,transcriber's ,note3 ,this version of the text cannot represent certain typographical effects4 ,italics are delimited with the underscore character as italic4 ,bold face type is delimited with the equals sign as bold4 ,footnotes have been moved to follow the chapters in which they are referenced4 ,the ,roman ,festivals of the ,period of the ,republic ,,the ,,roman ,,festivals ,,of ,,the ,,period ,,of ,,the ,,republic ,,an ,,introduction ,,to ,,the ,,study ,,of ,,the ,,religion ,,of ,,the ,,romans ,,by ,w4 ,,warde ,,fowler1 ,m4,a4 ,,fellow ,,and ,,sub-,,rector ,,of ,,lincoln ,,college1 ,,oxford ,london ,,macmillan ,,and ,,co41 ,,limited ,,new ,,york3 ,,the ,,macmillan ,,company #ahii ,all rights reserved ,,oxford3 ,,horace ,,hart ,,printer ,,to ,,the ,,university ,,fratris ,,filiis ,i4 ,c4 ,h4 ,f ,h4 ,g4 ,c4 ,f ,,bonae ,,spei ,,adolescentibus ,,preface ,a word of explanation seems needed about the form this book has taken4 ,many years ago ,i became specially interested in the old ,roman religion1 chiefly1 ,i think1 through studying ,plutarch's ,quaestiones ,romanae1 at a time when bad eyesight was compelling me to abandon a project for an elaborate study of all ,plutarch's works4 ,the #8scrappy' character not only of the ,quaestiones1 but of all the material for the study of ,roman ritual1 suited weak eyes better than the continual reading of ,greek text2 but ,i soon found it necessary to discover a thread on which to hang these fragments in some regular order4 ,this ,i naturally found in the ,fasti as edited by ,mommsen in the first volume of the ,corpus ,inscriptionum ,latinarum2 and it gradually dawned on me that the only scientific way of treating the subject was to follow the calendar throughout the year1 and to deal with each festival separately4 ,i had advanced some way in this work1 when ,roscher's ,lexicon of ,greek and ,roman ,mythology began to appear in parts1 and at once convinced me that ,i should have to do my work all over again in the increased light afforded by the indefatigable industry of the writers of the ,roman articles4 ,i therefore dropped my work for several years while the ,lexicon was in progress1 and should have waited still longer for its completion1 had not ,messrs4 ,macmillan invited me to contribute a volume on the ,roman religion to their series of ,handbooks of ,archaeology and ,antiquities4 ,having once set out on the plan of following the ,fasti1 ,i could not well abandon it1 and ,i still hold it to be the only sound one3 especially if1 as in this volume1 the object is to exhibit the religious side of the native ,roman character1 without getting entangled to any serious extent in the colluvies religionum of the last age of the ,republic and the earlier ,empire4 ,the book has thus taken the form of a commentary on the ,fasti1 covering in a compressed form almost all the public worship of the ,roman state1 and including incidentally here and there certain ceremonies which strictly speaking lay outside that public worship4 ,compression has been unavoidable2 yet it has been impossible to avoid stating and often discussing the conflicting views of eminent scholars2 and the result probably is that the book as a whole will not be found very interesting reading4 ,but ,i hope that ,british and ,american students of ,roman history and literature1 and possibly also anthropologists and historians of religion1 may find it useful as a book of reference1 or may learn from it where to go for more elaborate investigations4 ,the task has often been an ungrateful one--one indeed of ,dipping buckets into empty wells ,and growing old with drawing nothing up4 ,the more carefully ,i study any particular festival1 the more 7at least in many cases7 ,i have been driven into doubt and difficulty both as to reported facts and their interpretation4 ,had the nature of the series permitted it1 ,i should have wished to print the chief passages quoted from ancient authors in full1 as was done by ,mr4 ,farnell in his ,cults of the ,greek ,states1 and so to present to the reader the actual material on which conclusions are rightly or wrongly based4 ,i have only been able to do this where it was indispensable3 but ,i have done my best to verify the correctness of the other references1 and have printed in full the entries of the ancient calendars at the head of each section4 ,professor ,gardner1 the editor of the series1 has helped me by contributing two valuable notes on coins1 which will be found at the end of the volume3 and ,i hope he may some day find time to turn his attention more closely to the bearing of numismatic evidence on ,roman religious history4 ,it happens1 by a curious coincidence1 that ,i am writing this on the last day of the old ,roman year2 and the lines which ,ovid has attached to that day may fitly express my relief on arriving at the end of a very laborious task3 ,venimus in portum1 libro cum mense peracto1 ,naviget hinc alia iam mihi linter aqua4 ,w4 ,w4 ,f4 ,oxford3 ,feb4 #bh1 #ahii4 ,,contents ,introduction #a ,calendar #ba ,festivals of ,march #cc ,festivals of ,april #ff ,festivals of ,may #ih ,festivals of ,june #abi ,festivals of ,july #agc ,festivals of ,august #ahi ,festivals of ,september #bae ,festivals of ,october #bcf ,festivals of ,november #beb ,festivals of ,december #bee ,festivals of ,january #bgg ,festivals of ,february #bih ,conclusion #ccb ,notes on ,two ,coins #cej ,indices #cec ,,abbreviations4 ,the following are the most important abbreviations which occur in the notes3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 stands for ,corpus ,inscriptionum ,latinarum4 ,where the volume is not indicated the reference is invariably to the second edition of that part of vol4 i which contains the ,fasti 7,berlin1 #ahic74 ,marquardt or ,marq4 stands for the third volume of ,marquardt's ,rmische ,staatsverwaltung1 second edition1 edited by ,wissowa 7,berlin1 #ahhe74 ,it is the sixth volume of the complete ,handbuch der ,rmischen ,alterthmer of ,mommsen and ,marquardt4 ,preller1 or ,preller-,jordan1 stands for the third edition of ,preller's ,rmische ,mythologie by ,h4 ,jordan 7,berlin1 #ahha74 ,myth4 ,lex4 or ,lex4 stands for the ,ausfhrliches ,lexicon der ,griechischen und ,rmischen ,mythologie1 edited by ,w4 ,h4 ,roscher1 which as yet has only been completed to the letter ,n4 ,festus1 or ,paulus1 stands for ,k4 ,o4 ,mller's edition of the fragments of ,festus1 ,de ,significatione ,verborum1 and the ,excerpta ex ,festo of ,paulus ,diaconus2 quoted by the page4 ,,introduction ,i4 ,the ,roman ,method of ,reckoning the ,year4#a ,there are three ways in which the course of the year may be calculated4 ,it can be reckoned-- #a4 ,by the revolution of the moon round the earth1 twelve of which #ced days1 or a ring 7annus71 sufficiently near to the solar year to be a practicable system with modifications4 #b4 ,by the revolution of the earth round the sun i4 e4 #cfe-a_/d days2 a system which needs periodical adjustments1 as the odd quarter 7or1 more strictly1 #e hours #dh minutes #dh seconds7 cannot of course be counted in each year4 ,in this purely solar year the months are only artificial divisions of time1 and not reckoned according to the revolutions of the moon4 ,this is our modern system4 #c4 ,by combining in a single system the solar and lunar years as described above4 ,this has been done in various ways by different peoples1 by adopting a cycle of years of varying length1 in which the resultants of the two bases of calculation should be brought into harmony as nearly as possible4 ,in other words1 though the difference between a single solar year and a single lunar year is more than #aa days1 it is possible1 by taking a number of years together and reckoning them as lunar years1 one or more of them being lengthened by an additional month1 to make the whole period very nearly coincide with the same number of solar years4 ,thus the ,athenians adopted for this purpose at different times groups or cycles of #h and #ai years4 ,in the ,octaeteris or #h-year cycle there were #ii lunar months1 #c months of #cj days being added in #c of the #h years--a plan which falls short of accuracy by about #cf hours4 ,later on a cycle of #ai years was substituted for this1 in which the discrepancy was greatly reduced4 ,the ,roman year in historical times was calculated on a system of this kind1 though with such inaccuracy and carelessness as to lose all real relation to the revolutions both of earth and moon4 ,but there was a tradition that before this historical calendar came into use there had been another system1 which the ,romans connected with the name of ,romulus4 ,this year was supposed to have consisted of #aj months1 of which #d--,march1 ,may1 ,july1 ,october--had #ca days1 and the rest #cj2 in all #cjd4 ,but this was neither a solar nor a lunar year2 for a lunar year of #aj months #bie days #g hours #bj minutes1 while a solar year #cfe-a_/d4 ,nor can it possibly be explained as an attempt to combine the two systems4 ,mommsen has therefore conjectured that it was an artificial year of #aj months1 used in business transactions1 and in periods of mourning1 truces#b1 c41 to remedy the uncertainty of the primitive calculation of time2 and that it never really was the basis of a state calendar4 ,this view has of course been the subject of much criticism#c4 ,but no better solution has been found2 the hypothesis that the year of #aj months was a real lunar year1 to which an undivided period of time was added at each year's end1 to make it correspond with the solar year and the seasons1 has not much to recommend it or any analogy among other peoples4 ,it was not1 then1 the so-called year of ,romulus which was the basis of the earliest state-calendar1 but another system which the ,romans themselves usually ascribed to ,numa4 ,this was originally perhaps a lunar year2 at any rate the number of days in it is very nearly that of a true lunar year 7#ced days #h hours #dh minutes7#d4 ,it consisted of #ab months1 of which ,march1 ,may1 ,july1 ,october had #ca days1 and the rest #bi1 except ,february1 which had #bh4 ,all the months therefore had an odd number of days1 except the one which was specially devoted to purification and the cult of the dead2 according to an old superstition1 probably adopted from the ,greeks of ,southern ,italy#e1 that odd numbers were of good omen1 even numbers of ill omen4 ,this principle1 as we shall see1 holds good throughout the ,roman calendar4 ,but this reckoning of the year1 if it ever existed at all1 could not have lasted long as it stood4 ,as we know it in historical times1 it has become modified by applying to it the principle of the solar year4 ,the reason for this should be noted carefully4 ,a lunar year1 being about #aa days short of the solar year1 would in a very short time become out of harmony with the seasons4 ,now if there is one thing certain about the ,roman religious calendar1 it is that many at least of its oldest festivals mark those operations of husbandry on which the population depended for its subsistence1 and for the prosperous result of which divine agencies must be propitiated4 ,these festivals1 when fixed in the calendar1 must of course occur at the right seasons1 which could not be the case if the calendar were that of a purely lunar year4 ,it was therefore necessary to work in the solar principle2 and this was done#f by a somewhat rude expedient1 not unlike that of the ,athenian ,octaeteris1 and probably derived from it#g4 ,a cycle of #d years was devised1 of which the first had the #cee days of the lunar year1 the second #cee #bb1 the third #cee again1 and the fourth #cee #bc4 ,the extra periods of #bb and #bc days were inserted in ,february1 not at the end1 but after the #bcrd 7,terminalia7#h4 ,the total number of days in the cycle was #adfe1 or about #a day too much in each year2 and in course of time even this system got out of harmony with the seasons and had to be rectified from time to time by the ,pontifices1 who had charge of the calendar4 ,owing to ignorance on their part1 misuse or neglect of intercalation had put the whole system out of gear before the last century of the ,republic4 ,all relation to sun and moon was lost2 the calendar1 as ,mommsen says1 #8went on its own way tolerably unconcerned about moon and sun4' ,when ,caesar took the reform of the calendar in hand the discrepancy between it and the seasons was very serious2 the former being in advance of the latter probably by some weeks4 ,caesar1 aided by the mathematician ,sosigenes1 put an end to this confusion by extending the year #df ,b4,c4 to #dde days1 and starting afresh on ,jan4 #a1 #de ,b4,c4#i--;a day henceforward to be that of the new year--with a cycle of #d years of #cfe days#aj2 in the last of which a single day was added1 after the ,terminalia4 ,this cycle produced a true solar year with a slight adjustment at short intervals2 and after a few preliminary blunders on the part of the ,pontifices1 lasted without change until ,a4,d4 #aehb1 when ,pope ,gregory ,,xiii set right a slight discrepancy by a fresh regulation4 ,this regulation was only adopted in ,england in #ageb1 and is still rejected in ,russia and by the ,greek ,church generally4 ,,ii4 ,order of ,months in the ,year4 ,that the ,roman year originally began with ,march is certain#aa1 not only from the evidence of the names of the months1 which after ,june are reckoned as #eth 7,quinctilis71 #fth 7,sextilis71 and so on1 but from the nature of the ,march festivals1 as will be shown in treating of that month4 ,in the character of the religious festivals there is a distinct break between ,february and ,march1 and the operations both of nature and of man take a fresh turn at that point4 ,between the festivals of ,december and those of ,january there is no such break4 ,no doubt ,january #a1 just after the winter solstice1 was even at an early time considered in some sense as a beginning2 but it is going too far to assume1 as some have done1 that an ancient religious or priestly year began at that point#ab4 ,it was not on ,january #a1 but on ,march #a1 that the sacred fire in the ,aedes ,vestae was renewed and fresh laurels fixed up on the ,regia1 the two buildings which were the central points of the oldest ,roman religion#ac4 ,march #a1 which in later times at least was considered the birthday of the special protecting deity of the ,romans1 continued to be the ,roman ,new ,year's ,day long after the official beginning of the year had been changed to ,january #aad4 ,it was probably not till #aec ,b4,c41 when the consuls began to enter on office on ,january #a1 that this official change took place2 and the date was then adopted1 not so much for religious reasons as because it was convenient1 when the business of administration was increasing1 to have the consuls in ,rome for some time before they left for their provinces at the opening of the war season in ,march4 ,no rational account can in my opinion be given of the ,roman religious calendar of the ,republic unless it be taken as beginning with ,march2 and in this work ,i have therefore restored the old order of months4 ,with the ,julian calendar ,i am not concerned2 though it is unfortunate that all the ,roman calendars we possess1 including the ,fasti of ,ovid1 date from after the ,julian era1 and therefore present us with a distorted view of the true course of the old ,roman worship4 ,next after ,march came ,aprilis1 the month of opening or unfolding vegetation2 then ,maius1 the month of growing1 and ,junius1 that of ripening and perfecting4 ,after this the names cease to be descriptive of the operations of nature2 the six months that follow were called1 as four of them still are1 only by their positions relative to ,march1 on which the whole system of the year thus turned as on a pivot4 ,the last two months of the twelve were ,january and ,february4 ,they stand alone among the later months in bearing names instead of mere numbers1 and this is sufficient to suggest their religious importance4 ,that they were not mere appendages to a year of ten months is almost certain from the antique character of the rites and festivals which occur in them--,agonia1 ,carmentalia1 ,lupercalia1 c42 and it is safer to consider them as marking an ancient period of religious importance preparatory to the beginning of the year1 and itself coinciding with the opening of the natural year after the winter solstice4 ,this latter point seems to be indicated in the name ,januarius1 which1 whether derived from janua1 #8a gate1' or ,janus1 #8the god of entrances1' is appropriate to the first lengthening of the days1 or the entrance of the sun on a new course2 while ,february1 the month of purifying or regenerative agencies 7februa71 was1 like the ,lent of the ,christian calendar1 the period in which the living were made ready for the civil and religious work of the coming year1 and in which also the yearly duties to the dead were paid4 ,it is as well here to refer to a passage of ,ovid 7,fasti1 ii4 #dg foll471 itself probably based on a statement of ,varro1 which has led to a controversy about the relative position of these two months3 ,sed tamen antiqui ne nescius ordinis erres1 ,primus1 ut est1 ,iani mensis et ante fuit4 ,qui sequitur ,ianum1 veteris fuit ultimus anni1 ,tu quoque sacrorum1 ,termine1 finis eras4 ,primus enim ,iani mensis1 quia ianua prima est2 ,qui sacer est imis manibus1 imus erat4 ,postmodo creduntur spatio distantia longo ,tempora bis quini continuasse viri4 ,this plainly means that from the time when ,march ceased to be the first month1 the year always began with ,january and ended with ,february2 in other words the order was ,january1 ,march1 ,april1 and so on1 ending with ,february2 until the time of the ,decemvirate1 when ,february became the second month1 and ,december the last1 as at present1 ,january still retaining its place4 ,a little consideration of ,ovid's lines will1 however1 suggest the conclusion that he1 and his authority1 whoever that may have been1 were arguing aetiologically rather than on definite knowledge4 ,january1 they thought1 must always have been the first month1 because janua1 #8a door1' is the first thing1 the entrance1 through which you pass into a new year as into a house or a temple4 ,how1 they would argue1 could a month thus named have ever been the eleventh month8 ,this once supposed impossible1 it was necessary to infer that the place of ,january was the first1 from the time of its introduction1 and that it was followed by ,march1 ,april1 c41 ,february coming last of all1 immediately after ,december2 and finally that at the time of the ,decemvirs1 who are known to have made some alterations in the calendar1 the positions of ,january and ,february were reversed1 ,january remaining the first month1 but ,february becoming the second4 ,,iii4 ,the ,divisions of the ,month4 ,the ,romans1 with their usual conservatism1 preserved the shell of the lunar system of reckoning long after the reality had disappeared4 ,the month was at all times divided by the real or imaginary phases of the moon1 though a week of eight days was introduced at an early period1 and though the month was no longer a lunar one4 ,the two certain points in a lunar month are the first appearance of the crescent#ae and the full moon2 between these is the point when the moon reaches the first quarter1 which is a less certain one4 ,owing to this uncertainty of the reckoning of the first days of the month there were no festivals in the calendars on the days before the first quarter 7,nones71 with a single exception of the obscure ,poplifugia on ,july #e4 ,the day of the new moon was called ,kalendae1 as ,varro tells us1 #8quod his diebus calantur eius mensis nonae a pontificibus1 quintanae an septimanae sint futurae1 in ,capitolio in curia ,calabra sic3 ,dies te quinque calo1 ,iuno ,covella4 ,septem dies te calo ,iuno ,covella'#af4 ,all the ,kalends were sacred to ,juno1 whose connexion with the moon is certain though not easy to explain4 ,with the ,nones1 which were sacred to no deity1 all uncertainty ceased4 ,the ,ides1 or day of the full moon1 was always the eighth after the first quarter4 ,this day was sacred to ,jupiter2 a fact which is now generally explained as a recognition of the continuous light of the two great heavenly bodies during the whole twenty-four hours#ag4 ,on the ,nones the ,rex sacrorum 7and therefore before him the king himself7 announced the dates of the festivals for the month4 ,there was another internal division of the month1 with which we are not here specially concerned1 that of the ,roman week or nundinal period of eight days1 which is indicated in all the calendars by the letters ,a to ,h4 ,the nundinae were market days1 on which the rustic population came into ,rome2 whether they were also feast days 7feriae7 was a disputed question even in antiquity4 ,,iv4 ,the ,days4 ,every day in the ,roman calendar has a certain mark attached to it1 viz4 the letters ,f1 ,c1 ,n1 ,,np1 ,,en1 ,q4,r4,c4,f41 ,q4,st4,d4,f41 or ,,fp4 ,all of these have a religious significance1 positive or negative4 ,f1 i4 e4 fas or fastus1 means that on the day so marked civil and especially judicial business might be transacted without fear of divine displeasure#ah4 ,correctness in the time as well as place of all human actions was in the mind of the early ,roman of the most vital importance2 and the floating traditional ideas which governed his life before the formation of the ,state were systematized and kept secret by kings and priests1 as a part1 so to speak1 of the science of government4 ,not till ,b4,c4 #cjd was the calendar published1 with its permissive and prohibitive regulations#ai4 ,c 7comitialis7 means that the day so marked was one on which the comitia might meet#bj1 and on which also legal business might be transacted1 as on the days marked ,f1 if there were no other hindrance4 ,the total number of days thus available for secular business1 i4e4 days marked ,f and ,c1 was in the ,julian calendar #bci out of #cfe4 ,n1 i4 e4 nefastus1 meant that the day so marked was religiosus1 vitiosus1 or ater2 as ,gellius has it#ba1 #8tristi omine et infames impeditique1 in quibus et res divinas facere et rem quampiam novam exordiri temperandum est4' ,some of these days received the mark in historical times for a special reason1 e4 g4 a disaster to the ,state2 among these were the postriduani or days following the ,kalends1 ,nones and ,ides1 because two terrible defeats had occurred on such days#bb4 ,but most of them 7in all they are #eg7 were probably so marked as being devoted to lustrations1 or worship of the dead or of the powers of the earth1 and therefore unsuitable for worldly business4 ,one long series of such dies nefasti occurs ,feb4 #a-ad1 the time of purification2 another1 ,april #e-bb1 in the month occupied by the rites of deities of growing vegetation2 a third1 ,june #e-ad1 when the rites of the ,vestals preparatory to harvest were taking place2 and a fourth1 ,july #a-i1 for reasons which are unfortunately by no means clear to us4 ,,np was not a mark in the pre-,julian calendars1 for it was apparently unknown to ,varro and ,ovid4 ,verrius ,flaccus seems to have distinguished it from ,n1 but his explanation is mutilated1 even as it survives in ,festus#bc4 ,no one has yet determined for certain the origin of the sign1 and discussion of the various conjectures would be here superfluous#bd4 ,it appears to distinguish1 in the ,julian calendars1 those days on which fell the festivals of deities who were not of an earthly and therefore doubtful character from those marked ,n4 ,thus in the series of dies nefasti in ,february and ,april the ,ides in each case have the mark ,,np as being sacred to ,jupiter4 ,,en4 ,we have a mutilated note in the calendar of ,praeneste which indicates what this abbreviation meant1 viz4 endotercisus intercisus1 i4 e4 #8cut into parts'#be4 ,in morning and evening1 as ,varro tells us1 the day was nefastus1 but in the middle1 between the slaying of the victim and the placing of the entrails upon the altar1 it was fastus4 ,but why eight days in the calendar were thus marked we do not know1 and have no data for conjecturing4 ,all the eight were days coming before some festival1 or before the ,ides4 ,of the eight two occur in ,january and two in ,february1 the others in ,march1 ,august1 ,october and ,december4 ,but on such facts no conjectures can be built4 ,q4,r4,c4,f4 7,quando ,rex ,comitiavit ,fas7 will be explained under ,march #bd2 the only other day on which it occurs is ,may #bd4 ,q4,st4,d4,f4 7,quando stercus delatum fas7 only occurs on ,june #ae1 and will there be fully dealt with4 ,,fp occurs thrice1 but only in three calendars4 ,feb4 #ba 7,feralia7 is thus marked in ,caer4#bf1 but is ,f in ,maff4 ,april #bc 7,vinalia7 is ,,fp in ,caer4 but ,,np in ,maff4 and ,f in ,praen4 ,aug4 #ai 7,vinalia rustica7 is ,,fp in ,maff4 and ,amit1 ,f in ,antiat4 and ,allif41 ,,np in ,vall4 ,mommsen explains ,,fp as fastus principio1 i4 e4 the early part of the day was fastus1 and suggests that in the case of the ,feralia1 as the rites of the dead were performed at night1 there was no reason why the earlier part of the day should be nefastus4 ,but in the case of the two ,vinalia we can hardly even guess at the meaning of the mark1 and it does not seem to have been known to the ,romans themselves4 ,v4 ,the ,calendars still surviving4 ,the basis of our knowledge of the old ,roman religious year is to be found in the fragments of calendars which still survive4 ,none of these indeed is older than the ,julian era2 and all but one are mere fragments4 ,but from the fragments and the one almost perfect calendar we can infer the character of the earlier calendar with tolerable certainty4 ,the calendar1 as the ,romans generally believed1 was first published by ,cnaeus ,flavius1 curule aedile1 in #cjd ,b4,c41 who placed the fasti conspicuously in the ,forum1 in order that every one might know on what days legal business might be transacted#bg2 in other words1 a calendar was published with the marks of the days and the indications of the festivals4 ,after this we hear nothing until #ahi ,b4,c41 when a consul1 ,m4 ,fulvius ,nobilior1 adorned his temple of ,hercules and the ,muses with a calendar which contained explanations or notes as well as dates#bh4 ,these are the only indications we have of the way in which the pre-,julian calendar was made known to the people4 ,but the rectification of the calendar by ,julius1 and the changes then introduced1 brought about a multiplication of copies of the original one issued under the dictator's edict#bi4 ,not only in ,rome1 but in the municipalities round about her1 where the ancient religious usage of each city had since the enfranchisement of ,italy been superseded1 officially at least1 by that of ,rome1 both public and private copies were made and set up either on stone1 or painted on the walls or ceiling of a building4 ,of such calendars we have in all fragments of some thirty1 and one which is all but complete4 ,fourteen of these fragments were found in or near ,rome1 eleven in municipalities such as ,praeneste1 ,caere1 ,amiternum1 and others as far away as ,allifae and ,venusia2 four are of uncertain origin#cj2 and one is a curious fragment from ,cisalpine ,gaul#ca4 ,most of them are still extant on stone1 but for a few we have to depend on written copies of an original now lost#cb4 ,no day in the ,roman year is without its annotation in one or more of these2 the year is almost complete1 as ,i have said1 in the ,fasti ,maffeiani2 and several others contain three or four months nearly perfect#cc4 ,two1 though in a fragmentary condition1 are of special interest4 ,one of these1 that of the ancient brotherhood of the ,fratres ,arvales1 discovered in #ahfg and following years in the grove of the brethren near ,rome1 contains some valuable additional notes in the fragments which survive of the months from ,august to ,november4 ,the other1 that of ,praeneste1 containing ,january1 ,march1 ,april and parts of ,february and ,december1 is still more valuable from the comments it contains1 most of which we can believe with confidence to have come from the hand of the great ,augustan scholar ,verrius ,flaccus4 ,we are told by ,suetonius that ,verrius put up a calendar in the forum at ,praeneste#cd1 drawn up by his own hand2 and the date#ce and matter of these fragments found at ,praeneste agree with what we know of the life and writings of ,verrius4 ,it is unlucky that recent attempts to find additional fragments should have been entirely without result2 for the whole annotated calendar1 if we possessed it1 would probably throw light on many dark corners of our subject4 ,to these fragments of ,julian calendars1 all drawn up between ,b4,c4 #ca and ,a4,d4 #df1 there remain to be added two in ,,mss43 7i7 that of ,philocalus1 ,a4,d4 #ced1 7ii7 that of ,polemius ,silvius1 ,a4,d4 #ddh2 neither of which are of much value for our present purpose1 though they will be occasionally referred to4 ,lastly1 we have two farmer's almanacs on cubes of bronze1 which omit the individual days1 but are of use as showing the course of agricultural operations under the later ,empire#cf4 ,all these calendars1 some of which had been printed wholly or in part long ago1 while a few have only been discovered of late1 have been brought together for the first time in the first volume of the ,corpus ,inscriptionum ,latinarum1 edited by ,mommsen with all his incomparable skill and learning1 and furnished with ample elucidations and commentaries4 ,and we now have the benefit of a second edition of this by the same editor1 to whose labours in this as in every other department of ,roman history it is almost impossible to express our debt in adequate words4 ,all references to the calendars in the following pages will be made to this second edition4 ,a word remains to be said about the ,fasti of ,ovid#cg1 which is a poetical and often fanciful commentary on the calendar of the first half of the ,julian year1 i4e4 ,january to ,june inclusive2 each month being contained in one book4 ,ovid tells us himself#ch that he completed the year in twelve books2 but the last six were probably never published1 for they are never quoted by later writers4 ,the first six were written but not published before the poet's exile1 and taken in hand again after the death of ,augustus1 but only the first book had been revised when the work was cut short by ,ovid's death4 ,ovid's work merits all praise as a literary performance1 for the neatness and felicity of its versification and diction2 but as a source of knowledge it is too much of a medley to be used without careful criticism4 ,there is1 however1 a great deal in it that helps us to understand the views about the gods and their worship1 not only of the scholars who pleased themselves and ,augustus by investigating these subjects1 but also of the common people both in ,rome and in the country4 ,but the value varies greatly throughout the work4 ,where the poet describes some bit of ritual which he has himself seen1 or tells some ,italian story he has himself heard1 he is invaluable2 but as a substitute for the work of ,varro on which he drew1 he only increases our thirst for the original4 ,no great scholar himself1 he aimed at producing a popular account of the results of the work of scholars1 picking and choosing here and there as suited his purpose1 and not troubling himself to write with scientific accuracy4 ,moreover1 he probably made free use of ,alexandrine poets1 and especially of ,callimachus1 whose ,aetia is in some degree his model for the whole poem2 and thus it is that the work contains a large proportion of ,greek myth1 which is often hard to distinguish from the fragments of genuine ,italian legend which are here and there imbedded in it4 ,still1 when all is said1 a student of the ,roman religion should be grateful to ,ovid2 and when after the month of ,june we lose him as a companion1 we may well feel that the subject not only loses with him what little literary interest it can boast of1 but becomes for the most part a mere investigation of fossil rites1 from which all life and meaning have departed for ever4 ,,vi4 ,the ,calendar of the ,republic and its ,religious ,festivals4 ,all the calendars still surviving belong1 as we saw1 to the early ,empire1 and represent the ,fasti as revised by ,julius4 ,but what we have to do with is the calendar of the ,republic4 ,can it be recovered from those we still possess8 ,fortunately this is quite an easy task1 as ,mommsen himself has pointed out#ci2 we can reconstruct for certain the so-called calendar of ,numa as it existed throughout the ,republican era4 ,the following considerations must be borne in mind3 #a4 ,it is certain that ,caesar and his advisers would alter the familiar calendar as little as possible1 acting in the spirit of persistent conservatism from which no true ,roman was ever free4 ,they added #aj days to the old normal year of #cee days1 i4 e4 two at the end of ,january1 ,august1 and ,december1 and one at the end of ,april1 ,june1 ,september1 and ,november2 but they retained the names of the months1 and their division by ,kalends1 ,nones1 and ,ides1 and also the signs of the days1 and the names of all festivals throughout the year4 ,later on further additions were made1 chiefly in the way of glorification of the ,emperors and their families2 but the skeleton remained as it had been under the ,republic4 #b4 ,it is almost certain that the ,republican calendar itself had never been changed from its first publication down to the time of ,caesar4 ,there is no historical record of any alteration1 either by the introduction of new festivals or in any other way4 ,the origin of no festival is recorded in the history of the ,republic1 except the second ,carmentalia1 the ,saturnalia1 and the ,cerealia#dj2 and in these three cases we can be morally certain that the record1 if such it can be called1 is erroneous4 #c4 ,if ,julius and his successors altered only by slight additions1 and if the calendar which they had to work on was of great antiquity and unchanged during the ,republic1 how1 in the next place1 are we to distinguish the skeleton of that ancient calendar from the ,julian and post-,julian additions8 ,nothing is easier2 in ,mommsen's words1 it is not a matter of calculation2 a glance at the ,fasti is sufficient4 ,in all these it will be seen that the numbers1 names1 and signs of the days were cut or painted in large capital letters2 while ludi1 sacrifices1 and all additional notes and comments appear in small capital letters4 ,it cannot be demonstrated that the large capital letters represent the ,republican calendar2 but the circumstantial evidence1 so to speak1 is convincing4 ,for inscribed in these large capitals is all the information which the ,roman of the ,republic would need2 the dies fasti1 comitiales1 nefasti1 c42 the number of the days in the month2 the position of the ,nones and the ,ides and the names of those days on which fixed festivals took place2 all this in an abbreviated but no doubt familiar form4 ,the minor sacrificial rites1 which concerned the priests and magistrates rather than the people1 he did not find there2 they would only have confused him4 ,the moveable festivals1 too1 he did not find there1 as they changed their date from year to year and were fixed by the priesthood as the time for each came round4 ,the ludi1 or public games1 were also absent from the old calendar1 for they were1 originally at least1 only adjuncts to certain festivals out of which they had grown in course of time4 ,lastly1 all rites which did not technically concern the ,state as a whole1 but only its parts and divisions#da1 i4 e4 of gentes and curiae1 of pagi 7paganalia71 montes 7,septimontium7 and sacella 7,sacra ,argeorum71 could not be included in the public calendar of the ,roman people4 ,but the ,roman of the ,republic1 even if his calendar were confined to the indications given by the large capital letters in the ,julian calendar1 could find in these the essential outline of the yearly round of his religious life4 ,this outline we too can reconstruct1 though the detail is often wholly beyond our reach4 ,for this detail we have to fall back upon other sources of information1 which are often most unsatisfactory and difficult to interpret4 ,what are these other sources1 of what value are they1 and how can that value be tested8 ,apart from the surviving ,fasti1 we have to depend1 both for the completion of the religious calendar1 and for the study and interpretation of all its details1 chiefly on the fragmentary remains of the works of the two great scholars of the age of ,julius and ,augustus1 viz4 ,varro and ,verrius ,flaccus1 and on the later grammarians1 commentators1 and other writers who drew upon their voluminous writings4 ,varro's book de ,lingua ,latina1 though not complete1 is in great part preserved1 and contains much information taken from the books of the pontifices1 which1 did we but possess them1 would doubtless constitute our one other most valuable record besides the ,fasti themselves#db4 ,such1 too1 is the value of the dictionary of ,verrius ,flaccus1 which1 though itself lost1 survives in the form of two series of condensed excerpts1 made by ,festus probably in the second century1 ,a4,d41 and by ,paulus ,diaconus as late as the beginning of the ninth#dc4 ,much of the work of ,varro and ,verrius is also imbedded in the grammatical writings of ,servius the commentator on ,virgil1 in ,macrobius1 ,nonius1 ,gellius1 and many others1 and also in ,pliny's ,natural ,history1 and in some of the ,christian ,fathers1 especially ,st4 ,augustine and ,tertullian2 but all these need to be used with care and caution1 except where they quote directly from one or other of their two great predecessors4 ,the same may be said of ,laurentius ,lydus#dd1 who wrote in ,greek a work de ,mensibus in the sixth century1 which still survives4 ,to these materials must be added the great historical writers of the ,augustine age2 ,livy1 who1 uncritical as he was1 and incapable of distinguishing the genuine ,italian elements in religious tradition from the accretions of ,greek and ,graeco-,etruscan myth1 yet supplies us with much material for criticism2 and ,dionysius of ,halicarnassus1 who as a foreigner resident for some time in ,rome1 occasionally describes ritual of which he was himself a witness4 ,the ,roman lives of ,plutarch1 and his curious collection entitled ,roman ,questions1 also contain much interesting matter1 taken from several sources1 e4g4 ,juba1 the learned king of ,mauritania1 but as a rule ultimately referable to ,varro4 ,beyond these there is no one author of real importance2 but the #8plant' of the investigator will include of course the whole of ,roman literature1 and ,greek literature so far as it touches ,roman life and history4 ,of epigraphical evidence there is not much for the period of the ,republic1 beyond the fragments of the ,fasti2 by far the most valuable ,italian religious inscription is not ,roman but ,umbrian2 and the ,acta ,fratrum ,arvalium only begin with the ,empire4 ,yet from these#de1 and from a few works of art1 however hard of interpretation1 some light has occasionally been thrown upon the difficulties of our subject2 and the study of early ,italian culture is fast progressing under the admirable system of excavation now being supervised by the ,italian government4 ,all this material has been collected1 sifted1 and built upon by modern scholars1 and chiefly by ,germans4 ,the work of collecting was done to a great extent in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries2 the rest of the process mainly in the nineteenth4 ,the chief writers will be quoted as occasion demands2 here can only be mentioned1 honoris causa1 the writings of ,ambrosch1 ,preller1 ,schwegler1 ,marquardt#df1 and of some of the writers in the ,mythological ,lexicon1 edited by ,roscher1 especially ,professor ,wissowa of ,berlin1 whose short but pithy articles1 as well as his treatises de ,feriis and de ,dis ,indigetibus are models of scholarly investigation#dg4 ,of late1 too1 anthropologists and folk-lorists have had something to say about ,roman religious antiquities2 of these1 the most conspicuous is the late lamented ,dr4 ,mannhardt1 who applied a new method to certain problems both of the ,greek and the ,roman religion1 and evolved a new theory for their interpretation4 ,among other works of this kind1 which incidentally throw light on our difficulties1 the most useful to me have been those of ,professor ,tylor1 ,mr4 ,frazer1 ,mr4 ,andrew ,lang1 and the late ,professor ,robertson ,smith4 ,in the ,religion of the ,semites1 by the last named scholar1 ,i seem to see a deeper insight into the modes of religious thought of ancient peoples than in any other work with which ,i am acquainted4 ,yet in spite of all this accumulation of learning and acumen1 it must be confessed that the study of the oldest ,roman religion is still one of insuperable difficulty1 and apt to try the patience of the student all the more as he slowly becomes aware of the conditions of the problem before him4 ,there are festivals in the calendar about which we really know nothing at all1 and must frankly confess our ignorance2 there are others about which we know just enough to be doubtful2 others again1 in interpreting which the ,romans themselves plainly went astray1 leaving us perhaps nothing but a baseless legend to aid us in guessing their original nature4 ,it must be borne in mind that the ,roman religion was in ruins when the ,julian calendar was drawn up1 and that the archaeological research which was brought to bear upon it by ,varro and ,verrius was not of a strictly scientific character4 ,and during the last two centuries of the ,republic1 as the once stately building crumbled away1 it became overlaid with growths of foreign and especially of ,greek origin1 under which it now lies hopelessly buried4 ,the ground-plan alone remains1 in the form of the calendar as it has been explained above2 to this we must hold fast if we would obtain any true conception of the religion of the earliest ,roman ,state#dh4 ,here and there some portion of the building of which it was the basis can however still be conjecturally restored by the aid of ,varro and ,verrius and a few other ancient writers1 tested by the criticism of modern scholars1 and sometimes by the results of the science of comparative religion4 ,such particular restoration is what has been attempted in this work1 not without much misgiving and constant doubt4 ,the fall of the ,republic is in any case a convenient point from which to survey the religious ideas and practice of the conquerors of the civilized world4 ,it is not indeed a more significant epoch in the history of the ,roman religion than the era of the ,punic wars1 when ,rome ceased to be a peninsular1 and began to be a cosmopolitan state2 but it is a turning-point in the history of the calendar and of religious worship as well as of the constitution4 ,henceforward1 in spite of the strenuous efforts of ,augustus to revive the old forms of worship1 all religious rites have a tendency to become transformed or overshadowed1 first by the cult of the ,caesars#di2 secondly1 by the steadily increasing influence of foreign and especially of ,oriental cults2 and lastly1 by ,christianity itself#ej4 ,taking our stand1 then1 in the year #df ,b4,c41 the last year of the pre-,julian calendar1 we are able in a small volume1 by carefully working through that calendar1 to lay a firm foundation of material for the study of the religious life and thought of the ,roman people while it was still in some sense really ,roman4 ,the plan has indeed its disadvantages2 it excludes the introduction of a systematic account of certain departments of the subject1 such as the development of the priesthoods1 the sacrificial ritual1 the auspicia1 and the domestic practice of religious rites#ea4 ,but if it is true1 as it undoubtedly is1 that in dealing with the ,roman religion we must begin with the cult#eb1 and that for the cult the one #8sincerum documentum' is to be found in the surviving ,fasti1 these drawbacks may fairly be deemed to be counterbalanced by distinct advantages4 ,and in order to neutralize any bewilderment that may be caused by the constant variety of the rites we shall meet with1 both in regard to their origin1 history1 and meaning1 some attempt will be made1 when we have completed the round of the year1 to sum up our results1 to sketch in outline the history of ,roman religious ideas1 and to estimate the influence of all this elaborate ceremonial on the life and character of the ,roman people4 99 99 99 99 99 ,in order to fit the calendar of each month into a single page of this work it has been necessary to print the names of the festivals1 and the indications of ,kalends1 ,nones1 c4 in small capital letters instead of the large capitals in which they appear in the originals 7see above1 p4 #ae74 ,in the headings to the days as they occur throughout the book the method of the originals will be reproduced exactly1 i4 e4 large capitals represent in every case the most ancient calendar of the ,republic1 and small capitals the additamenta ex fastis4 ,footnote #a3 ,the difficult questions connected with this subject cannot be discussed here4 ,since ,mommsen wrote his ,rmische ,chronologie it has at least been possible to give an intelligible account of it1 such as that in the ,dict4 of ,antiquities 7second edition71 in ,marquardt's ,staatsverwaltung1 iii4 #bha foll41 and in ,bouch-,leclercq1 ,pontifes1 p4 #bcj foll4 ,there is a useful summary in ,h4 ,peter's edition of ,ovid's ,fasti 7p4 #ai74 ,mommsen's views have been criticized by ,huschke1 ,das ,rmische ,jahr1 and ,hartmann1 ,der ,rm4 ,kalender2 the former a very unsafe guide1 and the latter1 unfortunately1 an unfinished and posthumous work4 ,the chief ancient authority is ,censorinus1 ,de die natali1 a work written at the beginning of the third century ,a4,d41 on the basis of a treatise of ,suetonius4 ,footnote #b3 ,chron4 #dh foll42 ,marq4 #bhd and notes4 ,footnote #c3 ,huschke1 op4 cit4 #h foll42 ,hartmann1 p4 #ac4 ,footnote #d3 #a ,censorinus1 ,de die natali1 #bj4 #d4 ,footnote #e3 ,mommsen 7,chron4 #ac7 believes it to have been a ,pythagorean doctrine which spread in ,southern ,italy4 ,hartmann1 on the contrary1 calls it an old ,italian one adopted by ,pythagoras4 ,see a valuable note in ,schwegler1 ,rm4 ,gesch4 i4 #efa1 inclining to the latter view4 ,footnote #f3 ,probably by the ,decemvirs1 ,b4,c4 #dej1 who are said to have made some alteration in the calendar 7,macrob4 #a4 #ac4 #ba47 ,footnote #g3 ,see ,dict4 ,ant4 i4 #ccg and #cdb4 ,it is highly probable that there was a still older plan1 which gave way to this at the time of the ,decemvirate3 the evidence for this1 which is conjectural only1 is stated by ,mommsen in the first chapter of his ,chronologie4 ,the number of days in this cycle 7also of #d years7 is computed at #adge1 and the average in each year at #cfh-c_/d4 ,footnote #h3 ,or1 according to ,mommsen1 in alternate years after the #bcrd and #bdth1 i4 e4 in the year of #cgh days #bc days were inserted after the ,terminalia2 in the year of #cgg days #bb days were inserted after the #bdth 7,regifugium74 ,thus ,february would in the one case have #bc1 and in the other #bd days2 the remaining #e and #d being added to the intercalated period4 ,the object of the ,decemvirs 7if it was they who made this change7 in this curious arrangement was1 in part at least1 to keep the festival of the god ,terminus on its original day 7,mommsen1 ,chron4 #ch74 ,terminus would budge neither from his seat on the ,capitol 7,liv4 #a4 #ee7 nor from his place in the calendar4 ,footnote #i3 ,probably in order that the beginning of the year might coincide with a new moon2 which actually happened on ,jan4 #a1 #de1 and was doubtless regarded as a good omen4 ,footnote #aj3 ,he added #aj days to the normal year of #cee3 ,january1 ,sextilis1 ,december1 receiving two2 ,april1 ,june1 ,september1 ,november1 one only4 ,these new days were placed at the end of the months1 so that the days on which religious festivals fell might remain as before4 ,footnote #aa3 ,mommsen1 ,chron4 #bbj4 ,in no other ,italian calendar of which we have any knowledge is ,march the first month 7ib4 #bah foll473 but there cannot be much doubt that these too had undergone changes4 ,festus 7#aej71 representing ,verrius ,flaccus1 says1 #8,martius mensis initium fuit anni et in ,latio et post ,romam conditam1' c4 ,footnote #ab3 ,huschke1 ,rm4 ,jahr1 #aa foll4 ,footnote #ac3 ,see below1 under ,march #a4 ,footnote #ad3 ,mommsen1 ,chron4 #ajc foll4 ,footnote #ae3 ,not the real new moon1 which is invisible4 ,the period between the new moon and the first quarter varies4 ,footnote #af3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #bg4 ,this was the method before the publication of the calendar by ,flavius3 ,macr4 #a4 #ae4 #i4 ,the meaning of ,covella is doubtful2 it has generally been connected with cavus and 1 and explained of the #8hollow' crescent of the new moon4 ,see ,roscher1 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,iuno #ehf4 ,footnote #ag3 ,aust1 s4 v4 ,iuppiter1 in ,roscher's ,lexicon1 p4 #fee4 ,footnote #ah3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #bi #8,dies fasti1 per quos praetoribus omnia verba 7i4 e4 do1 dico1 addico7 sine piaculo licet fari4' ,footnote #ai3 ,liv4 #i4 #df4 ,footnote #bj3 ,macr4 #a4 #af4 #ad4 ,cp4 the mutilated note of ,verrius in ,fasti ,praenestini 7,jan4 #c74 ,footnote #ba3 ,gell4 #d4 #i4 #e4 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #bi4 #cj4 ,footnote #bb3 ,livy1 #f4 #a4 #aa4 ,macrob4 i4 #af4 #bb4 ,footnote #bc3 ,festus #afe4 ,see ,mommsen's restoration of the passage in ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #bij ,b42 another1 less satisfactory1 in ,huschke1 ,rm4 ,jahr1 #bdj4 ,footnote #bd3 ,mommsen 7,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #bij1 ,a7 still holds to his view that ,,np is only an old form of ,n1 brought into use for purposes of differentiation4 ,his criticism of other views makes it difficult to put faith in them2 but ,i cannot help thinking that the object of the mark was not only to distinguish the religious character of the days from those marked ,n1 but to show that civil business might be transacted on them after the sacrificial rites were over1 owing to the rapid increase of legal business4 ,ovid may be alluding to this1 though confusing ,,np with ,,en1 in ,fasti i4 #ea1 where the words1 #8,nam simul exta deo data sunt1 licet omnia fari1' do not suit with ,verrius' note on ,,en1 but may really explain ,,np4 ,footnote #be3 ,fasti ,praen41 ,jan4 #aj4 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ca4 ,maer4 #a4 #af4 #c4 ,footnote #bf3 ,for the names of the fragments of ,fasti1 see next section4 ,footnote #bg3 #8,fastos circa forum in albo proposuit1 ut quando lege agi posset sciretur1' ,liv4 #i4 #df4 #e2 ,cic4 ,att4 #f4 #a4 #h4 ,on the latter passage ,mommsen has based a reasonable conjecture that the ,fasti had been already published in one of the last two of the ,twelve ,tables1 and subsequently again withdrawn4 7,chron4 #ca and note47 ,footnote #bh3 ,macrob4 #a4 #ab4 #af4 ,footnote #bi3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #bjg ,b4 ,petronius 7,cena #cj7 suggests the way in which copies might be set up in private houses4 ,in municipia copies might be made and given to the town by private persons 7so probably were ,maff4 and ,praen47 or put up by order of the decuriones4 ,footnote #cj3 ,including the ,fasti ,maffeiani1 which is almost complete4 ,footnote #ca3 ,no4 #bj in ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 7,guidizzolenses71 found at ,guidizzolo between ,mantua and ,verona4 ,footnote #cb3 ,maffeiani1 ,tusculani1 ,pinciani1 ,venusini4 ,footnote #cc3 ,those of ,caere1 ,praeneste1 ,amiternum1 and ,antium4 ,footnote #cd3 ,suet4 de ,grammaticis1 #ai4 ,footnote #ce3 ,circ4 ,a4,d4 #aj3 cf4 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #bjf4 ,there are a few additional notes apparently by a later hand4 ,footnote #cf3 ,menologium rusticum ,colotianum1 and ,men4 rusticum ,vallense in ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #bhj1 #bha4 ,footnote #cg3 ,merkel's edition 7#ahda71 with its valuable ,prolegomena1 is indispensable2 very useful too is that by ,h4 ,peter2 ,leipzig1 #ahhi4 ,footnote #ch3 ,tristia1 ii4 #edi4 ,footnote #ci3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #big foll4 7de feriis74 ,footnote #dj3 ,to these we may perhaps add the ,poplifugia and ,lucaria in ,july1 the legends about which we can neither accept nor refute4 ,footnote #da3 ,see ,festus1 #bde2 and ,dict4 ,ant4 s4 v4 ,sacra4 ,footnote #db3 ,varro's works1 de ,antiquitatibus humanis and divinis1 and many others1 only survive in the fragments quoted by later authors4 ,footnote #dc3 ,paul the deacon was one of the scholars who found encouragement at the court of ,charles the ,great4 ,his work is an abridgement of that of ,festus1 not of ,verrius himself4 ,on ,verrius and his epitomators1 as well as on the other writers who used his glosses1 see ,h4 ,nettleship's valuable papers in ,essays in ,latin ,literature1 p4 #bja foll4 ,footnote #dd3 ,for more information about ,lydus see ,bury1 ,later ,roman ,empire1 ii4 #ahc1 and below under ,march #ad4 ,footnote #de3 ,they will be found in ,bcheler's ,umbrica 7containing the processional inscription of ,iguvium with commentary and translation71 and ,henzen's ,acta ,fratrum ,arvalium4 ,footnote #df3 ,preller's ,rmische ,mythologie 7ed4 #c1 by ,h4 ,jordan7 and ,marquardt's third volume of his ,staatsverwaltung 7ed4 ,wissowa7 are both masterpieces1 not only in matter but in manner4 ,footnote #dg3 ,among the others may especially be mentioned ,aust1 a pupil of ,wissowa1 to whom we owe the excellent and exhaustive article on ,jupiter2 and ,r4 ,peter1 the author of the article ,fortuna and others1 who largely reflects the views of the late ,prof4 ,reifferscheid of ,breslau4 ,footnote #dh3 #8,hoc paene unum superest sincerum documentum1' ,wissowa1 de ,feriis1 p4 #a4 ,footnote #di3 ,this is well illustrated in the ,acta ,fratrum ,arvalium referred to above4 ,footnote #ej3 ,a succinct account of these tendencies will be found in ,marquardt1 p4 #gb foll4 ,there is a ,french translation of this invaluable volume4 ,footnote #ea3 ,a short account of these will be found in the author's articles in the new edition of ,smith's ,dictionary of ,antiquities1 on #8,sacra1' #8,sacerdos1' and #8,sacrificium4' ,on the domestic rites1 there is an excellent book in ,italian1 which might well be translated3 ,il ,culto privato di ,roma antica1 by ,prof4 ,de-,marchi of ,milan1 of which only ,part ,i1 ,la ,religione nella vita domestica1 has as yet appeared4 ,footnote #eb3 ,marquardt1 ,staatsverwaltung1 iii4 p4 #b4 ,calendar4 ,,mensis ,,martius ,fasti antiquissimi4 ,additamenta ex ,additamenta ex fastis4 scriptoribus4 #a ,,kal4 #a4 ,feriae ,marti4 #a4 ,matronalia7874 ,,np ,iunoni ,lucinae4 #b ,f #c ,c #d ,c #e ,c #f ,,np #g ,,non4 #g4 ,vediovi4 ,f #h ,f #i ,c #i4 ,arma ancilia movent4 #aj ,c #aa ,c #ab ,c #ac ,,en #ad ,,np ,,equirria #ad 7or #ae874 ,feriae #ad4 ,mamuralia7874 ,marti4 #ae ,,eid4 #ae4 ,feriae ,annae ,,np ,perennae4 #af ,f #af 7and #ag874 ,sacra ,argeorum4 #ag ,,np ,,liberalia ,,agonia #ah ,c #ai ,n ,,quinquatrus #ai4 ,feriae ,marti4 #bj ,c #ba ,c #bb ,n #bc ,,np ,,tubilustrium #bd ,q4,r4,c4 ,f #be ,c #bf ,c #bg ,,np #bh ,c #bi ,c #cj ,c #ca ,c #ca4 ,lunae in ,aventino4 ,,mensis ,,aprilis ,fasti antiquissimi4 ,additamenta ex ,additamenta ex fastis4 scriptoribus4 #a ,,kal4 #a4 ,veneralia7874 ,f ,fortunae virili in balneis 7,verr4 ,flacc474 #b ,f #c ,c #d ,c #d4 ,matri ,magnae4 #d-aj4 ,ludi ,megalesiaci4 #e ,,non4 #e4 ,fortunae publicae ,n citeriori in colle4 #f ,,np #g ,n #h ,n #i ,n #i-aj or #aj-aa4 ,oraculum ,fortunae patet 7at ,praeneste74 #aj ,n #aa ,n #ab ,n #ab-ai4 ,ludi ,cereales #ac ,,eid4 ,,np #ad ,n #ae ,,np ,,fordicidia #af ,n #ag ,n #ah ,n #ai ,n ,,cerealia #ai4 ,cereri ,libero ,liberae4 #bj ,n #ba ,,np ,,parilia #ba4 ,natalis urbis 7,philoc474 #bb ,n #bc ,,np ,,vinalia #bc4 ,veneri ,erycinae4 ,iovi4 #bd ,c #bd4 ,feriae ,latinae 7conceptivae7 usually about this time4 #be ,,np ,,robigalia #be4 ,sacrificium et ludi4 #bf ,f #bg ,c #bh ,,np #bh4 ,ludi ,florae1 to #bh4 ,floralia ,v4 ,non4 ,mai4 7,may 7,plin474 #c74 #bi ,c ,,mensis ,,maius ,fasti antiquissimi4 ,additamenta ex ,additamenta ex fastis4 scriptoribus4 #a ,,kal4 #a4 ,laribus #a4 ,dies natalis of ,f 7praestitibus74 temple of ,bona ,dea 7,ovid74 #b ,f #c ,c #d ,c #e ,c #f ,c #g ,,non4 #ec;,f #h ,f #i ,n ,,lemuria #aj ,c #aa ,n ,,lemuria #ab ,,np #ac ,n ,,lemuria #ad ,c #ae ,,eid4 #ae4 ,feriae ,iovi #ae4 ,sacra ,argeorum ,,np ,mercurio ,maiae4 7,ovid1 c474 #af ,f #ag ,c #ah ,c #ai ,c #bj ,c #ba ,,np ,,agonia #ba4 ,vediovi4 #bb ,n #bc ,,np ,,tubilustrium #bc4 ,volcano4 #bd ,q4,r4,c4 ,f #be ,c #be4 ,fortunae publicae ,populi ,romani4 #bf ,c #bg ,c #bh ,c #bi ,c #bi4 ,ambarvalla 7feriae conceptivae74 #cj ,c #ca ,c ,,mensis ,,iunius ,fasti antiquissimi4 ,additamenta ex ,additamenta ex fastis4 scriptoribus4 #a ,,kal4 #a4 ,iunoni ,monetae4 #a4 ,kalendae fabariae ,n 7,plin47 ,ludi4 #b ,f #c ,c #c4 ,bellonae in circo4 #d ,c #e ,,non4 #e4 ,dio ,fidio in ,n colle4 #f ,n #g ,n #h ,n #h4 ,menti in ,capitolio4 #i ,n ,,vestalia #aj ,n #aa ,n ,,matralia #ab ,n #ac ,,eid4 #ac4 ,feriae ,iovi4 #ac4 ,quinquatrus ,,np minusculae4 #ad #ed,n #ae ,q4,,st4,d4 ,f #af ,c #ag ,c #ah ,c #ah4 ,annae sacrum4 #ai ,c #bj ,c #bj4 ,summano ad circum maximum4 #ba ,c #bb ,c #bc ,c #bd ,c #bd4 ,forti ,fortunae4 #be ,c #bf ,c #bg ,c #bh ,c #bi ,f ,,mensis ,,quintilis ,fasti antiquissimi4 ,additamenta ex ,additamenta ex fastis4 scriptoribus4 #a ,,kal4 ,n #b ,n #c ,n #d ,,np #e ,,np ,,poplifugia #f ,n #f-ac4 ,ludi ,apollinares4 #g ,,non4 ,n #g4 ,nonae ,caprotinae 7,varro74 #h ,n #i ,n #i4 ,vitulatio 7,varro74 #aj ,c #aa ,c #ab ,c #ac ,c #ad ,c #ad-ai4 ,mercatus4 #ae ,,eid4 ,,np #af ,f #ag ,c #ah ,c #ah4 ,dies ,alliensis4 #ai ,,np ,,lucaria #bj ,c #ba ,,np ,,lucaria #bb ,c #bc ,,np ,,neptunalia #bd ,n #be ,,np ,,furrinalia #bf ,c #bg ,c #bh ,c #bi ,c #cj ,c #cj4 ,fortunae huiusque diei in campo4 #ca ,c ,,mensis ,,sextilis ,fasti antiquissimi4 ,additamenta ex ,additamenta ex fastis4 scriptoribus4 #a ,,kal4 ,f #a4 ,spei ad forum #a4 ,laribus holitorium4 compitalibus8 7,ovid1 #e4 #adg74 #b ,,np #c ,c #d ,c #e ,,non4 ,f #e4 ,saluti in colle ,quir4 #fee ,f #g ,c #h ,c #h 7or #i87 ,soli ,indigiti in colle ,quir4 #i ,f #aj ,c #aa ,c #ab ,c #ab4 ,herculi invicto ad circ4 max4 #ac ,,eid4 ,,np #ac4 ,feriae ,iovi4 #ad ,f ,dianae in ,aventino4 #ae ,c ,vortumno in ,aventino1 c4 7see p4 #aih74 #af ,c #ag ,,np ,,portunalia #ag4 ,ianoad theatrum ,marcelli4 #ah ,c #aief ,,fp ,,vinalia #bj ,c #ba ,,np ,,consualia #ba4 ,conso in ,aventino4 #bb ,,en #bc ,,np ,,volcanalia #bc4 ,volcano in circo ,flaminio1 c4 #bd ,c #bd4 ,mundus patet 7,festus74 #be ,,np ,,opiconsivia #bf ,c #bg ,,np ,,volturnalia #bh ,c #bi ,f ,,mensis ,,september ,fasti antiquissimi4 ,additamenta ex ,additamenta ex fastis4 scriptoribus4 #a ,,kal4 ,f #b ,f #c ,f #d ,c #d-ab4 ,ludi ,romani4 #e ,,non4 ,f #f ,f #g ,c #h ,c #i ,c #aj ,c #aa ,c #abeg ,n #ac ,,eid4 #ac4 ,iovi epulum4 ,,np ,feriae ,iovi4 #ad ,f #ad4 ,equorum probatio4 #aeeh ,n #ae-ai4 ,ludi ,romani in circo4 #af ,c #ag ,c #ah ,c #ai ,c #bj ,c #bj-bc4 ,mercatus4 #ba ,c #bb ,c #bc ,f #bd ,c #be ,c #bf ,c #bg ,c #bh ,c #bi ,f ,,mensis ,,october ,fasti antiquissimi4 ,additamenta ex ,additamenta ex fastis4 scriptoribus4 #a ,,kal4 #a4 ,tigillo sororio ,n ,acili4 ,fidei in ,capitolio4 #b ,f #c ,c #d ,c #e ,c #e4 ,mundus patet4 #fei ,c #g ,,non4 #g4 ,iovi fulguri4 ,f ,iunoni ,curriti in campo4 #h ,f #i ,c #aj ,c #aa ,,np ,,meditrinalia #ab ,c #ac ,,np ,,fontinalia #ac4 ,feriae ,fonti4 #ad ,,en #ae ,,eid4 #ae4 ,feriae ,iovi4 #ae4 ,sacrifice of ,,np ,october horse 7,festus74 #af ,f #ag ,c #ah ,c #ai ,,np ,,armilustrium #bj ,c #ba ,c #bb ,c #bc ,c #bd ,c #be ,c #bf ,c #bg ,c #bh ,c #bi ,c #cj ,c #ca ,c ,,mensis ,,november ,fasti antiquissimi4 ,additamenta ex ,additamenta ex fastis4 scriptoribus4 #a ,,kal4 ,f #b ,f #c ,c #d ,c #d-ag4 ,ludi plebeii4 #e ,f #f ,,non4 ,f #g ,c #h ,c #i ,c #aj ,c #aa ,c #ac4 ,feriae ,iovi4 ,iovi epulum4 #ab ,c #ac ,,eid4 #ac4 7or #ad874 ,,np ,feroniae in campo4 ,fortunae ,primigeniae4 #ad ,f #ae ,c #af ,c #ag ,c #ad4 ,equorum probatio4 #ah ,c #ah-bj4 ,mercatus4 #ai ,c #bj ,c #ba ,c #bb ,c #bc ,c #bd ,c #be ,c #bf ,c #bg ,c #bh ,c #bi ,f ,,mensis ,,december ,fasti antiquissimi4 ,additamenta ex ,additamenta ex fastis4 scriptoribus4 #a ,,kal4 #a4 ,neptuno ,pietati #a4 ,fortunae muliebri ,n ad circ4 max4 7,dionys474 #b ,n #c ,n #c4 ,sacra ,bonae ,deae 7,plutarch1 c474 #d ,c #e ,,non4 #e4 ,faunalia rustica ,f 7,horace74 #f ,f #g ,c #h ,c #h4 ,tiberino in insula4 #i ,c #aj ,c #aa ,,np ,,ag,,onia ,,in4 #aa4 ,septimontium 7,festus2 ,varro74 #ab ,,en #ab4 ,conso in ,aventino4 #ac ,,eid4 #ac4 ,telluri et ,,np ,cereri in ,carinis4 #ad ,f #ae ,,np ,,consualia #af ,c #ag ,,np ,,saturnalia #ah ,c #ai ,,np ,,opalia #bj ,c #ba ,,np ,,divalia #bb ,c #bb4 ,laribus permarinis in porticu ,minucia4 #bc ,,np ,,larentalia #bd ,c #be ,c #bf ,c #bg ,c #bh ,c #bi ,f ,,mensis ,,ianuarius ,fasti antiquissimi4 ,additamenta ex ,additamenta ex fastis4 scriptoribus4 #a ,,kal4 ,f #a4 ,aesculapio ,vediovi in insula #b ,f #c ,c #c-e 7circa74 ,compitalia or ludi compitales4 #d ,c #e ,,non4 ,f #f ,f #g ,c #h ,c #i ,,np ,,agonia #aj ,,en #aa ,,np ,,carmentalia #aa4 #8,inturnalia' ,servius4 #ab ,c #ac ,,eid4 ,,np #ad ,,en #ae ,,np ,,carmentalia #af ,c #ag ,c #ah ,c #ai ,c #bj ,c #ba ,c #bb ,c #bc ,c #bd ,c #bd-bf4 ,sementivae or ,paganalia 7,ovid7 7feriae conceptivae74 #be ,c #bf ,c #bg ,c #bg4 ,castori et ,polluci 7dedication of temple74 #bh ,c #bi ,f ,,mensis ,,februarius ,fasti antiquissimi4 ,additamenta ex ,additamenta ex fastis4 scriptoribus4 #a ,,kal4 #a4 ,iunoni ,sospitae ,n 7,ovid74 #b ,n #c ,n #d ,n #e ,,non4 #e4 ,concordiae in ,,np arce 7,praen474 #f ,n #g ,n #h ,n #i ,n #aj ,n #aa ,n #ab ,n #ac ,,eid4 #ac4 ,fauno in insula #ac-ba4 ,parentalia4 ,,np 7,esq474 #ad ,n #ae ,,np ,,lupercalia #af ,,en #ag ,,np ,,quirinalia #ag4 ,last day of ,fornacalia 7feriae conceptivae74 #8,stultorum feriae' 7,paulus1 c474 #ah ,c #ai ,c #bj ,c #bafj ,,fp ,,feralia #bb ,c #bc ,,np ,,terminalia #bd ,n ,,regifugium #be ,c #bf ,,en #bg ,,np ,,equirria #bh ,c ,footnote #ec3 ,n4 ,maff4 ,cf4 ,mommsen1 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #bid b4 ,footnote #ed3 ,f4 ,tusc4 ,cf4 ,mommsen1 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #bid b4 ,footnote #ee3 ,,np4 ,antiat4 ,n4 minores #f4 ,footnote #ef3 ,f4 ,antiat4 ,allif4 ,,np ,vall4 ,footnote #eg3 ,,np ,vall4 ,c4 ,antiat4 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #bid4 ,footnote #eh3 ,c4 ,vall4 ,antiat4 ,footnote #ei3 ,n4 ,antiat4 ,cf4 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #bid4 ,footnote #fj3 ,f4 ,maff4 ,,mensis ,,martius4 ,the mensis ,martius stands alone among the ,roman months4 ,not only was it the first in matters both civil and religious down to the time of ,julius ,caesar1 but it is more closely associated with a single deity than any other1 and that deity the protector and ancestor of the legendary founder of the city4 ,it bears too the name of the god1 which is not the case with any other month except ,january2 and it is less certain that ,january was named after ,janus than that ,march was named after ,mars4 ,the cult of ,janus is not specially obvious in ,january except on a single day2 but the cult of ,mars is paramount all through ,march1 and gives a peculiar character to the month's worship4 ,it follows on a period which we may call one of purification1 or the performance of piacular duties towards dead ancestors and towards the gods2 and this has itself succeeded a time of general festivity in the homestead1 the group of homesteads1 the market1 and the cross-roads4 ,the rites of ,december and ,january are for the most part festive and social1 those of ,february mystic and melancholy--characteristics which have their counterpart in the ,christian ,christmas1 ,new ,year1 and ,lent4 ,the rites of ,march are distinct from those of either period1 as we shall see4 ,they again are followed by those of ,april1 the opening month1 which are gay and apt to be licentious2 then comes the mensis ,maius or month of growth1 which is a time of peril for the crops1 and has a certain character of doubt and darkness in its rites2 lastly comes ,june1 the month of maturity1 when harvest is close at hand1 and life begins to brighten up once more4 ,after this the ,roman months cease to denote by their names those workings of nature on which the husbandman's fortune for the year depends4 ,by a process of elimination we can make a guess at the kind of ideas which must have been associated with the month which the ,romans called ,martius1 even before examining its rites in detail4 ,it is the time when the spring1 whose first breath has been felt in ,february1 begins to show its power upon the land#fa4 ,some great numen is at work1 quickening vegetation1 and calling into life the powers of reproduction in man and the animals4 ,the way in which this quickening ,power or ,spirit was regarded by primitive man has been very carefully investigated of recent years1 and though the variation is endless both in myth and in ritual1 we may now safely say that he was looked on as coming to new life after a period of death1 or as returning after an absence in the winter1 or as conquering the hostile powers that would hinder his activity4 ,among civilized peoples these ideas only survive in legend or poetry1 or in some quaint bit of rural custom1 often semi-dramatic1 which may or may not have found its way into the organized cults of a city state of ,greece or ,italy1 or even into the calendar of a ,christian ,church4 ,but when these survivals have been collected in vast numbers both from modern ,europe and from classical antiquity1 and compared with the existing ideas and practices of savage peoples1 they can leave no doubt in our minds as to the general character of the primitive husbandman's conception of the mysterious power at work in spring-time4 ,it was this ,power1 we can hardly doubt1 that the ,latins knew by the name of ,mars1 the god whose cult is so prominent throughout the critical period of the quickening processes4 ,we know him in ,roman literature as a full-grown deity1 with characteristics partly taken from the ,greeks1 partly extended and developed by a state priesthood and the usage of a growing and cosmopolitan city4 ,we cannot trace him back1 step by step1 to his earliest vague form as an undefined ,spirit1 ,power1 or numen2 it is very doubtful whether we can identify him1 as mythologists have often done1 with anything so obvious and definite as the sun1 which by itself does not seem to have been held responsible by primitive peoples for the workings of nature at this time of year4 ,we do not even know for certain the meaning of his name1 and can get no sure help from comparative philology4 ,nevertheless there is a good deal of cumulative evidence which suggests a comparatively humble origin for this great god1 some points of which we shall meet with in studying his cult during the month4 ,the whole subject has been worked up by ,roscher in the article on ,mars in his ,mythological ,lexicon1 which has the great advantage of being based on an entire re-examination of the ,mars-cult1 which he had handled in an earlier essay on ,apollo and ,mars4 ,,kal4 ,,mart4 7,,march #a74 ,,np4 ,,feriae ,,marti4 7,,praen47 ,n ,,martis4 7,,philoc47 ,,iun,o,,ni ,,lucinae ,e,s,,quiliis ,,quod ,,eo ,,die ,,aedes ,,ei ,,dedica,,ta ,,est ,,per ,,matronas ,,quam ,,voverat ,,albi,,nia 444 ,,vel ,,uxor 444 ,,si ,,puerum 444 ,,at,,que ,,ipsa,m4444 7,,praen47 ,this was the ,new ,year's day of the ,roman religious calendar4 ,from ,macrobius#fb we learn that in his day the sacred fire of ,vesta was now renewed1 and fresh laurels fixed on the ,regia1 the ,curiae1 and the houses of the flamens2 the custom therefore was kept up long after the first of ,march had ceased to be the civil ,new ,year4 ,ovid alludes to the same rites1 and adds the ,aedes ,vestae as also freshly decorated#fc3 ,neu dubites1 primae fuerint quin ante ,kalendae ,martis1 ad haec animum signa referre potes4 ,laurea flaminibus quae toto perstitit anno ,tollitur1 et frondes sunt in honore novae4 ,ianua tunc regis posita viret arbore ,phoebi2 ,ante tuas fit idem1 curia prisca1 fores4 ,vesta quoque ut folio niteat velata recenti1 ,cedit ab ,iliacis laurea cana focis4 ,the mention of these buildings carries us back to the very earliest ,rome1 when the rex and his sons and daughters#fd 7,flamines and ,vestales1 in their later form7 performed between them the whole religious duty of the community2 to these we may perhaps add the warrior-priests of ,mars 7,salii74 ,the connexion of the decoration with the ,mars-cult is probable1 if not certain2 the laurel was sacred to ,mars1 for in front of his sacrarium in the regia there grew two laurels#fe1 and it has been conjectured that they supplied the boughs used on this day#ff4 ,march #a is also marked in the calendar of ,philocalus as the birthday of ,mars 7,n natalis ,martis74 ,this appears in no other calendar as yet discovered1 and is conspicuously absent in the ,fasti ,praenestini2 it is therefore very doubtful whether any weight should be given to a fourth-century writer whose calendar had certainly an urban and not a rustic basis#fg4 ,there is no trace of allusion to a birth of ,mars on this day in ,latin literature1 though the day is often mentioned4 ,there was indeed a pretty legend of such a birth1 told by ,ovid under ,may #bfh1 which has its parallels in other mythologies2 ,juno became pregnant of ,mars by touching a certain flower of which the secret was told her by ,flora3 ,protinus haerentem decerpsi pollice florem2 ,tangitur et tacto concipit illa sinu4 ,iamque gravis ,thracen et ,iaeva ,propontidis intrat ,fitque potens voti1 ,marsque creatus erat4 ,of this tale ,preller remarked long ago that it has a ,greek setting3 it is in fact in its ,ovidian form a reflex from stories such as those of the birth of ,athena and of ,kora4 ,yet it has been stoutly maintained#fi that it sprang from a real ,italian germ1 and is a fragment of the lost ,italian mythology4 ,now1 though it is certainly untrue that the ,italians had no native mythology1 and though there are faint traces1 as we shall see1 of tales about ,mars himself1 yet the ,latins at least so rarely took these liberties with their deities#gj1 that every apparent case of a divine myth needs to be carefully examined and well supported4 ,in this case we must conclude that there is hardly any evidence for a general belief that ,march #a was the birthday of ,mars2 and that ,ovid's story of ,juno and ,mars must be looked on with suspicion so far as these deities are concerned4 ,the idea that ,mars was born on ,march #a might arise simply from the fact that the day was the first of his month and also the first of the year4 ,it is possible however to account for it in another way4 ,it was the dies natalis of the temple of ,juno ,lucina on the ,esquiline1 as we learn from the note in the ,fasti ,praenestini2 and this ,juno had a special power in childbirth4 ,the temple itself was not of very ancient date#ga1 but ,juno had no doubt always been especially the matrons' deity1 and in a sense represented the female principle of life#gb4 ,to her all kalends were sacred1 and more especially the first kalends of the year1 on which we find that wives received presents from their husbands#gc1 and entertained their slaves4 ,in fact the day was sometimes called the ,matronalia#gd1 though the name has no technical or religious sense4 ,surely1 if a mother was to be found for ,mars1 no one could be more suitable that ,juno ,lucina2 and if a day were to be fixed for his birth1 no day could be better than the first kalends of the year1 which was also the dedication-day of the temple of the goddess4 ,at what date the mother and the birthday were found for him it is impossible to discover4 ,the latter may be as late as the ,empire2 the former may have been an older invention1 since ,mars seems to have been apt to lend himself1 under ,greek or ,etruscan influence1 somewhat more easily to legendary treatment than some other deities#ge ,but we may at any rate feel pretty sure that it was the ,matronalia on ,march #a that suggested the motherhood of ,juno and the birth of ,mars2 and we cannot1 as ,roscher does1 use the ,matronalia to show that these myths were old and native#gf4 ,yet another legend was attached to this day4 ,it was said that the original ancile1 or sacred shield of ,mars1 fell down from heaven#gg1 or was found in the house of ,numa#gh1 on ,march #a4 ,this was the type from which were copied the other eleven belonging to the collegium of ,salii ,palatini2 in the legend the smith who did this work was named ,mamurius1 and was commemorated in the ,salian hymn#gi4 ,these are simply fragments of a tangle of myth which grew up out of the mystery attaching to the ,salii1 or dancing priests of ,mars1 and to the curious shields which they carried1 and the hymns which they sang#hj2 in the latter we know that the word ,mamuri often occurred1 which is now generally recognized as being only a variant of the name ,mars#ha4 ,we shall meet with the word again later in the month4 ,this also was the first day on which the shields were #8moved1' as it was called2 i4 e4 taken by the ,salii from the sacrarium ,martis in the ,regia#hb1 and carried through the city in procession4 ,dionysius 7ii4 #gj7 has left us a valuable description of these processions1 which continued till the #bdth of the month2 the ,salii leaped and danced1 reminding the writer of the ,greek ,curetes1 and continually struck the shields with a short spear or staff#hc as they sang their ancient hymns and performed their rhythmical dances4 ,the original object and meaning of all these strange performances is now fairly well made out1 thanks to the researches of ,mllenhoff1 ,mannhardt1 ,roscher1 ,frazer and others4 ,roscher1 in his comparison of ,apollo and ,mars#hd1 pointed out the likeness in the spring festivals of the two gods4 ,at ,delphi1 at the ,theophania 7#gth of ,bysios ,march71 there were decorations1 sacrifices1 dances1 and songs2 and of these last1 some were 1 or invocations to the god to appear1 some 1 or shouts of encouragement in his great fight with the dragon1 or perhaps intended to scare the dragon away4 ,for ,apollo was believed to return in the spring1 to be born anew1 and to struggle in his infancy with the demon of evil4 ,at other places in ,greece similar performances are found2 at ,delos#he1 at ,ortygia#hf near ,ephesus1 at ,tegyra1 and elsewhere4 ,at ,ortygia the stood and clashed their arms to frighten away ,hera the enemy of ,apollo's mother ,leto1 in the annual dramatic representation of the perilous labour of the mother and the birth of her son4 ,these practices 7and similar ones among northern peoples7 seem to be the result of the poetical mythology of an imaginative race acting on still more primitive ideas4 ,from all parts of the world ,mr4 ,frazer has collected examples of rites of this kind occurring at some period of real or supposed peril1 and often at the opening of a new year1 in which dances1 howling1 the beating of pots and pans1 brandishing of arms1 and even firing of guns are thought efficacious in driving out evil spirits which bring hurt of some kind to mankind or to the crops which are the fruits of his labour#hg4 ,this notion of evil spirits and the possibility of expelling them is at the root of the whole series of practices1 which in the hands of the ,greeks became adorned with a beautiful mythical colouring1 while the ,romans after their fashion embodied them in the cult of their city with a special priesthood to perform them1 and connected them with the name of their great priest king4 ,in an elaborate note#hh ,mr4 ,frazer has attempted to explain the rites of the ,salii in the light of the material he has collected4 ,he is inclined to see two objects in their performances3 7#a7 the routing out of demons of all kinds in order to collect them for transference to the human scapegoat1 ,mamurius ,veturius 7see below on ,march #ad71 who was driven out a fortnight later2 and 7#b7 to make the corn grow1 by a charm