their own hands the management of  
their affairs1 and deprive their brokers
 of that profit which they formerly     
reaped from it4 ,but though this        
consequence may naturally be dreaded1 it
 is very long before it takes place2 and
 by art and industry it may be warded   
off for many generations1 if not wholly 
eluded4 ,the advantage of superior      
stocks and correspondence is so great   
that it is not easily overcome2 and as  
all the transactions increase by the    
increase of industry in the neighbouring
 states1 even a people whose commerce   
stands on this precarious basis may at  
first reap a considerable profit from   
the flourishing condition of their      
neighbours4 ,the ,dutch1 having         

mortgaged all their revenues1 make not  
such a figure in political transactions 
as formerly2 but their commerce is      
surely equal to what it was in the      
middle of the last century1 when they   
were reckoned among the great powers of 
,europe4  ,were our narrow and malignant
 politics to meet with success1 we      
should reduce all our neighbouring      
nations to the same state of sloth and  
ignorance that prevails in ,morocco and 
the coast of ,barbary4 ,but what would  
be the consequence8 ,they could send us 
no commodities1 they could take none    
from us4 ,our domestic commerce itself  
would languish for want of emulation1   
example1 and instruction2 and we        
ourselves should soon fall into the same
 abject condition to which we had       
reduced them4 ,i shall therefore venture
 to acknowledge that not only as a man1 
but as a ,british subject1 ,i pray for  
the flourishing commerce of ,germany1   
,spain1 ,italy1 and even ,france itself4
 ,i am at least certain that ,great     

,britain and all these nations would    
flourish more did their sovereigns and  
ministers adopt such enlarged and       
benevolent sentiments towards each      
other4     ,,of ,,the ,,balance ,,of    
,,power4   ,it is a question whether the
 idea of the balance of power be owing  
entirely to modern policy1 or whether   
the phrase only has been invented in    
these latter ages4 ,it is certain that  
,xenophon1 in his institution of ,cyrus1
 represents the combination of the      
,asiatic powers to have arisen from a   
jealousy of the increasing force of the 
,medes and ,persians2 and though that   
elegant composition should be supposed  
altogether a romance1 this sentiment1   
ascribed by the author to the ,eastern  
princes1 is at least a proof of the     
prevailing notions of ancient times4    
,in all the politics of ,greece the     
anxiety with regard to the balance of   
power is most apparent1 and is expressly
 pointed out to us even by the ancient  
historians4 ,thucydides represents the  

league which was formed against ,athens1
 and which produced the ,peloponnesian  
war1 as entirely owing to this          
principle4 ,and after the decline of    
,athens1 when the ,thebans and          
,lacedemonians disputed for sovereignty1
 we find that the ,athenians 7as well as
 many other republics7 threw themselves 
always into the lighter scale1 and      
endeavoured to preserve the balance4    
,they supported ,thebes against ,sparta1
 till the great victory gained by       
,epaminondas at ,leuctra1 after which   
they immediately went over to the       
conquered1 from generosity as they      
pretended1 but in reality from their    
jealousy of the conquerors4  ,whoever   
will read ,demosthenes' oration for the 
,megalopolitans may see the utmost      
refinements on this principle which ever
 entered into the head of a ,venetian or
 ,english speculatist2 and upon the     
first rise of the ,macedonian power1    
this orator immediately discovered the  
danger1 sounded the alarm through all   

,greece1 and at last assembled that     
confederacy under the banners of ,athens
 which fought the great and decisive    
battle of ,chronea4  ,it is true the    
,grecian wars are regarded by historians
 as wars of emulation rather than of    
politics1 and each state seems to have  
had more in view the honour of leading  
the rest than any well-grounded hopes of
 authority and dominion4 ,if we         
consider1 indeed1 the small number of   
inhabitants in any one republic compared
 to the whole1 the great difficulty of  
forming sieges in those times1 and the  
extraordinary bravery and discipline of 
every freeman among that noble people1  
we shall conclude that the balance of   
power was of itself sufficiently secured
 in ,greece1 and needed not to be       
guarded with that caution which may be  
requisite in other ages4 ,but whether we
 ascribe the shifting sides in all the  
,grecian republics to jealous emulation 
or cautious politics1 the effects were  
alike1 and every prevailing power was   

sure to meet with a confederacy against 
it1 and that often composed of its      
former friends and allies4  ,the same   
principle--call it envy or              
prudence--which produced the ostracism  
of ,athens and petalism of ,syracuse1   
and expelled every citizen whose fame or
 power overtopped the rest--the same    
principle1 ,i say1 naturally discovered 
itself in foreign politics1 and soon    
raised enemies to the leading state1    
however moderate in the exercise of its 
authority4  ,the ,persian monarch was   
really1 in his force1 a petty prince    
compared to the ,grecian republics1 and 
therefore it behoved him1 from views of 
safety more than from emulation1 to     
interest himself in their quarrels1 and 
to support the weaker side in every     
contest4 ,this was the advice given by  
,alcibiades to ,tissaphernes1 and it    
prolonged near a century the date of the
 ,persian empire2 till the neglect of it
 for a moment1 after the first          
appearance of the aspiring genius of    

,philip1 brought that lofty and frail   
edifice to the ground with a rapidity of
 which there are few instances in the   
history of mankind4  ,the successors of 
,alexander showed an infinite jealousy  
of the balance of power1 a jealousy     
founded on true politics and prudence1  
and which preserved distinct for several
 ages the partitions made after the     
death of that famous conqueror4 ,the    
fortune and ambition of ,antigonus      
threatened them anew with a universal   
monarchy1 but their combination and     
their victory at ,ipsus saved them2 and 
in after times we find that as the      
,eastern princes considered the ,greeks 
and ,macedonians as the only real       
military force with whom they had any   
intercourse1 they kept always a watchful
 eye over that part of the world4 ,the  
,ptolemies1 in particular1 supported    
first ,aratus and the ,achans1 and then 
,cleomenes ,king of ,sparta1 from no    
other view than as a counterbalance to  
the ,macedonian monarchs2 for this is   

the account which ,polybius gives of the
 ,egyptian politics4  ,the reason why it
 is supposed that the ancients were     
entirely ignorant of the balance of     
power seems to be drawn from the ,roman 
history more than the ,grecian1 and as  
the transactions of the former are      
generally the most familiar to us1 we   
have thence formed all our conclusions4 
,it must be owned that the ,romans never
 met with any such general combination  
or confederacy against them as might    
naturally be expected from their rapid  
conquests and declared ambition1 but    
were allowed peaceably to subdue their  
neighbours1 one after another1 till they
 extended their dominion over the whole 
known world4 ,not to mention the        
fabulous history of their ,italic wars1 
there was1 upon ,hannibal's invasion of 
the ,roman state1 a very remarkable     
crisis which ought to have called up the
 attention of all civilized nations4 ,it
 appeared afterwards 7nor was it        
difficult to be observed at the time#bb7

 that this was a contest for universal  
empire1 and yet no prince or state seems
 to have been in the least alarmed about
 the event or issue of the quarrel4     
,philip of ,macedon remained neuter till
 he saw the victories of ,hannibal1 and 
then most imprudently formed an alliance
 with the conqueror1 upon terms still   
more imprudent4 ,he stipulated that he  
was to assist the ,carthaginian state in
 their conquest of ,italy1 after which  
they engaged to send over forces into   
,greece1 to assist him in subduing the  
,grecian commonwealths4  ,the ,rhodean  
and ,achan republics are much celebrated
 by ancient historians for their wisdom 
and sound policy2 yet both of them      
assisted the ,romans in their wars      
against ,philip and ,antiochus4 ,and    
what may be esteemed still a stronger   
proof that this maxim was not familiarly
 known in those ages1 no ancient author 
has ever remarked the imprudence of     
these measures1 nor has even blamed that
 absurd treaty above-mentioned made by  

,philip with the ,carthaginians4        
,princes and statesmen may in all ages  
be blinded in their reasonings with     
regard to events beforehand1 but it is  
somewhat extraordinary that historians  
afterwards should not form a sounder    
judgment of them4  ,massinissa1         
,attalus1 ,prusias1 in satisfying their 
private passions1 were all of them the  
instruments of the ,roman greatness1 and
 never seem to have suspected that they 
were forging their own chains while they
 advanced the conquests of their ally4  
,a simple treaty and agreement between  
,massinissa and the ,carthaginians1 so  
much required by mutual interest1 barred
 the ,romans from all entrance into     
,africa1 and preserved liberty to       
mankind4  ,the only prince we meet with 
in the ,roman history who seems to have 
understood the balance of power is      
,hiero1 ,king of ,syracuse4 ,though the 
ally of ,rome1 he sent assistance to the
 ,carthaginians during the war of the   
auxiliaries3 8,esteeming it requisite10 

says ,polybius1 8both in order to retain
 his dominions in ,sicily and to        
preserve the ,roman friendship1 that    
,carthage should be safe2 lest by its   
fall the remaining power should be able1
 without contrast or opposition1 to     
execute every purpose and undertaking4  
,and here he acted with great wisdom and
 prudence2 for that is never1 on any    
account1 to be overlooked1 nor ought    
such a force ever to be thrown into one 
hand as to incapacitate the neighbouring
 states from defending their rights     
against it40 ,here is the aim of modern 
politics pointed out in express terms4  
,in short1 the maxim of preserving the  
balance of power is founded so much on  
common sense and obvious reasoning that 
it is impossible it could altogether    
have escaped antiquity1 where we find1  
in other particulars1 so many marks of  
deep penetration and discernment4 ,if it
 was not so generally known and         
acknowledged as at present1 it had at   
least an influence on all the wiser and 

more experienced princes and            
politicians2 and indeed1 even at        
present1 however generally known and    
acknowledged among speculative          
reasoners1 it has not1 in practice1 an  
authority much more extensive among     
those who govern the world4  ,after the 
fall of the ,roman ,empire the form of  
government established by the northern  
conquerors incapacitated them in a great
 measure from further conquests1 and    
long maintained each state in its proper
 boundaries2 but when vassalage and the 
feudal militia were abolished mankind   
were anew alarmed by the danger of      
universal monarchy1 from the union of so
 many kingdoms and principalities in the
 person of the ,emperor ,charles4 ,but  
the power of the house of ,austria1     
founded on extensive but divided        
dominions1 and their riches1 derived    
chiefly from mines of gold and silver1  
were more likely to decay1 of           
themselves1 from internal defects1 than 
to overthrow all the bulwarks raised    

against them4 ,in less than a century   
the force of that violent and haughty   
race was shattered1 their opulence      
dissipated1 their splendour eclipsed4 ,a
 new power succeeded1 more formidable to
 the liberties of ,europe1 possessing   
all the advantages of the former and    
labouring under none of its defects1    
except a share of that spirit of bigotry
 and persecution with which the house of
 ,austria were so long and still are so 
much infatuated4  ,europe has now1 for  
above a century1 remained on the        
defensive against the greatest force    
that ever perhaps was formed by the     
civil or political combination of       
mankind4 ,and such is the influence of  
the maxim here treated of1 that though  
that ambitious nation in the five last  
general wars has been victorious in     
four1#bc and unsuccessful only in       
one1#bd they have not much enlarged     
their dominions1 nor acquired a total   
ascendant over ,europe4 ,there remains  
rather room to hope that by maintaining 

the resistance some time the natural    
revolutions of human affairs1 together  
with unforeseen events and accidents1   
may guard us against universal monarchy1
 and preserve the world from so great an
 evil4  ,in the three last of these     
general wars ,britain has stood foremost
 in the glorious struggle1 and she still
 maintains her station as guardian of   
the general liberties of ,europe1 and   
patron of mankind4 ,beside her          
advantages of riches and situation1 her 
people are animated with such a national
 spirit1 and are so fully sensible of   
the inestimable blessings of their      
government1 that we may hope their      
vigour never will languish in so        
necessary and so just a cause4 ,on the  
contrary1 if we may judge by the past1  
their passionate ardour seems rather to 
require some moderation1 and they have  
oftener erred from a laudable excess    
than from a blameable deficiency4  ,in  
the first place1 we seem to have been   
more possessed with the ancient ,greek  

spirit of jealous emulation than        
actuated with the prudent views of      
modern politics4 ,our wars with ,france 
have been begun with justice1 and even1 
perhaps1 from necessity2 but have always
 been too far pushed from obstinacy and 
passion4 ,the same peace which was      
afterwards made at ,ryswick in #afig was
 offered so early as the ninety-two2    
that concluded at ,utrecht in #agab     
might have been finished on as good     
conditions at ,gertruytenberg in the    
eight2 and we might have given at       
,frankfort in #agdc the same terms which
 we were glad to accept of at           
,aix-la-,chapelle in the forty-eight4   
,here then we see that above half of our
 wars with ,france1 and all our public  
debts1 are owing more to our own        
imprudent vehemence than to the ambition
 of our neighbours4  ,in the second     
place1 we are so declared in our        
opposition to ,french power1 and so     
alert in defence of our allies1 that    
they always reckon upon our force as    

upon their own1 and expecting to carry  
on war at our expense1 refuse all       
reasonable terms of accommodation4      
,habent subjectos1 tanquam suos2 viles1 
ut alienos4 ,all the world knows that   
the factious vote of the ,house of      
,commons in the beginning of the last   
,parliament1 with the professed humour  
of the nation1 made the ,queen of       
,hungary inflexible in her terms1 and   
prevented that agreement with ,prussia  
which would immediately have restored   
the general tranquillity of ,europe4    
,in the third place1 we are such true   
combatants that1 when once engaged1 we  
lose all concern for ourselves and our  
posterity1 and consider only how we may 
best annoy the enemy4 ,to mortgage our  
revenues at so deep a rate in wars where
 we are only accessories was surely the 
most fatal delusion that a nation1 who  
had any pretension to politics and      
prudence1 has ever yet been guilty of4  
,that remedy of funding--if it be a     
remedy and not rather a poison--ought1  

in all reason1 to be reserved to the    
last extremity1 and no evil but the     
greatest and most urgent should ever    
induce us to embrace so dangerous an    
expedient4  ,these excesses to which we 
have been carried are prejudicial1 and  
may perhaps in time become still more   
prejudicial another way1 by begetting1  
as is usual1 the opposite extreme1 and  
rendering us totally careless and supine
 with regard to the fate of ,europe4    
,the ,athenians1 from the most bustling1
 intriguing1 warlike people of ,greece1 
finding their error in thrusting        
themselves into every quarrel1 abandoned
 all attention to foreign affairs1 and  
in no contest ever took party on either 
side1 except by their flatteries and    
complaisance to the victor4  ,enormous  
monarchies are probably destructive to  
human nature--in their progress1 in     
their continuance1#be and even in their 
downfall1 which never can be very       
distant from their establishment4 ,the  
military genius which aggrandized the   

monarchy soon leaves the court1 the     
capital1 and the centre of such a       
government2 while the wars are carried  
on at a great distance1 and interest so 
small a part of the state4 ,the ancient 
nobility1 whose affections attach them  
to their sovereign1 live all at court2  
and never will accept of military       
employments which would carry them to   
remote and barbarous frontiers1 where   
they are distant both from their        
pleasures and their fortune4 ,the arms  
of the state must therefore be trusted  
to mercenary strangers1 without zeal1   
without attachment1 without honour1     
ready on every occasion to turn them    
against the prince1 and join each       
desperate malcontent who offers pay and 
plunder4 ,this is the necessary progress
 of human affairs2 thus human nature    
checks itself in its airy elevations1   
thus ambition blindly labours for the   
destruction of the conqueror1 of his    
family1 and of everything near and dear 
to him4 ,the ,bourbons1 trusting to the 

support of their brave1 faithful1 and   
affectionate nobility1 would push their 
advantage without reserve or limitation4
 ,these1 while fired with glory and     
emulation1 can bear the fatigues and    
dangers of war2 but never would submit  
to languish in the garrisons of ,hungary
 or ,lithuania1 forgot at court1 and    
sacrificed to the intrigues of every    
minion or mistress who approaches the   
prince4 ,the troops are filled with     
,cravates and ,tartars1 ,hussars and    
,cossacks1 intermingled perhaps with a  
few soldiers of fortune from the better 
provinces2 and the melancholy fate of   
the ,roman emperors1 from the same      
cause1 is renewed over and over again   
till the final dissolution of the       
monarchy4   ,,notes1 ,,of ,,the         
,,balance ,,of ,,power4  #bb ,it was    
observed by some1 as appears from the   
speech of ,agelaus of ,naupactum1 in the
 general congress of ,greece4 ,see      
,polyb41 lib4 #e1 cap4 #ajd4   #bc      
,those concluded by the ,peace of the   

,pyrenees1 ,nimeguen1 ,ryswick1 and     
,aix-la-,chapelle4   #bd ,that concluded
 by the ,peace of ,utrecht4   #be ,if   
the ,roman ,empire was of advantage1 it 
could only proceed from this1 that      
mankind were generally in a very        
disorderly1 uncivilized condition before
 its establishment4     ,,of ,,taxes4   
,there is a maxim that prevails among   
those whom in this country we call 8ways
 and means0 men1 and who are denominated
 financiers and maltotiers in ,france1  
that every new tax creates a new ability
 in the subject to bear it1 and that    
each increase of public burdens         
increases proportionably the industry of
 the people4 ,this maxim is of such a   
nature as is most likely to be extremely
 abused1 and is so much the more        
dangerous1 as its truth cannot be       
altogether denied2 but it must be owned1
 when kept within certain bounds1 to    
have some foundation in reason and      
experience4  ,when a tax is laid upon   
commodities which are consumed by the   

common people1 the necessary consequence
 may seem to be that either the poor    
must retrench something from their way  
of living1 or raise their wages so as to
 make the burden of the tax fall        
entirely upon the rich4 ,but there is a 
third consequence which very often      
follows upon taxes--viz41 that the poor 
increase their industry1 perform more   
work1 and live as well as before without
 demanding more for their labour4 ,where
 taxes are moderate1 are laid on        
gradually1 and affect not the           
necessaries of life1 this consequence   
naturally follows2 and it is certain    
that such difficulties often serve to   
excite the industry of a people1 and    
render them more opulent and laborious  
than others who enjoy the greatest      
advantages4 ,for we may observe1 as a   
parallel instance1 that the most        
commercial nations have not always      
possessed the greatest extent of fertile
 land2 but1 on the contrary1 that they  
have laboured under many natural        

disadvantages4 ,tyre1 ,athens1          
,carthage1 ,rhodes1 ,genoa1 ,venice1    
,holland are strong examples to this    
purpose2 and in all history we find only
 three instances of large and fertile   
countries which have possessed much     
trade--the ,netherlands1 ,england1 and  
,france4 ,the two former seem to have   
been allured by the advantages of their 
maritime situation1 and the necessity   
they lay under of frequenting foreign   
ports in order to procure what their own
 climate refused them2 and as to        
,france1 trade has come very late into  
the kingdom1 and seems to have been the 
effect of reflection and observation in 
an ingenious and enterprising people1   
who remarked the immense riches acquired
 by such of the neighbouring nations as 
cultivated navigation and commerce4     
,the places mentioned by ,cicero as     
possessed of the greatest commerce of   
his time are ,alexandria1 ,colchos1     
,tyre1 ,sidon1 ,andros1 ,cyprus1        
,pamphylia1 ,lycia1 ,rhodes1 ,chios1    

,byzantium1 ,lesbos1 ,smyrna1 ,miletum1 
,coos4 ,all these1 except ,alexandria1  
were either small islands or narrow     
territories2 and that city owed its     
trade entirely to the happiness of its  
situation4  ,since1 therefore1 some     
natural necessities or disadvantages may
 be thought favourable to industries1   
why may not artificial burdens have the 
same effect8 ,sir ,william ,temple1#bf  
we may observe1 ascribes the industry of
 the ,dutch entirely to necessity1      
proceeding from their natural           
disadvantages2 and illustrates his      
doctrine by a very striking comparison  
with ,ireland1 8where10 says he1 8by the
 largeness and plenty of the soil1 and  
scarcity of people1 all things necessary
 to life are so cheap that an           
industrious man by two days' labour may 
gain enough to feed him the rest of the 
week4 ,which ,i take to be a very plain 
ground of the laziness attributed to the
 people4 ,for men naturally prefer ease 
before labour1 and will not take pains  

if they can live idle2 though when1 by  
necessity1 they have been inured to it1 
they cannot leave it1 being grown a     
custom necessary to their health1 and to
 their very entertainment4 ,nor perhaps 
is the change harder from constant ease 
to labour than from constant labour to  
ease40 ,after which the author proceeds 
to confirm his doctrine by enumerating  
as above the places where trade has most
 flourished in ancient and modern times1
 and which are commonly observed by such
 narrow1 confined territories as beget a
 necessity for industry4  ,it is always 
observed in years of scarcity1 if it be 
not extreme1 that the poor labour more  
and really live better than in years of 
great plenty1 when they indulge         
themselves in idleness and riot4 ,i have
 been told by a considerable            
manufacturer that in the year #agdj1    
when bread and provisions of all kinds  
were very dear1 his workmen not only    
made a shift to live1 but paid debts    
which they had contracted in former     

years that were much more favourable and
 abundant4  ,this doctrine1 therefore1  
with regard to taxes may be admitted to 
some degree1 but beware of the abuse4   
,exorbitant taxes1 like extreme         
necessity1 destroy industry by producing
 despair2 and even before they reach    
this pitch they raise the wages of the  
labourer and manufacturer1 and heighten 
the price of all commodities4 ,an       
attentive1 disinterested legislature    
will observe the point when the         
emolument ceases and the prejudice      
begins2 but as the contrary character is
 much more common1 it is to be feared   
that taxes all over ,europe are         
multiplying to such a degree as will    
entirely crush all art and industry2    
though perhaps their first increase1    
together with circumstances1 might have 
contributed to the growth of these      
advantages4  ,the best taxes are such as
 are levied upon consumptions1          
especially those of luxury1 because such
 taxes are less felt by the people4     

,they seem1 in some measure1 voluntary1 
since a man may choose how far he will  
use the commodity which is taxed3 they  
are paid gradually and insensibly1 and  
being confounded with the natural price 
of the commodity1 they are scarcely     
perceived by the consumers4 ,their only 
disadvantage is that they are expensive 
in the levying4  ,taxes upon possessions
 are levied without expense1 but have   
every other disadvantage4 ,most states1 
however1 are obliged to have recourse to
 them1 in order to supply the           
deficiencies of the other4  ,but the    
most pernicious of all taxes are those  
which are arbitrary4 ,they are commonly 
converted by their management into      
punishments on industry2 and also by    
their unavoidable inequality are more   
grievous than by the real burden which  
they impose4 ,it is surprising1         
therefore1 to see them have place among 
any civilized people4  ,in general1 all 
poll-taxes1 even when not               
arbitrary--which they commonly are--may 

be esteemed dangerous2 because it is so 
easy for the sovereign to add a little  
more and a little more to the sum       
demanded1 that these taxes are apt to   
become altogether oppressive and        
intolerable4 ,on the other hand1 a duty 
upon commodities checks itself1 and a   
prince will soon find that an increase  
of the impost is no increase of his     
revenue4 ,it is not easy1 therefore1 for
 a people to be altogether ruined by    
such taxes4  ,historians inform us that 
one of the chief causes of the          
destruction of the ,roman state was the 
alteration which ,constantine introduced
 into the finances1 by substituting a   
universal poll-tax in lieu of almost all
 the tithes1 customs1 and excises which 
formerly composed the revenue of the    
empire4 ,the people in all the provinces
 were so grinded and oppressed by the   
publicans that they were glad to take   
refuge under the conquering arms of the 
barbarians1 whose dominion1 as they had 
fewer necessities and less art1 was     

found preferable to the refined tyranny 
of the ,romans4  ,there is a prevailing 
opinion that all taxes1 however levied1 
fall upon the land at last4 ,such an    
opinion may be useful in ,britain1 by   
checking the landed gentlemen1 in whose 
hands our legislature is chiefly lodged1
 and making them preserve great regard  
for trade and industry2 but ,i must     
confess that this principle1 though     
first advanced by a celebrated writer1  
has so little appearance of reason that 
were it not for his authority it had    
never been received by anybody4 ,every  
man1 to be sure1 is desirous of pushing 
off from himself the burden of any tax  
which is imposed1 and laying it upon    
others2 but as every man has the same   
inclination1 and is upon the defensive1 
no set of men can be supposed to prevail
 altogether in this contest4 ,and why   
the landed gentleman should be the      
victim of the whole1 and should not be  
able to defend himself as well as others
 are1 ,i cannot readily imagine4 ,all   

tradesmen1 indeed1 would willingly prey 
upon him and divide him among them if   
they could2 but this inclination they   
always have1 though no taxes were       
levied2 and the same methods by which he
 guards against the imposition of       
tradesmen before taxes will serve him   
afterwards1 and make them share the     
burden with him4 ,no labour in any      
commodities that are exported can be    
very considerably raised in the price   
without losing the foreign market2 and  
as some part of almost every manufactory
 is exported1 this circumstance keeps   
the price of most species of labour     
nearly the same after the imposition of 
taxes4 ,i may add that it has this      
effect upon the whole1 for were any kind
 of labour paid beyond its proportion   
all hands would flock to it1 and would  
soon sink it to a level with the rest4  
,i shall conclude this subject with     
observing that we have with regard to   
taxes an instance of what frequently    
happens in political institutions1 that 

the consequence of things are           
diametrically opposite to what we should
 expect on the first appearance4 ,it is 
regarded as a fundamental maxim of the  
,turkish ,government that the ,grand    
,seignior1 though absolute master of the
 lives and fortunes of each individual1 
has no authority to impose a new tax2   
and every ,ottoman prince who has made  
such an attempt either has been obliged 
to retract1 or has found the fatal      
effects of his perseverance4 ,one would 
imagine that this prejudice or          
established opinion were the firmest    
barrier in the world against oppression1
 yet it is certain that its effect is   
quite contrary4 ,the emperor1 having no 
regular method of increasing his        
revenue1 must allow all the pashas and  
governors to oppress and abuse the      
subjects1 and these he squeezes after   
their return from their government2     
whereas1 if he could impose a new tax1  
like our ,european princes1 his interest
 would so far be united with that of his

 people that he would immediately feel  
the bad effects of these disorderly     
levies of money1 and would find that a  
pound raised by general imposition would
 have less pernicious effects than a    
shilling taken in so unequal and        
arbitrary a manner4   ,,note1 ,,of      
,,taxes4  #bf ,account of the           
,netherlands1 chap4 vi4     ,,of        
,,public ,,credit4   ,it appears to have
 been the common practice of antiquity  
to make provision in times of peace for 
the necessities of war1 and to hoard up 
treasures beforehand as the instruments 
either of conquest or defence1 without  
trusting to extraordinary imposts1 much 
less to borrowing1 in times of disorder 
and confusion4 ,besides the immense sums
 above mentioned#bg which were amassed  
by ,athens1 and by the ,ptolemies and   
other successors of ,alexander1 we learn
 from ,plato that the frugal            
,lacedemonians had also collected a     
great treasure2 and ,arrian and         
,plutarch#bh specify the riches which   

,alexander got possession of on the     
conquest of ,susa and ,ecbatana1 and    
which were reserved1 some of them1 from 
the time of ,cyrus4 ,if ,i remember     
right1 the ,scripture also mentions the 
treasure of ,hezekiah and the ,jewish   
princes1 as profane history does that of
 ,philip and ,perseus1 kings of         
,macedon4 ,the ancient republics of     
,gaul had commonly large sums in        
reserve4 ,every one knows the treasure  
seized in ,rome by ,julius ,csar during 
the civil wars1 and we find afterwards  
that the wiser emperors1 ,augustus1     
,tiberius1 ,vespasian1 ,severus1 etc41  
always discovered the prudent foresight 
of saving great sums against any public 
exigency4  ,on the contrary1 our modern 
expedient1 which has become very        
general1 is to mortgage the public      
revenues1 and to trust that posterity   
during peace will pay off the           
encumbrances contracted during the      
preceding war2 and they1 having before  
their eyes so good an example of their  

wise fathers1 have the same prudent     
reliance on their posterity1 who at     
last1 from necessity more than choice1  
are obliged to place the same confidence
 in a new posterity4 ,but not to waste  
time in declaiming against a practice   
which appears ruinous beyond the        
evidence of a hundred demonstrations1 it
 seems pretty apparent that the ancient 
maxims are in this respect much more    
prudent than the modern2 even though the
 latter had been confined within some   
reasonable bounds1 and had ever1 in any 
one instance1 been attended with such   
frugality in time of peace as to        
discharge the debts incurred by an      
expensive war4 ,for why should the case 
be so very different between the public 
and an individual as to make us         
establish such different maxims of      
conduct for each8 ,if the funds of the  
former be greater1 its necessary        
expenses are proportionably larger2 if  
its resources be more numerous1 they are
 not infinite2 and as its frame should  

be calculated for a much longer duration
 than the date of a single life1 or even
 of a family1 it should embrace maxims1 
large1 durable1 and generous1 agreeable 
to the supposed extent of its existence4
 ,to trust to chances and temporary     
expedients is indeed what the necessity 
of human affairs frequently reduces it  
to1 but whoever voluntarily depend on   
such resources have not necessity but   
their own folly to accuse for their     
misfortunes when any such befall them4  
,if the abuses of treasures be          
dangerous1 either by engaging the state 
in rash enterprises or making it neglect
 military discipline in confidence of   
its riches1 the abuses of mortgaging are
 more certain and inevitable--poverty1  
impotence1 and subjection to foreign    
powers4  ,according to modern policy1   
war is attended with every destructive  
circumstance3 loss of men1 increase of  
taxes1 decay of commerce1 dissipation of
 money1 devastation by sea and land4    
,according to ancient maxims1 the       

opening of the public treasure1 as it   
produced an uncommon affluence of gold  
and silver1 served as a temporary       
encouragement to industry1 and atoned in
 some degree for the inevitable         
calamities of war4  ,what then shall we 
say to the new paradox1 that public     
encumbrances are1 of themselves1        
advantageous1 independent of the        
necessity of contracting them2 and that 
any state1 even though it were not      
pressed by a foreign enemy1 could not   
possibly have embraced a wiser expedient
 for promoting commerce and riches than 
to create funds1 and debts1 and taxes   
without limitation8 ,discourses such as 
these might naturally have passed for   
trials of wit among rhetoricians1 like  
the panegyrics on folly and a fever1 on 
,busiris and ,nero1 had we not seen such
 absurd maxims patronized by great      
ministers and by a whole party among us2
 and these puzzling arguments 7for they 
deserve not the name of specious71      
though they could not be the foundation 

of ,lord ,orford's conduct1 for he had  
more sense1 served at least to keep his 
partisans in countenance and perplex the
 understanding of the nation4  ,let us  
examine the consequences of public      
debts1 both in our domestic management  
by their influence on commerce and      
industry1 and in our foreign            
transactions by their effect on wars and
 negotiations4  ,there is a word which  
is here in the mouth of everybody1 and  
which ,i find has also got abroad and is
 much employed by foreign writers#bi in 
imitation of the ,english--and this is  
8circulation40 ,this word serves as an  
account of everything1 and though ,i    
confess that ,i have sought for its     
meaning in the present subject ever     
since ,i was a schoolboy1 ,i have never 
yet been able to discover it4 ,what     
possible advantage is there which the   
nation can reap by the easy transference
 of stock from hand to hand8 ,or is     
there any parallel to be drawn from the 
circulation of other commodities to that

 of chequer notes and ,india bonds8     
,where a manufacturer has a quick sale  
of his goods to the merchant1 the       
merchant to the shopkeeper1 the         
shopkeeper to his customers1 this       
enlivens industry and gives new         
encouragement to the first dealer or the
 manufacturer and all his tradesmen1 and
 makes them produce more and better     
commodities of the same species4 ,a     
stagnation is here pernicious1 wherever 
it happens1 because it operates         
backwards1 and stops or benumbs the     
industrious hand in its production of   
what is useful to human life4 ,but what 
production we owe to ,change-alley1 or  
even what consumption1 except that of   
coffee1 and pen1 ink1 and paper1 ,i have
 not yet learned2 nor can one foresee   
the loss or decay of any one beneficial 
commerce or commodity1 though that place
 and all its inhabitants were for ever  
buried in the ocean4  ,but though this  
term has never been explained by those  
who insist so much on the advantages    

that result from a circulation1 there   
seems1 however1 to be some benefit of a 
similar kind arising from our           
encumbrances--as1 indeed1 what human    
evil is there which is not attended with
 some advantage8 ,this we shall         
endeavour to explain1 that we may       
estimate the weight which we ought to   
allow it4  ,public securities are with  
us become a kind of money1 and pass as  
readily at the current price as gold or 
silver4 ,wherever any profitable        
undertaking offers itself1 however      
expensive1 there are never wanting hands
 enough to embrace it2 nor need a trader
 who has sums in the public stocks fear 
to launch out into the most extensive   
trade1 since he is possessed of funds   
which will answer the most sudden demand
 that can be made upon him4 ,no merchant
 thinks it necessary to keep by him any 
considerable cash4 ,bank-notes or ,india
 bonds1 especially the latter1 serve all
 the same purposes2 because he can      
dispose of them or pledge them to a     

banker in a quarter of an hour2 and at  
the same time they are not idle1 even   
when in his escritoire1 but bring him in
 a constant revenue4 ,in short1 our     
national debts furnish merchants with a 
species of money that is continually    
multiplying in their hands1 and produces
 sure gain besides the profits of their 
commerce4 ,this must enable them to     
trade upon less profit4 ,the small      
profit of the merchant renders the      
commodity cheaper1 causes a greater     
consumption1 quickens the labour of the 
common people1 and helps to spread arts 
and industry through the whole society4 
,there are also1 we may observe1 in     
,england and in all states which have   
both commerce and public debts1 a set of
 men who are half merchants1 half       
stock-holders1 and may be supposed      
willing to trade for small profits2     
because commerce is not their principal 
or sole support1 and their revenues in  
the funds are a sure resource for       
themselves and their families4 ,were    

there no funds great merchants would    
have no expedient for realizing or      
securing any part of their profit but by
 making purchases of land1 and land has 
many disadvantages in comparison of     
funds4 ,requiring more care and         
inspection1 it divides the time and     
attention of the merchant2 upon any     
tempting offer or extraordinary accident
 in trade1 it is not so easily converted
 into money2 and as it attracts too     
much1 both by the many natural pleasures
 it affords and the authority it gives1 
it soon converts the citizen into the   
country gentleman4 ,more men1 therefore1
 with large stocks and incomes1 may     
naturally be supposed to continue in    
trade where there are public debts2 and 
this1 it must be owned1 is of some      
advantage to commerce by diminishing its
 profits1 promoting circulation1 and    
encouraging industry4  ,but1 in         
opposition to these two favourable      
circumstances1 perhaps of no very great 
importance1 weigh the many disadvantages

 which attend our public debts in the   
whole interior economy of the state2 you
 will find no comparison between the ill
 and the good which result from them4   
,first1 it is certain that national     
debts cause a mighty confluence of      
people and riches to the capital1 by the
 great sums which are levied in the     
provinces to pay the interest of those  
debts2 and perhaps1 too1 by the         
advantages in trade above mentioned1    
which they give the merchants in the    
capital above the rest of the kingdom4  
,the question is1 whether1 in our case1 
it be for the public interest that so   
many privileges should be conferred on  
,london1 which has already arrived at   
such an enormous size and seems still   
increasing8 ,some men are apprehensive  
of the consequences4 ,for my part1 ,i   
cannot forbear thinking that though the 
head is undoubtedly too big for the     
body1 yet that great city is so happily 
situated that its excessive bulk causes 
less inconvenience than even a smaller  

capital to a greater kingdom4 ,there is 
more difference between the prices of   
all provisions in ,paris and ,languedoc 
than between those in ,london and       
,yorkshire4  ,secondly1 public stocks1  
being a kind of paper-credit1 have all  
the disadvantages attending that species
 of money4 ,they banish gold and silver 
from the most considerable commerce of  
the state1 reduce them to common        
circulation1 and by that means render   
all provisions and labour dearer than   
otherwise they would be4  ,thirdly1 the 
taxes which are levied to pay the       
interests of these debts are apt to be a
 check upon industry1 to heighten the   
price of labour1 and to be an oppression
 on the poorer sort4  ,fourthly1 as     
foreigners possess a share of our       
national funds1 they render the public  
in a manner tributary to them1 and may  
in time occasion the transport of our   
people and our industry4  ,fifthly1 the 
greatest part of public stock being     
always in the hands of idle people1 who 

live on their revenue1 our funds give   
great encouragement to a useless and    
inactive life4  ,but though the injury  
which arises to commerce and industry   
from our public funds will appear1 upon 
balancing the whole1 very considerable1 
it is trivial in comparison of the      
prejudice which results to the state    
considered as a body politic1 which must
 support itself in the society of       
nations1 and have various transactions  
with other states1 in wars and          
negotiations4 ,the ill there is pure and
 unmixed1 without any favourable        
circumstance to atone for it1 and it is 
an ill too of a nature the highest and  
most important4  ,we have1 indeed1 been 
told that the public is no weaker upon  
account of its debts1 since they are    
mostly due among ourselves1 and bring as
 much property to one as they take from 
another4 ,it is like transferring money 
from the right hand to the left1 which  
leaves the person neither richer nor    
poorer than before4 ,such loose         

reasonings and specious comparisons will
 always pass where we judge not upon    
principles4 ,i ask1 is it possible1 in  
the nature of things1 to overburden a   
nation with taxes1 even where the       
sovereign resides among them8 ,the very 
doubt seems extravagant1 since it is    
requisite in every commonwealth that    
there be a certain proportion observed  
between the laborious and the idle part 
of it4 ,but if all our present taxes be 
mortgaged1 must we not invent new ones8 
and may not this matter be carried to a 
length that is ruinous and destructive8 
,in every nation there are always some  
methods of levying money more easy than 
others1 agreeable to the way of living  
of the people and the commodities they  
make use of4 ,in ,britain the excises   
upon malt and beer afford a very large  
revenue1 because the operations of      
malting and brewing are very tedious1   
and are impossible to be concealed2 and 
at the same time1 these commodities are 
not so absolutely necessary to life as  

that the raising their price would very 
much affect the poorer sort4 ,these     
taxes being all mortgaged1 what         
difficulty to find new ones6 what       
vexation and ruin of the poor6  ,duties 
upon consumptions are more equal and    
easy than those upon possessions4 ,what 
a loss to the public that the former are
 all exhausted1 and that we must have   
recourse to the more grievous method of 
levying taxes6  ,were all the           
proprietors of land only stewards to the
 public1 must not necessity force them  
to practise all the arts of oppression  
used by stewards1 where the absence or  
negligence of the proprietor render them
 secure against inquiry8  ,it will      
scarce be asserted that no bounds ought 
ever to be set to national debts1 and   
that the public would be no weaker were 
twelve or fifteen shillings in the pound
 land-tax mortgaged1 with the present   
customs and excises4 ,there is something
 therefore in the case beside the mere  
transferring of property from one hand  

to another4 ,in #ejj years the posterity
 of those now in the coaches and of     
those upon the boxes will probably have 
changed places1 without affecting the   
public by these revolutions4  ,suppose  
the public once fairly brought to that  
condition to which it is hastening with 
such amazing rapidity2 suppose the land 
to be taxed eighteen or nineteen        
shillings in the pound 7for it can never
 bear the whole twenty72 suppose all the
 excises and customs to be screwed up to
 the outmost which the nation can bear1 
without entirely losing its commerce and
 industry2 and suppose that all those   
funds are mortgaged to perpetuity1 and  
that the invention and wit of all our   
projectors can find no new imposition   
which may serve as the foundation of a  
new loan2 and let us consider the       
necessary consequences of this          
situation4 ,though the imperfect state  
of our political knowledge and the      
narrow capacities of men make it        
difficult to foretell the effects which 

will result from any untried measure1   
the seeds of ruin are here scattered    
with such profusion as not to escape the
 eye of the most careless observer4  ,in
 this unnatural state of society1 the   
only persons who possess any revenue    
beyond the immediate effects of their   
industry are the stockholders1 who draw 
almost all the rent of the land and     
houses1 besides the produce of all the  
customs and excises4 ,these are men who 
have no connections in the state1 who   
can enjoy their revenue in any part of  
the world in which they choose to       
reside1 who will naturally bury         
themselves in the capital1 or in great  
cities1 and who will sink into the      
lethargy of a stupid and pampered       
luxury1 without spirit1 ambition1 or    
enjoyment4 ,adieu to all ideas of       
nobility1 gentry1 and family4 ,the      
stocks can be transferred in an instant1
 and being in such a fluctuating state1 
will seldom be transmitted during three 
generations from father to son4 ,or were

 they to remain ever so long in one     
family1 they convey no hereditary       
authority or credit to the possessors2  
and by this means1 the several ranks of 
men1 which form a kind of independent   
magistracy in a state1 instituted by the
 hand of nature1 are entirely lost1 and 
every man in authority derives his      
influence from the commission alone of  
the sovereign4 ,no expedient remains for
 preventing or suppressing insurrections
 but mercenary armies2 no expedient at  
all remains for resisting tyranny2      
elections are swayed by bribery and     
corruption alone2 and the middle power  
between king and people being totally   
removed1 a horrible despotism must      
infallibly prevail4 ,the landholders1   
despised for their poverty and hated for
 their oppressions1 will be utterly     
unable to make any opposition to it4    
,though a resolution should be formed by
 the legislature never to impose any tax
 which hurts commerce and discourages   
industry1 it will be impossible for men1

 in subjects of such extreme delicacy1  
to reason so justly as never to be      
mistaken1 or amidst difficulties so     
urgent1 never to be seduced from their  
resolution4 ,the continual fluctuations 
in commerce require continual           
alterations in the nature of the taxes1 
which exposes the legislature every     
moment to the danger both of wilful and 
involuntary error2 and any great blow   
given to trade1 whether by injudicious  
taxes or by other accidents1 throws the 
whole system of the government into     
confusion4  ,but what expedient is the  
public now to fall upon1 even supposing 
trade to continue in the most           
flourishing condition1 to support its   
foreign wars and enterprises1 and to    
defend its own honour and interests or  
those of its allies8 ,i do not ask how  
the public is to exert such a prodigious
 power as it has maintained during our  
late wars1 where we have so much        
exceeded1 not only our own natural      
strength1 but even that of the greatest 

empires4 ,this extravagance is the abuse
 complained of1 as the source of all the
 dangers to which we are at present     
exposed4 ,but since we must still       
suppose great commerce and opulence to  
remain even after every fund is         
mortgaged1 those riches must be defended
 by proportionable power1 and whence is 
the public to derive the revenue which  
supports it8 ,it must plainly be from a 
continual taxation of the annuitants1   
or1 which is the same thing1 from       
mortgaging anew on every exigency a     
certain part of their annuity1 and thus 
making them contribute to their own     
defence and to that of the nation2 but  
the difficulties attending this system  
of policy will easily appear1 whether we
 suppose the king to have become        
absolute master or to be still          
controlled by national councils1 in     
which the annuitants themselves must    
necessarily bear the principal sway4    
,if the prince has become absolute1 as  
may naturally be expected from this     

situation of affairs1 it is so easy for 
him to increase his exactions upon the  
annuitants1 which amount only to the    
retaining money in his own hands1 that  
this species of property will soon lose 
all its credit1 and the whole income of 
every individual in the state must lie  
entirely at the mercy of the            
sovereign--a degree of despotism which  
no oriental monarchy has ever yet       
attained4 ,if1 on the contrary1 the     
consent of the annuitants be requisite  
for every taxation1 they will never be  
persuaded to contribute sufficiently    
even to the support of government1 as   
the diminution of their revenue must in 
that case be very sensible1 would not be
 disguised under the appearance of a    
branch of excise or customs1 and would  
not be shared by any other order of the 
state1 who are already supposed to be   
taxed to the utmost4 ,there are         
instances in some republics of a        
hundredth penny1 and sometimes of the   
fiftieth1 being given to the support of 

the state2 but this is always an        
extraordinary exertion of power1 and can
 never become the foundation of a       
constant national defence4 ,we have     
always found1 where a government has    
mortgaged all its revenues1 that it     
necessarily sinks into a state of       
languor1 inactivity1 and impotence4     
,such are the inconveniences which may  
reasonably be foreseen of this situation
 to which ,great ,britain is visibly    
tending1 not to mention the numberless  
inconveniences which cannot be foreseen1
 and which must result from so monstrous
 a situation as that of making the      
public the sole proprietor of land1     
besides investing it with every branch  
of customs and excise which the fertile 
imagination of ministers and projectors 
have been able to invent4  ,i must      
confess that there is a strange         
supineness1 from long custom1 crept into
 all ranks of men with regard to public 
debts1 not unlike what divines so       
vehemently complain of with regard to   

their religious doctrines4 ,we all own  
that the most sanguine imagination      
cannot hope either that this or any     
future ministry will be possessed of    
such rigid and steady frugality as to   
make any considerable progress in the   
payment of our debts1 or that the       
situation of foreign affairs will1 for  
any long time1 allow them leisure and   
tranquillity for such an undertaking4#cj
 ,what then is to become of us8 ,were we
 ever so good ,christians and ever so   
resigned to ,providence1 this1 methinks1
 were a curious question1 even          
considered as a speculative one1 and    
what it might not be altogether         
impossible to form some conjectural     
solution of4 ,the events here will      
depend little upon the contingencies of 
battles1 negotiations1 intrigues1 and   
factions4 ,there seems to be a natural  
progress of things which may guide our  
reasoning4 ,as it would have required   
but a moderate share of prudence when we
 first began this practice of mortgaging

 to have foretold1 from the nature of   
men and of ministers1 that things would 
necessarily be carried to the length we 
see1 so now that they have at last      
happily reached it1 it may not be       
difficult to guess at the consequences4 
,it must1 indeed1 be one of these two   
events--either the nation must destroy  
public credit1 or public credit will    
destroy the nation4 ,it is impossible   
they can both subsist after the manner  
they have been hitherto managed1 in this
 as well as in some other nations4      
,there was indeed a scheme for the      
payment of our debts which was proposed 
by an excellent citizen1 ,mr4           
,hutchinson1 above thirty years ago1 and
 which was much approved of by some men 
of sense1 but never was likely to take  
effect4 ,he asserted that there was a   
fallacy in imagining that the public    
owed this debt1 for that really every   
individual owed a proportional share of 
it1 and paid1 in his taxes1 a           
proportional share of the interest1     

beside the expenses of levying these    
taxes4 ,had we not better1 then1 says   
he1 make a proportional distribution of 
the debt among us1 and each of us       
contribute a sum suitable to his        
property1 and by that means discharge at
 once all our funds and public          
mortgages8 ,he seems not to have        
considered that the laborious poor pay a
 considerable part of the taxes by their
 annual consumptions1 though they could 
not advance at once a proportional part 
of the sum required2 not to mention that
 property in money and stock in trade   
might easily be concealed or disguised1 
and that visible property in lands and  
houses would really at last answer for  
the whole--an inequality and oppression 
which never would be submitted to4 ,but 
though this project is never likely to  
take place1 it is not altogether        
improbable that when the nation become  
heartily sick of their debts1 and are   
cruelly oppressed by them1 some daring  
projector may arise with visionary      

schemes for their discharge4 ,and as    
public credit will begin1 by that time1 
to be a little frail1 the least touch   
will destroy it1 as happened in ,france2
 and in this manner it will die of the  
doctor4#ca  ,but it is more probable    
that the breach of national faith will  
be the necessary effect of wars1        
defeats1 misfortunes1 and public        
calamities1 or even perhaps of victories
 and conquests4 ,i must confess1 when ,i
 see princes and states fighting and    
quarrelling1 amidst their debts1 funds1 
and public mortgages1 it always brings  
to my mind a match of cudgel-playing    
fought in a china-shop4 ,how can it be  
expected that sovereigns will spare a   
species of property which is pernicious 
to themselves and to the public1 when   
they have so little compassion on lives 
and properties which are useful to both8
 ,let the time come 7and surely it will 
come7 when the new funds created for the
 exigencies of the year are not         
subscribed to1 and raise not the money  

projected4 ,suppose either that the cash
 of the nation is exhausted1 or that our
 faith1 which has hitherto been so      
ample1 begins to fail us2 suppose that  
in this distress the nation is          
threatened with an invasion2 a rebellion
 is suspected or broken out at home2 a  
squadron cannot be equipped for want of 
pay1 victuals1 or repairs2 or even a    
foreign subsidy cannot be advanced--what
 must a prince or minister do in such an
 emergence8 ,the right of               
self-preservation is unalienable in     
every individual1 much more in every    
community2 and the folly of our         
statesmen must then be greater than the 
folly of those who first contracted     
debt1 or1 what is more1 than that of    
those who trusted1 or continue to trust 
this security1 if these statesmen have  
the means of safety in their hands and  
do not employ them4 ,the funds1 created 
and mortgaged1 will by that time bring  
in a large yearly revenue1 sufficient   
for the defence and security of the     

nation4 ,money is perhaps lying in the  
exchequer1 ready for the discharge of   
the quarterly interest4 ,necessity      
calls1 fear urges1 reason exhorts1      
compassion alone exclaims2 the money    
will immediately be seized for the      
current service--under the most solemn  
protestations1 perhaps1 of being        
immediately replaced4 ,but no more is   
requisite2 the whole fabric1 already    
tottering1 falls to the ground1 and     
buries thousands in its ruins4 ,and     
this1 ,i think1 may be called the       
natural death of public credit2 for to  
this period it tends as naturally as an 
animal body to its dissolution and      
destruction4#cb  ,these two events      
supposed above are calamitous1 but not  
the most calamitous4 ,thousands are     
hereby sacrificed to the safety of      
millions2 but we are not without danger 
that the contrary event may take place1 
and that millions may be sacrificed for 
ever to the temporary safety of         
thousands4#cc ,our popular government   

perhaps will render it difficult or     
dangerous for a minister to venture on  
so desperate an expedient as that of a  
voluntary bankruptcy2 and though the    
,house of ,lords be altogether composed 
of the proprietors of lands1 and the    
,house of ,commons chiefly1 and         
consequently neither of them can be     
supposed to have great property in the  
funds1 yet the connections of the       
members may be so great with the        
proprietors as to render them more      
tenacious of public faith than prudence1
 policy1 or even justice1 strictly      
speaking1 requires4 ,and perhaps1 too1  
our foreign enemies1 or rather enemy    
7for we have but one to dread7 may be so
 politic as to discover that our safety 
lies in despair1 and may not therefore  
show the danger open and barefaced till 
it be inevitable4 ,the balance of power 
in ,europe1 our grandfathers1 our       
fathers1 and we1 have all justly        
esteemed too unequal to be preserved    
without our attention and assistance4   