consisting in leaping and dancing1 which is known in many parts of the world4 ,it will perhaps be safer to keep to generalities in matters of which we have but slender knowledge2 and to conclude that the old ,latins believed that the ,spirit which was beginning to make the crops grow must at this time be protected from hostile demons1 in order that he might be free to perform his own friendly functions for the community4 ,though the few words preserved of the ,salian hymns are too obscure to be of much use#hi1 we seem to see in them a trace of a deity of vegetation2 and the prayer to ,mars1 which is given in ,cato's agricultural treatise1 is most instructive on this point#ij4 ,the ,salii in these processions were clothed in a trabea and tunica picta#ia1 the #8full dress' of the warrior inspired by some special religious zeal1 wearing helmet1 breastplate1 and sword4 ,they carried the ancile on the left arm1 and a staff or club of some kind to strike it with#ib4 ,at certain sacred places they stopped and danced1 their praesul giving them the step and rhythm2 and here we may suppose that they also sang the song of which a few fragments have come down to us1 where the recurring word ,mamurius seems beyond doubt to be a variant of ,mars#ic4 ,each evening they rested at a different place--mansiones ,saliorum1 as they were called--and here the sacred arms were hung up till the next day1 and the ,salii feasted4 ,they were twenty-four in number1 twelve ,palatini and twelve ,collini 7originally ,agonales or ,agonenses71 the former specially devoted to the worship of ,mars ,gradivus1 the latter to that of ,quirinus#id4 ,the antiquity of the priesthood is proved by the fact that the ,salii must be of patrician birth1 and patrimi and matrimi 7i4 e4 with both parents living7 according to the ancient rule which descended from the worship of the household#ie4 ,it has been suggested that the shields 7ancilia7 which the ,salii carried1 being twelve in number for each of the two guilds1 represented the twelve months of the year1 either as twelve suns#if 7the sun being renewed each month71 or as twelve moons1 which is a little more reasonable4 ,this idea implies that the number of the ,salii 7which was the same as that of the ,fratres ,arvales7 was based on the number of months in the year1 which is very far from likely2 it would seem also to assume that the shape of the shields was round1 like sun or moon1 which was almost certainly not the case4 ,according to the legend1 the original shield fell on the first new moon of the year2 but it is quite unnecessary to jump to the conclusion that the others represent eleven other new moons4 ,it would rather seem probable to a cautious inquirer that though an incrustation of late myth may have grown upon the ,salii and their carmen and their curious arms1 no amount of ingenious combination has as yet succeeded in proving that such myths had their origin in any really ancient belief of the ,romans4 ,what we know for certain is that there were twelve warrior-priests of the old ,palatine city1 and that they carried twelve shields of an antique type1 which ,varro compares to the ,thracian peltae 7,l4 ,l4 #g4 #dc72 shaped not unlike the body of a violin1 with a curved indentation on each side#ig1 which1 when the shield was slung on the back1 would leave space for the arms to move freely4 ,in this respect1 as in the rest of his equipment1 the ,salius simply represented the old ,italian warrior in his #8war-paint4' ,in the examples of expulsion of evils referred to above as collected by ,mr4 ,frazer1 it is interesting to notice how often the expellers use military arms1 or are dressed in military fashion4 ,this may perhaps help us to understand how attributes apparently so distinct as the military and the agricultural should be found united in ,mars and his cult4 ,,non4 ,,mart4 7,,march #g74 ,f4 444 ,,vedi,,ovi4 ,,artis ,,vediovis ,,inter ,,duos ,,lucos4 7,,praen47 ,various conjectures have been made for correcting this note4 ,we may take it that the first word is rightly completed3 some letters seem to have preceded it1 and feriae has been suggested#ih1 but not generally accepted4 ,the next word1 ,artis1 must be a slip of the stone-cutter4 ,that it was not ,martis we are sure1 as ,ovid says that there was no note in the ,fasti for this day except on the cult of ,vediovis#ii4 ,even ,mommsen is in despair1 but suggests ,aedis as a possibility1 and that dedicata was accidentally omitted after it4 ,we do not know when the temple was dedicated#ajj4 ,the cult of ,vediovis seems to have no special connexion with other ,march rites3 and it seems as well to postpone consideration of it till ,may #ba1 the dedication-day of the temple in arce4 ,see also on ,jan4 #a4 ,,vii ,,id4 ,,mart4 7,,march #i74 ,c4 ,,arma ,,ancilia ,,movent4 7,,philoc47 ,as we have seen1 the first #8moving' of the ancilia was on the #ast4 ,this is the second mentioned in the calendars2 the third1 according to ,lydus 7#d4 #db71 was on the #bcrd 7,tubilustrium1 q4v474 ,as the ,salii seem to have danced with the shields all through the month up to the #bdth#aja1 it has been supposed that these were the three principal days of #8moving'2 and ,mr4 ,marindin suggests that they correspond to the three most important mansiones ,saliorum1 of which two were probably the ,curia ,saliorum on the ,palatine and the ,sacrarium ,martis in the ,regia#ajb4 ,,prid4 ,,id4 ,,mart4 7,,march #ad74 ,,np4 ,,equirr,,ia4 7,,maff4 ,,vat4 ,,esq47 ,,feriae ,,marti4 7,,vat47 ,,sacrum ,,mamurio4 7,,rustic ,,calendars#ajc47 ,,mamuralia4 7,,philoc47 ,these notes involve several difficulties4 ,to begin with1 this day is an even number1 and there is no other instance in the calendar of a festival occurring on such a day4 ,wissowa#ajd1 usually a very cautious inquirer1 here boldly cuts the knot by conjecturing that the ,mars festival of this day had originally been on the next1 i4e4 the ,ides1 but was put back one day to enable the people to frequent both the horse-races 7,equirria7 and the festival of ,anna ,perenna#aje4 ,the latter1 he might have added1 was obviously extremely popular with the lower classes1 as we shall see from ,ovid's description2 and though the scene of it was close to that of the ,equirria1 or certainly not far away1 it is not impossible that it may have diverted attention from the nobler and more manly amusement4 ,wissowa strengthens his argument by pointing out an apparent parallel between the festival dates of ,march and ,october4 ,here1 as elsewhere1 in the calendar1 we find an interval of three days between two festivals1 viz4 between ,march #ai 7,quinquatrus7 and ,march #bc 7,tubilustrium71 and between ,oct4 #ae 7#8,october horse'7 and ,oct4 #ai 7,armilustrium74 ,now1 as we shall see1 the rites of ,march #ai and ,oct4 #ai seem to correspond to each other#ajf2 and if there were a chariot-race on ,march #ae1 it would also answer to the race on the day of the #8,october horse1' ,oct4 #ae1 with a three days' interval as in ,october4 ,the argument is not a very strong one1 but there is a good deal to be said for it4 ,a much more serious difficulty lies in the discrepancy between the three older calendars in which we have notes for this day and the almanacs of the later ,empire1 viz4 that of ,philocalus 7,a4,d4 #ced7 and the rustic calendars4 ,the former tell us of a ,mars-festival1 with a horse-race2 the latter know nothing of these1 but note a festival of ,mamurius1 a name which1 as we saw1 occurred in the ,saliare ,carmen apparently as a variant of ,mars1 and came to be affixed to the legendary smith who made the eleven copies of the ancile4 ,how are we to account for the change of ,mars into ,mamurius1 and of feriae ,marti into ,mamuralia8 ,and are we to suppose that the later calendars here indicate a late growth of legend1 based on the name ,mamurius as occurring in the ,carmen ,saliare1 or that they have preserved the shadow of an earlier and popular side of the ,march rites1 which the ,state-calendars left out of account8 ,apparently ,mommsen holds the former opinion#ajg4 ,in his note on this day he says that it is easy to understand how the second ,equirria came to be known to the vulgus as ,mamuralia 7i4e4 so distinguished from the first ,equirria on ,feb4 #bg71 seeing that ,mamurius who made the ancilia belongs wholly to the cult of ,mars1 and that this day was one of those on which the ,salii and the ancilia were familiar sights in the streets of ,rome4 ,in other words1 the ,salian songs gave rise to the legend of ,mamurius1 and this in its turn gave a new name to the second ,equirria or feriae ,marti4 ,and this ,i believe to be the most rational explanation of our difficulty1 seeing that we have no mention of a feast of ,mamurius earlier than the calendar of ,philocalus in the fourth century ,a4,d41 which cannot be regarded as in any sense representing learning or research#ajh4 ,but of recent years much has been written in favour of the other view1 that the late calendars have here preserved for us a trace of very ancient ,roman belief and ritual#aji4 ,this view rests almost entirely on a statement of a still later writer1 ,laurentius ,lydus of ,apamea1 who wrote a work1 de ,mensibus1 in the first half of the sixth century ,a4,d41 preserved in part in the form of two summaries or collections of extracts4 ,lydus was no doubt a man of learning1 as is shown by his other work1 de ,magistratibus2 but he does not give us his authority for particular statements1 and his second- or third-hand knowledge must always be cautiously used4 ,lydus tells us that on the ,ides of ,march 7a mistake1 it is supposed#aaj1 for the #adth--which1 however1 he should not have made71 a man clothed in skins was led out and driven with long peeled wands 7out of the city1 as we may guess from what follows7 and shouted at as #8,mamurius4' ,hence the saying1 when any one is beaten1 that they are #8playing ,mamurius with him4' ,for the legend runs that ,mamurius the smith was beaten out of the city because misfortune fell on the ,romans when they substituted the new shields 7made by ,mamurius7 for those that had fallen from heaven#aaa4 ,this is clearly a late form of the ,mamurius-myth3 in all the earlier accounts#aab only one ancile is said to have fallen from heaven4 ,lydus seems rather to be thinking of twelve original ones#aac1 and twelve copies--perhaps of the ,palatine and ,colline ancilia respectively4 ,if the form of the myth1 then1 is of late growth1 suspicion may well be aroused as to the antiquity of the rite it was meant to explain1 for with the older type of myth the rite does not seem to suit4 ,and this suspicion is strengthened by the fact that in the whole of ,latin literature there is no certain allusion to a rite so striking and peculiar1 and only one that can possibly1 even by forcible treatment1 be taken as such4 ,in ,propertius v 7iv47 #b4 #fa1 we have the following lines1 put into the mouth of the god ,vertumnus3 ,at tibi1 ,mamuri1 formae caelator aenae1 ,tellus artifices ne premat ,osca manus1 ,qui me tam docilis potuisti fundere in usus4 ,unum opus est3 operi non datur unus honos4 ,usener took this to mean1 or to imply1 that ,mamurius was driven out of the city to its enemies the ,oscans2 but how we are to get this out of the words1 which will bear very different interpretations1 obscure as they are1 it is not easy to see4 ,and can we easily believe that1 with this exception1 no allusion should be found to the rite in either ,latin or ,greek writers--not in ,ovid1 ,dionysius1 ,servius1 ,plutarch#aad1 or in the fragments of ,varro1 ,varrius1 and others--if that curious rite had really been enacted year by year before the eyes of the ,roman people8 ,it certainly is not impossible that it may have slipped their notice1 or have been mentioned in works that are lost to us2 but it is so improbable as to justify us in hesitating to base conclusions as to the antiquity of the rite on the statement of ,lydus alone4 ,there are indeed one or two passages which seem to prove that skins were used by the ,salii1 and that these skins were beaten4 ,servius#aae says of ,mamurius that they consecrated a day to him1 on which #8pellem virgis caedunt ad artis similitudinem1' i4 e4 on which they imitate the smith's art by beating a skin4 ,so also ,minucius ,felix#aaf3 #8alii 7we should probably read ,salii7 incedunt pileati1 scuta vetera#aag circumferunt1 pelles caedunt4' ,if we may judge by these passages of writers of the second century1 there was something done by the ,salii which involved the beating of skins2 but if it was a skin-clad ,mamurius who was beaten1 why is he not mentioned1 and why did they1 as ,servius says 7and the context shows that he is speaking of him with all respect71 set apart a day in his honour8 ,yet ,lydus' account is so interesting from the point of view of folk-lore1 that ,usener was led by it into very far-reaching conclusions4 ,these have been so well condensed in ,english by ,mr4 ,frazer that my labour will be lightened if ,i may borrow his account#aah3 #8,every year on ,march #ad a man clad in skins was led in procession through the streets of ,rome1 beaten with long white rods1 and driven out of the city4 ,he was called ,mamurius ,veturius#aai1 that is1 8the old ,mars10 and as the ceremony took place on the day preceding the first full moon of the old ,roman year#abj 7which began on ,march #a71 the skin-clad man must have represented the ,mars of the past year1 who was driven out at the beginning of a new one4 ,now ,mars was originally not a god of war1 but of vegetation4 ,for it was to ,mars that the ,roman husbandman prayed for the prosperity of his corn and vines1 his fruit-trees and his copses2 it was to ,mars that the ,arval ,brothers1 whose business it was to sacrifice for the growth of the crops1 addressed their petitions almost exclusively4444 ,once more1 the fact that the vernal month of ,march was dedicated to ,mars seems to point him out as the deity of the sprouting vegetation4 ,thus the ,roman custom of expelling the old ,mars at the beginning of the ,new ,year in spring is identical with the ,slavonic custom of 8carrying out ,death#aba10 if the view here taken of the latter custom is correct4 ,the similarity of the ,roman and ,slavonic customs has been already remarked by scholars1 who appear1 however1 to have taken ,mamurius ,veturius and the corresponding figures in the ,slavonic ceremonies to be representatives of the old year rather than of the old god of vegetation4 ,it is possible that ceremonies of this kind may have come to be thus interpreted in later times even by the people who practised them4 ,but the personification of a period of time is too abstract an idea to be primitive4 ,however1 in the ,roman1 as in the ,slavonic ceremony1 the representative of the god appears to have been treated not only as a deity of vegetation1 but also as a scape-goat#abb4 ,his expulsion implies this2 for there is no reason why the god of vegetation1 as such1 should be expelled the city4 ,but it is otherwise if he is also a scape-goat2 it then becomes necessary to drive him beyond the boundaries1 that he may carry his sorrowful burden away to other lands4 ,and1 in fact1 ,mamurius ,veturius appears to have been driven away to the lands of the ,oscans1 the enemies of ,rome#abc4' ,my examination of the evidence will1 ,i hope1 have made it clear why ,i hesitate to endorse these conclusions in their entirety 7as ,i did for many years71 interesting as they are4 ,i rather incline to believe that the whole ,mamurius-legend grew out of the ,carmen ,saliare1 and that we may either have here one of those comparatively rare examples of later ritual growing itself out of myth1 or a point of ancient ritual1 such as the use of skins--perhaps those of victims--misinterpreted and possibly altered under the influence of the myth4 ,as to ,lydus' statement1 it is better to suspend our judgement2 he may1 for all we know1 have confused some foreign custom1 or that of some other ,italian town where there were ,salii1 with the ritual of a ,roman priesthood#abd4 ,in any case1 his account is too much open to question to bear the weight of conjecture that has been piled upon it4 ,,id4 ,,mart4 7,,march #ae74 ,,np4 ,,feriae#abe ,,annae ,,perennae ,,via ,,flam,,inia ,,ad ,,lapidem ,,prim,,um4 7,,vat47 ,,annae ,,per4 7,,farn47 ,this is a survival of an old popular festival1 as is clearly seen from ,ovid's account of it2 but the absence of any mention of it in the rustic calendars or in those of ,philocalus and ,silvius leads us to suppose that it had died out in the early ,empire4 ,this may be accounted for by the fact that the people came to be more and more attracted by spectacles and games2 and also by the ever-increasing cosmopolitanism of the city populace1 which would be continually losing interest in old ,roman customs which it could not understand4 ,on this day1 ,ovid tells us#abf1 the #8plebs' streamed out to the #8festum geniale' of ,anna ,perenna1 and taking up a position in the ,campus ,martius1 not far from the ,tiber#abg1 and lying about on the grass in pairs of men and women1 passed the day in revelry and drinking#abh4 ,some lay in the open2 some pitched tents and some constructed rude huts of stakes and branches1 stretching their togas over them for shelter4 ,as they drank they prayed for as many years of life as they can swallow cups of wine2 meanwhile singing snatches of song with much gesticulation and dancing4 ,the result of these performances was naturally that they returned to the city in a state of intoxication4 ,ovid tells us that he had seen this spectacle himself#abi4 ,whether there was any sacrificial rite in immediate connexion with these revels we do not know4 ,macrobius indeed tells us#acj that sacrifice was offered in the month of ,march to ,anna ,perenna #8ut annare perannareque commode liceat'#aca2 and ,lydus1 that on the ,ides there were 2 but we do not know what was the relation between these and the scene described by ,ovid4 ,who was the ,anna ,perenna in whose honour these revels1 sacrifices1 and prayers took place1 whatever their relation to each other8 ,ovid and ,silius ,italicus#acb tell legends about her which are hardly genuine ,italian1 and in which ,anna ,perenna is confused with the other ,anna whom they knew1 the sister of ,dido4 ,hidden under such stories may sometimes be found traces of a belief or a cult of which we have no other knowledge2 but in this poetical medley there seems to be only one feature that calls on us to pause4 ,after her wanderings ,anna disappears in the waters of the river ,numicius3 ,corniger hanc cupidis rapuisse ,numicius undis ,creditur1 et stagnis occuluisse suis4 ,her companions traced her footsteps to the bank3 she seemed to tell them ,placidi sum nympha ,numici1 ,amne perenne latens ,anna ,perenna vocor4 ,this tale led ,klausen#acc into some very strange fancies about the goddess1 whom he regarded as a water-nymph1 thinking that all her other characteristics 7e4g4 the year7 might be explained symbolically2 the running water representing the flow of time1 c4 ,but it is probable that she only came into connexion with the river ,numicius because ,aeneas was there already4 ,if ,aeneas1 as ,jupiter ,indiges1 was buried on its banks#acd1 what could be more natural than that another figure of the ,dido legend should be brought there too8 ,there does not indeed seem to be any reason for connecting the real ,anna ,perenna with water#ace4 ,all genuine ,roman tradition seems to represent her1 as we shall see directly1 as an old woman2 and when she appears in another shape1 she must have become mixed up with other ideas and stories4 ,it may perhaps be just possible that on this day some kind of an image of her may have been thrown into the ,tiber1 as was the case with the straw puppets 7,argei7 on ,may #ae1 and that the ceremony dropped out of practice1 but just survived in the ,numicius legend#acf4 ,but this is simply hypothesis4 ,the fact is that1 whatever else ,anna ,perenna may have been1 all that we can confidently say of her is that she represented in some way the circle or ring of the year4 ,this is indicated not only by the name1 which can hardly be anything but a feminine form of annus1 but by the time at which her festival took place1 the first full moon of the new year4 ,the one legend preserved about her which is of undoubted ,italian origin is thought to point in the same direction4 ,ovid1 wishing to explain #8cur cantent obscena puellae' in that revel of the #8plebs' on the ,tiber-bank1 tells us#acg how ,mars1 once in love with ,minerva#ach1 came to ,anna and asked her aid4 ,it was at length granted1 and ,mars had the nuptial couch prepared3 thither a bride was led1 but not the desired one2 it was old ,anna with her face veiled like a bride who was playing the passionate god such a trick as we may suppose not uncommon in the rude country life of old ,latium4 ,there is no need to be startled at the rude handling of the gods in this story1 which seems so unlike the stately and orderly ideas of ,roman theology4 ,it must be borne in mind that folk-tales like this need not originally have been applied to the gods at all4 ,they are probably only ancient country stories of human beings1 based on some rude marriage custom--stories such as delighted the lower farm folk and slaves on holiday evenings2 and they have survived simply because they became in course of time attached to the persons of the gods1 as the conception of divinities grew to be more anthropomorphic4 ,granted that ,anna or ,perenna#aci was the old woman of the past year1 that ,mars was the god of the first month1 and that the story as applied to human beings was a favourite one1 we can easily understand how it came to attach itself to the persons of the gods#adj4 ,yet another story is told by ,ovid of an ,anna#ada1 in writing of whom he does not add the name ,perenna4 ,the ,plebs had seceded to the ,mons ,sacer1 and were beginning to suffer from starvation1 when an old woman from ,bovillae1 named ,anna1 came to the rescue with a daily supply of rustica liba4 ,this myth seems to me to have grown out of the custom1 to be described directly1 of old women#adb selling liba on the #agth 7,liberalia71 the custom having been transferred to that day through an etymological confusion between liba and ,liberalia4 ,usener1 however1 saw here a connexion between ,anna and ,annona#adc2 and recently it has been suggested that a certain ,egyptian ,anna1 who is said by ,plutarch to have invented a mould for bread-baking1 may have found her way to ,rome through ,greek channels#add4 ,,xvi ,,kal4 ,,apr4 7,,march #ag74 ,,np4 ,,lib,,eralia4 7,,maff4 ,,farn4 ,,rust47 ,,lib4 ,,ag,,onia4 ,,libero ,,lib4 7,,caer47 ,,ag,,onia4 7,,vat47 ,,libero ,,in ,,ca,,pitolio4 7,,farn47 ,this is one of the four days marked ,,ag4 or ,,agon4 in the ,fasti 7,jan4 #i1 ,may #ba1 ,dec4 #aa7ade4 ,it is curious that on this day two of the old calendars should mark the ,liberalia only1 and one the ,agonia only1 and one both4 ,the day was generally known as ,liberalia#adf2 the other name seems to have been known to the priests only1 and more especially to the ,salii ,collini or ,agonenses#adg1 who must have had charge of the sacrifice4 ,wissowa seems to be right in thinking 7de ,feriis xii7 that the conjunction of ,liberalia and ,agonia is purely accidental1 and that the day took its common name from the former simply because1 as the latter occurred four times in the year1 confusion would be likely to arise4 ,liber is beyond doubt an old ,italian deity1 whose true nature1 like that of so many others1 came to be overgrown with ,greek ideas and rites4 ,there is no sign of any connexion between this festival and the cult of ,dionysus2 hence we infer that there was an old ,latin ,liber before the arrival of the ,greek god in ,italy4 ,what this god was1 however1 can hardly be inferred from his cult1 of which we only know a single feature1 recorded by ,ovid#adh4 ,he tells us that old women1 sacerdotes ,liberi1 sat crowned with ivy all about the streets on this day with cakes of oil and honey 7liba71 and a small portable altar 7foculus71 on which to sacrifice for the benefit of the buyer of these cakes4 ,this tells us nothing substantial1 and we have to fall back on the name--always an uncertain method4 ,the best authorities seem now agreed in regarding the word ,liber 7whatever be its etymology7 as having something of the same meaning as genius1 forming an adjective liberalis as genius forms genialis1 and meaning a creative1 productive spirit1 full of blessing1 and so generous1 free1 c4#adi ,if this were so it would not be unnatural that the characteristics and rites of ,dionysus should find here a stem on which to engraft themselves1 or that ,liber should become the object of obscene ceremonies which need not be detailed here1 and also the god of the ,italian vine-growers4 ,it is possible that ,liber may have been an ancient cult-title of ,jupiter2 we do in fact find a ,jupiter ,liber in inscriptions1 though the combination is uncommon#aej4 ,in that case ,liber may have been an emanation or off-shoot from ,jupiter1 as ,silvanus probably was from ,mars#aea4 ,but ,i am disposed to think that the characteristics of ,liber1 so far as we know them1 are not in keeping with those of ,jupiter2 and that the process was rather of the opposite kind1 that is1 the cult of ,liber in its later form became attached to that of ,jupiter1 who was always the presiding deity of vineyards and wine-making#aeb4 ,this was also the usual day on which boys assumed the toga virilis 7toga recta1 pura1 libera73 ,restat ut inveniam quare toga libera detur ,lucifero pueris1 candide ,bacche1 tuo4 ,sive quod es ,liber1 vestis quoque libera per te ,sumitur et vitae liberioris iter#aec4 ,we know indeed that in the late ,republic and ,empire other days were used for this ceremony3 ,virgil took his toga on ,oct4 #ae1 ,octavian on ,oct4 #ah1 ,tiberius on ,april #bd1 ,nero on ,july #gaed2 but it is likely that this day was in earlier times the regular one1 in spite of the inconvenience of a disparity of age thence resulting amongst the tirones4 ,for whether or no the toga libera has any real connexion with the ,liberalia1 this was the time when the army was called out for the year1 and when the tirones would be required to present themselves#aee4 ,ovid tells us that on this day the rustic population flocked into the city for the ,liberalia1 and the opportunity was doubtless taken to make known the list of tirones1 as the boys were called when the toga was assumed and they were ready for military service4 ,they sacrificed1 it appears1 before leaving home and again on the ,capitol1 either to ,pubertas or ,liber1 or both#aef4 ,on this day also1 according to ,ovid1 and also on the previous one1 some kind of a procession #8went to the ,argei'#aeg2 by which word is meant1 we may be almost sure1 the ,argeorum sacella4 ,there were in various parts of the four regions of the ,servian city a number of sacella or sacraria1 which were called ,argei1 ,argea1 or ,argeorum sacella4 ,what these were we never shall know for certain2 but we may be fairly sure that their number was twenty-four1 six for each region2 the same number as that of the rush puppets or simulacra also called ,argei1 which were thrown into the ,tiber by the ,vestal ,virgins on ,may #ae4 ,the identity of the name and number leads to the belief that there was a connexion between these sacella and the simulacra2 but the very difficult questions which arose about both must be postponed till we have before us the whole of the ceremonial1 i4 e4 that of ,may #ae as well as that of ,march #ag4 ,about this last we know nothing and can at best attempt to infer its character from the ceremony in ,may1 of which we fortunately have some particulars on which we can fully rely4 ,,kal4 ,,xiv ,,apr4 7,,march #ai74 ,,np ,,caer4 ,,vat4 ,n4 ,,maff4 ,,quinq,,vatrus4 7,,caer4 ,,maff4 ,,praen4 ,,vat4 ,,farn47 ,,quinquatria4 7,,rust4 ,,phil4 ,,silv47 ,a note is appended in ,praen41 which is thus completed by ,mommsen with the help of a ,verrian gloss 7,fest4 #bed74 ,,rectius ,,tamen ,,alii ,,putarunt ,,dictum ,,ab ,,eo ,,quod ,,hic ,,dies ,,est ,,post ,,diem ,v ,,idus4 ,,quo,d ,,in ,,latio ,,post ,,idus ,,dies ,,simili ,,fere ,,ratione ,,decli,,narentur4 ,,feriae ,,marti 7,,vat47 ,,sali ,,faciunt ,,in ,,comitio ,,saltus ,,adstantibus ,,po,,ntificibus ,,et ,,trib,,unis ,,celer,,um4 ,praen41 in which we find yet another note3 ,,artificum ,,dies ,,quod ,,minervae ,,aedis ,,in ,,aventino ,,eo ,,die ,,est ,,dedicata4 ,the original significance of this day is indicated by the note ,feriae ,marti in ,vat41 and also by that in ,praen41 which has been amplified with tolerable certainty4 ,the ,salii were active this day in the worship of ,mars1 and the scene of their activity was the ,comitium4 ,with this agrees1 as ,mommsen has pointed out1 the statement of ,varro#aeh that the ,comitium was the scene of some of their performances1 though he does not mention which4 ,more light is thrown on the matter by the grammarian ,charisius#aei1 who1 in suggesting an explanation of the name ,quinquatrus by which this day was generally known1 remarks that it was derived from a verb quinquare1 to purify1 #8quod eo die arma ancilia lustrari sint solita4' ,his etymology is undoubtedly wrong1 but the reason given for it is valuable#afj4 ,the ancilia were purified on this day 7perhaps by the ,salii dancing around them71 and thus it exactly answers to the ,armilustrium on ,oct4 #ai1 just as the horse-races on the ,ides of ,march1 if that indeed were the original day1 correspond to the ceremony of the #8,october horse'#afa4 ,the object and meaning of the lustratio in each case is not1 however1 quite clear4 ,since in ,march the season of war began1 and ended1 no doubt1 originally in ,october#afb1 and as the ,salii seem to be a kind of link between the religious and military sides of the state's life1 we are tempted to guess that the lustration of the ancilia represented in some way the lustration of the arms of the entire host1 or perhaps that the latter were all lustrated so as to be ready for use1 on this day1 and once again on ,oct4 #ai before they were put away for the winter4 ,in this latter case the ,salii would be the leaders of1 as well as sharers in1 a general purifying process4 ,and that this is the right view seems to be indicated by ,verrius' note in the ,praenestine calendar1 from which it is clear that the tribuni celerum were present1 and took some part in the ceremony4 ,these tribuni were almost certainly the three leaders of the original cavalry force of the three ancient tribes1 and they seem to have united both priestly and military characteristics#afc2 and from their presence in the ,comitium may perhaps also be inferred that of the leaders of the infantry tribuni militum4 ,in the earliest times1 therefore1 the arms of the whole host may have been lustrated in the presence of its leaders1 the ,salii1 so to speak1 performing the service2 but in later times the ,salii alone were left1 and their arms alone lustrated1 though possibly individuals representing the ancient tribuni celerum may have appeared as congregation4 ,but this day was generally known as ,quinquatrus1 simply because it was the fifth day after the ,ides#afd2 i4e4 there was a space of three days between the ,ides and the festival4 ,such intervals of three days1 either between the ,ides and the festival or between one festival and another1 occur several times in the ,roman calendar#afe1 though in this instance alone the day following the interval appears in the calendars as ,quinquatrus4 ,the term was no doubt a pontifical one1 and the meaning was unknown to the common people2 in any case it came to be misunderstood1 and was in later times popularly applied to the four days following the festival as well as the festival itself2 its first syllable being taken to indicate a five-day period instead of the fifth day after the ,ides4 ,this popular mistake led to still further confusion owing to a curious change in the religious character of these days1 about the nature of which there can be no serious doubt4 ,the #aith came to be considered as sacred to ,minerva#aff1 because a temple to that goddess was consecrated on this day1 on the ,caelian or the ,aventine1 or possibly both#afg4 ,there is no obvious connexion between ,mars and ,minerva2 and it is now thought probable that ,minerva has here simply taken the place of another goddess1 ,nerio--one almost lost to sight in historical times1 but of whose early connexion with ,mars some faint traces are to be found4 ,thus where we find ,minerva brought into close relation with ,mars1 as in the myth of ,anna ,perenna1 it is thought that we should read ,nerio instead of ,minerva#afh4 ,this conclusion is strengthened by a note of ,porphyrion on ,horace ,epist4 ii4 #b4 #bji #8,maio mense religio est nubere1 et etiam ,martio1 in quo de nuptiis habito certamine a ,minerva ,mars victus est3 obtenta virginitate ,neriene est appellata4' ,as ,neriene must ,nerio#afi1 this looks much like an attempt to explain the occurrence of two female names1 ,minerva and ,nerio1 in the same story2 the original heroine1 ,nerio1 having been supplanted by the later ,minerva#agj4 ,of this ,nerio much1 perhaps too much1 has been made in recent years by ingenious scholars4 ,a complete love-story has been discovered1 in which ,mars1 at first defeated in his wooing1 as ,porphyrion tells us in the passage just quoted1 eventually becomes victorious2 for ,nerio is called wife of ,mars in a fragment of an old comedy by ,licinius ,imbrex1 in a passage of ,plautus1 and in a prayer put into the mouth of ,hersilia by ,gellius the annalist1 when she asked for peace at the hand of ,t4 ,tatius#aga4 ,and this story has been fitted on1 without sufficient warrant1 to the ,mars-festivals of this month4 ,mars is supposed to have been born on the ,kalends1 to have grown wondrously between ,kalends and ,ides1 to have fallen then in love with ,nerio1 to have been fooled as we saw by ,anna ,perenna1 to have been rejected and defeated by his sweetheart1 and finally to have won her as his wife on the #aith#agb4 ,are we to find here a fragment of real ,italian mythology1 or an elaborate example of the ,graecizing anthropomorphic tendencies of the third and second centuries ,b4,c48 ,the question is a difficult one1 and lies rather outside the scope of this work4 ,those who have read ,usener's brilliant paper will find it hard to shake themselves free of the conviction that he has unearthed a real myth1 unless they carefully study the chapter of ,aulus ,gellius which is its chief foundation4 ,such a study has brought me back to the conviction that ,plautus and the others were writing in terms of the fashionable modes of thought of their day1 and were not appealing to popular ideas of the relations of ,italian deities to each other#agc4 ,aulus ,gellius begins by quoting a comprecatio from the book of the ,libri sacerdotum populi ,romani4 #8,in his scriptum est3 ,luam ,saturni1 ,salaciam ,neptuni1 ,horam ,quirini1 ,virites ,quirini1 ,maiam ,volcani1 ,heriem ,iunonis1 ,moles ,martis ,nerienemque ,martis4' ,a glance at the names thus coupled together is enough to show that ,mars is not here thought of as the husband of ,neriene2 the names ,lua1 ,salacia1 c41 seem rather to express some characteristic of the deity with whose name they are joined or some mode of his operation#agd2 and ,gellius himself1 working on an etymology of ,nerio which has generally been accepted as correct1 explains the name thus3 #8,nerio igitur ,martis vis et potentia et maiestas quaedam esse ,martis demonstratur4' ,in the latter part of his chapter1 after quoting ,plautus1 he says that he has heard the poet blamed by an eminent critic for the strange and false notion that ,nerio was the wife of ,mars2 but he is inclined to think that there was a real tradition to that effect1 and cites his namesake the annalist and ,licinius ,imbrex in support of his view4 ,but neither annalist nor play-writer can stand against that passage from the sacred books with which he began his chapter2 and if we give the latter its due weight1 the value of the others is relatively diminished4 ,it appears to me that the one represents the true primitive ,italian idea of divine powers1 which with its abundance of names offered excellent opportunities to anthropomorphic tendencies of the ,graecizing school1 while the others show those tendencies actually producing their results4 ,any conclusion on the point must be of the nature of a guess2 but ,i am strongly disposed to think 7#a7 that ,nerio was not originally an independent deity1 but a name attached to ,mars expressive of some aspect of his power1 7#b7 that the name gradually became endowed with personality1 and 7#c7 that out of the combination of ,mars and ,nerio the ,graecizing school developed a myth of which the fragments have been taken by ,usener and his followers as pure ,roman4 ,having once been displaced by ,minerva1 ,nerio vanished from the calendar1 and with her that special aspect of ,mars--whatever it may have been--which the name was intended to express4 ,the five days1 #ahth to #bcrd1 became permanently associated with ,minerva4 ,the #aith was the dedication-day of at least one of her temples1 and counted as her birthday#age3 the #bcrd was the ,tubilustrium1 with a sacrifice to #8dea fortis1' who seems to have been taken for ,minerva1 owing to an incorrect idea that the latter was specially the deity of trumpet-players#agf4 ,she was no doubt an old ,italian deity of artificers and trade-guilds2 but the ,tubilustrium was really a ,mars-festival1 and ,minerva had no immediate connexion with it4 ,x ,,kal4 ,,apr4 7,,march #bc74 ,,np4 ,,tubilust,,rium4 7,,caer4 ,,maff4 ,,vat4 ,,farn4 ,,min4 ,,iii47 ,,tubilustrium4 7,,philoc47 ,note in ,praen43 ,,feriae ,,marti#agg4 ,,hic ,,dies ,,appellatur ,,ita1 ,,quod ,,in ,,atrio ,,sutorio ,,tubi ,,lustrantur1 ,,quibus ,,in ,,sacris ,,utuntur4 ,,lutatius ,,quidem ,,clavam ,,eam ,,ait ,,esse ,,in ,,ruinis ,,pala,,ti ,i,,ncensi ,a ,,gallis ,,repertam1 ,,qua ,,romulus ,,urbem ,,inauguraverit4 ,,ix ,,kal4 ,,apr4 7,,march #bd74 ,,np4 ,q4 ,r4 ,c4 ,f4 7,,vat4 ,,caer47 ,q4 ,,rex4 ,c4 ,f4 7,,maff4 ,,praen47 ,note in ,praen43 ,,hunc ,,diem ,,plerique ,,perperam ,,interpretantes ,,putant ,,appellar,i ,,quod ,,eo ,,die ,,ex ,,comitio ,,fugerit ,,rex3 ,n,,am ,,neque ,,tarquinius ,,abiit ,,ex ,,comitio ,,urbis1 ,,et ,,alio ,,quoque ,,mense ,,eadem ,,sunt ,,idemque ,s,,ignificant4 ,,qu,,are ,,comitiis ,,peractis ,,iudici,a ,,fieri ,,indica,,ri ,,iis ,,magis ,,putamus#agh4 ,these two days must be taken in connexion with the #bcrd and #bdth of ,may1 which are marked in the calendars in exactly the same way4 ,the explanation suggested by ,mommsen is simple and satisfactory#agi2 the #bdth of ,march and of ,may were the two fixed days on which the comitia curiata met for the sanctioning of wills#ahj under the presidency of the ,rex4 ,the #bcrd in each month1 called ,tubilustrium1 would be the day of the lustration of the tubae or tubi used in summoning the assembly4 ,the letters ,q4 ,r4 ,c4 ,f4 7quando rex comitiavit fas7 mean that on the days so marked proceedings in the courts might only begin when the king had dissolved the ,comitia4 ,the tuba1 as distinguished from the tibia1 which was the typical ,italian instrument1 was a long straight tube of brass with a bell mouth#aha4 ,it was used chiefly in military#ahb and religious ceremonies2 and as the comitia curiata was an assembly both for military and religious objects1 this would suit well with ,mommsen's idea of the object of the lustration4 ,the ,tubilustrium was the day on which these instruments1 which were to be used at the meeting of the comitia on the following day1 were purified by the sacrifice of a lamb4 ,of the ,atrium ,sutorium1 where the rite took place1 we know nothing4 ,there are some words at the end of ,verrius' note in the ,praenestine ,calendar1 which1 as ,mommsen has pointed out#ahc1 come in abruptly and look as if something had dropped out3 #8,lutatius quidem clavam eam ait esse in ruinis ,palati incensi a ,gallis repertam1 qua ,romulus urbem inauguraverit4' ,this clava must be the lituus of ,romulus1 mentioned by ,cicero#ahd1 which was found on the ,palatine and kept in the ,curia ,saliorum4 ,we cannot1 however1 see clearly what ,verrius or his excerptor meant to tell us about it2 there would seem to have been a confusion between lituus in the sense of baculum and lituus in the sense of a tuba incurva4 ,the latter was in use as well as the ordinary straight tuba#ahe2 in shape it closely resembled the clava of the augur1 and perhaps the resemblance led to the notion that it was the clava of ,romulus and not a tuba which was this day purified with the other tubae4 99 99 99 99 99 ,we can learn little or nothing from the calendar of this month about the origin of ,mars1 and we have no other sufficient evidence on which to base a satisfactory conjecture4 ,but from the cults of the month1 and partly also from those of ,october1 we can see pretty clearly what ideas were prominent in his worship even in the early days of the ,roman state4 ,they were chiefly two1 and the two were closely connected4 ,he was the ,power who must be specially invoked to procure the safety of crops and cattle2 and secondly1 in his keeping were the safety and success of the freshly-enrolled host with its armour and its trumpets4 ,in short1 he was that deity to whom the most ancient ,romans looked for aid at the season when all living things1 man included1 broke into fresh activity4 ,he represents the characteristics of the early ,roman more exactly than any other god2 for there are two things which we may believe with certainty about the ,roman people in the earliest times--7#a7 that their life and habits of thought were those of an agricultural race2 and 7#b7 that they continually increased their cultivable land by taking forcible possession in war of that of their neighbours4 ,footnote #fa3 ,see ,nissen1 ,italienische ,landeskunde1 i4 #djd2 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #c4 #bce-- ,quid1 quod hiems adoperta gelu tunc denique cedit1 ,et pereunt victae sole tepente nives1 ,arboribus redeunt detonsae frigore frondes1 ,uvidaque in tenero palmite gemma tumet3 ,quaeque diu latuit1 nunc se qua tollat in auras1 ,fertilis occultas invenit herba vias4 ,nunc fecundus ager3 pecoris nunc hora creandi1 ,nunc avis in ramo tecta laremque parat4 ,tempora iure colunt ,latiae fecunda parentes ,quarum militiam votaque partus habet4 ,here we have the fertility of man1 beast1 and crop1 all brought together3 the poet is writing of ,march #a4 ,the ,romans reckoned spring from ,favonius 7,feb4 #g7 to about ,may #aj 7,varro1 ,r4 ,r4 #a4 #ch72 ,march #a would therefore usually be a day on which its first effects would be obvious to every one4 ,footnote #fb3 ,sat4 #a4 #ab4 #f2 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #c4 #ace foll4 ,footnote #fc3 ,ovid only mentions one #8curia'3 in ,macrobius the word is in the plural4 ,ovid must1 ,i think1 refer to the curia ,saliorum on the ,palatine 7,marq4 #dca71 as this was the day on which the ,salii began their rites4 ,macrobius may be including the curia of the ,quirinal ,salii 7,preller1 i4 #ceg74 ,footnote #fd3 ,see below1 on the ,vestalia in ,june1 p4 #adg4 ,footnote #fe3 ,julius ,obsequens1 #ai4 ,footnote #ff3 ,roscher1 ,myth4 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,mars1 #bdbg4 ,roscher regards the use of laurel in the ,mars-cult as parallel with that in the ,apollo-cult and not derived from it4 ,the point is not however certain4 ,the laurel was used as an at the ,robigalia1 which seems closely connected with the ,mars-cult 7,plin4 ,n4 ,h4 #ah1 #afa72 here it could hardly have been taken over from the worship of ,apollo4 ,footnote #fg3 ,mommsen1 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #bed4 ,footnote #fh3 ,fasti1 #e4 #bec4 ,there is a good parallel in ,celtic mythology3 the wife of ,llew the ,sun-hero was born of flowers 7,rhys1 ,celt4 ,myth4 #chd74 ,the myth is found in many parts of the world 7,lang1 ii4 #bb1 and note74 ,footnote #fi3 ,by ,usener1 in his remarkable paper in ,rhein4 ,museum1 xxx4 #bae foll41 on #8,italische ,mythen4' ,he unluckily made the mistake of supposing that ,ovid told this story under ,june #a 7i4 e4 nine months before the supposed birthday of ,mars74 ,there is indeed a kind of conjunction of ,june and ,mars on ,june #a1 as both had temples dedicated on that day2 but neither of these can well be earlier than the fourth century ,b4,c41 and no one would have thought of them as having any bearing on the birth of ,mars but for ,usener's blunder 7,aust1 de ,aedibus sacris ,pop4 ,rom4 pp4 #h and #aj1 and his valuable note in ,roscher's article on ,mars1 p4 #bcij74 ,usener also adduces the derivation of ,gradivus in ,fest4 #ig #8quia gramine sit ortus4' ,footnote #gj3 ,the practical ,roman mind applied the myth chiefly to the history of its state1 and in such a way that its true mythic character was lost1 or nearly so4 ,what became in ,greece mythic literature became quasi-history at ,rome4 ,thus it is that ,romulus is so closely connected with ,mars in legend3 the race-hero and the race-god have almost a mythical identity4 ,the story of the she-wolf may be at least as much a myth of the birth of ,mars as ,ovid's story of ,juno1 in spite of the fatherhood of ,mars in that legend4 ,footnote #ga3 ,aust1 as quoted above4 ,the date was probably #cgi ,b4,c4 7,plin4 ,n4 ,h4 #af4 #bce74 ,footnote #gb3 ,roscher in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,juno1 p4 #egf4 ,footnote #gc3 ,marq4 #ega1 where is a list of passages referring to these gifts4 ,some are familiar1 e4 g4 ,horace1 ,od4 #c4 #h1 and ,juvenal1 #i4 #ec 7with the scholiast in each case74 ,footnote #gd3 ,schol4 ,cruq4 on ,horace1 l4 c41 and the scholiast on ,juvenal1 l4 c4 ,footnote #ge3 ,see e4 g4 the mysterious scene on a cista from ,praeneste given in ,roscher1 ,lex4 #bdjg1 to which the clue seems entirely lost4 ,footnote #gf3 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,mars1 #bcii2 s4 v4 ,juno1 #ehd4 ,footnote #gg3 ,ovid1 #c4 #cea foll42 ,plut4 ,numa1 #ac4 ,footnote #gh3 ,dion4 ,hal4 #b4 #ga4 ,footnote #gi3 ,ovid1 l4 c4 #cha foll4 ,footnote #hj3 ,marq4 #dcj1 and note4 ,footnote #ha3 ,festus1 p4 #aca2 ,usener in ,rhein4 ,mus4 xxx4 #bji foll4 ,wordsworth1 ,fragments and ,specimens of ,early ,latin1 p4 #efd foll4 ,jordan 7,preller1 i4 #ccf7 had however doubts about the identification of ,mars and ,mamurius4 ,footnote #hb3 ,the place is not quite certain4 ,ambrosch 7,studien1 #g71 who believed them to be part of the armour of the god1 placed them in his sacrarium in the king's house1 with ,serv4 ,aen4 #g4 #fjc1 and this falls in with ,dionysius' version of the myth1 that the shield was found in ,numa's house4 ,with this view ,preller agreed4 ,marquardt1 7#dca7 however1 believed they were part of the armour of the priests1 and as such were kept in the ,curia ,saliorum1 which might also be called sacrarium ,martis4 ,the question is not of the first importance4 ,footnote #hc3 ,dionysius 7#b4 #gj4 #b7 says that each was girt with a sword1 and carried in his right hand1 4 ,apparently1 assuming that he had seen the procession1 he did not see or remember clearly what these objects were4 ,a relief from ,anagnia 7,annali del ,inst4 #ahfi1 #gj foll47 shows them like a double drumstick1 with a knob at each end4 ,footnote #hd3 ,see also ,myth4 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,mars1 p4 #bdjd and ,apollo1 p4 #dbe4 ,footnote #he3 ,virg4 ,aen4 #d4 #adc4 ,footnote #hf3 ,strabo1 #fci foll4 ,the same also appear in the cult of ,zeus2 ,preller-,robert1 ,greek ,myth4 i4 #acd4 ,footnote #hg3 ,g4 ,b4 ii4 #aeg-ahb2 ,tylor1 ,prim4 ,cult4 i4 #bih foll4 ,we have survivals at ,rome1 not only in the periodic ,salian rites1 but on particular occasions2 ,martial #ab4 #eg4 #ae 7of an eclipse72 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #e4 #dda2 ,tibull4 #a4 #h4 #ba2 ,tac4 ,ann4 #a4 #bh 7this was in ,germany74 ,i have known the church bells rung at ,zermatt in order to stop a continuous downpour of rain in hay-harvest4 ,footnote #hh3 ,g4 ,b4 ii4 #baj4 ,footnote #hi3 ,jordan1 ,krit4 ,beitrge1 p4 #bjc foll4 ,footnote #ij3 ,cato1 ,r4 ,r4 #adc4 ,footnote #ia3 ,liv4 #a4 #bj4 ,cp4 #i4 #dj1 where the chosen ,samnite warriors wore tunicae versicolores4 ,in each case the dress is a religious one1 of the same character as that of the triumphator1 and would have its ultimate origin in the war-paint of savages1 which probably also has a religious signification4 ,the trabea was the old short cavalry coat4 ,footnote #ib3 ,see ,marq4 #dcb1 and ,dict4 of ,antiq4 s4 v4 ,salii for details4 ,footnote #ic3 ,fest4 #aca4 ,the fragments may be seen in ,wordsworth's ,fragments and ,specimens of ,early ,latin1 pp4 #efd foll4 ,in the chief fragment the name of ,janus seems almost certainly to occur 7cf4 ,lydus1 #d4 #b72 and in another ,lucetius 7 ,iupiter874 ,juno and ,minerva are also mentioned4 ,see ,dict4 of ,antiq4 s4 v4 ,salii4 ,it is curious that ,mars is more prominent in the song of the ,arval ,brothers4 ,footnote #id3 ,liv4 #e4 #eb4 #g4 ,footnote #ie3 ,dionysius1 #b4 #ga4 ,footnote #if3 ,usener in ,rhein4 ,mus4 xxx4 #bah2 ,roscher1 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,mars #bdai1 can only quote two very vague and doubtful passages from late writers in support of the view that the shields were symbols of the months2 ,lydus #d4 #b4 who says that the ,salii sang in praise of ,janus1 2 and ,liber glossarum1 ,cod4 ,vat4 ,palat4 #aggc f4 #dj v43 ,ancilia3 scuta unius anni4 ,footnote #ig3 ,for the evidence on this point1 and others connected with the ,salii1 ,i must refer the reader to ,mr4 ,g4 ,e4 ,marindin's excellent article #8,salii' in the new edition of ,smith's ,dict4 of ,antiquities1 the most complete and at the same time sensible account that has appeared in recent years4 7,the article #8,ancilia' in the new edition of ,pauly's ,real-,encycl4 is disappointing47 ,dionysius1 ,varro1 and ,plutarch are all at one about the shape of the shields1 and ,mr4 ,marindin is quite right in insisting that ,ovid does not contradict them4 7,see the passages quoted in the article47 ,the coins of ,licinius ,stolo and of ,antoninus ,pius 7,cohen1 ,md4 ,cons4 plate xxiv4 #i1 #aj1 and ,md4 ,imp4 ii1 no4 #dfg7 give the same peculiar shape4 ,the bronze of ,domitian1 ,a4,d4 #hh 7,cohen1 ,md4 ,imp4 i4 plate xvii71 and the coins of ,sanquinius1 ,b4,c4 #af 7both issued in connexion with ludi saeculares71 on which are figures supposed to be ,salii with round shields1 have certainly been misinterpreted 7e4 g4 in ,marq4 #dca74 ,see note at end of this work4 ,footnote #ih3 ,jordan1 in ,commentationes in hon4 ,momms4 p4 #cfe4 ,there could not b feriae on this day1 as it was a dies fastus4 ,footnote #ii3 ,fast4 #c4 #dbi #8,una nota est ,marti ,nonis2 sacrata quod illis ,templa putant lucos ,vediovis ante duos4' ,footnote #ajj3 ,aust1 de ,aedibus sacris1 p4 #cc4 ,footnote #aja3 ,polyb4 #ba4 #aj 7#ac72 ,liv4 #cg4 #cc4 ,footnote #ajb3 ,see his article in ,dict4 ,ant4 ,he further suggests that in ,philocalus' note ancilia is an adjective1 and that arma ancilia means the shields only1 as the spears of ,mars do not seem to have been used by the ,salii4 ,footnote #ajc3 ,the day is of course not given in these almanacs2 but the position is between ,isidis navigium 7,march #e7 and ,liberalia 7,march #ag74 ,footnote #ajd3 de ,feriis1 ix4 foll4 ,cp4 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #caa4 ,footnote #aje3 ,the usual sacrifice to ,jupiter on the ,ides is also mentioned by ,wissowa in this connexion2 but ,i should hardly imagine that it would have had a sufficiently popular character to cause any such alteration as he is arguing for4 ,but the first full moon of the year may have become over-crowded with rites2 and it was the day on which at one time the consuls entered on office1 ,b4,c4 #bbb to #aed 7,mommsen1 ,chron4 #ajb and notes74 ,footnote #ajf3 ,wissowa takes both as lustrations of cavalry4 ,mommsen1 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #ccb1 disapproves of ,wissowa's reasoning about this day4 ,footnote #ajg3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #caa4 ,footnote #ajh3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #bed4 ,footnote #aji3 ,cf4 ,usener's article on ,italian ,myths in ,rhein4 ,mus4 vol4 xxx--a most interesting and suggestive piece of work1 which1 however1 needs to be read with a critical mind1 and has been too uncritically used by later writers1 e4 g4 ,roscher in his article on ,mars4 ,frazer 7,g4 ,b4 ii4 #bjh7 adopts his conclusions about ,mamurius1 but1 with his usual care1 points out some of the difficulties in a footnote4 ,footnote #aaj3 ,usener1 p4 #baa4 ,footnote #aaa3 ,lydus1 #c4 #bi and #d4 #cf4 ,the words are rather obscure1 but the meaning is fairly obvious4 ,see ,usener's paraphrase1 p4 #baj4 ,footnote #aab3 ,see above1 p4 #ch4 ,footnote #aac3 ,cp4 what he says of the ,salii singing of ,janus 7#d4 #b74 ,footnote #aad3 e4 g4 in ,numa #ac4 ,footnote #aae3 ,aen4 #g4 #ahh4 ,thilo and ,hagen seem to think that ,servius wrote peltas 7shields7 on the evidence of one ,,ms1 wrongly1 ,i think4 ,footnote #aaf3 ,octavius1 #bd4 #c4 ,footnote #aag3 ,what is the meaning of vetera here8 ,footnote #aah3 ,golden ,bough1 ii4 #bjh4 ,footnote #aai3 ,mr4 ,frazer is careful to point out in a note that ,lydus only mentions the name ,mamurius4 ,but as we know that ,mamurius was called ,veturius in the ,salian hymn1 and as ,veturius may perhaps mean old1 it is inferred that the skin-clad man was #8the old ,mars4' ,the argument is shaky2 its only strength lies in the ,slavonic and other parallels4 ,footnote #abj3 ,lydus is thought to have made a mistake in attributing it to the #aeth 7,ides72 if so1 he may have confused other matters in this curious note4 ,but he is certainly explicit enough here 7#d4 #cf71 and refers to the usual sacrifice to ,jupiter on the ,ides1 and to #8public prayers for the salubrity of the coming year1' which we may be sure would be on the ,ides1 and not on a day of even number4 ,i do not feel at all sure that ,lydus was wrong as to the date1 the more so as the ,ides of ,may 7which month has a certain parallelism with ,march7 is the date of another curious ceremony of this primitive type1 that of the ,argei4 ,footnote #aba3 ,this was first noticed by ,grimm 7,teutonic ,mythology1 ,eng4 ,trans41 vol4 ii4 #gfd foll474 ,since then ,mannhardt 7,baumkultus1 #daj foll47 and ,mr4 ,frazer 7,g4 ,b4 i4 #beg foll4 and #bfd foll47 have worked it out and explained it 7see especially i4 #bge74 ,it is generally believed that ,death1 or whatever be the name applied to the human being or figure expelled in these rites1 signifies the extinct spirit of vegetation of the past year4 ,i agree with ,mr4 ,frazer1 as against ,usener and ,roscher 7,lex4 s4 v4 ,mars71 that it is not any abstract conception of the year1 or at least was not such originally4 ,footnote #abb3 ,this fusion of two apparently different ideas in a single ceremony has previously been explained by ,mr4 ,frazer1 pp4 #bje foll4 ,on p4 #baj he notices the curious and well-authenticated rite of driving out hunger at ,chaeronea 7,plutarch1 ,quaest4 ,conviv4 #f4 #h71 which would offer an interesting parallel to the ,roman1 if we could but be sure of the details of the latter4 ,another from ,delphi 7,plut4 ,quaest4 ,graec4 #ab1 mentioned by ,usener1 does not seem to me conclusive72 but that of the #8man in cowhide' from the ,highlands 7,g4 ,b44 ii4 #ade7 is singularly like the ,roman rite as ,lydus describes it1 and took place on ,new ,year's eve4 ,footnote #abc3 ,see above1 p4 #dg4 ,footnote #abd3 ,i am the more disposed to suspect ,lydus' account1 as in the same sentence he mentions a sacrifice which is conducted by priests of the ,magna ,mater ,idaea3 444 ,for the difficulties of this passage1 and suggested emendations1 see ,mommsen1 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cab1 note on ,id4 ,mart2 ,marq4 #cid1 note #e4 ,what confusion of cults may not have taken place1 either in ,lydus' mind or in actual fact8 ,footnote #abe3 ,both these notes are additamenta3 ,anna does not appear in the large letters of the ,numan calendar4 ,we cannot1 however1 infer from this that her festival was not an ancient one2 for1 as ,wissowa points out1 the same is the case with the very primitive rite of the #8,october horse' 7de ,feriis1 xii74 ,the day is only marked ,,eid in ,maff4 ,vat41 the two calendars in which this part of the month is preserved2 i4 e4 the usual sacrifice to ,jupiter on the ,ides was indicated 7cp4 ,lydus1 #d4 #cf71 and the ,ides fixed for the #aeth4 ,the additional notes1 according to ,wissowa1 were for the use of the priests2 but1 considering the popular character of the festival1 ,i am inclined to doubt this rule holding good in the present instance4 ,footnote #abf3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #c4 #ebc foll4 ,footnote #abg3 #8,via ,flaminia ad lapidem primum' 7,vat473 this would be near the present ,porta del ,popolo1 and close to the river4 ,footnote #abh3 ,see ,robertson ,smith1 ,religion of the ,semites1 p4 #bdj1 for the jovial character of some primitive forms of religion1 and the absence of a sense of sin4 ,footnote #abi3 ,ov4 l4 c4 #eda #8,occurri nuper3 visa est mihi digna relatu ,pompa4 ,senem potum pota trahebat anus4 ,footnote #acj3 ,sat4 #a4 #ab4 #f4 ,cp4 ,lydus1 de ,mens4 #d4 #cf4 ,footnote #aca3 ,annare perennare is to complete the circle of the year3 cp4 ,suet4 ,vespas4 #e #8puella nata non perennavit4' ,anna ,perenna herself is probably a deity manufactured out of these words1 and the idea they conveyed 7cf4 ,janus ,patulcius and ,clusius1 ,carmenta ,prorsa ,postverta72 not exactly a deity of the year1 but one whom it would be desirable to propitiate at the beginning of the year4 ,footnote #acb3 ,ov4 l4 c4 #ede foll4 ,sil4 ,ital4 #h4 #ej foll4 ,ovid also says that some thought she was the moon1 #8quia mensibus impleat annum' 7#c4 #feg73 but this notion has no value1 except as indicating the belief that she represented the circle of the year4 ,footnote #acc3 ,aeneas und die ,penaten1 ii4 #gag foll4 ,the cautious ,merkel long ago repudiated such fancies2 preface to ,ovid's ,fasti1 p4 #agg4 ,footnote #acd3 ,liv4 #a4 #b4 ,the ,punic ,anna is now thought to be a deity ,dido ,elissa3 see ,rossbach in the new edition of ,pauly's ,encyl4 i4 #bbbc4 ,footnote #ace3 ,her grove was not even on the ,tiber-bank1 but somewhere between the ,via ,flaminia and the ,via ,salaria1 i4e4 in the neighbourhood of the ,villa ,borghese3 as we see from the obscure lines of ,martial1 #d4 #fd4 #ag 7he is looking from the ,janiculum73 ,et quod virgineo cruore gaudet ,annae pomiferum nemus ,perennae4 ,illinc ,flaminiae ,salariaeque ,gestator patet essedo tacente1 c4 ,there is no explanation of virgineo cruore3 but ,i would rather retain it than adopt even ,h4 ,a4 ,j4 ,munro's virgine nequiore4 ,see ,friedlnder1 ad loc4 ,footnote #acf3 ,this seems to be ,usener's suggestion1 p4 #bjg4 ,footnote #acg3 ,fasti1 #c4 #fge4 ,footnote #ach3 ,no doubt this should be ,nerio3 see below on ,march #ag4 ,footnote #aci3 ,there is some ground for believing that the two words implied two deities on occasion or originally3 ,varro1 ,sat4 ,menipp4 fr4 #ejf #8,te ,anna ac ,peranna' 7,riese1 p4 #bai74 ,footnote #adj3 ,wissowa 7de ,feriis x7 thinks ,ovid's tale mere nugae3 but this learned scholar never seems to be able to comprehend the significance of folk-lore4 ,footnote #ada3 ,fasti1 #c #ffa foll4 ,footnote #adb3 ,varro 7,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ad7 calls them #8sacerdotes ,liberi1' by courtesy1 we may presume3 and it is noticeable that ,ovid describes this old ,anna as wearing a mitra1 which1 in ,propert4 v4 7iv47 #b4 #ca1 is characteristic of ,bacchus3 #8,cinge caput mitra3 speciem furabor ,iacchi4' ,footnote #adc3 ,op4 cit4 #bjh4 ,footnote #add3 ,see ,pauly1 ,encycl4 vol4 i4 #bbbc4 ,this is ,wissowa's opinion4 ,footnote #ade3 ,see on ,jan4 #i4 ,footnote #adf3 ,cic4 ad ,fam4 #ab4 #be4 #a2 ,att4 #i4 #i4 #d2 ,auct4 ,bell4 ,hisp4 #ca4 ,footnote #adg3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ad #8,in libris ,saliorum1 quorum cognomen ,agonensium1 forsitan his dies ideo appellatur potius ,agonia4' ,so ,masurius ,sabinus 7in ,macrob4 ,sat4 #a4 #d4 #ae71 #8,liberalium dies a pontificibus agonium ,martiale appellatur4' ,footnote #adh3 ,see above1 p4 #ec1 where ,i have expressed a doubt whether this custom originally belonged to the ,liberalia4 ,it is alluded to in ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #c4 #gbe foll41 and ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ad4 ,footnote #adi3 ,this is the view of ,wissowa in ,myth4 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,liber1 #bjbb4 ,cp4 ,aust1 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,iuppiter1 #ffb4 ,footnote #aej3 ,it is only once attested of ,roman worship1 viz4 in the calendar of the ,fratres ,arvales 7,sept4 #a #8,iovi ,libero1 ,iunoni ,reginae in ,aventino1' ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 i4 #bad72 but is met with several times among the ,osco-,sabellian peoples4 ,footnote #aea3 ,so ,hehn1 ,kulturpflanzen1 c41 p4 #gj foll4 ,but ,hehn is only thinking of the later ,liber1 whom he considers an #8emanation' from ,jupiter ,liber ,dionysus1 introduced with the vine from ,greece4 ,see ,aust1 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,iuppiter1 #ffb4 ,footnote #aeb3 ,see on ,april #bc4 ,footnote #aec3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #c4 #gga foll4 ,footnote #aed3 ,marq4 ,privatleben1 i4 #abb note #b4 ,footnote #aee3 ,ovid1 l4 c41 #ghc foll42 ,marq4 l4 c4 and #abc1 #abd4 ,military service began anciently at seventeen 7,tubero1 ap4 ,gell4 #aj4 #bh73 though even praetextati sometimes served voluntarily 7,marq4 op4 cit4 #aca74 ,even if not called out at once1 the boys would begin the practice of arms from the assumption of the toga virilis4 ,footnote #aef3 ,marq4 op4 cit4 #abd4 ,libero in ,capitolio1 ,farn4 ,for ,iuventas1 ,dion4 ,hal4 #c4 #fi1 #d4 #ae4 ,footnote #aeg3 ,this result is obtained by comparing ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #c4 #gia ,itur ad ,argeos--qui sint1 sua pagina dicet-- ,hac1 si commemini1 praeteritaque die4 7where he refers to his description of the rite of ,may #ae1 and appears to identify the simulacra and sacella71 with ,gell4 ,n4 ,a4 #aj4 #ae1 who says that the ,flaminica ,dialis1 #8cum it ad ,argeos' was in mourning dress3 also with the fragments of the #8,sacra ,argeorum' in ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #e4 #df-ed4 ,these have been shown by ,jordan 7,topogr4 ii4 #bga foll47 to be fragments of an itinerary1 meant for the guidance of a procession1 an idea first suggested by ,o4 ,mller4 ,the further questions of the route taken1 and the distribution of the sacella in the four ,servian regiones1 are very difficult1 and need not be discussed here4 ,see ,mommsen1 ,staatsrecht1 iii4 #abc foll4 ,footnote #aeh3 ,l4 ,l4 #e4 #he #8,salii a salitando1 quod facere in comitio in sacris quotannis et solent et debent4' ,footnote #aei3 i4 p4 #ha 7,keil74 ,why the ,comitium was the scene does not appear4 ,preller has suggested a reason 7i4 #cfd71 which is by no means convincing4 ,footnote #afj3 ,it was adopted by ,usener 7p4 #bbb1 note #f71 but has obtained no further support4 ,for another curious etymology of the latter part of the word latrus1 which1 however1 does not assist us here1 see ,deecke1 ,falisker1 p4 #ij 7,dies ater dies alter postridie74 ,footnote #afa3 ,wissowa1 de ,feriis1 ix4 ,footnote #afb3 ,mommsen1 in ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cab4 ,footnote #afc3 ,mommsen1 ,r4 ,h4 i4 #gh1 note #a4 ,footnote #afd3 ,festus1 #bed #8,quinquatrus appellari quidam putant a numero dierum qui fere his 78 feriis iis7 celebrantur3 qui scilicet errant tam hercule quam qui triduo ,saturnalia1 et totidem diebus ,compitalia2 nam omnibus his singulis diebus fiunt sacra4 ,forma autem vocabuli eius exemplo multorum populorum ,italicorum enuntiata est1 quod post diem quintum ,iduum est is dies festus1 ut apud ,tusculanos ,triatrus1' c4 ,footnote #afe3 ,wissowa1 op4 cit4 viii4 ,we find one in ,april1 between the ,fordicidia 7,april #ae7 and ,cerialia 7,april #ai74 ,footnote #aff3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #c4 #hji #8,una dies media est1 et fiunt sacra ,minervae1' c4 ,footnote #afg3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #c4 #hce foll4 ,caelius ex alto qua mons descendit in aequum1 ,hic ubi non plana est sed prope plana via1 ,parva licet videas ,captae delubra ,minervae ,quae dea natali coepit habere suo4 ,as from the note in ,praen4 we learn that ,march #ai was also the dedication-day of ,minerva on the ,aventine1 there must either be a confusion between the two1 or both had the same foundation-day4 ,about the day of ,minerva ,capta there is no doubt2 for that of ,minerva on the ,aventine see ,aust1 de ,aedibus1 p4 #db4 ,footnote #afh3 ,preller1 i4 #cdb2 ,usener1 ,rh4 ,mus41 xxx4 #bba2 ,roscher1 ,myth4 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,mars1 #bdaj2 ,lyd4 de ,mens4 #d4 #db2 ,gell4 #ac4 #bc 7from ,gellii ,annales7 is the locus classicus for ,nerio4 ,footnote #afi3 ,nerio gen4 ,nerienis 7,gell4 l4 c41 who compares ,anio ,anienis74 ,footnote #agj3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #c4 #hej3 #8forti sacrificare deae1' though clearly meant to refer to ,minerva1 is thought to be a reminiscence of a characteristic of ,nerio 7#8the strong one'71 attached to her supplanter4 ,footnote #aga3 ,aul4 ,gell4 l4 c4 ,footnote #agb3 ,usener1 l4 c41 passim4 ,footnote #agc3 ,h4 ,jordan expressed a somewhat different view in his ,symbolae ad hist4 ,ital4 religionum alterae1 p4 #i4 ,he thinks that #8volgari opinione hominum feminini numinis cum masculo coniunctionem non potuisse non pro coniugali aestimari4' ,but this would seem to imply that the opinio volgaris was a mistaken one3 and if so1 how should it have arisen but under ,greek influence8 ,footnote #agd3 ,mommsen1 in a note on the ,feriale ,cumanum 7,hermes1 #ag4 #fcg71 calls them weibliche ,hilfsgttinnen2 and this is not far removed from the view ,i have expressed in the text4 ,the other alternative1 viz that we have in these names traces of an old ,italian anthropomorphic age1 with a mythology1 is in my view inadmissible4 ,i see in them survivals of a mode of thought about the supernatural which might easily lend itself to a foreign anthropomorphizing influence4 ,footnote #age3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #c4 #hce foll4 ,footnote #agf3 ,wissowa in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,minerva #bihf3 a model article1 to which the reader must be referred for further information about ,minerva4 ,footnote #agg3 ,lydus1 #d4 #db1 adds #8,nerine1' and further tells us that this was the last day on which the ancilia were #8moved' 7 74 ,the ,salii were also active on the #bdth 7,fest4 #bgh74 ,footnote #agh3 ,the note is thus completed by ,mommsen from ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ca #8,dies qui vocatur sic1 ,quando ,rex ,comitiavit ,fas1 is dictus ab eo quod eo die rex sacrificulus itat we should probably read litat ad comitium1 ad quod tempus est nefas1 ab eo fas' 7see ,marq4 #cbc1 note #h74 ,the ,,ms4 has #8dicat ad comitium4' ,if we adopt litat with ,hirschfeld and ,jordan1 we are not on that account committed to the belief corrected in ,praen41 that it was on this day and ,may #bd that the ,rex fled after sacrificing in comitio 7see ,hartmann1 ,rm4 ,kal4 #afb foll474 ,the question will be discussed under ,feb4 #bd4 ,footnote #agi3 ,rm4 ,chronol4 p4 #bda2 ,staatsrecht1 iii4 #cge4 ,footnote #ahj3 ,gaius1 #b4 #aja #8,comitia calata quae bis in anno testamentis faciendis destinata erant4' ,cp4 ,maine1 ,ancient ,law1 #aii4 ,footnote #aha3 ,it may have been of ,etruscan origin3 ,mller-,deecke1 ,etrusker1 ii4 #bjf4 ,a special kind of tuba seems to have been used at funerals3 ,gell4 ,n4 ,a4 #bj4 #b2 ,marq4 ,privatleben1 i4 #cda4 ,footnote #ahb3 ,for the military use1 ,liv4 ii4 #fd4 ,they were also used in sacris ,saliaribus ,paul4 #ai1 s4 v4 ,armilustrium4 ,wissowa 7de ,feriis xv7 mentions a relief in which the ,salii are preceded by tubicines laureati 7published in ,st4 ,petersburgh by ,e4 ,schulze1 #ahgc74 ,footnote #ahc3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cac4 ,he is of opinion that the note was among those #8non tam a ,verrio scriptas quam male ex scriptis eius excerptas4' ,footnote #ahd3 de ,div4 i4 #ag4 #cj4 ,footnote #ahe3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #e4 #ia4 ,,mensis ,,aprilis4 ,there can hardly be a doubt that this month takes its name1 not from a deity1 but from the verb aperio2 the etymology is as old as ,varro and ,verrius1 and seems perfectly natural#ahf4 ,the year was opening and the young corn and the young cattle were growing4 ,it was therefore a critical time for crops and herds2 but there was not much to be done by man to secure their safety4 ,the crops might be hoed and cleaned#ahg1 but must for the most part be left to the protection of the gods4 ,the oldest festivals of the month1 the ,robigalia and ,fordicidia1 clearly had this object4 ,so also with the cattle2 oves lustrantur1 say the rustic calendars#ahh2 and such a lustratio of the cattle of the ancient ,romans survived in the ceremonies of the ,parilia4 ,thus1 if we keep clear of fanciful notions1 such as those of ,huschke#ahi1 about these early months of the year1 which he seems to imagine was thought of as growing like an organic creature1 we need find no great difficulty in ,april4 ,we need not conclude too hastily that this was a month of purification preliminary to ,may1 as ,february was to ,march4 ,like ,february1 indeed1 it has a large number of dies nefasti#aij1 and its festivals are of a cathartic character1 while ,march and ,may have some points in common2 but beyond this we cannot safely venture4 ,the later ,romans would hardly have connected ,april with ,venus#aia1 had it been a sinister month2 it was not in ,april1 but in ,march and ,may1 that weddings were ill-omened4 ,we may note the prevalence in this month of female deities1 or of those which fluctuate between male and female--a sure sign of antiquity4 ,these are deities of the earth1 or vegetation1 or generation1 such as ,tellus1 ,pales1 ,ceres1 ,flora1 and perhaps also ,fortuna4 ,hence the month became easily associated in later times with ,venus1 who was originally1 perhaps1 a garden deity#aib1 but was overlaid in course of time with ideas brought from ,sicily and ,greece1 and possibly even from ,cyprus and the ,east4 ,lastly1 we may note that the ,magna ,mater ,idaea found a suitable position for her worship in this month towards the end of the third century ,b4,c4 ,,kal4 ,,apr4 7,,april #a74 ,f4 ,,veneralia3 ,,ludi4 7,,philoc47 ,note in ,praen43 #8,,frequenter ,,mulieres ,,supplicant ,,fortunae ,,virili1 ,,humiliores ,,etiam ,,in ,,balineis1 ,,quod ,,in ,,iis ,,ea ,,parte ,,corpor,,is ,,utique ,,viri ,,nudantur1 ,,qua ,,feminarum ,,gratia ,,desideratur4' ,lydus#aic seems to have been acquainted with this note of ,verrius in the ,fasti of ,praeneste2 if so1 we may guess that some words have been omitted by the man who cut the inscription1 and we should insert with ,mommsen#aid1 after #8supplicant1' the words #8honestiores ,veneri ,verticordiae4' ,if we compare the passage of ,lydus with the name ,veneralia given to this day in the calendar of ,philocalus1 we may guess that the cult of ,venus on ,april #a came into fashion in late times among ladies of rank1 while an old and gross custom was kept up by the humiliores in honour of ,fortuna ,virilis#aie4 ,this seems to be the most obvious explanation of the concurrence of the two goddesses on the same day2 they were probably identified or amalgamated under the ,empire1 for example by ,lydus1 who does not mention ,fortuna by name1 and seems to confuse her worship on this day with that of ,venus4 ,but the two are still distinct in ,ovid1 though he seems to show some tendency to amalgamation#aif4 ,fortuna ,virilis1 thus worshipped by the women when bathing1 would seem from ,ovid to have been that ,fortuna who gave women good luck in their relations with men#aig4 ,the custom of bathing in the men's baths may probably be taken as some kind of lustration1 more especially as the women were adorned with myrtle1 which had purifying virtues#aih4 ,how old this curious custom was we cannot guess4 ,plutarch#aii mentions a temple of this ,fortuna dedicated by ,servius ,tullius2 but there was a strong tendency1 as we shall see later on1 to attribute all ,fortuna-cults to this king4 ,the ,venus who eventually supplanted ,fortuna is clearly ,venus ,verticordia#bjj1 whose earliest temple was founded in #aad ,b4,c41 in obedience to an injunction of the ,sibylline books1 after the discovery of incest on the part of three vestal virgins1 #8quo facilius virginum mulierumque mens a libidine ad pudicitiam converteretur#bja4' ,macrobius insists that ,venus had originally no share in the worship of this day or month#bjb2 she must therefore have been introduced into it as a foreigner4 ,robertson ,smith#bjc has shown some ground for the conjecture that she was the ,cyprian ,aphrodite 7herself identical with the ,semitic ,astarte71 who came to ,rome by way of ,sicily and ,latium4 ,for if ,lydus can be trusted1 the ,roman ceremony of ,april #a was found also in ,cyprus1 on the same day1 with variations in detail4 ,if that be so1 the addition of the name ,verticordia is a curious example of the accretion of a ,roman cult-title expressive of domestic morality on a foreign deity of questionable reputation#bjd4 ,,prid4 ,,non4 ,,apr4 7,,april #d74 ,c4 ,,matr,i ,,mag,,nae4 7,,maff47 ,,ludi ,,megalesiaci4 7,,philoc47 ,note in ,praen43 ,,ludi ,m,,atri ,d,,eum ,m,,agnae ,i,,daeae4 ,,megalesia ,,vocantur ,,quod ,,ea ,,dea ,,megale ,,appellatur4 ,,nobilium ,,mutitationes ,,cenarum ,,solitae ,,sunt ,,frequenter ,,fieri1 ,,quod ,,mater ,,magna ,,ex ,,libris ,,sibullinis ,,arcessita ,,locum ,,mutavit ,,ex ,,phrygia ,,romam4 ,the introduction of the ,magna ,mater ,idaea into ,rome can only be briefly mentioned here1 as being more important for the history of religion at ,rome than for that of the ,roman religion4 ,in ,b4,c4 #bjd1 in accordance with a ,sibylline oracle which had previously prophesied that the presence of this deity alone could drive the enemy out of ,italy1 the sacred stone representing the goddess arrived at ,rome from ,pessinus in ,phrygia#bje4 ,attalus1 ,king of ,pergamus1 had acquired this territory1 and now1 as a faithful friend to ,rome1 consented to the transportation of the stone1 which was received at ,rome with enthusiasm by an excited and now hopeful people#bjf4 ,scipio was about to leave with his army for ,africa2 a fine harvest followed2 ,hannibal was forced to evacuate ,italy the next year2 and the goddess did everything that was expected of her#bjg4 ,the stone was deposited in the temple of ,victory on the ,palatine on ,april #dbjh4 ,the day was made a festival2 though no ,roman festival occurs between the ,kalends and ,nones of any month1 the rule apparently did not hold good in the case of a foreign worship#bji4 ,great care was taken to keep up the foreign character of the cult4 ,the name of the festival was a ,greek one 7,megalesia71 as ,cicero remarked#baj2 all ,romans were forbidden by a senatus consultum to take any part in the service of the goddess#baa4 ,the temple dedicated thirteen years later on ,april #ajbab seems to have been frequented by the nobilitas only1 and the custom of giving dinner-parties on ,april #d1 which is well attested1 was confined to the upper classes#bac1 while the plebs waited for its festivities till the ensuing ,cerealia4 ,the later and more extravagant developments of the cult did not come in until the ,empire#bad4 ,the story told by ,livy of the introduction of the goddess is an interesting episode in ,roman history4 ,it illustrates the far-reaching policy of the ,senate in enlisting ,eastern kings1 religions1 and oracles in the service of the state at a critical time1 and also the curious readiness of the ,roman people to believe in the efficacy of cults utterly foreign to their own religious practices4 ,at the same time it shows how careful the government