,but our children1 weary with the       
struggle1 and fettered with             
encumbrances1 may sit down secure and   
see their neighbours oppressed and      
conquered1 till at last they themselves 
and their creditors lie both at the     
mercy of the conqueror4 ,and this may   
properly enough be denominated the      
violent death of our public credit4     
,these seem to be the events which are  
not very remote1 and which reason       
foresees as clearly almost as she can do
 anything that lies in the womb of time4
 ,and though the ancients maintained    
that1 in order to reach the gift of     
prophecy1 a certain divine fury or      
madness was requisite1 one may safely   
affirm that1 in order to deliver such   
prophecies as these1 no more is         
necessary than merely to be in one's    
senses1 free from the influence of      
popular madness and delusion4   ,,notes1
 ,,of ,,public ,,credit4  #bg ,essay ,of
 the ,balance of ,trade4   #bh ,plut4 in
 ,vita ,alex4 ,he makes these treasures 

amount to #hj1jjj talents1 or about #ae 
millions sterling4 ,quintus ,curtius    
7lib4 #e1 cap4 #b7 says that ,alexander 
found in ,susa above #ej1jjj talents4   
#bi ,melon1 ,du ,tot1 ,law1 in the      
pamphlets published in ,france4   #cj   
,in times of peace and security1 when   
alone it is possible to pay debt1 the   
moneyed interest are averse to receive  
partial payments1 which they know not   
how to dispose of to advantage1 and the 
landed interest are averse to continue  
the taxes requisite for that purpose4   
,why therefore should a minister        
persevere in a measure so disagreeable  
to all parties8 ,for the sake1 ,i       
suppose1 of a posterity which he will   
never see1 or of a few reasonable1      
reflecting people whose united interest 
perhaps will not be able to secure him  
the smallest borough in ,england4 ,it is
 not likely we shall ever find any      
minister so bad a politician4 ,with     
regard to these narrow1 destructive     
maxims of politics all ministers are    

expert enough4   #ca ,some neighbouring 
states practise an easy expedient1 by   
which they lighten their public debts4  
,the ,french have a custom 7as the      
,romans formerly had7 of augmenting     
their money1 and this the nation has    
been so much familiarized to that it    
hurts not public credit1 though it be   
really cutting off at once1 by an edict1
 so much of their debts4 ,the ,dutch    
diminish the interest without the       
consent of their creditors2 or1 which is
 the same thing1 they arbitrarily tax   
the funds as well as other property4    
,could we practise either of these      
methods1 we need never be oppressed by  
the national debt2 and it is not        
impossible but one of these1 or some    
other method1 may1 at all adventures1 be
 tried1 on the augmentation of our      
encumbrances and difficulties4 ,but     
people in this country are so good      
reasoners upon whatever regards their   
interest1 that such a practice will     
deceive nobody1 and public credit will  

probably tumble at once by so dangerous 
a trial4   #cb ,so great dupes are the  
generality of mankind1 that             
notwithstanding such a violent shock to 
public credit as a voluntary bankruptcy 
in ,england would occasion1 it would not
 probably be long ere credit would again
 revive in as flourishing a condition as
 before4 ,the present ,king of ,france1 
during the late war1 borrowed money at  
lower interest than ever his grandfather
 did1 and as low as the ,british        
,parliament1 comparing the natural rate 
of interest in both kingdoms4 ,and      
though men are commonly more governed by
 what they have seen than by what they  
foresee1 with whatever certainty1 yet   
promises1 protestations1 fair           
appearances1 with the allurements of    
present interest1 have such powerful    
influence as few are able to resist4    
,mankind are1 in all ages1 caught by the
 same baits4 ,the same tricks1 played   
over and over again1 still trepan them4 
,the heights of popularity and          

patriotism are still the beaten road to 
power and tyranny2 flattery to          
treachery2 standing armies to arbitrary 
government2 and the glory of ,god to the
 temporal interest of the clergy4 ,the  
fear of an everlasting destruction of   
credit1 allowing it to be an evil1 is a 
needless bugbear4 ,a prudent man1 in    
reality1 would rather lend to the public
 immediately after they had taken a     
sponge to their debts1 than at present2 
as much as an opulent knave1 even though
 one could not force him to pay1 is a   
preferable debtor to an honest bankrupt2
 for the former1 in order to carry on   
business1 may find it his interest to   
discharge his debts1 where they are not 
exorbitant4 ,the latter has it not in   
his power4 ,the reasoning of ,tacitus   
7,hist4 lib4 #c71 as it is eternally    
true1 is very applicable to our present 
case3 8,sed vulgus ad magnitudinem      
beneficiorum aderat3 ,stultissimus      
quisque pecuniis mercabatur3 ,apud      
sapientes cassa habebantur1 qu neque    

dari neque accipi1 salva republica1     
poterant40 ,the public is a debtor1 whom
 no man can oblige to pay4 ,the only    
check which the creditors have on it is 
the interest of preserving credit2 an   
interest which may easily be            
overbalanced by a very great debt1 and  
by a difficult and extraordinary        
emergence1 even supposing that credit   
irrecoverable4 ,not to mention that a   
present necessity often forces states   
into measures which are1 strictly       
speaking1 against their interest4   #cc 
,i have heard it has been computed that 
all the creditors of the public1 natives
 and foreigners1 amount only to #ag1jjj4
 ,these make a figure at present on     
their income2 but in case of a public   
bankruptcy would in an instant become   
the lowest1 as well as the most wretched
 of the people4 ,the dignity and        
authority of the landed gentry and      
nobility is much better rooted1 and     
would render the contention very        
unequal1 if ever we come to that        

extremity4 ,one would incline to assign 
to this event a very near period1 such  
as half a century1 had not our fathers' 
prophecies of this kind been already    
found fallacious by the duration of our 
public credit so much beyond all        
reasonable expectation4 ,when the       
astrologers in ,france were every year  
foretelling the death of ,henry ,,iv41  
8,these fellows10 says he1 8must be     
right at last40 ,we shall therefore be  
more cautious than to assign any precise
 date1 and shall content ourselves with 
pointing out the event in general4      
,,of ,,some ,,remarkable ,,customs4   ,i
 shall observe three remarkable customs 
in three celebrated governments1 and    
shall conclude from the whole that all  
general maxims in politics ought to be  
established with great reserve1 and that
 irregular and extraordinary appearances
 are frequently discovered in the moral 
as well as in the physical world4 ,the  
former perhaps can we better account for
 after they happen1 from springs and    

principles of which every one has within
 himself1 or from obvious observation1  
the strongest assurance and conviction2 
but it is often fully as impossible for 
human prudence beforehand to foresee and
 foretell them4  ,i4 ,one would think it
 essential to every supreme council or  
assembly which debates1 that entire     
liberty of speech should be granted to  
every member1 and that all motions or   
reasonings should be received which can 
any way tend to illustrate the point    
under deliberation4 ,one would conclude1
 with still greater assurance1 that     
after a motion was made1 which was voted
 and approved by that assembly in which 
the legislative power is lodged1 the    
member who made the motion must for ever
 be exempted from further trial or      
inquiry4 ,but no political maxim can at 
first sight appear more undisputable    
than that he must at least be secured   
from all inferior jurisdiction1 and that
 nothing less than the same supreme     
legislative assembly1 in their          

subsequent meetings1 could render him   
accountable for those motions and       
harangues which they had before approved
 of4 ,but these axioms1 however         
irrefragable they may appear1 have all  
failed in the ,athenian government1 from
 causes1 and principles too1 which      
appear almost inevitable4  ,by the  1 or
 8indictment of illegality0 7though it  
has not been remarked by antiquaries or 
commentators71 any man was tried and    
punished by any common court of         
judicature for any law which had passed 
upon his motion in the assembly of the  
people1 if that law appeared to the     
court unjust or prejudicial to the      
public4 ,thus ,demosthenes1 finding that
 ship-money was levied irregularly1 and 
that the poor bore the same burden as   
the rich in equipping the galleys1      
corrected this inequality by a very     
useful law1 which proportioned the      
expense to the revenue and income of    
each individual4 ,he moved for this law 
in the assembly1 he proved its          

advantages1#cd he convinced the people1 
the only legislature in ,athens1 the law
 passed and was carried into execution2 
and yet he was tried in a criminal court
 for that law upon the complaint of the 
rich1 who resented the alteration he had
 introduced into the finances4 ,he was  
indeed acquitted upon proving anew the  
usefulness of his law4  ,ctesiphon moved
 in the assembly of the people that     
particular honours should be conferred  
on ,demosthenes1 as on a citizen        
affectionate and useful to the          
commonwealth4 ,the people1 convinced of 
this truth1 voted those honours2 yet was
 ,ctesiphon tried by the  4 ,it was     
asserted1 among other topics1 that      
,demosthenes was not a good citizen1 nor
 affectionate to the commonwealth1 and  
the orator was called upon to defend his
 friend1 and consequently himself1 which
 he executed by that sublime piece of   
eloquence that has ever since been the  
admiration of mankind4  ,after the      
battle of ,chronea a law was passed1    

upon the motion of ,hyperides1 giving   
liberty to slaves and enrolling them in 
the troops4#ce ,on account of this law  
the orator was afterwards tried by the  
indictment above mentioned1 and defended
 himself1 among other topics1 by that   
stroke celebrated by ,plutarch and      
,longinus4 8,it was not ,i10 said he1   
8that moved for this law3 it was the    
necessities of war2 it was the battle of
 ,chronea40 ,the orations of            
,demosthenes abound with many instances 
of trials of this nature1 and prove     
clearly that nothing was more commonly  
practised4  ,the ,athenian ,democracy   
was such a tumultuary government as we  
can scarce form a notion of in the      
present age of the world4 ,the whole    
collective body of the people voted in  
every law without any limitation of     
property1 without any distinction of    
rank1 without control of any magistracy 
or senate2#cf and consequently without  
regard to order1 justice1 or prudence4  
,the ,athenians soon became sensible of 

the mischiefs attending this            
constitution1 but being averse to the   
checking themselves by any rule or      
restriction1 they resolved at least to  
check their demagogues or counsellors by
 the fear of future punishment and      
inquiry4 ,they accordingly instituted   
this remarkable law1 a law esteemed so  
essential to their government that      
schines insists on it as a known truth1 
that were it abolished or neglected it  
were impossible for the ,democracy to   
subsist4#cg  ,the people feared not any 
ill consequence to liberty from the     
authority of the criminal courts1       
because these were nothing but very     
numerous juries1 chosen by lot from     
among the people2 and they considered   
themselves justly as in a state of      
perpetual pupilage1 where they had an   
authority1 after they came to the use of
 reason1 not only to retract and control
 whatever had been determined1 but to   
punish any guardian for measures which  
they had embraced by his persuasion4    

,the same law had place in ,thebes1 and 
for the same reason4  ,it appears to    
have been a usual practice in ,athens1  
on the establishment of any law esteemed
 very useful or popular1 to prohibit for
 ever its abrogation and repeal4 ,thus  
the demagogue who diverted all the      
public revenues to the support of shows 
and spectacles1 made it criminal so much
 as to move for a repeal of this law2   
thus ,leptines moved for a law1 not only
 to recall all the immunities formerly  
granted1 but to deprive the people for  
the future of the power of granting any 
more2 thus all bills of attainder were  
forbid1 or laws that affected one       
,athenian without extending to the whole
 commonwealth4 ,these absurd clauses1 by
 which the legislature vainly attempted 
to bind itself for ever1 proceeded from 
a universal sense of the levity and     
inconstancy of the people4  ,,ii4 ,a    
wheel within a wheel1 such as we observe
 in the ,german ,empire1 is considered  
by ,lord ,shaftesbury#ch as an absurdity

 in politics2 but what must we say to   
two equal wheels which govern the same  
political machine without any mutual    
check1 control1 or subordination1 and   
yet preserve the greatest harmony and   
concord8 ,to establish two distinct     
legislatures1 each of which possesses   
full and absolute authority within      
itself1 and stands in no need of the    
other's assistance1 in order to give    
validity to its acts1 this may appear   
beforehand altogether impracticable as  
long as men are actuated by the passions
 of ambition1 emulation1 and avarice1   
which have been hitherto their chief    
governing principles4 ,and should ,i    
assert that the state ,i have in my eye 
was divided into two distinct factions1 
each of which predominated in a distinct
 legislature1 and yet produced no       
clashing in these independent powers1   
the supposition may appear almost       
incredible2 and if1 to augment the      
paradox1 ,i should affirm that this     
disjointed1 irregular government was the

 most active1 triumphant1 and           
illustrious commonwealth that ever yet  
appeared on the stage of the world1 ,i  
should certainly be told that such a    
political chimera was as absurd as any  
vision of the poets4 ,but there is no   
need for searching long in order to     
prove the reality of the foregoing      
suppositions1 for this was actually the 
case with the ,roman republic4  ,the    
legislative power was there lodged in   
the comitia centuriata and comitia      
tributa4 ,in the former1 it is well     
known1 the people voted according to    
their census2 so that when the first    
class was unanimous1 though it contained
 not perhaps the hundredth part of the  
commonwealth1 it determined the whole1  
and1 with the authority of the senate1  
established a law4 ,in the latter1 every
 vote was alike2 and as the authority of
 the senate was not there requisite1 the
 lower people entirely prevailed and    
gave law to the whole state4 ,in all    
party divisions1 at first between the   

,patricians and ,plebeians1 afterwards  
between the nobles and the people1 the  
interest of the aristocracy was         
predominant in the first legislature1   
that of the democracy in the second4    
,the one could always destroy what the  
other had established2 nay1 the one by a
 sudden and unforeseen motion might take
 the start of the other and totally     
annihilate its rival by a vote1 which1  
from the nature of the constitution1 had
 the full authority of a law4 ,but no   
such contest or struggle is observed in 
the history of ,rome3 no instance of a  
quarrel between these two legislatures1 
though many between the parties that    
governed in each4 ,whence arose this    
concord1 which may seem so              
extraordinary8  ,the legislature        
established at ,rome by the authority of
 ,servius ,tullius was the comitia      
centuriata1 which1 after the expulsion  
of the kings1 rendered the government   
for some time altogether aristocratical4
 ,but the people1 having numbers and    

force on their side1 and being elated   
with frequent conquests and victories in
 their foreign wars1 always prevailed   
when pushed to extremities1 and first   
extorted from the senate the magistracy 
of the tribunes1 and then the           
legislative power of the comitia        
tributa4 ,it then behoved the nobles to 
be more careful than ever not to provoke
 the people1 for beside the force which 
the latter were always possessed of1    
they had now got possession of legal    
authority1 and could instantly break in 
pieces any order or institution which   
directly opposed them4 ,by intrigue1 by 
influence1 by money1 by combination1 and
 by the respect paid their character1   
the nobles might often prevail and      
direct the whole machine of government2 
but had they openly set their comitia   
centuriata in opposition to the tributa1
 they had soon lost the advantage of    
that institution1 together with their   
consuls1 prtors1 ediles1 and all the    
magistrates elected by it4 ,but the     

comitia tributa1 not having the same    
reason for respecting the centuriata1   
frequently repealed laws favourable to  
the aristocracy2 they limited the       
authority of the nobles1 protected the  
people from oppression1 and controlled  
the actions of the senate and           
magistracy4 ,the centuriata found it    
convenient always to submit2 and though 
equal in authority1 yet being inferior  
in power1 durst never directly give any 
shock to the other legislature1 either  
by repealing its laws or establishing   
laws1 which1 it foresaw1 would soon be  
repealed by it4  ,no instance is found  
of any opposition or struggle between   
these comitia1 except one slight attempt
 of this kind mentioned by ,appian in   
the third book of his ,civil ,wars4     
,mark ,antony1 resolving to deprive     
,decimus ,brutus of the government of   
,cisalpine ,gaul1 railed in the forum1  
and called one of the comitia in order  
to prevent the meeting of the other     
which had been ordered by the senate2   

but affairs were then fallen into such  
confusion1 and the ,roman constitution  
was so near its final dissolution1 that 
no inference can be drawn from such an  
expedient4 ,this contest1 besides1 was  
founded more on form than party4 ,it was
 the senate who ordered the comitia     
tributa that they might obstruct the    
meeting of the centuriata1 which1 by the
 constitution1 or at least forms of the 
government1 could alone dispose of      
provinces4  ,cicero was recalled by the 
comitia centuriata1 though banished by  
the tributa--that is1 by a plebiscitum4 
,but his banishment1 we may observe1    
never was considered as a legal deed1   
arising from the free choice and        
inclination of the people4 ,it was      
always ascribed to the violence alone of
 ,clodius1 and to the disorders         
introduced by him into the government4  
,,iii4 ,the third custom which we       
proposed to observe regards ,england1   
and though it be not so important as    
those which we have pointed out in      

,athens and ,rome1 it is no less        
singular and remarkable4 ,it is a maxim 
in politics which we readily admit as   
undisputed and universal1 that a power1 
however great1 when granted by law to an
 eminent magistrate is not so dangerous 
to liberty as an authority1 however     
considerable1 which he acquires from    
violence and usurpation2 for1 besides   
that the law always limits every power  
which it bestows1 the very receiving it 
as a concession establishes the         
authority whence it is derived and      
preserves the harmony of the            
constitution4 ,by the same right that   
one prerogative is assumed without law  
another may also be claimed1 and another
 with still greater facility2 while the 
first usurpations both serve as         
precedents to the following1 and give   
force to maintain them4 ,hence the      
heroism of ,hampden1 who sustained the  
whole violence of royal prosecution     
rather than pay a tax of twenty         
shillings not imposed by ,parliament2   

hence the care of all ,english patriots 
to guard against the first encroachments
 of the crown1 and hence alone the      
existence at this day of ,english       
liberty4  ,there is1 however1 one       
occasion where the ,parliament has      
departed from this maxim1 and this is in
 the pressing of seamen4 ,the exercise  
of an illegal power is here tacitly     
permitted in the crown1 and though it   
has frequently been under deliberation  
how that power might be rendered legal  
and granted under proper restrictions to
 the sovereign1 no safe expedient could 
ever be proposed for that purpose1 and  
the danger to liberty always appeared   
greater from law than from usurpation4  
,while this power is exercised to no    
other end than to man the ,navy men     
willingly submit to it from a sense of  
its use and necessity1 and the sailors1 
who are alone affected by it1 find      
nobody to support them in claiming the  
rights and privileges which the law     
grants without distinction to all       

,english subjects4 ,but were this power 
on any occasion made an instrument of   
faction or ministerial tyranny1 the     
opposite faction1 and indeed all lovers 
of their country1 would immediately take
 the alarm and support the injured      
party4 ,the liberty of ,englishmen would
 be asserted2 juries would be           
implacable2 and the tools of tyranny    
acting both against law and equity would
 meet with the severest vengeance4 ,on  
the other hand1 were the ,parliament to 
grant such an authority1 they would     
probably fall into one of these two     
inconveniences3 they would either bestow
 it under so many restrictions as would 
make it lose its effects by cramping the
 authority of the crown1 or they would  
render it so large and comprehensive as 
might give occasion to great abuses1 for
 which we could in that case have no    
remedy4 ,the very illegality of the     
power at present prevents its abuses1 by
 affording so easy a remedy against     
them4  ,i pretend not by this reasoning 

to exclude all possibility of contriving
 a register for seamen1 which might man 
the ,navy without being dangerous to    
liberty4 ,i only observe that no        
satisfactory scheme of that nature has  
yet been proposed4 ,rather than adopt   
any project hitherto invented1 we       
continue a practice seemingly the most  
absurd and unaccountable4 ,authority1 in
 times of full internal peace and       
concord1 is armed against law4 ,a       
continued and open usurpation of the    
crown is permitted amidst the greatest  
jealousy and watchfulness in the people2
 nay1 proceeding from those very        
principles1 liberty1 in a country of the
 highest liberty1 is left entirely to   
its own defence without any countenance 
or protection2 the wild state of nature 
is renewed in one of the most civilized 
societies of mankind2 and great         
violences and disorders among the       
people1 the most human and the          
best-natured1 are committed with        
impunity2 while the one party pleads    

obedience to the supreme magistrate1 the
 other the sanction of fundamental laws4
   ,,notes1 ,,of ,,some ,,remarkable    
,,customs4  #cd ,his harangue for it is 
still extant3  4   #ce ,plutarchus in   
vita decem oratorum4 ,demosthenes gives 
a different account of this law4        
7,contra ,aristogiton1 ,orat4 ,,ii47 ,he
 says that its purport was to render the
  1 or to restore the privilege of      
bearing offices to those who had been   
declared incapable4 ,perhaps these were 
both clauses of the same law4   #cf ,the
 senate of the ,bean was only a less    
numerous mob chosen by lot from among   
the people1 and their authority was not 
great4   #cg ,in ,ctesiphontem4 ,it is  
remarkable that the first step after the
 dissolution of the ,democracy by       
,critias and the ,thirty was to annul   
the  1 as we learn from ,demosthenes  4 
,the orator in this oration gives us the
 words of the law establishing the  1 p4
 #big1 ex edit4 ,aldi4 ,and he accounts 
for it from the same principles we here 

reason upon4   #ch ,essay on the        
,freedom of ,wit and ,humour1 part #c1  
#b4     ,,of ,,the ,,populousness ,,of  
,,ancient ,,nations4#ci   ,there is very
 little ground1 either from reason or   
experience1 to conclude the universe    
eternal or incorruptible4 ,the continual
 and rapid motion of matter1 the violent
 revolutions with which every part is   
agitated1 the changes remarked in the   
heavens1 the plain traces as well as    
tradition of a universal deluge1--all   
these prove strongly the mortality of   
this fabric of the world1 and its       
passage1 by corruption or dissolution1  
from one state or order to another4 ,it 
must therefore1 as well as each         
individual form which it contains1 have 
its infancy1 youth1 manhood1 and old    
age2 and it is probable that in all     
these variations man1 equally with every
 animal and vegetable1 will partake4 ,in
 the flourishing age of the world it may
 be expected that the human species     
should possess greater vigour both of   

mind and body1 more prosperous health1  
higher spirits1 longer life1 and a      
stronger inclination and power of       
generation4 ,but if the general system  
of things1 and human society of course1 
have any such gradual revolutions1 they 
are too slow to be discernible in that  
short period which is comprehended by   
history and tradition4 ,stature and     
force of body1 length of life1 even     
courage and extent of genius1 seem      
hitherto to have been naturally in all  
ages pretty much the same4 ,the arts and
 sciences1 indeed1 have flourished in   
one period and have decayed in another2 
but we may observe that at the time when
 they rose to greatest perfection among 
one people they were perhaps totally    
unknown to all the neighbouring nations1
 and though they universally decayed in 
one age1 yet in a succeeding generation 
they again revived and diffused         
themselves over the world4 ,as far1     
therefore1 as observation reaches there 
is no universal difference discernible  

in the human species1 and though it were
 allowed that the universe1 like an     
animal body1 had a natural progress from
 infancy to old age2 yet1 as it must    
still be uncertain whether at present it
 be advancing to its point of perfection
 or declining from it1 we cannot thence 
presuppose any decay in human nature4#dj
 ,to prove1 therefore1 or account for   
the greater populousness of antiquity by
 the imaginary youth or vigour of the   
world will scarcely be admitted by any  
just reasoner2 these general physical   
causes ought entirely to be excluded    
from that question4  ,there are indeed  
some more particular physical causes of 
great importance4 ,diseases are         
mentioned in antiquity which are almost 
unknown to modern medicine1 and new     
diseases have arisen and propagated     
themselves of which there are no traces 
in ancient history4 ,and in this        
particular we may observe1 upon         
comparison1 that the disadvantage is    
very much on the side of the moderns4   

,not to mention some others of less     
importance1 the smallpox commits such   
ravages as would almost alone account   
for the great superiority ascribed to   
ancient times4 ,the tenth or the twelfth
 part of mankind destroyed every        
generation should make a vast           
difference1 it may be thought1 in the   
numbers of the people2 and when joined  
to venereal distempers1 a new plague    
diffused everywhere1 this disease is    
perhaps equivalent1 by its constant     
operation1 to the three great scourges  
of mankind--war1 pestilence1 and famine4
 ,were it certain1 therefore1 that      
ancient times were more populous than   
the present1 and could no moral causes  
be assigned for so great a change1 these
 physical causes alone1 in the opinion  
of many1 would be sufficient to give us 
satisfaction on that head4  ,but is it  
certain that antiquity was so much more 
populous as is pretended8 ,the          
extravagancies of ,vossius with regard  
to this subject are well known2 but an  

author of much greater genius and       
discernment has ventured to affirm that1
 according to the best computations     
which these subjects will admit of1     
there are not now on the face of the    
earth the fiftieth part of mankind which
 existed in the time of ,julius ,csar4  
,it may easily be observed that the     
comparisons in this case must be very   
imperfect1 even though we confine       
ourselves to the scene of ancient       
history--,europe and the nations about  
the ,mediterranean4 ,we know not exactly
 the numbers of any ,european kingdom1  
or even city1 at present2 how can we    
pretend to calculate those of ancient   
cities and states where historians have 
left us such imperfect traces8 ,for my  
part1 the matter appears to me so       
uncertain that1 as ,i intend to throw   
together some reflections on that head1 
,i shall intermingle the inquiry        
concerning causes with that concerning  
facts1 which ought never to be admitted 
where the facts can be ascertained with 

any tolerable assurance4 ,we shall first
 consider whether it be probable1 from  
what we know of the situation of society
 in both periods1 that antiquity must   
have been more populous2 secondly1      
whether in reality it was so4 ,if ,i can
 make it appear that the conclusion is  
not so certain as is pretended in favour
 of antiquity1 it is all ,i aspire to4  
,in general we may observe that the     
question with regard to the comparative 
populousness of ages or kingdoms implies
 very important consequences1 and       
commonly determines concerning the      
preference of their whole police1 their 
manners1 and the constitution of their  
government4 ,for as there is in all men1
 both male and female1 a desire and     
power of generation more active than is 
ever universally exerted1 the restraints
 which they lie under must proceed from 
some difficulties in their situation1   
which it belongs to a wise legislature  
carefully to observe and remove4 ,almost
 every man who thinks he can maintain a 

family will have one1 and the human     
species at this rate of propagation     
would more than double every generation4
 ,how fast do mankind multiply in every 
colony or new settlement1 where it is an
 easy matter to provide for a family1   
and where men are nowise straightened or
 confined as in long established        
governments8 ,history tells us          
frequently of plagues which have swept  
away the third or fourth part of a      
people2 yet in a generation or two the  
destruction was not perceived1 and the  
society had again acquired their former 
number4 ,the lands which were           
cultivated1 the houses built1 the       
commodities raised1 the riches acquired1
 enabled the people who escaped         
immediately to marry and to rear        
families1 which supplied the place of   
those who had perished4#da ,and for a   
like reason every wise1 just1 and mild  
government1 by rendering the condition  
of its subjects easy and secure1 will   
always abound most in people1 as well as

 in commodities and riches4 ,a country1 
indeed1 whose climate and soil are      
fitted for vines will naturally be more 
populous than one which is only fitted  
for pasturage2 but if everything else be
 equal1 it seems natural to expect that 
wherever there are most happiness and   
virtue and the wisest institutions1     
there will also be most people4  ,the   
question1 therefore1 concerning the     
populousness of ancient and modern times
 being allowed of great importance1 it  
will be requisite1 if we would bring it 
to some determination1 to compare both  
the domestic and political situation of 
these two periods1 in order to judge of 
the facts by their moral causes1 which  
is the first view in which we proposed  
to consider them4  ,the chief difference
 between the domestic economy of the    
ancients and that of the moderns        
consists in the practice of slavery     
which prevailed among the former1 and   
which has been abolished for some       
centuries throughout the greater part of

 ,europe4 ,some passionate admirers of  
the ancients and zealous partisans of   
civil liberty 7for these sentiments1 as 
they are both of them in the main       
extremely just1 are found to be almost  
inseparable7 cannot forbear regretting  
the loss of this institution2 and whilst
 they brand all submission to the       
government of a single person with the  
harsh denomination of slavery1 they     
would gladly reduce the greatest part of
 mankind to real slavery and subjection4
 ,but to one who considers coolly on the
 subject it will appear that human      
nature in general really enjoys more    
liberty at present1 in the most         
arbitrary governments of ,europe1 than  
it ever did during the most flourishing 
period of ancient times4 ,as much as    
submission to a petty prince1 whose     
dominions extend not beyond a single    
city1 is more grievous than obedience to
 a great monarch1 so much is domestic   
slavery more cruel and oppressive than  
any civil subjection whatsoever4 ,the   

more the master is removed from us in   
place and rank the greater liberty we   
enjoy1 the less are our actions         
inspected and controlled1 and the       
fainter that cruel comparison becomes   
between our own subjection and the      
freedom and even dominion of another4   
,the remains that are found of slavery  
in the ,american colonies and among some
 ,european nations would never surely   
create a desire of rendering it more    
universal4 ,the little humanity commonly
 observed in persons accustomed from    
their infancy to exercise so great      
authority over their fellow-creatures   
and to trample upon human nature were   
sufficient alone to disgust us with that
 authority4 ,nor can a more probable    
reason be given for the severe1 ,i might
 say barbarous manners of ancient times1
 than the practice of domestic slavery1 
by which every man of rank was rendered 
a petty tyrant and educated amidst the  
flattery1 submission1 and low debasement
 of his slaves4  ,according to the      

ancient practice1 all checks were on the
 inferior1 to restrain him to the duty  
of submission2 none on the superior1 to 
engage him to the reciprocal duties of  
gentleness and humanity4 ,in modern     
times a bad servant finds not easily a  
good master1 nor a bad master a good    
servant1 and the checks are mutual1     
suitable to the inviolable and eternal  
laws of reason and equity4  ,the custom 
of exposing old1 useless1 or sick slaves
 in an island of the ,tiber1 there to   
starve1 seems to have been pretty common
 in ,rome1 and whoever recovered after  
having been so exposed had his liberty  
given him by an edict of the ,emperor   
,claudius1 where it was likewise forbid 
to kill any slave merely for old age or 
sickness4 ,but supposing that this edict
 was strictly obeyed1 would it better   
the domestic treatment of slaves or     
render their lives much more            
comfortable8 ,we may imagine what others
 would practise when it was the         
professed maxim of the elder ,cato to   

sell his superannuated slaves for any   
price rather than maintain what he      
esteemed a useless burden4  ,the        
ergastula1 or dungeons1 where slaves in 
chains were forced to work1 were very   
common all over ,italy4 ,columella      
advises that they be always built under 
ground1 and recommends it as the duty of
 a careful overseer to call over every  
day the names of these slaves1 like the 
mustering of a regiment or ship's       
company1 in order to know presently when
 any of them had deserted4 ,a proof of  
the frequency of these ergastula and of 
the great number of slaves usually      
confined in them4  ,a chained slave for 
a porter was usual in ,rome1 as appears 
from ,ovid and other authors4 ,had not  
these people shaken off all sense of    
compassion towards that unhappy part of 
their species1 would they have presented
 all their friends at the first entrance
 with such an image of the severity of  
the master and misery of the slave8     
,nothing so common in all trials1 even  

of civil causes1 as to call for the     
evidence of slaves1 which was always    
extorted by the most exquisite torments4
 ,demosthenes says that where it was    
possible to produce for the same fact   
either freemen or slaves as witnesses1  
the judges always preferred the         
torturing of slaves as a more certain   
and infallible evidence4#db  ,seneca    
draws a picture of that disorderly      
luxury which changes day into night and 
night into day1 and inverts every stated
 hour of every office in life4 ,among   
other circumstances1 such as displacing 
the meals and times of bathing1 he      
mentions that regularly about the third 
hour of the night the neighbours of one 
who indulges this false refinement hear 
the noise of whips and lashes1 and upon 
inquiry find that he is then taking an  
account of the conduct of his servants  
and giving them due correction and      
discipline4 ,this is not remarked as an 
instance of cruelty1 but only of        
disorder1 which1 even in actions the    

most usual and methodical1 changes the  
fixed hours that an established custom  
had assigned them4#dc  ,but our present 
business is only to consider the        
influence of slavery on the populousness
 of a state4 ,it is pretended that in   
this particular the ancient practice had
 infinitely the advantage1 and was the  
chief cause of that extreme populousness
 which is supposed in those times4 ,at  
present all masters discourage the      
marrying of their male servants1 and    
admit not by any means the marriage of  
the female1 who are then supposed       
altogether incapacitated for their      
service2 but where the property of the  
servants is lodged in the master1 their 
marriage and fertility form his riches1 
and bring him a succession of slaves    
that supply the place of those whom age 
and infirmity have disabled4 ,he        
encourages1 therefore1 their propagation
 as much as that of his cattle1 rears   
the young with the same care1 and       
educates them to some art or calling1   

which may render them more useful or    
valuable to him4 ,the opulent are1 by   
this policy1 interested in the being at 
least1 though not the well-being of the 
poor2 and enrich themselves by          
increasing the number and industry of   
those who are subjected to them4 ,each  
man1 being a sovereign in his own       
family1 has the same interest with      
regard to it as the prince with regard  
to the state2 and has not1 like the     
prince1 any opposite motive of ambition 
or vainglory which may lead him to      
depopulate his little sovereignty4 ,all 
of it is1 at all times1 under his eye1  
and he has leisure to inspect the most  
minute detail of the marriage and       
education of his subjects4#dd  ,such are
 the consequences of domestic slavery1  
according to the first aspect and       
appearance of things2 but if we enter   
more deeply into the subject1 we shall  
perhaps find reason to retract our hasty
 determinations4 ,the comparison is     
shocking between the management of human

 creatures and that of cattle2 but being
 extremely just when applied to the     
present subject1 it may be proper to    
trace the consequences of it4 ,at the   
capital1 near all great cities1 in all  
populous1 rich1 industrious provinces1  
few cattle are bred4 ,provisions1       
lodging1 attendance1 labour are there   
dear1 and men find better their account 
in buying the cattle1 after they come to
 a certain age1 from the remoter and    
cheaper countries4 ,these are           
consequently the only breeding countries
 for cattle2 and by a parity of reason1 
for men too1 when the latter are put on 
the same footing with the former4 ,to   
rear a child in ,london till he could be
 serviceable would cost much dearer than
 to buy one of the same age from        
,scotland or ,ireland1 where he had been
 raised in a cottage1 covered with rags1
 and fed on oatmeal or potatoes4 ,those 
who had slaves1 therefore1 in all the   
richer or more populous countries would 
discourage the pregnancy of the females1

 and either prevent or destroy the      
birth4 ,the human species would perish  
in those places where it ought to       
increase the fastest1 and a perpetual   
recruit be needed from all the poorer   
and more desert provinces4 ,such a      
continued drain would tend mightily to  
depopulate the state1 and render great  
cities ten times more destructive than  
with us1 where every man is master of   
himself1 and provides for his children  
from the powerful instinct of           
nature--not the calculations of sordid  
interest4 ,if ,london at present1       
without increasing1 needs a yearly      
recruit from the country of #ejjj       
people1 as is commonly computed1 what   
must it require if the greatest part of 
the tradesmen and common people were    
slaves1 and were hindered from breeding 
by their avaricious masters8  ,all      
ancient authors tell us that there was a
 perpetual flux of slaves to ,italy from
 the remoter provinces1 particularly    
,syria1 ,cilicia1#de ,cappadocia1 and   

the ,lesser ,asia1 ,thrace1 and ,egypt2 
yet the number of people did not        
increase in ,italy1 and writers complain
 of the continual decay of industry and 
agriculture4 ,where then is that extreme
 fertility of the ,roman slaves which is
 commonly supposed8 ,so far from        
multiplying1 they could not1 it seems1  
so much as keep up the stock without    
immense recruits4 ,and though great     
numbers were continually manumitted and 
converted into ,roman citizens1 the     
numbers even of these did not increase  
till the freedom of the city was        
communicated to foreign provinces4  ,the
 term for a slave born and bred in the  
family was verna2#df and these slaves   
seem to have been entitled by custom to 
privileges and indulgences beyond       
others--a sufficient reason why the     
masters would not be fond of rearing    
many of that kind4#dg ,whoever is       
acquainted with the maxims of our       
planters will acknowledge the justness  
of this observation4#dh  ,atticus is    

much praised by his historian for the   
care which he took in recruiting his    
family from the slaves born in it4#di   
,may we not thence infer that that      
practice was not then very common8  ,the
 names of slaves in the ,greek          
comedies--,syrus1 ,mysus1 ,geta1 ,thrax1
 ,davus1 ,lydus1 ,phyrx1 etc41 afford a 
presumption that at ,athens1 at least1  
most of the slaves were imported from   
foreign nations4 ,the ,athenians1 says  
,strabo1 gave to their slaves either the
 names of the nations whence they were  
bought1 as ,lydus1 ,syrus2 or the names 
that were most common among those       
nations1 as ,manes or ,midas to a       
,phrygian1 ,tibias to a ,paphlagonian4  
,demosthenes1 after having mentioned a  
law which forbid any man to strike the  
slave of another1 praises the humanity  
of this law1 and adds that if the       
barbarians from whom slaves were bought 
had information that their countrymen   
met with such gentle treatment1 they    
would entertain a great esteem for the  

,athenians4 ,isocrates1 too1 insinuates 
that the slaves of the ,greeks were     
generally or very commonly barbarians4  
,aristotle1 in his ,politics1 plainly   
supposes that a slave is always a       
foreigner4 ,the ancient comic writers   
represented the slaves as speaking a    
barbarous language4 ,this was an        
imitation of nature4  ,it is well known 
that ,demosthenes1 in his nonage1 had   
been defrauded of a large fortune by his
 tutors1 and that afterwards he         
recovered1 by a prosecution of law1 the 
value of his patrimony4 ,his orations on
 that occasion still remain1 and contain
 a very exact detail of the whole       
substance left by his father1 in money1 
merchandise1 houses1 and slaves1        
together with the value of each         
particular4 ,among the rest were #eb    
slaves1 handicraftsmen--viz41 #cb       
sword-cutlers and #bj cabinet-makers1#ej
 all males2 not a word of any wives1    
children1 or family1 which they         
certainly would have had had it been a  

common custom at ,athens to breed from  
the slaves2 and the value of the whole  
must have depended very much on that    
circumstance4 ,no female slaves are even
 so much as mentioned1 except some      
housemaids who belonged to his mother4  
,this argument has great force1 if it be
 not altogether decisive4  ,consider    
this passage of ,plutarch1 speaking of  
the elder ,cato3--8,he had a great      
number of slaves1 whom he took care to  
buy at the sales of prisoners of war2   
and he chose them young1 that they might
 easily be accustomed to any diet or    
manner of life1 and be instructed in any
 business or labour1 as men teach       
anything to young dogs or horses4 ,and  
esteeming love the chief source of all  
disorders1 he allowed the male slaves to
 have a commerce with the female in his 
family1 upon paying a certain sum for   
this privilege2 but he strictly forbade 
all intrigues out of his family40 ,are  
there any symptoms in this narration of 
that care which is supposed in the      

ancients1 of the marriage and           
propagation of their slaves8 ,if that   
was a common practice1 founded on       
general interest1 it would surely have  
been embraced by ,cato1 who was a great 
economist1 and lived in times when the  
ancient frugality and simplicity of     
manners were still in credit and        
reputation4  ,it is expressly remarked  
by the writers of the ,roman law that   
scarce any ever purchase slaves with a  
view of breeding from them4#ea   ,our   
lackeys and housemaids1 ,i own1 do not  
serve much to multiply their species2   
but the ancients1 besides those who     
attended on their person1 had all their 
labour performed by slaves1 who lived1  
many of them1 in their family2 and some 
great men possessed to the number of    
#aj1jjj4 ,if there be any suspicion1    
therefore1 that this institution was    
unfavourable to propagation 7and the    
same reason1 at least in part1 holds    
with regard to ancient slaves as well as
 modern servants71 how destructive must 

slavery have proved6  ,history mentions 
a ,roman nobleman who had #djj slaves   
under the same roof with him2 and having
 been assassinated at home by the       
furious revenge of one of them1 the law 
was executed with rigour1 and all       
without exception were put to death4    
,many other ,roman noblemen had families
 equally1 or more numerous1 and ,i      
believe every one will allow that this  
would scarcely be practicable were we to
 suppose all the slaves married and the 
females to be breeders4#eb  ,so early as
 the poet ,hesiod married slaves1       
whether male or female1 were esteemed   
very inconvenient4 ,how much more where 
families had increased to such an       
enormous size1 as in ,rome1 and where   
simplicity of manners was banished from 
all ranks of people8  ,xenophon in his  
,economics1 where he gives directions   
for the management of a farm1 recommends
 a strict care and attention of laying  
the male and the female slaves at a     
distance from each other4 ,he seems not 

to suppose that they are ever married4  
,the only slaves among the ,greeks that 
appear to have continued their own breed
 were the ,helotes1 who had houses      
apart1 and were more the slaves of the  
public than of individuals4  ,the same  
author tells us that ,nicias's overseer1
 by an agreement with his master1 was   
obliged to pay him an obolus a day for  
each slave1 besides maintaining them and
 keeping up the number4 ,had the ancient
 slaves been all breeders1 this last    
circumstance of the contract had been   
superfluous4  ,the ancients talk so     
frequently of a fixed1 stated portion of
 provisions assigned to each slave1 that
 we are naturally led to conclude that  
slaves lived almost all single1 and     
received that portion as a kind of      
board-wages4  ,the practice1 indeed1 of 
marrying the slaves seems not to have   
been very common even among the         
country-labourers1 where it is more     
naturally to be expected4 ,cato1        
enumerating the slaves requisite to     

labour a vineyard of a hundred acres1   
makes them to amount to fifteen--the    
overseer and his wife 7villicus and     
villica7 and thirteen male slaves2 for  
an olive plantation of #bdj acres1 the  
overseer and his wife and eleven male   
slaves2 and so in proportion to a       
greater or less plantation or vineyard4 
,varro1 citing this passage of ,cato1   
allows his computation to be just in    
every respect except the last4 8,for as 
it is requisite10 says he1 8to have an  
overseer and his wife1 whether the      
vineyard or plantation be great or      
small1 this must alter the exactness of 
the proportion40 ,had ,cato's           
computation been erroneous in any other 
respect it had certainly been corrected 
by ,varro1 who seems fond of discovering
 so trivial an inaccuracy4  ,the same   
author1 as well as ,columella1          
recommends it as requisite to give a    
wife to the overseer in order to attach 
him the more strongly to his master's   
service4 ,this was therefore a peculiar 

indulgence granted to a slave in whom so
 great a confidence was reposed4  ,in   
the same place ,varro mentions it as a  
useful precaution not to buy too many   
slaves from the same nations1 lest they 
beget factions and seditions in the     
family2 a presumption that in ,italy the
 greatest part1 even of the             
country-labouring slaves--for he speaks 
of no other--were bought from the       
remoter provinces4 ,all the world knows 
that the family-slaves in ,rome1 who    
were instruments of show and luxury1    
were commonly imported from the east4   
8,hoc profecere10 says ,pliny1 speaking 
of the jealous care of masters1         
8mancipiorum legiones1 et in domo turba 
externa ac servorum quoque causa        
nomenclator adhibendus40  ,it is indeed 
recommended by ,varro to propagate young
 shepherds in the family from the old   
ones2 for as grazing farms were commonly
 in remote and cheap places1 and each   
shepherd lived in a cottage apart1 his  
marriage and increase were not liable to

 the same inconveniences as in dearer   
places and where many servants lived in 
a family1 which was universally the case
 in such of the ,roman farms as produced
 wine or corn4 ,if we consider this     
exception with regard to the shepherds1 
and weigh the reasons of it1 it will    
serve for a strong confirmation of all  
our foregoing suspicions4  ,columella1  
,i own1 advises the master to give a    
reward1 and even liberty to a female    
slave that had reared him above three   
children1 a proof that sometimes the    
ancients propagated from their slaves1  
which1 indeed1 cannot be denied4 ,were  
it otherwise the practice of slavery1   
being so common in antiquity1 must have 
been destructive to a degree which no   
expedient could repair4 ,all ,i pretend 
to infer from these reasonings is that  
slavery is in general disadvantageous   
both to the happiness and populousness  
of mankind1 and that its place is much  
better supplied by the practice of hired
 servants4  ,the laws1 or1 as some      

writers call them1 the seditions of the 
,gracchi1 were occasioned by their      
observing the increase of slaves all    
over ,italy1 and the diminution of free 
citizens4 ,appian ascribes this increase
 to the propagation of the slaves2      
,plutarch to the purchasing of          
barbarians1 who were chained and        
imprisoned1  4 ,it is to be presumed    
that both causes concurred4  ,sicily1   
says ,florus1 was full of ergastula1 and
 was cultivated by labourers in chains4 
,eunus and ,athenio excited the servile 
war by breaking up these monstrous      
prisons and giving liberty to #fj1jjj   
slaves4 ,the younger ,pompey augmented  
his army in ,spain by the same          
expedient4 ,if the country-labourers    
throughout the ,roman ,empire were so   
generally in this situation1 and if it  
was difficult or impossible to find     
separate lodgings for the families of   
the city-servants1 how unfavourable to  
propagation1 as well as to humanity1    
must the institution of domestic slavery

 be esteemed4  ,constantinople at       
present requires the same recruits of   
slaves from all the provinces which     
,rome did of old1 and these provinces   
are of consequence far from being       
populous4  ,egypt1 according to         
,monsieur ,maillet1 sends continual     
colonies of black slaves to the other   
parts of the ,turkish ,empire1 and      
receives annually an equal return of    
white2 the one brought from the inland  
parts of ,africa1 the other from        
,mingrella1 ,circassia1 and ,tartary4   
,our modern convents are no doubt very  
bad institutions1 but there is reason to
 suspect that anciently every great     
family in ,italy1 and probably in other 
parts of the world1 was a species of    
convent4 ,and though we have reason to  
detest all those popish institutions as 
nurseries of the most abject            
superstition1 burdensome to the public  
and oppressive to the poor prisoners1   
male as well as female1 yet may it be   
questioned whether they be so           

destructive to the populousness of a    
state as is commonly imagined4 ,were the
 land which belongs to a convent        
bestowed on a nobleman1 he would spend  
its revenue on dogs1 horses1 grooms1    
footmen1 cooks1 and housemaids1 and his 
family would not furnish many more      
citizens than the convent4  ,the common 
reason why parents thrust their         
daughters into nunneries is that they   
may not be overburdened with too        
numerous a family2 but the ancients had 
a method almost as innocent and more    
effectual to that purpose--viz41 the    
exposing their children in the earliest 
infancy4 ,this practice was very common1
 and is not mentioned by any author of  
those times with the horror it deserves1
 or scarce#ec even with disapprobation4 
,plutarch--the humane1 good-natured     
,plutarch#ed--recommends it as a virtue 
in ,attalus1 ,king of ,pergamus1 that he
 murdered1 or1 if you will1 exposed all 
his own children in order to leave his  
crown to the son of his brother1        

,eumenes1 signalising in this manner his
 gratitude and affection to ,eumenes1   
who had left him his heir preferable to 
that son4 ,it was ,solon1 the most      
celebrated of the sages of ,greece1 who 
gave parents permission by law to kill  
their children4  ,shall we then allow   
these two circumstances to compensate   
each other--viz41 monastic vows and the 
exposing of children1 and to be         
unfavourable in equal degrees to the    
propagation of mankind8 ,i doubt the    
advantage is here on the side of        
antiquity4 ,perhaps1 by an odd          
connection of causes1 the barbarous     
practice of the ancients might rather   
render those times more populous4 ,by   
removing the terrors of too numerous a  
family it would engage many people in   
marriage1 and such is the force of      
natural affection that very few in      
comparison would have resolution enough 
to carry into execution their former    
intentions4  ,china1 the only country   
where this cruel practice of exposing   

children prevails at present1 is the    
most populous country we know1 and every
 man is married before he is twenty4    
,such early marriages could scarcely be 
general had not men the prospect of so  
easy a method of getting rid of their   
children4 ,i own that ,plutarch speaks  
of it as a very universal maxim of the  
poor to expose their children1 and as   
the rich were then averse to marriage on
 account of the courtship they met with 
from those who expected legacies from   
them1 the public must have been in a bad
 situation between them4#ee  ,of all    
sciences there is none where first      
appearances are more deceitful than in  
politics4 ,hospitals for foundlings seem
 favourable to the increase of numbers1 
and perhaps may be so when kept under   
proper restrictions2 but when they open 
the door to every one1 without          
distinction1 they have probably a       
contrary effect1 and are pernicious to  
the state4 ,it is computed that every   
ninth child born at ,paris is sent to   

the hospital1 though it seems certain1  
according to the common course of human 
affairs1 that it is not a hundredth part
 whose parents are altogether           
incapacitated to rear and educate them4 
,the infinite difference1 for health1   
industry1 and morals1 between an        
education in an hospital and that in a  
private family should induce us not to  
make the entrance into an hospital too  
easy and engaging4 ,to kill one's own   
child is shocking to nature1 and must   
therefore be pretty unusual2 but to turn
 over the care of him upon others is    
very tempting to the natural indolence  
of mankind4  ,having considered the     
domestic life and manners of the        
ancients compared to those of the       
moderns1 where in the main we seem      
rather superior so far as the present   
question is concerned1 we shall now     
examine the political customs and       
institutions of both ages1 and weigh    
their influence in retarding or         
forwarding the propagation of mankind4  

,before the increase of the ,roman      
power1 or rather till its full          
establishment1 almost all the nations   
which are the scene of ancient history  
were divided into small territories or  
petty commonwealths1 where of course a  
great equality of fortune prevailed1 and
 the centre of the government was always
 very near its frontiers4  ,this was the
 situation of affairs not only in       
,greece and ,italy1 but also in ,spain1 
,gaul1 ,germany1 ,africa1 and a great   
part of the ,lesser ,asia4 ,and it must 
be owned that no institution could be   
more favourable to the propagation of   
mankind2 for though a man of an         
overgrown fortune1 not being able to    
consume more than another1 must share it
 with those who serve and attend him1   
yet their possession being precarious1  
they have not the same encouragement to 
marriage as if each had a small fortune 
secure and independent4 ,enormous cities
 are1 besides1 destructive to society1  
beget vice and disorder of all kinds1   

starve the remoter provinces1 and even  
starve themselves by the prices to which
 they raise all provisions4 ,where each 
man had his little house and field to   
himself1 and each county had its        
capital1 free and independent1 what a   
happy situation of mankind6 ,how        
favourable to industry and agriculture1 
to marriage and propagation6 ,the       
prolific virtue of men1 were it to act  
in its full extent1 without that        
restraint which poverty and necessity   
imposes on it1 would double the number  
every generation2 and nothing surely can
 give it more liberty than such small   
commonwealths1 and such an equality of  
fortune among the citizens4 ,all small  
states naturally produce equality of    
fortune because they afford no          
opportunities of great increase1 but    
small commonwealths much more by that   
division of power and authority which is
 essential to them4  ,when ,xenophon    
returned after the famous expedition    
with ,cyrus1 he hired himself and #fjjj 

of the ,greeks into the service of      
,seuthes1 a prince of ,thrace2 and the  
articles of his agreement were that each
 soldier should receive a daric a month1
 each captain two darics1 and he        
himself1 as general1 four2 a regulation 
of pay which would not a little surprise
 our modern officers4  ,demosthenes and 
schines1 with eight more1 were sent     
ambassadors to ,philip of ,macedon1 and 
their appointments for above four months
 were a thousand drachmas1 which is less
 than a drachma a day for each          
ambassador4 ,but a drachma a day--nay1  
sometimes two1 was the pay of a common  
foot-soldier4  ,a centurion among the   
,romans had only double pay to a private
 man in ,polybius's time1 and we        
accordingly find the gratuities after a 
triumph regulated by that proportion4   
,but ,mark ,anthony and the triumvirate 
gave the centurions five times the      
reward of the other2 so much had the    
increase of the commonwealth increased  
the inequality among the citizens4#ef   

,it must be owned that the situation of 
affairs in modern times with regard to  
civil liberty1 as well as equality of   
fortune1 is not near so favourable      
either to the propagation or happiness  
of mankind4 ,europe is shared out mostly
 into great monarchies1 and such parts  
of it as are divided into small         
territories are commonly governed by    
absolute princes1 who ruin their people 
by a mimicry of the greater monarchs in 
the splendour of their court and number 
of their forces4 ,switzerland alone and 
,holland resemble the ancient republics1
 and though the former is far from      
possessing any advantage either of soil1
 climate1 or commerce1 yet the numbers  
of people with which it abounds1        
notwithstanding their enlisting         
themselves into every service in        
,europe1 prove sufficiently the         
advantages of their political           
institutions4  ,the ancient republics   
derived their chief or only security    
from the numbers of their citizens4 ,the

 ,trachinians having lost great numbers 
of their people1 the remainder1 instead 
of enriching themselves by the          
inheritance of their fellow-citizens1   
applied to ,sparta1 their metropolis1   
for a new stock of inhabitants4 ,the    
,spartans immediately collected ten     
thousand men1 among whom the old        
citizens divided the lands of which the 
former proprietors had perished4  ,after
 ,timoleon had banished ,dionysius from 
,syracuse and had settled the affairs of
 ,sicily1 finding the cities of         
,syracuse and ,sellinuntium extremely   
depopulated by tyranny1 war1 and        
faction1 he invited over from ,greece   
some new inhabitants to repeople them4  
,immediately forty thousand men         
7,plutarch says sixty thousand7 offered 
themselves1 and he distributed so many  
lots of land among them1 to the great   
satisfaction of the ancient inhabitants2
 a proof at once of the maxims of       
ancient policy1 which affected          
populousness more than riches1 and of   

the good effects of these maxims in the 
extreme populousness of that small      
country ,greece1 which could at once    
supply so large a colony4 ,the case was 
not much different with the ,romans in  
early times4 8,he is a pernicious       
citizen10 said ,m4 ,curius1 8who cannot 
be contented with seven acres40#eg ,such
 ideas of equality could not fail of    
producing great numbers of people4  ,we 
must now consider what disadvantages the
 ancients lay under with regard to      
populousness1 and what checks they      
received from their political maxims and
 institutions4 ,there are commonly      
compensations in every human condition1 
and though these compensations be not   
always perfectly equal1 yet they serve1 
at least1 to restrain the prevailing    
principle4 ,to compare them and estimate
 their influence is indeed very         
difficult1 even where they take place in
 the same age1 and in neighbouring      
countries2 but where several ages have  
intervened1 and only scattered lights   

are afforded us by ancient authors1 what
 can we do but amuse ourselves by       
talking1 pro and con1 on an interesting 
subject1 and thereby correcting all     
hasty and violent determinations8       
,first1 we may observe that the ancient 
republics were almost in perpetual war1 
a natural effect of their martial       
spirit1 their love of liberty1 their    
mutual emulation1 and that hatred which 
generally prevails among nations that   
live in a close neighbourhood4 ,now1 war
 in a small state is much more          
destructive than in a great one1 both   
because all the inhabitants in the      
former case must serve in the armies1   
and because the state is all frontier   
and all exposed to the inroads of the   
enemy4  ,the maxims of ancient war were 
much more destructive than those of     
modern1 chiefly by the distribution of  
plunder1 in which the soldiers were     
indulged4 ,the private men in our armies
 are such a low set of people that we   
find any abundance beyond their simple  

pay breeds confusion and disorder1 and a
 total dissolution of discipline4 ,the  
very wretchedness and meanness of those 
who fill the modern armies render them  
less destructive to the countries which 
they invade2 one instance1 among many1  
of the deceitfulness of first           
appearances in all political            
reasonings4#eh  ,ancient battles were   
much more bloody by the very nature of  
the weapons employed in them4 ,the      
ancients drew up their men sixteen or   
twenty1 sometimes fifty men deep1 which 
made a narrow front1 and it was not     
difficult to find a field in which both 
armies might be marshalled and might    
engage with each other4 ,even where any 
body of the troops was kept off by      
hedges1 hillocks1 woods1 or hollow ways1
 the battle was not so soon decided     
between the contending parties but that 
the others had time to overcome the     
difficulties which opposed them and take
 part in the engagement4 ,and as the    
whole armies were thus engaged1 and each

 man closely buckled to his antagonist1 
the battles were commonly very bloody1  
and great slaughter was made on both    
sides1 especially on the vanquished4    
,the long thin lines required by        
firearms1 and the quick decision of the 
fray1 render our modern engagements but 
partial rencounters1 and enable the     
general who is foiled in the beginning  
of the day to draw off the greatest part
 of his army1 sound and entire4 ,could  
,folard's project of the column take    
place 7which seems impracticable#ei7 it 
would render modern battles as          
destructive as the ancient4  ,the       
battles of antiquity1 both by their     
duration and their resemblance of single
 combats1 were wrought up to a degree of
 fury quite unknown to later ages4      
,nothing could then engage the          
combatants to give quarter but the hopes
 of profit by making slaves of their    
prisoners4 ,in civil wars1 as we learn  
from ,tacitus1 the battles were the most
 bloody1 because the prisoners were not 

slaves4  ,what a stout resistance must  
be made where the vanquished expected so
 hard a fate6 ,how inveterate the rage  
where the maxims of war were1 in every  
respect1 so bloody and severe6          
,instances are very frequent in ancient 
history of cities besieged whose        
inhabitants1 rather than open their     
gates1 murdered their wives and         
children1 and rushed themselves on a    
voluntary death1 sweetened perhaps with 
a little prospect of revenge upon the   
enemy4 ,greeks as well as barbarians    
have been often wrought up to this      
degree of fury4 ,and the same determined
 spirit and cruelty must1 in many other 
instances less remarkable1 have been    
extremely destructive to human society  
in those petty commonwealths which lived
 in a close neighbourhood1 and were     
engaged in perpetual wars and           
contentions4  ,sometimes the wars in    
,greece1 says ,plutarch1 were carried on
 entirely by inroads and robberies and  
piracies4 ,such a method of war must be 

more destructive in small states than   
the bloodiest battles and sieges4  ,by  
the laws of the twelve tables1          
possession for two years formed a       
prescription for land2 one year for     
movables2#fj an indication that there   
was not in ,italy during that period    
much more order1 tranquillity1 and      
settled police than there is at present 
among the ,tartars4  ,the only cartel ,i
 remember in ancient history is that    
between ,demetrius ,poliorcetes and the 
,rhodians1 when it was agreed that a    
free citizen should be restored for     
#ajjj drachmas1 a slave bearing arms for
 #ejj4  ,but1 secondly1 it appears that 
ancient manners were more unfavourable  
than the modern1 not only in times of   
war but also in those of peace2 and that
 too in every respect1 except the love  
of civil liberty and equality1 which is1
 ,i own1 of considerable importance4 ,to
 exclude faction from a free government 
is very difficult1 if not altogether    
impracticable2 but such inveterate rage 

between the factions and such bloody    
maxims are found1 in modern times1      
amongst religious parties alone1 where  
bigoted priests are the accusers1       
judges1 and executioners4 ,in ancient   
history we may always observe1 where one
 party prevailed1 whether the nobles or 
people 7for ,i can observe no difference
 in this respect#fa71 that they         
immediately butchered all of the        
opposite party who fell into their      
hands1 and banished such as had been so 
fortunate as to escape their fury4 ,no  
form of process1 no law1 no trial1 no   
pardon4 ,a fourth1 a third1 perhaps near
 a half of the city were slaughtered or 
expelled every revolution2 and the      
exiles always joined foreign enemies and
 did all the mischief possible to their 
fellow-citizens1 till fortune put it in 
their power to take full revenge by a   
new revolution4 ,and as these were very 
frequent in such violent governments1   
the disorder1 diffidence1 jealousy1     
enmity which must prevail are not easy  

for us to imagine in this age of the    
world4  ,there are only two revolutions 
,i can recollect in ancient history     
which passed without great severity and 
great effusion of blood in massacres and
 assassinations--viz41 the restoration  
of the ,athenian democracy by           
,thrasybulus1 and the subduing the      
,roman republic by ,csar4 ,we learn from
 ancient history that ,thrasybulus      
passed a general amnesty for all past   
offences1 and first introduced that word
 as well as practice into ,greece4 ,it  
appears1 however1 from many orations of 
,lysias1 that the chief1 and even some  
of the subaltern offenders in the       
preceding tyranny were tried and        
capitally punished4 ,this is a          
difficulty not cleared up1 and even not 
observed by antiquarians and historians4
 ,and as to ,csar's clemency1 though    
much celebrated1 it would not gain great
 applause in the present age4 ,he       
butchered1 for instance1 all ,cato's    
senate1 when he became master of ,utica2

 and these1 we may readily believe1 were
 not the most worthless of the party4   
,all those who had borne arms against   
that usurper were forfeited1 and1 by    
,hirtius's law1 declared incapable of   
all public offices4  ,these people were 
extremely fond of liberty1 but seem not 
to have understood it very well4 ,when  
the ,thirty ,tyrants first established  
their dominion at ,athens1 they began   
with seizing all the sycophants and     
informers who had been so troublesome   
during the ,democracy1 and putting them 
to death by an arbitrary sentence and   
execution4 8,every man10 says ,sallust  
and ,lysias1#fb 8rejoiced at these      
punishments20 not considering that      
liberty was from that moment            
annihilated4  ,the utmost energy of the 
nervous style of ,thucydides1 and the   
copiousness and expression of the ,greek
 language1 seem to sink under that      
historian when he attempts to describe  
the disorders which arose from faction  
throughout all the ,greek commonwealths4

 ,you would imagine that he still       
labours with a thought greater than he  
can find words to communicate1 and he   
concludes his pathetic description with 
an observation which is at once very    
refined and very solid4 8,in these      
contests10 says he1 8those who were     
dullest and most stupid1 and had the    
least foresight1 commonly prevailed2 for
 being conscious of this weakness1 and  
dreading to be over-reached by those of 
greater penetration1 they went to work  
hastily1 without premeditation1 by the  
sword and poniard1 and thereby prevented
 their antagonists1 who were forming    
fine schemes and projects for their     
destruction40#fc  ,not to mention       
,dionysius the elder1 who is computed to
 have butchered in cold blood above     
#aj1jjj of his fellow-citizens1 nor     
,agathocles1 ,nabis1 and others still   
more bloody than he1 the transactions1  
even in free governments1 were extremely
 violent and destructive4 ,at ,athens1  
the ,thirty ,tyrants and the nobles in a

 twelvemonth murdered1 without trial1   
about #abjj of the people1 and banished 
above the half of the citizens that     
remained4#fd ,in ,argos1 near the same  
time1 the people killed #abjj of the    
nobles1 and afterwards their own        
demagogues1 because they had refused to 
carry their prosecutions further4 ,the  
people also in ,corcyra killed #aejj of 
the nobles and banished a thousand4     
,these numbers will appear the more     
surprising if we consider the extreme   
smallness of these states4 ,but all     
ancient history is full of such         
instances4#fe  ,when ,alexander ordered 
all the exiles to be restored through   
all the cities1 it was found that the   
whole amounted to #bj1jjj men1 the      
remains probably of still greater       
slaughters and massacres4 ,what an      
astonishing multitude in so narrow a    
country as ancient ,greece6 ,and what   
domestic confusion1 jealousy1           
partiality1 revenge1 heart-burnings must
 tear those cities1 where factions were 

wrought up to such a degree of fury and 
despair6  8,it would be easier10 says   
,isocrates to ,philip1 8to raise an army
 in ,greece at present from the         
vagabonds than from the cities40  ,even 
where affairs came not to such          
extremities 7which they failed not to do
 almost in every city twice or thrice   
every century71 property was rendered   
very precarious by the maxims of ancient
 government4 ,xenophon1 in the banquet  
of ,socrates1 gives us a very natural1  
unaffected description of the tyranny of
 the ,athenian people4 8,in my poverty10
 says ,charmides1 8,i am much more happy
 than ever ,i was while possessed of    
riches2 as much as it is happier to be  
in security than in terrors1 free than a
 slave1 to receive than to pay court1 to
 be trusted than suspected4 ,formerly ,i
 was obliged to caress every informer1  
some imposition was continually laid    
upon me1 and it was never allowed me to 
travel or be absent from the city4 ,at  
present1 when ,i am poor1 ,i look big   

and threaten others4 ,the rich are      
afraid of me1 and show me every kind of 
civility and respect1 and ,i am become a
 kind of tyrant in the city40  ,in one  
of the pleadings of ,lysias1 the orator 
very coolly speaks of it1 by the by1 as 
a maxim of the ,athenian people1 that   
whenever they wanted money they put to  
death some of the rich citizens as well 
as strangers1 for the sake of the       
forfeiture4 ,in mentioning this1 he     
seems to have no intention of blaming   
them1 still less of provoking them who  
were his audience and judges4  ,whether 
a man was a citizen or a stranger among 
that people1 it seems indeed requisite  
either that he should impoverish himself
 or the people would impoverish him1 and
 perhaps kill him into the bargain4 ,the
 orator last mentioned gives a pleasant 
account of an estate laid out in the    
public service#ff--that is1 above the   
third of it in raree-shows and figured  
dances4  ,i need not insist on the      
,greek tyrannies1 which were altogether 

horrible4 ,even the mixed monarchies1 by
 which most of the ancient states of    
,greece were governed before the        
introduction of republics1 were very    
unsettled4 ,scarce any city but ,athens1
 says ,isocrates1 could show a          
succession of kings for four or five    
generations4  ,besides many other       
obvious reasons for the instability of  
ancient monarchies1 the equal division  
of property among the brothers in       
private families must1 by a necessary   
consequence1 contribute to unsettle and 
disturb the state4 ,the universal       
preference given to the elder by modern 
laws1 though it increases the inequality
 of fortunes1 has1 however1 this good   
effect1 that it accustoms men to the    
same idea of public succession1 and cuts
 off all claim and pretension of the    
younger4  ,the new settled colony of    
,heraclea1 falling immediately into     
factions1 applied to ,sparta1 who sent  
,heripidas with full authority to quiet 
their dissensions4 ,this man1 not       

provoked by any opposition1 not inflamed
 by party rage1 knew no better expedient
 than immediately putting to death about
 #ejj of the citizens4 ,a strong proof  
how deeply rooted these violent maxims  
of government were throughout all       
,greece4  ,if such was the disposition  
of men's minds among that refined       
people1 what may be expected in the     
commonwealths of ,italy1 ,africa1       
,spain1 and ,gaul1 which were           
denominated barbarous8 ,why otherwise   
did the ,greeks so much value themselves
 on their humanity1 gentleness1 and     
moderation above all other nations8     
,this reasoning seems very natural2 but 
unluckily the history of the ,roman     
commonwealth in its earlier times1 if we
 give credit to the received accounts1  
stands against us4 ,no blood was ever   
shed in any sedition at ,rome till the  
murder of the ,gracchi4 ,dionysius      
,halicarnassus1 observing the singular  
humanity of the ,roman people in this   
particular1 makes use of it as an       

argument that they were originally of   
,grecian extraction2 whence we may      
conclude that the factions and          
revolutions in the barbarous republics  
were usually more violent than even     
those of ,greece above mentioned4  ,if  
the ,romans were so late in coming to   
blows1 they made ample compensation     
after they had once entered upon the    
bloody scene2 and ,appian's history of  
their civil wars contains the most      
frightful picture of massacres1         
proscriptions1 and forfeitures that ever
 was presented to the world4 ,what      
pleases most in that historian is that  
he seems to feel a proper resentment of 
these barbarous proceedings1 and talks  
not with that provoking coolness and    
indifference which custom had produced  
in many of the ,greek historians4#fg    
,the maxims of ancient politics contain1
 in general1 so little humanity and     
moderation that it seems superfluous to 
give any particular reason for the      
violences committed at any particular   

period2 yet ,i cannot forbear observing 
that the laws in the latter ages of the 
,roman commonwealth were so absurdly    
contrived that they obliged the heads of
 parties to have recourse to these      
extremities4 ,all capital punishments   
were abolished4 ,however criminal1 or1  
what is more1 however dangerous any     
citizen might be1 he could not regularly
 be punished otherwise than by          
banishment2 and it became necessary in  
the revolutions of party to draw the    
sword of private vengeance2 nor was it  
easy1 when laws were once violated1 to  
set bounds to these sanguinary          
proceedings4 ,had ,brutus himself       
prevailed over the ,triumvirate1 could  
he1 in common prudence1 have allowed    
,octavius and ,anthony to live1 and have
 contented himself with banishing them  
to ,rhodes or ,marseilles1 where they   
might still have plotted new commotions 
and rebellions8 ,his executing ,c4      
,antonius1 brother to the ,triumvir1    
shows evidently his sense of the matter4

 ,did not ,cicero1 with the approbation 
of all the wise and virtuous of ,rome1  
arbitrarily put to death ,catiline's    
associates contrary to law and without  
any trial or form of process8 ,and if he
 moderated his executions1 did it not   
proceed either from the clemency of his 
temper or the conjunctures of the times8
 ,a wretched security in a government   
which pretends to laws and liberty6     
,thus1 one extreme produces another4 ,in
 the same manner as excessive severity  
in the laws is apt to beget great       
relaxation in their execution1 so their 
excessive lenity naturally produces     
cruelty and barbarity4 ,it is dangerous 
to force us1 in any case1 to pass their 
sacred boundaries4  ,one general cause  
of the disorders so frequent in all     
ancient governments seems to have       
consisted in the great difficulty of    
establishing any aristocracy in those   
ages1 and the perpetual discontents and 
seditions of the people whenever even   
the meanest and most beggarly were      

excluded from the legislature and from  
public offices4 ,the very quality of    
freeman gave such a rank1 being opposed 
to that of slave1 that it seemed to     
entitle the possessor to every power and
 privilege of the commonwealth4 ,solon's
 laws excluded no freeman from votes or 
elections1 but confined some            
magistracies to a particular census2 yet
 were the people never satisfied till   
those laws were repealed4 ,by the treaty
 with ,antipater1 no ,athenian had a    
vote whose census was less than #bjjj   
drachmas 7about #fj sterling74 ,and     
though such a government would to us    
appear sufficiently democratical1 it was
 so disagreeable to that people that    
above two-thirds of them immediately    
left their country4 ,cassander reduced  
that census to the half1 yet still the  
government was considered as an         
oligarchical tyranny and the effect of  
foreign violence4  ,servius ,tullius's  
laws seem very equal and reasonable1 by 
fixing the power in proportion to the   

property1 yet the ,roman people could   
never be brought quietly to submit to   
them4  ,in those days there was no      
medium between a severe1 jealous        
aristocracy1 ruling over discontented   
subjects1 and a turbulent1 factious1    
tyrannical democracy4  ,but1 thirdly1   
there are many other circumstances in   
which ancient nations seem inferior to  
the modern1 both for the happiness and  
increase of mankind4 ,trade1            
manufactures1 industry were nowhere in  
former ages so flourishing as they are  
at present in ,europe4 ,the only garb of
 the ancients1 both for males and       
females1 seems to have been a kind of   
flannel which they wore commonly white  
or gray1 and which they scoured as often
 as it grew dirty4 ,tyre1 which carried 
on1 after ,carthage1 the greatest       
commerce of any city in the             
,mediterranean before it was destroyed  
by ,alexander1 was no mighty city1 if we
 credit ,arrian's account of its        
inhabitants4#fh ,athens is commonly     

supposed to have been a trading city2   
but it was as populous before the       
,median ,war as at any time after it1   
according to ,herodotus1#fi and yet its 
commerce at that time was so            
inconsiderable that1 as the same        
historian observes1 even the            
neighbouring coasts of ,asia were as    
little frequented by the ,greeks as the 
,pillars of ,hercules--for beyond these 
he conceived nothing4  ,great interest  
of money and great profits of trade are 
an infallible indication that industry  
and commerce are but in their infancy4  
,we read in ,lysias of #ajj per cent4   
profit made of a cargo of two talents1  
sent to no greater distance than from   
,athens to the ,adriatic4 ,nor is this  
mentioned as an instance of exorbitant  
profit4 ,antidorus1 says ,demosthenes1  
paid three talents and a half for a     
house which he let at a talent a year2  
and the orator blames his own tutors for
 not employing his money to like        
advantage4 8,my fortune10 says he1 8in  

eleven years minority ought to have been
 tripled40 ,the value of twenty of the  
slaves left by his father he computes at
 #dj minas1 and the yearly profit of    
their labour at #ab4 ,the most moderate 
interest at ,athens 7for there was      
higher often paid7 was #ab per cent41   
and that paid monthly4 ,not to insist   
upon the exorbitant interest of #cd per 
cent4 to which the vast sums distributed
 in elections had raised money at ,rome1
 we find that ,verres1 before that      
factious period1 stated #bd per cent4   
for money1 which he left in the         
publicans' hands4 ,and though ,cicero   
declaims against this article1 it is not
 on account of the extravagant usury1   
but because it had never been customary 
to state any interest on such occasions4
 ,interest1 indeed1 sunk at ,rome after 
the settlement of the empire2 but it    
never remained any considerable time so 
low as in the commercial states of      
modern ages4  ,among the other          
inconveniences which the ,athenians felt

 from the fortifying ,decelia by the    
,lacedemonians1 it is represented by    
,thucydides as one of the most          
considerable that they could not bring  
over their corn from ,eubea by land1    
passing by ,oropus2 but were obliged to 
embark it and to sail about the         
promontory of ,sunium--a surprising     
instance of the imperfection of ancient 
navigation1 for the water-carriage is   
not here above double the land4  ,i do  
not remember any passage in any ancient 
author where the growth of any city is  
ascribed to the establishment of a      
manufacture4 ,the commerce which is said
 to flourish is chiefly the exchange of 
those commodities for which different   
soils and climates were suited4 ,the    
sale of wine and oil into ,africa1      
according to ,diodorus ,siculus1 was the
 foundation of the riches of            
,agrigentum4 ,the situation of the city 
of ,sybaris1 according to the same      
author1 was the cause of its immense    
populousness1 being built near the two  

rivers1 ,crathys and ,sybaris4 ,but     
these two rivers1 we may observe1 are   
not navigable1 and could only produce   
some fertile valleys for agriculture and
 husbandry--an advantage so             
inconsiderable that a modern writer     
would scarcely have taken notice of it4 
,the barbarity of the ancient tyrants1  
together with the extreme love of       
liberty which animated those ages1 must 
have banished every merchant and        
manufacturer1 and have quite depopulated
 the state1 had it subsisted upon       
industry and commerce4 ,while the cruel 
and suspicious ,dionysius was carrying  
on his butcheries1 who that was not     
detained by his landed property1 and    
could have carried with him any art or  
skill to procure a subsistence in other 
countries1 would have remained exposed  
to such implacable barbarity8 ,the      
persecutions of ,philip ,,ii4 and ,louis
 ,,xiv4 filled all ,europe with the     
manufacturers of ,flanders and of       
,france4  ,i grant that agriculture is  

the species of industry which is chiefly
 requisite to the subsistence of        
multitudes1 and it is possible that this
 industry may flourish even where       
manufactures and other arts are unknown 
and neglected4 ,switzerland is at       
present a very remarkable instance1     
where we find at once the most skilful  
husbandmen and the most bungling        
tradesmen that are to be met with in all
 ,europe4 ,that agriculture flourished  
in ,greece and ,italy1 at least in some 
parts of them1 and at some periods1 we  
have reason to presume2 and whether the 
mechanical arts had reached the same    
degree of perfection may not be esteemed
 so material1 especially if we consider 
the great equality in the ancient       
republics1 where each family was obliged
 to cultivate with the greatest care and
 industry its own little field in order 
to its subsistence4  ,but is it just    
reasoning1 because agriculture may in   
some instances flourish without trade or
 manufactures1 to conclude that1 in any 

great extent of country and for any     
great tract of time1 it would subsist   
alone8 ,the most natural way surely of  
encouraging husbandry is first to excite
 other kinds of industry1 and thereby   
afford the labourer a ready market for  
his commodities and a return of such    
goods as may contribute to his pleasure 
and enjoyment4 ,this method is          
infallible and universal1 and as it     
prevails more in modern government than 
in the ancient1 it affords a presumption
 of the superior populousness of the    
former4  ,every man1 says ,xenophon1 may
 be a farmer2 no art or skill is        
requisite3 all consists in the industry 
and attention to the execution4 ,a      
strong proof1 as ,columella hints1 that 
agriculture was but little known in the 
age of ,xenophon4  ,all our later       
improvements and refinements1 have they 
operated nothing towards the easy       
subsistence of men1 and consequently    
towards their propagation and increase8 
,our superior skill in mechanics1 the   

discovery of new worlds1 by which       
commerce has been so much enlarged1 the 
establishment of posts1 and the use of  
bills of exchange3 these seem all       
extremely useful to the encouragement of
 art1 industry1 and populousness4 ,were 
we to strike off these1 what a check    
should we give to every kind of business
 and labour1 and what multitudes of     
families would immediately perish from  
want and hunger6 ,and it seems not      
probable that we could supply the place 
of these new inventions by any other    
regulation or institution4  ,have we    
reason to think that the police of      
ancient states was any wise comparable  
to that of modern1 or that men had then 
equal security either at home or in     
their journeys by land or water8 ,i     
question not but every impartial        
examiner would give us the preference in
 this particular4  ,thus1 upon comparing
 the whole1 it seems impossible to      
assign any just reason why the world    
should have been more populous in       

ancient than in modern times4 ,the      
equality of property among the ancients1
 liberty1 and the small divisions of    
their states1 were indeed favourable to 
the propagation of mankind2 but their   
wars were more bloody and destructive1  
their governments more factious and     
unsettled1 commerce and manufactures    
more feeble and languishing1 and the    
general police more loose and irregular4
 ,these latter disadvantages seem to    
form a sufficient counterbalance to the 
former advantages1 and rather favour the
 opposite opinion to that which commonly
 prevails with regard to this subject4  
,but there is no reasoning1 it may be   
said1 against matter of fact4 ,if it    
appear that the world was then more     
populous than at present1 we may be     
assured that our conjectures are false1 
and that we have overlooked some        
material circumstance in the comparison4
 ,this ,i readily own3 all our preceding
 reasonings ,i acknowledge to be mere   
trifling1 or1 at least1 small skirmishes

 and frivolous rencounters which decide 
nothing4 ,but unluckily the main combat1
 where we compare facts1 cannot be      
rendered much more decisive4 ,the facts 
delivered by ancient authors are either 
so uncertain or so imperfect as to      
afford us nothing positive in this      
matter4 ,how indeed could it be         
otherwise8 ,the very facts which we must
 oppose to them in computing the        
greatness of modern states are far from 
being either certain or complete4 ,many 
grounds of calculation proceeded on by  
celebrated writers are little better    
than those of the ,emperor              
,heliogabalus1 who formed an estimate of
 the immense greatness of ,rome from ten
 thousand pound weight of cobwebs which 
had been found in that city4  ,it is to 
be remarked that all kinds of numbers   
are uncertain in ancient manuscripts1   
and have been subject to much greater   
corruptions than any other part of the  
text1 and that for a very obvious       
reason4 ,any alteration in other places 

commonly affects the sense or grammar1  
and is more readily perceived by the    
reader and transcriber4  ,few           
enumerations of inhabitants have been   
made of any tract of country by any     
ancient author of good authority so as  
to afford us a large enough view for    
comparison4  ,it is probable that there 
was formerly a good foundation for the  
number of citizens assigned to any free 
city1 because they entered for a share  
of the government1 and there were exact 
registers kept of them4 ,but as the     
number of slaves is seldom mentioned1   
this leaves us in as great uncertainty  
as ever with regard to the populousness 
even of single cities4  ,the first page 
of ,thucydides is1 in my opinion1 the   
commencement of real history4 ,all      
preceding narrations are so intermixed  
with fable that philosophers ought to   
abandon them1 in a great measure1 to the
 embellishment of poets and orators4#gj 
,with regard to remote times1 the       
numbers of people assigned are often    

ridiculous1 and lose all credit and     
authority4 ,the free citizens of        
,sybaris1 able to bear arms and actually
 drawn out in battle1 were #cjj1jjj4    
,they encountered at ,siagra with       
#ajj1jjj citizens of ,crotona1 another  
,greek city contiguous to them1 and were
 defeated4 ,this is ,diodorus ,siculus's
 account1 and is very seriously insisted
 on by that historian4 ,strabo also     
mentions the same number of ,sybarites4 
,diodorus ,siculus1 enumerating the     
inhabitants of ,agrigentum1 when it was 
destroyed by the ,carthaginians1 says   
that they amounted to #bj1jjj citizens1 
#bjj1jjj strangers1 besides slaves1 who1
 in so opulent a city as he represents  
it1 would probably be at least as       
numerous4 ,we must remark that the women
 and the children are not included1 and 
that therefore1 upon the whole1 the city
 must have contained near two millions  
of inhabitants4#ga ,and what was the    
reason of so immense an increase6 ,they 
were very industrious in cultivating the

 neighbouring fields1 not exceeding a   
small ,english county2 and they traded  
with their wine and oil to ,africa1     
which1 at that time1 had none of these  
commodities4  ,ptolemy1 says            
,theocritus1 commanded #cc1cci cities4  
,i suppose the singularity of the number
 was the reason of assigning it4        
,diodorus ,siculus assigns three        
millions of inhabitants to ,egypt1 a    
very small number2 but then he makes the
 number of their cities amount to       
#ah1jjj--;an evident contradiction4  ,he
 says the people were formerly seven    
millions4 ,thus remote times are always 
most envied and admired4  ,that         
,xerxes's army was extremely numerous ,i
 can readily believe1 both from the     
great extent of his empire and from the 
foolish practice of the ,eastern nations
 of encumbering their camp with a       
superfluous multitude2 but will any     
rational man cite ,herodotus's wonderful
 narrations as an authority8 ,there is  
something very rational1 ,i own1 in     

,lysias's argument upon this subject4   
,had not ,xerxes' army been incredibly  
numerous1 says he1 he had never built a 
bridge over the ,hellespont3 it had been
 much easier to have transported his men
 over so short a passage1 with the      
numerous shipping of which he was       
master4  ,polybius says that the        
,romans1 between the first and second   
,punic ,wars1 being threatened with an  
invasion from the ,gauls1 mustered all  
their own forces and those of their     
allies1 and found them amount to seven  
hundred thousand men able to bear arms4 
,a great number surely1 and which1 when 
joined to the slaves1 is probably not   
less1 if not rather more than that      
extent of country affords at present4#gb
 ,the enumeration too seems to have been
 made with some exactness1 and ,polybius
 gives us the detail of the particulars2
 but might not the number be imagined in
 order to encourage the people8         
,diodorus ,siculus makes the same       
enumeration amount to near a million4   

,these variations are suspicious4 ,he   
plainly1 too1 supposes that ,italy in   
his time was not so populous1 another   
very suspicious circumstance2 for who   
can believe that the inhabitants of that
 country diminished from the time of the
 first ,punic ,war to that of the       
,triumvirates8  ,julius ,csar1 according
 to ,appian1 encountered four millions  
of ,gauls1 killed one million1 and took 
another million prisoners4#gc ,supposing
 the number of the enemy's army and of  
the killed could be exactly assigned1   
which never is possible1 how could it be
 known how often the same man returned  
into the armies1 or how distinguish the 
new from the old levied soldiers8 ,no   
attention ought ever to be given to such
 loose1 exaggerated calculations2       
especially where the author tells us not
 the mediums upon which the calculations
 were founded4  ,paterculus makes the   
number killed by ,csar amount only to   
#djj1jjj3 a much more probable account1 
and more easily reconciled to the       

history of these wars given by that     
conqueror himself in his ,commentaries4 
,one would imagine that every           
circumstance of the life and actions of 
,dionysius the elder might be regarded  
as authentic and free from all fabulous 
exaggeration1 both because he lived at a
 time when letters flourished most in   
,greece and because his chief historian 
was ,philistus1 a man allowed to be of  
great genius1 and who was a courtier and
 minister of that prince4 ,but can we   
admit that he had a standing army of    
#ajj1jjj foot1 #aj1jjj horse1 and a     
fleet of #djj galleys8 ,these1 we may   
observe1 were mercenary forces1 and     
subsisted upon their pay1 like our      
armies in ,europe4 ,for the citizens    
were all disarmed2 and when ,dion       
afterwards invaded ,sicily and called on
 his countrymen to vindicate their      
liberty1 he was obliged to bring arms   
along with him1 which he distributed    
among those who joined him4 ,in a state 
where agriculture alone flourishes there

 may be many inhabitants1 and if these  
be all armed and disciplined1 a great   
force may be called out upon occasion2  
but great numbers of mercenary troops   
can never be maintained without either  
trade and manufactures1 or very         
extensive dominions4 ,the ,united       
,provinces never were masters of such a 
force by sea and land as that which is  
said to belong to ,dionysius2 yet they  
possess as large a territory1 perfectly 
well cultivated1 and have infinitely    
more resources from their commerce and  
industry4 ,diodorus ,siculus allows     
that1 even in his time1 the army of     
,dionysius appeared incredible2 that is1
 as ,i interpret it1 it was entirely a  
fiction1 and the opinion arose from the 
exaggerated flattery of the courtiers1  
and perhaps from the vanity and policy  
of the tyrant himself4  ,it is a very   
usual fallacy to consider all the ages  
of antiquity as one period1 and to      
compute the numbers contained in the    
great cities mentioned by ancient       

authors as if these cities had been all 
contemporary4 ,the ,greek colonies      
flourished extremely in ,sicily during  
the age of ,alexander2 but in           
,augustus's time they were so decayed   
that almost all the product of that     
fertile island was consumed in ,italy4  
,let us now examine the numbers of      
inhabitants assigned to particular      
cities in antiquity1 and omitting the   
numbers of ,nineveh1 ,babylon1 and the  
,egyptian ,thebes1 let us confine       
ourselves to the sphere of real history1
 to the ,grecian and ,roman states4 ,i  
must own1 the more ,i consider this     
subject the more am ,i inclined to      
scepticism with regard to the great     
populousness ascribed to ancient times4 
,athens is said by ,plato to be a very  
great city2 and it was surely the       
greatest of all the ,greek#gd cities1   
except ,syracuse1 which was nearly about
 the same size in ,thucydides' time1 and
 afterwards increased beyond it2 for    
,cicero#ge mentions it as the greatest  

of all the ,greek cities in his time1   
not comprehending1 ,i suppose1 either   
,antioch or ,alexandria under that      
denomination4 ,athenus says that1 by the
 enumeration of ,demetrius ,phalereus1  
there were in ,athens #ba1jjj citizens1 
#aj1jjj strangers1 and #djj1jjj slaves4 
,this number is very much insisted on by
 those whose opinion ,i call in         
question1 and is esteemed a fundamental 
fact to their purpose2 but1 in my       
opinion1 there is no point of criticism 
more certain than that ,athenus and     
,ctesicles1 whom he cites1 are here     
mistaken1 and that the number of slaves 
is augmented by a whole cypher1 and     
ought not to be regarded as more than   
#dj1jjj4  ,firstly1 when the number of  
citizens is said to be #ba1jjj by       
,athenus1#gf men of full age are only   
understood4 ,for 7#a7 ,herodotus says   
that ,aristagoras1 ambassador from the  
,ionians1 found it harder to deceive one
 ,spartan than #cj1jjj ,athenians1      
meaning in a loose way the whole state1 

supposed to be met in one popular       
assembly1 excluding the women and       
children4 7#b7 ,thucydides says that1   
making allowance for all the absentees  
in the fleet1 army1 garrisons1 and for  
people employed in their private        
affairs1 the ,athenian ,assembly never  
rose to five thousand4 7#c7 ,the forces 
enumerated by the same historian1#gg    
being all citizens1 and amounting to    
#ac1jjj heavy-armed infantry1 prove the 
same method of calculation1 as also the 
whole tenor of the ,greek historians1   
who always understand men of full age   
when they assign the number of citizens 
in any republic4 ,now1 these being but  
the fourth of the inhabitants1 the free 
,athenians were by this account #hd1jjj1
 the strangers #dj1jjj1 and the slaves1 
calculating by the smaller number1 and  
allowing that they married and          
propagated at the same rate with        
freemen1 were #afj1jjj1 and the whole   
inhabitants #bhd1jjj--;a large enough   
number surely4 ,the other number1       

#a1gbj1jjj1 makes ,athens larger than   
,london and ,paris united4  ,secondly1  
there were but #aj1jjj houses in        
,athens4  ,thirdly1 though the extent of
 the walls1 as given us by ,thucydides1 
be great 7viz41 eighteen miles1 beside  
the sea-coast71 yet ,xenophon says there
 was much waste ground within the walls4
 ,they seemed indeed to have joined four
 distinct and separate cities4#gh       
,fourthly1 no insurrection of the       
slaves1 nor suspicion of insurrection1  
are ever mentioned by historians1 except
 one commotion of the miners4  ,fifthly1
 the ,athenians' treatment of their     
slaves is said by ,xenophon1 and        
,demosthenes1 and ,plautus to have been 
extremely gentle and indulgent1 which   
could never have been the case had the  
disproportion been twenty to one4 ,the  
disproportion is not so great in any of 
our colonies1 and yet we are obliged to 
exercise a very rigorous military       
government over the negroes4  ,sixthly1 
no man is ever esteemed rich for        

possessing what may be reckoned an equal
 distribution of property in any        
country1 or even triple or quadruple    
that wealth4 ,thus1 every person in     
,england is computed by some to spend   
sixpence a day2 yet is he estimated but 
poor who has five times that sum4 ,now1 
,timarchus is said by schines to have   
been left in easy circumstances1 but he 
was master only of ten slaves employed  
in manufactures4 ,lysias and his        
brother1 two strangers1 were proscribed 
by the ,thirty for their great riches1  
though they had but sixty apiece4       
,demosthenes was left very rich by his  
father1 yet he had no more than         
fifty-two slaves4 ,his workhouse1 of    
twenty cabinet-makers1 is said to have  
been a very considerable manufactory4   
,seventhly1 during the ,decelian ,war1  
as the ,greek historians call it1       
#bj1jjj slaves deserted and brought the 
,athenians to great distress1 as we     
learn from ,thucydides4 ,this could not 
have happened had they been only the    

twentieth part4 ,the best slaves would  
not desert4  ,eighthly1 ,xenophon       
proposes a scheme for entertaining by   
the public #aj1jjj slaves4 8,and that so
 great a number may possibly be         
supported any one will be convinced10   
says he1 8who considers the numbers we  
possessed before the ,decelian ,war0--a 
way of speaking altogether incompatible 
with the larger number of ,athenus4     
,ninthly1 the whole census of the state 
of ,athens was less than #fjjj talents2 
and though numbers in ancient           
manuscripts be often suspected by       
critics1 yet this is unexceptionable1   
both because ,demosthenes1 who gives it1
 gives also the detail1 which checks    
him1 and because ,polybius assigns the  
same number and reasons upon it4 ,now1  
the most vulgar slave could yield by his
 labour an obolus a day1 over and above 
his maintenance1 as we learn from       
,xenophon1 who says that ,nicias's      
overseer paid his master so much for    
slaves1 whom he employed in digging of  

mines4 ,if you will take the pains to   
estimate an obolus a day and the slaves 
at #djj1jjj1 computing only at four     
years' purchase1 you will find the sum  
above #ab1jjj talents1 even though      
allowance be made for the great number  
of holidays in ,athens4 ,besides1 many  
of the slaves would have a much greater 
value from their art4 ,the lowest that  
,demosthenes estimates any of his       
father's slaves is two minas a head2 and
 upon this supposition it is a little   
difficult1 ,i confess1 to reconcile even
 the number of #dj1jjj slaves with the  
census of #fjjj talents4  ,tenthly1     
,chios is said by ,thucydides to contain
 more slaves than any ,greek city except
 ,sparta4 ,sparta then had more than    
,athens1 in proportion to the number of 
citizens4 ,the ,spartans were #ijjj in  
the town1 #cj1jjj in the country4 ,the  
male slaves1 therefore1 of full age1    
must have been more than #ghj1jjj2 the  
whole more than #c1abj1jjj--;a number   
impossible to be maintained in a narrow 

barren country such as ,laconia1 which  
had no trade4 ,had the ,helotes been so 
very numerous1 the murder of #bjjj      
mentioned by ,thucydides would have     
irritated them without weakening them4  
,besides1 we are to consider that the   
number assigned by ,athenus1#gi whatever
 it is1 comprehends all the inhabitants 
of ,attica as well as those of ,athens4 
,the ,athenians affected much a country 
life1 as we learn from ,thucydides1 and 
when they were all chased into town by  
the invasion of their territory during  
the ,peloponnesian ,war1 the city was   
not able to contain them1 and they were 
obliged to lie in the porticoes1        
temples1 and even streets1 for want of  
lodging4  ,the same remark is to be     
extended to all the other ,greek cities1
 and when the number of the citizens is 
assigned we must always understand it of
 the inhabitants of the neighbouring    
country as well as of the city4 ,yet1   
even with this allowance1 it must be    
confessed that ,greece was a populous   

country and exceeded what we could      
imagine of so narrow a territory1       
naturally not very fertile1 and which   
drew no supplies of corn from other     
places2 for1 excepting ,athens1 which   
traded to ,pontus for that commodity1   
the other cities seem to have subsisted 
chiefly from their neighbouring         
territory4#hj  ,rhodes is well known to 
have been a city of extensive commerce  
and of great fame and splendour1 yet it 
contained only #fjjj citizens able to   
bear arms when it was besieged by       
,demetrius4  ,thebes was always one of  
the capital cities of ,greece1 but the  
number of its citizens exceeded not     
those of ,rhodes4#ha ,phliasia is said  
to be a small city by ,xenophon1 yet we 
find that it contained #fjjj citizens4  
,i pretend not to reconcile these two   
facts4 ,perhaps ,xenophon calls         
,phliasia a small town because it made  
but a small figure in ,greece and       
maintained only a subordinate alliance  
with ,sparta2 or perhaps the country    

belonging to it was extensive1 and most 
of the citizens were employed in the    
cultivation of it and dwelt in the      
neighbouring villages4  ,mantinea was   
equal to any city in ,arcadia1          
consequently it was equal to            
,megalopolis1 which was fifty stadia1 or
 sixty miles and a quarter in           
circumference4 ,but ,mantinea had only  
#cjjj citizens4 ,the ,greek cities1     
therefore1 contained often fields and   
gardens1 together with the houses1 and  
we cannot judge of them by the extent of
 their walls4 ,athens contained no more 
than #aj1jjj houses1 yet its walls1 with
 the sea-coast1 were about twenty miles 
in extent4 ,syracuse was twenty-two     
miles in circumference1 yet was scarcely
 ever spoken of by the ancients as more 
populous than ,athens4 ,babylon was a   
square of fifteen miles1 or sixty miles 
in circuit2 but it contained large      
cultivated fields and enclosures1 as we 
learn from ,pliny4 ,though ,aurelian's  
wall was fifty miles in circumference1  

the circuit of all the thirteen         
divisions of ,rome1 taken apart1        
according to ,publius ,victor1 was only 
about forty-three miles4 ,when an enemy 
invaded the country all the inhabitants 
retired within the walls of the ancient 
cities1 with their cattle and furniture 
and instruments of husbandry1 and the   
great height to which the walls were    
raised enabled a small number to defend 
them with facility4  8,sparta10 says    
,xenophon1#hb 8is one of the cities of  
,greece that has the fewest             
inhabitants40 ,yet ,polybius says that  
it was forty-eight stadia in            
circumference1 and was round4  ,all the 
tolians able to bear arms in            
,antipater's time1 deducting some few   
garrisons1 were but ten thousand men4   
,polybius tells us that the ,achan      
league might1 without any inconvenience1
 march thirty or forty thousand men2 and
 this account seems very probable1 for  
that league comprehended the greatest   
part of ,peloponnesus4 ,yet ,pausanias1 

speaking of the same period1 says that  
all the ,achans able to bear arms1 even 
when several manumitted slaves were     
joined to them1 did not amount to       
fifteen thousand4  ,the ,thessalians1   
till their final conquest by the        
,romans1 were in all ages turbulent1    
factious1 seditious1 disorderly4 ,it is 
not1 therefore1 natural to suppose that 
that part of ,greece abounded much in   
people4  ,we are told by ,thucydides    
that the part of ,peloponnesus adjoining
 to ,pylos was desert and uncultivated4 
,herodotus says that ,macedonia was full
 of lions and wild bulls1 animals which 
can only inhabit vast unpeopled forests4
 ,these were the two extremities of     
,greece4  ,all the inhabitants of       
,epirus1 of all ages1 sexes1 and        
conditions1 who were sold by ,paulus    
milius1 amounted only to #aej1jjj4 ,yet 
,epirus might be double the extent of   
,yorkshire4  ,justin tells us that when 
,philip of ,macedon was declared head of
 the ,greek confederacy he called a     

congress of all the states1 except the  
,lacedemonians1 who refused to concur2  
and he found the force of the whole1    
upon computation1 to amount to #bjj1jjj 
infantry and #ae1jjj cavalry4 ,this must
 be understood to be all the citizens   
capable of bearing arms1 for as the     
,greek republics maintained no mercenary
 forces1 and had no militia distinct    
from the whole body of the citizens1 it 
is not conceivable what other medium    
there could be of computation4 ,that    
such an army could ever by ,greece be   
brought into the field1 and could be    
maintained there1 is contrary to all    
history4 ,upon this supposition1        
therefore1 we may thus reason4 ,the free
 ,greeks of all ages and sexes were     
#hfj1jjj4 ,the slaves1 estimating them  
by the number of ,athenian slaves as    
above1 who seldom married or had        
families1 were double the male citizens 
of full age--viz41 #dcj1jjj4 ,and all   
the inhabitants of ancient ,greece1     
excepting ,laconia1 were about          

#a1bij1jjj--no mighty number1 nor       
exceeding what may be found at present  
in ,scotland1 a country of nearly the   
same extent1 and very indifferently     
peopled4  ,we may now consider the      
numbers of people in ,rome and ,italy1  
and collect all the lights afforded us  
by scattered passages in ancient        
authors4 ,we shall find1 upon the whole1
 a great difficulty in fixing any       
opinion on that head1 and no reason to  
support those exaggerated calculations  
so much insisted on by modern writers4  
,dionysius ,halicarnassus says that the 
ancient walls of ,rome were nearly of   
the same compass with those of ,athens1 
but that the suburbs ran out to a great 
extent1 and it was difficult to tell    
where the town ended or the country     
began4 ,in some places of ,rome1 it     
appears from the same author1 from      
,juvenal1 and from other ancient        
writers1#hc that the houses were high1  
and families lived in separate storeys1 
one above another2 but it is probable   

that these were only the poorer         
citizens1 and only in some few streets4 
,if we may judge from the younger       
,pliny's#hd account of his house1 and   
from ,bartoli's plans of ancient        
buildings1 the men of quality had very  
spacious palaces2 and their buildings   
were like the ,chinese houses at this   
day1 where each apartment is separated  
from the rest1 and rises no higher than 
a single storey4 ,to which1 if we add   
that the ,roman nobility much affected  
porticoes1 and even woods1 in town1 we  
may perhaps allow ,vossius 7though there
 is no manner of reason for it7 to read 
the famous passage of the elder         
,pliny#he his own way1 without admitting
 the extravagant consequences which he  
draws from it4  ,the number of citizens 
who received corn by the public         
distribution in ,augustus's time was    
#bjj1jjj4 ,this one would esteem a      
pretty certain ground of calculation1   
yet it is attended with such            
circumstances as throw us back into     

doubt and uncertainty4  ,did the poorer 
citizens only receive the distribution8 
,it was calculated1 to be sure1 chiefly 
for their benefit2 but it appears from a
 passage in ,cicero that the rich might 
also take their portion1 and that it was
 esteemed no reproach in them to apply  
for it4  ,to whom was the corn          
given--whether only to heads of         
families1 or to every man1 woman1 and   
child8 ,the portion every month was five
 modii to each 7about five-sixths of a  
bushel74 ,this was too little for a     
family1 and too much for an individual4 
,a very accurate antiquarian therefore  
infers that it was given to every man of
 full years1 but he allows the matter to
 be uncertain4  ,was it strictly        
inquired whether the claimant lived     
within the precincts of ,rome1 or was it
 sufficient that he presented himself at
 the monthly distribution8 ,this last   
seems more probable4#hf  ,were there no 
false claimants8 ,we are told that ,csar
 struck off at once #agj1jjj1 who had   

crept in without a just title2 and it is
 very little probable that he remedied  
all abuses4  ,but1 lastly1 what         
proportion of slaves must we assign to  
these citizens8 ,this is the most       
material question1 and the most         
uncertain4 ,it is very doubtful whether 
,athens can be established as a rule for
 ,rome4 ,perhaps the ,athenians had more
 slaves1 because they employed them in  
manufactures1 for which a capital city  
like ,rome seems not so proper4         
,perhaps1 on the other hand1 the ,romans
 had more slaves1 on account of their   
superior luxury and riches4  ,there were
 exact bills of mortality kept at ,rome2
 but no ancient author has given us the 
number of burials1 except ,suetonius1   
who tells us that in one season there   
were #cj1jjj dead carried into the      
temple of ,libetina2 but this was during
 a plague1 which can afford no certain  
foundation for any inference4  ,the     
public corn1 though distributed only to 
#bjj1jjj citizens1 affected very        

considerably the whole agriculture of   
,italy1 a fact no way reconcilable to   
some modern exaggerations with regard to
 the inhabitants of that country4  ,the 
best ground of conjecture ,i can find   
concerning the greatness of ancient     
,rome is this3 ,we are told by ,herodian
 that ,antioch and ,alexandria were very
 little inferior to ,rome4 ,it appears  
from ,diodorus ,siculus that one        
straight street of ,alexandria1 reaching
 from port to port1 was five miles long2
 and as ,alexandria was much more       
extended in length than breadth1 it     
seems to have been a city nearly of the 
bulk of ,paris1#hg and ,rome might be   
about the size of ,london4  ,there lived
 in ,alexandria1 in ,diodorus ,siculus's
 time1 #cjj1jjj free people1            
comprehending1 ,i suppose1 women and    
children4#hh ,but what number of slaves8
 ,had we any just ground to fix these at
 an equal number with the free          
inhabitants1 it would favour the        
foregoing calculation4  ,there is a     

passage in ,herodian which is a little  
surprising4 ,he says positively that the
 palace of the emperor was as large as  
all the rest of the city4 ,this was     
,nero's golden house1 which is indeed   
represented by ,suetonius and ,pliny#hi 
as of an enormous extent1 but no power  
of imagination can make us conceive it  
to bear any proportion to such a city as
 ,london4  ,we may observe that1 had the
 historian been relating ,nero's        
extravagance1 and had he made use of    
such an expression1 it would have had   
much less weight1 these rhetorical      
exaggerations being so apt to creep into
 an author's style even when the most   
chaste and correct2 but it is mentioned 
by ,herodian only by the by1 in relating
 the quarrels between ,geta and         
,caracalla4  ,it appears from the same  
historian that there was then much land 
uncultivated and put to no manner of    
use1 and he ascribes it as a great      
praise to ,pertinax that he allowed     
every one to take such land either in   

,italy or elsewhere and cultivate it as 
he pleased1 without paying any taxes4   
,lands uncultivated and put to no manner
 of use6 ,this is not heard of in any   
part of ,christendom1 except perhaps in 
some remote parts of ,hungary1 as ,i    
have been informed4 ,and it surely      
corresponds very ill with that idea of  
the extreme populousness of antiquity so
 much insisted on4  ,we learn from      
,vopiscus that there was in ,etruria    
much fertile land uncultivated1 which   
the ,emperor ,aurelian intended to      
convert into vineyards1 in order to     
furnish the ,roman people with a        
gratuitous distribution of wine3 a very 
proper expedient to dispeople still     
further that capital and all the        
neighbouring territories4  ,it may not  
be amiss to take notice of the account  
which ,polybius gives of the great herds
 of swine to be met with in ,tuscany and
 ,lombardy1 as well as in ,greece1 and  
of the method of feeding them which was 
then practised4 8,there are great herds 

of swine10 says he1 8throughout all     
,italy1 particularly in former times1   
through ,etruria and ,cisalpine ,gaul4  
,and a herd frequently contains a       
thousand or more swine4 ,when one of    
these herds in feeding meets with       
another they mix together1 and the      
swineherds have no other expedient to   
separate them than to go to different   
quarters1 where they sound their horn1  
and these animals1 being accustomed to  
that signal1 run immediately each to the
 horn of his own keeper4 ,whereas in    
,greece1 if the herds of swine happen to
 mix in the forests1 he who has the     
greatest flock takes cunningly the      
opportunity of driving all away4 ,and   
thieves are very apt to purloin the     
straggling hogs which have wandered to a
 great distance from their keeper in    
search of food40  ,may we not infer from
 this account that the ,north of ,italy 
was then much less peopled and worse    
cultivated than at present8 ,how could  
these vast herds be fed in a country so 

thick of enclosures1 so improved by     
agriculture1 so divided by farms1 so    
planted with vines and corn intermingled
 together8 ,i must confess that         
,polybius's relation has more the air of
 that economy which is to be met with in
 our ,american colonies than the        
management of a ,european country4  ,we 
meet with a reflection in               
,aristotle's#ij ,ethics which seems to  
me unaccountable on any supposition1 and
 by proving too much in favour of our   
present reasoning1 may be thought really
 to prove nothing4 ,that philosopher1   
treating of friendship1 and observing   
that that relation ought neither to be  
contracted to the very few nor extended 
over a great multitude1 illustrates his 
opinion by the following argument4 8,in 
like manner10 says he1 8as a city cannot
 subsist if it either have so few       
inhabitants as ten1 or so many as a     
hundred thousand1 so is there a         
mediocrity required in the number of    
friends1 and you destroy the essence of 

friendship by running into either       
extreme40 ,what6 impossible that a city 
can contain a hundred thousand          
inhabitants6 ,had ,aristotle never seen 
nor heard of a city which was near so   
populous8 ,this1 ,i must own1 passes my 
comprehension4  ,pliny tells us that    
,seleucia1 the seat of the ,greek empire
 in the ,east1 was reported to contain  
#fjj1jjj people4 ,carthage is said by   
,strabo to have contained #gjj1jjj4 ,the
 inhabitants of ,pekin are not much more
 numerous4 ,london1 ,paris1 and         
,constantinople may admit of nearly the 
same computation2 at least1 the two     
latter cities do not exceed it4 ,rome1  
,alexandria1 ,antioch we have already   
spoke of4 ,from the experience of past  
and present ages one might conjecture   
that there is a kind of impossibility   
that any city could ever rise much      
beyond this proportion4 ,whether the    
grandeur of a city be founded on        
commerce or on empire1 there seems to be
 invincible obstacles which prevent its 

further progress4 ,the seats of vast    
monarchies1 by introducing extravagant  
luxury1 irregular expense1 idleness1    
dependence1 and false ideas of rank and 
superiority1 are improper for commerce4 
,extensive commerce checks itself by    
raising the price of all labour and     
commodities4 ,when a great court engages
 the attendance of a numerous nobility  
possessed of overgrown fortunes1 the    
middling gentry remain in their         
provincial towns1 where they can make a 
figure on a moderate income4 ,and if the
 dominions of a state arrive at an      
enormous size1 there necessarily arise  
many capitals in the remoter provinces1 
whither all the inhabitants except a few
 courtiers repair for education1        
fortune1 and amusement4#ia ,london1 by  
uniting extensive commerce and middling 
empire1 has perhaps arrived at a        
greatness which no city will ever be    
able to exceed4  ,choose ,dover or      
,calais for a centre3 draw a circle of  
two hundred miles radius2 you comprehend