was then1 as always1 to keep such cults under strict supervision4 ,but the long stress of the ,hannibalic ,war had its natural effect on the ,italian peoples2 and less than twenty years later the introduction of the ,bacchic orgies forced the senate to strain every nerve to counteract a serious danger to the national religion and morality4 ,,xvii ,,kal4 ,,mai4 7,,april #ae74 ,,np4 ,,ford,,icidia#bae4 7,,caer4 ,,maff4 ,,vat4 ,,praen47 ,this is beyond doubt one of the oldest sacrificial rites in the ,roman religion4 ,it consisted in the slaughter of pregnant cows 7hordae or fordae71 one in the ,capitol and one in each of the thirty curiae#baf2 i4 e4 one for the state and the rest for each of its ancient divisions4 ,this was the first festival of the curiae2 the other1 the ,fornacalia1 will be treated of under ,february #ag4 ,the cows were offered1 as all authorities agree1 to ,tellus#bag1 who1 as we shall see1 may be an indigitation of the same earth power represented by ,ceres1 ,bona ,dea1 ,dea ,dia1 and other female deities4 ,the unborn calves were torn by attendants of the virgo vestalis maxima from the womb of the mother and burnt#bah1 and their ashes were kept by the ,vestals for use at the ,parilia a few days later#bai4 ,this was the first ceremony in the year in which the ,vestals took an active part1 and it was the first of a series of acts all of which are connected with the fruits of the earth1 their growth1 ripening and harvesting4 ,the object of burning the unborn calves seems to have been to procure the fertility of the corn now growing in the womb of mother earth1 to whom the sacrifice was offered#bbj4 ,many charms of this sacrificial kind have been noticed by various writers2 one may be mentioned here which was described by ,sir ,john ,barrow1 when ,british ,ambassador in ,china in #ahjd4 ,in a spring festival in the temple of ,earth1 a huge porcelain image of a cow was carried about and then broken in pieces1 and a number of small cows taken from inside it and distributed among the people as earnests of a good season#bba4 ,this must be regarded as a survival of a rite which was no doubt originally one of the same kind as the ,roman4 ,,iii ,,id4 ,,apr4 7,,april #aa74 ,n4 ,on this day#bbb the oracle of the great temple of ,fortuna ,primigenia at ,praeneste was open to suppliants1 as we learn from a fragment of the ,praenestine ,fasti4 ,though not a ,roman festival1 the day deserves to be noticed here1 as this oracle was by far the most renowned in ,italy4 ,the cult of ,fortuna will be discussed under ,june #be and ,sept4 #ac4 ,it does not seem to be known whether the oracle was open on these days only2 see ,r4 ,peter in ,myth4 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,fortuna1 #aede4 ,,xiii ,,kal4 ,,mai4 7,,april #ai74 ,,np4 ,,cer,,ialia4 7,,caer4 ,,maff4 ,,praen4 ,,esq47 ,,cereri ,,libero 7,,liberae7 ,,esq4 ,note3 ,all the days from #abth to #aith are marked ludi1 ludi ,cer41 or ludi ,ceriales1 in ,tusc4 ,maff4 ,praen4 ,vat41 taken together3 loid4 ,cereri in ,esq41 where the #ahth only is preserved3 loedi ,c in ,caer4 ,philocalus has ,cerealici c4 m4 7circenses missus7 xxiv on #abth and #aith4 ,the origin of the ludi ,cereales1 properly so called1 cannot be proved to be earlier than the ,second ,punic ,war4 ,the games first appear as fully established in ,b4,c4 #bjbbbc4 ,but from the fact that ,april #ai is marked ,,cer in large letters in the calendars we may infer1 with ,mommsen#bbd1 that there was a festival in honour of ,ceres as far back as the period of the monarchy4 ,the question therefore arises whether this ancient ,ceres was a native ,italian deity1 or the ,greek ,demeter afterwards known to the ,romans as ,ceres4 ,that there was such an ,italian deity is placed almost beyond doubt by the name itself1 which all authorities agree in connecting with cerus genius1 and with the cerfus and cerfia of the great inscription of ,iguvium#bbe4 ,the verbal form seems clearly to be creare#bbf2 and thus1 strange to say1 we actually get some definite aid from etymology1 and can safely see in the earliest ,ceres1 if we recollect her identification with the ,greek goddess of the earth and its fruits1 a deity presiding over or representing the generative powers of nature4 ,we cannot1 however1 feel sure whether this deity was originally feminine only1 or masculine also1 as ,arnobius seems to suggest#bbg4 ,judging from the occurrence of forms such as those quoted above1 it is quite likely1 as in the case of ,pales1 ,liber1 and others1 that this numen was of both sexes1 or of undetermined sex4 ,so anxious were the primitive ,italians to catch the ear of their deities by making no mistake in the ritual of addressing them1 that there was a distinct tendency to avoid marking their sex too distinctly2 and phrases such as #8sive mas sive femina1' #8si deus si dea1' are familiar to all students of the ,roman religion#bbh4 ,we may be satisfied1 then1 that the oldest ,ceres was not simply an importation from ,greece4 ,it is curious however1 that ,ceres is not found exactly where we should expect to find her1 viz4 in the ritual of the ,fratres ,arvales#bbi4 ,yet this very fact may throw further light on the primitive nature of ,ceres4 ,the central figure of the ,arval ritual was the nameless ,dea ,dia2 and in a ritual entirely relating to the fruits of the earth we can fairly account for the absence of ,ceres by supposing that she is there represented by the ,dea ,dia--in fact1 that the two are identical#bcj4 ,no one at all acquainted with ,italian ideas of the gods will be surprised at this4 ,it is surely a more reasonable hypothesis than that of ,birt1 who thinks that an old name for seed and bread 7i4 e4 ,ceres7 was transferred to the ,greek deity who dispensed seed and bread when she was introduced in ,rome#bca4 ,it is1 in fact1 only the name ,ceres that is wanting in the ,arval ritual1 not the numen itself2 and this is less surprising if we assume that the names given by the earliest ,romans to supernatural powers were not fixed but variable1 representing no distinctly conceived personalities2 in other words1 that their religion was pandaemonic rather than polytheistic1 though with a tendency to lend itself easily to the influence of polytheism4 ,we may agree1 then1 with ,preller#bcb1 that ,ceres1 with ,tellus1 and perhaps ,ops and ,acca ,larentia1 are different names for1 and aspects of1 the numen whom the ,arval brothers called ,dea ,dia4 ,at the same time we cannot entirely explain why the name ,ceres was picked out from among these to represent the ,greek ,demeter4 ,some light may1 however1 be thrown on this point by studying the early history of the ,ceres-cult4 ,the first temple of ,ceres was founded1 according to tradition1 in consequence of a famine in the year #dif ,b4,c41 in obedience to a ,sibylline oracle#bcc4 ,it was at the foot of the ,aventine1 by the ,circus ,maximus#bcd1 and was dedicated on ,april #ai1 #dic1 to ,ceres1 ,liber and ,libera1 representing ,demeter1 ,dionysus1 and ,persephone4#bce ,thus from the outset the systematized cult of ,ceres in the city was not ,roman but ,greek4 ,the temple itself was adorned in ,greek style instead of the ,etruscan usual at this period#bcf4 ,how is all this to be accounted for8 ,let us notice in the first place that from the very foundation of the temple it is in the closest way connected with the plebs4 ,the year of its dedication is that of the first secession of the plebs and of the establishment of the tribuni and aediles plebis#bcg4 ,the two events are connected by the fact1 repeatedly stated1 that any one violating the sacrosanctitas of the tribune was to be held sacer ,cereri#bch2 we are also told that the fines imposed by tribunes were spent on this temple#bci4 ,it was under the care of the plebeian aediles1 and was to them what the temple of ,saturnus was to the quaestors#bdj4 ,its position was in the plebeian quarter1 and at the foot of the ,aventine1 which in ,b4,c4 #def is said to have become the property of the plebs#bda4 ,now it can hardly be doubted that the choice of ,ceres 7with her fellow deities of the trias71 as the goddess whose temple should serve as a centre for the plebeian community1 had some definite meaning4 ,that meaning must be found in the traditions of famine and distress which we read of as immediately following the expulsion of ,tarquinius4 ,these traditions have often been put aside as untrustworthy#bdb1 and may indeed be so in regard to details2 but there is some reason for thinking them to have had a foundation of fact1 if we can but accept the other tradition of the foundation of the temple and its connexion with the plebs4 ,it is likely enough that under ,tarquinius the population was increased by #8outsiders' employed on his great buildings4 ,under pressure from the attack of enemies1 and from a sudden aristocratic reaction1 this population1 we may guess1 was thrown out of work1 deprived of a raison d'tre1 and starved#bdc2 finally rescuing itself by a secession1 which resulted in the institution of its officers1 tribunes and aediles1 the latter of whom some to have been charged with the duty of looking after the corn-supply#bdd4 ,how the corn-supply was cared for we cannot tell for certain2 but here again is a tradition which fits in curiously with what we know of the temple and its worship1 though it has been rejected by the superfluous ingenuity of modern ,german criticism4 ,livy tells us that in ,b4,c4 #dib1 the year after the dedication of the temple1 corn was brought from ,etruria1 ,cumae1 and ,sicily to relieve a famine#bde4 ,we are not obliged to believe in the purchase of corn at ,syracuse at so early a date1 though it is not impossible2 but if we remember that the decorations and ritual of the temple were ,greek beyond doubt1 we get a singular confirmation of the tradition in outline which has not been sufficiently noticed4 ,if it was founded in #dic1 placed under plebeian officers1 and closely connected with the plebs2 if its rites and decorations were ,greek from the beginning2 we cannot afford to discard a tradition telling us of a commercial connexion with ,greek cities1 the object of which was to relieve a starving plebeian population4 ,and surely there is nothing strange in the supposition that ,greek influence gained ground1 not so much with the patricians who had their own outfit of religious armour1 but with the plebs who had no share in the sacra of their betters1 and with the ,etruscan dynasty which favoured the plebs#bdf4 ,we may hesitate to assent to ,mommsen's curious assertion that the merchants of that day were none other than the great patrician landholders#bdg2 we may rather be disposed to conjecture that it was the more powerful plebeians1 incapable of holding large areas of public land1 who turned their attention to commerce1 and came in contact with the ,greeks of ,italy and ,sicily4 ,the position of the plebeian quarter along the ,tiber bank1 and near the spot where the quays of ,rome have always been1 may possibly point in the same direction#bdh4 ,to return to the ,cerealia of ,april #ai4 ,we have still to notice a relic of apparently genuine ,italian antiquity which survived in it down to ,ovid's time1 and may be taken as evidence that there was a real ,roman substratum on which the later ,greek ritual was superimposed4 ,every one who reads ,ovid's account of the ,cerealia will be struck by his statement that on the #aith it was the practice to fasten burning brands to the tails of foxes and set them loose to run in the ,circus ,maximus#bdi3 ,cur igitur missae vinctis ardentia taedis ,terga ferant volpes1 causa docenda mihi est4 ,he tells a charming story to explain the custom1 learnt from an old man of ,carseoli1 an ,aequian town1 where he was seeking information while writing the ,fasti4 ,a boy of twelve years' old caught a vixen fox which had done damage to the farm1 and tied it up in straw and hay4 ,this he set on fire1 but the fox escaped and burnt the crops4 ,hence a law at ,carseoli forbidding--something about foxes1 which the corruption of the ,,mss4 has obscured for us#bej4 ,then he concludes3 ,utque luat poenas gens haec1 ,cerialibus ardet2 ,quoque modo segetes perdidit1 ipsa perit4 ,we are1 of course1 reminded of ,samson burning the corn of the ,philistines#bea2 and it is probable that the story in each case is a myth explanatory of some old practice like the one ,ovid describes at ,rome4 ,but what the practice meant it is not very easy to see4 ,preller has his explanation ready#beb2 it was a #8sinnbildliche ,erinnerung' of the robigo 7i4 e4 #8red fox'71 which was to be feared and guarded against at this time of year4 ,mannhardt thinks rather of the corn-foxes or corn-spirits of ,france and ,germany1 of which he gives many instances#bec4 ,if the foxes were corn spirits1 one does not quite see why they should have brands fastened to their tails#bed4 ,no exactly parallel practice seems to be forthcoming1 and the fox does not appear elsewhere in ancient ,italian or ,greek folk-tales1 as far as ,i can discover4 ,all that can be said is that the fox's tail seems to have been an object of interest1 and possibly to have had some fertilizing power#bee1 and some curious relation to ears of corn4 ,prof4 ,gubernatis believes this tail to have been a phallic symbol#bef4 ,we need not accept his explanation1 but we may be grateful to him for a modern ,italian folk-tale1 from the region of ,leghorn and the ,maremma1 in which a fox is frightened away by chickens which carry each in its beak an ear of millet2 the fox is told that these ears are all foxes' tails1 and runs for it4 ,here we must leave this puzzle#beg2 but whoever cares to read ,ovid's lines about his journey towards his native ,pelignian country1 his turning into the familiar lodging-- ,hospitis antiqui solitas intravimus aedes1 and the tales he heard there--among them that of the fox--will find them better worth reading than the greater part of the ,fasti4 ,,xi ,,kal4 ,,mai4 7,,apr4 #ba74 ,,np4#beh ,,par,,ilia4 7,,caer4 ,,maff4 ,,praen47 ,,roma ,,cond,,ita ,,feriae ,,coronatis ,,om,,nibus4 7,,caer47 ,n,,atalis ,,urbis4 ,,circenses ,,missus ,,xxiv4 7,,philoc47 ,a note in ,praen4 is hopelessly mutilated1 with the exception of the words ,,ignes and ,,principio ,,an,,ni ,,pastoricii#bei8 ,the ,parilia#bfj1 at once one of the oldest and best attested festivals of the whole year1 is at the same time the one whose features have been most clearly explained by the investigations of parallels among other races4 ,the first point to notice is that the festival was both public and private1 urban and rustic#bfa4 ,ovid clearly distinguishes the two2 lines #gba-gcd deal with the urban festival1 #gce-ghb with the rustic4 ,the explanations which follow deal with both4 ,pales1 the deity 7apparently both masculine and feminine#bfb7 whose name the festival bears1 was1 like ,faunus1 a common deity of ,italian pasture land4 ,a ,palatium was said by ,varro to have been named after ,pales at ,reate1 in the heart of the ,sabine hill-country#bfc2 and though this may not go for much1 the character of the ,parilia1 and the fact that ,pales is called rusticola1 pastoricia1 silvicola1 c41 are sufficient to show the original non-urban character of the deity4 ,he 7or she7 was a shepherd's deity of the simplest kind1 and survived in ,rome as little more than a name#bfd from the oldest times1 when the earliest invaders drove their cattle through the ,sabine mountains4 ,here1 then1 we seem to have a clear example of a rite which was originally a rustic one1 and survived as such1 while at the same time one local form of it was kept up in the great city1 and had become entangled with legend and probably altered in some points of ritual4 ,we will take the rustic form first4 ,here we may distinguish in ,ovid's account#bfe the following ritualistic acts4 #a4 ,the sheep-fold#bff was decked with green boughs and a great wreath was hung on the gate3 ,frondibus et fixis decorentur ovilia ramis1 ,et tegat ornatas longa corona fores4 ,with this ,mannhardt#bfg aptly compares the like concomitants of the midsummer fires in ,north ,germany1 ,scotland1 and ,england4 ,in ,scotland1 for example1 before the bonfires were kindled on midsummer eve1 the houses were decorated with foliage brought from the woods#bfh4 ,the custom of decoration at special seasons1 ,may-day1 mid-summer1 harvest1 and ,christmas1 is even now1 with the exception of midsummer1 universal1 and is probably descended from these primitive rites1 by which our ancestors sought in some mysterious way to influence the working of the powers of vegetation4 #b4 ,at the earliest glimmer of daybreak the shepherd purified the sheep4 ,this was done by sprinkling and sweeping the fold2 then a fire was made of heaps of straw1 olive-branches1 and laurel1 to give good omen by the crackling1 and through this apparently the shepherds leapt1 and the flocks were driven#bfi4 ,for this we have1 of course1 numerous parallels from all parts of the world4 ,burning sulphur was also used3 ,caerulei fiant vivo de sulfure fumi ,tactaque fumanti sulfure balet ovis#bgj4 #c4 ,after this the shepherd brought offerings to ,pales1 of whom there may perhaps have been in the farmyard a rude image made of wood#bga2 among these were baskets of millet and cakes of the same1 pails of milk1 and other food of appropriate kinds4 ,the meal which followed the shepherd himself appears to have shared with ,pales#bgb4 ,then he prays to the deity to avert all evil from himself and his flocks2 whether he or they have unwittingly trespassed on sacred ground and caused the nymphs or fauni to fly from human eyes2 or have disturbed the sacred fountains1 and used branches of a sacred tree for secular ends4 ,in these petitions the genuine spirit of ,italian religion--the awe of the unknown1 the fear of committing unwittingly some act that may bring down wrath upon you--is most vividly brought out in spite of the ,greek touches and names which are introduced4 ,he then goes on to his main object#bgc3 ,pelle procul morbos3 valeant hominesque gregesque1 ,et valeant vigiles1 provida turba1 canes4 ,absit iniqua fames4 ,herbae frondesque supersint1 ,quaeque lavent artus1 quaeque bibantur1 aquae4 ,ubera plena premam3 referat mihi caseus aera1 ,dentque viam liquido vimina rara sero4 ,sitque salax aries1 conceptaque semina coniunx ,reddat1 et in stabulo multa sit agna meo4 ,lanaque proveniat nullas laesura puellas1 ,mollis et ad teneras quamlibet apta manus4 ,quae precor eveniant3 et nos faciamus ad annum ,pastorum dominae grandia liba ,pali4 ,this prayer must be said four times over#bgd1 the shepherd looking to the east and wetting his hands with the morning dew#bge4 ,the position1 the holy water1 and the prayer in its substance1 though now addressed to the ,virgin1 have all descended to the ,catholic shepherd of the ,campagna4 #d4 ,then a bowl is to be brought1 a wooden antique bowl apparently#bgf1 from which milk and purple sapa1 i4 e4 heated wine1 may be drunk1 until the drinker feels the influence of the fumes1 and when he is well set he may leap over the burning heaps3 ,moxque per ardentes stipulae crepitantis acervos ,traiicias celeri strenua membra pede#bgg4 ,the ,parilia of the urbs was celebrated in much the same way in its main features2 but the day was reckoned as the birthday of ,rome1 and doubtless on this account it came under the influence of priestly organization#bgh4 ,it is connected with two other very ancient festivals3 that of the ,fordicidia and that of the #8,october horse4' ,the blood which streamed from the head of the horse sacrificed on the ,ides of ,october was kept by the ,vestals in the ,penus ,vestae1 and mixed with the ashes of the unborn calves burnt at the ,fordicidia2 and the mixture seems to have been thrown upon heaps of burning bean-straw to make it smoke1 while over the smoke and flames men and women leaped on the ,palatine ,hill#bgi4 ,the object was of course purification2 ,ovid calls the blood1 ashes1 and straw februa casta1 i4 e4 holy agents of purification1 and adds in allusion to their having been kept by the ,vestals3 ,vesta dabit3 ,vestae munere purus eris4 ,ovid had himself taken part in the rite2 had fetched the suffimen1 and leaped three times through the flames1 his hands sprinkled with dew from a laurel branch4 ,whether the februa were considered to have individually any special significance or power1 it is hard to say4 ,mannhardt1 who believed the #8,october horse' to be a corn-demon1 thought that the burning of its blood symbolized the renewal of its life in the spring1 while the ashes thrown into the fire signified the safe passage of the growing crops through the heat of the summer#bhj2 but about this so judicious a writer is naturally not disposed to dogmatize4 ,we can1 however1 be pretty sure that the purification was supposed to carry with it protection from evil influences both for man and beast1 and also to aid the growth of vegetation4 ,the theory of ,mannhardt1 adopted by ,mr4 ,frazer1 that the whole class of ceremonies to which the ,parilia clearly belongs1 i4 e4 the ,easter and ,midsummer fires and ,need-fires of central and northern ,europe1 may best be explained as charms to procure sunshine1#bha has much to be said for it1 but does not seem to find any special support in the ,roman rite4 ,it may be noted in conclusion that a custom of the same kind1 and one perhaps connected with a cult of the sun1#bhb took place not far from ,rome1 at ,mount ,soracte2 at what time of year we do not know4 ,on this hill there was a worship of ,apollo ,soranus1#bhc a local deity1 to which was attached a kind of guild of worshippers called ,hirpi ,sorani1 or wolves of ,soranus2#bhd and of these we may guess1 from the legend told of their origin1 that in order to avert pestilence1 c41 they dressed or behaved themselves like wolves4#bhe ,also on a particular day1 perhaps the summer solstice1 these ,hirpi ran through the flames1 #8super ambustam ligni struem ambulantes non aduruntur1'#bhf and on this account were excused by a senatus consultum from all military or other service4 ,a striking parallel with this last feature is quoted by ,mannhardt1 from ,mysore1 where the ,harawara are degraded ,brahmins who act as priests in harvest-time1 and make a living by running through the flames unhurt with naked soles3 but in this case there seems to be no animal representation4 ,mannhardt tries to explain the ,hirpi as dramatic representations of the ,corn-wolf or vegetation spirit4#bhg ,on the other hand1 it is possible to consider them as survivals of an original clan who worshipped the wolf as a totem#bhh2 a view adopted by ,mr4 ,lang#bhi1 who compares the bear-maidens of ,artemis at ,brauron in ,attica4 ,but the last word has yet to be said about these obscure animalistic rites4 ,,ix ,,kal4 ,,mai4 7,,apr4 #bc74 ,,fp 7,,caer47 ,,np 7,,maff47 ,f 7,,praen47#bij ,,vein,,alia 7,,caer47 ,,vin,,alia 7,,maff4 ,,praen4 ,,esq47 ,praen4 has a mutilated note beginning ,,io,,vi1 and ending with ,,cum ,,latini ,,bello ,,preme,,rentur ,a ,,rutulis1 ,,quia ,,mezentius ,,rex ,,etrus,,co,,rum ,,paciscebatur1 ,,si ,,subsidio ,,venisset1 ,,omnium ,,annorum ,,vini ,,fructum4 7,cp4 ,festus1 #fe and #cgd1 where it appears that libations of all new wine were made to ,jupiter47 ,,veneri 7,,caer47 ,v,,eberi ,,eruc4 ,,extr,a ,,portam ,,collin,,am4 7,,arv47 ,this day was generally known as ,vinalia ,priora1 as distinguished from the ,vinalia ,rustica of ,august #ai4 ,both days were believed to be sacred to ,venus#bia2 the earlier one1 according to ,ovid1 was the foundation-day of the temple of ,venus ,erycina1 with which he connected the legend of ,aeneas and ,mezentius4 ,but as both ,varro and ,verrius are agreed that the days were sacred1 not to ,venus but to ,jupiter#bib1 we may leave the legend alone and content ourselves with asking how ,venus came into the connexion4 ,the most probable supposition is that this day being1 as ,ovid implies1 the dies natalis of one of the temples of ,venus#bic1 the ,vinalia also came to be considered as sacred to the goddess4 ,the date of the foundation was #aha ,b4,c41 exactly at a time when many new worships1 and especially ,greek ones1 were being introduced into ,rome#bid4 ,that of the ,sicilian ,aphrodite1 under the name of ,venus1 seems to have become at once popular with its ,graecus ritus and lascivia maior#bie2 and the older connexion of the festival with ,jupiter tended henceforward to disappear4 ,it must be noted1 however1 that the day of the ,vinalia ,rustica in ,august was also the dies natalis of one if not two other temples of ,venus#bif1 and one of these was as old as the year ,b4,c4 #bic4 ,thus we can hardly avoid the conclusion that there was1 even at an early date1 some connexion in the popular mind between the goddess and wine4 ,the explanation is perhaps to be found in the fact that ,venus was specially a deity of gardens1 and therefore no doubt of vineyards#big4 ,an interesting inscription from ,pompeii confirms this1 and attests the connexion of ,venus with wine and gardens1 as it is written on a wine-jar#bih3 ,,presta ,,mi ,,sinceru,m ,,ita ,,te ,,amet ,,que ,,custodit ,,ortu,m ,,venus4 ,the ,vinalia1 then1 both in ,april and ,august1 was really and originally sacred to ,jupiter4 ,the legendary explanation is given by ,ovid in #aa4 #hgg-ijj4 ,whatever the true explanation may have been1 the fact can be illustrated from the ritual employed2 for it was the ,flamen ,dialis#bii who #8vindemiam auspicatus est1' i4 e4 after sacrificing plucked the first grapes4 ,whether this auspicatio took place on either of the ,vinalia has indeed been doubted1 for even ,august #ai would hardly seem to suit the ceremony ,varro describes#cjj2 but the fact that it was performed by the priest of ,jupiter is sufficient for our purpose4 ,of this day1 ,april #bc1 we may guess that it was the one on which the wine-skins were first opened1 and libations from them made to ,jupiter4 ,these are probably the libations about which ,plutarch#cja asks #8,why do they pour much wine from the temple of ,venus on the ,veneralia' 7i4 e4 ,vinalia78 ,the same libations are attested by ,verrius3 #8,vinalia diem festum habebant quo die vinum novum ,iovi libabant'#cjb4 ,after the libation the wine was tasted1 as we learn from ,pliny#cjc2 and it seems probable that it was brought from the country into ,rome for this purpose only a few days before4 ,varro has preserved an interesting notice which he saw posted in vineyards at ,tusculum3 #8,in ,tusculanis hortis 7,,mss4 sortis7 est scriptum3 #8,vinum novum ne vehatur in urbem ante quam vinalia kalentur'#cjd2 i4 e4 wine-growers were warned that the new wine was not to be brought into the city until the ,vinalia had been proclaimed on the ,nones4 ,it must1 however1 be added that this notice may have had reference to the ,vinalia in ,august2 for ,verrius1 if he is rightly reported by ,paulus#cje1 gives ,august #ai as the day on which the wine might be brought into ,rome4 ,paulus may be wrong1 and have confused the two ,vinalia#cjf2 but in that case we remain in the dark as to what was done at the ,vinalia ,rustica1 unless indeed we explain it as a rite intended to secure the vintage that was to follow against malignant influences4 ,this would seem to be indicated by ,pliny 7,h4 ,n4 #ah4 #bhd71 where he classes this ,august festival with the ,robigalia and ,floralia#cjg1 and further on quotes ,varro to prove that its object was to appease the storms 7i4 e4 to be expected in ,september74 ,as regards the connexion of the vine-culture with ,jupiter1 it should be observed that the god is not spoken of as ,jupiter ,liber1 but simply ,jupiter2 and though the vine was certainly introduced into ,italy from ,greece1 we need not assume that ,dionysus1 coming with it1 was from the beginning attached to or identified with ,jupiter4 ,the gift of wine might naturally be attributed to the great god of the air1 light1 and heat2 the ,flamen ,dialis who #8vindemiam auspicatus est' was not the priest of ,jupiter ,liber2 nor does the aetiological legend1 in which the ,latins avoid the necessity of yielding their first-fruits to the ,etruscan tyrant ,mezentius by dedicating them to ,jupiter1 point to any other than the protecting deity of ,latium4#cjh ,,vii ,,kal4 ,,mai4 7,,april #be74 ,,np4 ,,rob,,igalia4 7,,caer4 ,,esq4 ,,maff4 ,,praen47 ,note in ,praen3 ,,feriae ,,robigo ,,via ,,claudia ,,ad ,,milliarium ,v ,,ne ,,robigo ,,frumentis ,,noceat4 ,,sacrificium ,,et ,,ludi ,,cursoribus ,,maioribus ,,minoribusque ,,fiunt4 ,,festus ,,est ,,puerorum ,,lenoniorum1 ,,quia ,,proximus ,,superior ,,meretricum ,,est4 ,robigo means red rust or mildew which attacks cereals when the ear is beginning to be formed#cji1 and which is better known and more dreaded on the continent than with us4 ,this destructive disease is not caused by the sun's heat1 as ,pliny#caj tells us was the notion of some ,italians1 but by damp acting in conjunction with a certain height of temperature1 as ,pliny himself in fact explains it4 ,robigus#caa is the spirit who works in the mildew2 and it has been conjectured that he was a form or indigitation of ,mars#cab1 since ,tertullian tells us that #8,marti et ,robigini ,numa ludos instituit'#cac4 ,this is quite consistent with all we know of the ,mars of the farm-worship1 who is invoked to avert evil simply because he can be the creator of it#cad4 ,the same feature is found in the worship of ,apollo1 who had at ,rhodes the cult-title #cae1 or ,apollo of the blight1 as elsewhere he is ,apollo ,smintheus1 i4 e4 the power that can bring and also avert the pest of field-mice4 ,robigus had a grove of his own at the fifth milestone on the ,via ,claudia2 and ,ovid relates in pretty verses how1 as he was returning from ,nomentum 7doubtless by way of his own gardens1 which were at the junction of the ,via ,claudia with the ,via ,flaminia near the ,milvian bridge#caf71 he met the ,flamen ,quirinalis with the exta of a dog and a sheep to offer to the god#cag4 ,he joined the procession1 which was apparently something quite new to him1 and witnessed the ceremony1 noting the meri patera1 the turis acerra1 and the rough linen napkin#cah1 at the priest's right hand4 ,he versified the prayer which he heard1 and which is not unlike that which ,cato directs the husbandman to address to ,mars in the lustration of the farm#cai3 ,aspera ,robigo1 parcas ,cerialibus herbis1 ,et tremat in summa leve cacumen humo4 ,tu sata sideribus caeli nutrita secundi ,crescere1 dum fiant falcibus apta1 sinas4 ,parce1 precor1 scabrasque manus a messibus aufer1 ,neve noce cultis3 posse nocere sat est1 c4 ,ovid then asked the flamen why a dog--nova victima--was sacrificed1 and was told that the dangerous ,dog-star was in the ascendant#cbj3 ,est ,canis1 ,icarium dicunt1 quo sidere moto ,tosta sitit tellus1 praecipiturque seges4 ,pro cane sidereo canis hic imponitur arae1 ,et quare pereat1 nil nisi nomen habet4 ,in this1 however1 both he and the priest were certainly mistaken4 ,sirius does not rise1 but disappears on ,april #be1 at sunset2 and it is almost certain that the sacrifice of the dog had nothing to do with the star4 ,the real meaning of the choice of victim was unknown both to priest and poet3 but modern research has made a reasonable attempt to recover it#cba4 ,we are told#cbb of a sacrifice of reddish sucking whelps1 and of augury made from their exta1 which must have been closely connected with the ,robigalia1 if not 7in later times at least7 identified with it4 ,originally it was not on a fixed day1 as is proved by an extract from the commentarii pontificum quoted by ,pliny#cbc2 but it is quite possible that for convenience1 as the religio of the urbs got more and more dissociated from the agriculture in which it had its origin1 the date was fixed for ,april #be--the rites of the ,robigalia being of the same kind1 and the date suitable4 ,the whelps were red or reddish2 and from the language of ,festus1 quoting ,ateius ,capito1 we gather that this colour was supposed to resemble that of the corn when ripe3 #8,rufae canes immolabantur1 ut fruges flavescentes ad maturitatem perducerentur' 7p4 #bhe74 ,we should indeed naturally have expected that the rufous colour was thought to resemble the red mildew1 as ,mannhardt explains it#cbd2 but we do not know for certain that these puppies were offered to ,robigus4 ,in any case1 however1 we may perhaps see in them an animal representation of the corn1 and in the rite a piece of #8sympathetic magic'#cbe1 the object of which was to bring the corn to its golden perfection1 or to keep off the robigo1 or both4 ,if we knew more about the dog-offering at the grove of ,robigus1 we might find that it too1 if not indeed identical with the augurium1 had a similar intention4 ,the red mildew was at times so terrible a scourge that the ,robigalia must in early ,rome1 when the population lived on the corn grown near the city1 have been a festival of very real meaning4 ,but later on it became obscured1 and gave way to the races mentioned in the note in the ,praenestine calendar#cbf1 and under the later empire to the ,christian litania maior1 the original object of which was also the safety of the crops#cbg4 ,the #beth is at present ,st4 ,mark's day4 ,,iv ,,kal4 ,,mai4 7,,apr4 #bh74 ,,np4 ,,loedi ,,flor,,ae 7,,caer47 ,,ludi ,,flor,,ae4 7,,maff4 ,,praen47 ,v ,,non4 ,,mai4 7,,may #c74 ,c4 ,,florae 7,,ven474 ,on the intervening days were also ludi 7,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cag74 ,note in ,praen4 7,apr4 #bh73 ,,eodem ,,die ,,aedis ,,florae1 ,,quae ,,rebus ,,florescendis ,,praeest1 ,,dedicata ,,est ,,propter ,,sterilitatem ,,frugum4 ,this was not a very ancient festival and is not marked in the ,calendars in those large letters which are believed to indicate extreme antiquity#cbh4 ,its history seems to be as follows3 in #bch ,b4,c4 in consequence of a dearth1 the ,sibylline ,books were consulted1 and games in honour of ,flora were held for the first time by plebeian aediles#cbi2 also a temple was dedicated to her ad circum maximum on ,april #bh of that year#ccj4 ,there seems to be a certain connexion between the accounts of the institution of the ,floralia and the ,cerialia4 ,dearth was the alleged cause in each case2 and the position of the temple of ,flora near that of ,ceres3 the foundation by plebeian magistrates1 in this case the two ,publicii#cca1 who as aediles were able to spend part of the fines exacted from defaulting holders of ager publicus on this object#ccb3 and the coarse character of the games as ,ovid describes them1 all seem to show that the foundation was a plebeian one1 like that of the ,cerialia#ccc4 ,there may1 however1 have been something in the nature of ludi before this date and at the same time of year1 but not of a regular or public character4 ,flora was beyond doubt an old ,italian deity#ccd1 probably closely related to ,ceres and ,venus4 ,there was a ,flamen ,floralis of very old standing#cce2 and ,flora is one of the deities to whom piacula were offered by the ,fratres ,arvales#ccf--;a list beginning with ,janus and ending with ,vesta4 ,there is no doubt1 then1 that there was a ,flora-cult in ,rome long before the foundation of the temple and the games in #bch2 and though its character may have changed under the influence of the ,sibylline books1 we may be able to glean some particulars as to its original tendency4 ,in the account of ,ovid and from other hints we gather-- #a4 ,that indecency was let loose#ccg at any rate on the original day of the ludi 7,april #bh71 which were in later times extended to ,may #c4 ,the numen of ,flora1 says ,ovid1 was not strict4 ,drunkenness was the order of the day1 and the usual results followed3 ,ebrius ad durum formosae limen amicae ,cantat3 habent unctae mollia serta comae4 ,the prostitutes of ,rome hailed this as their feast-day1 as well as the ,vinalia on the #bcrd2 and if we may trust a story told by ,valerius ,maximus#cch1 ,cato the younger withdrew from the theatre rather than behold the mimae unclothe themselves1 though he would not interfere with the custom4 ,flora herself1 like ,acca ,larentia1 was said by late writers to have been a harlot whose gains enabled her to leave money for the ludi#cci4 ,these characteristics of the festival were no doubt developed under the influence of luxury in a large city1 and grew still more objectionable under the ,empire#cdj4 ,but it is difficult to believe that such practices would have grown up as they did at this particular time of year1 had there not been some previous customs of the kind existing before the ludi were regularly instituted4 #b4 ,we find another curious custom belonging to the last days of the ludi1 which became common enough under the ,empire#cda1 but may yet have had an origin in the cult of ,flora4 ,hares and goats were let loose in the ,circus ,maximus on these days4 ,ovid asks ,flora3 ,cur tibi pro ,libycis clauduntur rete#cdb leaenis ,imbelles capreae sollicitusque lepus8 and gets the answer3 ,non sibi1 respondit1 silvas cessisse1 sed hortos ,arvaque pugnaci non adeunda ferae4 ,if we take this answer as at least appropriate1 we may add to it the reflection that hares and goats are prolific animals and also that they are graminivorous4 ,flora as a goddess of fertility and bloom could have nothing in common with fierce carnivora4 ,but we are also reminded of the foxes that were let loose in the ,circus at the ,cerialia#cdc1 and may see in these beasts as in the foxes animal representations of the spirit of fertility4 #c4 ,another custom is possibly significant in something the same way4 ,from a passage in ,persius we learn that vetches1 beans1 and lupines were scattered among the people in the circus#cdd4 ,the commentators explain this as meaning that they were thrown simply to be scrambled for as food2 and we know that other objects besides eatables were thrown on similar occasions1 at any rate at a later time#cde4 ,but it is noticeable that among these objects were medals with obscene representations on them2 and putting two and two together it is not unreasonable to guess that the original custom had a meaning connected with fructification4 ,dr4 ,mannhardt#cdf has collected a very large number of examples of the practice of sprinkling and throwing all