 ,london1 ,paris1 the ,netherlands1 the 
,united ,provinces1 and some of the best
 cultivated counties of ,france and     
,england4 ,it may safely1 ,i think1 be  
affirmed that no spot of ground can be  
found in antiquity1 of equal extent1    
which contained near so many great and  
populous cities1 and was so stocked with
 riches and inhabitants4 ,to balance1 in
 both periods1 the states which         
possessed most art1 knowledge1 civility1
 and the best police seems the truest   
method of comparison4  ,it is an        
observation of ,l',abb du ,bos that     
,italy is warmer at present than it was 
in ancient times4 8,the annals of ,rome 
tell us10 says he1 8that in the year    
#dhj ,a4,u4,c4 the winter was so severe 
that it destroyed the trees4 ,the ,tiber
 froze in ,rome1 and the ground was     
covered with snow for forty days4 ,when 
,juvenal describes a superstitious      
woman1 he represents her as breaking the
 ice of the ,tiber that she might       
perform her ablutions4      8#8,hybernum

 fracta glacie descendet in amnem1      
,ter matutino ,tyberi mergetur4'  8,he  
speaks of that river's freezing as a    
common event4 ,many passages of ,horace 
suppose the streets of ,rome full of    
snow and ice4 ,we should have more      
certainty with regard to this point had 
the ancients known the use of           
thermometers2 but their writers1 without
 intending it1 give us information      
sufficient to convince us that the      
winters are now much more temperate at  
,rome than formerly4 ,at present the    
,tiber no more freezes at ,rome than the
 ,nile at ,cairo4 ,the ,romans esteem   
the winter very rigorous if the snow    
lies two days1 and if one sees for      
eight-and-forty hours a few icicles hang
 from a fountain that has a north       
exposition40  ,the observation of this  
ingenious critic may be extended to     
other ,european climates4 ,who could    
discover the mild climate of ,france in 
,diodorus ,siculus's description of that
 of ,gaul8 8,as it is a northern        

climate10 says he1 8it is infested with 
cold to an extreme degree4 ,in cloudy   
weather1 instead of rain1 there fall    
great snows1 and in clear weather it    
there freezes so excessive hard that the
 rivers acquire bridges of their own    
substance1 over which not only single   
travellers may pass1 but large armies1  
accompanied with all their baggage and  
loaded waggons4 ,and there being many   
rivers in ,gaul--the ,rhone1 the ,rhine1
 etc4--almost all of them are frozen    
over1 and it is usual1 in order to      
prevent falling1 to cover the ice with  
chaff and straw at the places where the 
road passes40 8,colder than a ,gallic   
winter0 is used by ,petronius as a      
proverbial expression4  8,north of the  
,cevennes10 says ,strabo1 8,gaul        
produces not figs and olives1 and the   
vines which have been planted bear not  
grapes that will ripen40  ,ovid         
positively maintains1 with all the      
serious affirmation of prose1 that the  
,euxine ,sea was frozen over every      

winter in his time1 and he appeals to   
,roman governors1 whom he names1 for the
 truth of his assertion4 ,this seldom or
 never happens at present in the        
latitude of ,tomi1 whither ,ovid was    
banished4 ,all the complaints of the    
same poet seem to mark a rigour of the  
seasons which is scarce experienced at  
present in ,petersburg or ,stockholm4   
,tournefort1 a ,provenal1 who had       
travelled into the same countries1      
observes that there is not a finer      
climate in the world2 and he asserts    
that nothing but ,ovid's melancholy     
could have given him such dismal ideas  
of it4  ,but the facts mentioned by that
 poet are too circumstantial to bear any
 such interpretation4  ,polybius says   
that the climate in ,arcadia was very   
cold1 and the air moist4  8,italy10 says
 ,varro1 8is the most temperate climate 
in ,europe4 ,the inland parts0 7,gaul1  
,germany1 and ,pannonia1 no doubt7 8have
 almost perpetual winter40  ,the        
northern parts of ,spain1 according to  

,strabo1 are but ill inhabited because  
of the great cold4  ,allowing1          
therefore1 this remark to be just1 that 
,europe is become warmer than formerly1 
how can we account for it8 ,plainly by  
no other method than by supposing that  
the land is at present much better      
cultivated1 and that the woods are      
cleared which formerly threw a shade    
upon the earth and kept the rays of the 
sun from penetrating to it4 ,our        
northern colonies in ,america become    
more temperate in proportion as the     
woods are felled1#ib but in general1    
every one may remark that cold still    
makes itself more severely felt both in 
,north and ,south ,america1 than in     
places under the same latitude in       
,europe4  ,saserna1 quoted by           
,columella1 affirmed that the           
disposition of the heavens was altered  
before his time1 and that the air had   
become much milder and warmer4 8,as     
appears hence10 says he1 8that many     
places now abound with vineyards and    

olive plantations which formerly1 by    
reason of the rigour of the climate1    
could raise none of these productions40 
,such a change1 if real1 will be allowed
 an evident sign of the better          
cultivation and peopling of countries   
before the age of ,saserna2#ic and if it
 be continued to the present times1 is a
 proof that these advantages have been  
continually increasing throughout this  
part of the world4  ,let us now cast our
 eye over all the countries which were  
the scene of ancient and modern history1
 and compare their past and present     
situation4 ,we shall not1 perhaps1 find 
such foundation for the complaint of the
 present emptiness and depopulation of  
the world4 ,egypt is represented by     
,maillet1 to whom we owe the best       
account of it1 as extremely populous1   
though he esteems the number of its     
inhabitants to be diminished4 ,syria1   
and the ,lesser ,asia1 as well as the   
coast of ,barbary1 ,i can really own to 
be very desert in comparison of their   

ancient condition4 ,the depopulation of 
,greece is also very obvious4 ,but      
whether the country now called ,turkey  
in ,europe may not1 in general1 contain 
as many inhabitants as during the       
flourishing period of ,greece may be a  
little doubtful4 ,the ,thracians seem   
then to have lived like the ,tartars at 
present1 by pillage and plunder2 the    
,getes were still more uncivilized1 and 
the ,illyrians were no better4 ,these   
occupy nine-tenths of that country1 and 
though the government of the ,turks be  
not very favourable to industry and     
propagation1 yet it preserves at least  
peace and order among the inhabitants1  
and is preferable to that barbarous1    
unsettled condition in which they       
anciently lived4  ,poland and ,muscovy  
in ,europe are not populous1 but are    
certainly much more so than the ancient 
,sarmatia and ,scythia1 where no        
husbandry or tillage was ever heard of1 
and pasturage was the sole art by which 
the people were maintained4 ,the like   

observation may be extended to ,denmark 
and ,sweden4 ,no one ought to esteem the
 immense swarms of people which formerly
 came from the ,north1 and overran all  
,europe1 to be any objection to this    
opinion4 ,where a whole nation1 or even 
half of it1 remove their seat1 it is    
easy to imagine what a prodigious       
multitude they must form1 with what     
desperate valour they must make their   
attacks1 and how the terror they strike 
into the invaded nations will make these
 magnify1 in their imagination1 both the
 courage and multitude of the invaders4 
,scotland is neither extensive nor      
populous1 but were the half of its      
inhabitants to seek new seats they would
 form a colony as large as the ,teutons 
and ,cimbri1 and would shake all        
,europe1 supposing it in no better      
condition for defence than formerly4    
,germany has surely at present twenty   
times more inhabitants than in ancient  
times1 when they cultivated no ground1  
and each tribe valued itself on the     

extensive desolation which it spread    
around1 as we learn from ,csar1 and     
,tacitus1 and ,strabo4 ,a proof that the
 division into small republics will not 
alone render a nation populous1 unless  
attended with the spirit of peace1      
order1 and industry4  ,the barbarous    
condition of ,britain in former times is
 well known1 and the thinness of its    
inhabitants may easily be conjectured1  
both from their barbarity and from a    
circumstance mentioned by ,herodian1    
that all ,britain was marshy1 even in   
,severus's time1 after the ,romans had  
been fully settled in it above a whole  
century4  ,it is not easily imagined    
that the ,gauls were anciently much more
 advanced in the arts of life than their
 northern neighbours1 since they        
travelled to this island for their      
education in the mysteries of the       
religion and philosophy of the          
,druids4#id ,i cannot therefore think   
that ,gaul was then near so populous as 
,france is at present4  ,were we to     

believe1 indeed1 and join together the  
testimony of ,appian and that of        
,diodorus ,siculus1 we must admit an    
incredible populousness in ,gaul4 ,the  
former historian says that there were   
#djj nations in that country2 the latter
 affirms that the largest of the ,gallic
 nations consisted of #bjj1jjj men1     
besides women and children1 and the     
least of #ej1jjj4 ,calculating therefore
 at a medium1 we must admit of near     
#bjj1jjj1jjj of people in a country     
which we esteem populous at present1    
though supposed to contain little more  
than twenty4#ie ,such calculations      
therefore by their extravagance lose all
 manner of authority4 ,we may observe   
that that equality of property1 to which
 the populousness of antiquity may be   
ascribed1 had no place among the ,gauls4
 ,their intestine wars also1 before     
,csar's time1 were almost perpetual4    
,and ,strabo observes that though all   
,gaul was cultivated1 yet it was not    
cultivated with any skill or care1 the  

genius of the inhabitants leading them  
less to arts than arms1 till their      
slavery to ,rome produced peace among   
themselves4  ,csar enumerates very      
particularly the great forces which were
 levied at ,belgium to oppose his       
conquests1 and makes them amount to     
#bjh1jjj4 ,these were not the whole     
people able to bear arms in ,belgium2   
for the same historian tells us that the
 ,bellovaci could have brought a hundred
 thousand men into the field1 though    
they engaged only for sixty4 ,taking the
 whole1 therefore1 in this proportion of
 ten to six1 the sum of fighting men in 
all the states of ,belgium was about    
#cej1jjj2 all the inhabitants a million 
and a half4 ,and ,belgium being about   
the fourth of ,gaul1 that country might 
contain six millions1 which is not the  
third of its present inhabitants4#if ,we
 are informed by ,csar that the ,gauls  
had no fixed property in land2 but that 
the chieftains1 when any death happened 
in a family1 made a new division of all 

the lands among the several members of  
the family4 ,this is the custom of      
,tanistry1 which so long prevailed in   
,ireland1 and which retained that       
country in a state of misery1 barbarism1
 and desolation4  ,the ancient ,helvetia
 was #bej miles in length and #ahj in   
breadth1 according to the same author1  
yet contained only #cfj1jjj inhabitants4
 ,the ,canton of ,berne alone has at    
present as many people4  ,after this    
computation of ,appian and ,diodorus    
,siculus1 ,i know not whether ,i dare   
affirm that the modern ,dutch are more  
numerous than the ancient ,batavi4      
,spain is decayed from what it was three
 centuries ago2 but if we step backward 
two thousand years and consider the     
restless1 turbulent1 unsettled condition
 of its inhabitants1 we may probably be 
inclined to think that it is now much   
more populous4 ,many ,spaniards killed  
themselves when deprived of their arms  
by the ,romans4 ,it appears from        
,plutarch that robbery and plunder were 

esteemed honourable among the           
,spaniards4 ,hirtius represents in the  
same light the situation of that country
 in ,csar's time1 and he says that every
 man was obliged to live in castles and 
walled towns for his security4 ,it was  
not till its final conquest under       
,augustus that these disorders were     
repressed4 ,the account which ,strabo   
and ,justin give of ,spain corresponds  
exactly with those above mentioned4 ,how
 much therefore must it diminish from   
our idea of the populousness of         
antiquity when we find that ,cicero1    
comparing ,italy1 ,africa1 ,gaul1       
,greece1 and ,spain1 mentions the great 
number of inhabitants as the peculiar   
circumstance which rendered this latter 
country formidable4#ig  ,italy1 it is   
probable however1 has decayed2 but how  
many great cities does it still contain8
 ,venice1 ,genoa1 ,pavia1 ,turin1       
,milan1 ,naples1 ,florence1 ,leghorn1   
which either subsisted not in ancient   
times1 or were then very inconsiderable4

 ,if we reflect on this1 we shall not be
 apt to carry matters to so great an    
extreme as is usual with regard to this 
subject4  ,when the ,roman authors      
complain that ,italy1 which formerly    
exported corn1 became dependent on all  
the provinces for its daily bread1 they 
never ascribe this alteration to the    
increase of its inhabitants1 but to the 
neglect of tillage and agriculture4 ,a  
natural effect of that pernicious       
practice of importing corn in order to  
distribute it gratis among the ,roman   
citizens1 and a very bad means of       
multiplying the inhabitants of any      
country4#ih ,the sportula1 so much      
talked of by ,martial and ,juvenal1     
being presents regularly made by the    
great lords to their smaller clients1   
must have had a like tendency to produce
 idleness1 debauchery1 and a continual  
decay among the people4 ,the            
parish-rates have at present the same   
bad consequences in ,england4  ,were ,i 
to assign a period when ,i imagine this 

part of the world might possibly contain
 more inhabitants than at present1 ,i   
should pitch upon the age of ,trajan and
 the ,antonines1 the great extent of the
 ,roman ,empire being then civilized and
 cultivated1 settled almost in a        
profound peace both foreign and         
domestic1 and living under the same     
regular police and government4#ii ,but  
we are told that all extensive          
governments1 especially absolute        
monarchies1 are destructive to          
population1 and contain a secret vice   
and poison1 which destroy the effect of 
all these promising appearances4 ,to    
confirm this1 there is a passage cited  
from ,plutarch1 which being somewhat    
singular1 we shall here examine it4     
,that author1 endeavouring to account   
for the silence of many of the oracles1 
says that it may be ascribed to the     
present desolation of the world1        
proceeding from former wars and         
factions1 which common calamity1 he     
adds1 has fallen heavier upon ,greece   

than on any other country2 insomuch that
 the whole could scarce at present      
furnish three thousand warriors1 a      
number which1 in the time of the ,median
 ,war1 were supplied by the single city 
of ,megara4 ,the gods1 therefore1 who   
affect works of dignity and importance1 
have suppressed many of their oracles1  
and deign not to use so many            
interpreters of their will to so        
diminutive a people4  ,i must confess   
that this passage contains so many      
difficulties that ,i know not what to   
make of it4 ,you may observe that       
,plutarch assigns for a cause of the    
decay of mankind not the extensive      
dominion of the ,romans1 but the former 
wars and factions of the several        
nations1 all which were quieted by the  
,roman arms4 ,plutarch's reasoning1     
therefore1 is directly contrary to the  
inference which is drawn from the fact  
he advances4  ,polybius supposes that   
,greece had become more prosperous and  
flourishing after the establishment of  

the ,roman yoke2#ajj and though that    
historian wrote before these conquerors 
had degenerated from being the patrons  
to be the plunderers of mankind1 yet as 
we find from ,tacitus that the severity 
of the emperors afterwards checked the  
licence of the governors1 we have no    
reason to think that extensive monarchy 
so destructive as it is so often        
represented4  ,we learn from ,strabo    
that the ,romans1 from their regard to  
the ,greeks1 maintained1 to his time1   
most of the privileges and liberties of 
that celebrated nation1 and ,nero       
afterwards rather increased them4 ,how  
therefore can we imagine that the ,roman
 yoke was so burdensome over that part  
of the world8 ,the oppression of the    
proconsuls was restrained1 and the      
magistracies in ,greece being all       
bestowed in the several cities by the   
free votes of the people1 there was no  
great necessity for the competitors to  
attend the emperor's court4 ,if great   
numbers went to seek their fortunes in  

,rome1 and advance themselves by        
learning or eloquence1 the commodities  
of their native country1 many of them   
would return with the fortunes which    
they had acquired1 and thereby enrich   
the ,grecian commonwealths4  ,but       
,plutarch says that the general         
depopulation had been more sensibly felt
 in ,greece than in any other country4  
,how is this reconcilable to its        
superior privileges and advantages8     
,besides1 this passage by proving too   
much really proves nothing4 ,only three 
thousand men able to bear arms in all   
,greece6 ,who can admit so strange a    
proposition1 especially if we consider  
the great number of ,greek cities whose 
names still remain in history1 and which
 are mentioned by writers long after the
 age of ,plutarch8 ,there are there     
surely ten times more people at present1
 when there scarce remains a city in all
 the bounds of ancient ,greece4 ,that   
country is still tolerably cultivated1  
and furnishes a sure supply of corn in  

case of any scarcity in ,spain1 ,italy1 
or the ,south of ,france4  ,we may      
observe that the ancient frugality of   
the ,greeks1 and their equality of      
property1 still subsisted during the age
 of ,plutarch1 as appears from ,lucian4 
,nor is there any ground to imagine that
 that country was possessed by a few    
masters and a great number of slaves4   
,it is probable1 indeed1 that military  
discipline1 being entirely useless1 was 
extremely neglected in ,greece after the
 establishment of the ,roman ,empire2   
and if these commonwealths1 formerly so 
warlike and ambitious1 maintained each  
of them a small city-guard to prevent   
mobbish disorders1 it is all they had   
occasion for2 and these1 perhaps1 did   
not amount to three thousand men        
throughout all ,greece4 ,i own that if  
,plutarch had this fact in his eye1 he  
is here guilty of a very gross          
paralogism1 and assigns causes nowise   
proportioned to the effects4 ,but is it 
so great a prodigy that an author should

 fall into a mistake of this nature8#aja
  ,but whatever force may remain in this
 passage of ,plutarch1 we shall         
endeavour to counterbalance it by as    
remarkable a passage in ,diodorus       
,siculus1 where the historian1 after    
mentioning ,ninus's army of #a1gjj1jjj  
foot and #bjj1jjj horse1 endeavours to  
support the credibility of this account 
by some posterior facts2 and adds that  
we must not form a notion of the ancient
 populousness of mankind from the       
present emptiness and depopulation which
 is spread over the world4 ,thus an     
author1 who lived at that very period of
 antiquity which is represented as most 
populous1#ajb complains of the          
desolation which then prevailed1 gives  
the preference to former times1 and has 
recourse to ancient fables as a         
foundation for his opinion4 ,the humour 
of blaming the present and admiring the 
past is strongly rooted in human nature1
 and has an influence even on persons   
endued with the most profound judgment  

and most extensive learning4   ,,notes1 
,,of ,,the ,,populousness ,,of ,,ancient
 ,,nations4  #ci ,an ingenious writer   
has honoured this discourse with an     
answer full of politeness1 erudition1   
and good sense4 ,so learned a refutation
 would have made the author suspect that
 his reasonings were entirely           
overthrown1 had he not used the         
precaution from the beginning to keep   
himself on the sceptical side2 and      
having taken this advantage of the      
ground1 he was enabled1 though with much
 inferior forces1 to preserve himself   
from a total defeat4 ,that reverend     
gentleman will always find1 where his   
antagonist is so entrenched1 that it    
will be difficult to enforce him4       
,varro1 in such a situation1 could      
defend himself against ,hannibal1       
,pharnaces against ,csar4 ,the author1  
however1 very willingly acknowledges    
that his antagonist has detected many   
mistakes both in his authorities and    
reasonings2 and it was owing entirely to

 that gentleman's indulgence that many  
more errors were not remarked4 ,in this 
edition advantage has been taken of his 
learned animadversions1 and the essay   
has been rendered less imperfect than   
formerly4   #dj ,columella says 7lib4   
#c1 cap4 #h7 that in ,egypt and ,africa 
the bearing of twins was frequent and   
even customary2 gemini partus           
familiares1 ac pne solennes sunt4 ,if   
this was true1 there is a physical      
difference both in countries and ages1  
for travellers make no such remarks of  
these countries at present2 on the      
contrary1 we are apt to suppose the     
northern nations more fertile4 ,as those
 two countries were provinces of the    
,roman ,empire1 it is difficult1 though 
not altogether absurd1 to suppose that  
such a man as ,columella might be       
mistaken with regard to them4   #da     
,this too is a good reason why the      
smallpox does not depopulate countries  
so much as may at first sight be        
imagined4 ,where there is room for more 

people they will always arise1 even     
without the assistance of naturalisation
 bills4 ,it is remarked by ,don         
,geronimo de ,ustariz that the provinces
 of ,spain which send most people to the
 ,indies are most populous1 which       
proceeds from their superior riches4    
#db ,the same practice was common in    
,rome1 but ,cicero seems not to think   
this evidence so certain as the         
testimony of free citizens4 7,pro       
,clio47   #dc ,epistle #abb4 ,the       
inhuman sports exhibited at ,rome may   
justly be considered too as an effect of
 the people's contempt for slaves1 and  
was also a great cause of the general   
inhumanity of their princes and rulers4 
,who can read the accounts of the       
amphitheatrical entertainments without  
horror8 ,or who is surprised that the   
emperors should treat that people in the
 same way the people treated their      
inferiors8 ,one's humanity on that      
occasion is apt to renew the barbarous  
wish of ,caligula1 that the people had  

but one neck4 ,a man could almost be    
pleased by a single blow to put an end  
to such a race of monsters4 8,you may   
thank ,god10 says the author above cited
 7,epistle #g71 addressing himself to   
the ,roman people1 8that you have a     
master 7viz41 the mild and merciful     
,nero7 who is incapable of learning     
cruelty from your example40 ,this was   
spoken in the beginning of his reign2   
but he fitted them very well afterwards1
 and no doubt was considerably improved 
by the sight of the barbarous objects to
 which he had from his infancy been     
accustomed4   #dd ,we may here observe  
that if domestic slavery really         
increased populousness1 it would be an  
exception to the general rule1 that the 
happiness of any society and its        
populousness are necessary attendants4  
,a master1 from humour or interest1 may 
make his slaves very unhappy1 and yet be
 careful1 from interest1 to increase    
their number4 ,their marriage is not a  
matter of choice with them1 no more than

 any other action of their life4   #de  
,ten thousand slaves in a day have been 
often sold for the use of the ,romans at
 ,delus in ,cilicia4--,strabo1 lib4 #ad4
   #df ,as servus was the name of the   
genus1 and verna of the species1 without
 any correlative1 this forms a strong   
presumption that the latter were by far 
the least numerous4 ,it is a universal  
observation which we may form upon      
language that where two related parts of
 a whole bear any proportion to each    
other in numbers1 rank1 or              
consideration1 there are always         
correlative terms invented which answer 
to both the parts1 and express their    
mutual relation4 ,if they bear no       
proportion to each other1 the term is   
only invented for the less1 and marks   
its distinction from the whole4 ,thus   
man and woman1 master and servant1      
father and son1 prince and subject1     
stranger and citizen are correlative    
terms2 but the words--seaman1 carpenter1
 smith1 tailor1 etc41 have no           

correspondent terms which express those 
who are no seaman1 no carpenter1 etc4   
,languages differ very much with regard 
to the particular words where this      
distinction obtains1 and may thence     
afford very strong inferences concerning
 the manners and customs of different   
nations4 ,the military government of the
 ,roman emperors had exalted the        
soldiery so high that they balanced all 
the other orders of the state2 hence    
miles and paganus became relative terms1
 a thing till then unknown to ancient1  
and still so to modern languages4       
,modern superstition has exalted the    
clergy so high that they overbalance the
 whole state2 hence clergy and laity are
 terms opposed in all modern languages1 
and in these alone4 ,and from the same  
principles ,i infer that if the number  
of slaves bought by the ,romans from    
foreign countries had not extremely     
exceeded those bred at home1 verna would
 have had a correlative which would have
 expressed the former species of slaves2

 but these1 it would seem1 composed the 
main body of the ancient slaves1 and the
 latter were but a few exceptions4   #dg
 ,verna is used by the ,roman writers as
 a word equivalent to scurra1 on account
 of the petulance and impudence of those
 slaves4 7,mart41 lib4 #a1 ep4 #db47    
,horace also mentions the vern procaces2
 and ,petronius 7cap4 #bd71 vernula     
urbanitas4 ,seneca 7de provid41 cap4    
#a71 vernularum licentia4   #dh ,it is  
computed in the ,west ,indies that a    
stock of slaves grow worse five per     
cent4 every year unless new slaves be   
bought to recruit them4 ,they are not   
able to keep up their number even in    
those warm countries where clothes and  
provisions are so easily got4 ,how much 
more must this happen in ,european      
countries1 and in or near great cities8 
#di ,corn4 ,nepos in ,vita ,attici4 ,we 
may remark that ,atticus's estate lay   
chiefly in ,epirus1 which being a       
remote1 desolate place1 would render it 
profitable for him to rear slaves there4

   #ej  1 makers of those beds which the
 ancients lay upon at meals4   #ea 8,non
 temere ancill ejus rei causa           
comparantur ut pariant0 7,digest4 lib4  
#e1 tit4 #c1 de hred4 petit4 lex #bg74  
,the following texts are to the same    
purpose3--8,spadonem morbosum non esse1 
neque vitiosum1 verius mihi videtur2 sed
 sanum esse1 sicuti illum qui unum      
testiculum habet1 qui etiam generare    
potest0 7,digest4 lib4 #b1 tit4 #a1 de  
dilitio edicto1 lex #f1  #b74 8,sin     
autem quis ita spado sit1 ut tam        
necessaria pars corporis penitus absit1 
morbosus est0 7,id4 lex #g74 ,his       
impotence1 it seems1 was only regarded  
so far as his health or life might be   
affected by it2 in other respects he was
 full as valuable4 ,the same reasoning  
is employed with regard to female       
slaves4 8,quritur de ea muliere qu      
semper mortuos parit1 an morbosa sit8 et
 ait ,sabinus1 si vulv vitio hoc        
contingit1 morbosam esse0 7,id4 lex     
#ad74 ,it has even been doubted whether 

a woman pregnant was morbid or vitiated1
 and it is determined that she is sound1
 not on account of the value of her     
offspring1 but because it is the natural
 part or office of women to bear        
children4 8,si mulier prgnans venerit1  
inter omnes convenit sanam eam esse4    
,maximum enim ac prcipuum munus fminarum
 accipere ac tueri conceptum4 ,puerperam
 quoque sanam esse2 si modo nihil       
extrinsecus accedit1 quod corpus ejus in
 aliquam valetudinem immitteret4 ,de    
sterili ,clius distinguere ,trebatium   
dicit1 ut si natura sterilis sit1 sana  
sit2 si vitio corporis1 contra0 7,id474 
#eb ,the slaves in the great houses had 
little rooms assigned them1 called cell2
 whence the name of cell was transferred
 to the monk's room in a convent4 ,see  
further on this head1 ,just4 ,lipsius1  
,saturn4 #a1 cap4 #ad4 ,these form      
strong presumptions against the marriage
 and propagation of the family slaves4  
#ec ,tacitus blames it--,de morib4      
,germ4   #ed ,de fraterno amore4 ,seneca

 also approves of the exposing of       
sickly1 infirm children 7,de ira1 lib4  
i4 cap4 #ae74   #ee ,the practice of    
leaving great sums of money to friends1 
though one had near relations1 was      
common in ,greece as well as ,rome1 as  
we may gather from ,lucian4 ,this       
practice prevails much less in modern   
times2 and ,ben ,jonson's ,volpone is   
therefore almost entirely extracted from
 ancient authors1 and suits better the  
manners of those times4  ,it may justly 
be thought that the liberty of divorces 
in ,rome was another discouragement to  
marriage4 ,such a practice prevents not 
quarrels from humour1 but rather        
increases them2 and occasions also those
 from interest1 which are much more     
dangerous and destructive4 ,perhaps too 
the unnatural lusts of the ancients     
ought to be taken into consideration as 
of some moment4   #ef ,csar gave the    
centurions ten times the gratuity of the
 common soldiers 7,de bell4 ,gallico1   
lib4 viii474 ,in the ,rhodian cartel1   

mentioned afterwards1 no distinction in 
the ransom was made on account of ranks 
in the army4   #eg ,plin4 lib4 #ah1 cap4
 #c4 ,the same author1 in cap4 #f1 says1
 8,verumque fatentibus latifundia       
perdidere ,italiam2 jam vero et         
provincias4 ,sex domo semissem ,afric   
possidebant1 cum interfecit eos ,nero   
princeps40 ,in this view the barbarous  
butchery committed by the first ,roman  
emperors was not perhaps so destructive 
to the public as we may imagine4 ,these 
never ceased till they had extinguished 
all the illustrious families which had  
enjoyed the plunder of the world during 
the latter ages of the republic4 ,the   
new nobles who rose in their place were 
less splendid1 as we learn from ,tacit4 
,ann4 lib4 #c1 cap4 #ee4   #eh ,the     
ancient soldiers1 being free citizens   
above the lowest rank1 were all married4
 ,our modern soldiers are either forced 
to live unmarried1 or their marriages   
turn to small account towards the       
increase of mankind--a circumstance     

which ought1 perhaps1 to be taken into  
consideration1 as of some consequence in
 favour of the ancients4   #ei ,what is 
the advantage of the column after it has
 broken the enemy's line8 ,only that it 
then takes them in flank1 and dissipates
 whatever stands near it by a fire from 
all sides2 but till it has broken them1 
does it not present a flank to the      
enemy1 and that exposed to their        
musketry1 and1 what is much worse1 to   
their cannon8   #fj ,inst4 lib4 #b1 cap4
 #f4 ,it is true the same law seems to  
have been continued till the time of    
,justinian1 but abuses introduced by    
barbarism are not always corrected by   
civility4   #fa ,lysias1 who was himself
 of the popular faction and very        
narrowly escaped from the ,thirty       
,tyrants1 says that the democracy was as
 violent a government as the oligarchy4 
,orat4 #bd1 de statu4 popul4   #fb      
,orat4 #bd4 ,and in ,orat4 #bi he       
mentions the factious spirit of the     
popular assemblies as the only cause why

 these illegal punishments should       
displease4   #fc ,lib4 #c4 ,the country 
in ,europe in which ,i have observed the
 factions to be most violent1 and party 
hatred the strongest1 is ,ireland4 ,this
 goes so far as to cut off even the most
 common intercourse of civilities       
between the ,protestants and ,catholics4
 ,their cruel insurrections1 and the    
severe revenges which they have taken of
 each other1 are the causes of this     
mutual ill-will1 which is the chief     
source of the disorder1 poverty1 and    
depopulation of that country4 ,the      
,greek factions ,i imagine to have been 
inflamed still to a higher degree of    
rage1 the revolutions being commonly    
more frequent1 and the maxims of        
assassination much more avowed and      
acknowledged4   #fd ,diod4 ,sic41 lib4  
#ad4 ,isocrates says there were only    
#ejjj banished4 ,he makes the number of 
those killed amount to #aejj4 ,areop4   
schines contra ,ctesiph4 assigns        
precisely the same number4 ,seneca 7,de 

tranq4 anim4 cap4 #e7 says #acjj4   #fe 
,we shall mention from ,diodorus        
,siculus alone a few which passed in the
 course of sixty years during the most  
shining age of ,greece4 ,there were     
banished from ,sybaris #ejj of the      
nobles and their partisans 7lib4 #ab p4 
#gg1 ex edit4 ,rhodomanni72 of ,chians1 
#fjj citizens banished 7lib4 #ac p4     
#ahi72 at ,ephesus1 #cdj killed1 #ajjj  
banished 7lib4 #ac p4 #bbc72 of         
,cyrenians1 #ejj nobles killed1 all the 
rest banished 7lib4 #ad p4 #bfc72 the   
,corinthians killed #abj1 banished #ejj 
7lib4 #ad p4 #cjd72 ,phbidas the        
,spartan banished #cjj ,botians 7lib4   
#ae p4 #cdb74 ,upon the fall of the     
,lacedemonians1 democracies were        
restored in many cities1 and severe     
vengeance taken of the nobles1 after the
 ,greek manner4 ,but matters did not end
 there1 for the banished nobles1        
returning in many places1 butchered     
their adversaries at ,phial in ,corinth1
 in ,megara1 in ,phliasia4 ,in this last

 place they killed #cjj of the people2  
but these again revolting1 killed above 
#fjj of the nobles and banished the rest
 7lib4 #ae p4 #ceg74 ,in ,arcadia #adjj 
banished1 besides many killed4 ,the     
banished retired to ,sparta and         
,pallantium4 ,the latter delivered up to
 their countrymen1 and all killed 7lib4 
#ae p4 #cgc74 ,of the banished from     
,argos and ,thebes there were #ejj in   
the ,spartan army 7id4 p4 #cgd74 ,here  
is a detail of the most remarkable of   
,agathocles' cruelties from the same    
author4 ,the people before his          
usurpation had banished #fjj nobles     
7lib4 #ai p4 #fee74 ,afterwards that    
tyrant1 in concurrence with the people1 
killed #djjj nobles and banished #fjjj  
7id4 p4 #fdg74 ,he killed #djjj people  
at ,gela 7id4 p4 #gda74 ,by ,agathocles'
 brother #hjjj banished from ,syracuse  
7lib4 #bj p4 #geg74 ,the inhabitants of 
gesta1 to the number of #dj1jjj1 were   
killed--man1 woman1 and child2 and with 
tortures1 for the sake of their money   

7id4 p4 #hjb74 ,all the relations--viz41
 father1 brother1 children1 grandfather1
 of his ,libyan army1 killed 7id4 p4    
#ajc74 ,he killed #gjjj exiles after    
capitulation 7id4 p4 #haf74 ,it is to be
 remarked that ,agathocles was a man of 
great sense and courage2 his violent    
tyranny1 therefore1 is a stronger proof 
of the manners of the age4   #ff ,in    
order to recommend his client to the    
favour of the people1 he enumerates all 
the sums he had expended4 ,when 1 #cj   
minas2 upon a chorus of men1 #bj minas2 
1 #h minas2  1 #ej minas2  1 #c minas2  
seven times trierarch1 where he spent #f
 talents3 taxes1 once #cj minas1 another
 time #dj2 1 #ab minas2   1 #ae minas2  
1 #ah minas2  1 #g minas2  1 #ae minas2 
1 #cj minas4 ,in the whole1 ten talents 
#ch minas--an immense sum for an        
,athenian fortune1 and what alone would 
be esteemed great riches 7,orat4 #bj74  
,it is true1 he says1 the law did not   
oblige him absolutely to be at so much  
expense1 not above a fourth2 but without

 the favour of the people nobody was so 
much as safe1 and this was the only way 
to gain it4 ,see further1 ,orat4 #bd1 de
 pop4 statu4 ,in another place1 he      
introduces a speaker who says that he   
had spent his whole fortune--and an     
immense one1 eighty talents--for the    
people 7,orat4 #be1 de prob4 ,evandri74 
,the 1 or strangers1 find1 says he1 if  
they do not contribute largely enough to
 the people's fancy1 that they have     
reason to repent 7,orat4 #cj1 contra    
,phil474 ,you may see with what care    
,demosthenes displays his expenses of   
this nature1 when he pleads for himself 
de corona2 and how he exaggerates       
,midias's stinginess in this particular1
 in his accusation of that criminal4    
,all this1 by the by1 is the mark of a  
very iniquitous judicature3 and yet the 
,athenians valued themselves on having  
the most legal and regular              
administration of any people in ,greece4
   #fg ,the authorities cited above are 
all historians1 orators1 and            

philosophers whose testimony is         
unquestioned4 ,it is dangerous to rely  
upon writers who deal in ridicule and   
satire4 ,what will posterity1 for       
instance1 infer from this passage of    
,dr4 ,swift8 8,i told him that in the   
kingdom of ,tribnia 7,britain71 by the  
natives called ,langdon 7,london71 where
 ,i had sojourned some time in my       
travels1 the bulk of the people consist 
in a manner wholly of discoverers1      
witnesses1 informers1 accusers1         
prosecutors1 evidences1 swearers1       
together with their several subservient 
and subaltern instruments1 all under the
 colours1 the conduct1 and pay of       
ministers of state and their deputies4  
,the plots in that kingdom are usually  
the workmanship of those persons10 etc4 
7,gulliver's ,travels47 ,such a         
representation might suit the government
 of ,athens1 but not that of ,england1  
which is a prodigy even in modern times 
for humanity1 justice1 and liberty4 ,yet
 the ,doctor's satire1 though carried to

 extremes1 as is usual with him1 even   
beyond other satirical writers1 did not 
altogether want an object4 ,the ,bishop 
of ,rochester1 who was his friend1 and  
of the same party1 had been banished a  
little before by a bill of attainder    
with great justice1 but without such a  
proof as was legal1 or according to the 
strict forms of common law4   #fh ,lib4 
#b4 ,there were #hjjj killed during the 
siege1 and the whole captives amounted  
to #cj1jjj4 ,diodorus ,siculus 7lib4    
#ag7 says only #ac1jjj2 but he accounts 
for this small number by saying that the
 ,tyrians had sent away beforehand part 
of their wives and children to          
,carthage4   #fi ,lib4 #e4 ,he makes the
 number of the citizens amount to       
#cj1jjj4   #gj ,in general there is more
 candour and sincerity in ancient       
historians1 but less exactness and care1
 than in the moderns4 ,our speculative  
factions1 especially those of religion1 
throw such an illusion over our minds   
that men seem to regard impartiality to 

their adversaries and to heretics as a  
vice or weakness2 but the commonness of 
books1 by means of printing1 has obliged
 modern historians to be more careful in
 avoiding contradictions and            
incongruities4 ,diodorus ,siculus is a  
good writer1 but it is with pain ,i see 
his narration contradict in so many     
particulars the two most authentic      
pieces of all ,greek history--viz41     
,xenophon's ,expedition and             
,demosthenes' ,orations4 ,plutarch and  
,appian seem scarce ever to have read   
,cicero's ,epistles4   #ga ,diogenes    
,laertius 7in vita ,empedoclis7 says    
that ,agrigentum contained only #hjj1jjj
 inhabitants4   #gb ,the country that   
supplied this number was not above a    
third of ,italy--viz41 the ,pope's      
dominions1 ,tuscany1 and a part of the  
kingdom of ,naples2 but perhaps in those
 early times there were very few slaves 
except in ,rome1 or the great cities4   
#gc ,plutarch 7in vita ,cs47 makes the  
number that ,csar fought with amount    

only to three millions2 ,julian 7in     
,csaribus7 to two4   #gd ,argos seems   
also to have been a great city1 for     
,lysias contents himself with saying    
that it did not exceed ,athens4 7,orat4 
#cd47   #ge ,orat4 contra ,verem1 lib4  
#d1 cap4 #eb4 ,strabo1 lib4 #f1 says it 
was twenty-two miles in compass2 but    
then we are to consider that it         
contained two harbours within it1 one of
 which was a very large one1 and might  
be regarded as a kind of bay4   #gf     
,demosthenes assigns #bj1jjj4   #gg     
,lib4 #b4 ,diodorus ,siculus's account  
perfectly agrees 7lib4 #ab74   #gh ,we  
are to observe that when ,dionysius     
,halicarnassus says that if we regard   
the ancient walls of ,rome the extent of
 the city will not appear greater than  
that of ,athens1 he must mean the       
,acropolis and high town only4 ,no      
ancient author ever speaks of the       
,pyrum1 ,phalerus1 and ,munychia as the 
same with ,athens2 much less can it be  
supposed that ,dionysius would consider 

the matter in that light after the walls
 of ,cimon and ,pericles were destroyed 
and ,athens was entirely separated from 
these other towns4 ,this observation    
destroys all ,vossius's reasonings and  
introduces common sense into these      
calculations4   #gi ,the same author    
affirms that ,corinth had once #dfj1jjj 
slaves1 gina #dgj1jjj2 but the foregoing
 arguments hold stronger against these  
facts1 which are indeed entirely absurd 
and impossible4 ,it is however          
remarkable that ,athenus cites so great 
an authority as ,aristotle for this last
 fact2 and the scholiast on ,pindar     
mentions the same number of slaves in   
gina4   #hj ,demost4 contra ,lept4 ,the 
,athenians brought yearly from ,pontus  
#djj1jjj medimni or bushels of corn1 as 
appeared from the custom-house books2   
and this was the greatest part of their 
importation4 ,this1 by the by1 is a     
strong proof that there is some great   
mistake in the foregoing passage of     
,athenus1 for ,attica itself was so     

barren in corn that it produced not     
enough even to maintain the peasants4   
,tit4 ,liv41 lib4 #dc2 cap4 #f1 ,lucian1
 in his navigium sive vota1 says that a 
ship1 which by the dimensions he gives  
seems to have been about the size of our
 third rates1 carried as much corn as   
would maintain all ,attica for a        
twelvemonth4 ,but perhaps ,athens was   
decayed at that time1 and besides it is 
not safe to trust such loose rhetorical 
calculations4   #ha ,diod4 ,sic41 lib4  
#ag4 ,when ,alexander attacked ,thebes  
we may safely conclude that almost all  
the inhabitants were present4 ,whoever  
is acquainted with the spirit of the    
,greeks1 especially of the ,thebans1    
will never suspect that any of them     
would desert their country when it was  
reduced to such extreme peril and       
distress4 ,as ,alexander took the town  
by storm1 all those who bore arms were  
put to the sword without mercy1 and they
 amounted only to #fjjj men4 ,among     
these were some strangers and manumitted

 slaves4 ,the captives1 consisting of   
old men1 women1 children1 and slaves1   
were sold1 and they amounted to #cj1jjj4
 ,we may therefore conclude that the    
free citizens in ,thebes1 of both sexes 
and all ages1 were near #bd1jjj1 the    
strangers and slaves about #ab1jjj1     
,these last1 we may observe1 were       
somewhat fewer in proportion than at    
,athens2 as is reasonable to imagine    
from this circumstance1 that ,athens was
 a town of more trade to support slaves1
 and of more entertainment to allure    
strangers4 ,it is also to be remarked   
that thirty-six thousand was the whole  
number of people1 both in the city of   
,thebes and the neighbouring territory2 
a very moderate number1 it must be      
confessed1 and this computation being   
founded in facts which appear           
undisputable1 must have great weight in 
the present controversy4 ,the           
above-mentioned number of ,rhodians1    
too1 were all the inhabitants of the    
island who were free and able to bear   

arms4   #hb ,de rep4 ,laced4 ,this      
passage is not easily reconciled with   
that of ,plutarch above1 who says that  
,sparta had #ijjj citizens4   #hc       
,strabo1 lib4 #e1 says that the ,emperor
 ,augustus prohibited the raising houses
 higher than seventy feet4 ,in another  
passage1 lib4 #af1 he speaks of the     
houses of ,rome as remarkably high4 ,see
 also to the same purpose ,vitruvius1   
lib4 #b1 cap4 #h4 ,aristides the        
,sophist1 in his oration  1 says that   
,rome consisted of cities on the top of 
cities2 and that if one were to spread  
it out and unfold it1 it would cover the
 whole surface of ,italy4 ,where an     
author indulges himself in such         
extravagant declamations1 and gives so  
much in to the hyperbolical style1 one  
knows not how far he must be reduced4   
,but this reasoning seems natural3 if   
,rome was built in so scattered a manner
 as ,dionysius says1 and ran so much    
into the country1 there must have been  
very few streets where the houses were  

raised so high4 ,it is only for want of 
ground that anybody builds in that      
inconvenient manner4   #hd ,lib4 #b1    
epist4 #af2 lib4 #e1 epist4 #f4 ,it is  
true ,pliny there describes a country   
house2 but since that was the idea which
 the ancients formed of a magnificent   
and convenient building1 the great men  
would certainly build the same way in   
town4 8,in laxitatem ruris excurrunt10  
says ,seneca of the rich and voluptuous1
 epist4 #aad4 ,valerius ,maximus1 lib4  
#d1 cap4 #d1 speaking of ,cincinnatus'  
field of four acres1 says3 8,augustus se
 habitare nunc putat1 cujus domus tantum
 patet quantum ,cincinnati rura         
patuerant40 ,to the same purpose see    
lib4 #cf1 cap4 #ae2 also lib4 #ah1 cap4 
#b4   #he 8,mnia ejus 7,rom7 collegere  
ambitu imperatoribus1 censoribusque     
,vespasianis1 ,a4,u4,c4 #hbh1 pass4     
xiii4 ,,mcc1 complexa montes septem1    
ipsa dividitur in regiones quatuordecim1
 compita earum #bfe4 ,ejusdem spatii    
mensura1 currente a milliario in capite 

,rom4 ,fori statuto1 ad singulas portas1
 qu sunt hodie numero #cg1 ita ut       
duodecim port semel numerentur1         
prtereanturque ex veteribus septem1 qu  
esse desierunt1 efficit passuum per     
directum #cj1gge4 ,ad extrema vero      
tectorum cum castris prtoris ab eodem   
,milliario1 per vicos omnium viarum1    
mensura collegit paulo amplius          
septuaginta millia passuum4 ,quo si quis
 altitudinem tectorum addat1 dignam     
profecto1 stimationem concipiat1        
fateaturque nullius urbis magnitudinem  
in toto orbe potuisse ei comparari40    
7,pliny1 lib4 #c1 cap4 #e47  ,all the   
best manuscripts of ,pliny read the     
passage as here cited1 and fix the      
compass of the walls of ,rome to be     
thirteen miles4 ,the question is1 what  
,pliny means by #cj1gge paces1 and how  
that number was formed8 ,the manner in  
which ,i conceive it is this3 ,rome was 
a semicircular area of thirteen miles   
circumference4 ,the ,forum1 and         
consequently the ,milliarium1 we know   

was situated on the banks of the ,tiber1
 and near the centre of the circle1 or  
upon the diameter of the semicircular   
area4 ,though there were thirty-seven   
gates to ,rome1 yet only twelve of them 
had straight streets1 leading from them 
to the ,milliarium4 ,pliny1 therefore1  
having assigned the circumference of    
,rome1 and knowing that that alone was  
not sufficient to give us a just notion 
of its surface1 uses this further       
method4 ,he supposes all the streets    
leading from the ,milliarium to the     
twelve gates to be laid together into   
one straight line1 and supposes we run  
along that line so as to count each gate
 once1 in which case1 he says that the  
whole line is #cj1gge paces2 or1 in     
other words1 that each street or radius 
of the semicircular area is upon an     
average two miles and a half1 and the   
whole length of ,rome is five miles1 and
 its breadth about half as much1 besides
 the scattered suburbs4  ,pre ,hardouin 
understands this passage in the same    

manner1 with regard to the laying       
together the several streets of ,rome   
into one line in order to compose       
#cj1gge paces2 but then he supposes that
 streets led from the ,milliarium to    
every gate1 and that no street exceeded 
#hjj paces in length4 ,but 7#a7 a       
semicircular area whose radius was only 
#hjj paces could never have a           
circumference near thirteen miles1 the  
compass of ,rome as assigned by ,pliny4 
,a radius of two miles and a half forms 
very nearly that circumference4 7#b7    
,there is an absurdity in supposing a   
city so built as to have streets running
 to its centre from every gate in its   
circumference4 ,these streets must      
interfere as they approach4 7#c7 ,this  
diminishes too much from the greatness  
of ancient ,rome1 and reduces that city 
below even ,bristol or ,rotterdam4  ,the
 sense which ,vossius1 in his           
,observationes ,vari1 puts on this      
passage of ,pliny errs widely in the    
other extreme4 ,one manuscript of no    

authority1 instead of thirteen miles1   
has assigned thirty miles for the       
compass of the walls of ,rome2 and      
,vossius understands this only of the   
curvilinear part of the circumference1  
supposing that1 as the ,tiber formed the
 diameter1 there were no walls built on 
that side4 ,but 7#a7 this reading is    
allowed contrary to almost all the      
manuscripts4 7#b7 ,why should ,pliny1 a 
concise writer1 repeat the compass of   
the walls of ,rome in two successive    
sentences8 7#c7 ,why repeat it with so  
sensible a variation8 7#d7 ,what is the 
meaning of ,pliny's mentioning twice the
 ,milliarium if a line was measured that
 had no dependence on the ,milliarium8  
7#e7 ,aurelian's wall is said by        
,vopiscus to have been drawn laxiore    
ambitu1 and to have comprehended all the
 buildings and suburbs on the north side
 of the ,tiber1 yet its compass was only
 fifty miles2 and even here critics     
suspect some mistake or corruption in   
the text4 ,it is not probable that ,rome

 would diminish from ,augustus to       
,aurelian4 ,it remained still the       
capital of the same empire2 and none of 
the civil wars in that long period1     
except the tumults on the death of      
,maximus and ,balbinus1 ever affected   
the city4 ,caracalla is said by         
,aurelius ,victor to have increased     
,rome4 7#f7 ,there are no remains of    
ancient buildings which mark any such   
greatness of ,rome4 ,vossius's reply to 
this objection seems absurd--that the   
rubbish would sink sixty or seventy feet
 below ground4 ,it appears from         
,spartian 7in vita ,severi7 that the    
five-mile stone in via ,lavicana was out
 of the city4 7#g7 ,olympiodorus and    
,publius ,victor fix the number of      
houses in ,rome to be between forty and 
fifty thousand4 7#h7 ,the very          
extravagance of the consequences drawn  
by this critic1 as well as ,lipsius1 if 
they be necessary1 destroys the         
foundation on which they are            
grounded--that ,rome contained fourteen 

millions of inhabitants1 while the whole
 kingdom of ,france contains only five1 
according to his computation1 etc4  ,the
 only objection to the sense which we   
have affixed above to the passage of    
,pliny seems to lie in this1 that       
,pliny1 after mentioning the            
thirty-seven gates of ,rome1 assigns    
only a reason for suppressing the seven 
old ones1 and says nothing of the       
eighteen gates1 the streets leading from
 which terminated1 according to my      
opinion1 before they reached the ,forum4
 ,but as ,pliny was writing to the      
,romans1 who perfectly knew the         
disposition of the streets1 it is not   
strange he should take a circumstance   
for granted which was so familiar to    
everybody4 ,perhaps1 too1 many of these 
gates led to wharves upon the river4    
#hf ,not to take the people too much    
from their business1 ,augustus ordained 
the distribution of corn to be made only
 thrice a year2 but the people1 finding 
the monthly distribution more convenient

 7as preserving1 ,i suppose1 a more     
regular economy in their family71       
desired to have them restored4 7,sueton4
 ,august4 cap4 #dj47 ,had not some of   
the people come from some distance for  
their corn1 ,augustus's precaution seems
 superfluous4   #hg ,quintus ,curtius   
says its walls were only ten miles in   
circumference when founded by ,alexander
 7lib4 #d1 cap4 #h74 ,strabo1 who had   
travelled to ,alexandria1 as well as    
,diodorus ,siculus1 says it was scarce  
four miles long1 and in most places     
about a mile broad 7lib4 #ag74 ,pliny   
says it resembled a ,macedonian cassock1
 stretching out in the corners 7lib4 #e1
 cap4 #aj74 ,notwithstanding this bulk  
of ,alexandria1 which seems but         
moderate1 ,diodorus ,siculus1 speaking  
of its circuit as drawn by ,alexander   
7which it never exceeded1 as we learn   
from ,ammianus ,marcellinus1 lib4 #bb1  
cap4 #af71 says it was  1 extremely     
great 7ibid474 ,the reason why he       
assigns for its surpassing all cities of

 the world 7for he excepts not ,rome7 is
 that it contained #cjj1jjj free        
inhabitants4 ,he also mentions the      
revenues of the kings--viz41 #fjjj      
talents--as another circumstance to the 
same purpose1 no such mighty sum in our 
eyes1 even though we make allowances for
 the different value of money4 ,what    
,strabo says of the neighbouring country
 means only that it was well peopled1  4
 ,might not one affirm1 without any     
great hyperbole1 that the whole banks of
 the river from ,gravesend to ,windsor  
are one city8 ,this is even more than   
,strabo says of the banks of the lake   
,mareotis1 and of the canal to ,canopus4
 ,it is a vulgar saying in ,italy that  
the ,king of ,sardinia has but one town 
in ,piedmont--for it is all a town4     
,agrippa in ,josephus 7de bello ,judaie1
 lib4 #b1 cap4 #af71 to make his        
audience comprehend the excessive       
greatness of ,alexandria1 which he      
endeavours to magnify1 describes only   
the compass of the city as drawn by     

,alexander1 a clear proof that the bulk 
of the inhabitants were lodged there1   
and that the neighbouring country was no
 more than what might be expected about 
all great towns1 very well cultivated   
and well peopled4   #hh ,he says 1 not 1
 which last expression must have been   
understood of citizens alone1 and grown 
men4   #hi ,he says 7in ,nerone1 cap4   
#cj7 that a portico or piazza of it was 
#cjjj feet long2 8tanta laxitas ut      
porticus triplices milliarias haberet40 
,he cannot mean three miles1 for the    
whole extent of the house from the      
,palatine to the ,esquiline was not near
 so great4 ,so when ,vopiscus1 in       
,aureliano1 mentions a portico of       
,sallust's gardens1 which he calls      
porticus milliariensis1 it must be      
understood of a thousand feet4 ,so also 
,horace--            8,nulla decempedis 
,metata privatis opacam     ,porticus   
excipiebat ,arcton40 7,lib4 ii4 ode     
#ae47  ,so also in lib4 i4 ,satyr4 #h-- 
8,mille pedes in fronte1 trecentos      

cippus in agrum     ,hic dabat40   #ij  
,lib4 ix4 cap4 #aj4 ,his expression is 1
 not 2 inhabitant1 not citizen4   #ia   
,such were ,alexandria1 ,antioch1       
,carthage1 ,ephesus1 ,lyons1 etc41 in   
the ,roman ,empire4 ,such are even      
,bordeaux1 ,toulouse1 ,dijon1 ,rennes1  
,rouen1 ,aix1 etc41 in ,france2 ,dublin1
 ,edinburgh1 ,york1 in the ,british     
dominions4   #ib ,the warm southern     
colonies also become more healthful2 and
 it is remarkable that in the ,spanish  
histories of the first discovery and    
conquest of these countries they appear 
to have been very healthful1 being then 
well peopled and cultivated4 ,no account
 of the sickness or decay of ,cortes's  
or ,pizarro's small armies4   #ic ,he   
seems to have lived about the time of   
the younger ,africanus4 7,lib4 i4 cap4  
#a47   #id ,csar1 ,de bello ,gallico1   
lib4 #af4 ,strabo 7lib4 #g7 says the    
,gauls were not much more improved than 
the ,germans4   #ie ,ancient ,gaul was  
more extensive than modern ,france4     

#if ,it appears from ,csar's account    
that the ,gauls had no domestic slaves1 
who formed a different order from the   
,plebes4 ,the whole common people were  
indeed a kind of slaves to the nobility1
 as the people of ,poland are at this   
day2 and a nobleman of ,gaul had        
sometimes ten thousand dependants of    
this kind4 ,nor can we doubt that the   
armies were composed of the people as   
well as of the nobility4 ,an army of    
#ajj1jjj noblemen from a very small     
state is incredible4 ,the fighting men  
amongst the ,helvetii were the fourth   
part of the whole inhabitants--a clear  
proof that all the males of military age
 bore arms4 ,see ,csar1 ,de bello       
,gall41 lib4 #a4  ,we may remark that   
the numbers in ,csar's commentaries can 
be more depended on than those of any   
other ancient author1 because of the    
,greek translation which still remains1 
and which checks the ,latin original4   
#ig 8,nec numero ,hispanos1 nec robore  
,gallos1 nec calliditate ,pnos1 nec     

artibus ,grcos1 nec denique hoc ipso    
hujus gentis1 ac terr domestico         
nativoque sensu1 ,italos ipsos ac       
,latinos--superavimus40 7,de harusp4    
resp41 cap4 #i47 ,the disorders of      
,spain seem to have been almost         
proverbial3 8,nec impacatos a tergo     
horrebis ,iberos40 7,virg4 ,georg41 lib4
 #c47 ,the ,iberi are here plainly taken
 by a poetical figure for robbers in    
general4   #ih ,though the observations 
of l',abb du ,bos should be admitted    
that ,italy is now warmer than in former
 times1 the consequence may not be      
necessary that it is more populous or   
better cultivated4 ,if the other        
countries of ,europe were more savage   
and woody1 the cold winds that blew from
 them might affect the climate of       
,italy4   #ii ,the inhabitants of       
,marseilles lost not their superiority  
over the ,gauls in commerce and the     
mechanic arts till the ,roman dominion  
turned the latter from arms to          
agriculture and civil life4 7,see       

,strabo1 lib4 #d47 ,that author1 in     
several places1 repeats the observation 
concerning the improvement arising from 
the ,roman arts and civility1 and he    
lived at the time when the change was   
new and would be more sensible4 ,so also
 ,pliny3 8,quis enim non1 communicato   
orbe terrarum1 majestate ,romani        
imperii1 profecisse vitam putet1        
commercio rerum ac societate festae     
pacis1 omniaque etiam1 quae occulta     
antea fuerant1 in promiscuo usu facta40 
7,lib4 #ad1 prom47 8,numine deum electa 
speaking of ,italy quae coelum ipsum    
clarius faceret1 sparsa congregaret     
imperia1 ritusque molliret1 et tot      
populorum discordes1 ferasque linguas   
fermonis commercio contraheret ad       
colloquia1 et humanitatem homini daret2 
breviterque1 una cunctarum gentium in   
toto orbe patria fieret40 7,lib4 #b1    
cap4 #e47 ,nothing can be stronger to   
this purpose than the following passage 
from ,tertullian1 who lived about the   
age of ,severus3--8,certe quidem ipse   

orbis in promptu est1 cultior de die et 
instructior pristino4 ,omnia jam pervia1
 omnia nota1 omnia negotiosa4           
,solitudines famosas retro fundi        
amoenissimi obliteraverunt1 silvas arva 
domuerunt1 feras pecora fugaverunt2     
arenae seruntur1 saxa panguntur1 paludes
 eliquantur1 tantae urbes1 quantae non  
casae quondam4 ,jam nec insulae horrent1
 nec scopuli terrent2 ubique domus1     
ubique populus1 ubique respublica1      
ubique vita4 ,summum testimonium        
frequentiae humanae1 onerosi sumus      
mundo1 vix nobis elementa sufficiunt2 et
 necessitates arctiores1 et quaerelae   
apud omnes1 dum jam nos natura non      
sustinet40 7,de anima1 cap4 #cj47 ,the  
air of rhetoric and declamation which   
appears in this passage diminishes      
somewhat from its authority1 but does   
not entirely destroy it4 ,the same      
remark may be extended to the following 
passage of ,aristides the ,sophist1 who 
lived in the age of ,adrian4 8,the whole
 world10 says he1 addressing himself to 

the ,romans1 8seems to keep one holiday1
 and mankind1 laying aside the sword    
which they formerly wore1 now betake    
themselves to feasting and to joy4 ,the 
cities1 forgetting their ancient        
contentions1 preserve only one          
emulation1 which shall embellish itself 
most by every art and ornament8         
,theatres everywhere arise1             
amphitheatres1 porticoes1 aqueducts1    
temples1 schools1 academies2 and one may
 safely pronounce that the sinking world
 has been again raised by your          
auspicious empire4 ,nor have cities     
alone received an increase of ornament  
and beauty2 but the whole earth1 like a 
garden or paradise1 is cultivated and   
adorned2 insomuch that such of mankind  
as are placed out of the limits of your 
empire 7who are but few7 seem to merit  
our sympathy and compassion40  ,it is   
remarkable that though ,diodorus        
,siculus makes the inhabitants of       
,egypt1 when conquered by the ,romans1  
amount only to three millions1 yet      

,josephus 7,de bello ,jud41 lib4 #b1    
cap4 #af7 says that its inhabitants1    
excluding those of ,alexandria1 were    
seven millions and a half in the reign  
of ,nero1 and he expressly says that he 
drew this account from the books of the 
,roman publicans who levied the         
poll-tax4 ,strabo 7lib4 #ag7 praises the
 superior police of the ,romans with    
regard to the finances of ,egypt above  
that of its former monarchs1 and no part
 of administration is more essential to 
the happiness of a people2 yet we read  
in ,athenus 7lib4 #a1 cap4 #be71 who    
flourished during the reign of the      
,antonines1 that the town ,mareia1 near 
,alexandria1 which was formerly a large 
city1 had dwindled into a village4 ,this
 is not1 properly speaking1 a           
contradiction4 ,suidas 7,august7 says   
that the ,emperor ,augustus1 having     
numbered the whole ,roman ,empire1 found
 it contained only #d1aja1jag men 774   
,there is here surely some great        
mistake1 either in the author or        

transcriber2 but this authority1 feeble 
as it is1 may be sufficient to          
counterbalance the exaggerated accounts 
of ,herodotus and ,diodorus ,siculus    
with regard to more early times4   #ajj 
,lib4 #b1 cap4 #fb4 ,it may perhaps be  
imagined that ,polybius1 being dependent
 on ,rome1 would naturally extol the    
,roman dominion2 but1 in the first      
place1 ,polybius1 though one sees       
sometimes instances of his caution1     
discovers no symptoms of flattery4      
,secondly1 this opinion is only         
delivered in a single stroke1 by the by1
 while he is intent upon another        
subject1 and it is allowed1 if there be 
any suspicion of an author's            
insincerity1 that these oblique         
propositions discover his real opinion  
better than his more formal and direct  
assertions4   #aja ,i must confess that 
that discourse of ,plutarch concerning  
the silence of the oracles is in general
 of so odd a texture1 and so unlike his 
other productions1 that one is at a loss

 what judgment to form of it4 ,it is    
written in dialogue1 which is a method  
of composition that ,plutarch commonly  
little affects4 ,the personages he      
introduces advance very wild1 absurd1   
and contradictory opinions1 more like   
visionary systems or ravings of ,plato  
than the solid sense of ,plutarch4      
,there runs also through the whole an   
air of superstition and credulity which 
resembles very little the spirit that   
appears in other philosophical          
compositions of that author2 for it is  
remarkable that though ,plutarch be an  
historian as superstitious as ,herodotus
 or ,livy1 yet there is scarcely in all 
antiquity a philosopher less            
superstitious1 excepting ,cicero and    
,lucian4 ,i must therefore confess that 
a passage of ,plutarch1 cited from this 
discourse1 has much less authority with 
me than if it had been found in most of 
his other compositions4  ,there is only 
one other discourse of ,plutarch liable 
to like objections--viz41 that          

concerning those whose punishment is    
delayed by the ,deity4 ,it is also      
written in dialogue1 contains like      
superstitious1 wild visions1 and seems  
to have been chiefly composed in        
rivalship to ,plato1 particularly his   
last book1 ,de ,republica4  ,and here ,i
 cannot but observe that ,monsieur      
,fontenelle1 a writer eminent for       
candour1 seems to have departed a little
 from his usual character when he       
endeavours to throw a ridicule upon     
,plutarch on account of passages to be  
met with in this dialogue concerning    
oracles4 ,the absurdities here put into 
the mouths of the several personages are
 not to be ascribed to ,plutarch4 ,he   
makes them refute each other1 and in    
general he seems to intend the          
ridiculing of those very opinions which 
,fontenelle would ridicule him for      
maintaining4 7,see ,histoires des       
,oracles47   #ajb ,he was contemporary  
with ,csar and ,augustus4     ,,of ,,the
 ,,original ,,contract4   ,as no party1 

in the present age1 can support itself  
without a philosophical or speculative  
system of principles annexed to its     
political or practical one1 we          
accordingly find that each of the       
parties into which this nation is       
divided has reared up a fabric of the   
former kind1 in order to protect and    
cover that scheme of actions which it   
pursues4 ,the people being commonly very
 rude builders1 especially in this      
speculative way1 and more especially    
still when actuated by party zeal1 it is
 natural to imagine that their          
workmanship must be a little unshapely1 
and discover evident marks of that      
violence and hurry in which it was      
raised4 ,the one party1 by tracing up   
the origin of government to the ,deity1 
endeavour to render government so sacred
 and inviolate that it must be little   
less than sacrilege1 however disorderly 
it may become1 to touch or invade it in 
the smallest article4 ,the other party1 
by founding government altogether on the

 consent of the people1 suppose that    
there is a kind of original contract by 
which the subjects have reserved the    
power of resisting their sovereign      
whenever they find themselves aggrieved 
by that authority with which they have1 
for certain purposes1 voluntarily       
entrusted him4 ,these are the           
speculative principles of the two       
parties1 and these too are the practical
 consequences deduced from them4  ,i    
shall venture to affirm that both these 
systems of speculative principles are   
just1 though not in the sense intended  
by the parties2 and that both the       
schemes of practical consequences are   
prudent1 though not in the extremes to  
which each party1 in opposition to the  
other1 has commonly endeavoured to carry
 them4  ,that the ,deity is the ultimate
 author of all government will never be 
denied by any who admits a general      
providence1 and allows that all events  
in the universe are conducted by a      
uniform plan and directed to wise       

purposes4 ,as it is impossible for the  
human race to subsist1 at least in any  
comfortable or secure state1 without the
 protection of government1 government   
must certainly have been intended by    
that beneficent ,being1 who means the   
good of all ,his creatures2 and as it   
has universally1 in fact1 taken place in
 all countries and all ages1 we may     
conclude1 with still greater certainty1 
that it was intended by that omniscient 
,being1 who can never be deceived by any
 event or operation4 ,but since he gave 
rise to it1 not by any particular or    
miraculous interposition but by his     
concealed and universal efficacy1 a     
sovereign cannot1 properly speaking1 be 
called his vicegerent in any other sense
 than every power or force being derived
 from him may be said to act by his     
commission4 ,whatever actually happens  
is comprehended in the general plan or  
intention of providence2 nor has the    
greatest and most lawful prince any more
 reason1 upon that account1 to plead a  

peculiar sacredness or inviolable       
authority1 than an inferior magistrate1 
or even a usurper1 or even a robber and 
a pirate4 ,the same divine              
superintendent who1 for wise purposes1  
invested an ,elizabeth or a ,henry#ajc  
with authority1 did also1 for purposes  
no doubt equally wise1 though unknown1  
bestow power on a ,borgia or an ,angria4
 ,the same causes which gave rise to the
 sovereign power in every state1        
established likewise every petty        
jurisdiction in it1 and every limited   
authority4 ,a constable therefore1 no   
less than a king1 acts by a divine      
commission1 and possesses an            
indefeasible right4  ,when we consider  
how nearly equal all men are in their   
bodily force1 and even in their mental  
powers and faculties1 till cultivated by
 education1 we must necessarily allow   
that nothing but their own consent could
 at first associate them together1 and  
subject them to any authority4 ,the     
people1 if we trace government to its   

first origin in the woods and deserts1  
are the source of all power and         
jurisdiction1 and voluntarily1 for the  
sake of peace and order1 abandoned their
 native liberty1 and received laws from 
their equal and companion4 ,the         
conditions upon which they were willing 
to submit were either expressed1 or were
 so clear and obvious that it might well
 be esteemed superfluous to express     
them4 ,if this1 then1 be meant by the   
original contract1 it cannot be denied  
that all government is at first founded 
on a contract1 and that the most ancient
 rude combinations of mankind were      
formed entirely by that principle4 ,in  
vain are we sent to the records to seek 
for this charter of our liberties4 ,it  
was not written on parchment1 nor yet on
 leaves or barks of trees4 ,it preceded 
the use of writing and all the other    
civilized arts of life4 ,but we trace it
 plainly in the nature of man1 and in   
the equality which we find in all the   
individuals of that species4 ,the force 

which now prevails1 and which is founded
 on fleets and armies1 is plainly       
political1 and derived from authority1  
the effect of established government4 ,a
 man's natural force consists only in   
the vigour of his limbs and the firmness
 of his courage1 which could never      
subject multitudes to the command of    
one4 ,nothing but their own consent1 and
 their sense of the advantages of peace 
and order1 could have had that          
influence4  ,but philosophers who have  
embraced a party 7if that be not a      
contradiction in terms7 are not         
contented with these concessions4 ,they 
assert1 not only that government in its 
earliest infancy arose from consent or  
the voluntary combination of the people1
 but also that1 even at present1 when it
 has attained its full maturity1 it     
rests on no other foundation4 ,they     
affirm that all men are still born      
equal1 and owe allegiance to no prince  
or government unless bound by the       
obligation and sanction of a promise4   

,and as no man1 without some equivalent1
 would forgo the advantages of his      
native liberty and subject himself to   
the will of another1 this promise is    
always understood to be conditional1 and
 imposes on him no obligation unless he 
meets with justice and protection from  
his sovereign4 ,these advantages the    
sovereign promises him in return1 and if
 he fails in the execution1 he has      
broke1 on his part1 the articles of     
engagement1 and has thereby freed his   
subjects from all obligations to        
allegiance4 ,such1 according to these   
philosophers1 is the foundation of      
authority in every government1 and such 
the right of resistance possessed by    
every subject4  ,but would these        
reasoners look abroad into the world    
they would meet with nothing that in the
 least corresponds to their ideas1 or   
can warrant so refined and philosophical
 a theory4 ,on the contrary1 we find    
everywhere princes who claim their      
subjects as their property1 and assert  

their independent right of sovereignty  
from conquest or succession4 ,we find   
also everywhere subjects who acknowledge
 this right in their princes1 and       
suppose themselves born under           
obligations of obedience to a certain   
sovereign1 as much as under the ties of 
reverence and duty to certain parents4  
,these connections are always conceived 
to be equally independent of our        
consent1 in ,persia and ,china2 in      
,france and ,spain2 and even in ,holland
 and ,england1 wherever the doctrines   
above mentioned have not been carefully 
inculcated4 ,obedience or subjection    
becomes so familiar that most men never 
make any inquiry about its origin or    
cause1 more than about the principle of 
gravity1 resistance1 or the most        
universal laws of nature4 ,or if        
curiosity ever move them1 so soon as    
they learn that they themselves and     
their ancestors have for several ages1  
or from time immemorial1 been subject to
 such a government or such a family1    

they immediately acquiesce and          
acknowledge their obligation to         
allegiance4 ,were you to preach1 in most
 parts of the world1 that political     
connections are founded altogether on   
voluntary consent or a mutual promise1  
the magistrate would soon imprison you1 
as seditious1 for loosening the ties of 
obedience2 if your friends did not shut 
you up1 as delirious1 for advancing such
 absurdities4 ,it is strange that an act
 of the mind which every individual is  
supposed to have formed--and after he   
came to the use of reason too1 otherwise
 it could have no authority--that this  
act1 ,i say1 should be so unknown to all
 of them1 that over the face of the     
whole earth there scarce remain any     
traces or memory of it4  ,but the       
contract on which government is founded 
is said to be the original contract1 and
 consequently may be supposed too old to
 fall under the knowledge of the present
 generation4 ,if the agreement by which 
savage men first associated and         

conjoined their force be here meant1    
this is acknowledged to be real2 but    
being so ancient1 and being obliterated 
by a thousand changes of government and 
princes1 it cannot now be supposed to   
retain any authority4 ,if we would say  
anything to the purpose1 we must assert 
that every particular government which  
is lawful1 and which imposes any duty of
 allegiance on the subject1 was at first
 founded on consent and a voluntary     
compact4 ,but besides that this supposes
 the consent of the fathers to bind the 
children1 even to the most remote       
generations 7which republican writers   
will never allow71 besides this1 ,i say1
 it is not justified by history or      
experience in any age or country of the 
world4  ,almost all the governments     
which exist at present1 or of which     
there remains any record in story1 have 
been founded originally either on       
usurpation or conquest1 or both1 without
 any pretence of a fair consent or      
voluntary subjection of the people4     

,when an artful and bold man is placed  
at the head of an army or faction1 it is
 often easy for him1 by employing       
sometimes violence1 sometimes false     
pretences1 to establish his dominion    
over a people a hundred times more      
numerous than his partisans4 ,he allows 
no such open communication that his     
enemies can know with certainty their   
number or force4 ,he gives them no      
leisure to assemble together in a body  
to oppose him4 ,even all those who are  
the instruments of his usurpation may   
wish his fall1 but their ignorance of   
each other's intentions keeps them in   
awe1 and is the sole cause of his       
security4 ,by such arts as these many   
governments have been established1 and  
this is all the original contract they  
have to boast of4  ,the face of the     
earth is continually changing by the    
increase of small kingdoms into great   
empires1 by the dissolution of great    
empires into smaller kingdoms1 by the   
planting of colonies1 by the migration  

of tribes4 ,is there anything           
discoverable in all these events but    
force and violence8 ,where is the mutual
 agreement or voluntary association so  
much talked of8  ,even the smoothest way
 by which a nation may receive a foreign
 master1 by marriage or a will1 is not  
extremely honourable for the people2 but
 supposes them to be disposed of1 like a
 dowry or a legacy1 according to the    
pleasure or interest of their rulers4   
,but where no force interposes1 and     
election takes place1 what is this      
election so highly vaunted8 ,it is      
either the combination of a few great   
men who decide for the whole1 and will  
allow no opposition1 or it is the fury  
of a rabble that follow a seditious     
leader1 who is not known1 perhaps1 to a 
dozen among them1 and who owes his      
advancement merely to his own impudence1
 or to the momentary caprice of his     
fellows4  ,are these disorderly         
elections1 which are rare too1 of such  
mighty authority as to be the only      

lawful foundation of all government and 
allegiance8  ,in reality there is not a 
more terrible event than a total        
dissolution of government1 which gives  
liberty to the multitude1 and makes the 
determination or choice of a new        
establishment depend upon a number which
 nearly approaches the body of the      
people2 for it never comes entirely to  
the whole body of them4 ,every wise man1
 then1 wishes to see1 at the head of a  
powerful and obedient army1 a general   
who may speedily seize the prize and    
give to the people a master1 which they 
are so unfit to choose for themselves4  
,so little correspondent is fact and    
reality to those philosophical notions4 
,let not the establishment at the       
,revolution deceive us1 or make us so   
much in love with a philosophical origin
 to government as to imagine all others 
monstrous and irregular4 ,even that     
event was far from corresponding to     
these refined ideas4 ,it was only the   
succession1 and that only in the regal  

part of the government1 which was then  
changed2 and it was only the majority of
 seven hundred who determined that      
change for near ten millions4 ,i doubt  
not1 indeed1 but the bulk of these ten  
millions acquiesced willingly in the    
determination2 but was the matter left1 
in the least1 to their choice8 ,was it  
not justly supposed to be from that     
moment decided1 and every man punished  
who refused to submit to the new        
sovereign8 ,how otherways could the     
matter have ever been brought to any    
issue or conclusion8  ,the ,republic of 
,athens was1 ,i believe1 the most       
extensive democracy which we read of in 
history4 ,yet if we make the requisite  
allowances for the women1 the slaves1   
and the strangers1 we shall find that   
that establishment was not at first     
made1 nor any law ever voted1 by a tenth
 part of those who were bound to pay    
obedience to it2 not to mention the     
islands and foreign dominions which the 
,athenians claimed as theirs by right of

 conquest4 ,and as it is well known that
 popular assemblies in that city were   
always full of licence and disorder1    
notwithstanding the forms and laws by   
which they were checked1 how much more  
disorderly must they be where they form 
not the established constitution1 but   
meet tumultuously on the dissolution of 
the ancient government in order to give 
rise to a new one8 ,how chimerical must 
it be to talk of a choice in any such   
circumstances8  ,the ,achans enjoyed the
 freest and most perfect democracy of   
all antiquity2 yet they employed force  
to oblige some cities to enter into     
their league1 as we learn from          
,polybius4  ,henry ,,iv4 and ,henry     
,,vii4 of ,england had really no other  
title to the throne but a parliamentary 
election2 yet they never would          
acknowledge it1 for fear of weakening   
their authority4 ,strange6 if the only  
real foundation of all authority be     
consent and promise4  ,it is vain to say
 that all governments are1 or should be1

 at first1 founded on popular consent1  
as much as the necessity of human       
affairs will admit4 ,this favours       
entirely my pretension4 ,i maintain that
 human affairs will never admit of this 
consent2 seldom of the appearance of it4
 ,but that conquest or usurpation--that 
is1 in plain terms1 force--by dissolving
 the ancient governments1 is the origin 
of almost all the new ones which ever   
were established in the world2 and that 
in the few cases1 where consent may seem
 to have taken place1 it was commonly so
 irregular1 so confined1 or so much     
intermixed either with fraud or         
violence1 that it cannot have any great 
authority4  ,my intention here is not to
 exclude the consent of the people from 
being one just foundation of government 
where it has place4 ,it is surely the   
best and most sacred of any4 ,i only    
pretend that it has very seldom had     
place in any degree1 and never almost in
 its full extent2 and that therefore    
some other foundation of government must

 also be admitted4  ,were all men       
possessed of so inflexible a regard to  
justice that1 of themselves1 they would 
totally abstain from the properties of  
others1 they had for ever remained in a 
state of absolute liberty without       
subjection to any magistrates or        
political society2 but this is a state  
of perfection1 of which human nature is 
justly esteemed incapable4 ,again1 were 
all men possessed of so just an         
understanding as always to know their   
own interest1 no form of government had 
ever been submitted to but what was     
established on consent1 and was fully   
canvassed by each member of the society2
 but this state of perfection is        
likewise much superior to human nature4 
,reason1 history1 and experience show us
 that all political societies have had  
an origin much less accurate and        
regular2 and were one to choose a period
 of time when the people's consent was  
least regarded in public transactions1  
it would be precisely on the            

establishment of a new government4 ,in a
 settled constitution their inclinations
 are often studied2 but during the fury 
of revolutions1 conquests1 and public   
convulsions1 military force or political
 craft usually decides the controversy4 
,when a new government is established1  
by whatever means1 the people are       
commonly dissatisfied with it1 and pay  
obedience more from fear and necessity  
than from any idea of allegiance or of  
moral obligation4 ,the prince is        
watchful and jealous1 and must carefully
 guard against every beginning or       
appearance of insurrection4 ,time1 by   
degrees1 removes all these difficulties1
 and accustoms the nation to regard1 as 
their lawful or native princes1 that    
family whom at first they considered as 
usurpers or foreign conquerors4 ,in     
order to found this opinion1 they have  
no recourse to any notion of voluntary  
consent or promise1 which1 they know1   
never was in this case either expected  
or demanded4 ,the original establishment

 was formed by violence1 and submitted  
to from necessity4 ,the subsequent      
administration is also supported by     
power1 and acquiesced in by the people1 
not as a matter of choice1 but of       
obligation4 ,they imagine not that their
 consent gives their prince a title2 but
 they willingly consent because they    
think that1 from long possession1 he has
 acquired a title independent of their  
choice or inclination4  ,should it be   
said that by living under the dominion  
of a prince which one might leave1 every
 individual has given a tacit consent to
 his authority1 and promised him        
obedience1 it may be answered that such 
implied consent can only take place     
where a man imagines that the matter    
depends on his choice4 ,but where he    
thinks 7as all mankind do who are born  
under established governments7 that by  
his birth he owes allegiance to a       
certain prince or certain government1 it
 would be absurd to infer a consent or  
choice1 which he expressly1 in this     

case1 renounces and abjures4  ,can we   
seriously say that a poor peasant or    
artisan has a free choice to leave his  
own country1 when he knows no foreign   
language or manners1 and lives from day 
to day by the same small wages which he 
acquires8 ,we may as well assert that a 
man1 by remaining in a vessel1 freely   
consents to the dominion of the master1 
though he was carried on board while    
asleep1 and must leap into the ocean and
 perish the moment he leaves her4  ,what
 if the prince forbid his subjects to   
quit his dominions1 as in ,tiberius's   
time it was regarded as a crime in a    
,roman knight that he had attempted to  
fly to the ,parthians1 in order to      
escape the tyranny of that emperor8 ,or 
as the ancient ,muscovites prohibited   
all travelling under pain of death8 ,and
 did a prince observe that many of his  
subjects were seized with the frenzy of 
transporting themselves to foreign      
countries1 he would doubtless1 with     
great reason and justice1 restrain them1

 in order to prevent the depopulation of
 his own kingdom4 ,would he forfeit the 
allegiance of all his subjects by so    
wise and reasonable a law8 ,yet the     
freedom of their choice is surely1 in   
that case1 ravished from them4  ,a      
company of men who should leave their   
native country in order to people some  
uninhabited region might dream of       
recovering their native freedom2 but    
they would soon find that their prince  
still laid claim to them1 and called    
them his subjects1 even in their new    
settlement4 ,and in this he would but   
act conformably to the common ideas of  
mankind4  ,the truest tacit consent of  
this kind which is ever observed is when
 a foreigner settles in any country1 and
 is beforehand acquainted with the      
prince and government and laws to which 
he must submit2 yet is his allegiance1  
though more voluntary1 much less        
expected or depended on than that of a  
natural born subject4 ,on the contrary1 
his native prince still asserts a claim 

to him4 ,and if he punishes not the     
renegade when he seizes him in war with 
his new prince's commission1 this       
clemency is not founded on the municipal
 law1 which in all countries condemns   
the prisoner1 but on the consent of     
princes who have agreed to this         
indulgence in order to prevent          
reprisals4  ,suppose a usurper1 after   
having banished his lawful prince and   
royal family1 should establish his      
dominion for ten or a dozen years in any
 country1 and should preserve such exact
 discipline in his troops and so regular
 a disposition in his garrisons that no 
insurrection had ever been raised1 or   
even murmur heard1 against his          
administration1 can it be asserted that 
the people1 who in their hearts abhor   
his treason1 have tacitly consented to  
his authority and promised him          
allegiance merely because1 from         
necessity1 they live under his dominion8
 ,suppose again their natural prince    
restored1 by means of an army which he  

assembles in foreign countries1 they    
receive him with joy and exultation1 and
 show plainly with what reluctance they 
had submitted to any other yoke4 ,i may 
now ask upon what foundation the        
prince's title stands8 ,not on popular  
consent surely2 for though the people   
willingly acquiesce in his authority1   
they never imagine that their consent   
makes him sovereign4 ,they consent      
because they apprehend him to be        
already1 by birth1 their lawful         
sovereign4 ,and as to that tacit        
consent1 which may now be inferred from 
their living under his dominion1 this is
 no more than what they formerly gave to
 the tyrant and usurper4  ,when we      
assert that all lawful government arises
 from the people1 we certainly do them  
more honour than they deserve1 or even  
expect and desire from us4 ,after the   
,roman dominions became too unwieldy for
 the republic to govern1 the people over
 the whole known world were extremely   
grateful to ,augustus for that authority

 which1 by violence1 he had established 
over them2 and they showed an equal     
disposition to submit to the successor  
whom he left them by his last will and  
testament4 ,it was afterwards their     
misfortune that there never was in one  
family any long1 regular succession2 but
 that their line of princes was         
continually broke1 either by private    
assassination or public rebellion4 ,the 
prtorean bands1 on the failure of every 
family1 set up one emperor1 the legions 
in the ,east a second1 those in ,germany
 perhaps a third2 and the sword alone   
could decide the controversy4 ,the      
condition of the people in that mighty  
monarchy was to be lamented1 not because
 the choice of the emperor was never    
left to them1 for that was              
impracticable1 but because they never   
fell under any succession of masters1   
who might regularly follow each other4  
,as to the violence and wars and        
bloodshed occasioned by every new       
settlement1 those were not blameable1   

because they were inevitable4  ,the     
house of ,lancaster ruled in this island
 about sixty years1 yet the partisans of
 the white rose seemed daily to multiply
 in ,england4 ,the present establishment
 has taken place during a still longer  
period4 ,have all views of right in     
another family been extinguished1 even  
though scarce any man now alive had     
arrived at years of discretion when it  
was expelled1 or could have consented to
 its dominion1 or have promised it      
allegiance8 ,a sufficient indication    
surely of the general sentiment of      
mankind on this head4 ,for we blame not 
the partisans of the abdicated family   
merely on account of the long time      
during which they have preserved their  
imaginary fidelity2 we blame them for   
adhering to a family which1 we affirm1  
has been justly expelled1 and which1    
from the moment the new settlement took 
place1 had forfeited all title to       
authority4  ,but would we have a more   
regular1 at least a more philosophical1 

refutation of this principle of an      
original contract or popular consent1   
perhaps the following observations may  
suffice4  ,all moral duties may be      
divided into two kinds4 ,the first are  
those to which men are impelled by a    
natural instinct or immediate propensity
 which operates in them1 independent of 
all ideas of obligation and of all      
views1 either to public or private      
utility4 ,of this nature are love of    
children1 gratitude to benefactors1 pity
 to the unfortunate4 ,when we reflect on
 the advantage which results to society 
from such humane instincts1 we pay them 
the just tribute of moral approbation   
and esteem2 but the person actuated by  
them feels their power and influence    
antecedent to any such reflection4  ,the
 second kind of moral duties are such as
 are not supported by any original      
instinct of nature1 but are performed   
entirely from a sense of obligation1    
when we consider the necessities of     
human society and the impossibility of  

supporting it if these duties were      
neglected4 ,it is thus justice or a     
regard to the property of others1       
fidelity or the observance of promises1 
become obligatory and acquire an        
authority over mankind4 ,for as it is   
evident that every man loves himself    
better than any other person1 he is     
naturally impelled to extend his        
acquisitions as much as possible2 and   
nothing can restrain him in this        
propensity but reflection and           
experience1 by which he learns the      
pernicious effects of that licence and  
the total dissolution of society which  
must ensue from it4 ,his original       
inclination1 therefore1 or instinct1 is 
here checked and restrained by a        
subsequent judgment or observation4     
,the case is precisely the same with the
 political or civil duty of allegiance  
as with the natural duties of justice   
and fidelity4 ,our primary instincts    
lead us either to indulge ourselves in  
unlimited liberty or to seek dominion   

over others2 and it is this reflection  
only which engages us to sacrifice such 
strong passions to the interests of     
peace and order4 ,a very small degree of
 experience and observation suffices to 
teach us that society cannot possibly be
 maintained without the authority of    
magistrates1 and that this authority    
must soon fall into contempt where exact
 obedience is not paid to it4 ,the      
observation of these general and obvious
 interests is the source of all         
allegiance1 and of that moral obligation
 which we attribute to it4  ,what       
necessity1 therefore1 is there to found 
the duty of allegiance or obedience to  
magistrates on that of fidelity or a    
regard to promises1 and to suppose that 
it is the consent of each individual    
which subjects him to government1 when  
it appears that both allegiance and     
fidelity stand precisely on the same    
foundation1 and are both submitted to by
 mankind1 on account of the apparent    
interests and necessities of human      

society8 ,we are bound to obey our      
sovereign1 it is said1 because we have  
given a tacit promise to that purpose4  
,but why are we bound to observe our    
promise8 ,it must here be asserted that 
the commerce and intercourse of mankind1
 which are of such mighty advantage1 can
 have no security where men pay no      
regard to their engagements4 ,in like   
manner may it be said that men could not
 live at all in society1 at least in a  
civilized society1 without laws and     
magistrates and judges to prevent the   
encroachments of the strong upon the    
weak1 of the violent upon the just and  
equitable4 ,the obligation to allegiance
 being of like force and authority with 
the obligation to fidelity1 we gain     
nothing by resolving the one into the   
other4 ,the general interests or        
necessities of society are sufficient to
 establish both4  ,if the reason is     
asked of that obedience which we are    
bound to pay to government1 ,i readily  
answer1 because society could not       

otherwise subsist4 ,and this answer is  
clear and intelligible to all mankind4  
,your answer is1 because we should keep 
our word4 ,but besides that1 nobody1    
till trained in a philosophical system1 
can either comprehend or relish this    
answer2 besides this1 ,i say1 you find  
yourself embarrassed when it is asked   
why we are bound to keep our word1 and  
you can give no other answer but what   
would immediately1 without any circuit1 
have accounted for our obligation to    
allegiance4  ,but to whom is allegiance 
due8 ,and who are our lawful sovereigns8
 ,this question is often the most       
difficult of any1 and liable to infinite
 discussions4 ,when people are so happy 
that they can answer1 8,our present     
sovereign1 who inherits1 in a direct    
line1 from ancestors that have governed 
us for many ages10 this answer admits of
 no reply1 even though historians1 in   
tracing up to the remotest antiquity the
 origin of that royal family1 may find1 
as commonly happens1 that its first     

authority was derived from usurpation   
and violence4 ,it is confessed that     
private justice1 or the abstinence from 
the properties of others1 is a most     
cardinal virtue2 yet reason tells us    
that there is no property in durable    
objects1 such as lands or houses1 when  
carefully examined in passing from hand 
to hand1 but must in some period have   
been founded on fraud and injustice4    
,the necessities of human society1      
neither in private nor public life1 will
 allow of such an accurate inquiry2 and 
there is no virtue or moral duty but    
what may with facility be refined away  
if we indulge in a false philosophy1 in 
sifting and scrutinizing it1 by every   
captious rule of logic1 in every light  
or position in which it may be placed4  
,the questions with regard to public    
property have filled infinite volumes of
 law and philosophy1 if in both we add  
the commentators to the original text2  
and in the end we may safely pronounce  
that many of the rules there established

 are uncertain1 ambiguous1 and          
arbitrary4 ,the like opinion may be     
formed with regard to the successions   
and rights of princes and forms of      
government4 ,many cases no doubt occur1 
especially in the infancy of any        
government1 which admit of no           
determination from the laws of justice  
and equity2 and our historian ,rapin    
allows that the controversy between     
,edward ,,iii4 and ,philip de ,valois   
was of this nature1 and could be decided
 only by an appeal to heaven--that is1  
by war and violence4  ,who shall tell me
 whether ,germanicus or ,drusus ought to
 have succeeded ,tiberius had he died   
while they were both alive without      
naming either of them for his successor8
 ,ought the right of adoption to be     
received as equivalent to that of blood 
in a nation where it had the same effect
 in private families1 and had already in
 two instances taken place in the       
public8 ,ought ,germanicus to be        
esteemed the eldest son because he was  

born before ,drusus1 or the younger     
because he was adopted after the birth  
of his brother8 ,ought the right of the 
elder to be regarded in a nation where  
the eldest brother had no advantage in  
the succession of private families8     
,ought the ,roman ,empire at that time  
to be esteemed hereditary because of two
 examples1 or ought it even so early to 
be regarded as belonging to the stronger
 or present possessor as being founded  
on so recent a usurpation8  ,commodus   
mounted the throne after a pretty long  
succession of excellent emperors1 who   
had acquired their title1 not by birth  
or public election1 but by the          
fictitious rite of adoption4 ,that      
bloody debauchee being murdered by a    
conspiracy suddenly formed between his  
wench and her gallant1 who happened at  
that time to be ,prtorian ,prefect1     
these immediately deliberated about     
choosing a master to humankind1 to speak
 in the style of those ages2 and they   
cast their eyes on ,pertinax4 ,before   

the tyrant's death was known the        
,prefect went silently to that senator1 
who1 on the appearance of the soldiers1 
imagined that his execution had been    
ordered by ,commodus4 ,he was           
immediately saluted ,emperor by the     
officer and his attendants2 cheerfully  
proclaimed by the populace2 unwillingly 
submitted to by the guards2 formally    
recognised by the senate2 and passively 
received by the provinces and armies of 
the ,empire4  ,the discontent of the    
,prtorian bands soon broke out in a     
sudden sedition1 which occasioned the   
murder of that excellent prince2 and the
 world being now without a master and   
without government1 the guards thought  
proper to set the ,empire formally to   
sale4 ,julian1 the purchaser1 was       
proclaimed by the soldiers1 recognized  
by the senate1 and submitted to by the  
people1 and must also have been         
submitted to by the provinces had not   
the envy of the legions begot opposition
 and resistance4 ,pescennius ,niger in  

,syria elected himself ,emperor1 gained 
the tumultuary consent of his army1 and 
was attended with the secret good-will  
of the senate and people of ,rome4      
,albinus in ,britain found an equal     
right to set up his claim2 but ,severus1
 who governed ,pannonia1 prevailed in   
the end above both of them4 ,that able  
politician and warrior1 finding his own 
birth and dignity too much inferior to  
the imperial crown1 professed at first  
an intention only of revenging the death
 of ,pertinax4 ,he marched as general   
into ,italy1 defeated ,julian1 and      
without our being able to fix any       
precise commencement even of the        
soldiers' consent1 he was from necessity
 acknowledged ,emperor by the senate and
 people1 and fully established in his   
violent authority by subduing ,niger and
 ,albinus4  8,inter hc ,gordianus       
,csar10 says ,capitolinus1 speaking of  
another period1 8sublatus a militibus1  
,imperator1 est appellatus1 quia non    
erat alius in prsenti40 ,it is to be    

remarked that ,gordian was a boy of     
fourteen years of age4  ,frequent       
instances of a like nature occur in the 
history of the emperors2 in that of     
,alexander's successors1 and of many    
other countries4 ,nor can anything be   
more unhappy than a despotic government 
of that kind1 where the succession is   
disjointed and irregular1 and must be   
determined on every occasion by force or
 election4 ,in a free government the    
matter is often unavoidable1 and is also
 much less dangerous4 ,the interests of 
liberty may there frequently lead the   
people in their own defence to alter the
 succession of the crown1 and the       
constitution being compounded of parts1 
may still maintain a sufficient         
stability by resting on the             
aristocratical or democratical members1 
though the monarchical be altered from  
time to time in order to accommodate it 
to the former4  ,in an absolute         
government when there is no legal prince
 who has a title to the throne1 it may  

safely be determined to belong to the   
first occupier4 ,instances of this kind 
are but too frequent1 especially in the 
,eastern monarchies4 ,when any race of  
princes expires the will or destination 
of the last sovereign will be regarded  
as a title4 ,thus the edict of ,louis   
,,xiv41 who called the bastard princes  
to the succession in case of the failure
 of all the legitimate princes1 would1  
in such an event1 have some             
authority4#ajd ,thus the will of        
,charles ,,ii4 disposed of the whole    
,spanish monarchy4 ,the cession of the  
ancient proprietor1 especially when     
joined to conquest1 is likewise esteemed
 a very good title4 ,the general bond of
 obligation which unites us to          
government is the interest and          
necessities of society1 and this        
obligation is very strong4 ,the         
determination of it to this or that     
particular prince or form of government 
is frequently more uncertain and        
dubious4 ,present possession has        

considerable authority in these cases1  
and greater than in private property1   
because of the disorders which attend   
all revolutions and changes of          
government4#aje  ,we shall only observe1
 before we conclude1 that though an     
appeal to general opinion may justly1 in
 the speculative sciences of            
metaphysics1 natural philosophy1 or     
astronomy1 be esteemed unfair and       
inconclusive1 yet in all questions with 
regard to morals1 as well as criticism1 
there is really no standard by which any
 controversy can ever be decided4 ,and  
nothing is a clearer proof that a theory
 of this kind is erroneous than to find 
that it leads to paradoxes which are    
repugnant to the common sentiments of   
mankind and to general practice and     
opinion4 ,the doctrine which founds all 
lawful government on an original        
contract1 or consent of the people1 is  
plainly of this kind2 nor has the ablest
 of its partisans in prosecution of it  
scrupled to affirm that absolute        

monarchy is inconsistent with civil     
society1 and so can be no form of civil 
government at all1#ajf and that the     
supreme power in a state cannot take    
from any man by taxes and impositions   
any part of his property without his own
 consent or that of his                 
representatives4#ajg ,what authority any
 moral reasoning can have which leads to
 opinions so wide of the general        
practice of mankind in every place but  
this single kingdom it is easy to       
determine4#ajh   ,,notes1 ,,of ,,the    
,,original ,,contract4  #ajc ,henry     
,,iv4 of ,france4   #ajd ,it is         
remarkable that in the remonstrance of  
the ,duke of ,bourbon and the legitimate
 princes against this destination of    
,louis ,,xiv41 the doctrine of the      
original contract is insisted on1 even  
in that absolute government4 ,the       
,french nation1 say they1 choosing ,hugh
 ,capet and his posterity to rule over  
them and their posterity1 where the     
former line fails1 there is a tacit     

right reserved to choose a new royal    
family2 and this right is invaded by    
calling the bastard princes to the      
throne without the consent of the       
nation4 ,but the ,comte de              
,boulainvilliers1 who wrote in defence  
of the bastard princes1 ridicules this  
notion of an original contract1         
especially when applied to ,hugh ,capet2
 who mounted the throne1 says he1 by the
 same arts which have ever been employed
 by all conquerors and usurpers4 ,he got
 his title1 indeed1 recognized by the   
states after he had put himself in      
possession4 ,but is this a choice or    
contract8 ,the ,comte de                
,boulainvilliers1 we may observe1 was a 
noted republican2 but being a man of    
learning1 and very conversant in        
history1 he knew the people were never  
almost consulted in these revolutions   
and new establishments1 and that time   
alone bestowed right and authority on   
what was commonly at first founded on   
force and violence4 7,see tat de la     

,france1 vol4 iii47   #aje ,the crime of
 rebellion amongst the ancients was     
commonly marked by the terms 1 novas res
 moliri4   #ajf ,see ,locke on          
,government1 chap4 #g1  #ij4   #ajg     
,locke on ,government1 chap4 #aa1  #ach1
 #aci1 #adj4   #ajh ,the only passage ,i
 meet with in antiquity where the       
obligation of obedience to government is
 ascribed to a promise is in ,plato--in 
,critone1 where ,socrates refuses to    
escape from prison1 because he had      
tacitly promised to obey the laws4 ,thus
 he builds a ,tory consequence of       
passive obedience on a ,whig foundation 
of the original contract4  ,new         
discoveries are not to be expected in   
these matters4 ,if no man1 till very    
lately1 ever imagined that government   
was founded on contract1 it is certain  
it cannot1 in general1 have any such    
foundation4     ,,of ,,passive          
,,obedience4   ,in the former essay we  
endeavoured to refute the speculative   
systems of politics advanced in this    

nation1 as well the religious system of 
the one party as the philosophical of   
the other4 ,we come now to examine the  
practical consequences deduced by each  
party with regard to the measures of    
submission due to sovereigns4  ,as the  
obligation to justice is founded        
entirely on the interests of society1   
which require mutual abstinence from    
property1 in order to preserve peace    
among mankind1 it is evident that1 when 
the execution of justice would be       
attended with very pernicious           
consequences1 that virtue must be       
suspended1 and give place to public     
utility in such extraordinary and such  
pressing emergencies4 ,the maxim1 fiat  
,justitia1 ruat ,clum 7let justice be   
performed though the universe be        
destroyed71 is apparently false1 and by 
sacrificing the end to the means shows a
 preposterous idea of the subordination 
of duties4 ,what governor of a town     
makes any scruple of burning the suburbs
 when they facilitate the advances of   

the enemy8 ,or what general abstains    
from plundering a neutral country when  
the necessities of war require it1 and  
he cannot otherwise maintain his army8  
,the case is the same with the duty of  
allegiance2 and common sense teaches us1
 that as government binds us to         
obedience only on account of its        
tendency to public utility1 that duty   
must always1 in extraordinary cases1    
when public ruin would evidently attend 
obedience1 yield to the primary and     
original obligation4 ,salus populi      
suprema ,lex 7the safety of the people  
is the supreme law74 ,this maxim is     
agreeable to the sentiments of mankind  
in all ages2 nor is any one1 when he    
reads of the insurrections against a    
,nero1 or a ,philip1 so infatuated with 
party-systems as not to wish success to 
the enterprise and praise the           
undertakers4 ,even our high monarchical 
party1 in spite of their sublime theory1
 are forced in such cases to judge and  
feel and approve in conformity to the   

rest of mankind4  ,resistance1          
therefore1 being admitted in            
extraordinary emergencies1 the question 
can only be among good reasoners with   
regard to the degree of necessity which 
can justify resistance and render it    
lawful or commendable4 ,and here ,i must
 confess that ,i shall always incline to
 their side who draw the bond of        
allegiance the closest possible1 and    
consider an infringement of it as the   
last refuge in desperate cases when the 
public is in the highest danger from    
violence and tyranny2 for besides the   
mischiefs of a civil war1 which commonly
 attends insurrection1 it is certain    
that where a disposition to rebellion   
appears among any people it is one chief
 cause of tyranny in the rulers1 and    
forces them into many violent measures  
which they never would have embraced had
 every one seemed inclined to submission
 and obedience4 ,it is thus the         
tyrannicide or assassination1 approved  
of by ancient maxims1 instead of keeping

 tyrants and usurpers in awe1 made them 
ten times more fierce and unrelenting2  
and is now justly1 upon that account1   
abolished by the laws of nations1 and   
universally condemned as a base and     
treacherous method of bringing to       
justice these disturbers of society4    
,besides1 we must consider that1 as     
obedience is our duty in the common     
course of things1 it ought chiefly to be
 inculcated2 nor can anything be more   
preposterous than an anxious care and   
solicitude in stating all the cases in  
which resistance may be allowed4 ,thus1 
though a philosopher reasonably         
acknowledges in the course of an        
argument that the rules of justice may  
be dispensed with in cases of urgent    
necessity1 what should we think of a    
preacher or casuist who should make it  
his chief study to find out such cases  
and enforce them with all the vehemence 
of argument and eloquence8 ,would he not
 be better employed in inculcating the  
general doctrine than in displaying the 

particular exceptions1 which we are1    
perhaps1 but too much inclined of       
ourselves to embrace and extend8  ,there
 are1 however1 two reasons which may be 
pleaded in defence of that party among  
us who have1 with so much industry1     
propagated the maxims of                
resistance--maxims which1 it must be    
confessed1 are in general so pernicious 
and so destructive of civil society4    
,the first is that their antagonists    
carrying the doctrine of obedience to   
such an extravagant height as not only  
never to mention the exceptions in      
extraordinary cases 7which might perhaps
 be excusable71 but even positively to  
exclude them1 it became necessary to    
insist on these exceptions1 and defend  
the rights of injured truth and liberty4
 ,the second and perhaps better reason  
is founded on the nature of the ,british
 constitution and form of government4   
,it is almost peculiar to our           
constitution to establish a first       
magistrate with such high pre-eminence  

and dignity that1 though limited by the 
laws1 he is in a manner1 so far as      
regards his own person1 above the laws1 
and can neither be questioned nor       
punished for any injury or wrong which  
may be committed by him4 ,his ministers 
alone1 or those who act by his          
commission1 are obnoxious to justice2   
and while the prince is thus allured by 
the prospect of personal safety to give 
the laws their free course1 an equal    
security is in effect obtained by the   
punishment of lesser offenders1 and at  
the same time a civil war is avoided1   
which would be the infallible           
consequence were an attack at every turn
 made directly upon the sovereign4 ,but 
though the constitution pays this       
salutary compliment to the prince1 it   
can never reasonably be understood by   
that maxim to have determined its own   
destruction1 or to have established a   
tame submission where he protects his   
ministers1 perseveres in injustice1 and 
usurps the whole power of the           

commonwealth4 ,this case1 indeed1 is    
never expressly put by the laws1 because
 it is impossible for them in their     
ordinary course to provide a remedy for 
it1 or establish any magistrate with    
superior authority to chastise the      
exorbitancies of the prince4 ,but as a  
right without remedy would be the       
greatest of all absurdities1 the remedy 
in this case is the extraordinary one of
 resistance1 when affairs come to that  
extremity that the constitution can be  
defended by it alone4 ,resistance1      
therefore1 must of course become more   
frequent in the ,british ,government    
than in others which are simpler and    
consist of fewer parts and movements4   
,where the king is an absolute          
sovereign1 he has little temptation to  
commit such enormous tyranny as may     
justly provoke rebellion2 but where he  
is limited1 his imprudent ambition1     
without any great vices1 may run him    
into that perilous situation4 ,this is  
commonly supposed to have been the case 

with ,charles ,i41 and if we may now    
speak truth1 after animosities are laid1
 this was also the case with ,james     
,,ii4 ,these were harmless1 if not1 in  
their private character1 good men2 but  
mistaking the nature of our             
constitution1 and engrossing the whole  
legislative power1 it became necessary  
to oppose them with some vehemence1 and 
even to deprive the latter formally of  
that authority which he had used with   
such imprudence and indiscretion4       
,,of ,,the ,,coalition ,,of ,,parties4  
,to abolish all distinctions of party   
may not be practicable1 perhaps not     
desirable1 in a free government4 ,the   
only parties which are dangerous are    
such as entertain opposite views with   
regard to the essentials of government1 
the succession of the crown1 or the more
 considerable privileges belonging to   
the several members of the constitution2
 where there is no room for any         
compromise or accommodation1 and where  
the controversy may appear so momentous 

as to justify even an opposition by arms
 to the pretensions of antagonists4 ,of 
this nature was the animosity continued 
for above a century between the parties 
in ,england--an animosity which broke   
out sometimes into civil war1 which     
occasioned violent revolutions1 and     
which continually endangered the peace  
and tranquillity of the nation4 ,but as 
there has appeared of late the strongest
 symptoms of a universal desire to      
abolish these party distinctions1 this  
tendency to a coalition affords the most
 agreeable prospect of future happiness1
 and ought to be carefully cherished and
 promoted by every lover of his country4
  ,there is not a more effectual method 
of promoting so good an end than to     
prevent all unreasonable insult and     
triumph of the one party over the other1
 to encourage moderate opinions1 to find
 the proper medium in all disputes1 to  
persuade each that its antagonist may   
possibly be sometimes in the right1 and 
to keep a balance in the praise and     

blame which we bestow on either side4   
,the two former essays1 concerning the  
original contract and passive obedience1
 are calculated for this purpose with   
regard to the philosophical             
controversies between the parties1 and  
tend to show that neither side are in   
these respects so fully supported by    
reason as they endeavour to flatter     
themselves4 ,we shall proceed to        
exercise the same moderation with regard
 to the historical disputes1 by proving 
that each party was justified by        
plausible topics1 that there were on    
both sides wise men who meant well to   
their country1 and that the past        
animosity between the factions had no   
better foundation than narrow prejudice 
or interested passion4  ,the popular    
party1 who afterwards acquired the name 
of ,whigs1 might justify by very        
specious arguments that opposition to   
the crown1 from which our present free  
constitution is derived4 ,though obliged
 to acknowledge that precedents in      

favour of prerogative had uniformly     
taken place during many reigns before   
,charles ,i41 they thought that there   
was no reason for submitting any longer 
to so dangerous an authority4 ,such     
might have been their reasoning4 ,the   
rights of mankind are so sacred that no 
prescription of tyranny or arbitrary    
power can have authority sufficient to  
abolish them4 ,liberty is the most      
inestimable of all blessings1 and       
wherever there appears any probability  
of recovering it1 a nation may willingly
 run many hazards1 and ought not even to
 repine at the greatest effusion of     
blood or dissipation of treasure4 ,all  
human institutions1 and none more than  
government1 are in continual            
fluctuation4 ,kings are sure to embrace 
every opportunity of extending their    
prerogatives1 and if favourable         
incidents be not also laid hold of to   
extend and secure the privileges of the 
people1 a universal despotism must for  
ever prevail among mankind4 ,the example

 of all the neighbouring nations proves 
that it is no longer safe to entrust    
with the crown the same exorbitant      
prerogatives which had formerly been    
exercised during rude and simple ages4  
,and though the example of many late    
reigns may be pleaded in favour of a    
power in the prince somewhat arbitrary1 
more remote reigns afford instances of  
stricter limitations imposed on the     
crown1 and those pretensions of the     
,parliament1 now branded with the title 
of innovations1 are only a recovery of  
the just rights of the people4  ,these  
views1 far from being odious1 are surely
 large and generous and noble4 ,to their
 prevalence and success the kingdom owes
 its liberty1 perhaps its learning1 its 
industry1 commerce1 and naval power4 ,by
 them chiefly the ,english name is      
distinguished among the society of      
nations1 and aspires to a rivalship with
 that of the freest and most illustrious
 commonwealths of antiquity4 ,but as all
 these mighty consequences could not    