kinds of grain1 including rice1 peas1 beans1 c41 from all parts of the world1 in the marriage rite and at the birth of children2 amply sufficient to prove that the custom is symbolic of fertility4 ,bearing in mind the time of year1 the nature of ,flora1 the character of the ,april rites generally1 and the occurrence of the women's cult of the ,bona ,dea on ,may #a1 viz4 one of the days of the ludi1 we may perhaps conjecture that the custom in question was a very old one--far older than the organized games--and had reference to the fertility both of the earth and of man himself#cdg4 ,feriae ,latinae4 ,a brief account may be here given of the great ,latin festival which usually in historical times took place in ,april4 ,though it was not held at ,rome1 but on the ,alban ,mount1 it was under the direct supervision of the ,roman state1 and was in reality a ,roman festival4 ,the consuls on their entrance upon office on the ,ides of ,march had to fix and announce the date of it#cdh2 and when in #aec ,b4,c4 the day of entrance was changed to ,january #a1 the date of the festival does not seem to have been changed to suit it4 ,the consuls must be present themselves1 leaving a praefectus urbi at ,rome#cdi2 or in case of the compulsory absence of both consuls a dictator might be appointed ,feriarum ,latinarum causa4 ,only when the festival was over could they leave ,rome for their provinces4 ,it was therefore a festival of the highest importance to the ,roman state4 ,but the ritual will show that it must in fact have been much older than that state as we know it in historical times2 it was a common festival of the most ancient ,latin communities#cej1 celebrated on the lofty hill which arose in their midst1 where dwelt the great protecting deity of their race4 ,at what date ,rome became the presiding city at the festival we do not know4 ,the foundation of the temple on the hill was ascribed to the ,tarquinii1 and this tradition seems to be borne out by the character of the foundations discovered there1 which resemble those of the ,capitoline temple#cea4 ,no doubt the ,tarquinii may have renovated the cult or even given it an extended significance2 but the ,roman presidency must conjecturally be placed still further back4 ,perhaps no festival1 ,greek or ,roman1 carries us over such a vast period of time as this2 its features betray its origin in the pastoral age1 and it continued in almost uninterrupted grandeur till the end of the third century ,a4,d41 or even later#ceb4 ,the ritual as known to us was as follows#cec4 ,when the magistrates or 7their deputies7 of all the ,latin cities taking part had assembled at the temple1 the ,roman consul offered a libation of milk1 while the deputies from the other cities brought sheep1 cheeses1 or other such offerings4 ,but the characteristic rite was the slaughter of a pure white heifer that had never felt the yoke4 ,this sacrifice was the duty of the consul1 who acted on behalf of the whole number of cities4 ,when it was concluded1 the flesh of the victim was divided amongst all the deputies and consumed by them4 ,to be left out of this common meal1 or sacrament1 would be equivalent to being excluded from communion with the god and the ,latin league1 and the desire to obtain the allotted flesh is more than once alluded to#ced4 ,a general festivity followed the sacrifice1 while oscilla1 or little puppets1 were hung from the branches of trees as at the ,paganalia#cee4 ,as usual in ,italy1 the least oversight in the ceremony or evil omen made it necessary to begin it all over again2 and this occasionally happened#cef4 ,lastly1 during the festival there was a truce between all the cities1 and it would seem that the alliance between ,rome and the ,latins was yearly renewed on the day of the ,feriae#ceg4 ,some of the leading characteristics of the ,italian ,jupiter will be considered further on#ceh4 ,but this festival may teach us that we are here in the presence of the oldest and finest religious conception of the ,latin race1 which yearly acknowledges its common kinship of blood and seals it by partaking in the common meal of a sacred victim1 thus entering into communion with the god1 the victim1 and each other#cei4 ,the offerings are characteristic rather of a pastoral than an agricultural age1 and suggest an antiquity that is fully confirmed by the ancient utensils dug up on the ,alban ,mount#cfj4 ,as ,helbig has pointed out1 the absence of any mention of wine proves that the origin of the festival must be dated earlier than the introduction of the grape into ,italy4 ,the white victim may be a reminiscence of some primitive white breed of cattle4 ,the common meal of the victim's flesh is a survival from the age when cattle were sacred animals1 and were never slain except on the solemn annual occasions when the clan renewed its kinship and its mutual obligations by a solemn sacrament#cfa4 ,as ,rome absorbed ,latium1 so ,jupiter ,latiaris gave way before the great god of the ,capitol1 who is the symbol of the later victorious and imperial ,rome2 but the god of the ,alban hill and his yearly festival continued to recall the early share of the ,latins in the rise of their leading city1 long after the population of their towns had been so terribly thinned that some of them could hardly find a surviving member to represent them at the festival and take their portion of the victim#cfb4 ,footnote #ahf3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #cc2 ,censorinus1 #b4 #bj4 ,verrius ,flaccus in the heading to ,april in ,fasti ,praen43 444 #8quia fruges flores animaliaque et maria et terrae aperiuntur4' ,mommsen1 ,chron4 #bbb4 ,ovid quaintly forsakes the scholars to claim the month for ,venus 7,aphrodite71 ,fasti1 #d4 #fa foll4 ,i do not know why ,mr4 ,granger should call it the boar-month 7from aper71 in his ,worship of the ,romans1 p4 #bid4 ,footnote #ahg3 ,segetes runcuri1 ,varro1 ,r4 ,r4 ,i4 #cj4 ,columella's instructions are of the same kind 7,,ii4 #b74 ,footnote #ahh3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #bhj4 ,footnote #ahi3 ,rm4 ,jahr1 #baf4 ,footnote #aij3 ,february has thirteen1 all but two between ,kal4 and ,ides4 ,the ,nones and ,ides are ,,np4 ,april has thirteen between ,nones and #bbnd2 or fourteen if we include the #aith1 which is ,,np in ,caer4 ,the ,ides are ,,np1 ,nones ,n4 ,footnote #aia3 ,see the fragmentary heading to the month in ,fasti ,praen42 ,ovid1 l4 c42 ,lydus1 #d4 #de2 ,tutela ,veneris1 in rustic calendars2 ,veneralia 7,april #a71 ,philocalus4 ,footnote #aib3 ,varro1 ,r4 ,r4 #a4 #a4 #f3 #8,item adveneror ,minervam et ,venerem1 quarum unius procuratio oliveti1 alterius hortorum4' ,cp4 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #bj #8,quod tum 7,aug4 #ai7 dedicata aedes et horti ei deae dicantur ac tum fiant feriati holitores4' ,cf4 ,preller1 ,myth4 i4 #dcd foll4 ,the oldest ,venus-temple was in the low ground of the ,circus ,maximus 7,b4,c4 #bie74 8,venus1 like ,ceres1 may have been an old ,roman deity of the plebs1 but she never entered into the ,state-worship in early times40 ,macrob4 #a4 #ab4 #ab quotes ,cincius 7de ,fastis7 and ,varro to prove that she had originally nothing to do with ,april1 and that there was no dies festus or insigne sacrificium in her honour during the month4 ,footnote #aic3 #d4 #de 1 1 444 ,cp4 ,macrob4 #a4 #ab4 #ae4 ,footnote #aid3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cae4 ,footnote #aie3 ,we shall find some reason for believing that in the early ,republican period new cults came in rather through plebeian than patrician agency 7see below1 on ,cerealia74 ,but in the period of the new nobilitas the lower classes seem rather to have held to their own cults1 while the upper social stratum was more ready to accept new ones4 ,see below1 on ,april #d1 for the conditions of such acceptance4 ,the tendency is to be explained by the wide and increasing sphere of the foreign relations of the ,senatorial government4 ,footnote #aif3 ,fasti1 #d4 #acc-afd4 ,footnote #aig3 ,ovid1 l4 c4 #adi foll4 ,footnote #aih3 ,robertson ,smith1 ,religion of the ,semites1 p4 #def4 ,footnote #aii3 ,quaest4 ,rom4 #gd4 ,footnote #bjj3 ,ovid1 l4 c41 #d4 #afj #8,inde ,venus verso nomina corde tenet4' ,footnote #bja3 ,aust1 de ,aedibus sacris1 p4 #bh4 ,about a century earlier a statue of this ,venus was said to have been erected 7,val4 ,max4 #h4 #ae4 #ab2 ,plin4 ,h4 ,n4 #g4 #abj71 as ,wissowa pointed out in his ,essay1 #8de ,veneris ,simulacris1' p4 #ab4 ,footnote #bjb3 ,see above1 p4 #fg1 note #b4 ,footnote #bjc3 ,religion of the ,semites1 p4 #dej foll4 ,footnote #bjd3 ,preller1 i4 #ddf4 ,footnote #bje3 ,livy1 #bi4 #aj and #ad2 ,ovid 7,fasti1 #d4 #bei foll47 has a fanciful edition of the story which well illustrates the character of his work1 and that of the legend-mongers2 cp4 ,preller1 ii4 #eg4 ,footnote #bjf3 ,preller1 ii4 #ee4 ,footnote #bjg3 ,plin4 ,h4 ,n4 #ah4 #af2 ,arnobius1 #g4 #di4 ,footnote #bjh3 ,livy1 #bi4 #aj1 #ad4 ,footnote #bji3 ,see above1 ,introduction1 p4 #g4 ,footnote #baj3 de ,harusp4 ,resp4 #ab4 #bd #8,qui uni ludi ne verbo quidem appellantur ,latino1 ut vocabulo ipso et appetita religio externa et ,matris ,magnae nomine suscepta declaretur4' ,footnote #baa3 ,dion4 ,hal4 #b4 #ai4 ,a very interesting passage1 in which1 among other comments1 the historian points out that in receiving the goddess the ,romans eliminated 4 ,footnote #bab3 ,aust1 de ,aedibus sacris1 pp4 #bb and #di4 ,footnote #bac3 ,gell4 #ah4 #b4 #aa 7patricii72 cp4 #b4 #bd4 #b 7principes civitatis74 ,cp4 ,lydus1 #d4 #de2 ,verrius' note in ,praen41 #8,nobilium mutitationes cenarum solitae sunt frequenter fieri1' c4 ,footnote #bad3 ,see ,marq4 #cgj foll4 ,the ,ludi eventually extended from the #dth to the #ajth inclusive 7,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cad74 ,footnote #bae3 ,or ,hordicidia1 ,fest4 #ajb2 ,hordicalia1 ,varro1 ,r4 ,r4 #b4 #e4 #f2 ,fordicalia1 ,lydus1 #d4 #di4 #8,forda ferens bos est fecundaque1 dicta ferendo1' ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #d4 #fca4 ,footnote #baf3 ,ovid1 l4 c4 #fce #8,pars cadit arce ,iovis4 ,ter denas curia vaccas ,accipit1 et largo sparsa cruore madet4' ,cp4 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ae4 ,preller1 ii4 #f1 understands ,ovid's #8pars' as meaning more than one cow4 ,footnote #bag3 ,ovid1 l4 c4 #fcc #8,nune gravidum pecus est1 gravidae nunc semine terrae2 ,telluri plenae victima plena datur4' ,footnote #bah3 ,ovid1 l4 c4 #fcg4 ,ast ubi visceribus vitulos rapuere ministri1 ,sectaque fumosis exta dedere focis1 ,igne cremat vitulos quae natu maxima ,virgo1 ,luce ,palis populos purget ut ille cinis4 ,footnote #bai3 ,see below1 p4 #hc4 ,footnote #bbj3 ,this appears plainly in ,ovid's account 7,fasti1 #d4 #fcc foll471 and also in that of ,lydus 7#d4 #di73 4 ,both doubtless drew on ,varro4 ,lydus adds one or two particulars1 that the 787 scattered flowers among the people in the theatre1 and went in procession outside the city1 sacrificing to ,demeter at particular stations2 but he may be confusing this festival with the ,ambarvalia4 ,footnote #bba3 ,see ,mannhardt1 ,myth4 ,forsch4 #aij2 cp4 ,frazer1 ,g4 ,b4 ii4 #dc4 ,footnote #bbb3 ,fasti ,praen42 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #bce1 and ,mommsen's note 7where ,apr4 is misprinted ,aug474 #8,hoc biduo sacrificium maximum ,fortunae ,primig4 utro eorum die oraclum patet1 ,,ii viri vitulum ,i4' ,footnote #bbc3 ,liv4 #cj4 #ci2 ,friedlnder in ,marq4 #ejj2 ,mommsen1 ,mnzwesen1 p4 #fdb1 note2 ,staatsrecht1 i4 #ehf4 ,footnote #bbd3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #bih4 ,footnote #bbe3 ,in the ,salian hymn duonus cerus creator bonus 7of ,janus73 cf4 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #g4 #bf2 ,mommsen1 ,unteritalische ,dialekten1 #acc4 ,see articles cerus 7,wissowa7 and ,ceres 7,birt7 in ,myth4 ,lex42 ,bcheler1 ,umbrica1 #hj and #ii4 ,footnote #bbf3 #8,ceres a creando dicta1' ,serv4 ,georg4 #a4 #g4 ,it is worth noting that in ,nonius ,marcellus1 #dd1 cerriti larvati1 where cerus seems to mean a ghost4 ,if so1 we have a good example of a common origin of ghosts and gods in the animistic ideas of early ,italy4 ,footnote #bbg3 ,arnob4 #c4 #dj1 quoting one ,caesius1 who followed ,etruscan teaching1 and held that ,ceres ,genius ,iovialis et ,pales4 ,see ,preller-,jordan1 i4 #ha4 ,footnote #bbh3 ,preller-,jordan1 i4 #fb4 ,they were not even certain whether the ,genius ,urbis was masculine or feminine2 ,serv4 ,aen4 #b4 #cea4 ,footnote #bbi3 ,henzen1 ,acta ,fr4 ,arv4 p4 #dh4 ,in later times ,ceres took the place of ,mars at the ,ambarvalia1 under ,greek influence4 ,footnote #bcj3 ,so ,henzen1 l4 c4 and his ,introduction1 p4 ix4 ,footnote #bca3 ,myth4 ,lex1 s4v4 ,ceres1 #hfa4 ,he does not1 however1 dogmatize1 and has little to adduce in favour of his opinion1 save the statement of ,servius 7,georg4 #a4 #g7 that #8,sabini ,cererem ,panem appellant4' ,footnote #bcb3 ,preller ,jordan1 ii4 #bf4 ,footnote #bcc3 ,aust1 de ,aedibus1 pp4 #e and #dj4 ,preller-,jordan1 ii4 #ch4 ,footnote #bcd3 ,birt 7,myth4 ,lex4 #hfb7 gives the authorities4 ,footnote #bce3 ,the trias of itself would prove the ,greek origin3 cf4 ,kuhfeldt1 de ,capitoliis1 p4 #gg foll4 ,footnote #bcf3 ,plin4 ,h4 ,n4 #ce4 #aed4 ,the names of two ,greek artists were inscribed on the temple4 ,footnote #bcg3 ,mommsen1 ,staatsrecht1 ii4 #b1 #dfh1 note4 ,footnote #bch3 ,dion4 ,hal4 #f4 #hi2 #aj4 #db2 ,liv4 #c4 #ee says sacer ,iovi1 but the property was to be sold at the temple of ,ceres1 ,liber1 and ,libera4 ,the corn-stealer also was sacer ,cereri4 ,footnote #bci3 ,liv4 #aj4 #bc2 #bg4 #f2 #cc4 #be4 ,footnote #bdj3 ,mommsen1 ,hist4 i4 #bhd1 note4 ,cp4 ,schwegler1 ,rm4 ,gesch4 ii4 #bge1 note #c1 who thinks of an aerarium plebis there4 ,see also i4 #fjf and ii4 #bgh1 note #c4 ,according to ,liv4 #c4 #ee senatus consulta had to be deposited in this temple4 ,footnote #bda3 ,burn1 ,rome and the ,campagna1 p4 #bjd2 ,liv4 #c4 #ca and #cb fin42 cp4 #aj4 #ca4 ,footnote #bdb3 e4 g4 by ,ihne1 vol4 i4 p4 #afj4 ,footnote #bdc3 ,schwegler1 ,r4 ,g4 i4 #ghc foll4 ,footnote #bdd3 ,mommsen1 ,staatsrecht1 ii4 #b4 #dfh1 note #b1 is doubtful as to the date of the cura annonae of the plebeian aediles4 ,but ,plin4 ,h4 ,n4 #ah4 #c4 #ae attributes it to an aedile of earlier date than ,spurius ,maelius 7,b4,c4 #dch72 and though the ,consuls may have had the general supervision1 the immediate cura1 as far as the plebs was concerned1 would surely lie with their officers4 ,two points should be borne in mind here--7#a7 that the plebeian population to be relieved would be a surplus population within the city1 not the farmer-population of the country2 7#b7 that it would probably be easier to transport corn by sea than by land1 as roads were few1 and enemies all around4 ,footnote #bde3 ,dion4 ,hal4 #g4a1 exposes the absurdity of ,roman annalists in attributing the corn-supply to ,dionysius2 but he himself talks of ,gelo4 ,cp4 ,ihne1 i4 #afj4 ,ihne disbelieves the whole story1 believing it to be copied from events which happened long afterwards4 ,footnote #bdf3 ,ambrosch1 ,studien1 p4 #bjh4 ,tradition told that the ,tarquinii had stored up great quantities of corn in ,rome1 i4 e4 had fed their workmen4 ,cp4 ,liv4 #a4 #ef and #b4 #i4 ,footnote #bdg3 ,mommsen1 ,r4 ,h41 bk4 i4 ch4 #ac fin4 ,footnote #bdh3 ,see under ,august #ac 7below1 p4 #aih7 for the parallel foundation of the temple of ,diana on the ,aventine1 which also had a ,greek and plebeian character4 ,footnote #bdi3 ,fasti1 #d4 #fha foll4 ,ovid does not distinctly say that the foxes were let loose in the ,circus1 but seems to imply it4 ,footnote #bej3 #8,factum abiit1 monimenta manent2 nam vivere captam ,nunc quoque lex volpem ,carseolana vetat4' ,the best ,,mss4 have #8nam dicere certam4' ,bergk conjectured #8namque icere captam4' ,the reading given above is adopted from some inferior ,,mss4 by ,h4 ,peter 7,leipzig1 #ahhi71 following ,heinsius and ,riese4 ,mr4 ,s4 ,g4 ,owen of ,ch4 ,ch41 our best authority on the text of ,ovid1 has kindly sent me the suggestion namque ire repertam1 comparing1 for the use of ire1 ,ovid1 ,am4 #c4 #f4 #bj #8sic aeternus eas4' ,this conjecture1 which occurred independently to myself1 suits the sense and is close to the reading of the best ,,mss4 ,footnote #bea3 ,j4 ,grimm1 ,reinhardt der ,fuchs1 cclxix 7quoted by ,peter74 ,ovid's explanation is of course wrong2 the story is beyond doubt meant to explain the ritual1 or a law to which the ritual gave rise4 ,footnote #beb3 ,preller-,jordan1 ii4 #dc4 ,see under ,robigalia4 ,footnote #bec3 ,myth4 ,forsch4 #ajg foll4 ,footnote #bed3 ,ovid's word is terga1 but he must1 ,i think1 mean #8tails4' ,footnote #bee3 ,mannhardt1 op4 cit4 #ahe4 ,cp4 ,frazer1 ,golden ,bough1 i4 #djh2 ii4 #c and #bh 7for fertilizing power of tail74 ,footnote #bef3 ,zoological ,mythology1 ii4 #ach4 ,footnote #beg3 ,it may be as well to note that the custom of tying some object in straw--wheel1 pole with cross-piece1 man who slips out in time1 c4--and then burning it and carrying it about the fields1 is common in ,europe and elsewhere 7,frazer1 ,g4 ,b4 ii4 #bdf foll474 ,at the same time animals are sometimes burnt in a bonfire3 e4g4 squirrels1 cats1 foxes1 c4 7,g4 ,b4 ii4 #bhc74 ,the explanation of ,mannhardt1 adopted by ,mr4 ,frazer1 is that they were corn-spirits burnt as a charm to secure sunshine and vegetation4 ,if the foxes were ever really let loose among the fields1 damage might occasionally be done1 and stories might arise like that of ,carseoli1 or even laws forbidding a dangerous practice4 ,footnote #beh3 ,in ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cae this mark is confused with those of the #bcrd4 ,footnote #bei3 ,the letters an also appear in a fragment of a lost note in ,esq4 ,mommsen quotes ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #d4 #gge1 and ,tibull4 #b4 #e4 #ha for the idea of an annus pastorum beginning on this day4 ,i can find no explanation of it1 astronomical or other4 ,dion4 ,hal4 #a4 #hh calls the day the beginning of spring1 which it certainly was not4 ,footnote #bfj3 ,for the form of the word see ,mommsen1 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cae4 7,in ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ae1 it is ,palilia47 ,preller-,jordan1 i4 #daf4 ,footnote #bfa3 #8,palilia tam privata quam publica sunt4' ,varro1 ap ,schol4 in ,persium1 #a4 #ge4 ,see on ,compitalia1 below1 p4 #bgi4 ,footnote #bfb3 ,serv4 ,georg4 #c4 #a3 #8,pales 444 dea est pabuli4 ,hanc 444 alii1 inter quos ,varro1 masculino genere vocant1 ut hic ,pales4' ,there can be no better proof of the antiquity of the deity in ,italy4 ,footnote #bfc3 ,l4 ,l4 #e4 #ec4 ,footnote #bfd3 ,there was a flamen ,palatualis 7,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #g4 #de1 and ,fest4 #bde7 and an offering ,palatuar 7,fest4 #cdh71 connected with a ,diva ,palatua of the ,palatine1 who may have been the urban and pontifical form of ,pales4 ,footnote #bfe3 ,ovid is borne out or supplemented by ,tibull4 #b4 #e4 #hg foll42 ,propert4 #d4 #d4 #ge foll42 ,probus on ,virg4 ,georg4 #c4 #a2 ,dionys4 #a4 #hh1 c4 ,footnote #bff3 ,it is noticeable that sheep alone are mentioned in the ritual as ,ovid describes it4 ,footnote #bfg3 ,a4 ,w4 ,f4 p4 #caj4 ,cp4 ,frazer1 ,g4 ,b4 ii4 #bdf foll4 ,footnote #bfh3 ,chambers' ,journal1 ,july1 #ahdb4 ,for the custom in ,london1 ,brand1 ,pop4 ,antiquities1 p4 #cjg4 ,footnote #bfi3 ,so ,i understand ,ovid3 but in line #gdb in mediis focis might rather indicate a fire in the atrium of the house1 and so ,mannhardt takes it4 ,in that case the fire over which they leaped 7line #hje7 was made later on in the ceremony4 ,footnote #bgj3 ,cp4 ,hom4 ,od4 #bb4 #dha 1 1 1 1 4 ,footnote #bga3 ,tibull4 #b4 #e4 #bh #8,et facta agresti lignea falce ,pales4' ,tib4 seems here to be transferring a rustic practice of his own day to the earliest ,romans of the ,palatine4 ,but he may be simply indulging his imagination2 and we cannot safely conclude that we have here a rude ,italian origin of anthropomorphic ideas of the gods4 ,footnote #bgb3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #d4 #gdc-gdf4 esp #8dapibus resectis4' ,we can hardly escape the conclusion that the idea of the common meal shared with the gods was a genuine ,italian one2 it is found here1 in the ,terminalia 7,ovid1 ,fasti1 #b4 #fee71 and in the worship of ,jupiter4 ,see on ,sept4 #ac and ,feb4 #bc4 ,footnote #bgc3 ,fasti1 #d4 #gfc foll4 ,footnote #bgd3 ,four is unusual2 three is the common number in religious rites4 ,footnote #bge3 #8,conversus ad ortus ,die quater1 et vivo perlue rore manus4' ,ovid may perhaps be using ros for fresh water of any kind2 see ,h4 ,peter's note 7,pt4 ,,ii1 p4 #gj74 ,but the virtues of dew are great at this time of year 7e4 g4 ,may-day74 ,see ,brand1 ,pop4 ,ant4 #bah1 and ,mannhardt1 ,a4 ,w4 ,f4 #cab4 ,pepys records that his wife went out to gather ,may-dew2 ,diary1 ,may #aj4 #affi4 ,footnote #bgf3 ,the word is camella in ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #d4 #ggi2 cp4 ,petron4 ,sat1 #ace1 and ,gell4 ,n4 ,a4 #af #g4 ,footnote #bgg3 ,or as ,propertius has it 7#d4 #d4 #gg73 #8,cumque super raros foeni flammantis acervos ,traiicit immundos ebria turba pedes4' ,footnote #bgh3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #d4 #hja foll42 ,prop4 #d4 #d4 #gc2 ,varro1 ,r4 ,r4 #b4 #a4 #i4 ,many other references are collected in ,schwegler1 ,r4 ,g4 i4 #ddd1 note #a4 ,the tradition was certainly an ancient one1 and the pastoral character of the rite is in keeping with that of the legend4 ,it is to be noted that the sacrificing priest was originally the ,rex ,sacrorum 7,dionys4 #a4 #hh71 a fact which may well carry us back to the earliest ,roman age4 ,footnote #bgi3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #d4 #gcc foll4 #8,sanguis equi suffimen erit vitulique favilla4 ,tertia res durae culmen inane fabae4' ,whether the bonfire was burnt on the ,palatine itself does not seem certain1 but it is a reasonable conjecture4 ,footnote #bhj3 ,he points out 7p4 #caf7 that the throwing of bones or burnt pieces of an animal into the flames is common in northern ,europe3 hence bonfire bonefire4 ,footnote #bha3 ,a4 ,w4 ,f4 #caf2 ,frazer1 ,g4 ,b4 ii4 #bgd foll4 ,footnote #bhb3 ,preller-,jordan1 i4 #bfh4 ,soranus is thought to be connected etymologically with ,sol4 ,with this1 however1 ,deecke disagrees 7,falisker1 #if74 ,footnote #bhc3 ,so called by ,virg4 ,aen4 ,,ii4 #ghe and ,serv4 ad loc4 ,who the deity really was1 we do not know4 ,apollo here had no doubt a ,graeco-,etruscan origin4 ,deecke 7,falisker1 #ic7 thinks of ,dis ,pater or ,vediovis2 quoting ,servius' account and explanation of the cult4 ,that the god was ,sabine1 not ,etruscan1 is shown by the word hirpi4 ,footnote #bhd3 ,or of ,soracte1 if ,soranus ,soractnus 7,deecke74 ,footnote #bhe3 ,serv4 l4 c4 tells the aetiological legend4 ,cp4 ,plin4 ,n4 ,h4 #g4 #aa4 ,it has been dealt with fully by ,mannhardt1 ,a4 ,w4 ,f4 #cah foll4 ,footnote #bhf3 ,plin4 l4 c42 ,varro 7ap4 ,serv4 l4 c47 asserted that they used a salve for their feet which protected them4 ,the same thing is said1 ,i believe1 of the ,harawara in ,india4 ,footnote #bhg3 ,according to ,strabo1 p4 #bbf1 this fire-ceremony took place in the grove of ,feronia1 at the foot of the hill4 ,feronia may have been a corn- or harvest-deity1 and of this ,mannhardt makes all he can4 ,we may at least guess that the rite took place at ,midsummer4 ,footnote #bhh3 ,cp4 the cult of ,zeus ,lykaios in ,arcadia2 ,farnell1 ,cults of the ,greek ,states1 i4 #da4 ,footnote #bhi3 ,myth41 ,ritual1 and ,religion1 ii4 #bab4 ,footnote #bij3 ,this peculiar notation is common to this day and ,aug4 #ai 7the ,vinalia ,rustica71 and to the ,feralia 7,feb4 #ba74 ,see ,introduction1 p4 #aj4 ,footnote #bia3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #d4 #hgg1 asks3 #8,cur igitur ,veneris festum ,vinalia dicant1 ,quaeritis8#8 ,footnote #bib3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #af2 ,fest4 #fe and #cgd4 ,the latter gloss is3 #8,vinalia diem festum habebant1 quo die vinum novum ,iovi libabant4' ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #d4 #hii1 after telling the ,mezentius story 7alluded to in the note in ,praen471 adds ,dicta dies hinc est ,vinalia3 ,iuppiter illam ,vindicat1 et festis gaudet inesse suis4 ,footnote #bic3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #d4 #hga ,templa frequentari ,collinae proxima portae ,nunc decet2 a ,siculo nomina colle tenent4 ,he seems to have confused this temple with that on the ,capitol 7,aust1 de ,aedibus1 #bc74 ,footnote #bid3 ,liv4 #dj4 #cd4 #d4 ,footnote #bie3 ,aust1 ib4 p4 #bd4 ,varro wrote a satire #8,vinalia 4' ,plutarch 7,q4 ,r4 #de7 confuses ,vinalia and ,veneralia4 ,footnote #bif3 ,festus1 #bfd and #bfe2 in the ,vallis ,murcia 7or ,circus maximus71 and the lucus ,libitinae4 7,in #bfe1 xiii ,kal4 ,sept4 should be xiv47 ,for the date of the former temple1 #bic ,b4,c41 ,liv4 #aj4 #ca4 #i4 ,footnote #big3 ,varro1 ,r4 ,r4 #a4 #a2 ,fest4 #bfe2 ,preller-,jordan1 i4 #dda4 ,footnote #bih3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 iv4 #bggf4 ,footnote #bii3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #af4 ,see ,myth4 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,iuppiter1 #gjd foll4 ,footnote #cjj3 ,mommsen1 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cbf4 ,vindemia is the grape-harvest4 ,hartmann1 ,rm4 ,kal4 #ach1 differs from ,mommsen on this point4 ,footnote #cja3 ,q4 ,r4 #de4 ,footnote #cjb3 ,fest4 #fe4 ,footnote #cjc3 ,h4 ,n4 #ah4 #bhg4 ,footnote #cjd3 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #af4 ,hortis is ,mommsen's very probable emendation for sortis of the ,,mss4 ,o4 ,mller has sacris1 which is preferred by ,jordan 7,preller1 i4 #aif74 ,footnote #cje3 #bfd4 ,footnote #cjf3 ,mommsen 7,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cbf7 thinks that there is no mistake in the gloss2 but that the ,vinalia ,rustica represent a later and luxurious fashion of allowing a whole year to elapse before tasting the wine1 instead of six months4 ,from the vintage1 however 7end of ,september or beginning of ,october71 to ,august #ai is not a whole year4 ,see under ,august #ai4 ,footnote #cjg3 #8,tria namque tempora fructibus metuebant1 propter quod instituerunt ferias diesque festos1 ,robigalia1 ,floralia1 ,vinalia4' ,that the ,vinalia here referred to is the ,august one is clear1 not only from the order of the words1 but from what follows1 down to the end of sec4 #bhi4 ,secs4 #bhg to end of #bhh deal with the ,vinalia priora parenthetically2 in #bhi ,pliny returns to the ,vinalia altera 7or rustica71 after thus clearing the ground by making it clear that the ,april ,vinalia #8nihil ad fructus attinent4' ,he then quotes ,varro to show that in ,august the object is to avert storms which might damage the vineyards4 ,mommsen1 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cbf1 seems to me to have misread this passage4 ,footnote #cjh3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #hgg foll43 the legend was an old one for it is quoted by ,macrob4 7,sat4 #c4 #e4 #aj7 from ,cato's ,origines4 ,see also ,hehn1 ,kulturpflanzen1 #fe foll41 who is1 however1 in error as to the identification of ,jupiter 7,liber7 with 4 ,footnote #cji3 ,see ,columella1 #b4 #ab2 ,plin4 ,n4 ,,ii4 #ah4 #ia2 and article1 #8,mildew1' in ,encycl4 ,brit4 ,for the botanical character of this parasite see ,worthington ,smith's ,diseases of ,field and ,garden ,crops1 chs4 #ba and #bc2 and ,hugh ,macmillan's ,bible ,teachings from ,nature1 p4 #abj foll4 ,footnote #caj3 ,n4 ,h4 #ah4 #bgc3 cp4 #aed4 ,pliny thought it chiefly the result of dew 7cf4 mildew1 ,german mehlthau71 and was not wholly wrong4 ,footnote #caa3 ,the masc4 is no doubt correct4 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #d4 #ijg1 uses the feminine ,robigo1 but is alone among the older writers in doing so3 see ,preller-,jordan1 ii4 #dd1 note #b4 ,footnote #cab3 ,indigitation is the fixing of the local action of a god to be invoked1 by means of his name1 if ,i understand rightly ,reifferscheid's view as given by ,r4 ,peter in ,myth4 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,indigitamenta1 p4 #acg4 ,the priest of the ,robigalia was the flamen ,quirinalis3 ,quirinus is one form of ,mars4 ,footnote #cac3 de ,spectaculis1 #e4 ,footnote #cad3 ,cato1 ,r4 ,r4 #ada2 ,preller-,jordan1 i4 #cdj4 ,footnote #cae3 ,strabo1 #fac3 see ,roscher1 ,apollo and ,mars1 p4 #fb4 mildew1 of which is the ,rhodian form4 ,footnote #caf3 ,see ,mommsen's ingenious explanation in ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #caf4 ,footnote #cag3 ,fasti1 #d4 #ija foll4 ,the victims had been slain at ,rome and in the morning2 and were offered at the grove later in the day 7see ,marq4 #ahd74 ,footnote #cah3 ,villis mantele solutis 7cp4 ,serv4 ,aen4 #ab4 #afi74 ,footnote #cai3 ,r4 ,r4 #ada4 ,footnote #cbj3 ,so we may perhaps translate quo sidere moto3 but ,ovid certainly thought the star rose 7cf4 #ijd74 ,hartmann explains ,ovid's blunder by reference to ,serv4 ,georg4 #a4 #bah 7,rm4 ,kal4 #aic74 ,see also ,h4 ,peter1 ad loc4 ,footnote #cba3 ,mannhardt1 ,myth4 ,forsch4 #ajg foll4 ,footnote #cbb3 ,festus1 #bhe2 ,paul1 #de4 ,it was outside the ,porta ,catularia1 of which1 unluckily1 nothing is known4 ,footnote #cbc3 ,n4 ,h4 #ah4 #ad #8,ita est in commentariis pontificum3 ,augurio canario agendo dies constituantur priusquam frumenta vaginis exeant et antequam in vaginas perveniant4' ,for #8et antequam' we should perhaps read #8nec antequam4' ,the vagina is the sheath which protects the ear and from which it eventually protrudes2 and it seems that in this stage1 which in ,italy would occur at the end of ,april or beginning of ,may1 the corn is peculiarly liable to #8rust4' 7,so ,virg4 ,georg4 #a4 #aea #8,ut mala culmos ,esset robigo'3 i4 e4 the stalks including the vagina47 ,see ,hugh ,macmillan1 op4 cit4 p4 #aba4 ,footnote #cbd3 ,myth4 ,forsch4 #ajf4 ,mr4 ,frazer 7,g4 ,b4 ii4 #ei3 cp4 i4 #cjf7 takes the other view of this and similar sacrifices1 but with some hesitation4 ,footnote #cbe3 ,it must be confessed that the occurrence of red colour in victims cannot well be always explained in this way2 e4 g4 the red heifer of the ,israelites 7,numbers xix71 and the red oxen of the ,egyptians 7,plut4 ,isis and ,osiris1 #ca74 ,but in this rite1 occurring so close to the ,cerialia1 where1 as we have seen1 foxes were turned out in the circus maximus1 the colour of the puppies must have had some meaning in relation to the growing crops4 ,footnote #cbf3 #8,ludi cursoribus maioribus minoribusque4' ,what these were is not known3 ,mommsen1 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cag4 ,footnote #cbg3 ,usener1 ,religionsgeschichte1 i4 #bih foll4 ,footnote #cbh3 ,see ,introduction1 p4 #ae4 ,footnote #cbi3 ,plin4 ,n4 ,h4 #ah4 #bhf2 two years earlier1 according to ,velleius1 #a4 #ad4 ,this is1 ,i think1 the only case in which a deity taken in hand by the decemviri sacris faciundis cannot be traced to a ,greek origin2 but the characteristics of ,flora are so like those of ,venus that in the former1 as in the latter1 ,aphrodite may be concealed4 ,the games as eventually organized had points in common with the cult of ,aphrodite at ,hierapolis 7,lucian1 ,dea ,syr4 #di2 ,farnell1 ,cults1 ii4 #fdc72 and it is worth noting that their date 7#agc ,b4,c47 is subsequent to the ,syrian war4 ,up to that time the games were not regular or annual 7,ovid1 ,fasti1 #e4 #bie74 ,footnote #ccj3 ,tac4 ,ann4 #b4 #di2 ,aust1 p4 #ag4 ,footnote #cca3 ,plebis ad aediles3 ,ovid1 ib4 v4 #bhg2 ,festus1 #bch1 probably in error1 calls the ,publicii curule aediles4 ,footnote #ccb3 ,ovid1 ib4 #e4bgg foll41 in which he draws a picture of the misdoings of the landholders4 ,cp4 ,liv4 #cc4 #db1 for the temple of ,faunus in insula1 founded by the same means4 ,footnote #ccc3 ,ovid1 ib4 #e4 #ceb4 ,footnote #ccd3 ,steuding in ,myth4 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,flora4 ,there was a ,sabine month ,flusalis 7,momms4 ,chron4 #bai7 ,floralis1 and answering to ,july4 ,varro considered ,flora a ,sabine deity 7,l4 ,l4 #e4 #gd74 ,footnote #cce3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #g4 #de4 ,flora had an ancient temple in colle1 near the so-called ,capitolium vetus 7,steuding1 l4 c471 i4 e4 in the #8,sabine quarter4' ,footnote #ccf3 ,henzen1 ,acta ,fratr4 ,arv4 #adf4 ,footnote #ccg3 ,ov4 #e4 #cca foll #8,volt sua plebeio sacra patere choro4' ,footnote #cch3 ,val4 ,max4 #b4 #aj4 #h4 ,steuding in ,myth4 ,lex4 has oddly misunderstood this passage1 making ,val4 ,max4 write of this custom as an ancient one1 whereas he clearly implies the opposite4 ,it was no doubt the relic of some rude country practice1 degenerated under the influence of city life4 ,footnote #cci3 ,lactantius1 ,de falsa religione1 i4 #bj4 ,footnote #cdj3 ,aug4 ,civ4 ,dei1 ii4 #bg4 ,footnote #cda3 ,friedlnder on ,martial1 #h4 #fg4 #d4 ,footnote #cdb3 ,h4 ,peter takes this to mean that they were let loose from a net and hunted into it again4 ,see note ad loc4 #e4 #cga4 ,footnote #cdc3 ,see above1 p4 #gg4 ,footnote #cdd3 ,sat4 #e4 #agg3 ,vigila et cicer ingere large ,rixanti populo1 nostra ut ,floralia possint ,aprici meminisse senes4--,cp4 ,hor4 ,sat4 #b4 #c4 #ahb4 ,footnote #cde3 ,friedlnder1 ,sittengeschichte1 ii4 #bhf2 and his note on ,martial1 #h4 #gh4 ,footnote #cdf3 ,kind4 u4 ,korn4 #cea foll4 ,footnote #cdg3 ,another point that may strike the reader of ,ovid is the wearing of parti-coloured dress on these days 7#e4 #cee3 cp4 ,martial1 #e4 #bc7-- ,cur tamen ut dantur vestes ,cerialibus albae1 ,sic haec est cultu versicolore decens8 ,flora answers him doubtfully4 ,was this a practice of comparatively late date8 ,see ,friedlnder1 ,sittengeschichte ii4 #bge4 ,footnote #cdh3 ,mommsen in ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 vi4 p4 #dee 7,tabula fer4 ,lat474 ,the day was ,march #ae from ,b4,c4 #bbb to #aec2 in earlier times it had been frequently changed4 ,see ,mommsen4 ,chron4 p4 #hj foll4 ,footnote #cdi3 ,on this office and its connexion with the feriae see ,vigneaux1 ,essai sur l'histoire de la praefectura urbis1 p4 #cg foll4 ,footnote #cej3 ,plin4 ,h4 ,n4 #c4 #fi2 ,dionys4 #d4 #di4 ,the difficult questions arising out of the numbers given by these authorities are discussed by ,beloch1 ,italischer ,bund1 #agh foll41 and ,mommsen in ,hermes1 vol4 xvii4 #db foll4 ,footnote #cea3 ,aust1 in ,myth4 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,iuppiter1 p4 #fhi4 ,footnote #ceb3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 vi4 #bjba4 ,footnote #cec3 ,condensed from the account given by ,aust1 l4 c4 ,see also ,preller-,jordan1 i4 #baj foll4 ,the chief authority is ,dionys4 #d4 #di4 ,footnote #ced3 e4 g4 ,liv4 #cb4 #a1 #cg4 #c1 in which cases some one city had not received its portion4 ,the result was an instauratio feriarum4 ,footnote #cee3 ,see below1 p4 #bid 7,feriae ,sementivae74 ,the meaning of the oscilla was not really known to the later ,romans1 who freely indulged in conjectures about them4 ,macrob4 #a4 #g4 #cd2 ,serv4 ,georg4 #b4 #chi2 ,paul4 #aba4 ,my own belief is that1 like the bullae of children1 they were only one of the many means of averting evil influences4 ,footnote #cef3 ,see the passages of ,livy quoted above1 and add #dj4 #de 7on account of a storm72 #da4 #af 7a failure on the part of ,lanuvium74 ,footnote #ceg3 ,macrob4 #a4 #af4 #af #8,cum ,latiar1 hoc est ,latinarum solemne concipitur1 nefas est proelium sumere3 quia nec ,latinarum tempore1 quo publice quondam indutiae inter populum ,romanum ,latinosque firmatae sunt1 inchoari bellum decebat4' ,footnote #ceh3 ,see under ,sept4 #ac4 ,footnote #cei3 ,for the characteristics and meaning of the common sacrificial meal see especially ,robertson ,smith1 ,religion of the ,semites1 ,lect4 viii4 ,footnote #cfj3 ,helbig1 ,die ,italiker in der ,poebene1 #ga4 ,footnote #cfa3 ,robertson ,smith1 op4 cit41 #bgh foll4 ,footnote #cfb3 ,cic4 pro ,plancio1 #i4 #bc4 ,,mensis ,,maius4 ,was the name of this month taken from a deity ,maia1 or had it originally only a signification of growing or increasing1 such as we might expect in a word derived from the same root as maior1 maiestas1 c48 ,the following passage of ,macrobius will show how entirely the ,roman scholars were at sea in their answer to this question#cfc3 #8,maium ,romulus tertium posuit4 ,de cuius nomine inter auctores lata dissensio est4 ,nam ,fulvius ,nobilior in ,fastis quos in aede ,herculis ,musarum posuit#cfd ,romulum dicit postquam populum in maiores iunioresque diuisit1 ut altera pars consilio altera armis rem publicam tueretur1 in honorem utriusque partis hunc ,maium1 sequentem ,iunium mensem uocasse#cfe4 ,sunt qui hunc mensem ad nostros fastos a ,tusculanis transisse commemorent1 apud quos nunc quoque uocatur deus ,maius1 qui est ,iuppiter1 a magnitudine scilicet ac maiestate dictus#cff4 ,cingius#cfg mensem nominatum putat a ,maia quam ,vulcani dicit uxorem1 argumentoque utitur quod flamen ,vulcanalis ,kalendis ,maiis huic deae rem diuinam facit4 ,sed ,piso uxorem ,vulcani ,maiestam non ,maiam dicit uocari4 ,contendunt alii ,maiam ,mercurii matrem mensi nomen dedisse1 hinc maxime probantes quod hoc mense mercatores omnes ,maiae pariter ,mercurioque sacrificant#cfh4 ,adfirmant quidam1 quibus ,cornelius ,labeo consentit1 hanc ,maiam cui mense ,maio res diuina celebratur terram esse hoc adeptam nomen a magnitudine1 sicut et ,mater ,magna in sacris uocatur adsertionemque aestimationis suae etiam hinc colligunt quod sus praegnans ei mactatur1 quae hostia propria est terrae4 ,et ,mercurium ideo illi in sacris adiungi dicunt quia uox nascenti homini terrae contactu datur1 scimus autem ,mercurium uocis et sermonis potentem4 ,auctor est ,cornelius ,labeo huic ,maiae id est terrae aedem ,kalendis ,maiis dedicatam sub nomine ,bonae ,deae et eandem esse ,bonam ,deam et terram ex ipso ritu occultiore sacrorum doceri posse confirmat4 ,hanc eandem ,bonam deam ,faunamque et ,opem et ,fatuam pontificum libris indigitari1 c4' ,it is clear from this passage that the ,romans themselves were not agreed1 either in the case of ,may or ,june1 that the name of the month was derived from a deity4 ,no ,roman scholar doubted that ,martius was derived from ,mars1 the characteristic god of