reasonably be foreseen at the time when 
the contest began1 the royalists of that
 age wanted not specious arguments on   
their side1 by which they could justify 
their defence of the then established   
prerogatives of the crown4 ,we shall    
state the question1 as it might appear  
to them at the assembling of that       
,parliament1 which by their violent     
encroachments on the crown1 began the   
civil wars4  ,the only rule of          
government1 they might have said1 known 
and acknowledged among men1 is use and  
practice4 ,reason is so uncertain a     
guide that it will always be exposed to 
doubt and controversy4 ,could it ever   
render itself prevalent over the people1
 men had always retained it as their    
sole rule of conduct2 they had still    
continued in the primitive1 unconnected 
state of nature1 without submitting to  
political government1 whose sole basis  
is not pure reason1 but authority and   
precedent4 ,dissolve these ties1 you    
break all the bonds of civil society1   

and leave every man at liberty to       
consult his particular interest1 by     
those expedients which his appetite1    
disguised under the appearance of       
reason1 shall dictate to him4 ,the      
spirit of innovation is in itself       
pernicious1 however favourable its      
particular object may sometimes appear4 
,a truth so obvious that the popular    
party themselves are sensible of it1 and
 therefore cover their encroachments on 
the crown by the plausible pretence of  
their recovering the ancient liberties  
of the people4  ,but the present        
prerogatives of the crown1 allowing all 
the suppositions of that party1 have    
been incontestably established ever     
since the accession of the house of     
,tudor1 a period which1 as it now       
comprehends a hundred and sixty years1  
may be allowed sufficient to give       
stability to any constitution4 ,would it
 not have appeared ridiculous in the    
reign of the ,emperor ,adrian to talk of
 the constitution of the republic as the

 rule of government1 or to suppose that 
the former rights of the senate and     
consuls and tribunes were still         
subsisting8  ,but the present claims of 
the ,english monarchs are infinitely    
more favourable than those of the ,roman
 emperors during that age4 ,the         
authority of ,augustus was a plain      
usurpation1 grounded only on military   
violence1 and forms such an era in the  
,roman history as is obvious to every   
reader4 ,but if ,henry ,,vii4 really1 as
 some pretend1 enlarged the power of the
 crown1 it was only by insensible       
acquisitions which escaped the          
apprehension of the people1 and have    
scarcely been remarked even by          
historians and politicians4 ,the new    
government1 if it deserves the name1 is 
an imperceptible transition from the    
former2 is entirely engrafted on it2    
derives its title fully from that root2 
and is to be considered only as one of  
those gradual revolutions to which human
 affairs in every nation will be for    

ever subject4  ,the ,house of ,tudor1   
and after them that of ,stuart1         
exercised no prerogatives1 but what had 
been claimed and exercised by the       
,plantagenets4 ,not a single branch of  
their authority can be said to be       
altogether an innovation4 ,the only     
difference is that perhaps the more     
ancient kings exerted these powers only 
by intervals1 and were not able1 by     
reason of the opposition of their       
barons1 to render them so steady a rule 
of administration4#aji ,but the sole    
inference from this fact is that those  
times were more turbulent and seditious1
 and that the laws have happily of late 
gained the ascendant4  ,under what      
pretence can the popular party now talk 
of recovering the ancient constitution8 
,the former control over the kings was  
not placed in the commons1 but in the   
barons4 ,the people had no authority1   
and even little or no liberty1 till the 
crown1 by suppressing these factious    
tyrants1 enforced the execution of the  

laws1 and obliged all the subjects      
equally to respect each other's rights1 
privileges1 and properties4 ,if we must 
return to the ancient barbarous and     
,gothic constitution1 let those         
gentlemen1 who now behave themselves    
with so much insolence to their         
sovereign1 set the first example4 ,let  
them make court to be admitted as       
retainers to a neighbouring baron1 and  
by submitting to slavery under him1     
acquire some protection to themselves1  
together with the power of exercising   
rapine and oppression over their        
inferior slaves and villains4 ,this was 
the condition of the commons among their
 remote ancestors4  ,but how far back   
shall we go1 in having recourse to      
ancient constitutions and governments8  
,there was a constitution still more    
ancient than that to which these        
innovators affect so much to appeal4    
,during that period there was no ,magna 
,charta4 ,the barons themselves         
possessed few regular1 stated           

privileges1 and the ,house of ,commons  
probably had not an existence4  ,it is  
pleasant to hear a house1 while they are
 usurping the whole power of the        
government1 talk of reviving ancient    
institutions4 ,is it not known that1    
though the representatives received     
wages from their constituents1 to be a  
member of their house was always        
considered as a burden1 and a freedom   
from it as a privilege8 ,will they      
persuade us that power1 which of all    
human acquisitions is the most coveted1 
and in comparison of which even         
reputation and pleasure and riches are  
slighted1 could ever be regarded as a   
burden by any man8  ,the property       
acquired of late by the commons1 it is  
said1 entitles them to more power than  
their ancestors enjoyed4 ,but to what is
 this increase of their property owing1 
but to an increase of their liberty and 
their security8 ,let them therefore     
acknowledge that their ancestors1 while 
the crown was restrained by the         

seditious barons1 really enjoyed less   
liberty than they themselves have       
attained1 after the sovereign acquired  
the ascendant1 and let them enjoy that  
liberty with moderation1 and not forfeit
 it by new exorbitant claims1 and by    
rendering it a pretence for endless     
innovations4  ,the true rule of         
government is the present established   
practice of the age4 ,that has most     
authority1 because it is recent4 ,it is 
also better known for the same reason4  
,who has assured those tribunes that the
 ,plantagenets did not exercise as high 
acts of authority as the ,tudors8 ,the  
historians1 they say1 do not mention    
them2 but the historians are also silent
 with regard to the chief exertions of  
prerogative by the ,tudors4 ,where any  
power or prerogative is fully and       
undoubtedly established1 the exercise of
 it passes for a thing of course1 and   
readily escapes the notice of history   
and annals4 ,had we no other monuments  
of ,elizabeth's reign than what are     

preserved even by ,camden1 the most     
copious1 judicious1 and exact of our    
historians1 we should be entirely       
ignorant of the most important maxims of
 her government4  ,was not the present  
monarchical government to its full      
extent authorized by lawyers1           
recommended by divines1 acknowledged by 
politicians1 acquiesced in--nay1        
passionately cherished--by the people in
 general2 and all this during a period  
of at least a hundred and sixty years1  
and till of late1 without the least     
murmur or controversy8 ,this general    
consent surely1 during so long a time1  
must be sufficient to render a          
constitution legal and valid4 ,if the   
origin of all power be derived1 as is   
pretended1 from the people1 here is     
their consent in the fullest and most   
ample terms that can be desired or      
imagined4  ,but the people must not     
pretend1 because they can1 by their     
consent1 lay the foundations of         
government1 that therefore they are to  

be permitted1 at their pleasure1 to     
overthrow and subvert them4 ,there is no
 end of these seditious and arrogant    
claims4 ,the power of the crown is now  
openly struck at2 the nobility are also 
in visible peril2 the gentry will soon  
follow2 the popular leaders1 who will   
then assume the name of gentry1 will    
next be exposed to danger2 and the      
people themselves1 having become        
incapable of civil government1 and lying
 under the restraint of no authority1   
must1 for the sake of peace1 admit1     
instead of their legal and mild         
monarchs1 a succession of military and  
despotic tyrants4  ,these consequences  
are the more to be dreaded1 as the      
present fury of the people1 though      
glossed over by pretensions to civil    
liberty1 is in reality incited by the   
fanaticism of religion1 a principle the 
most blind1 headstrong1 and ungovernable
 by which human nature can ever possibly
 be actuated4 ,popular rage is dreadful1
 from whatever motive derived1 but must 

be attended with the most pernicious    
consequences when it arises from a      
principle which disclaims all control by
 human law1 reason1 or authority4       
,these are the arguments which each     
party may make use of to justify the    
conduct of their predecessors during    
that great crisis4 ,the event has shown 
that the reasonings of the popular party
 were better founded2 but perhaps1      
according to the established maxims of  
lawyers and politicians1 the views of   
the royalists ought beforehand to have  
appeared more solid1 more safe1 and more
 legal4 ,but this is certain1 that the  
greater moderation we now employ in     
representing past events1 the nearer we 
shall be to produce a full coalition of 
the parties and an entire acquiescence  
in our present happy establishment4     
,moderation is of advantage to every    
establishment2 nothing but zeal can     
overturn a settled power1 and an        
over-active zeal in friends is apt to   
beget a like spirit in antagonists4 ,the

 transition from a moderate opposition  
against an establishment to an entire   
acquiescence in it is easy and          
insensible4  ,there are many invincible 
arguments which should induce the       
malcontent party to acquiesce entirely  
in the present settlement of the        
constitution4 ,they now find that the   
spirit of civil liberty1 though at first
 connected with religious fanaticism1   
could purge itself from that pollution1 
and appear under a more genuine and     
engaging aspect--a friend to toleration1
 and an encourager of all the enlarged  
and generous sentiments that do honour  
to human nature4 ,they may observe that 
the popular claims could stop at a      
proper period1 and after retrenching the
 exorbitant prerogatives of the crown1  
could still maintain a due respect to   
monarchy1 to nobility1 and to all       
ancient institutions4 ,above all1 they  
must be sensible that the very principle
 which made the strength of their party1
 and from which it derived its chief    

authority1 has now deserted them and    
gone over to their antagonists4 ,the    
plan of liberty is settled1 its happy   
effects are proved by experience1 a long
 tract of time has given it stability1  
and whoever would attempt to overturn   
it1 and to recall the past government or
 abdicated family1 would1 besides other 
more criminal imputations1 be exposed in
 their turn to the reproach of faction  
and innovation4 ,while they peruse the  
history of past events1 they ought to   
reflect1 both that the rights of the    
crown are long since annihilated1 and   
that the tyranny and violence and       
oppression to which they often gave rise
 are ills from which the established    
liberty of the constitution has now at  
last happily protected the people4      
,these reflections will prove a better  
security to our freedom and privileges  
than to deny1 contrary to the clearest  
evidence of facts1 that such regal      
powers ever had any existence4 ,there is
 not a more effectual method of         

betraying a cause than to lay the       
strength of the argument on a wrong     
place1 and by disputing an untenable    
post inure the adversaries to success   
and victory4   ,,note1 ,,of ,,the       
,,coalition ,,of ,,parties4  #aji ,the  
author believes that he was the first   
writer who advanced that the family of  
,tudor possessed in general more        
authority than their immediate          
predecessors--an opinion which1 he      
hopes1 will be supported by history1 but
 which he proposes with some diffidence4
 ,there are strong symptoms of arbitrary
 power in some former reigns1 even after
 signing of the charters4 ,the power of 
the crown in that age depended less on  
the constitution than on the capacity   
and vigour of the prince who wore it4   
,,of ,,the ,,protestant ,,succession4   
,i suppose that a member of ,parliament 
in the reign of ,king ,william or ,queen
 ,anne1 while the establishment of the  
,protestant ,succession was yet         
uncertain1 were deliberating concerning 

the party he would choose in that       
important question1 and weighing with   
impartiality the advantages and         
disadvantages on each side4 ,i believe  
the following particulars would have    
entered into his consideration4  ,he    
would easily perceive the great         
advantages resulting from the           
restoration of the ,stuart family1 by   
which we should preserve the succession 
clear and undisputed1 free from a       
pretender1 with such a specious title as
 that of blood1 which with the multitude
 is always the claim the strongest and  
most easily comprehended4 ,it is in vain
 to say1 as many have done1 that the    
question with regard to governors1      
independent of government1 is frivolous 
and little worth disputing1 much less   
fighting about4 ,the generality of      
mankind never will enter into these     
sentiments2 and it is much happier1 ,i  
believe1 for society that they do not1  
but rather continue in their natural    
prejudices and prepossessions4 ,how     

could stability be preserved in any     
monarchical government 7which1 though   
perhaps not the best1 is1 and always has
 been1 the most common of any7 unless   
men had so passionate a regard for the  
true heir of their royal family1 and    
even though he be weak in understanding1
 or infirm in years1 gave him so great a
 preference above persons the most      
accomplished in shining talents or      
celebrated for great achievements8      
,would not every popular leader put in  
his claim at every vacancy1 or even     
without any vacancy1 and the kingdom    
become the theatre of perpetual wars and
 convulsions8 ,the condition of the     
,roman ,empire surely was not in this   
respect much to be envied1 nor is that  
of the ,eastern nations1 who pay little 
regard to the title of their sovereigns1
 but sacrifice them every day to the    
caprice or momentary humour of the      
populace or soldiery4 ,it is but a      
foolish wisdom which is so carefully    
displayed in under-valuing princes and  

placing them on a level with the meanest
 of mankind4 ,to be sure1 an anatomist  
finds no more in the greatest monarch   
than in the lowest peasant or           
day-labourer1 and a moralist may perhaps
 frequently find less4 ,but what do all 
these reflections tend to8 ,we all of us
 still retain these prejudices in favour
 of birth and family1 and neither in our
 serious occupations nor most careless  
amusements can we ever get entirely rid 
of them4 ,a tragedy that should         
represent the adventures of sailors or  
porters1 or even of private gentlemen1  
would presently disgust us2 but one that
 introduces kings and princes acquires  
in our eyes an air of importance and    
dignity4 ,or should a man be able1 by   
his superior wisdom1 to get entirely    
above such prepossessions1 he would     
soon1 by means of the same wisdom1 again
 bring himself down to them for the sake
 of society1 whose welfare he would     
perceive to be intimately connected with
 them4 ,far from endeavouring to        

undeceive the people in this particular1
 he would cherish such sentiments of    
reverence to their princes as requisite 
to preserve a due subordination in      
society4 ,and though the lives of twenty
 thousand men be often sacrificed to    
maintain a king in possession of his    
throne1 or preserve the right of        
succession undisturbed1 he entertains no
 indignation at the loss on pretence    
that every individual was perhaps in    
himself as valuable as the prince he    
served4 ,he considers the consequences  
of violating the hereditary right of    
kings--consequences which may be felt   
for many centuries2 while the loss of   
several thousand men brings so little   
prejudice to a large kingdom that it may
 not be perceived a few years           
afterwards4  ,the advantages of the     
,hanover succession are of an opposite  
nature1 and arise from this very        
circumstance1 that it violates          
hereditary right1 and places on the     
throne a prince to whom birth gave no   

title to that dignity4 ,it is evident to
 any one who considers the history of   
this island that the privileges of the  
people have during the last two         
centuries been continually upon the     
increase1 by the division of the        
church-lands1 by the alienations of the 
barons' estates1 by the progress of     
trade1 and above all by the happiness of
 our situation1 which for a long time   
gave us sufficient security without any 
standing army or military establishment4
 ,on the contrary1 public liberty has1  
almost in every other nation of ,europe1
 been during the same period extremely  
upon the decline1 while the people were 
disgusted at the hardships of the old   
feudal militia1 and chose rather to     
entrust their prince with mercenary     
armies1 which he easily turned against  
themselves4 ,it was nothing             
extraordinary1 therefore1 that some of  
our ,british sovereigns mistook the     
nature of the constitution and genius of
 the people2 and as they embraced all   

the favourable precedents left them by  
their ancestors1 they overlooked all    
those which were contrary1 and which    
supposed a limitation in our government4
 ,they were encouraged in this mistake  
by the example of all the neighbouring  
princes1 who1 bearing the same title or 
appellation1 and being adorned with the 
same ensigns of authority1 naturally led
 them to claim the same powers and      
prerogatives4#aaj ,the flattery of      
courtiers further blinded them1 and     
above all that of the clergy1 who from  
several passages of ,scripture1 and     
these wrested too1 had erected a regular
 and avowed system of tyranny and       
despotic power4 ,the only method of     
destroying at once all these exorbitant 
claims and pretensions was to depart    
from the true hereditary line1 and      
choose a prince who1 being plainly a    
creature of the public1 and receiving   
the crown on conditions1 expressed and  
avowed1 found his authority established 
on the same bottom with the privileges  

of the people4 ,by electing him in the  
royal line we cut off all hopes of      
ambitious subjects who might in future  
emergencies disturb the government by   
their cabals and pretensions2 by        
rendering the crown hereditary in his   
family we avoided all the inconveniences
 of elective monarchy2 and by excluding 
the lineal heir we secured all our      
constitutional limitations1 and rendered
 our government uniform and of a piece4 
,the people cherish monarchy because    
protected by it1 the monarch favours    
liberty because created by it4 ,and thus
 every advantage is obtained by the new 
establishment1 as far as human skill and
 wisdom can extend itself4  ,these are  
the separate advantages of fixing the   
succession1 either in the house of      
,stuart or in that of ,hanover4 ,there  
are also disadvantages on each          
establishment1 which an impartial       
patriot would ponder and examine1 in    
order to form a just judgment upon the  
whole4  ,the disadvantages of the       

,protestant ,succession consist in the  
foreign dominions which are possessed by
 the princes of the ,hanover line1 and  
which it might be supposed would engage 
us in the intrigues and wars of the     
,continent1 and lose us in some measure 
the inestimable advantage we possess of 
being surrounded and guarded by the sea 
which we command4 ,the disadvantages of 
recalling the abdicated family consist  
chiefly in their religion1 which is more
 prejudicial to society than that       
established among us is contrary to it1 
and affords no toleration1 or peace1 or 
security to any other religion4  ,it    
appears to me that all these advantages 
and disadvantages are allowed on both   
sides2 at least1 by every one who is at 
all susceptible of argument or          
reasoning4 ,no subject1 however loyal1  
pretends to deny that the disputed title
 and foreign dominions of the present   
royal family are a loss2 nor is there   
any partisan of the ,stuart family but  
will confess that the claim of          

hereditary1 indefeasible right1 and the 
,roman ,catholic religion1 are also     
disadvantages in that family4 ,it       
belongs1 therefore1 to a philosopher    
alone1 who is of neither party1 to put  
all these circumstances in the scale and
 to assign to each of them its proper   
poise and influence4 ,such a one will   
readily1 at first1 acknowledge that all 
political questions are infinitely      
complicated1 and that there scarce ever 
occurs in any deliberation a choice     
which is either purely good or purely   
ill4 ,consequences1 mixed and varied1   
may be foreseen to flow from every      
measure--and many consequences          
unforeseen do always1 in fact1 result   
from it4 ,hesitation1 and reserve1 and  
suspense are therefore the only         
sentiment he brings to this essay or    
trial2 or if he indulges any passion it 
is that of derision and ridicule against
 the ignorant multitude1 who are always 
clamorous and dogmatical even in the    
nicest questions1 of which1 from want of

 temper1 perhaps still more than of     
understanding1 they are altogether unfit
 judges4  ,but to say something more    
determinate on this head1 the following 
reflections will1 ,i hope1 show the     
temper1 if not the understanding of a   
philosopher4  ,were we to judge merely  
by first appearances and by past        
experience1 we must allow that the      
advantages of a parliamentary title of  
the house of ,hanover are much greater  
than those of an undisputed hereditary  
title in the house of ,stuart1 and that 
our fathers acted wisely in preferring  
the former to the latter4 ,so long as   
the house of ,stuart reigned in         
,britain1 which1 with some interruption1
 was above eighty years1 the government 
was kept in a continual fever by the    
contentions between the privileges of   
the people and the prerogatives of the  
crown4 ,if arms were dropped1 the noise 
of disputes continued2 or1 if these were
 silenced1 jealousy still corroded the  
heart1 and threw the nation into an     

unnatural ferment and disorder4 ,and    
while we were thus occupied in domestic 
contentions1 a foreign power1 dangerous1
 if not fatal1 to public liberty1       
erected itself in ,europe without any   
opposition from us1 and even sometimes  
with our assistance4  ,but during these 
last sixty years1 when a parliamentary  
establishment has taken place1 whatever 
factions may have prevailed either among
 the people or in public assemblies1 the
 whole force of our constitution has    
always fallen to one side1 and an       
uninterrupted harmony has been preserved
 between our princes and our            
parliaments4 ,public liberty1 with      
internal peace and order1 has flourished
 almost without interruption2 trade and 
manufactures and agriculture have       
increased2 the arts and sciences and    
philosophy have been cultivated4 ,even  
religious parties have been necessitated
 to lay aside their mutual rancour1 and 
the glory of the nation has spread      
itself all over ,europe2 while we stand 

the bulwark against oppression1 and the 
great antagonist of that power which    
threatens every people with conquest and
 subjection4 ,so long and so glorious a 
period no nation almost can boast of2   
nor is there another instance in the    
whole history of mankind that so many   
millions of people have during such a   
space of time been held together in a   
manner so free1 so rational1 and so     
suitable to the dignity of human nature4
  ,but though this recent instance seems
 clearly to decide in favour of the     
present establishment1 there are some   
circumstances to be thrown into the     
other scale1 and it is dangerous to     
regulate our judgment by one event or   
example4  ,we have had two rebellions   
during the flourishing period above     
mentioned1 besides plots and            
conspiracies without number2 and1 if    
none of these have produced any very    
fatal event1 we may ascribe our escape  
chiefly to the narrow genius of those   
princes who disputed our establishment1 

and may esteem ourselves so far         
fortunate4 ,but the claims of the       
banished family1 ,i fear1 are not yet   
antiquated1 and who can foretell that   
their future attempts will produce no   
greater disorder8  ,the disputes between
 privilege and prerogative may easily be
 composed by laws1 and votes1 and       
conferences1 and concessions1 where     
there is tolerable temper or prudence on
 both sides1 or on either side4 ,among  
contending titles the question can only 
be determined by the sword1 and by      
devastation1 and by civil war4  ,a      
prince who fills the throne with a      
disputed title dares not arm his        
subjects1 the only method of securing a 
people fully1 both against domestic     
oppression and foreign conquest4        
,notwithstanding all our riches and     
renown1 what a critical escape did we   
lately make from dangers1 which were    
owing1 not so much to bad conduct and   
ill success in war1 as to the pernicious
 practice of mortgaging our finances1   

and the still more pernicious maxim of  
never paying off our encumbrances8 ,such
 fatal measures could never have been   
embraced had it not been to secure a    
precarious establishment4#aaa  ,but to  
convince us that an hereditary title is 
to be embraced rather than a            
parliamentary one1 which is not         
supported by any other views or motives1
 a man needs only transport himself back
 to the era of the ,restoration1 and    
suppose that he had had a seat in that  
,parliament which recalled the royal    
family1 and put a period to the greatest
 disorders that ever arose from the     
opposite pretensions of prince and      
people4 ,what would have been thought of
 one that had proposed at that time to  
set aside ,charles ,,ii4 and settle the 
crown on the ,duke of ,york or          
,gloucester1 merely in order to exclude 
all high claims like those of their     
father and grandfather8 ,would not such 
a one have been regarded as a very      
extravagant projector1 who loved        

dangerous remedies1 and could tamper and
 play with a government and national    
constitution like a quack with a sickly 
patient8  ,the advantages which result  
from a parliamentary title1 preferably  
to an hereditary one1 though they are   
great1 are too refined ever to enter    
into the conception of the vulgar4 ,the 
bulk of mankind would never allow them  
to be sufficient for committing what    
would be regarded as an injustice to the
 prince4 ,they must be supported by some
 gross1 popular1 and familiar topics2   
and wise men1 though convinced of their 
force1 would reject them in compliance  
with the weakness and prejudices of the 
people4 ,an encroaching tyrant or       
deluded bigot alone1 by his misconduct1 
is able to enrage the nation and render 
practicable what was always perhaps     
desirable4  ,in reality1 the reason     
assigned by the nation for excluding the
 race of ,stuart1 and so many other     
branches of the royal family1 is not on 
account of their hereditary title       

7which1 however just in itself1 would1  
to vulgar apprehensions1 have appeared  
altogether absurd71 but on account of   
their religion1 which leads us to       
compare the disadvantages above         
mentioned of each establishment4  ,i    
confess that1 considering the matter in 
general1 it were much to be wished that 
our prince had no foreign dominions1 and
 could confine all his attention to the 
government of this island4 ,for1 not to 
mention some real inconveniences that   
may result from territories on the      
,continent1 they afford such a handle   
for calumny and defamation as is        
greedily seized by the people1 who are  
always disposed to think ill of their   
superiors4 ,it must1 however1 be        
acknowledged that ,hanover is perhaps   
the spot of ground in ,europe the least 
inconvenient for a ,king of ,britain4   
,it lies in the heart of ,germany1 at a 
distance from the ,great ,powers which  
are our natural rivals2 it is protected 
by the laws of the ,empire as well as by

 the arms of its own sovereign1 and it  
serves only to connect us more closely  
with the house of ,austria1 which is our
 natural ally4  ,in the last war it has 
been of service to us1 by furnishing us 
with a considerable body of auxiliary   
troops1 the bravest and most faithful in
 the world4 ,the ,elector of ,hanover is
 the only considerable prince in the    
,empire who has pursued no separate end1
 and has raised up no stale pretensions 
during the late commotions of ,europe1  
but has acted all along with the dignity
 of a ,king of ,britain4 ,and ever since
 the accession of that family it would  
be difficult to show any harm we have   
ever received from the electoral        
dominions1 except that short disgust in 
#agah1 with ,charles ,,xii41 who1       
regulating himself by maxims very       
different from those of other princes1  
made a personal quarrel of every public 
injury4#aab  ,the religious persuasion  
of the house of ,stuart is an           
inconvenience of a much deeper dye1 and 

would threaten us with much more dismal 
consequences4 ,the ,roman ,catholic     
religion1 with its huge train of priests
 and friars1 is vastly more expensive   
than ours4 ,even though unaccompanied   
with its natural attendants of          
inquisitors1 and stakes1 and gibbets1 it
 is less tolerating2 and not contented  
with dividing the sacerdotal from the   
regal office 7which must be prejudicial 
to any state71 it bestows the former on 
a foreigner1 who has always a separate1 
and may often have an opposite interest 
to that of the public4  ,but were this  
religion ever so advantageous to        
society1 it is contrary to that which is
 established among us1 and which is     
likely to keep possession for a long    
time of the minds of the people2 and    
though it is much to be hoped that the  
progress of reason and philosophy will1 
by degrees1 abate the virulent acrimony 
of opposite religions all over ,europe1 
yet the spirit of moderation has as yet 
made too slow advances to be entirely   

trusted4 ,the conduct of the ,saxon     
family1 where the same person can be a  
,catholic ,king and ,protestant         
,elector1 is perhaps the first instance 
in modern times of so reasonable and    
prudent a behaviour4 ,and the gradual   
progress of the ,catholic superstition  
does1 even there1 prognosticate a speedy
 alteration2 after which it is justly to
 be apprehended that the persecutions   
will put a speedy period to the         
,protestant religion in the place of its
 nativity4  ,thus1 upon the whole1 the  
advantages of the settlement in the     
family of ,stuart1 which frees us from a
 disputed title1 seem to bear some      
proportion with those of the settlement 
in the family of ,hanover1 which frees  
us from the claims of prerogative2 but  
at the same time its disadvantages1 by  
placing on the throne a ,roman          
,catholic1 are much greater than those  
of the other establishment1 in settling 
the crown on a foreign prince4 ,what    
party an impartial patriot1 in the reign

 of ,king ,william or ,queen ,anne1     
would have chosen amidst these opposite 
views may perhaps to some appear hard to
 determine4 ,for my part1 ,i esteem     
liberty so invaluable a blessing in     
society1 that whatever favours its      
progress and security can scarce be too 
fondly cherished by every one who is a  
lover of humankind4  ,but the settlement
 in the house of ,hanover has actually  
taken place4 ,the princes of that       
family1 without intrigue1 without cabal1
 without solicitation on their part1    
have been called to mount our throne by 
the united voice of the whole           
legislative body4 ,they have1 since     
their accession1 displayed in all their 
actions the utmost mildness1 equity1 and
 regard to the laws and constitution4   
,our own ministers1 our own parliaments1
 ourselves have governed us1 and if     
aught ill has befallen us we can only   
blame fortune or ourselves4 ,what a     
reproach must we become among nations   
if1 disgusted with a settlement so      

deliberately made1 and whose conditions 
have been so religiously observed1 we   
should throw everything again into      
confusion1 and by our levity and        
rebellious disposition prove ourselves  
totally unfit for any state but that of 
absolute slavery and subjection8  ,the  
greatest inconvenience attending a      
disputed title is that it brings us in  
danger of civil wars and rebellions4    
,what wise man1 to avoid this           
inconvenience1 would run directly upon a
 civil war and rebellion8 ,not to       
mention that so long possession1 secured
 by so many laws1 must ere this time1 in
 the apprehension of a great part of the
 nation1 have begot a title in the house
 of ,hanover independent of their       
present possession1 so that now we      
should not1 even by a revolution1 obtain
 the end of avoiding a disputed title4  
,no revolution made by national forces  
will ever be able1 without some other   
great necessity1 to abolish our debts   
and encumbrances1 in which the interest 

of so many persons is concerned4 ,and a 
revolution made by foreign forces is a  
conquest--a calamity with which the     
precarious balance of power threatens   
us1 and which our civil dissensions are 
likely1 above all other circumstances1  
to bring upon us4   ,,notes1 ,,of ,,the 
,,protestant ,,succession4  #aaj ,it    
appears from the speeches and           
proclamations and whole train of ,king  
,james ,i4's actions1 as well as his    
son's1 that they considered the ,english
 government as a simple monarchy1 and   
never imagined that any considerable    
part of their subjects entertained a    
contrary idea4 ,this made them discover 
their pretensions without preparing any 
force to support them1 and even without 
reserve or disguise1 which are always   
employed by those who enter upon any new
 project1 or endeavour to innovate in   
any government4 ,king ,james told his   
,parliament plainly1 when they meddled  
in ,state affairs1 8,ne sutor ultra     
crepidam40 ,he used also at his table1  

in promiscuous companies1 to advance his
 notions in a manner still more         
undignified1 as we may learn from a     
story told in the life of ,mr4 ,waller1 
and which that poet used frequently to  
repeat4 ,when ,mr4 ,waller was young1 he
 had the curiosity to go to court2 and  
he stood in the circle and saw ,king    
,james dine where1 amongst other        
company1 there sat at table two bishops4
 ,the ,king1 openly and aloud1 proposed 
this question3 8,whether he might not   
take his subjects' money1 when he had   
occasion for it1 without all this       
formality of ,parliament80 ,the one     
bishop readily replied1 8,god forbid you
 should not1 for you are the breath of  
our nostrils40 ,the other bishop        
declined answering1 and said he was not 
skilled in ,parliamentary cases2 but    
upon the ,king's urging him1 and saying 
he would admit of no evasion1 his       
lordship replied very pleasantly1 8,why1
 then1 ,i think your ,majesty may       
lawfully take my brother's money1 for he

 offers it40 ,in ,sir ,walter ,raleigh's
 preface to the ,history of the ,world  
there is this remarkable passage3       
8,philip ,,ii41 by strong hand and main 
force1 attempted to make himself not    
only an absolute monarch over the       
,netherlands1 like unto the kings and   
sovereigns of ,england and ,france1 but1
 ,turk-like1 to tread under his feet all
 their natural and fundamental laws1    
privileges and ancient rights40         
,spenser1 speaking of some grants of the
 ,english kings to the ,irish           
corporations1 says3 8,all which1 though 
at the time of their first grant they   
were tolerable1 and perhaps reasonable1 
yet now are most unreasonable and       
inconvenient4 ,but all these will easily
 be cut off with the superior power of  
her ,majesty's prerogative1 against     
which her own grants are not to be      
pleaded or enforced40 7,state of        
,ireland1 p4 #aecg1 edit4 #agjf47  ,as  
these were very common1 if not perhaps  
the universal notions of the times1 the 

two first princes of the house of       
,stuart were the more excusable for     
their mistake4 ,and ,rapin1 suitable to 
his usual malignity and partiality1     
seems to treat them with too much       
severity upon account of it4   #aaa     
,those who consider how universal this  
pernicious practice of funding has      
become all over ,europe may perhaps     
dispute this last opinion1 but we lay   
under less necessity than other ,states4
   #aab ,this was published in the year 
#ageb4     ,,idea ,,of ,a ,,perfect     
,,commonwealth4   ,of all mankind there 
are none so pernicious as political     
projectors1 if they have power1 nor so  
ridiculous if they want it2 as1 on the  
other hand1 a wise politician is the    
most beneficial character in nature if  
accompanied with authority2 and the most
 innocent1 and not altogether useless1  
even if deprived of it4 ,it is not with 
forms of government as with other       
artificial contrivances1 where an old   
engine may be rejected1 if we can       

discover another more accurate and      
commodious1 or where trials may safely  
be made1 even though the success be     
doubtful4 ,an established government has
 an infinite advantage1 by that very    
circumstance of its being established2  
the bulk of mankind being governed by   
authority1 not reason1 and never        
attributing authority to anything that  
has not the recommendation of antiquity4
 ,to tamper1 therefore1 in this affair1 
or try projects merely upon the credit  
of supposed argument and philosophy1 can
 never be the part of a wise magistrate1
 who will bear a reverence to what      
carries the marks of age2 and though he 
may attempt some improvements for the   
public good1 yet will he adjust his     
innovations as much as possible to the  
ancient fabric1 and preserve entire the 
chief pillars and supports of the       
constitution4  ,the mathematicians in   
,europe have been much divided          
concerning that figure of a ship which  
is the most commodious for sailing2 and 

,huygens1 who at last determined this   
controversy1 is justly thought to have  
obliged the learned1 as well as         
commercial world2 though ,columbus had  
sailed to ,america1 and ,sir ,francis   
,drake made the tour of the world1      
without any such discovery4 ,as one form
 of government must be allowed more     
perfect than another1 independent of the
 manners and humours of particular men1 
why may we not inquire what is the most 
perfect of all1 though the common       
botched and inaccurate governments seem 
to serve the purposes of society1 and   
though it be not so easy to establish a 
new government as to build a vessel upon
 a new plan8 ,the subject is surely the 
most worthy curiosity of any the wit of 
man can possibly devise4 ,and who knows1
 if this controversy were fixed by the  
universal consent of the learned1 but in
 some future age an opportunity might be
 afforded of reducing the theory to     
practice1 either by a dissolution of the
 old governments1 or the combination of 

men to form a new one in some distant   
part of the world8 ,in all cases it must
 be advantageous to know what is most   
perfect in the kind1 that we may be able
 to bring any real constitution or form 
of government as near it as possible1 by
 such gentle alterations and innovations
 as may not give too great disturbance  
to society4  ,all ,i pretend to in the  
present essay is to revive this subject 
of speculation1 and therefore ,i shall  
deliver my sentiments in as few words as
 possible4 ,a long dissertation on that 
head would not1 ,i apprehend1 be very   
acceptable to the public1 who will be   
apt to regard such disquisitions both as
 useless and chimerical4  ,all plans of 
government which suppose great          
reformation in the manners of mankind   
are plainly imaginary4 ,of this nature  
are the ,republic of ,plato and the     
,utopia of ,sir ,thomas ,more4 ,the     
,oceana is the only valuable model of a 
commonwealth that has as yet been       
offered to the public4  ,the chief      

defects of the ,oceana seem to be       
these--,first1 its rotation is          
inconvenient1 by throwing men1 of       
whatever ability1 by intervals1 out of  
public employments4 ,secondly1 its      
,agrarian is impracticable4 ,men will   
soon learn the art1 which was practised 
in ancient ,rome1 of concealing their   
possessions under other people's names1 
till at last the abuse will become so   
common1 that they will throw off even   
the appearance of restraint4 ,thirdly1  
the ,oceana provides not a sufficient   
security for liberty1 or the redress of 
grievances4 ,the senate must propose1   
and the people consent2 by which means  
the senate have not only a negative upon
 the people1 but1 what is of infinitely 
greater consequence1 their negative goes
 before the votes of the people4 ,were  
the king's negative of the same nature  
in the ,english constitution1 and could 
he prevent any bill from coming into    
,parliament1 he would be an absolute    
monarch4 ,as his negative follows the   

votes of the ,houses1 it is of little   
consequence2 such a difference is there 
in the manner of placing the same thing4
 ,when a popular bill has been debated  
in the two ,houses1 is brought to       
maturity1 all its conveniences and      
inconveniences weighed and balanced1 if 
afterwards it be presented for the      
,royal assent1 few princes will venture 
to reject the unanimous desire of the   
people4 ,but could the king crush a     
disagreeable bill in embryo 7as was the 
case1 for some time1 in the ,scots      
,parliament1 by means of the ,lords of  
the ,articles7 the ,british ,government 
would have no balance1 nor would        
grievances ever be redressed4 ,and it is
 certain that exorbitant power proceeds 
not1 in any government1 from new laws so
 much as from neglecting to remedy the  
abuses which frequently rise from the   
old ones4 ,a government1 says           
,machiavel1 must often be brought back  
to its original principles4 ,it appears 
then1 that in the ,oceana the whole     

legislature may be said to rest in the  
senate2 which ,harrington would own to  
be an inconvenient form of government1  
especially after the ,agrarian is       
abolished4  ,here is a form of          
government to which ,i cannot1 in       
theory1 discover any considerable       
objection1  ,let ,great ,britain and    
,ireland1 or any territory of equal     
extent1 be divided into a hundred       
counties1 and each county into a hundred
 parishes1 making in all ten thousand4  
,if the country purposed to be erected  
into a commonwealth be of more narrow   
extent1 we may diminish the number of   
counties2 but never bring them below    
thirty4 ,if it be of greater extent1 it 
were better to enlarge the parishes1 or 
throw more parishes into a county1 than 
increase the number of counties4  ,let  
all the freeholders of ten pounds a year
 in the country1 and all the            
householders worth two hundred pounds in
 the town parishes1 meet annually in the
 parish church1 and choose1 by ballot1  

some freeholder of the county for their 
member1 whom we shall call the county   
representative4  ,let the hundred county
 representatives1 two days after their  
election1 meet in the county-town1 and  
choose by ballot1 from their own body1  
ten county magistrates and one senator4 
,there are1 therefore1 in the whole     
commonwealth1 one hundred senators1     
eleven hundred county magistrates1 and  
ten thousand county representatives2 for
 we shall bestow on all senators the    
authority of county magistrates1 and on 
all county magistrates the authority of 
county representatives4  ,let the       
senators meet in the capital1 and be    
endowed with the whole executive power  
of the commonwealth2 the power of peace 
and war1 of giving orders to generals1  
admirals1 and ambassadors1 and1 in      
short1 all the prerogatives of a        
,british king1 except his negative4     
,let the county representatives meet in 
their particular counties1 and possess  
the whole legislative power of the      

commonwealth2 the greatest number of    
counties deciding the question2 and     
where these are equal1 let the senate   
have the casting vote4  ,every new law  
must first be debated in the senate2 and
 though rejected by it1 if ten senators 
insist and protest1 it must be sent down
 to the counties4 ,the senate may join  
to the copy of the law their reasons for
 receiving or rejecting it4  ,because it
 would be troublesome to assemble all   
the county representatives for every    
trivial law that may be requisite1 the  
senate have their choice of sending down
 the law either to the county           
magistrates or county representatives4  
,the magistrates1 though the law be     
referred to them1 may1 if they please1  
call the representatives1 and submit the
 affair to their determination4         
,whether the law be referred by the     
senate to the county magistrates or     
representatives1 a copy of it1 and of   
the senate's reasons1 must be sent to   
every representative eight days before  

the day appointed for the assembling1 in
 order to deliberate concerning it4 ,and
 though the determination be1 by the    
senate1 referred to the magistrates1 if 
five representatives of the county order
 the magistrates to assemble the whole  
court of representatives1 and submit the
 affair to their determination1 they    
must obey4  ,either the county          
magistrates or representatives may give 
to the senator of the county the copy of
 a law to be proposed to the senate2 and
 if five counties concur in the same    
order1 the law1 though refused by the   
senate1 must come either to the county  
magistrates or representatives1 as is   
contained in the order of the five      
counties4  ,any twenty counties1 by a   
vote either of their magistrates or     
representatives1 may throw any man out  
of all public offices for a year4       
,thirty counties for three years4  ,the 
senate has a power of throwing out any  
member or number of members of its own  
body1 not to be re-elected for that     

year4 ,the senate cannot throw out twice
 in a year the senator of the same      
county4  ,the power of the old senate   
continues for three weeks after the     
annual election of the county           
representatives4 ,then all the new      
senators are shut up in a conclave1 like
 the cardinals1 and by an intricate     
ballot1 such as that of ,venice or      
,malta1 they choose the following       
magistrates3--,a protector1 who         
represents the dignity of the           
commonwealth and presides in the senate1
 two secretaries of state1 these six    
councils3 a council of state1 a council 
of religion and learning1 a council of  
trade1 a council of laws1 a council of  
war1 a council of the admiralty1 each   
council consisting of five persons2     
together with six commissioners of the  
treasury and a first commissioner4 ,all 
these must be senators4 ,the senate also
 names all the ambassadors to foreign   
courts1 who may either be senators or   
not4  ,the senate may continue any or   

all of these1 but must re-elect them    
every year4  ,the protector and two     
secretaries have session and suffrage in
 the council of state4 ,the business of 
that council is all foreign politics4   
,the council of state has session and   
suffrage in all the other councils4     
,the council of religion and learning   
inspects the universities and clergy4   
,that of trade inspects everything that 
may affect commerce4 ,that of laws      
inspects all the abuses of laws by the  
inferior magistrates1 and examines what 
improvements may be made of the         
municipal law4 ,that of war inspects the
 militia and its discipline1 magazines1 
stores1 etc41 and when the republic is  
in war1 examines into the proper orders 
for generals4 ,the council of admiralty 
has the same power with regard to the   
navy1 together with the nomination of   
the captains and all inferior officers4 
,none of these councils can give orders 
themselves1 except where they receive   
such powers from the senate4 ,in other  

cases1 they must communicate everything 
to the senate4  ,when the senate is     
under adjournment1 any of the councils  
may assemble it before the day appointed
 for its meeting4  ,besides these       
councils or courts1 there is another    
called the court of competitors1 which  
is thus constituted3--,if any candidates
 for the office of senator have more    
votes than a third of the               
representatives1 that candidate who has 
most votes next to the senator elected1 
becomes incapable for one year of all   
public offices1 even of being a         
magistrate or representative2 but he    
takes his seat in the court of          
competitors4 ,here then is a court which
 may sometimes consist of a hundred     
members1 sometimes have no members at   
all1 and by that means be for a year    
abolished4  ,the court of competitors   
has no power in the commonwealth4 ,it   
has only the inspection of the public   
accounts and the accusing any man before
 the senate4 ,if the senate acquit him1 

the court of competitors may1 if they   
please1 appeal to the people1 either    
magistrates or representatives4 ,upon   
that appeal the magistrates or          
representatives meet at the day         
appointed by the court of competitors1  
and choose in each county three persons1
 from which number every senator is     
excluded4 ,these to the number of three 
hundred meet in the capital1 and bring  
the person accused to a new trial4  ,the
 court of competitors may propose any   
law to the senate1 and if refused1 may  
appeal to the people--that is to the    
magistrates or representatives1 who     
examine it in their counties4 ,every    
senator who is thrown out of the senate 
by a vote of the court1 takes his seat  
in the court of competitors4  ,the      
senate possesses all the judicative     
authority of the ,house of ,lords--that 
is1 all the appeals from the inferior   
courts4 ,it likewise nominates the ,lord
 ,chancellor and all the officers of the
 law4  ,every county is a kind of       

republic within itself1 and the         
representatives may make county-laws1   
which have no authority until three     
months after they are voted4 ,a copy of 
the law is sent to the senate and to    
every other county4 ,the senate or any  
single county may at any time annul any 
law of another county4  ,the            
representatives have all the authority  
of the ,british justices of peace in    
trials1 commitments1 etc4  ,the         
magistrates have the nomination of all  
the officers of the revenue in each     
county4 ,all causes with regard to the  
revenue are appealed ultimately to the  
magistrates4 ,they pass the accounts of 
all the officers1 but must have all     
their own accounts examined and passed  
at the end of the year by the           
representatives4  ,the magistrates name 
rectors or ministers to all the         
parishes4  ,the ,presbyterian government
 is established1 and the highest        
ecclesiastical court is an assembly or  
synod of all the presbyters of the      

county4 ,the magistrates may take any   
cause from this court1 and determine it 
themselves4  ,the magistrates may try   
and depose or suspend any presbyter4    
,the militia is established in imitation
 of that of ,switzerland1 which1 being  
well known1 we shall not insist upon it4
 ,it will only be proper to make this   
addition1 that an army of #bj1jjj men be
 annually drawn out by rotation1 paid   
and encamped during six weeks in summer1
 that the duty of a camp may not be     
altogether unknown4  ,the magistrates   
nominate all the colonels and downwards4
 ,the senate all upwards4 ,during war1  
the general nominates the colonel and   
downwards1 and his commission is good   
for a twelvemonth2 but after that1 it   
must be confirmed by the magistrates of 
the county to which the regiment        
belongs4 ,the magistrates may break any 
officer in the county regiment1 and the 
senate may do the same to any officer in
 the service4 ,if the magistrates do not
 think proper to confirm the general's  

choice1 they may nominate another       
officer in the place of him they reject4
  ,all crimes are tried within the      
county by the magistrates and a jury2   
but the senate can stop any trial1 and  
bring it before themselves4  ,any county
 may indict any man before the senate   
for any crime4  ,the protector1 the two 
secretaries1 the council of state1 with 
any five more that the senate appoints  
on extraordinary emergencies1 are       
possessed of dictatorial power for six  
months4  ,the protector may pardon any  
person condemned by the inferior courts4
  ,in time of war1 no officer of the    
army that is in the field can have any  
civil office in the commonwealth4  ,the 
capital1 which we shall call ,london1   
may be allowed four members in the      
senate4 ,it may therefore be divided    
into four counties4 ,the representatives
 of each of these choose one senator and
 ten magistrates4 ,there are therefore  
in the city four senators1 forty-four   
magistrates1 and four hundred           

representatives4 ,the magistrates have  
the same authority as in the counties4  
,the representatives also have the same 
authority2 but they never meet in one   
general court4 ,they give their votes in
 their particular county or division of 
hundreds4  ,when they enact any         
city-law1 the greatest number of        
counties or divisions determines the    
matter2 and where these are equal1 the  
magistrates have the casting vote4  ,the
 magistrates choose the mayor1 sheriff1 
recorder1 and other officers of the     
city4  ,in the commonwealth1 no         
representative1 magistrate1 or senator1 
as such1 has any salary4 ,the protector1
 secretaries1 councils1 and ambassadors 
have salaries4  ,the first year in every
 century is set apart to correct all    
inequalities which time may have        
produced in the representative4 ,this   
must be done by the legislature4  ,the  
following political aphorisms may       
explain the reason of these orders4     
,the lower sort of people and small     

proprietors are good enough judges of   
one not very distant from them in rank  
or habitation1 and therefore1 in their  
parochial meetings1 will probably choose
 the best1 or nearly the best           
representative2 but they are wholly     
unfit for county-meetings and for       
electing into the higher offices of the 
republic4 ,their ignorance gives the    
grandees an opportunity of deceiving    
them4  ,ten thousand1 even though they  
were not annually elected1 are a large  
enough basis for any free government4   
,it is true the nobles in ,poland are   
more than #aj1jjj1 and yet these oppress
 the people2 but as power continues     
there always in the same persons and    
families1 this makes them1 in a manner1 
a different nation from the people4     
,besides1 the nobles are there united   
under a few heads of families4  ,all    
free governments must consist of two    
councils1 a less and a greater2 or1 in  
other words1 of a senate and people4    
,the people1 as ,harrington observes1   

would want wisdom without the senate2   
the senate without the people would want
 honesty4  ,a large assembly of #ajjj1  
for instance1 to represent the people1  
if allowed to debate1 would fall into   
disorder4 ,if not allowed to debate1 the
 senate has a negative upon them1 and   
the worst kind of negative--that before 
resolution4  ,here therefore is an      
inconvenience which no government has   
yet fully remedied1 but which is the    
easiest to be remedied in the world4 ,if
 the people debate1 all is confusion2 if
 they do not debate1 they can only      
resolve1 and then the senate carves for 
them4 ,divide the people into many      
separate bodies1 and then they may      
debate with safety1 and every           
inconvenience seems to be prevented4    
,cardinal de ,retz says that all        
numerous assemblies1 however composed1  
are mere mob1 and swayed in their       
debates by the least motive4 ,this we   
find confirmed by daily experience4     
,when an absurdity strikes a member1 he 

conveys it to his neighbour1 and so on  
till the whole be infected4 ,separate   
this great body1 and though every member
 be only of middling sense1 it is not   
probable that anything but reason can   
prevail over the whole4 ,influence and  
example being removed1 good sense will  
always get the better of bad among a    
number of people4 ,good sense is one    
thing2 but follies are numberless1 and  
every man has a different one4 ,the only
 way of making a people wise is to keep 
them from uniting into large assemblies4
  ,there are two things to be guarded   
against in every senate--its combination
 and its division4 ,its combination is  
most dangerous1 and against this        
inconvenience we have provided the      
following remedies3--#a4 ,the great     
dependence of the senators on the people
 by annual election1 and that not by an 
undistinguishing rabble1 like the       
,english electors1 but by men of fortune
 and education4 #b4 ,the small power    
they are allowed4 ,they have few offices

 to dispose of4 ,almost all are given by
 the magistrates in the counties4 #c4   
,the court of competitors which1 being  
composed of men that are their rivals   
next to them in interest and uneasy in  
their present situation1 will be sure to
 take all advantages against them4  ,the
 division of the senate is              
prevented--#a4 ,by the smallness of     
their number4 #b4 ,as faction supposes a
 combination to a separate interest1 it 
is prevented by their dependence on the 
people4 #c4 ,they have a power of       
expelling any factious member4 ,it is   
true when another member of the same    
spirit comes from the county1 they have 
no power of expelling him2 nor is it fit
 they should1 for that shows the humour 
to be in the people1 and probably arises
 from some ill-conduct in public        
affairs4 #d4 ,almost any man in a senate
 so regularly chosen by the people may  
be supposed fit for any civil office4   
,it would be proper1 therefore1 for the 
senate to form some general resolutions 

with regard to the disposing of offices 
among the members1 which resolutions    
would not confine them in critical      
times1 when extraordinary parts on the  
one hand1 or extraordinary stupidity on 
the other1 appears in any senator2 but  
yet they would be sufficient to prevent 
intrigue and faction1 by making the     
disposal of the offices a thing of      
course4 ,for instance1 let it be a      
resolution3--,that no man shall enjoy   
any office till he has sat four years in
 the senate2 that1 except ambassadors1  
no man shall be in office two years     
following2 that no man shall attain the 
higher offices but through the lower2   
that no man shall be protector twice1   
etc4 ,the senate of ,venice govern      
themselves by such resolutions4  ,in    
foreign politics the interest of the    
senate can scarce ever be divided from  
that of the people1 and therefore it is 
fit to make the senate absolute with    
regard to them1 otherwise there could be
 no secrecy nor refined policy4         