the ,roman race2 but ,maia was a deity known apparently only to the priests and the learned4 ,had she been a popular one1 what need could there have been to question so obvious an etymology8 ,and if she were an obscure one1 how could she have given her name to a month8 ,as a matter of fact ,march is the only month of which we can be sure that it was named after a god4 ,even ,january is doubtful1 ,june still more so4 ,the natural assumption about this latter word would be that it comes from ,juno1 more especially as we find in ,latium the words ,junonius and ,junonalis as names of months#cfi4 ,but if ,junius came from ,juno1 it must have come by the dropping out of a syllable2 and this1 in the case of a long and accented o1 would be at least unlikely to happen#cgj4 ,nor can we discover any sufficient reason why the month of ,june should be called after ,juno2 none at any rate such as accounts for the connexion of ,mars with the initial month of the year4 ,this is enough to show that the derivation of ,june from ,juno must be left doubtful2 and if so1 certainly that of ,may from ,maia4 ,in the case of this month1 not only does the natural meaning of mensis ,maius suit well as following the mensis ,aprilis1 but there is no cult of a deity ,maia which is found throughout the month4 ,any one who reads the passage of ,macrobius with some knowledge of the ,roman theological system will hardly fail to conclude that ,maia is only a priestly indigitation of another deity1 and that the name thus invented was simply taken from the name of the month as explained above4 ,this deity was more generally known1 as ,macrobius implies1 by the name ,bona ,dea1 and her temple was dedicated on the ,kalends of ,may4 ,it is difficult to characterize the position of the month of ,may in the religious calendar4 ,it was to some extent no doubt a month of purification4 ,at the ,lemuria the house was purified of hostile ghosts2 the curious ceremony of the ,argei on the ,ides is called by ,plutarch the greatest of the purifications2 and at the end of the month took place the lustratio of the growing crops4 ,we note too that it was considered ill-omened to marry in ,may1 as it still is in many parts of ,europe4 ,the agricultural operations of the month were not of a marked character4 ,much work had indeed to be done in oliveyards and vineyards2 some crops had to be hoed and cleaned1 and the hay-harvest probably began in the latter part of the month4 ,in the main it was a time of somewhat anxious expectation and preparation for the harvest to follow2 and this falls in fairly well with the general character of its religious rites4 ,,kal4 ,,mai4 7,,may #a47 ,f4 ,,lar,,ibus4 7,,ven47 ,l----4 7,,esq47 ,this was the day on which1 according to ,ovid#cga1 an altar and #8parva signa' had been erected to the ,lares praestites4 ,they were originally of great antiquity1 but had fallen into decay in ,ovid's time3 ,bina gemellorum quaerebam signa deorum1 ,viribus annosae facta caduca morae#cgb4 ,ovid himself had apparently not seen the signa1 though he looked for them2 and no doubt he took from ,varro the description he gives4 ,they had the figure of a dog at their feet#cgc1 and1 according to ,plutarch1 were clothed in dogs' skins4 ,both ,ovid and ,plutarch explained the dog as symbolizing their watch over the city2 though ,plutarch1 following1 as he says1 certain ,romans1 preferred to think of them rather as evil demons searching out and punishing guilt like dogs4 ,the mention of the skins is very curious1 and we can hardly separate it from the numerous other instances in which the images of deities are known to have been clothed in the skins of victims sacrificed to them#cgd4 ,we may indeed fairly conclude that the ,lares were chthonic deities1 and as such were originally appeased1 like ,hekate in ,greece#cge1 by the sacrifice of dogs4 ,we have already had one example of the dog used as a victim#cgf4 ,two others are mentioned by ,plutarch#cgg2 in one case the deity was the obscure ,genita ,mana1 and in the other the unknown god of the ,lupercalia1 both of which belong in all probability to the same stratum of ,italian religious antiquity as the ,lares4 ,whether we should go further1 and infer from the use of the skins that the ,lares were originally worshipped in the form of dogs#cgh1 is a question ,i must leave undecided2 the evidence is very scanty4 ,there is no trace of any connexion with the dog in the cult of the ,lares domestici#cgi1 or ,compitales4 ,this is also the traditional day of the dedication of a temple to the ,bona ,dea1 on the slopes of the ,aventine1 under a big sacred rock4 ,it is thus described by ,ovid#chj3 ,est moles nativa loco4 ,res nomina fecit3 ,appellant ,saxum4 ,pars bona montis ea est4 ,huic ,remus institerat frustra1 quo tempore fratri ,prima ,palatinae signa dedistis aves4 ,templa ,patres illic oculos exosa viriles ,leniter acclivi constituere iugo4 ,dedicat haec veteris ,clausorum nominis heres1 ,virgineo nullum corpore passa virum4 ,livia restituit1 ne non imitata maritum ,esset et ex omni parte secuta virum4 ,the allusion to ,remus fixes the site on the ,aventine4 ,the date is uncertain#cha2 so too the alleged foundation by ,claudia1 which may be only a reflection from the story of the part played by a ,claudia in the introduction of the ,magna ,mater ,idaea to ,rome#chb4 ,the temple1 as ,ovid says1 was restored by ,livia1 in accordance with the policy of her husband1 also at an unknown date4 ,of the cult belonging to this temple we have certain traces1 which also help us to some vague conception of the nature of the deity4 ,it should be observed that though in one essential particular1 viz4 the exclusion of men1 this cult was similar to that of ,december1 it must have been quite distinct from it1 as the latter took place1 not in a temple1 but in the house of a magistrate cum imperio#chc4 #a4 ,the temple was cared for1 and the cult celebrated1 by women only#chd4 ,there was an old story that ,hercules1 when driving the cattle of ,geryon1 asked for water by the cave of ,cacus of the women celebrating the festival of the goddess1 and was refused1 because the women's festival was going on1 and men were not allowed to use their drinking-vessels2 and that this led to the corresponding exclusion of women from the worship of ,hercules#che4 ,the myth obviously arose out of the practice4 ,the exclusion of men points to the earth-nature of the ,bona ,dea2 the same was the case in the worship of the ,athenian ,demeter ,thesmophoros4 ,the earth seems always to be spiritualized as feminine even among savage peoples#chf1 and the reason of the exclusion of men is not difficult to conjecture1 just as the exclusion of women from the worship of ,hercules is explained by the fact that ,hercules represents the male principle in the ancient ,roman religion#chg4 #b4 ,macrobius#chh tells us that wine could not be brought into the temple suo nomine1 but only under the name of milk1 and that the vase in which it was carried was called mellarium1 i4 e4 a vase for honey4 ,a legend grew up to account for the custom1 to which we shall refer again1 that ,faunus had beaten his daughter ,fauna 7i4 e4 ,bona ,dea7 with a rod of myrtle because she would not yield to his incestuous love or drink the wine he pressed on her#chi4 ,this may indicate a survival from the time when the herdsman used no wine in sacred rites1 but milk and honey only2 ,pliny tells us of such a time#cij1 and his evidence is confirmed by the poets4 ,in any case milk would be the appropriate offering to the ,earth-mother1 and it is hard to see why it should have been changed to wine1 unless it were that life in the city and ,greek influence altered the character both of the ,bona ,dea and her worshippers4 ,the really rustic deities had milk offered them1 e4 g4 ,silvanus1 ,pales1 and ,ceres4 ,the general inference from this survival is that the ,bona ,dea was originally of the same nature with these deities1 but lost her rusticity when she became part of an organized city worship4 #c4 ,myrtle was not allowed in this temple2 hence the myth that ,faunus beat his daughter with a myrtle rod#cia4 ,but could the exclusion of myrtle by itself have suggested the beating8 ,dr4 ,mannhardt answers in the negative1 and conjectures that there must have been some kind of beating in the cult itself1 which gave rise to the story#cib4 ,dr4 ,mannhardt never made a conjecture without a large collection of facts on which to base it2 and here he depends upon a number of instances from ,greece and ,northern ,europe1 in which man or woman1 or some object such as the image of a deity1 is whipped with rods1 nettles1 strips of leather1 c41 in order1 as it would seem1 to produce fertility and drive away hostile influences4 ,we shall see the same peculiarity occurring at the ,lupercalia in ,february#cic1 where its object and meaning are almost beyond doubt4 ,many of these practices occur1 it is worth noting1 on ,may-day4 ,if the ,bona ,dea was a representative in any sense of the fertility of women1 as well as of the fructifying powers of the earth--and the two ideas seem naturally to have run together in the primitive mind--we may provisionally accept ,dr4 ,mannhardt's ingenious suggestion4 ,if it be objected that as myrtle was excluded from the cult it could not have been used therein for the purpose of whipping1 the answer is simply that as being invested with some mysterious power it was tabooed from ordinary use1 but1 like certain kinds of victims1 was introduced on special and momentous occasions4 #d4 ,the temple was a kind of herbarium in which herbs were kept with healing properties#cid4 ,a group of interesting inscriptions shows that the ,bona ,dea did not confine her healing powers to cases of women1 but cured the ailments of both sexes#cie4 ,this attribute of the goddess is borne out by the presence of snakes in her temple1 the usual symbol of the medicinal art1 and at the same time appropriate to the ,bona ,dea as an ,earth-goddess#cif4 ,it is possible that this feature is a ,greek importation2 but on the whole ,i see no reason why the female ministrants of the temple should not have exercised such healing powers1 or have sold or given herbs at request1 even at a very early period4 ,no doubt ,greek medicinal learning became associated with it1 but that the knowledge of simples was indigenous in ,italy we have abundant proof#cig2 and that it should have been connected with no cult of a deity until ,aesculapius was introduced from ,greece1 is most improbable4 #e4 ,the sacrifice mentioned is that of a porca#cih4 ,the pig is also the victim in the worship of ,ceres1 of ,juno ,lucina#cii 7as alternative for a lamb71 and as a piacular sacrifice in the ritual of the deity of the ,fratres ,arvales 7,dea ,dia72 it seems in fact1 as in ,greece1 to be appropriate to deities of the earth and of women4 ,there is no reason to suppose that wherever it is found it had a ,greek origin2 even in the cult of ,ceres1 which1 as we saw1 became early overlaid with ,greek practice#djj1 the pig may have been the victim before that change took place4 ,but it is a singular fact that in the worship of the ,bona ,dea1 either at the temple of the ,aventine1 or in the ,december rite--more probably perhaps in the latter--the victim was called by a name which looks suspiciously ,greek1 viz4 ,damium#dja4 ,it seems that there was a deity ,damia who was worshipped here and there in ,greece1 and also in ,southern ,italy1 e4 g4 at ,tarentum1 where she had a festival called ,dameia#djb4 ,it looks as if this ,greek deity had at one time migrated from ,tarentum to ,rome1 and become engrafted upon the indigenous ,bona ,dea2 for we are expressly told that ,damia was identical with the ,bona ,dea1 and that the priestess of the latter was called ,damiatrix#djc4 ,much has been written about these very obscure names1 without any very definite result2 but it seems to be generally agreed that the form of the word damiatrix indicates a high antiquity for the ,graecized form of the cult1 and may indeed possibly suggest an ,italian origin for the whole group of names4 ,in this uncertainty conjectures are almost useless4 ,we have seen enough of the cult to gain some idea of the nature of this mysterious deity1 whose real name was not known1 even if she had one#djd4 ,we need not identify her with ,vesta1 as some have done#dje1 nor with ,juno ,lucina1 nor with any other female deity of the class to which she seems to have belonged4 ,she must at one time have been1 whatever she afterwards became1 a protective deity of the female sex1 the ,earth-mother#djf1 a kindly and helpful1 but shy and unknowable deity of fertility4 ,the name ,bona ,dea is probably to be regarded as one indigitation of the ,earth-spirit known by a variety of other names and appearing in a number of different phases4 ,there is indeed a remarkable indefiniteness about the ,italian female deities of this class2 they never gained what we may call complete specific distinctness1 but are rather half-formed species developed from a common type4 ,they form1 in fact1 an excellent illustration of the nature of that earliest stratum of ,roman religious belief which has been called pandaemonism--a belief in a world of spiritual powers not yet grown into the forms of individual deities1 but ready at any moment1 under influences either native or foreign1 to take a more definite shape4 ,,vii4 ,,id4 ,,mai4 7,,may #i74 ,n4 ,,lem,,vria4 7,,ven4 ,,maff47 ,v4 ,,id4 ,,mai4 7,,may #aa74 ,n4 ,,lem,,vria4 7,,tusc4 ,,ven4 ,,maff47 ,,iii4 ,,id4 ,,mai4 7,,may #ac74 ,n4 ,,lem,,vria4 7,,tusc4 ,,ven4 ,,maff47 ,the word ,lemuria indicates clearly enough some kind of worship of the dead2 but we know of no such public cult on these three days except from the calendars4 ,what ,ovid describes as taking place at this time is a private and domestic rite performed by the head of the household#djg2 and ,ovid is our only informant in regard to details4 ,in historical times the public festival of the dead was that of the dies parentales in ,february1 ending with the ,feralia on the #bast4 ,how1 then1 is it that the three days of the ,lemuria appear in those large letters in the ancient calendars1 which1 as we have seen#djh1 indicate the public festivals of the religious system of the ,republic8 ,there is no certain answer to this question4 ,we can but guess that the ,lemuria was at one time1 like the ,feralia1 a public festival1 but descended from a more ancient deposit of superstition which in historical times was buried deep beneath the civilization of a developed city life#dji4 ,ovid himself implies that the ,lemuria was an older festival than the ,feralia#daj1 and we may suppose him to be following ,varro as a guide4 ,and if we compare his account of the grotesque domestic rites of the ,lemuria with those of ,february1 which were of a systematic1 cheerful1 and even beautiful character1 we may feel fairly sure that the latter represents the organized life of a city state1 the former the ideas of an age when life was wilder and less secure1 and the fear of the dead and of demons generally was a powerful factor in the minds of the people4 ,if we may argue from ,ovid's account1 to be described directly1 it is not impossible that the ,lemuria may have been one of those periodical expulsions of demons of which ,mr4 ,frazer has told us so much in his ,golden ,bough#daa1 and which are performed on behalf of the community as well as in the domestic circle amongst savage peoples4 ,it is noticeable that the offering of food to the demons is a feature common to these practices1 and that it also appears in those described by ,ovid4 ,the difference of character in the two ,roman festivals of the dead is perhaps also indicated by the fact that the days of the ,lemuria are marked in the calendars with the letter ,n1 while the ,feralia is marked ,f or ,,fp#dab4 ,this may perhaps point to two different views of the attitude of the dead to the living1 affecting the character of the festival days2 they are friendly or hostile1 as they have been buried with due rites and carefully looked after1 or as they have failed of these dues and are consequently angry and jealous#dac4 ,the latter of these attitudes is more in keeping with the notions of uncivilized man1 and of a life not as yet wholly brought under the influence of the civilization of the city-state4 ,to be more certain1 however1 on this point1 we must try and discover the real meaning of the word lemur4 ,the definition given by ,porphyrio is #8,umbras vagantes hominum ante diem mortuorum atque ideo metuendas#dad4' ,nonius has the following3 #8,lemures larvae nocturnae et terrificationes imaginum et bestiarum#dae4' ,from these passages it would seem that lemures and larvae mean much the same thing2 on the other hand ,appuleius#daf implies that lemures is a general word for spirits after they have left the body1 while those that haunt houses are especially called larvae4 ,but on a question of this kind1 the philosophical and uncritical ,appuleius is not to be weighed as an authority against either ,nonius or ,porphyrio1 who may quite possibly be here representing the learning of the ,augustan age2 and a perusal of the whole of his passage will show that he is simply trying to classify ghosts by the light of his own imagination4 ,judging from the hints of the two other scholars1 we may perhaps conclude that lemures and larvae are to be distinguished as hostile ghosts from manes1 the good people 7as the word is generally explained71 i4 e4 those duly buried in the city of the dead1 and whom their living descendants have no need to fear so long as they pay them their due rites at the proper seasons as members of the family4 ,and this conclusion is confirmed by the curious etymology of ,ovid#dag1 reproduced by ,porphyrio1 deriving ,lemuria from ,remus4 whose violent death was supposed to have been expiated by the institution of the festival4 ,the difficulty is to see why1 if the lemures were unburied1 evil1 or hostile spirits1 a special festival of three days should have been necessary to appease or quiet them2 and ,i can only account for this by supposing that such spirits were especially numerous in an age of uncivilized life and constant war and violence1 and that they formed a large part of the whole world of evil demons whose expulsion was periodically demanded4 ,it may have been the case that at this particular time in ,may1 when the days were nefasti and marriages were ill-omened1 these spirits became particularly restless and needed to be laid4 ,such an explanation as this of the ,lemuria is on the whole preferable to that which would regard it as the original ,roman festival of all the dead2 for there is now abundant evidence that even in the earliest ages of ,italian life the practice of orderly burial in necropoleis was universal#dah1 and this is a practice that seems inconsistent with a general belief in the dead as hostile and haunting spirits4 ,the following is ,ovid's description of the way in which the ghosts were laid at the ,lemuria by the father of a family4 ,at midnight he rises1 and with bare feet#dai and washed hands1 making a peculiar sign with his fingers and thumbs to keep off the ghosts1 he walks through the house4 ,he has black beans in his mouth1 and these he spits out as he walks1 looking the other way1 and saying1 #8,with these ,i redeem me and mine4' ,nine times he says this without looking round2 then come the ghosts behind him1 and gather up the beans unseen4 ,he proceeds to wash again and to make a noise with brass vessels2 and after nine times repeating the formula #8manes#dbj exite paterni1' he at last looks round1 and the ceremony is over4 ,the only point in this quaint bit of ritual which need detain us is the use of beans4 ,we have had bean-straw used at the ,parilia1 and we shall find that beans were also used at the festival of the dead in ,february4 ,assuredly it is not easy to see what could have made them into such valuable #8medicine4' ,beans were not a newly discovered vegetable4 ,their exclusion from the rites of ,demeter must have been of great antiquity1 and the notions of the ,pythagoreans about them were probably based on very ancient popular superstitions#dba4 ,no one1 as far as ,i know1 has as yet successfully solved the problem why beans had so strange a religious character about them#dbb2 they probably were an ancient symbol of fertility1 but it is impossible now to discover how or why the ideas grouped themselves around them1 which we so constantly find both in ,greece and ,italy4 ,if we ask why the ghosts picked them up1 or were supposed to do so1 there is some reason for believing that by eating them they might possibly hope to get a new lease of life#dbc4 ,whatever was the real basis of the superstition1 it was a widely spread one1 and ramified in more than one direction2 the ,roman priest of ,jupiter1 for example1 might not touch beans nor even mention them#dbd4 ,in his case the taboo was no doubt very old1 but might have grown out of some such practice as that just described1 all things ill-omened and mysterious being carefully kept out of his reach4 ,the days from ,may #g to #ad were occupied by the ,vestal ,virgins in preparing the mola salsa1 or sacred salt-cake1 for use at the ,vestalia in ,june1 on the ,ides of ,september1 and at the ,lupercalia#dbe4 ,this was made from the first ears of standing corn in a primitive fashion by the three senior ,vestals1 and is no doubt1 like most of their ritual1 a relic of the domestic functions of the daughters of the family4 ,but we must postpone further consideration of the ,vestals and their duties till we come to the ,vestalia in ,june4 ,,id4 ,,mai4 7,,may #ae74 ,,np4 ,,fer,,iae ,,iovi4 ,,mercur,,io ,,maiae4 7,,venus#dbf47 ,,maiae ,,ad ,,circ,,um ,m,,aximum4 7,,caer47 ,,merc,,urio4 7,,tusc47 ,the very curious rite which took place on this day is not mentioned in the calendars2 it belonged to those which1 like the ,paganalia1 were publica indeed and pro populo1 but represented the people as divided in certain groups rather than the ,state as a whole#dbg4 ,but its obvious antiquity1 and the interesting questions which arise out of it1 tempt me to treat it in detail1 at the risk of becoming tedious4 ,i have already mentioned#dbh that there was a procession in ,march1 as we infer from the sacra ,argeorum quoted by ,varro1 which went round the sacella ,argeorum1 or twenty-four chapels situated in the four ,servian regions of the city#dbi4 ,what was done at these sacella we do not know2 the procession and its doings had become so obscure in ,ovid's time that he could dispose of it in two lines of his ,fasti1 and express a doubt as to whether it took place on one day or two#dcj4 ,nor do we know what the sacella really were4 ,the best conjecture is that of ,jordan1 who has brought some evidence together to show that they were small chapels or sacred places where holy things were deposited until the time came round for them to be used in some religious ceremony#dca4 ,but on ,may #ae there was another rite in which the word ,argei plays a prominent part2 and here the details have in part at least survived4 ,the ,argei in this case are not chapels1 but a number of puppets or bundles of rushes1 resembling 7as ,dionysius has recorded7 men bound hand and foot1 which were taken down to the pons sublicius by the ,pontifices and magistrates1 and cast into the river by the ,vestal ,virgins#dcb4 ,the ,flaminica ,dialis1 the priestess of ,jupiter1 was present at the ceremony in mourning4 ,the number of the puppets was probably the same as that of the sacella of the same name#dcc4 ,explanations of these rites were invented by ,roman scholars4 ,the sacella were the graves of ,greeks who had come to ,italy with ,hercules2 and the puppets represented the followers of ,hercules who had died on their journey and were to return home as it were by proxy#dcd4 ,apart from the theories of the learned1 it was the fact that the common people at ,rome believed the puppets to be substitutes for old men1 who at one time used to be thrown into the ,tiber as victims4 ,sexagenarios de ponte was a well-known proverb which in ,cicero's time was explained by supposing that the bridges alluded to were those over which the voters passed in the ,comitia#dce2 but this view may at once be put aside4 ,those bridges were certainly a comparatively late invention1 while the proverb was of remote antiquity4 ,but1 given the details of the rite1 and the popular belief about the old men as victims1 what explanation can we hope to arrive at8 ,we may freely admit that no satisfactory etymology of the word ,argei is forthcoming2 but this is perhaps1 in a negative sense1 an advantage to our inquiry#dcf4 ,the ,romans derived it from the ,greek 2 and to this etymology ,mommsen is now disposed to return4 ,the writer of the article #8,argei' in the ,mythological ,lexicon derived it from varka-s #8wolf'2 others have believed it to come from a root arg #8white' or #8shining1' and though the termination eus is hardly a ,latin one1 it may be that this is the true basis of the word#dcg4 ,instead of prejudging the case by fanciful etymologies1 or by attempting to decide the question whether the ,romans ever practised the rites of human sacrifice1 we will take the leading features of the ceremony1 and see in what direction they may on the whole direct us4 ,that done1 it may be possible to sum up the debate1 though a final and decisive verdict is not to be expected4 ,the features which demand attention are 7#a7 the processional character of the rites2 7#b7 the presence of the ,pontifices and the ,vestals2 7#c7 the mourning of the ,flaminica ,dialis2 7#d7 the rush-puppets and their immersion in the ,tiber4 #a4 ,we can hardly doubt that there was a procession to the pons sublicius1 though the fact is not expressly stated4 ,we are tempted to believe that it visited each sacellum1 and there found1 or possibly made1 the puppet 7simulacrum71 which thus represented the district of which the sacellum was the sacred centre2 and that it then proceeded1 bearing the puppets1 probably by the ,forum and ,vicus ,tuscus to the bridge#dch4 ,now if this feature can help us at all--if we accept the connexion of the ,march and ,may ceremonies and their processional character--it must point in the direction of the purification of land or city1 on the analogy of other ,italian ceremonies of the same kind4 ,at the end of this month took place the ,ambarvalia1 when the priests went round the land with prayer and sacrifice to ensure the good growth of the crops2 and we have a remarkable instance of the same kind of practice in the celebrated inscription of ,iguvium4 ,not only each city1 but each pagus1 and even each farmer1 duly purified his land in some such way1 cleansing it from the powers of evil and sterility1 while at the same time the boundaries were renewed in the memories of all concerned4 ,bearing this in mind1 and also the season of the year1 we may fairly guess that the ,argean processions had some relation to agriculture1 and to the welfare of the precarious stock of wealth of an agricultural community4 #b4 ,the presence of the ,pontifices and ,vestals4--,the former would be present1 partly as the representative sacred college of the united city#dci1 partly as having under their special care the sacred bridge from which the puppets were thrown4 ,whether or not the word pontifex be directly derived from pons#ddj1 it is certain that the ancient bridge1 with its strong religious associations1 was under their care1 and that the river was an object of their constant liturgical attention#dda4 ,it has been suggested that the whole ceremony was one of bridge-worship#ddb2 but this view1 as we shall see1 will hardly explain all the facts4 ,it leaves the ,march rites unexplained1 and also the presence of the ,vestals2 nor does it seem to suit the season of the year4 ,the presence of the ,vestals is more significant2 and it was they1 as it seems1 who performed the act of throwing the puppets from the bridge#ddc4 ,in all the public duties performed by them 7as we shall see more fully in dealing with the ,vestalia#ddd7 a reference can be traced to one leading idea1 viz4 that the food and nourishment of the ,state1 of which the sacred fire was the symbol1 depended for its maintenance on the accurate performance of these duties4 ,we have just seen that they spent the seven days preceding the ,ides of ,may in preparing their sacred cakes from the first ripening ears of corn4 ,we shall see them using these cakes in ,june1 ,september1 and at the ,lupercalia4 ,at the ,parilia and the ,fordicidia they also take a prominent part1 both of them festivals relating to the fruitfulness of herds and flocks2 so also at the harvest festivals in ,august of ,ops ,consiva and ,consus4 ,and we can hardly suppose that their presence at the rite under discussion should have a different significance from that of their public service on all other occasions4 ,even if we had no other evidence to go upon1 we might on the facts just adduced base a fair inference that this ceremony too had some relation to the processes and perils awaiting the ripening crops4 #c4 ,the ,flaminica ,dialis had on this day to lay aside her usual bridal dress1 and to appear in mourning#dde4 ,the same rule was laid down for her during the #8moving' of the ancilia in ,march1 and during the ,vestalia up to the completion of the purification of the temple of ,vesta4 ,it is not easy to see what the meaning of this rule may have been4 ,on the other two occasions there is nothing to lead us to suppose that it was some such terrible rite as human sacrifice which caused the change of costume2 we need not therefore suppose that it was so on ,may #ae4 ,but if all three occasions are times of purification and the averting of evil influences3 if they each mark the conclusion of an old season1 and the necessity of great care in entering on a new one1 we can better understand it4 ,this was the case1 as we saw1 when in ,march the ,salii were pervading the city1 and it was so also at the ,vestalia1 which was preparatory to the ingathering of the crops4 ,some such critical moment1 ,i think1 the day we are discussing must also have been4 ,some light may be thrown on this aspect of the question by practices which have been collected by ,dr4 ,mannhardt from ,northern ,europe#ddf1 some of which still survive4 ,i will give a single instance from ,russia4 ,at ,murom on ,june #bi a figure of straw1 dressed in female clothing1 is laid on a bier and carried to the edge of a lake or river2 it is eventually torn up and thrown into the river1 while the spectators hide their faces and behave as though they bewailed the death of ,kostroma4 ,in another district on the same day an old man carried out of the town a puppet representing the spring1 and was followed by the women singing mournful songs and expressing by their gestures grief and despair4 #d4 ,the ,puppets and their immersion in the ,tiber4--,there are two possible explanations of this curious practice4 7#a7 ,the puppets were substitutes for human victims1 and probably for old men4 ,the evidence for this view is--first1 the ,roman tradition expressed in the saying sexagenarios de ponte#ddg1 and supported by the fact that the puppets appeared1 to ,dionysius at least1 like men bound hand and foot#ddh2 secondly1 the fact that human sacrifice was not entirely unknown at ,rome1 though there is no trace of any such custom regularly recurring4 ,we may allow that ,italy could not have been entirely free from a practice which existed even in ,greece1 and also that the habit of substituting some object for the original victim is common and well attested in religious history2 but whether either the ,argei1 or the oscilla or maniae1 which are often compared with the ,argei1 really had this origin1 may well indeed be doubted#ddi4 ,thirdly1 there is evidence that not only human sacrifice1 but the sacrifice of old men1 was by no means unknown in primitive times4 ,passing over the general evidence as to human sacrifice1 we know that the old and weak were sometimes put to death#dej4 ,being of no further use in the struggle for existence1 they were got rid of in various ways--an act perhaps not so much of cruelty as of kindness1 and under certain circumstances not incompatible with filial piety#dea4 ,the chief objections to this explanation are--first1 that it obliges us to ascribe to the early ,romans a habit which seems quite incompatible with their well-known respect for old age and their horror of parricide2 secondly1 that it does not explain why a practice1 which can hardly have ever been a regularly recurring one1 should have passed into a yearly ceremony#deb4 7#b7 ,the rite was of a dramatic rather than a sacrificial character#dec1 and belongs to a class of which we have numerous examples both from ,greek1 ,teutonic1 and ,slavonic peoples4 ,in ,greece1 or rather in ,egypt1 we have the cult of ,adonis1 in which a puppet is immersed in the water amid wailings and lamentations4 ,in ,greece proper semi-dramatic rites are found at ,chaeronea and ,athens#ded1 though somewhat different in character to those of the ,argei and ,adonis4 ,tacitus describes the immersion in water of the image of the ,german goddess ,nerthus#dee4 ,but most significant are the many examples1 of which ,mannhardt formed an ample collection1 in which puppets are found1 made as a rule of straw1 carried along in procession and thrown into a river or water of some kind1 often from a bridge#def4 ,sometimes the place of these puppets is taken by a sheaf1 a small tree1 or a man or boy dressed up in foliage or fastened in the sheaf#deg3 but in almost all cases the object is ducked in water or at least sprinkled with it1 though now and then it is burnt or buried4 ,the best known example is that of the ,bavarian #8,wasservogel1' which is either a boy or a puppet1 as the custom may be in different places2 he or it was decorated1 carried round the fields at ,whitsuntide#deh1 and thrown from the bridge into the stream4 ,so constant and inconvenient was this kind of custom in the ,middle ,ages that a law of #acea1 still extant1 forbade the ducking of people at ,erfurt in the water at ,easter and ,whitsuntide#dei4 ,in many of these cases the simulacrum may have been substituted for a human being#dfj2 but ,i find none where the notion of sacrifice survived1 or where there was any trace of a popular belief that the object was a substitute for an actual victim4 ,what these curious customs1 according to ,dr4 ,mannhardt1 do really represent1 is the departure of winter and the arrival of the fruitful season1 or possibly the exhaustion of the vernal ,power of vegetation after its work is done#dfa4 ,two features in these old customs may strike us as interesting in connexion with the ,argei--7#a7 ,the fact that the central object is often either actually an old man1 or is at least called #8the old one4' ,a ,whitsuntide custom at ,halle shows us1 for example1 a straw puppet called ,der alte#dfb4 7#b7 ,the constant occurrence of white objects in these customs2 the puppet is called #8the white man with the white hair1 the snow-white husband1' or is dressed in a white shirt#dfc4 ,in these expressions it is perhaps not impossible that we may find a clue to the long-lost meaning of the word ,argei4 ,can it be that the ,roman puppets were originally called #8the white ones1' i4 e4 old ones1 from a root arg #8white'#dfd2 and that from a natural mistake as to the meaning of the word there arose not only the story about the ,greek victims but also the common belief about sexagenarii being thrown over the bridge8 99 99 99 99 99 ,we have to choose between the two explanations given above4 ,i am1 on the whole1 disposed to agree with ,dr4 ,mannhardt1 and in the absence of convincing evidence as to the regular and periodical occurrence of human sacrifice in ancient ,italy1 to regard these strange survivals as semi-dramatic performances rather than sacrificial rites4 ,this view1 however1 need not exclude the possibility of the union of both drama and sacrifice at a very remote period1 probably before the ,latins settled in the district4 ,the immersion in water1 whether or no it involved the death of a victim1 is reasonably explained1 on the basis of comparative evidence1 to have been a rain-spell#dfe4 ,in the cases already mentioned of ,adonis1 ,nerthus1 c41 this idea seems the prominent one4 ,i am inclined to think1 however1 that the notion of purification was also present--the two uniting in the idea of regeneration4 ,plutarch calls the ,argean rite #8the greatest of the purifications1' and he is here most probably reproducing the opinion of ,varro#dff4 ,this is indicated by the presence of the priests and the ,vestals1 by the processions1 and by the mourning of the ,flaminica ,dialis1 as we have already seen4 ,we may regard the rite as in fact a casting out of old things1 and in that sense a purification2 and also at the same time as a spell or earnest of rain and fertility in the ensuing year4 ,the puppets were perhaps hung in the sacella in the course of the procession in ,march1 as a symbol of the fertility then beginning1 and cast into the river as #8the old ones' when that fertility had reached its height#dfg4 ,in the last place1 it might be asked in honour of what deity the rite was performed4 ,it is hardly necessary1 and certainly is not possible1 to answer a question about which the ,romans themselves were not agreed4 ,ovid and ,dionysius#dfh believed it was ,saturnus1 probably following an old ,greek oracle which was known to ,varro#dfi4 ,verrius ,flaccus thought it was ,dis ,pater#dgj4 ,modern writers have concluded on the general evidence of the rite that it was the river-god ,tiberinus2 ,jordan1 however1 regarded the question as irrelevant#dga4 ,we may agree with him1 and at least return a verdict of non liquet4 ,if it was a sacrificial act1 the ancient river-god is indeed likely enough2 if it was a quasi-dramatic one1 it does not follow that any deity was specially concerned in it4 ,but we may go so far as to guess that it was connected with the worship of those vaguely-conceived deities of vegetation whose influence on the calendar we have been tracing since ,march #a4 ,this