,besides1 without money no alliance can 
be executed1 and the senate is still    
sufficiently dependent4 ,not to mention 
that the legislative power being always 
superior to the executive1 the          
magistrates or representatives may      
interpose1 whenever they think proper4  
,the chief support of the ,british      
,government is the ,opposition of       
interests2 but that1 though in the main 
serviceable1 breeds endless factions4   
,in the foregoing plan1 it does all the 
good without any of the harm4 ,the      
competitors have no power of controlling
 the senate2 they have only the power of
 accusing and appealing to the people4  
,it is necessary1 likewise1 to prevent  
both combination and division in the    
thousand magistrates4 ,this is done     
sufficiently by the separation of places
 and interests4  ,but lest that should  
not be enough1 their dependence on the  
#aj1jjj for their elections serves to   
the same purpose4  ,nor is that all3 for
 the #aj1jjj may resume the power       

whenever they please2 and not only when 
they all please1 but when any five of a 
hundred please1 which will happen upon  
the very first suspicion of a separate  
interest4  ,the #aj1jjj are too large a 
body either to unite or divide1 except  
when they meet in one place1 and fall   
under the guidance of ambitious leaders4
 ,not to mention their annual election  
by the whole body of the people that are
 of any consideration4  ,a small        
commonwealth is the happiest government 
in the world within itself1 because     
everything lies under the eye of the    
rulers2 but it may be subdued by great  
force from without4 ,this scheme seems  
to have all the advantages both of a    
great and a little commonwealth4  ,every
 county-law may be annulled either by   
the senate or another county1 because   
that shows an opposition of interest3 in
 which case no part ought to decide for 
itself4 ,the matter must be referred to 
the whole1 which will best determine    
what agrees with general interest4  ,as 

to the clergy and militia1 the reasons  
of these orders are obvious4 ,without   
the dependence of the clergy on the     
civil magistrates1 and without a        
militia1 it is folly to think any free  
government will ever have security or   
stability4  ,in many governments the    
inferior magistrates have no rewards but
 what arise from their ambition1 vanity1
 or public spirit4 ,the salaries of the 
,french judges amount not to the        
interest of the sums they pay for their 
offices4 ,the ,dutch burgomasters have  
little more immediate profit than the   
,english justices of peace1 or the      
members of the ,house of ,commons       
formerly4 ,but lest any should suspect  
that this would beget negligence in the 
administration 7which is little to be   
feared1 considering the natural ambition
 of mankind71 let the magistrates have  
competent salaries4 ,the senators have  
access to so many honourable and        
lucrative offices that their attendance 
needs not be bought4 ,there is little   

attendance required of the              
representatives4  ,that the foregoing   
plan of government is practicable no one
 can doubt1 who considers the           
resemblance it bears to the commonwealth
 of the ,united ,provinces1 formerly one
 of the wisest and most renowned        
governments in the world4 ,the          
alterations in the present scheme are   
all evidently to the better4 #a4 ,the   
representation is more equal4 #b4 ,the  
unlimited power of the burgomasters in  
the towns1 which forms a perfect        
aristocracy in the ,dutch commonwealth1 
is corrected by a well-tempered         
democracy1 in giving to the people the  
annual election of the county           
representatives4 #c4 ,the negative1     
which every province and town has upon  
the whole body of the ,dutch republic1  
with regard to alliances1 peace and war1
 and the imposition of taxes1 is here   
removed4 #d4 ,the counties1 in the      
present plan1 are not so independent of 
each other1 nor do they form separate   

bodies so much as the seven provinces2  
where the jealousy and envy of the      
smaller provinces and towns against the 
greater1 particularly ,holland and      
,amsterdam1 have frequently disturbed   
the government4 #e4 ,larger powers1     
though of the safest kind1 are entrusted
 to the senate than the ,states-,general
 possess2 by which means the former may 
become more expeditious and secret in   
their resolutions than it is possible   
for the latter4  ,the chief alterations 
that could be made on the ,british      
,government1 in order to bring it to the
 most perfect model of living monarchy1 
seem to be the following3--,first1 ,the 
plan of the ,republican ,parliament     
ought to be restored1 by making the     
representation equal1 and by allowing   
none to vote in the county elections who
 possess not a property of #bjj pounds  
value4 ,secondly1 ,as such a ,house of  
,commons would be too weighty for a     
frail ,house of ,lords like the present1
 the bishops and ,scots peers ought to  

be removed1 whose behaviour1 in former  
,parliaments1 destroyed entirely the    
authority of that ,house4 ,the number of
 the ,upper ,house ought to be raised to
 three or four hundred2 their seats not 
hereditary1 but during life4 ,they ought
 to have the election of their own      
members2 and no commoner should be      
allowed to refuse a seat that was       
offered him4 ,by this means the ,house  
of ,lords would consist entirely of the 
men of chief credit1 ability1 and       
interest of the nation2 and every       
turbulent leader in the ,house of       
,commons might be taken off and         
connected in interest with the ,house of
 ,peers4 ,such an aristocracy would be a
 splendid barrier both to the monarchy  
and against it4 ,at present the balance 
of our ,government depends in some      
measure on the ability and behaviour of 
the sovereign1 which are variable and   
uncertain circumstances4  ,i allow that 
this plan of limited monarchy1 however  
corrected1 is still liable to three     

great inconveniences4 ,first1 it removes
 not entirely1 though it may soften1 the
 parties of court and country2 secondly1
 the king's personal character must     
still have a great influence on the     
,government2 thirdly1 the sword is in   
the hands of a single person1 who will  
always neglect to discipline the        
militia1 in order to have a pretence for
 keeping up a standing army4 ,it is     
evident that this is a mortal distemper 
in ,british ,government1 of which it    
must at last inevitably perish4 ,i must1
 however1 confess that ,sweden seems in 
some measure to have remedied this      
inconvenience1 and to have a militia1   
with its limited monarchy1 as well as a 
standing army1 which is less dangerous  
than the ,british4  ,we shall conclude  
this subject with observing the         
falsehood of the common opinion that no 
large state1 such as ,france or         
,britain1 could ever be modelled into a 
commonwealth1 but that such a form of   
government can only take place in a city

 or small territory4 ,the contrary seems
 evident4 ,though it is more difficult  
to form a republican government in an   
extensive country than in a city1 there 
is more facility1 when once it is       
formed1 of preserving it steady and     
uniform1 without tumult and faction4 ,it
 is not easy for the distant parts of a 
large state to combine in any plan of   
free government2 but they easily        
conspire in the esteem and reverence of 
a single person1 who1 by means of this  
popular favour1 may seize the power1 and
 forcing the more obstinate to submit1  
may establish a monarchical government4 
,on the other hand1 a city readily      
concurs in the same notions of          
government1 the natural equality of     
property favours liberty1 and the       
nearness of habitation enables the      
citizens mutually to assist each other4 
,even under absolute princes the        
subordinate government of cities is     
commonly republican2 while that of      
counties and provinces is monarchical4  

,but these same circumstances1 which    
facilitate the erection of commonwealths
 in cities1 render their constitution   
more frail and uncertain4 ,democracies  
are turbulent4 ,for however the people  
may be separated or divided into small  
parties1 either in their votes or       
elections1 their near habitation in a   
city will always make the force of      
popular tides and currents very         
sensible4 ,aristocracies are better     
adapted for peace and order1 and        
accordingly were most admired by ancient
 writers2 but they are jealous and      
oppressive4 ,in a large government1     
which is modelled with masterly skill1  
there is compass and room enough to     
refine the democracy from the lower     
people1 who may be admitted into the    
first elections or first concoction of  
the commonwealth to the higher          
magistrates who direct all the          
movements4 ,at the same time1 the parts 
are so distant and remote that it is    
very difficult1 either by intrigue1     

prejudice1 or passion1 to hurry them    
into any measures against the public    
interest4  ,it is needless to inquire   
whether such a government would be      
immortal4 ,i allow the justness of the  
poet's exclamation on the endless       
projects of human race1 8,man and for   
ever60 ,the world itself probably is not
 immortal4 ,such consuming plagues may  
arise as would leave even a perfect     
government a weak prey to its           
neighbours4 ,we know not to what lengths
 enthusiasm or other extraordinary      
motions of the human mind may transport 
men1 to the neglect of all order and    
public good4 ,where difference of       
interest is removed1 whimsical and      
unaccountable factions often arise from 
personal favour or enmity4 ,perhaps rust
 may grow to the springs of the most    
accurate political machine and disorder 
its motions4 ,lastly1 extensive         
conquests1 when pursued1 must be the    
ruin of every free government2 and of   
the more perfect governments sooner than

 of the imperfect1 because of the very  
advantages which the former possess     
above the latter4 ,and though such a    
state ought to establish a fundamental  
law against conquests1 yet republics    
have ambition as well as individuals1   
and present interest makes men forgetful
 of their posterity4 ,it is a sufficient
 incitement to human endeavours that    
such a government would flourish for    
many ages1 without pretending to bestow 
on any work of man that immortality     
which the ,almighty seems to have       
refused to his own productions4         
,,that ,,politics ,,may ,,be ,,reduced  
,,to ,a ,,science4   ,it is a question  
with many whether there be any essential
 difference between one form of         
government and another8 and whether     
every form may not become good or bad   
according as it is well or ill          
administered8#aac ,were it once admitted
 that all governments are alike1 and    
that the only difference consists in the
 character and conduct of the governors1

 most political disputes would be at an 
end1 and all zeal for one constitution  
above another must be esteemed mere     
bigotry and folly4 ,but1 though a friend
 to moderation1 ,i cannot forbear       
condemning this sentiment1 and should be
 sorry to think that human affairs admit
 of no greater stability than what they 
receive from the casual humours and     
characters of particular men4  ,it is   
true1 those who maintain that the       
goodness of all government consists in  
the goodness of the administration1 may 
cite many particular instances in       
history where the very same government  
in different hands has varied suddenly  
into the two opposite extremes of good  
and bad4 ,compare the ,french           
,government under ,henry ,,iii4 and     
under ,henry ,,iv4 ,oppression1 levity1 
artifice on the part of the rulers2     
faction1 sedition1 treachery1 rebellion1
 disloyalty on the part of the subjects3
 these compose the character of the     
former miserable era4 ,but when the     

patriot and heroic prince who succeeded 
was once firmly seated on the throne1   
the government1 the people1 everything  
seemed to be totally changed2 and all   
from the difference of the temper and   
sentiments of these two sovereigns4 ,an 
equal difference of a contrary kind may 
be found on comparing the reigns of     
,elizabeth and ,james--at least with    
regard to foreign affairs2 and instances
 of this kind may be multiplied almost  
without number from ancient as well as  
modern history4  ,but here ,i would beg 
leave to make a distinction4 ,all       
absolute governments 7and such1 in a    
great measure1 was that of ,england till
 the middle of the last century1        
notwithstanding the numerous panegyrics 
on ancient ,english liberty7 must very  
much depend on the administration2 and  
this is one of the great inconveniences 
of that form of government4 ,but a      
republican and free government would be 
a most obvious absurdity if the         
particular checks and controls provided 

by the constitution had really no       
influence1 and made it not the interest1
 even of bad men1 to operate for the    
public good4 ,such is the intention of  
these forms of government1 and such is  
their real effect where they are wisely 
constituted3 as1 on the other hand1 they
 are the sources of all disorder and of 
the blackest crimes where either skill  
or honesty has been wanting in their    
original frame and institution4  ,so    
great is the force of laws and of       
particular forms of government1 and so  
little dependence have they on the      
humours and tempers of men1 that        
consequences almost as general and      
certain may be deduced from them on most
 occasions as any which the mathematical
 sciences afford us4  ,the ,roman       
government gave the whole legislative   
power to the commons1 without allowing a
 negative either to the nobility or     
consuls4 ,this unbounded power the      
commons possessed in a collective1 not  
in a representative body4 ,the          

consequences were--when the people1 by  
success and conquest1 had become very   
numerous and had spread themselves to a 
great distance from the capital1 the    
city tribes1 though the most            
contemptible1 carried almost every vote4
 ,they were1 therefore1 most cajoled by 
every one who affected popularity2 they 
were supported in idleness by the       
general distribution of corn1 and by    
particular bribes1 which they received  
from almost every candidate4 ,by this   
means they became every day more        
licentious1 and the ,campus ,martius was
 a perpetual scene of tumult and        
sedition3 armed slaves were introduced  
among these rascally citizens1 so that  
the whole government fell into anarchy1 
and the greatest happiness which the    
,romans could look for was the despotic 
power of the ,csars4 ,such are the      
effects of democracy without a          
representative4  ,a nobility may possess
 the whole or any part of the           
legislative power of a state in two     

different ways4 ,either every nobleman  
shares the power as part of the whole   
body1 or the whole body enjoys the power
 as composed of parts which have each a 
distinct power and authority4 ,the      
,venetian aristocracy is an instance of 
the first kind of government2 the       
,polish of the second4 ,in the ,venetian
 government the whole body of nobility  
possesses the whole power1 and no       
nobleman has any authority which he     
receives not from the whole4 ,in the    
,polish government every nobleman1 by   
means of his fiefs1 has a peculiar      
hereditary authority over his vassals1  
and the whole body has no authority but 
what it receives from the concurrence of
 its parts4 ,the distinct operations and
 tendencies of these two species of     
government might be made most apparent  
even  priori4 ,a ,venetian nobility is  
infinitely preferable to a ,polish1 let 
the humours and education of men be ever
 so much varied4 ,a nobility who possess
 their power in common will preserve    

peace and order both among themselves   
and their subjects1 and no member can   
have authority enough to control the    
laws for a moment4 ,the nobles will     
preserve their authority over the       
people1 but without any grievous tyranny
 or any breach of private property1     
because such a tyrannical government    
promotes not the interest of the whole  
body1 however it may that of some       
individuals4 ,there will be a           
distinction of rank between the nobility
 and people1 but this will be the only  
distinction in the state4 ,the whole    
nobility will form one body1 and the    
whole people another1 without any of    
those private feuds and animosities     
which spread ruin and desolation        
everywhere4 ,it is easy to see the      
disadvantages of a ,polish nobility in  
every one of these particulars4  ,it is 
possible so to constitute a free        
government as that a single person--call
 him doge1 prince1 or king--shall       
possess a very large share of power1 and

 shall form a proper balance or         
counterpoise to the other parts of the  
legislature4 ,this chief magistrate may 
be either elective or hereditary1 and   
though the former institution may1 to a 
superficial view1 appear the most       
advantageous1 yet a more accurate       
inspection will discover in it greater  
inconveniences than in the latter1 and  
such as are founded on causes and       
principles eternal and immutable4 ,the  
filling of the throne in such a         
government is a point of too great and  
too general interest not to divide the  
whole people into factions1 from whence 
a civil war1 the greatest of ills1 may  
be apprehended almost with certainty    
upon every vacancy4 ,the prince elected 
must be either a foreigner or a native2 
the former will be ignorant of the      
people whom he is to govern1 suspicious 
of his new subjects and suspected by    
them1 giving his confidence entirely to 
strangers1 who will have no other care  
but of enriching themselves in the      

quickest manner1 while their master's   
favour and authority are able to support
 them4 ,a native will carry into the    
throne all his private animosities and  
friendships1 and will never be regarded1
 in his elevation1 without exciting the 
sentiments of envy in those who formerly
 considered him as their equal4 ,not to 
mention that a crown is too high a      
reward ever to be given to merit alone1 
and will always induce the candidates to
 employ force1 or money1 or intrigue to 
procure the votes of the electors2 so   
that such an election will give no      
better chance for superior merit in the 
prince than if the state had trusted to 
birth alone for determining their       
sovereign4  ,it may therefore be        
pronounced as a universal axiom in      
politics that a hereditary prince1 a    
nobility without vassals1 and a people  
voting by their representatives form the
 best monarchy1 aristocracy1 and        
democracy4 ,but in order to prove more  
fully that politics admit of general    

truths which are invariable by the      
humour or education either of subject or
 sovereign1 it may not be amiss to      
observe some other principles of this   
science which may seem to deserve that  
character4  ,it may easily be observed  
that though free governments have been  
commonly the most happy for those who   
partake of their freedom1 yet are they  
the most ruinous and oppressive to their
 provinces2 and this observation may1 ,i
 believe1 be fixed as a maxim of the    
kind we are here speaking of4 ,when a   
monarch extends his dominions by        
conquest he soon learns to consider his 
old and his new subjects as on the same 
footing1 because1 in reality1 all his   
subjects are to him the same1 except the
 few friends and favourites with whom he
 is personally acquainted4 ,he does not1
 therefore1 make any distinction between
 them in his general laws1 and at the   
same time is no less careful to prevent 
all particular acts of oppression on the
 one as on the other4 ,but a free state 

necessarily makes a great distinction1  
and must always do so1 till men learn to
 love their neighbours as well as       
themselves4 ,the conquerors1 in such a  
government1 are all legislators1 and    
will be sure so to contrive matters1 by 
restrictions of trade and by taxes1 as  
to draw some private1 as well as public 
advantage from their conquests4         
,provincial governors have also a better
 chance in a republic to escape with    
their plunder by means of bribery and   
interest2 and their fellow-citizens1 who
 find their own state to be enriched by 
the spoils of the subject-provinces1    
will be the more inclined to tolerate   
such abuses4 ,not to mention that it is 
a necessary precaution in a free state  
to change the governors frequently1     
which obliges these temporary tyrants to
 be more expeditious and rapacious1 that
 they may accumulate sufficient wealth  
before they give place to their         
successors4 ,what cruel tyrants were the
 ,romans over the world during the time 

of their commonwealth6 ,it is true they 
had laws to prevent oppression in their 
provincial magistrates1 but ,cicero     
informs us that the ,romans could not   
better consult the interest of the      
provinces than by repealing these very  
laws4 8,for in that case10 says he1 8our
 magistrates1 having entire impunity1   
would plunder no more than would satisfy
 their own rapaciousness2 whereas at    
present they must also satisfy that of  
their judges1 and of all the great men  
of ,rome whose protection they stand in 
need of40 ,who can read of the cruelties
 and oppressions of ,verres without     
horror and astonishment8 ,and who is not
 touched with indignation to hear that  
after ,cicero had exhausted on that     
abandoned criminal all the thunders of  
his eloquence1 and had prevailed so far 
as to get him condemned to the utmost   
extent of the laws1 yet that cruel      
tyrant lived peaceably to old age in    
opulence and ease1 and thirty years     
afterwards was put into the proscription

 by ,mark ,anthony on account of his    
exorbitant wealth1 where he fell1 with  
,cicero himself1 and all the most       
virtuous men of ,rome8 ,after the       
dissolution of the commonwealth the     
,roman yoke became easier upon the      
provinces1 as ,tacitus informs us2 and  
it may be observed that many of the     
worst emperors--,domitian1 for          
instance--were very careful to prevent  
all oppression of the provinces4 ,in    
,tiberius's time ,gaul was esteemed     
richer than ,italy itself2 nor do ,i    
find during the whole time of the ,roman
 monarchy that the empire became less   
rich or populous in any of its          
provinces1 though indeed its valour and 
military discipline were always upon the
 decline4 ,the oppression and tyranny of
 the ,carthaginians over their          
subject-states in ,africa went so far1  
as we learn from ,polybius1 that1 not   
content with exacting the half of all   
the produce of the ground1 which of     
itself was a very high rent1 they also  

loaded them with many other taxes4 ,if  
we pass from ancient to modern times1 we
 shall always find the observation to   
hold4 ,the provinces of absolute        
monarchies are always better treated    
than those of free states4 ,compare the 
,pas conquis of ,france with ,ireland1  
and you will be convinced of this truth2
 though this latter kingdom1 being in a 
good measure peopled from ,england1     
possesses so many rights and privileges 
as should naturally make it challenge   
better treatment than that of a         
conquered province4 ,corsica is also an 
obvious instance to the same purpose4   
,there is an observation of ,machiavel1 
with regard to the conquests of         
,alexander the ,great1 which ,i think   
may be regarded as one of those eternal 
political truths which no time nor      
accidents can vary4 ,it may seem        
strange1 says that politician1 that such
 sudden conquests as those of ,alexander
 should be settled so peaceably by his  
successors1 and that the ,persians1     

during all the confusions and civil wars
 of the ,greeks1 never made the smallest
 effort towards the recovery of their   
former independent government4 ,to      
satisfy us concerning the cause of this 
remarkable event1 we may consider that a
 monarch may govern his subjects in two 
different ways4 ,he may either follow   
the maxims of the eastern princes1 and  
stretch his power so far as to leave no 
distinction of ranks among his subjects1
 but what proceeds immediately from     
himself--no advantages of birth2 no     
hereditary honours and possessions2 and1
 in a word1 no credit among the people  
except from his commission alone4 ,or a 
monarch may exert his power after a     
milder manner1 like our ,european       
princes1 and leave other sources of     
honour1 beside his smile and favour3    
birth1 titles1 possessions1 valour1     
integrity1 knowledge1 or great and      
fortunate achievements4 ,in the former  
species of government1 after a conquest1
 it is impossible ever to shake off the 

yoke1 since no one possesses among the  
people so much personal credit and      
authority as to begin such an           
enterprise2 whereas1 in the latter1 the 
least misfortune or discord of the      
victors will encourage the vanquished to
 take arms1 who have leaders ready to   
prompt and conduct them in every        
undertaking4#aad  ,such is the reasoning
 of ,machiavel1 which seems to me very  
solid and conclusive1 though ,i wish he 
had not mixed falsehood with truth in   
asserting that monarchies governed      
according to the ,eastern policy1 though
 more easily kept when once subdued1 yet
 are the most difficult to subdue1 since
 they cannot contain any powerful       
subject whose discontent and faction may
 facilitate the enterprises of an enemy4
 ,for besides that such a tyrannical    
government enervates the courage of men 
and renders them indifferent towards the
 fortunes of their sovereign2 besides   
this1 ,i say1 we find by experience that
 even the temporary and delegated       

authority of the generals and           
magistrates being always1 in such       
governments1 as absolute within its     
sphere as that of the prince himself1 is
 able1 with barbarians accustomed to a  
blind submission1 to produce the most   
dangerous and fatal revolutions4 ,so    
that1 in every respect1 a gentle        
government is preferable1 and gives the 
greatest security to the sovereign as   
well as to the subject4  ,legislators1  
therefore1 ought not to trust the future
 government of a state entirely to      
chance1 but ought to provide a system of
 laws to regulate the administration of 
public affairs to the latest posterity4 
,effects will always correspond to      
causes1 and wise regulations in any     
commonwealth are the most valuable      
legacy which can be left to future ages4
 ,in the smallest court or office the   
stated forms and methods by which       
business must be conducted are found to 
be a considerable check on the natural  
depravity of mankind4 ,why should not   

the case be the same in public affairs8 
,can we ascribe the stability and wisdom
 of the ,venetian ,government through so
 many ages to anything but the form of  
government8 ,and is it not easy to point
 out those defects in the original      
constitution which produced the         
tumultuous governments of ,athens and   
,rome1 and ended at last in the ruin of 
these two famous republics8 ,and so     
little dependence has this affair on the
 humours and education of particular men
 that one part of the same republic may 
be wisely conducted and another weakly1 
by the very same men1 merely on account 
of the difference of the forms and      
institutions by which these parts are   
regulated4 ,historians inform us that   
this was actually the case with ,genoa2 
for while the state was always full of  
sedition1 and tumult1 and disorder1 the 
bank of ,st4 ,george1 which had become a
 considerable part of the people1 was   
conducted for several ages with the     
utmost integrity and wisdom4  ,the ages 

of greatest public spirit are not always
 most eminent for private virtue4 ,good 
laws may beget order and moderation in  
the government where the manners and    
customs have instilled little humanity  
or justice into the tempers of men4 ,the
 most illustrious period of the ,roman  
history1 considered in a political view1
 is that between the beginning of the   
first and the end of the last ,punic    
,war2 the due balance between the       
nobility and people being then fixed by 
the contests of the tribunes1 and not   
being yet lost by the extent of         
conquests4 ,yet at this very time the   
horrid practice of poisoning was so     
common that1 during part of the season1 
a prtor punished capitally for this     
crime above three thousand persons in a 
part of ,italy1 and found informations  
of this nature still multiplying upon   
him4 ,there is a similar1 or rather a   
worse instance in the more early times  
of the commonwealth2 so depraved in     
private life were that people1 whom in  

their histories we so much admire4 ,i   
doubt not but they were really more     
virtuous during the time of the two     
,triumvirates1 when they were tearing   
their common country to pieces1 and     
spreading slaughter and desolation over 
the face of the earth merely for the    
choice of tyrants4  ,here1 then1 is a   
sufficient inducement to maintain1 with 
the utmost zeal1 in every free state1   
those forms and institutions by which   
liberty is secured1 the public good     
consulted1 and the avarice or ambition  
of particular men restrained and        
punished4 ,nothing does more honour to  
human nature than to see it susceptible 
of so noble a passion1 as nothing can be
 a greater indication of meanness of    
heart in any man than to see him devoid 
of it4 ,a man who loves only himself1   
without regard to friendship and merit1 
is a detestable monster2 and a man who  
is only susceptible of friendship1      
without public spirit or a regard to the
 community1 is deficient in the most    

material part of virtue4  ,but this is a
 subject which needs not be longer      
insisted on at present4 ,there are      
enough of zealots on both sides who     
kindle up the passions of their         
partisans1 and under the pretence of    
public good pursue the interests and    
ends of their particular faction4 ,for  
my part ,i shall always be more fond of 
promoting moderation than zeal1 though  
perhaps the surest way of producing     
moderation in every party is to increase
 our zeal for the public4 ,let us       
therefore try1 if it be possible1 from  
the foregoing doctrine to draw a lesson 
of moderation with regard to the parties
 into which our country is at present   
divided2 at the same time1 that we allow
 not this moderation to abate the       
industry and passion with which every   
individual is bound to pursue the good  
of his country4  ,those who either      
attack or defend a minister in such a   
government as ours1 where the utmost    
liberty is allowed1 always carry matters

 to an extreme1 and exaggerate his merit
 or demerit with regard to the public4  
,his enemies are sure to charge him with
 the greatest enormities1 both in       
domestic and foreign management1 and    
there is no meanness or crime of which1 
in their account1 he is not capable4    
,unnecessary wars1 scandalous treaties1 
profusion of public treasure1 oppressive
 taxes1 every kind of mal-administration
 is ascribed to him4 ,to aggravate the  
charge1 his pernicious conduct1 it is   
said1 will extend its baleful influence 
even to posterity1 by undermining the   
best constitution in the world1 and     
disordering that wise system of laws1   
institutions1 and customs by which our  
ancestors for so many centuries have    
been so happily governed4 ,he is not    
only a wicked minister in himself1 but  
has removed every security provided     
against wicked ministers for the future4
  ,on the other hand1 the partisans of  
the minister make his panegyric run as  
high as the accusation against him1 and 

celebrate his wise1 steady1 and moderate
 conduct in every part of his           
administration4 ,the honour and interest
 of the nation supported abroad1 public 
credit maintained at home1 persecution  
restrained1 faction subdued3 the merit  
of all these blessings is ascribed      
solely to the minister4 ,at the same    
time he crowns all his other merits by a
 religious care of the best constitution
 in the world1 which he has preserved in
 all its parts1 and has transmitted     
entire to be the happiness and security 
of the latest posterity4  ,when this    
accusation and panegyric are received by
 the partisans of each party1 no wonder 
they beget a most extraordinary ferment 
on both sides1 and fill the nation with 
the most violent animosities4 ,but ,i   
would fain persuade these party-zealots 
that there is a flat contradiction both 
in the accusation and panegyric1 and    
that it were impossible for either of   
them to run so high were it not for this
 contradiction4 ,if our constitution be 

really that noble fabric1 the pride of  
,britain1 the envy of our neighbours1   
raised by the labour of so many         
centuries1 repaired at the expense of so
 many millions1 and cemented by such a  
profusion of blood--,i say1 if our      
constitution does in any degree deserve 
these eulogies1 it would never have     
suffered a wicked and weak minister to  
govern triumphantly for a course of     
twenty years1 when opposed by the       
greatest geniuses of the nation1 who    
exercised the utmost liberty of tongue  
and pen1 in ,parliament and in their    
frequent appeals to the people4 ,but if 
the minister be wicked and weak to the  
degree so strenuously insisted on1 the  
constitution must be faulty in its      
original principles1 and he cannot      
consistently be charged with undermining
 the best constitution in the world4 ,a 
constitution is only so far good as it  
provides a remedy against               
mal-administration1 and if the ,british 
constitution1 when in its greatest      

vigour1 and repaired by two such        
remarkable events as the ,revolution and
 ,accession1 by which our ancient royal 
family was sacrificed to it--if our     
constitution1 ,i say1 with so great     
advantages does not1 in fact1 provide   
any such remedy1 we are rather beholden 
to any minister who undermines it and   
affords us an opportunity of erecting in
 its place a better constitution4  ,i   
would make use of the same topics to    
moderate the zeal of those who defend   
the minister4 ,is our constitution so   
excellent8 ,then a change of ministry   
can be no such dreadful event1 since it 
is essential to such a constitution1 in 
every ministry1 both to preserve itself 
from violation and to prevent all       
enormities in the administration4 ,is   
our constitution very bad8 ,then so     
extraordinary a jealousy and            
apprehension on account of changes is   
ill-placed1 and a man should no more be 
anxious in this case than a husband1 who
 had married a wife from the stews1     

should be watchful to prevent her       
infidelity4 ,public affairs in such a   
constitution must necessarily go to     
confusion1 by whatever hands they are   
conducted1 and the zeal of patriots is  
much less requisite in that case than   
the patience and submission of          
philosophers4 ,the virtue and good      
intentions of ,cato and ,brutus are     
highly laudable1 but to what purpose did
 their zeal serve8 ,to nothing but to   
hasten the fatal period of the ,roman   
government1 and render its convulsions  
and dying agonies more violent and      
painful4  ,i would not be understood to 
mean that public affairs deserve no care
 and attention at all4 ,would men be    
moderate and consistent1 their claims   
might be admitted--at least might be    
examined4 ,the country-party might still
 assert that our constitution1 though   
excellent1 will admit of                
mal-administration to a certain degree1 
and therefore1 if the minister be bad1  
it is proper to oppose him with a       

suitable degree of zeal4 ,and1 on the   
other hand1 the court-party may be      
allowed1 upon the supposition that the  
minister were good1 to defend1 and with 
some zeal too1 his administration4 ,i   
would only persuade men not to contend1 
as if they were fighting pro aris et    
focis1 and change a good constitution   
into a bad one by the violence of their 
factions4#aae  ,i have not here         
considered anything that is personal in 
the present controversy4 ,in the best   
civil constitution1 where every man is  
restrained by the most rigid laws1 it is
 easy to discover either the good or bad
 intentions of a minister1 and to judge 
whether his personal character deserves 
love or hatred4 ,but such questions are 
of little importance to the public1 and 
lay those who employ their pens upon    
them under a just suspicion either of   
malevolence or flattery4   ,,notes1     
,,politics ,,reduced ,,to ,a ,,science4 
#aac      8,for forms of government let 
fools contest2     ,whate'er is best    

administer'd is best40      ,essay on   
,man1 ,book iii4   #aad ,i have taken it
 for granted1 according to the          
supposition of ,machiavel1 that the     
ancient ,persians had no nobility1      
though there is reason to suspect that  
the ,florentine secretary1 who seems to 
have been better acquainted with the    
,roman than the ,greek authors1 was     
mistaken in this particular4 ,the more  
ancient ,persians1 whose manners are    
described by ,xenophon1 were a free     
people1 and had nobility4 ,their  were  
preserved even after the extending of   
their conquests and the consequent      
change of their government4 ,arrian     
mentions them in ,darius's time 7,de    
exped4 ,alex41 lib4 #b74 ,historians    
also speak often of the persons in      
command as men of family4 ,tygranes1 who
 was general of the ,medes under        
,xerxes1 was of the race of ,achmnes    
7,herod41 lib4 #g1 cap4 #fb74 ,artachas1
 who directed the cutting of the canal  
about ,mount ,athos1 was of the same    

family 7id41 cap4 #aag74 ,megabyzus was 
one of the seven eminent ,persians who  
conspired against the ,magi4 ,his son   
,zopyrus was in the highest command     
under ,darius1 and delivered ,babylon to
 him4 ,his grandson ,megabyzus commanded
 the army defeated at ,marathon4 ,his   
great grandson ,zopyrus was also        
eminent1 and was banished ,persia       
7,herod41 lib4 #c2 ,thuc41 lib4 #a74    
,rosaces1 who commanded an army in      
,egypt under ,artaxerxes1 was also      
descended from one of the seven         
conspirators 7,diod4 ,sic41 lib4 #af74  
,agesilaus 7in ,xenophon1 ,hist4 ,grc4  
lib4 #d71 being desirous of making a    
marriage betwixt ,king ,cotys1 his ally1
 and the daughter of ,spithridates1 a   
,persian of rank who had deserted to    
him1 first asks ,cotys what rank        
,spithridates is of4 ,one of the most   
considerable in ,persia1 says ,cotys4   
,arius1 when offered the sovereignty by 
,clearchus and the ten thousand ,greeks1
 refused it as of too low a rank1 and   

said that so many eminent ,persians     
would never endure his rule 7id41 ,de   
exped4 lib4 #b74 ,some of the families1 
descended from the seven ,persians above
 mentioned1 remained during all         
,alexander's successors2 and            
,mithridates1 in ,antiochus's time1 is  
said by ,polybius to be descended from  
one of them 7lib4 #e1 cap4 #dc74        
,artabazus was esteemed1 as ,arrian     
says1     7lib4 #c74 ,and when          
,alexander married in one day eighty of 
his captains to ,persian women1 his     
intention plainly was to ally the       
,macedonians with the most eminent      
,persian families 7id41 lib4 #g74       
,diodorus ,siculus says they were of the
 most noble birth in ,persia 7lib4 #ag74
 ,the government of ,persia was         
despotic1 and conducted in many respects
 after the ,eastern manner1 but was not 
carried so far as to extirpate all      
nobility1 and confound all ranks and    
orders4 ,it left men who were still     
great1 by themselves and their family1  

independent of their office and         
commission4 ,and the reason why the     
,macedonians kept so easily dominion    
over them was owing to other causes easy
 to be found in the historians1 though  
it must be owned that ,machiavel's      
reasoning was in itself just1 however   
doubtful its application to the present 
case4   #aae ,what our author's opinion 
was of the famous minister here pointed 
at may be learned from that essay1      
printed in the former editions1 under   
the title of 8,a ,character of ,sir     
,robert ,walpole40 ,it was as           
follows3--8,there never was a man whose 
actions and character have been more    
earnestly and openly canvassed than     
those of the present minister1 who1     
having governed a learned and free      
nation for so long a time1 amidst such  
mighty opposition1 may make a large     
library of what has been written for and
 against him1 and is the subject of     
above half the paper that has been      
blotted in the nation within these      

twenty years4 ,i wish1 for the honour of
 our country1 that any one character of 
him had been drawn with such judgment   
and impartiality as to have credit with 
posterity1 and to show that our liberty 
has1 once at least1 been employed to    
good purpose4 ,i am only afraid of      
failing in the former quality of        
judgment2 but if it should be so1 it is 
but one page more thrown away1 after a  
hundred thousand1 upon the same subject1
 that have perished and become useless4 
,in the meantime1 ,i shall flatter      
myself with the pleasing imagination    
that the following character will be    
adopted by future historians3--  8,sir  
,robert ,walpole1 ,prime ,minister of   
,great ,britain1 is a man of ability1   
not a genius2 good-natured1 not         
virtuous2 constant1 not magnanimous2    
moderate1 not equitable4#aaf ,his       
virtues1 in some instances1 are free    
from the alloy of those vices which     
usually accompany such virtues4 ,he is a
 generous friend1 without being a bitter

 enemy4 ,his vices1 in other instances1 
are not compensated by those virtues    
which are nearly allied to them3 his    
want of enterprise is not attended with 
frugality4 ,the private character of the
 man is better than the public1 his     
virtues more than his vices1 his fortune
 greater than his fame4 ,with many good 
qualities he has incurred the public    
hatred2 with good capacity he has not   
escaped ridicule4 ,he would have been   
esteemed more worthy of his high station
 had he never possessed it2 and is      
better qualified for the second than for
 the first place in any ,government4    
,his ministry has been more advantageous
 to his family than to the public1      
better for this age than for posterity1 
and more pernicious by bad precedents   
than by real grievances4 ,during his    
time trade has flourished1 liberty      
declined1 and learning gone to ruin4 ,as
 ,i am a man1 ,i love him2 as ,i am a   
scholar1 ,i hate him2 as ,i am a        
,briton1 ,i calmly wish his fall4 ,and  

were ,i a member of either ,house ,i    
would give my vote for removing him from
 ,st4 ,james's1 but should be glad to   
see him retire to ,houghton ,hall1 to   
pass the remainder of his days in ease  
and pleasure40  ,the author is pleased  
to find that after animosities are laid1
 and calumny has ceased1 the whole      
nation almost have returned to the same 
moderate sentiments with regard to this 
great man1 if they are not rather become
 more favourable to him1 by a very      
natural transition from one extreme to  
another4 ,the author would not oppose   
those humane sentiments towards the     
dead1 though he cannot forbear observing
 that the not paying more of our public 
debts was1 as hinted in this character1 
a great1 and the only great error in    
that long administration4   #aaf        
,moderate in the exercise of power1 not 
equitable in engrossing it4     ,,of    
,,the ,,first ,,principles ,,of         
,,government4   ,nothing is more        
surprising to those who consider human  

affairs with a philosophical eye1 than  
to see the easiness with which the many 
are governed by the few2 and to observe 
the implicit submission with which men  
resign their own sentiments and passions
 to those of their rulers4 ,when we     
inquire by what means this wonder is    
brought about1 we shall find that1 as   
force is always on the side of the      
governed1 the governors have nothing to 
support them but opinion4 ,it is        
therefore on opinion only that          
government is founded1 and this maxim   
extends to the most despotic and most   
military governments1 as well as to the 
most free and most popular4 ,the ,soldan
 of ,egypt1 or the ,emperor of ,rome1   
might drive his harmless subjects like  
brute beasts against their sentiments   
and inclination2 but he must1 at least1 
have led his mamalukes1 or prtorian     
bands1 like men1 by their opinion4      
,opinion is of two kinds--viz41 opinion 
of interest and opinion of right4 ,by   
opinion of interest1 ,i chiefly         

understand the sense of the public      
advantage which is reaped from          
government1 together with the persuasion
 that the particular government which is
 established is equally advantageous    
with any other that could easily be     
settled4 ,when this opinion prevails    
among the generality of a state1 or     
among those who have the force in their 
hands1 it gives great security to any   
government4  ,right is of two           
kinds--right to power and right to      
property4 ,what prevalence opinion of   
the first kind has over mankind may     
easily be understood by observing the   
attachment which all nations have to    
their ancient government1 and even to   
those names which have had the sanction 
of antiquity4 ,antiquity always begets  
the opinion of right1 and whatever      
disadvantageous sentiments we may       
entertain of mankind1 they are always   
found to be prodigal both of blood and  
treasure in the maintenance of public   
justice4 ,this passion we may denominate

 enthusiasm1 or we may give it what     
appellation we please2 but a politician 
who should overlook its influence on    
human affairs would prove himself but of
 a very limited understanding4 ,there   
is1 indeed1 no particular in which at   
first sight there may appear a greater  
contradiction in the frame of the human 
mind than the present4 ,when men act in 
a faction they are apt1 without any     
shame or remorse1 to neglect all the    
ties of honour and morality in order to 
serve their party2 and yet when a       
faction is formed upon a point of right 
or principle1 there is no occasion where
 men discover a greater obstinacy and a 
more determined sense of justice and    
equity4 ,the same social disposition of 
mankind is the cause of both these      
contradictory appearances4  ,it is      
sufficiently understood that the opinion
 of right to property is of the greatest
 moment in all matters of government4 ,a
 noted author has made property the     
foundation of all government2 and most  

of our political writers seem inclined  
to follow him in that particular4 ,this 
is carrying the matter too far2 but     
still it must be owned that the opinion 
of right to property has a great        
influence in this subject4  ,upon these 
three opinions1 therefore1 of public    
interest1 of right to power1 and of     
right to property1 are all governments  
founded1 and all authority of the few   
over the many4 ,there are indeed other  
principles which add force to these1 and
 determine1 limit1 or alter their       
operation2 such as self-interest1 fear1 
and affection4 ,but still we may assert 
that these other principles can have no 
influence alone1 but suppose the        
antecedent influence of those opinions  
above mentioned4 ,they are therefore to 
be esteemed the secondary1 not the      
original principles of government4      
,for1 first1 as to self-interest1 by    
which ,i mean the expectation of        
particular rewards1 distinct from the   
general protection which we receive from

 government1 it is evident that the     
magistrate's authority must be          
antecedently established1 or at least be
 hoped for1 in order to produce this    
expectation4 ,the prospect of reward may
 augment the authority with regard to   
some particular persons1 but can never  
give birth to it with regard to the     
public4 ,men naturally look for the     
greatest favours from their friends and 
acquaintance1 and therefore the hopes of
 any considerable number of the state   
would never centre in any particular set
 of men if these men had no other title 
to magistracy1 and had no separate      
influence over the opinions of mankind4 
,the same observation may be extended to
 the other two principles of fear and   
affection4 ,no man would have any reason
 to fear the fury of a tyrant if he had 
no authority over any but from fear2    
since as a single man his bodily force  
can reach but a small way1 and all      
further power he possesses must be      
founded either on our opinion or on the 

presumed opinion of others4 ,and though 
affection to wisdom and virtue in a     
sovereign extends very far and has great
 influence1 yet he must be antecedently 
supposed invested with a public         
character1 otherwise the public esteem  
will serve him in no stead1 nor will his
 virtue have any influence beyond a     
narrow sphere4  ,a government may endure
 for several ages1 though the balance of
 power and the balance of property do   
not agree4 ,this chiefly happens where  
any rank or order of the state has      
acquired a large share of the property1 
but from the original constitution of   
the government has no share of the      
power4 ,under what pretext would any    
individual of that order assume         
authority in public affairs8 ,as men are
 commonly much attached to their ancient
 government1 it is not to be expected   
that the public would ever favour such  
usurpations4 ,but where the original    
constitution allows any share of power1 
though small1 to an order of men who    

possess a large share of the property1  
it is easy for them gradually to stretch
 their authority and bring the balance  
of power to coincide with that of       
property4 ,this has been the case with  
the ,house of ,commons in ,england4     
,most writers who have treated of the   
,british ,government have supposed that 
as the ,house of ,commons represents all
 the commons of ,great ,britain1 so its 
weight in the scale is proportioned to  
the property and power of all whom it   
represents4 ,but this principle must not
 be received as absolutely true4 ,for   
though the people are apt to attach     
themselves more to the ,house of        
,commons than to any other member of the
 constitution--that ,house being chosen 
by them as their representatives and as 
the public guardians of their           
liberty--yet are there instances where  
the ,house1 even when in opposition to  
the ,crown1 has not been followed by the
 people2 as we may particularly observe 
of the ,tory ,house of ,commons in the  

reign of ,king ,william4 ,were the      
members of the ,house obliged to receive
 instructions from their constituents1  
like the ,dutch deputies1 this would    
entirely alter the case2 and if such    
immense power and riches as those of the
 whole commons of ,britain were brought 
into the scale1 it is not easy to       
conceive that the ,crown could either   
influence the multitude of people or    
withstand that overbalance of property4 
,it is true the ,crown has great        
influence over the collective body of   
,britain in the elections of members2   
but were this influence1 which at       
present is only exerted once in seven   
years1 to be employed in bringing over  
the people to every vote1 it would soon 
be wasted1 and no skill1 popularity or  
revenue1 could support it4 ,i must1     
therefore1 be of opinion that an        
alteration in this particular would     
introduce a total alteration in our     
government1 and would soon reduce it to 
a pure republic2 and perhaps to a       

republic of no inconvenient form4 ,for  
though the people collected in a body   
like the ,roman tribes be quite unfit   
for government1 yet when dispersed in   
small bodies they are more susceptible  
both of reason and order2 the force of  
popular currents and tides is in a great
 measure broken2 and the public interest
 may be pursued with some method and    
constancy4 ,but it is needless to reason
 any further concerning a form of       
government which is never likely to have
 place in ,britain1 and which seems not 
to be the aim of any party amongst us4  
,let us cherish and improve our ancient 
government as much as possible1 without 
encouraging a passion for such dangerous
 novelties4     ,,of ,,political        
,,society4   ,had every man sufficient  
sagacity to perceive at all times the   
strong interest which binds him to the  
observance of justice and equity1 and   
strength of mind sufficient to persevere
 in a steady adherence to a general and 
a distant interest1 in opposition to the

 allurements of present pleasure and    
advantage--there had never1 in that     
case1 been any such thing as government 
or political society1 but each man      
following his natural liberty had lived 
in entire peace and harmony with all    
others4 ,what need of positive laws     
where natural justice is1 of itself1 a  
sufficient restraint8 ,why create       
magistrates where there never arises any
 disorder or iniquity8 ,why abridge our 
native freedom when1 in every instance1 
the utmost exertion of it is found      
innocent and beneficial8 ,it is evident 
that if government were totally useless 
it never could have place1 and that the 
sole foundation of the duty of          
allegiance is the advantage which it    
procures to society by preserving peace 
and order among mankind4  ,when a number
 of political societies are erected1 and
 maintain a great intercourse together1 
a new set of rules are immediately      
discovered to be useful in that         
particular situation1 and accordingly   

take place under the title of 8,laws of 
,nations40 ,of this kind are the        
sacredness of the persons of            
ambassadors1 abstaining from poisoned   
arms1 quarter in war1 with others of    
that kind1 which are plainly calculated 
for the advantage of states and kingdoms
 in their intercourse with each other4  
,the rules of justice1 such as prevail  
among individuals1 are not entirely     
suspended among political societies4    
,all princes pretend a regard to the    
rights of others2 and some1 no doubt1   
without hypocrisy4 ,alliances and       
treaties are every day made between     
independent states1 which would only be 
so much waste of parchment if they were 
not found1 by experience1 to have some  
influence and authority4 ,but here is   
the difference between kingdoms and     
individuals4 ,human nature cannot by any
 means subsist without the association  
of individuals2 and that association    
never could have place were no regard   
paid to the laws of equity and justice4 

,disorder1 confusion1 the war of all    
against all1 are the necessary          
consequences of such a licentious       
conduct4 ,but nations can subsist       
without intercourse4 ,they may even     
subsist1 in some degree1 under a general
 war4 ,the observance of justice1 though
 useful among them1 is not guarded by so
 strong a necessity as among            
individuals2 and the moral obligation   
holds proportion with the usefulness4   
,all politicians will allow1 and most   
philosophers1 that reasons of state may1
 in particular emergencies1 dispense    
with the rules of justice1 and          
invalidate any treaty or alliance where 
the strict observance of it would be    
prejudicial in a considerable degree to 
either of the contracting parties4 ,but 
nothing less than the extremest         
necessity1 it is confessed1 can justify 
individuals in a breach of promise1 ,or 
an invasion of the properties of others4
  ,in a confederated commonwealth1 such 
as the ,achan ,republic of old1 or the  

,swiss ,cantons and ,united ,provinces  
in modern times2 as the league has here 
a peculiar utility1 the conditions of   
union have a peculiar sacredness and    
authority1 and a violation of them would
 be equally criminal1 ,or even more     
criminal than any private injury or     
injustice4  ,the long and helpless      
infancy of man requires the combination 
of parents for the subsistence of their 
young1 and that combination requires the
 virtue of chastity or fidelity to the  
marriage-bed4 ,without such a utility1  
it will readily be owned that such a    
virtue would never have been thought of4
  ,an infidelity of this nature is much 
more pernicious in women than in men2   
hence the laws of chastity are much     
stricter over the one sex than over the 
other4  ,these rules have all a         
reference to generation1 and yet women  
past child-bearing are no more supposed 
to be exempted from them than those in  
the flower of their youth and beauty4   
,general rules are often extended beyond

 the principle whence they first arise1 
and this holds in all matters of taste  
and sentiment4 ,it is a vulgar story at 
,paris that during the rage of the      
,mississippi a hump-backed fellow went  
every day into the ,rue de ,quincempoix1
 where the stock-jobbers met in great   
crowds1 and was well paid for allowing  
them to make use of his hump as a desk  
in order to sign their contracts upon   
it4 ,would the fortune which he raised  
by this invention make him a handsome   
fellow1 though it be confessed that     
personal beauty arises very much from   
ideas of utility8 ,the imagination is   
influenced by association of ideas1     
which1 though they arise at first from  
the judgment1 are not easily altered by 
every particular exception that occurs  
to us4 ,to which we may add1 in the     
present case of chastity1 that the      
example of the old would be pernicious  
to the young1 and that women1           
continually thinking that a certain time
 would bring them the liberty of        

indulgence1 would naturally advance that
 period and think more lightly of this  
whole duty so requisite to society4     
,those who live in the same family have 
such frequent opportunities of licence  
of this kind that nothing could preserve
 purity of manners were marriage allowed
 among the nearest relations1 or were   
any intercourse of love between them    
ratified by law and custom4 ,incest1    
therefore1 being pernicious in a        
superior degree1 has also a superior    
turpitude and moral deformity annexed to
 it4  ,what is the reason why1 by the   
,athenian laws1 one might marry a       
half-sister by the father but not by the
 mother8 ,plainly this3--,the manners of
 the ,athenians were so reserved that a 
man was never permitted to approach the 
women's apartment1 even in the same     
family1 unless where he visited his own 
mother4 ,his step-mother and her        
children were as much shut up from him  
as the women of any other family1 and   
there was as little danger of any       

criminal correspondence between them4   
,uncles and nieces1 for a like reason1  
might marry at ,athens1 but neither     
these nor half-brothers and sisters     
could contract that alliance at ,rome1  
where the intercourse was more open     
between the sexes4 ,public utility is   
the cause of all these variations4  ,to 
repeat to a man's prejudice anything    
that escaped him in private             
conversation1 or to make any such use of
 his private letters1 is highly blamed4 
,the free and social intercourse of     
minds must be extremely checked where no
 such rules of fidelity are established4
  ,even in repeating stories1 whence we 
can see no ill consequences to result1  
the giving one's authors is regarded as 
a piece of indiscretion1 if not of      
immorality4 ,these stories1 in passing  
from hand to hand and receiving all the 
usual variations1 frequently come about 
to the persons concerned and produce    
animosities and quarrels among people   
whose intentions are the most innocent  

and inoffensive4  ,to pry into secrets1 
to open or even read the letters of     
others1 to play the spy upon their words
 and looks and actions--what habits more
 inconvenient in society8 what habits1  
of consequence1 more blameable8  ,this  
principle is also the foundation of most
 of the laws of good manners1 a kind of 
lesser morality calculated for the ease 
of company and conversation4 ,too much  
or too little ceremony are both blamed1 
and everything which promotes ease      
without an indecent familiarity is      
useful and laudable4  ,constancy in     
friendships1 attachments1 and intimacies
 is commonly very commendable1 and is   
requisite to support trust and good     
correspondence in society4 ,but in      
places of general though casual         
concourse1 where the pursuit of health  
and pleasure brings people promiscuously
 together1 public conveniency has       
dispensed with this maxim1 and custom   
there promotes an unreserved            
conversation for the time by indulging  

the privilege of dropping afterwards    
every indifferent acquaintance without  
breach of civility or good manners4     
,even in societies which are established
 on principles the most immoral and the 
most destructive to the interests of the
 general society there are required     
certain rules which a species of false  
honour as well as private interest      
engages the members to observe4 ,robbers
 and pirates1 it has often been         
remarked1 could not maintain their      
pernicious confederacy did they not     
establish a new distributive justice    
among themselves and recall those laws  
of equity which they have violated with 
the rest of mankind4  8,i hate a        
drinking companion10 says the ,greek    
proverb1 8who never forgets40 ,the      
follies of the last debauch should be   
buried in eternal oblivion1 in order to 
give full scope to the follies of the   
next4  ,among nations where an immoral  
gallantry1 if covered with a thin veil  
of mystery1 is in some degree authorized

 by custom1 there immediately arise a   
set of rules calculated for the         
conveniency of that attachment4 ,the    
famous court or parliament of love in   
,provence decided formerly all difficult
 cases of this nature4  ,in societies   
for play there are laws required for the
 conduct of the game1 and these laws are
 different in each game4 ,the           
foundation1 ,i own1 of such societies is
 frivolous1 and the laws are in a great 
measure1 though not altogether1         
capricious and arbitrary4 ,so far is    
there a material difference between them
 and the rules of justice1 fidelity and 
loyalty4 ,the general societies of men  
are absolutely requisite for the        
subsistence of the species1 and the     
public conveniency1 which regulates     
morals1 is inviolably established in the
 nature of man and of the world in which
 he lives4 ,the comparison1 therefore1  
in these respects is very imperfect4 ,we
 may only learn from it the necessity of
 rules wherever men have any intercourse

 with each other4  ,they cannot even    
pass each other on the road without     
rules4 ,waggoners1 coachmen1 and        
postilions have principles by which they
 give way1 and these are chiefly founded
 on mutual ease and convenience4        
,sometimes also they are arbitrary1 at  
least dependent on a kind of capricious 
analogy1 like many of the reasonings of 
lawyers4#aag  ,to carry the matter      
further1 we may observe that it is      
impossible for men so much as to murder 
each other without statutes and maxims  
and an idea of justice and honour4 ,war 
has its laws as well as peace1 and even 
that sportive kind of war carried on    
among wrestlers1 boxers1 cudgel-players1
 gladiators1 is regulated by fixed      
principles4 ,common interest and utility
 beget infallibly a standard of right   
and wrong among the parties concerned4  
,,note1 ,,of ,,political ,,society4     
#aag ,that the lighter machine yields to
 the heavier1 and in machines of the    
same kind1 that the empty yields to the 

loaded--this rule is founded on         
convenience4 ,that those who are going  
to the capital take place of those who  
are coming from it--this seems to be    
founded on some idea of the dignity of  
the great city1 and of the preference of
 the future to the past4 ,from like     
reasons1 among foot-walkers1 the        
right-hand entitles a man to the wall   
and prevents jostling1 which peaceable  
people find very disagreeable and       
inconvenient4     ,,alphabetical        
,,arrangement ,,of ,,authorities ,,cited
 ,,by ,,hume4    ,,milius1 ,,paulus1    
,roman general1 ,b4,c4 #bcj-aeg4        
,defeated ,perseus of  ,macedonia4      
,,agathocles1 tyrant of ,syracuse1 born 
circa ,b4,c4 #cfa1 died #bhi4           
,,alcibiades1 ,athenian general and     
statesman1 born ,b4,c4 #dej1 died ,b4,c4
  #djd4 ,a disciple of ,socrates1 and   
noted for dissoluteness4   ,,alexander  
the ,great1 born ,b4,c4 #cef1 died #cbc4
   ,,anacharsis1 ,scythian philosopher1 
,b4,c4 #fjj4 ,much esteemed by ,solon4  

,,anthony1 ,,mark1 ,triumvir1 born circa
 ,b4,c4 #he1 died ,b4,c4 #cj4 ,best     
known through his association with      
,cleopatra4   ,,antigonus1 one of the   
greatest generals of ,alexander the     
,great4 ,slain  in #cja at ,ipsus4      
,,antipater1 minister of ,philip of     
,macedon and ,alexander the ,great1 died
  ,b4,c4 #cai4   ,,appianus 7,appian71  
belonged to the time of ,trajan1 and    
wrote the  history of ,rome in ,greek4  
,,aratus1 general of the ,achan ,league1
 born ,b4,c4 #bga1 died #bac4           
,,arbuthnot1 ,,john1 physician1 born    
#afge1 died #agce4 ,associate of ,pope  
and ,swift1 and wrote on ancient        
measures1 weights1 and coins4           
,,aristotle1 philosopher1 the           
,stagirite1 born ,b4,c4 #chd1 died #ccb4
 ,tutor  of ,alexander the ,great4      
,,arrianus1 ,greek historian1 resided at
 ,rome in the second century1 a         
disciple of ,epictetus1 died circa      
,a4,d4 #afj4   ,,athen,,us1 grammarian1 
born in ,egypt in the third century4    

,,attalus1 ,king of ,pergamus1 died     
,b4,c4 #aig4   ,,augustus1 first ,roman 
,emperor1 born ,b4,c4 #fc1 grandnephew  
of ,julius  ,csar1 died ,a4,d4 #ad4     
,c,,sar1 ,,caius ,,julius1 ,b4,c4       
#ajj-dd1 ,roman warrior and             
administrator1  known to every schoolboy
 from his ,commentaries4   ,,camillus1  
,,marcus ,,furius1 died ,b4,c4 #cfe1    
,roman warrior1 six times  military     
tribune and five times dictator4        
,,caracalla1 brother of ,geta1 whom he  
murdered ,a4,d4 #bab4   ,,catalina1     
,,lucius ,,sergius 7,catiline71 died    
,b4,c4 #fb1 noted for his  depraved     
habits and his conspiracy that drew from
 ,cicero his famous  orations4   ,,cato1
 ,,marcus ,,porcius1 surnamed from      
,utica1 his birthplace1 ,uticensis1     
died ,b4,c4 #df4   ,,cato1 the elder1   
born ,b4,c4 #bcd1 died #adi1 noted for  
his courage and  temperance4   ,,cicero1
 ,,marcus ,,tullius1 ,roman orator1 born
 ,b4,c4 #ajf1 died #dc4   ,,claudius1   
,roman ,emperor1 born ,b4,c4 #i1 died   

,a4,d4 #ed4 ,visited ,britain  ,a4,d4   
#dc4   ,,cleomenes1 ,king of ,sparta1   
died ,b4,c4 #bbj4   ,,clodius1 enemy of 
,cicero1 died ,b4,c4 #eb4 ,used to go   
about ,rome with an  intimidating band  
of gladiators4   ,,columella1 native of 
,spain1 resided at ,rome in the reign of
 ,claudius1  ,a4,d4 #da-ed4             
,,commodus1 ,roman ,emperor1 son of     
,marcus ,aurelius1 born ,a4,d4 #afa1    
died  #aib4   ,,ctesiphon4 ,in his      
defence ,demosthenes delivered his      
famous oration 8,on  the ,crown0 in     
,b4,c4 #ccj4   ,,demetrius ,,phalereus1 
,greek orator and statesman1 born ,b4,c4
 #cde1 died  circa #bhc4                
,,demosthenes1 ,greek orator1 ,b4,c4    
#che-cbb1 whose speeches against  the   
encroachments of ,philip of ,macedon    
have given the general term             
8philippics0 to powerful invective4     
,,dion ,,cassius1 circa #bjj-bej1 wrote 
history of ,rome in ,greek4             
,,dionysius ,,halicarnass,,us1 ,greek   
rhetorician and historian1 born ,b4,c4  

#bi1 died ,b4,c4 #g4 ,chief work1 ,roman
 ,archology4   ,,dionysius1 the elder1  
tyrant of ,syracuse1 ,b4,c4 #dcj-cfg2   
besides being  a warrior1 was a patron  
of literary men and artists4 ,built     
,lautumi1  the famous prison1 called    
also the 8,ear of ,dionysius40          
,,diodorus ,,siculus1 wrote a universal 
history1 flourished circa ,b4,c4  #ej4  
,,drusus1 ,roman consul1 born ,b4,c4    
#ch4   ,,epaminondas1 ,theban statesman 
and general1 died ,b4,c4 #cfb4          
,,florus1 ,roman historian1 lived in the
 reigns of ,trajan and ,hadrian4        
,,folard1 ,,jean ,,charles1 military    
tactician1 born at ,avignon #affi1 died 
#ageb1 published an edition of          
,polybius4   ,,garcilasso ,,de ,,la     
,,vega1 called the ,inca because        
descended from the  royal family of     
,peru 7#aecj-afbj71 wrote ,history of   
,peru and ,history  of ,florida4        
,,gee1 ,,joshua1 eighteenth-century     
,london merchant1 wrote ,trade and      
,navigation of ,great ,britain 7#agcj74 

,,germanicus1 son of ,nero1 died ,a4,d4 
#ai1 aged #cd4   ,,geta1 second son of  
,emperor ,severus1 born ,a4,d4 #ahi1    
died #bab4   ,,guicciardini1            
,,francisco1 ,italian historian         
7#adhb-aedj74   ,,hannibal1 great       
,carthaginian general1 born ,b4,c4 #bdg1
 died #ahc4   ,,heliogabalus1 ,roman    
emperor1 born circa ,a4,d4 #bje1 died   
#bbb4   ,,herodian1 flourished in the   
third century1 wrote in ,greek a history
 of  the period from the death of       
,marcus ,aurelius to #bch4   ,,hesiod1  
one of the earliest ,greek poets1       
supposed to have flourished  in the     
eighth century ,b4,c4 8,works and ,days0
 is his best known poem4   ,,hiero      
,,ii41 ,king of ,syracuse1 died ,b4,c4  
#bae1 aged #ib4 ,archimedes lived  in   
his reign4   ,,hirtius1 ,roman consul1  
contemporary with ,csar and ,cicero2 is 
said to  be the author of the eighth    
book of ,csar's ,commentaries4          
,,hyperides1 ,athenian orator1 died     
,b4,c4 #cbb1 disciple of ,plato4        

,,isocrates1 ,greek orator1 born ,b4,c4 
#dcf1 died #cch4   ,,justin1 a ,latin   
historian1 lived in second or third     
century1  epitomized ,histori ,philippic
 of ,trogus ,pompeius1 a native of      
,gaul4   ,,livius1 ,,titus 7,livy71     
historian of ,rome 7,b4,c4 #ei-ag74 ,of 
his #adb  books1 only #ce have been     
preserved4   ,,longinus1 ,,dionysius1   
,greek philosopher1 died ,b4,c4 #bgc4   
,his extensive  knowledge earned him the
 title of 8,the living library40        
,,lucian1 ,greek writer1 lived in the   
time of ,marcus ,aurelius4   ,,lycurgus1
 ,spartan lawgiver1 whose severe        
regulations made the ,spartans  a race  
of warriors1 is said to have flourished 
in the ninth century  ,b4,c4   ,,lysias1
 ,greek orator1 born ,b4,c4 #deh1 died  
#cgc1 wrote #bcj orations1 of  which    
only #ce remain4   ,,machiavelli1       
,florentine statesman and historian1    
born #adfi1 died #aebg4   ,,maillet1    
,french writer1 born #afef1 died #agch1 
consul in ,egypt and at  ,leghorn4      

,,martial1 ,roman poet1 born ,a4,d4 #dc4
   ,,massinissa1 ,king of ,numidia1 born
 ,b4,c4 #bch1 died #adh4   ,,mazarin1   
,,jules1 cardinal1 and first minister of
 ,louis ,,xiv4 7#afjb-fa74    ,,nabis1  
,spartan tyrant1 died ,b4,c4 #aib1 noted
 for his cruelty4   ,,nero1 ,roman      
emperor1 born ,a4,d4 #cg1 died #fg4     
,,octavius1 became ,emperor ,augustus4  
,,ovidius ,,publius ,,naso 7,ovid71     
,roman poet1 ,b4,c4 #dc-;,a4,d4 #ah1    
enjoyed the  patronage of ,augustus     
until banished ,a4,d4 #h4 ,chief        
works--,amores1 ,de  ,arte ,amandi1     
,fasti4   ,,paterculus1 ,roman          
historian1 born circa ,b4,c4 #ai1 died  
,a4,d4 #ca4   ,,pausanias1 ,greek       
writer1 flourished circa ,a4,d4         
#abj-adj4   ,,perseus1 or ,,perses1 last
 ,king of ,macedonia4 ,ascended the     
throne ,b4,c4  #agh4   ,,pescenius      
,,niger1 became ,roman ,emperor in #aic4
   ,,petronius1 died ,a4,d4 #ff1 ,roman 
author1 lived at the court of ,nero1 and
  acquired celebrity for his            

licentiousness4   ,,philip of ,macedon1 
born #chb1 assassinated #ccf4   ,,plato1
 born ,b4,c4 #dbi1 died #cdg4           
,,plautus1 ,roman comedy writer1 born   
circa ,b4,c4 #bee1 died #ahd4   ,,pliny4
 ,there were two ,plinys--one born      
,a4,d4 #bc1 the other1 nephew  of the   
preceding1 ,a4,d4 #fb4 ,the former was a
 naturalist2 the latter  a pleader and  
soldier1 whose chief writings are his   
account of the  ,christians and         
,epistles4   ,,plutarch1 celebrated     
biographer1 died circa ,b4,c4 #abj4     
,,polybius1 ,greek historian1 ,b4,c4    
#bjd-abb4 ,his history deals with       
,greece  and ,rome during the period    
#bbj-adf1 and is of great importance4   
,,pompey the younger1 born ,b4,c4 #ge4  
,,prusias1 ,king of ,bithynia1 circa    
,b4,c4 #aij4   ,,pyrrhus1 ,king of      
,epirus1 ,b4,c4 #cah-bgb1 one of the    
greatest warriors of  ancient days4     
,,sallustius1 ,,crispus ,,caius1 ,roman 
historian1 ,b4,c4 #hf-ce1 excluded from 
the ,senate on account of his           

debauchery4   ,,seneca1 ,,lucius        
,,ann,,us1 ,roman philosopher1 ,a4,d4   
#c-fe1 belonged to the  ,stoic school1  
and was believed to have been acquainted
 with ,st4 ,paul4   ,,servius ,,tullius1
 sixth ,king of ,rome1 changed the      
constitution so that  the plebs obtained
 political power4   ,,severus1 ,roman   
,emperor1 born ,a4,d4 #adf1 died at     
,york #baa4 ,wrote history  of his own  
reign4   ,,solon1 celebrated ,athenian  
legislator1 died circa ,b4,c4 #eeh1 aged
  eighty4 ,established the principle    
that property1 not birth1 should        
entitle to state honours and offices4   
,,strabo1 ,greek historian and          
geographer1 born circa ,b4,c4 #ej1 died 
circa ,a4,d4 #bj4 ,his chief work in    
seventeen books gives a description  of 
different countries1 manners and        
customs1 particulars of their  history1 
and eminent men4   ,,suetonius1 ,roman  
historian1 born circa ,a4,d4 #ge1 died  
circa #afj4   ,,tacitus1 ,roman         
historian1 born circa ,a4,d4 #ed4 ,his  

,annales cover  the period ,a4,d4       
#ad-fh4   ,,theocritus1 ,greek poet1    
lived third century ,b4,c41 considered  
the  father of pastoral poetry4 ,visited
 the court of ,ptolemus ,soter4         
,,thrasybulus1 ,athenian naval          
commander1 died ,b4,c4 #chi4            
,,thucydides1 ,greek historian1 born    
,b4,c4 #dga1 died circa #dja4 ,his      
great work1 the history of the          
,peloponnesian ,war1 is the first       
example  of philosophical history4      
,,tiberius1 ,,claudius ,,nero1 ,roman   
,emperor1 ,b4,c4 #db-;,a4,d4 #cg1       
succeeded  ,augustus ,a4,d4 #ad4        
,,timoleon1 ,greek general1 born in     
,corinth circa ,b4,c4 #djj1 died #ccg4  
,resided at ,syracuse4   ,,tissaphernes1
 ,persian satrap1 died ,b4,c4 #cie4 ,an 
intimate friend of  ,alcibiades4        
,,trajanus1 ,,marcus ,,ulpius 7,trajan71
 ,roman ,emperor1 ,a4,d4 #eb-aag4       
,succeeded to the throne in #ih1 and    
surnamed by the ,senate 8,optimus40     
,,varro1 ,roman writer1 born ,b4,c4     

#aaf1 died #bh4 ,reputed the most       
learned  among the ,romans1 and wrote   
#dij books4   ,,vauban1 ,s,,bastien ,,le
 ,,prestre ,,de1 ,marshal of ,france and
 great military  engineer1 #afcc-agjg4  
,published works on sieges1 frontiers1  
etc41 and  left twelve folio volumes of 
,,ms41 and was pronounced the most      
upright1  simple1 true1 and modest man  
of his age4   ,,vespasian1 ,,titus      
,,flavius1 ,roman ,emperor1 born ,a4,d4 
#i1 died #gi4   ,,vopiscus1 ,syracusan1 
flourished circa ,a4,d4 #cjd4 ,wrote    
histories4   ,,xenophon1 ,greek         
historian1 born circa ,b4,c4 #dej1 a    
disciple and friend  of ,socrates4      
,,the ,,end4  ,,the ,,walter ,,scott    
,,publishing ,,co41 ,,ltd41             
,,felling-,,on-,,tyne4                  
,,advertisements1 from the ,walter      
,scott ,publishing ,company1 ,limited1  
,london and ,felling-on-,tyne4   ,,the  
,,world',s ,,literary ,,masterpieces4   
,the ,scott ,library4  ,maroon ,cloth1  
,gilt4 ,price #as4 net per ,volume4     

,,volumes ,,already ,,issued--   #a     
,malory's ,romance of ,king ,arthur and 
the ,quest of the ,holy ,grail4  ,edited
 by ,ernest ,rhys4   #b ,thoreau's      
,walden4 ,with ,introductory ,note by   
,will ,h4 ,dircks4   #c ,thoreau's      
8,week40 ,with ,prefatory ,note by ,will
 ,h4 ,dircks4   #d ,thoreau's ,essays4  
,edited1 ,with an ,introduction1 by     
,will ,h4 ,dircks4   #e ,confessions of 
an ,english ,opium-eater1 ,etc4 ,by     
,thomas ,de ,quincey4  ,with            
,introductory ,note by ,william ,sharp4 
#f ,landor's ,imaginary ,conversations4 
,selected1 with ,introduction1 by       
,havelock ,ellis4   #g ,plutarch's      
,lives 7,langhorne74 ,with ,introductory
 ,note by ,b4 ,j4 ,snell1  ,m4,a4   #h  
,browne's ,religio ,medici1 etc4 ,with  
,introduction by ,j4 ,addington         
,symonds4   #i ,shelley's ,essays and   
,letters4 ,edited1 with ,introductory   
,note1 by  ,ernest ,rhys4   #aj ,swift's
 ,prose ,writings4 ,chosen and          
,arranged1 with ,introduction1 by       

,walter ,lewin4   #aa ,my ,study        
,windows4 ,by ,james ,russell ,lowell4  
,with ,introduction by ,r4  ,garnett1   
,,ll4,d4   #ab ,lowell's ,essays on the 
,english ,poets4 ,with a new            
,introduction by  ,mr4 ,lowell4   #ac   
,the ,biglow ,papers4 ,by ,james        
,russell ,lowell4 ,with a ,prefatory    
,note  by ,ernest ,rhys4   #ad ,great   
,english ,painters4 ,selected from      
,cunningham's ,lives4 ,edited  by       
,william ,sharp4   #ae ,byron's ,letters
 and ,journals4 ,selected1 with         
,introduction1 by  ,mathilde ,blind4    
#af ,leigh ,hunt's ,essays4 ,with       
,introduction and ,notes by ,arthur     
,symons4   #ag ,longfellow's            
8,hyperion10 8,kavanagh10 and 8,the     
,trouveres40 ,with  ,introduction by ,w4
 ,tirebuck4   #ah ,great ,musical       
,composers4 by ,g4 ,f4 ,ferris4 ,edited1
 with  ,introduction1 by ,mrs4 ,william 
,sharp4   #ai ,the ,meditations of      
,marcus ,aurelius4 ,edited by ,alice    
,zimmern4   #bj ,the ,teaching of       

,epictetus4 ,translated from the ,greek1
 with  ,introduction and ,notes1 by ,t4 
,w4 ,rolleston4   #ba ,selections from  
,seneca4 ,with ,introduction by ,walter 
,clode4   #bb ,specimen ,days in        
,america4 ,by ,walt ,whitman4 ,revised  
by the ,author1  with fresh ,preface4   
#bc ,democratic ,vistas1 and ,other     
,papers4 ,by ,walt ,whitman4 7,published
 by  arrangement with the ,author47     
#bd ,white's ,natural ,history of       
,selborne1 with a ,preface by ,richard  
,jefferies4   #be ,defoe's ,captain     
,singleton4 ,edited1 with ,introduction1
 by ,h4  ,halliday ,sparling4   #bf     
,mazzini's ,essays3 ,literary1          
,political1 and ,religious4 ,with       
,introduction by ,william ,clarke4   #bg
 ,prose ,writings of ,heine4 ,with      
,introduction by ,havelock ,ellis4   #bh
 ,reynolds's ,discourses4 ,with         
,introduction by ,helen ,zimmern4   #bi 
,papers of ,steele and ,addison4 ,edited
 by ,walter ,lewin4   #cj ,burns's      
,letters4 ,selected and ,arranged1 with 

,introduction1 by ,j4  ,logie           
,robertson1 ,m4,a4   #ca ,volsunga      
,saga4 ,william ,morris4 ,with          
,introduction by ,h4 ,h4 ,sparling4     
#cb ,sartor ,resartus4 ,by ,thomas      
,carlyle4 ,with ,introduction by ,ernest
  ,rhys4   #cc ,select ,writings of     
,emerson with ,introduction by ,percival
 ,chubb4   #cd ,autobiography of ,lord  
,herbert4 ,edited1 with an              
,introduction1 by  ,will ,h4 ,dircks4   
#ce ,english ,prose1 ,from ,maundeville 
to ,thackeray4 ,chosen and ,edited by   
,arthur ,galton4   #cf ,the ,pillars of 
,society1 and ,other ,plays4 ,by ,henrik
 ,ibsen4 ,edited1  with an              
,introduction1 by ,havelock ,ellis4     
#cg ,irish ,fairy and ,folk ,tales4     
,edited and ,selected by ,w4 ,b4 ,yeats4
   #ch ,essays of ,dr4 ,johnson1 with   
,biographical ,introduction and ,notes  
by  ,stuart ,j4 ,reid4   #ci ,essays of 
,william ,hazlitt4 ,selected and        
,edited1 with ,introduction  and ,notes1
 by ,frank ,carr4   #dj ,landor's       

,pentameron1 and ,other ,imaginary      
,conversations4 ,edited1  with a        
,preface1 by ,h4 ,ellis4   #da ,poe's   
,tales and ,essays4 ,edited1 with       
,introduction1 by ,ernest ,rhys4   #db  
,vicar of ,wakefield4 ,by ,oliver       
,goldsmith4 ,edited1 with ,preface1 by  
,ernest ,rhys4   #dc ,political         
,orations1 from ,wentworth to ,macaulay4
 ,edited1 with  ,introduction1 by       
,william ,clarke4   #dd ,the ,autocrat  
of the ,breakfast-table4 ,by ,oliver    
,wendell ,holmes4   #de ,the ,poet at   
the ,breakfast-table4 ,by ,oliver       
,wendell ,holmes4   #df ,the ,professor 
at the ,breakfast-table4 ,by ,oliver    
,wendell ,holmes4   #dg ,lord           
,chesterfield's ,letters to his ,son4   
,selected1 with  ,introduction1 by      
,charles ,sayle4   #dh ,stories from    
,carleton4 ,selected1 with              
,introduction1 by ,w4 ,yeats4   #di     
,jane ,eyre4 ,by ,charlotte ,bront4     
,edited by ,clement ,k4 ,shorter4   #ej 
,elizabethan ,england4 ,edited by       

,lothrop ,withington1 with a ,preface   
by ,dr4 ,furnivall4   #ea ,the ,prose   
,writings of ,thomas ,davis4 ,edited by 
,t4 ,w4 ,rolleston4   #eb ,spence's     
,anecdotes4 ,a ,selection4 ,edited1 with
 an ,introduction and  ,notes1 by ,john 
,underhill4   #ec ,more's ,utopia1 and  
,life of ,edward ,v4 ,edited1 with an   
,introduction1  by ,maurice ,adams4     
#ed ,sadi's ,gulistan1 or ,flower       
,garden4 ,translated1 with an ,essay1 by
  ,james ,ross4   #ee ,english ,fairy   
and ,folk ,tales4 ,edited by ,e4 ,sidney
 ,hartland4   #ef ,northern ,studies4   
,by ,edmund ,gosse4 ,with a ,note by    
,ernest ,rhys4   #eg ,early ,reviews of 
,great ,writers4 ,edited by ,e4         
,stevenson4   #eh ,aristotle's ,ethics4 
,with ,george ,henry ,lewes's ,essay on 
,aristotle  prefixed4   #ei ,landor's   
,pericles and ,aspasia4 ,edited1 with an
 ,introduction1 by  ,havelock ,ellis4   
#fj ,annals of ,tacitus4 ,thomas        
,gordon's ,translation4 ,edited1 with an
  ,introduction1 by ,arthur ,galton4    

#fa ,essays of ,elia4 ,by ,charles      
,lamb4 ,edited1 with an ,introduction1  
by  ,ernest ,rhys4   #fb ,balzac's      
,shorter ,stories4 ,translated by       
,william ,wilson and the  ,count        
,stenbock4   #fc ,comedies of de        
,musset4 ,edited1 with an ,introductory 
,note1 by ,s4 ,l4  ,gwynn4   #fd ,coral 
,reefs4 ,by ,charles ,darwin4 ,edited1  
with an ,introduction1 by  ,dr4 ,j4 ,w4 
,williams4   #fe ,sheridan's ,plays4    
,edited1 with an ,introduction1 by      
,rudolf ,dircks4   #ff ,our ,village4   
,by ,miss ,mitford4 ,edited1 with an    
,introduction1 by  ,ernest ,rhys4   #fg 
,master ,humphrey's ,clock1 and other   
,stories4 ,by ,charles ,dickens4  ,with 
,introduction by ,frank ,t4 ,marzials4  
#fh ,oxford ,movement1 ,the4 ,being a   
,selection from 8,tracts for the        
,times40 ,edited1 with an ,introduction1
 by ,william ,g4 ,hutchison4   #fi      
,essays and ,papers by ,douglas         
,jerrold4 ,edited by ,walter ,jerrold4  
#gj ,vindication of the ,rights of      

,woman4 ,by ,mary ,wollstonecraft4      
,introduction by ,mrs4 ,e4 ,robins      
,pennell4   #ga 8,the ,athenian         
,oracle40 ,a ,selection4 ,edited by     
,john ,underhill1 with  ,prefatory ,note
 by ,walter ,besant4   #gb ,essays of   
,sainte-beuve4 ,translated and ,edited1 
with an  ,introduction1 by ,elizabeth   
,lee4   #gc ,selections from ,plato4    
,from the translation of ,sydenham and  
,taylor4  ,edited by ,t4 ,w4 ,rolleston4
   #gd ,heine's ,italian ,travel        
,sketches1 etc4 ,translated by          
,elizabeth ,a4  ,sharp4 ,with an        
,introduction from the ,french of       
,theophile ,gautier4   #ge ,schiller's  
,maid of ,orleans4 ,translated1 with an 
,introduction1 by  ,major-,general      
,patrick ,maxwell4   #gf ,selections    
from ,sydney ,smith4 ,edited1 with an   
,introduction1 by  ,ernest ,rhys4   #gg 
,the ,new ,spirit4 ,by ,havelock ,ellis4
   #gh ,the ,book of ,marvellous        
,adventures4 ,from the 8,morte          
d',arthur40  ,edited by ,ernest ,rhys4  

,this1 together with ,no4 #a1 forms the 
complete  8,morte d',arthur40   #gi     
,essays and ,aphorisms4 ,by ,sir ,arthur
 ,helps4 ,with an ,introduction by  ,e4 
,a4 ,helps4   #hj ,essays of ,montaigne4
 ,selected1 with a ,prefatory ,note1 by 
,percival  ,chubb4   #ha ,the ,luck of  
,barry ,lyndon4 ,by ,w4 ,m4 ,thackeray4 
,edited by ,f4 ,t4  ,marzials4   #hb    
,schiller's ,william ,tell4 ,translated1
 with an ,introduction1 by              
,major-,general ,patrick ,maxwell4   #hc
 ,carlyle's ,essays on ,german          
,literature4 ,with an ,introduction by  
,ernest ,rhys4   #hd ,plays and         
,dramatic ,essays of ,charles ,lamb4    
,edited1 with an  ,introduction1 by     
,rudolf ,dircks4   #he ,the ,prose of   
,wordsworth4 ,selected and ,edited1 with
 an ,introduction1  by ,professor       
,william ,knight4   #hf ,essays1        
,dialogues1 and ,thoughts of ,count     
,giacomo ,leopardi4  ,translated1 with  
an ,introduction and ,notes1 by         
,major-,general ,patrick  ,maxwell4     

#hg ,the ,inspector-general4 ,a ,russian
 ,comedy4 ,by ,nikolai ,v4 ,gogol4      
,translated from the original1 with an  
,introduction and ,notes1 by  ,arthur   
,a4 ,sykes4   #hh ,essays and ,apothegms
 of ,francis1 ,lord ,bacon4 ,edited1    
with an  ,introduction1 by ,john        
,buchan4   #hi ,prose of ,milton4       
,selected and ,edited1 with an          
,introduction1 by  ,richard ,garnett1   
,,ll4,d4   #ij ,the ,republic of ,plato4
 ,translated by ,thomas ,taylor1 with an
  ,introduction by ,theodore ,wratislaw4
   #ia ,passages from ,froissart4 ,with 
an ,introduction by ,frank ,t4          
,marzials4   #ib ,the ,prose and ,table 
,talk of ,coleridge4 ,edited by ,will   
,h4 ,dircks4   #ic ,heine in ,art and   
,letters4 ,translated by ,elizabeth ,a4 
,sharp4   #id ,selected ,essays of de   
,quincey4 ,with an ,introduction by ,sir
 ,george  ,douglas1 ,bart4   #ie        
,vasari's ,lives of ,italian ,painters4 
,selected and ,prefaced by  ,havelock   
,ellis4   #if ,laocoon1 and other ,prose

 ,writings of ,lessing4 ,a new          
,translation by  ,w4 ,b4 ,rnnfeldt4     
#ig ,pelleas and ,melisanda1 and the    
,sightless4 ,two ,plays by ,maurice     
,maeterlinck4 ,translated from the      
,french by ,laurence ,alma ,tadema4     
#ih ,the ,complete ,angler of ,walton   
and ,cotton4 ,edited1 with an           
,introduction1 by ,charles ,hill ,dick4 
#ii ,lessing's ,nathan the ,wise4       
,translated by ,major-,general ,patrick 
,maxwell4   #ajj ,the ,poetry of the    
,celtic ,races1 and other ,essays of    
,ernest ,renan4  ,translated by ,w4 ,g4 
,hutchison4   #aja ,criticisms1         
,reflections1 and ,maxims of ,goethe4   
,translated1 with an  ,introduction1 by 
,w4 ,b4 ,rnnfeldt4   #ajb ,essays of    
,schopenhauer4 ,translated by ,mrs4     
,rudolf ,dircks4 ,with an               
,introduction4   #ajc ,renan's ,life of 
,jesus4 ,translated1 with an            
,introduction1 by  ,william ,g4         
,hutchison4   #ajd ,the ,confessions of 
,saint ,augustine4 ,edited1 with an     

,introduction1  by ,arthur ,symons4     
#aje ,the ,principles of ,success in    
,literature4 ,by ,george ,henry ,lewes4 
,edited by ,t4 ,sharper ,knowlson4      
#ajf ,the ,lives of ,dr4 ,john ,donne1  
,sir ,henry ,wotton1 ,mr4 ,richard      
,hooker1  ,mr4 ,george ,herbert1 and    
,dr4 ,robert ,sanderson4 ,by ,izaac     
,walton4 ,edited1  with an              
,introduction1 by ,charles ,hill ,dick4 
#ajh ,renan's ,antichrist4 ,translated1 
with an ,introduction1 by ,w4 ,g4       
,hutchison4   #aji ,orations of ,cicero4
 ,selected and ,edited1 with an         
,introduction1 by  ,fred4 ,w4 ,norris4  
#aaj ,reflections on the ,revolution in 
,france4 ,by ,edmund ,burke4 ,with an   
,introduction by ,george ,sampson4      
#aaa ,the ,letters of the ,younger      
,pliny4 ,series ,i4 ,translated1 with an
  ,introductory ,essay1 by ,john ,b4    
,firth1 ,b4,a41 ,late ,scholar of       
,queen's  ,college1 ,oxford4   #aab ,the
 ,letters of the ,younger ,pliny4       
,series ,,ii4 ,translated by ,john ,b4  

,firth1 ,b4,a4   #aac ,selected         
,thoughts of ,blaise ,pascal4           
,translated1 with an  ,introduction and 
,notes1 by ,gertrude ,burford ,rawlings4
   #aad ,scots ,essayists3 from         
,stirling to ,stevenson1 ,edited1 with  
an  ,introduction1 by ,oliphant         
,smeaton4   #aae ,on ,liberty4 ,by ,john
 ,stuart ,mill4 ,with an ,introduction  
by ,w4 ,l4  ,courtney4   #aaf ,the      
,discourse on ,method and ,metaphysical 
,meditations of ,ren  ,descartes4       
,translated1 with ,introduction1 by     
,gertrude ,b4 ,rawlings4   #aag         
,klidsa's ,sakuntal1 ,etc4 ,edited1     
,with ,an ,introduction1 by ,t4  ,holme4
   #aah ,newman's ,university ,sketches4
 ,edited1 with ,introduction1 by ,george
  ,sampson4   #aai ,newman's ,select    
,essays4 ,edited1 with an ,introduction1
 by ,george  ,sampson4   #abj ,renan's  
,marcus ,aurelius4 ,translated1 with an 
,introduction1 by  ,william ,g4         
,hutchison4   #aba ,froude's ,nemesis of
 ,faith4 ,with an ,introduction by      

,william ,g4  ,hutchison4   #abb ,what  
is ,art8 ,by ,leo ,tolstoy4 ,translated 
from the ,original ,russian  ,,ms41 with
 ,introduction1 by ,alymer ,maude4      
#abc ,hume's ,political ,essays4        
,edited1 with an ,introduction1 by ,w4  
,b4  ,robertson4   ,,other ,,volumes    
,,in ,,preparation4   ,,in ,,one        
,,volume4   ,crown #hvo1 ,cloth1 ,richly
 ,gilt4 ,price #cs4 #f;d4   ,musicians  
,wit1 ,humour1 and ,anecdote3 ,being on 
,dits of ,composers1  ,singers1 and     
,instrumentalists of ,all ,times4   ,by 
,frederick ,j4 ,crowest1   ,author of   
8,the ,great ,tone ,poets10 8,the ,story
 of ,british ,music02 ,editor  of 8,the 
,master ,musicians0 ,series1 etc41 etc4 
,profusely ,illustrated with ,quaint    
,drawings by ,j4 ,p4 ,donne4   ,,what   
,,the ,,reviewers ,,say3--   8,it is one
 of those delightful medleys of anecdote
 of all times1  seasons1 and persons1 in
 every page of which there is a new     
specimen  of humour1 strange adventure1 
and quaint saying40--,t4 ,p4 ,o',connor 

in  ,t4 ,p4's ,weekly4   8,a remarkable 
collection of good stories which must   
have taken years  of perseverance to get
 together40--,morning ,leader4   8,a    
book which should prove acceptable to   
two large sections of the  public--those
 who are interested in musicians and    
those who have an  adequate sense of the
 comic40--,globe4   ,the ,makers of     
,british ,art4  ,a ,,new ,,series ,,of  
,,monographs ,,of ,,british ,,painters4 
,each volume illustrated with ,twenty   
,full-page ,reproductions and a         
,photogravure ,portrait4   ,square      
,crown #hvo1 ,cloth1 ,gilt ,top1        
,deckled ,edges1 #cs4 #f;d4 net4        
,,volumes ,,ready4  ,landseer1 ,sir     
,edwin4 ,by the ,editor4   8,this little
 volume may rank as the most complete   
account of ,landseer  that the world is 
likely to possess40--,times4  ,reynolds1
 ,sir ,joshua4 ,by ,elsa                
d',esterre-,keeling4   8,to the series  
entitled #8,the ,makers of ,british     
,art' ,miss ,elsa  d',esterre-,keeling  

contributes an admirable little volume  
on ,sir ,joshua  ,reynolds4 ,miss       
,keeling's style is sprightly and       
epigrammatic1 and her  judgments are    
well considered40--,daily ,telegraph4   
,turner1 ,j4 ,m4 ,w4 ,by ,robert        
,chignell1 ,author of 8,the ,life and   
,paintings of ,vicat ,cole1 ,r4,a40     
,romney1 ,george4 ,by ,sir ,herbert     
,maxwell1 ,bart41 ,f4,r4,s41 ,m4,p4     
8,likely to remain the best account of  
the painter's life40--,athenum4         
,wilkie1 ,sir ,david4 ,by ,professor    
,bayne4  ,constable1 ,john4 ,by the     
,right ,hon4 ,lord ,windsor4  ,raeburn1 
,sir ,henry4 ,by ,edward ,pinnington4   
,gainsborough1 ,thomas4 ,by ,a4 ,e4     
,fletcher4  ,hogarth1 ,william4 ,by     
,prof4 ,g4 ,baldwin ,brown4  ,moore1    
,henry4 ,by ,frank ,j4 ,maclean4   ,,in 
,,preparation4                          
,,millais--,,leighton--,,morland4       
,crown #hvo1 about #cej pp4 each1 ,cloth
 ,cover1 #b_/f per ,vol42               
,half-,polished ,morocco1 ,gilt ,top1   

#es4   ,count ,tolstoy's ,works4  ,the  
following ,volumes are already issued-- 
,a ,russian ,proprietor4   ,the         
,cossacks4   ,ivan ,ilyitch1 and ,other 
,stories4   ,my ,religion4   ,life4     
,my ,confession4   ,childhood1 ,boyhood1
 ,youth4   ,the ,physiology of ,war4    
,anna ,karnina4 #c_/f4   ,what to ,do8  
,war and ,peace4 7#d vols47   ,the ,long
 ,exile1 etc4   ,sevastopol4   ,the     
,kreutzer ,sonata1 and ,family          
,happiness4   ,the ,kingdom of ,god ,is 
,within ,you4   ,work ,while ,ye ,have  
the ,light4   ,the ,gospel in ,brief4   
,uniform with the above--   ,impressions
 of ,russia4 ,by ,dr4 ,georg ,brandes4  
,post #dto1 ,cloth1 ,price #as4         
,patriotism and ,christianity4   ,to    
which is appended a ,reply to           
,criticisms of the ,work4 ,by ,count    
,tolstoy4   #a_/ ,booklets by ,count    
,tolstoy4  ,bound in ,white ,grained    
,boards1 with ,gilt ,lettering4   ,where
 ,love is1 ,there ,god is ,also4   ,the 
,two ,pilgrims4   ,what ,men ,live by4  

,the ,godson4   ,if ,you ,neglect the   
,fire1 ,you ,don't ,put it ,out4   ,what
 ,shall it ,profit a ,man8   #b_/       
,booklets by ,count ,tolstoy4  ,new     
,editions1 ,revised4  ,small #abmo1     
,cloth1 with ,embossed ,design on       
,cover1 each containing ,two ,stories by
 ,count ,tolstoy1 and ,two ,drawings by 
,h4 ,r4 ,millar4 ,in ,box1 ,price #bs4  
each4  ,volume ,i4 contains--   ,where  
,love is1 ,there ,god is ,also4   ,the  
,godson4  ,volume ,,ii4 contains--      
,what ,men ,live by4   ,what ,shall it  
,profit a ,man8  ,volume ,,iii4         
contains--   ,the ,two ,pilgrims4   ,if 
,you ,neglect the ,fire1 ,you ,don't    
,put it ,out4  ,volume ,,iv4 contains-- 
,master and ,man4  ,volume ,v4          
contains--  ,tolstoy's ,parables4       
,crown #hvo1 ,cloth1 #cs4 #f;d4 each2   
some vols41 #fs4  ,the ,contemporary    
,science ,series4  ,edited by ,havelock 
,ellis4  ,illustrated ,vols4 between    
#cjj and #djj pp4 each4   ,evolution of 
,sex4 ,by ,professors ,geddes and       

,thomson4 #fs4   ,electricity in ,modern
 ,life4 ,by ,g4 ,w4 de ,tunzelmann4     
,the ,origin of the ,aryans4 ,by ,dr4   
,taylor4   ,physiognomy and ,expression4
 ,by ,p4 ,mantegazza4   ,evolution and  
,disease4 ,by ,j4 ,b4 ,sutton4   ,the   
,village ,community4 ,by ,g4 ,l4 ,gomme4
   ,the ,criminal4 ,by ,havelock ,ellis4
 ,new ,edition4 #fs4   ,sanity and      
,insanity4 ,by ,dr4 ,c4 ,mercier4       
,hypnotism4 ,by ,dr4 ,albert ,moll      
7,berlin74   ,manual ,training4 ,by ,dr4
 ,woodward 7,st4 ,louis74   ,science of 
,fairy ,tales4 ,by ,e4 ,s4 ,hartland4   
,primitive ,folk4 ,by ,elie ,reclus4    
,evolution of ,marriage4 ,by ,ch4       
,letourneau4   ,bacteria and ,their     
,products4 ,by ,dr4 ,woodhead4          
,education and ,heredity4 ,by ,j4 ,m4   
,guyau4   ,the ,man of ,genius4 ,by     
,prof4 ,lombroso4   ,property3 ,its     
,origin4 ,by ,ch4 ,letourneau4          
,volcanoes ,past and ,present4 ,by      
,prof4 ,hull4   ,public ,health         
,problems4 ,by ,dr4 ,j4 ,f4 ,sykes4     

,modern ,meteorology4 ,by ,frank ,waldo1
 ,ph4,d4   ,the ,germ-plasm4 ,by        
,professor ,weismann4 #fs4   ,the       
,industries of ,animals4 ,by ,f4        
,houssay4   ,man and ,woman4 ,by        
,havelock ,ellis4 #fs4   ,modern        
,capitalism4 ,by ,john ,a4 ,hobson1     
,m4,a4   ,thought-,transference4 ,by ,f4
 ,podmore1 ,m4,a4   ,comparative        
,psychology4 ,by ,prof4 ,c4 ,l4 ,morgan1
 ,f4,r4,s4 #fs4   ,the ,origins of      
,invention4 ,by ,o4 ,t4 ,mason4   ,the  
,growth of the ,brain4 ,by ,h4 ,h4      
,donaldson4   ,evolution in ,art4 ,by   
,prof4 ,a4 ,c4 ,haddon1 ,f4,r4,s4       
,hallucinations and ,illusions4 ,by ,e4 
,parish4 #fs4   ,psychology of the      
,emotions4 ,by ,prof4 ,ribot4 #fs4      
,the ,new ,psychology4 ,by ,dr4 ,e4 ,w4 
,scripture4 #fs4   ,sleep3 ,its         
,physiology1 ,pathology1 ,hygiene1 and  
,psychology4 ,by ,marie de  ,manacne4   
,the ,natural ,history of ,digestion4   
,by ,a4 ,lockhart ,gillespie1 ,m4,d41   
,f4,r4,c4,p4 ,ed41 ,f4,r4,s4 ,ed4 #fs4  

,degeneracy3 ,its ,causes1 ,signs1 and  
,results4 ,by ,prof4 ,eugene ,s4        
,talbot1  ,m4,d41 ,chicago4 #fs4   ,the 
,history of the ,european ,fauna4 ,by   
,r4 ,f4 ,scharff1 ,b4,sc41 ,ph4,d41     
,f4,z4,s4 #fs4   ,the ,races of ,man3 ,a
 ,sketch of ,ethnography and            
,anthropology4 ,by ,j4  ,deniker4 #fs4  
,the ,psychology of ,religion4 ,by      
,prof4 ,starbuck4 #fs4   ,the ,child4   
,by ,alexander ,francis ,chamberlain1   
,m4,a41 ,ph4,d4 #fs4   ,the             
,mediterranean ,race4 ,by ,prof4 ,sergi4
 #fs4   ,the ,study of ,religion4 ,by   
,morris ,jastrow1 ,jun41 ,ph4,d4 #fs4   
,history of ,geology and ,palontology4  
,by ,prof4 ,karl ,alfred von ,zittel1   
,munich4 #fs4   ,the ,making of         
,citizens3 ,a ,study in ,comparative    
,education4 ,by ,r4 ,e4  ,hughes1 ,m4,a4
 #fs4   ,morals3 ,a ,treatise on the    
,psycho-,sociological ,bases of ,ethics4
 ,by  ,prof4 ,g4 ,l4 ,duprat4           
,earthquakes1 a ,study of ,recent4 ,by  
,prof4 ,charles ,davison1 ,d4,sc41      

,f4,g4,s4 #fs4   ,,special ,,edition    
,,of ,,the ,,canterbury ,,poets4        
,square #hvo1 ,cloth1 ,gilt ,top        
,elegant1 ,price #bs4  ,each ,volume    
with a ,frontispiece in ,photogravure4  
,christian ,year4 ,with ,portrait of    
,john ,keble4   ,longfellow4 ,with      
,portrait of ,longfellow4   ,shelley4   
,with ,portrait of ,shelley4            
,wordsworth4 ,with ,portrait of         
,wordsworth4   ,whittier4 ,with         
,portrait of ,whittier4   ,burns4 ,songs
 with ,portrait of ,burns1 and ,view of 
8,the ,auld ,brig o'  ,doon40   ,burns4 
,poems with ,portrait of ,burns1 and    
,view of 8,the ,auld ,brig o'  ,doon40  
,keats4 ,with ,portrait of ,keats4      
,emerson4 ,with ,portrait of ,emerson4  
,sonnets of this ,century4 ,portrait of 
,p4 ,b4 ,marston4   ,whitman4 ,with     
,portrait of ,whitman4   ,love ,letters 
of a ,violinist4 ,portrait of ,eric     
,mackay4   ,scott4 ,lady of the ,lake1  
etc4 with ,portrait of ,sir ,walter     
,scott1 and  ,view of 8,the ,silver     

,strand1 ,loch ,katrine40   ,scott4     
,marmion1 etc4 with ,portrait of ,sir   
,walter ,scott1 and ,view of  8,the     
,silver ,strand1 ,loch ,katrine40       
,children of the ,poets4 ,with an       
,engraving of 8,the ,orphans10 by       
,gainsborough4   ,sonnets of ,europe4   
,with ,portrait of ,j4 ,a4 ,symonds4    
,sydney ,dobell4 ,with ,portrait of     
,sydney ,dobell4   ,herrick4 ,with      
,portrait of ,herrick4   ,ballads and   
,rondeaus4 ,portrait of ,w4 ,e4 ,henley4
   ,irish ,minstrelsy4 ,with ,portrait  
of ,thomas ,davis4   ,paradise ,lost4   
,with ,portrait of ,milton4   ,fairy    
,music4 ,engraving from ,drawing by ,c4 
,e4 ,brock4   ,golden ,treasury4 ,with  
,engraving of ,virgin ,mother4          
,american ,sonnets4 ,with ,portrait of  
,j4 ,r4 ,lowell4   ,imitation of        
,christ4 ,with ,engraving1 8,ecce       
,homo40   ,painter ,poets4 ,with        
,portrait of ,walter ,crane4   ,women   
,poets4 ,with ,portrait of ,mrs4        
,browning4   ,poems of ,hon4 ,roden     

,noel4 ,portrait of ,hon4 ,r4 ,noel4    
,american ,humorous ,verse4 ,portrait of
 ,mark ,twain4   ,songs of ,freedom4    
,with ,portrait of ,william ,morris4    
,scottish ,minor ,poets4 ,with ,portrait
 of ,r4 ,tannahill4   ,contemporary     
,scottish ,verse4 ,with ,portrait of    
,robert ,louis ,stevenson4   ,paradise  
,regained4 ,with ,portrait of ,milton4  
,cavalier ,poets4 ,with ,portrait of    
,suckling4   ,humorous ,poems4 ,with    
,portrait of ,hood4   ,herbert4 ,with   
,portrait of ,herbert4   ,poe4 ,with    
,portrait of ,poe4   ,owen ,meredith4   
,with ,portrait of late ,lord ,lytton4  
,love ,lyrics4 ,with ,portrait of       
,raleigh4   ,german ,ballads4 ,with     
,portrait of ,schiller4   ,campbell4    
,with ,portrait of ,campbell4           
,canadian ,poems4 ,with ,view of ,mount 
,stephen4   ,early ,english ,poetry4    
,with ,portrait of ,earl of ,surrey4    
,allan ,ramsay4 ,with ,portrait of      
,ramsay4   ,spenser4 ,with ,portrait of 
,spenser4   ,chatterton4 ,with          

,engraving1 8,the ,death of             
,chatterton40   ,cowper4 ,with ,portrait
 of ,cowper4   ,chaucer4 ,with ,portrait
 of ,chaucer4   ,coleridge4 ,with       
,portrait of ,coleridge4   ,pope4 ,with 
,portrait of ,pope4   ,byron4           
,miscellaneous with ,portraits of       
,byron4   ,byron4 ,don ,juan with       
,portraits of ,byron4   ,jacobite       
,songs4 ,with ,portrait of ,prince      
,charlie4   ,border ,ballads4 ,with     
,view of ,neidpath ,castle4             
,australian ,ballads4 ,with ,portrait of
 ,a4 ,l4 ,gordon4   ,hogg4 ,with        
,portrait of ,hogg4   ,goldsmith4 ,with 
,portrait of ,goldsmith4   ,moore4 ,with
 ,portrait of ,moore4   ,dora           
,greenwell4 ,with ,portrait of ,dora    
,greenwell4   ,blake4 ,with ,portrait of
 ,blake4   ,poems of ,nature4 ,with     
,portrait of ,andrew ,lang4   ,praed4   
,with ,portrait4   ,southey4 ,with      
,portrait4   ,hugo4 ,with ,portrait4    
,goethe4 ,with ,portrait4   ,beranger4  
,with ,portrait4   ,heine4 ,with        

,portrait4   ,sea ,music4 ,with ,view of
 ,corbire ,rocks1 ,jersey4   ,song-tide4
 ,with ,portrait of ,philip ,bourke     
,marston4   ,lady of ,lyons4 ,with      
,portrait of ,bulwer ,lytton4           
,shakespeare3 ,songs and ,sonnets4 ,with
 ,portrait4   ,ben ,jonson4 ,with       
,portrait4   ,horace4 ,with ,portrait4  
,crabbe4 ,with ,portrait4   ,cradle     
,songs4 ,with ,engraving from ,drawing  
by ,t4 ,e4 ,macklin4   ,ballads of      
,sport4 ,with ,engraving from ,drawing  
by ,t4 ,e4 ,macklin4   ,matthew ,arnold4
 ,with ,portrait4   ,austin's ,days of  
the ,year1 ,with ,portrait4   ,clough's 
,bothie1 and other ,poems4 ,with ,view4 
,browning's ,pippa ,passes1 etc4 ,with  
,portrait4   ,browning's ,blot in the   
',scutcheon1 etc4 ,with ,portrait4      
,browning's ,dramatic ,lyrics4 ,with    
,portrait4   ,mackay's ,lover's ,missal4
 ,with ,portrait4   ,kirke ,white's     
,poems4 ,with ,portrait4   ,lyra        
,nicotiana4 ,with ,portrait4   ,aurora  
,leigh4 ,with ,portrait of ,e4 ,b4      

,browning4   ,naval ,songs4 ,with       
,portrait of ,lord ,nelson4   ,tennyson3
 ,in ,memoriam1 ,maud1 etc4 ,with       
,portrait4   ,tennyson3 ,english ,idyls1
 ,the ,princess1 etc4 ,with ,view of    
,farringford  ,house4   ,war ,songs4    
,with ,portrait of ,lord ,roberts4      
,james ,thomson4 ,with ,portrait4       
,alexander ,smith4 ,with ,portrait4     
,the ,music ,story ,series4  ,a ,,series
 ,,of ,,literary-,,musical ,,monographs4
  ,edited by ,,frederick ,j4 ,,crowest1 
,author of 8,the ,great ,tone ,poets10  
etc41 etc4  ,illustrated with           
,photogravure and ,collotype ,portraits1
 ,half-tone and ,line ,pictures1        
,facsimiles1 etc4  ,square ,crown #hvo1 
,cloth1 #cs4 #f;d4 net4   ,,volumes     
,,now ,,ready4   ,the ,story of         
,oratorio4 ,by ,annie ,w4 ,patterson1   
,b4,a41 ,mus4 ,doc4   ,the ,story of    
,notation4 ,by ,c4 ,f4 ,abdy ,williams1 
,m4,a41 ,mus4 ,bac4   ,the ,story of the
 ,organ4 ,by ,c4 ,f4 ,abdy ,williams1   
,m4,a41 ,author of 8,bach0  and         

8,handel0 78,master ,musicians'         
,series074   ,the ,story of ,chamber    
,music4 ,by ,n4 ,kilburn ,mus4 ,bac4    
7,cantab471  ,conductor of the          
,middlesbrough1 ,sunderland1 and ,bishop
 ,auckland  ,musical ,societies4   ,the 
,story of the ,violin4 ,by ,paul        
,stoeving1 ,professor of the ,violin1   
,guildhall ,school of ,music1 ,london4  
,the ,story of the ,harp4 ,by ,william  
,h4 ,grattan ,flood1 ,author of         
8,history  of ,irish ,music40   ,the    
,story of ,organ ,music4 ,by ,c4 ,f4    
,abdy ,williams1 ,m4,a41 ,mus4 ,bac4    
,,in ,,preparation4   ,the ,story of the
 ,pianoforte4 ,by ,algernon ,s4 ,rose1  
,author of 8,talks  with ,bandsmen40    
,the ,story of ,english ,minstrelsy4 ,by
 ,edmondstoune ,duncan4   ,the ,story of
 the ,orchestra4 ,by ,stewart           
,macpherson1 ,fellow and  ,professor1   
,royal ,academy of ,music4   ,the ,story
 of ,musical ,sound4 ,by ,churchill     
,sibley1 ,mus4 ,doc4   ,the ,story of   
,church ,music4 ,by ,the ,editor4       

,etc41 ,etc41 ,etc4           99      99
      99      99      99      99        
,transcriber's note3  ,original spelling
 and grammar have been generally        
retained1 with some exceptions noted    
below4  ,page xi4 ,the phrase ,weath of 
,nations was changed to ,wealth of      
,nations4  ,page xiii4 ,the phrase #8,i 
am much pleased with was changed to 8,i 
am much pleased with4  ,page xxiii4 ,the
 phrase int his room while was changed  
to into his room while4  ,page #add4    
,the phrases ,xerxes's army and ,xerxes'
 army are both retained4  ,page #aegn4  
,the phrase much rom their business was 
changed to much from their business4    
,pages #afb-afc4 ,the phrases 8that in  
the year 7p4 #afb7 and north            
exposition40 7p4 #afc7 contain          
unbalanced quotation marks in the       
original4 ,two new double quotation     
marks have been inserted to balance     
these1 at 8#8,hybernum fracta and 8,he  
speaks of that river's4  ,page #bed4    
,the phrase ,,samillus1 ,,marcus        

,,furius was changed to ,,camillus1     
,,marcus ,,furius4  ,page #beh4 ,this   
7originally unnumbered7 page begins     
sixteen pages of advertisements from    
,the ,walter ,scott ,publishing ,co4 ,a 
new heading ,,advertisements was        
inserted4 ,this new heading contains    
also the footer text that was originally
 printed on each page of the ads        
section4 ,the ads were printed in       
several different styles with           
considerable variation4 ,the styling has
 been herein greatly simplified4        
,several large curly brackets  that     
graphically indicate combination of     
information on two or more lines of text
 have been eliminated1 by restructuring 
the text4 ,ditto marks ,do4 were also   
removed4