same day is marked in one calendar as ,feriae ,iovi1 ,mercurio1 ,maiae4 ,the conjunction of these deities is to some extent accidental4 ,in the first place the ,ides of every month were sacred to ,jupiter2 and the addition of ,mercurius is probably to be explained simply by the adaptation of a ,greek myth which made ,hermes the son of ,jupiter1 suggesting the selection of the ,ides as an appropriate day for the cult of the ,latin representative of ,hermes#dgb4 ,mercurius1 again1 was associated with ,maia1 perhaps simply because the dedication-day of his oldest temple in ,rome 7ad circum maximum7 was the ,ides of the ,mensis ,maius#dgc4 ,the ,roman ,mercurius was considered especially as the god of trade1 and dated1 like ,ceres1 from the time when an extensive corn trade first began in ,rome#dgd4 ,it is highly probable that the ,tarquinian dynasty had encouraged ,roman trade1 and that the increase of population which was the result1 together with the wars which followed their expulsion1 had occasioned a series of severe famines4 ,to this we trace the ,roman knowledge of the ,greek or ,graeco-,etruscan ,hermes1 through a trade in corn with ,sicilian ,greeks or ,etruscans1 and the appearance of the god at ,rome as ,mercurius1 the god of trade4 ,his first temple was dedicated in ,b4,c4 #die1 and as in other cases1 the dedication was celebrated each year by those specially interested in the worship1 in this case the mercatores1 who were already1 at this early period1 formed into an organized guild#dge4 ,,xii ,,kal4 ,,iun4 7,,may #ba74 ,,np4 ,,agon,,ia#dgf4 7,,esq4 ,,caer4 ,,ven4 ,,maff47 ,,vediovi4 7,,ven47 ,the other days sacred to ,vediovis were ,january #a and the ,nones of ,march1 from which latter day we postponed the consideration of this mysterious deity1 in hopes of future enlightenment4 ,but ,vediovis is wrapped still1 and always will be1 in at least as profound an obscurity for us as he was for ,varro and ,ovid4 ,we have but his name to go upon1 and two or three indistinct traces of his cult4 ,the name seems certainly to be ,vediovis1 i4 e4 apparently #8the opposite of1' or #8separated from1' ,jupiter 7 ,diovis72 or1 as ,preller has it#dgg1 comparing1 like ,ovid1 vegrandia farra 7#8corn that has grown badly'71 vescus1 c41 ,jupiter in a sinister sense4 ,but this last explanation must1 on the whole1 be rejected4 ,it is true that each deity has a sinister or threatening aspect as well as a smiling one2 but in no other case was this separately personified1 and the name1 if its origin be rightly given as above 7which is not indeed certain71 might be explained by the well-known ,roman habit of calling deities by their qualities and their business rather than by substantival names4 ,in this case the name would be negatively deduced from that of one of the few gods who really had a name4 ,what we know of the cult is only this4 ,first1 it was peculiar1 so far as we know1 to ,rome and ,bovillae#dgh2 secondly1 the temples in ,rome were in the space between the arx and ,capitolium1 #8inter duos lucos'#dgi1 and another in the ,tiber island#dhj--two places outside the ,servian wall1 and of importance for the security of the city2 thirdly1 the god was represented as young1 holding arrows1 and having a goat standing beside him1 on account of which characteristics he was usually1 according to ,gellius1 identified with ,apollo#dha2 fourthly1 the usual victim was a goat which was sacrificed humano ritu#dhb4 ,on such faint traces it will be obvious that no sound conclusion can be based4 ,the connexion with ,bovillae and the gens ,julia points to a genuine ,latin origin4 ,the sites on the ,capitol and the island do not lead to any definite conclusion2 in the former the god seems to have been connected with the so-called ,asylum1 in the latter with ,aesculapius2 but both these connexions may be accidental or later developments4 ,preller conjectured cleverly that ,vediovis was a god of criminals who might take refuge in ,rome and there find purification2 but the idea of an ,asylum1 on which this is based1 is ,greek1 and of much later date than any age which could have given a definite meaning to such a deity4 ,we must here1 as occasionally elsewhere1 give up the attempt to discover the original nature of this god4 ,x ,,kal4 ,,iun4 7,,may #bc74 ,,np4 ,,tubil,,ustrium4 7,,esq4 ,,caer4 ,,ven4 ,,maff47 ,,fer,,iae ,,volcano4 7,,ven4 ,,amit47 ,i have already explained#dhc the view taken by ,mommsen of the two pairs of days1 ,march #bc and #bd and ,may #bc and #bd1 accepting his theory that the #bdth in each month was the day on which wills could be made and witnessed in the ,comitia calata1 and that the #bcrd in each month was the day on which the tubae were lustrated by which the assembly was summoned4 ,but ,may #bc is also marked in two calendars as feriae ,volcano2 and ,ovid has noticed this in a single couplet3#dhd ,proxima ,volcani lux est3 ,tubilustria dicunt2 ,lustrantur purae1 quas facit ille1 tubae4 ,the difficult question of the original character of ,volcanus must be postponed until we come to his festival in ,august4 ,we only need here to ask whether ,ovid was right in regarding ,volcanus as the smith who made the trumpets4 ,this has been strenuously denied by ,wissowa#dhe1 who goes so far as to believe that the deity originally invoked on this day was not ,volcanus but ,mars--since the corresponding day in ,march was a festival of that deity--and that ,volcanus was at an early period thrust into his place under the influence of ,greek notions of ,hephaestus as a smith who made armour and also trumpets4 ,wissowa has1 however1 to throw over the two calendars quoted above 7,ven4 ,amit47 in order to support his argument--and so far we are hardly entitled to go4 ,it is safer to take ,volcanus as an ancient ,roman deity whose cult was closely connected with that of ,maia1 or the ,bona ,dea1 and was prominent in this month as well as in ,august4 ,the ,flamen ,volcanalis sacrificed to the ,bona ,dea on ,may #a2 and ,maia was addressed in invocations as ,maia ,volcani#dhf4 ,the coincidence of this festival of his with the ,tubilustrium ,i take to have been accidental2 but it led naturally1 as the ,romans became acquainted with ,greek mythology1 to the erroneous view represented by ,ovid that ,volcanus was himself a smith#dhg4 ,,viii ,,kal4 ,,iun4 7,,may #be74 ,c4 ,,fortunae ,p,,ublicae ,p,,opuli ,r,,omani ,q,,uiritium ,,in ,,colle ,,quirin,,ali4 7,,caer47 ,,fortun,,ae ,,public,,ae ,p,,opuli ,r,,omani ,,in ,,coll,e4 7,,esq47 ,,fortun,,ae ,,prim,,igeniae ,,in ,,col,,le4 7,,ven47 ,this was the dedication-day of one of three temples of ,fortuna on the ,quirinal2 the place was known as #8tres ,fortunae#dhh4' ,the goddess in this case was ,fortuna ,primigenia1 imported from ,praeneste--of whom something will be said later on#dhi4 ,the temple was vowed after the ,second ,punic ,war in ,b4,c4 #bjd1 and dedicated ten years later#dij4 ,our consideration of ,fortuna may be postponed till the festival of ,fors ,fortuna1 an older ,roman form of the cult1 on ,june #bd4 ,,kal4 ,,iun4 7,,may #bi74 ,c4 ,the ,ambarvalia1 originally a religious procession round the land of the early ,roman community1 the object of which was to purify the crops from evil influences1 does not appear in the ,julian calendars1 not being feriae stativae2 but it is indicated in the later rustic calendars by the words1 ,segetes lustrantur4 ,its date may be taken as ,may #bidia3 and this fixity will not appear incompatible with its character as a sacrum conceptivum1 if we accept ,mommsen's explanation of the way in which some feasts might be fixed to a day according to the usage of the ,italian farmer1 but of varying date according to the civil calendar#dib4 ,there has been much discussion whether the ,ambarvalia was identical with the similar festival of the ,fratres ,arvales4 ,on the ground that the acta fratrum ,arvalium seemed to prove a general similarity of the two in time and place1 and at least in some points of ritual1 ,mommsen1 ,henzen1 and ,jordan answer in the affirmative#dic4 ,on the other side there is no authority of any real weight4 ,the judicious ,marquardt#did found a difficulty in the absence of any mention in the acta fratrum ,arvalium of a lustratio in the form of a procession2 but it should be remembered 7#a7 that we have not the whole of the acta2 7#b7 that it is almost certain that1 as the ,roman territory continued to increase1 the brethren must have dropped the duty of driving victims round it1 for obvious reasons4 ,a passage in ,paulus#die places the matter beyond doubt if we can be sure of the reading3 #8,ambarvales hostiae dicebantur quae pro arvis a duodecim 7,,mss4 duobus7 fratribus sacrificantur4' ,as no duo fratres are known1 the old emendation duodecim seems certain1 but will of course not convince those who disbelieve in the identity of the ,ambarvalia and the sacra fratrum ,arvalium4 ,the question is1 however1 for us of no great importance1 as the acta do not add to our knowledge of what was done at the ,ambarvalia4 ,the best description we have of such lustrations as the ,ambarvalia is that of ,virgil2 it is not indeed to be taken as an exact description of the ,roman rite1 but rather as referring to ,italian customs generally3 ,in primis venerare deos1 atque annua magnae ,sacra refer ,cereri laetis operatus in herbis1 ,extremae sub casum hiemis1 iam vere sereno4 ,tum pingues agni1 et tum mollissima vina2 ,tum somni dulces densaeque in montibus umbrae4 ,cuncta tibi ,cererem pubes agrestis adoret1 ,cui tu lacte favos et miti dilue ,baccho1 ,terque novas circum felix eat hostia fruges1 ,omnis quam chorus et socii comitentur ovantes1 ,et ,cererem clamore vocent in tecta2 neque ante ,falcem maturis quisquam supponat aristis1 ,quam ,cereri torta redimitus tempora quercu ,det motus inconpositos et carmina dicat#dif4 ,it is not clear to what festival or festivals ,virgil is alluding in the first few of these lines#dig2 probably to certain rustic rites which did not exactly correspond to those in the city of ,rome4 ,but from line #cdc onwards the reference is certainly to ,ambarvalia of some kind1 perhaps to the private lustratio of the farmer before harvest began1 of which the ,roman festival was a magnified copy4 ,his description answers closely to the well-known directions of ,cato#dih2 and if it is ,ceres who appears in ,virgil's lines1 and not ,mars1 the deity most prominent in ,cato's account1 this may be explained by the undoubted extension of the worship of ,ceres1 and the corresponding contraction of that of ,mars1 as the latter became more and more converted into a god of war#dii4 ,the leading feature in the original rite was the procession of victims--bull1 sheep1 and pig--all round the fields1 driven by a garlanded crowd1 carrying olive branches and chanting4 ,these victims represent all the farmer's most valuable stock1 thus devoted to the appeasing of the god4 ,the time was that when the crops were ripening1 and were in greatest peril from storms and diseases2 before the harvest was begun1 and before the ,vestalia took place in the early part of ,june1 which was1 as we shall see1 a festival preliminary to harvest4 ,three times the procession went round the land2 at the end of the third round the victims were sacrificed1 and a solemn prayer was offered in antique language1 which ran1 in ,cato's formula of the farmer's lustration1 as follows3 #8,father ,mars1 ,i pray and beseech thee to be willing and propitious to me1 my household1 and my slaves2 for the which object ,i have caused this threefold sacrifice to be driven round my farm and land4 ,i pray thee keep1 avert1 and turn from us all disease1 seen or unseen1 all desolation1 ruin1 damage1 and unseasonable influence2 ,i pray thee give increase to the fruits1 the corn1 the vines1 and the plantations1 and bring them to a prosperous issue4 ,keep also in safety the shepherds and their flocks1 and give good health and vigour to me1 my house1 and household4 ,to this end it is1 as ,i have said--namely1 for the purification and making due lustration of my farm1 my land cultivated and uncultivated--that ,i pray thee to bless this threefold sacrifice of sucklings4 ,o ,father ,mars1 to this same end ,i pray thee bless this threefold sacrifice of sucklings#ejj4' ,not only in this prayer1 but in the ritual that follows1 as also in other religious directions given in the preceding chapters1 we may no doubt see examples of the oldest agricultural type of the genuine ,italian worship4 ,they are simple rustic specimens of the same type as the elaborate urban ritual of ,iguvium1 fortunately preserved to us#eja2 and we may fairly assume that they stood in much the same relation to the ,roman ritual of the ,ambarvalia4 ,of all the ,roman festivals this is the only one which can be said with any truth to be still surviving4 ,when the ,italian priest leads his flock round the fields with the ritual of the ,litania major in ,rogation week he is doing very much what the ,fratres ,arvales did in the infancy of ,rome1 and with the same object4 ,in other countries1 ,england among them1 the same custom was taken up by the ,church1 which rightly appreciated its utility1 both spiritual and material2 the bounds of the parish were fixed in the memory of the young1 and the wrath of ,god was averted by an act of duty from man1 cattle1 and crops4 #8,it was a general custom formerly1 and is still observed in some country parishes1 to go round the bounds and limits of the parish on one of the three days before ,ascension-day2 when the ,minister1 accompanied by his ,churchwardens and ,parishioners1 was wont to deprecate the vengeance of ,god1 beg a blessing on the fruits of the earth1 and preserve the rights and properties of the parish#ejb4' ,at ,oxford1 and it is to be hoped in some other places1 this laudable custom still survives4 ,but the modern clergy1 from want of interest in ritual1 except such as is carried on within their churches1 or from some strong distrust of any merry-making not initiated by their own zeal1 are apt to drop the ceremonies2 and there is some danger that even in ,oxford the processions and peeled wands may soon be things of the past4 ,to all such ministers ,i would recommend the practice of the judicious ,hooker1 as described by his biographer1 ,isaak ,walton3 #8,he would by no means omit the customary time of procession1 persuading all1 both rich and poor1 if they desired the preservation of ,love1 and their ,parish rights and liberties1 to accompany him in his ,perambulation--and most did so2 in which ,perambulation he would usually express more pleasant ,discourse than at other times1 and would then always drop some loving and facetious ,observations1 to be remembered against the next year1 especially by the ,boys and young people2 still inclining them1 and all his present ,parishioners1 to meekness and mutual ,kindnesses and ,love4' ,at ,charlton-on-,otmoor1 near ,oxford1 there was a survival of the #8agri lustratio' until recent years4 ,on the beautiful rood-screen of the parish church there is a cross1 which was carried in procession through the parish#ejc1 freshly decorated with flowers1 on ,may-day2 it was then restored to its place on the screen1 and remained there until the ,may-day of the next year4 ,it may still be seen there1 but it is no longer carried round1 and its decoration seems to have been transferred from ,may-day to the harvest-festival#ejd4 ,footnote #cfc3 ,sat4 #a4 #ab4 #af4 ,footnote #cfd3 ,see above1 ,introduction1 p4 #aa4 ,footnote #cfe3 ,so ,varro also 7,l4 ,l4 #f4 #cc74 ,but ,censorinus 7,de die natali1 #bj4 #b7 expressly ascribes to ,varro the derivation from ,maia2 the great scholar apparently changed his view4 ,footnote #cff3 ,for ,iup4 ,maius see ,aust1 in ,myth4 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,iuppiter1 p4 #fej4 ,footnote #cfg3 ,this was probably not the early historian ,cincius ,alimentus1 but a contemporary of ,augustus1 ,teuffel1 ,hist4 of ,roman ,literature1 sec4 #ajf4 ,for the flamen ,volcanalis see on ,aug #bc4 ,footnote #cfh3 i4 e4 on the ,ides3 see below1 p4 #abj4 ,the connexion between ,mercurius and ,maia seems to arise simply from the fact that the dedication of the temple of the former was on the ,ides of this month4 ,footnote #cfi3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #f4 #ei foll42 ,mommsen1 ,chron4 #bah4 ,footnote #cgj3 ,the etymology was defended by ,roscher in ,fleckeisen's ,jahrbuch for #ahge1 and in his ,iuno und ,hera1 p4 #aje4 ,footnote #cga3 ,fasti1 #e4 #abi foll4 ,for the doubtful reading ,curibus in #aca see ,peter1 ad loc42 ,preller-,jordan1 ii4 #aad4 ,footnote #cgb3 ,fasti1 #e4 #adc2 ,plutarch1 ,quaest4 ,rom4 #ea4 ,footnote #cgc3 ,this appears on coins of the gens ,caesia3 ,cohen1 ,md4 ,cons4 pl4 viii4 ,wissowa1 in ,myth4 ,lex41 s4 v4 ,lares1 gives a cut of the coin1 on which the ,lares are represented sitting with a dog between them4 ,see note at the end of this work 7,note ,b7 on the further interpretation of these coins4 ,footnote #cgd3 ,see ,robertson ,smith1 ,religion of the ,semites1 #dad foll4 ,footnote #cge3 ,farnell1 ,cults1 ii4 #eae4 ,hekate was certainly a deity of the earth4 ,cf4 ,plut4 ,q4 ,r4 #fh4 ,footnote #cgf3 ,see on ,robigalia1 ,april #be4 ,footnote #cgg3 ,quaest4 ,rom4 #eb and #aaa2 cf4 ,romulus #ba4 ,footnote #cgh3 ,so ,jevons1 ,roman ,questions1 ,introduction1 xli4 ,footnote #cgi3 ,de-,marchi1 ,la ,religione nella vita domestica1 #dh4 ,wissowa 7,myth4 ,lex41 s4 v4 ,lares1 p4 #ahgb7 prefers the old interpretation1 much as ,plutarch gives it4 ,footnote #chj3 ,fasti1 #e4 #adi foll4 ,footnote #cha3 ,aust1 ,de ,aedibus sacris1 p4 #bg4 ,it was apparently before #abc ,b4,c41 when a ,vestal ,virgin1 ,licinia1 added an aedicula1 pulvinar1 and ara to it 7,cic4 de ,domo1 #acf74 ,footnote #chb3 ,wissowa1 in ,pauly's ,real-,encyclopdie1 s4 v4 ,bona ,dea1 #fij4 ,see above1 p4 #fi4 ,footnote #chc3 ,see below1 under ,dec4 #c4 ,there can be hardly a doubt that this ,december rite was the one famous for the sacrilegium of ,clodius in #fb ,b4,c41 though ,prof4 ,beesly rashly assumed the contrary in his essay on ,clodius 7,catiline1 ,clodius1 and ,tiberius1 p4 #de note74 ,plutarch1 ,cic4 #ai and #bj2 ,dio ,cass4 #cg4 #ce4 ,footnote #chd3 ,ovid1 l4 c4 #8oculos exosa viriles4' ,cp4 ,ars ,amat4 #c4 #fcg4 ,on this and other points in the cult see ,r4 ,peter in ,myth4 ,lex41 and ,wissowa1 l4 c4 ,the latter seems to refer most of them to the ,december rite2 but ,ovid and ,macrobius expressly connect them with the temple4 ,macr4 #a4 #ab4 #be foll4 ,footnote #che3 ,propert4 #d4 #i2 ,macr4 #a4 #ab4 #bh4 ,footnote #chf3 ,tylor1 ,primitive ,culture1 ii4 #bde foll4 ,footnote #chg3 ,see below1 p4 #adc4 ,lex4 ,myth4 s4 v4 ,hercules1 #bbeh4 ,footnote #chh3 ,macr4 l4 c4 ,plutarch also knew of this 7,quaest4 ,rom4 #bj74 ,footnote #chi3 ,otherwise in ,lactantius1 #a4 #bb4 #aa1 and ,arnob4 #e4 #ah1 where ,fauna is said to have been beaten because she drank wine2 no doubt a later version4 ,lactantius quotes ,sext4 ,clodius1 a contemporary of ,cicero4 ,footnote #cij3 ,h4 ,n4 #ad4 #hh4 ,see above on feriae ,latinae1 p4 #ig4 ,virg4 ,ecl4 #e4 #ff2 ,georg4 #a4 #cdd2 ,aen4 #e4 #gg4 ,in the last passage milk is offered to the inferiae of ,anchises3 we may note the similarity of the cult of ,earth-deities and of the dead4 ,footnote #cia3 ,plut4 ,q4 ,r4 #bj2 ,macrob4 l4 c42 ,lactant4 l4 c4 ,the myth has been explained as ,greek 7,wissowa1 in ,pauly1 #fhh71 but its peculiar feature1 the whipping1 could hardly have become attached to a ,roman cult unless there were something in the cult to attach it to1 or unless the cult itself were borrowed from the ,greek4 ,that the latter was the case it is impossible to prove2 and ,i prefer to believe that both cult and myth were ,roman4 ,footnote #cib3 ,mythologische ,forschungen1 #aae foll4 ,cp4 ,frazer1 ,golden ,bough1 ii4 #bac foll4 ,footnote #cic3 ,below1 p4 #cbj4 ,see also on ,july #g 7,nonae ,caprotinae74 ,footnote #cid3 ,macrob4 l4 c4 #8,quidam ,medeam putant1 quod in aede eius omne genus herbarum sit ex quibus antistites dant plerumque medicinas4' ,footnote #cie3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 vi4 #ed foll4 ,footnote #cif3 ,this no doubt gave rise to the myth that ,faunus #8coisse cum filia' in the form of a snake4 ,here again the myth may possibly be ,greek1 but we have no right to deny that it may have had a ,roman basis4 ,snakes were kept in great numbers both in temples and houses in ,italy 7,preller-,jordan1 i4 #hg1 #che74 ,footnote #cig3 ,plin4 ,h4 ,n4 #bi passim1 especially #ad1 c41 where ,cato is quoted as detesting the new ,greek art1 and urging his son to stick to the old simples2 some of which1 with their absurd charms1 are given in ,cato1 ,r4 ,r4 #aef foll4 ,footnote #cih3 ,macrob4 l4 c42 ,juv4 ,sat4 #b4 #hf4 ,footnote #cii3 ,marq4 #agc4 ,gilbert 7,gesch4 und ,topogr4 ii4 #aei1 note7 has some impossible combinations on this subject1 and concludes that the ,bona ,dea was a moon-goddess4 ,footnote #djj3 ,see above1 p4 #gb foll4 ,footnote #dja3 ,paulus1 #fh #8,damium sacrificium1 quod fiebat in operto in honorem ,bonae deae1 444 dea quoque ipsa ,damia et sacerdos eius damiatrix appellabatur4' ,footnote #djb3 ,r4 ,peter in ,myth4 ,lex41 s4 v4 ,damia2 ,wissowa1 l4 c4 ,footnote #djc3 ,paulus1 l4 c4 ,footnote #djd3 ,lactantius1 #a4 #bb2 ,serv4 ,aen4 #h4 #cad4 ,footnote #dje3 ,preuner1 ,hestia-,vesta1 #djg foll4 ,for ,lucina1 ,gilbert1 l4 c4 ,footnote #djf3 ,the combination of the idea of female fecundity with that of the earth is of course common enough4 ,here is a good example from ,abyssinia3 #8,she 7,atetie7 is the goddess of fecundity1 and women are her principal votaries2 but1 as she can also make the earth prolific1 offerings are made to her for that purpose' 7,macdonald1 ,religion and ,myth1 p4 #db74 ,footnote #djg3 ,fasti1 #e4 #dba foll4 ,footnote #djh3 ,see ,introduction1 p4 #ae4 ,footnote #dji3 ,huschke 7,rm4 ,jahr1 #ag7 tried to prove that the ,lemuria was the #8,todtenfest' of the ,sabine city1 the ,feralia that of the ,latin2 but his arguments have convinced no one4 ,footnote #daj3 ,fasti1 #e4 #dbc4 ,footnote #daa3 ,g4 ,b4 ii4 #aeg foll42 ,macdonald1 ,religion and ,myth1 ch4 vi4 ,footnote #dab3 ,introduction1 p4 #aj4 ,footnote #dac3 ,tylor1 ,prim4 ,cult4 ii4 #bd4 ,the friendly attitude is well illustrated in ,f4 de ,coulanges' ,la ,cit antique1 ch4 ii4 ,footnote #dad3 ,on ,hor4 ,ep4 #b4 #b4 #bji4 ,footnote #dae3 ,non4 p4 #ace4 ,cp4 ,festus1 s4 v4 faba3 #8,lemuralibus iacitur larvis1' i4 e4 #8the bean is thrown to larvae at the ,lemuralia4' ,serv4 ,aen4 #c4 #fc4 ,footnote #daf3 de ,genio ,socratis1 #ae4 ,the passage is interesting1 but historically worthless1 as is that of ,martianus ,capella1 #b4 #afb4 ,footnote #dag3 ,fasti1 #e4 #dea foll42 ,porph4 l4 c4 ,remus1 as one dead before his time1 would not lie quiet3 #8,umbra cruenta ,remi visa est adsistere lecto1' c4 ,footnote #dah3 ,see e4 g4 ,von ,duhn's paper on ,italian excavations1 translated in the ,journal of ,hellenic ,studies for #ahig4 ,footnote #dai3 #8,habent vincula nulla pedes' 7,fasti1 #e4 #dcb74 ,in performing sacred rites a man must be free2 e4 g4 the ,flamen ,dialis might not wear a ring1 or anything binding1 and a fettered prisoner had to be loosed in his house 7,plut4 ,q4 ,r4 #aaa74 ,cp4 ,numa in his interview with ,faunus 7,ov4 ,fasti1 #d4 #feh71 #8,nec digitis annulus ullus inest4' ,serv4 ,aen4 #d4 #eah2 ,hor4 ,sat4 #a4 #h4 #bd4 ,footnote #dbj3 ,manes must be here used1 either loosely by the poet1 or euphemistically by the house-father4 ,footnote #dba3 ,it is curious to find them used for the very same purpose of ghost-ridding as far away as ,japan 7,frazer1 ,golden ,bough1 ii4 #agf74 ,for their antiquity as food1 ,hehn1 ,kulturpflanzen1 #dei2 ,schrader1 ,sprachvergleichung1 #cfb4 ,footnote #dbb3 ,a4 ,lang1 ,myth1 c41 ii4 #bfe2 ,jevons1 ,roman ,questions1 ,introd4 p4 lxxxvi2 ,o4 ,crusius1 ,rhein4 ,mus4 xxxix4 #afd foll42 and especially ,lobeck1 ,aglaoph4 #bea foll4 ,for superstitions of a similar kind attached to the mandrake and other plants see ,sir ,t4 ,browne's ,vulgar ,errors1 bk4 ii4 ch4 #f2 ,rhys1 ,celtic ,mythology1 p4 #cef 7the berries of the rowan74 ,footnote #dbc3 ,there was a notion that beans sown in a manure-heap produced men4 ,cp4 ,plin4 ,h4 ,n4 #ah4 #aah #8quoniam mortuorum animae sint in ea4' ,footnote #dbd3 ,gell4 #aj4 #ae4 #b 7from ,fabius ,pictor74 ,footnote #dbe3 ,serv4 ,ecl4 #h4 #hb2 ,marq4 #cdc note4 ,mannhardt1 ,a4 ,w4 ,f4 #bfi1 attempts an explanation of the difficulty arising here from the fact that in historical times the calendar was some weeks in advance of the seasons1 but without much success4 ,footnote #dbf3 ,this note is wrongly entered in the ,fasti ,venusini1 under ,may #af4 ,footnote #dbg3 ,festus1 #bde1 s4 v4 ,publica sacra4 ,cp4 ,mommsen1 ,staatsrecht1 iii4 #abc4 ,festus distinguishes pagi1 montes1 sacella1 of which the festivals would seem to be the ,paganalia1 ,septimontium1 and sacra ,argeorum1 respectively4 ,footnote #dbh3 ,see under ,march #ag4 ,we arrive at the procession by comparing the ,varronian extracts from the sacra ,argeorum 7,l4 ,l4 #ede7 with ,gellius1 #aj4 #ae4cj1 and ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #c4 #gia4 ,see a restoration of the itinerary of the procession in ,jordan1 ,topogr4 ii4 #fjc4 ,footnote #dbi3 ,sacella in ,varro 7,l4 ,l4 #ede72 sacraria1 ib4 #edh2 ,argea in ,festus1 #ccd1 where the word seems to be an adjective2 ,argei in ,liv4 #a4 #bd #8loca sacris faciendis1 quae ,argeos pontifices vocant4' ,the number depends on the reading of ,varro1 #g4 #dd1 xxiv or xxvii2 ,jordan decided for xxiv3 but see ,mommsen1 ,staatsrecht1 iii4 #abc4 ,footnote #dcj3 ,fasti1 #c4 #gia4 ,footnote #dca3 ,jordan1 ,topogr4 ii4 #bga foll4 ,footnote #dcb3 ,dionysius1 #a4 #ch2 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #e4 #fba foll42 ,festus1 p4 #ccd1 s4 v4 ,sexagenarii2 ,plutarch1 ,q4 ,r4 #cb and #hf4 ,footnote #dcc3 ,dionysius says there were thirty2 he had probably seen the ceremony1 but may have only made a rough guess at the number or have thought of the thirty ,curiae4 ,ovid writes of two3 #8,falcifero libata seni duo corpora gentis ,mittite1' c4 7,jordan proposed to read #8senilia' for #8seni duo4'7 ,footnote #dcd3 ,festus1 #ccd4 ,footnote #dce3 ,festus1 l4 c42 ,cicero1 pro ,roscio ,amerino1 #ce4 #ajj4 ,sexagenarios de ponte was apparently an old saying 7cp4 #8depontani1' ,festus1 #ge72 the earliest notice we have of it1 which comes from the poet ,afranius1 seems to connect it with the pons sublicius4 ,footnote #dcf3 #8,the etymology will of course explain a word1 but only if it happens to be right2 the history of the word is a surer guide' 7,skeat74 ,in this case we have not even the history4 ,footnote #dcg3 ,see ,schwegler1 i #chc4 note2 ,marq4 #ahc4 ,mommsen 7,staatsrecht1 iii4 #abc7 reverts to the opinion that ,argei is simply 1 and preserves a reminiscence of ,greek captives4 ,nettleship1 in his ,notes in ,latin ,lexicography1 p4 #bga1 is inclined to connect the word with #8arcere'1 in the sense of confining prisoners4 ,more fanciful developments in a paper by ,o4 ,keller1 in ,fleckeisen's ,jahrbuch1 cxxxiii4 #hde foll4 ,footnote #dch3 ,the puppets may have been made in ,march1 and then hung in the sacella till ,may3 so ,jordan1 ,topogr4 l4 c4 ,the writer in ,myth4 ,lex4 thinks that human victims were originally kept in these sacella1 for whom the puppets were surrogates4 ,footnote #dci3 ,there is an interesting modern parallel in ,mannhardt1 ,a4 ,w4 ,f4 #agh4 ,footnote #ddj3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #e4 #hc1 and ,jordan1 ,topogr4 i4 #cih4 ,the general opinion seems now to favour the view that there was an original connexion between the pontifices and the pons sublicius4 ,footnote #dda3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #e4 #hc2 ,dionys4 #b4 #gc1 #c4 #de4 ,footnote #ddb3 ,this was the suggestion of ,mr4 ,frazer in a note in the ,journal of ,philology1 vol4 xiv4 p4 #aef4 ,the late ,prof4 ,nettleship once expressed this view to me4 ,footnote #ddc3 ,paulus1 p4 #ae #8per ,virgines ,vestales'2 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #e4 #fba4 ,footnote #ddd3 ,see below1 p4 #adi4 ,footnote #dde3 ,plut4 ,quaest4 ,rom4 #hf2 ,gell4 #aj4 #ae2 ,marq4 #cah4 ,her usual head-dress was the flammeum1 or bride's veil4 ,no mention is made of the ,flamen her husband2 the prominence of women in all these rites is noticeable4 ,footnote #ddf3 ,baumkultus1 #aee1 #daa1 #daf4 ,the cult of ,adonis has some features like that of the ,argei3 e4 g4 the puppet1 the immersion in water and the mourning 7see ,lex4 s4 v4 ,adonis1 p4 #gc2 ,mannhardt1 ,a4 ,w4 ,f4 #bgf74 ,footnote #ddg3 i4 e4 #8old men must go over the bridge4' ,see ,cic4 pro ,roscio ,amerino1 #ce1 where the old edition of ,osenbrggen has a useful note4 ,also ,varro1 apud ,lactant4 ,inst4 #a4 #ba4 #f4 ,ovid alludes to the proverb 7#e4 #fbc foll47 #8,corpora post decies senos qui credidit annos ,missa neci1 sceleris crimine damnat avos4' ,footnote #ddh3 ,dionys4 #a4 #ch4 ,but he may have been deceived simply by the appearance of the bindings of the sheaves or bundles1 especially if he had been told beforehand of the proverb4 ,footnote #ddi3 ,the best known instances of human sacrifice at ,rome are collected in a note to ,merivale's ,history 7vol4 iii4 #ce72 and by ,sachse1 ,die ,argeer1 p4 #ag4 ,o4 ,mller thought that it came to ,rome from ,etruria 7,etrusker1 ii4 #bj74 ,for ,greece1 see ,hermann1 ,griech4 ,alt4 ii4 sec4 #bg2 ,strabo4 #aj4 #h4 ,see also some valuable remarks in ,tylor1 ,prim4 ,cult4 ii4 #cfb1 on substitution in sacrifice4 ,footnote #dej3 ,caesar1 ,b4 ,g4 #f4 #af2 ,tac4 ,germ4 #i and #ci4 ,strabo1 #aj4 #h1 is interesting1 as giving an example of the dropping out of the actual killing1 while the form survived4 ,see below on ,lupercalia1 p4 #cae4 ,footnote #dea3 ,a point suggested to me some years ago by ,mr4 ,a4 ,j4 ,evans4 ,footnote #deb3 ,sir ,a4 ,lyall 7,asiatic ,studies1 p4 #ai7 writes of human sacrifice as having been common in ,india as a last resort for appeasing divine wrath when manifested in some strange manner2 i4 e4 it was never regular4 ,so ,procopius1 ,bell4 ,goth4 #c4 #ac4 ,tacitus1 indeed1 writes of #8certis diebus' 7,germ4 #i71 but it is not clear that he meant fixed recurring days4 ,as a rule in human sacrifice and cannibalism the victims are captives1 who would not be always at hand4 ,footnote #dec3 ,dionysius 7#a4 #ch7 speaks of sacrifice before the immersion of the puppets3 4 ,footnote #ded3 ,the and 1 ,mannhardt1 ,myth4 ,forsch4 #abi foll4 ,footnote #dee3 ,germania1 #dj3 ,mannhardt1 ,baumkultus1 #efg foll4 ,the evidence is perhaps hardly adequate as to detail4 ,footnote #def3 ,baumkultus1 chapters #c1 #d1 and #e1 which should be used by all who wish to form some idea of the amount of evidence collected on this one head4 ,footnote #deg3 ,our ,jack-in-the-,green is probably a survival of this kind of rite4 ,footnote #deh3 ,nearly all these customs occur either at ,whitsuntide or harvest4 ,mannhardt conjectured that the ,argei-rite was originally a harvest custom 7,a4 ,w4 ,f4 #bfi72 quite needlessly1 ,i think4 ,footnote #dei3 ,baumkultus1 #cca4 ,footnote #dfj3 ,mannhardt allows this1 ,baumkultus1 #ccf note4 ,footnote #dfa3 ,baumkultus1 #ceh foll4 ,his theory is expressed in judicious and by no means dogmatic language4 ,it may be that he runs his ,vegetation-spirit somewhat too hard--and no mythologist is free from the error of seeing his own discovery exemplified wherever he turns4 ,but the spirit of vegetation had been found at ,rome long before ,mannhardt's time 7see e4 g4 ,preller's account of ,mars and the deities related to him74 ,footnote #dfb3 ,baumkultus1 #cei1 #dbj2 ,korndmonen1 #bd4 ,footnote #dfc3 ,baumkultus1 #cdi foll41 #cfe1 #dad4 ,footnote #dfd3 ,cp4 the root cas-1 which 7according to ,corssen1 ,aussprache1 i4 #feb note71 appears both in canus and cascus1 and also in the ,oscan casnar #8an old man4' ,the word casnar is used by ,varro 7ap4 ,nonium1 #hf7 for sexagenarius1 or possibly argeus3 #8,vix ecfatus erat cum more maiorum carnales 7 casnales7 arripiunt et de ponte deturbant4' ,cf4 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #g4 #gc2 ,mommsen1 ,unteritalische ,dialekten1 p4 #bfh4 ,the root arg may perhaps have meant holy as well as old or white1 like the ,welsh gwen 7,rhys1 ,celtic ,mythology1 #ebg note74 ,footnote #dfe3 ,baumkultus1 #bad-af1 #cee1 c4 ,on p4 #cef is a valuable note giving examples from ,america1 ,india1 c4 ,for a remarkable case from ancient ,egypt1 of which the object is not rain1 but inundation1 see ,tylor1 ,prim4 ,cult4 ii4 #cfh4 ,see also ,grimm1 ,teutonic ,mythology 7,e4 ,t471 p4 #eic foll4 ,footnote #dff3 ,quaest4 ,rom4 #hf4 ,this work is undoubtedly drawn chiefly from ,varro's writings1 but largely through the medium of those of ,juba the king of ,mauretania1 who wrote in ,greek 7,barth de ,jubae in ,plutarcho expressis3 ,gttingen1 #ahgf74 ,footnote #dfg3 ,parallels in ,baumkultus1 pp4 #agj1 #agh1 #baa1 #dji4 ,these are examples of ,may-trees and other objects1 sometimes decked out as human beings1 which are hung up in the homestead for a certain time--e4 g4 in ,austria from ,may-day to ,st4 ,john ,baptist's day1 a period closely corresponding both in length and season to that at ,rome1 from ,march #ae to ,may #ae4 ,in the church of ,charlton-on-,otmoor1 near ,oxford1 it is hung on the rood-screen from ,may #a onwards4 ,footnote #dfh3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #e4 #fbg2 ,dionys4 #a4 #ch4 ,footnote #dfi3 ,see ,macrob4 #a4 #g4 #bh4 ,in ,dionysius' version1 however1 of the line it is to whom the sacrifice is offered4 ,footnote #dgj3 ,festus1 #ccd4 ,footnote #dga3 ,topogr4 ii4 #bhe4 ,footnote #dgb3 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,mercurius1 p4 #bhjd4 ,footnote #dgc3 ,aust1 de ,aedibus sacris1 p4 #e4 ,footnote #dgd3 ,it seems to me probable that there was a ,mercurius at ,rome before the introduction of ,hermes2 but this cannot be proved4 ,it seems likely that the temple-cult established in #die ,b4,c4 was really that of ,hermes under an ,italian name1 as in the parallel case of ,ceres4 ,this was one year later than the date of the ,ceres-temple 7above1 p4 #gd74 ,footnote #dge3 ,mercuriales1 or ,mercatores 7,jordan1 ,topogr4 i4 #a4 #bgh74 ,they belonged to the collegia of the pagi4 ,footnote #dgf3 ,see on ,march #ag and ,january #i4 ,footnote #dgg3 i4 #bfb foll42 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #c4 #dde2 ,gell4 ,n4 ,a4 #e4 #ab4 ,footnote #dgh3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 i4 #hjg2 the dedication of an altar 7,vediovei ,patrei genteiles ,iuliei7 found at ,bovillae4 ,footnote #dgi3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #c4 #dbi2 ,gell4 #e4 #ab4 ,it was this temple which had ,may #ba as its #8dies natalis4' ,footnote #dhj3 ,liv4 #ca4 #ba4 #ab 7reading ,vediovi for deo ,iovi1 with ,merkel and ,jordan74 ,footnote #dha3 ,gell4 l4 c42 ,preller1 i4 #bfd1 and ,jordan's note4 ,footnote #dhb3 ,gell4 #e4 #ab4 ,the meaning of the expression is not clear4 ,paulus 7#afe7 writes3 #8,humanum sacrificium dicebant quod mortui causa fiebat'--which does not greatly help us4 ,preller reasonably suggested that the goat might be a substitutory victim in place of a #8homo sacer' or criminal 7i4 #bfe74 ,footnote #dhc3 ,above1 p4 #fc4 ,footnote #dhd3 ,fasti1 #e4 #gbe4 ,footnote #dhe3 de ,feriis1 xv4 ,footnote #dhf3 ,gell4 #ac4 #bc4 ,footnote #dhg3 ,the ,hephaestus-myth has been treated on the comparative method by ,f4 von ,schrder 7,griech4 ,gtter u4 ,heroen1 i4 #gi foll471 and by ,rapp in ,myth4 ,lex4 ,it is of course possible that it may have been known to the early ,italians1 but what we know of ,volcanus does not favour this4 ,footnote #dhh3 ,vitruvius1 #c4 #b4 #b2 it was #8proxime portam ,collinam4' ,footnote #dhi3 ,see below1 pp4 #afe1 #bbc4 ,footnote #dij3 ,liv4 #cd4 #ec2 ,aust1 de ,aedibus1 p4 #bj4 ,footnote #dia3 ,this seems to have been the date among the ,anauni of ,n4 ,italy as late as #cic ,a4,d43 see the ,acta ,martyrum1 p4 #ecf 7,verona1 #agca74 7,for the ,anauni1 ,rushforth1 ,latin ,historical ,inscriptions1 p4 #ii foll47 ,footnote #dib3 ,chron4 #gj foll43 a difficult bit of calculation4 ,footnote #dic3 ,mommsen1 l4 c4 ,henzen1 ,acta ,fr4 ,arv4 xlvi-xlviii2 ,jordan on ,preller1 i4 #dbj1 and ,topogr4 i4 #bhi1 ii4 #bcf4 ,the latter would also identify ,ambarvalia and ,amburbium2 but the two seem clearly distinguished by ,servius 7,ecl4 #c4gg74 ,footnote #did3 p4 #bjj4 ,huschke1 ,rm4 ,jahr1 #fc4 ,footnote #die3 p4 #e4 ,see ,jordan on ,preller1 i4 #dbj1 note #b2 ,marq4 #bjj1 note #c4 ,footnote #dif3 ,georg4 #a4 #cch foll4 ,footnote #dig3 #8,extremae sub casum hiemis' might possibly suit the ,italian ,april1 but certainly not the ,italian ,may4 ,may #a is the earliest date we have for an agri lustratio1 i4 e4 in ,campania 7,c4 ,i4 ,l4 x4 #cgib74 #8,tunc mollissima vina' may contain a reference to the ,vinalia of ,april #bc1 when the new wine was first drunk2 and if that were so1 the general reference might be to the ,cerialia or its rustic equivalent4 ,footnote #dih3 ,r4 ,r4 #ada4 ,cp4 ,siculus ,flaccus in ,gromatici ,veteres1 p4 #afd4 ,the lustratio should be celebrated before even the earliest crops 7e4 g4 beans7 were cut4 ,footnote #dii3 ,henzen1 ,acta ,fr4 ,arv4 xlviii4 ,footnote #ejj3 ,cato1 ,r4 ,r4 #ada4 ,i have availed myself of the ,italian translation and commentary of ,prof4 ,de ,marchi in his work on the domestic religion of the ,romans1 p4 #abh foll4 ,footnote #eja3 ,bcheler1 ,umbrica2 ,bral1 ,les ,tables ,eugubines4 ,footnote #ejb3 ,brand1 ,popular ,antiquities1 p4 #bib4 ,footnote #ejc3 ,i am informed that it visited one hamlet1 ,horton1 which is not at present in the parish of ,charlton2 of this there should be some topographical explanation4 ,footnote #ejd3 ,the cross is very commonly carried about on the continent1 and in ,holland the week is called cross-week for this reason4 ,but at ,charlton there seems to have been a confusion between this cross and the ,may-queen or ,may-doll2 for on ,may-day1 #ahih1 the old woman who decked it called it #8my lady1' and spoke of #8her waist1' c4 ,i am indebted to the ,rev4 ,c4 ,e4 ,prior1 the present incumbent1 for information about this interesting survival4 ,,mensis ,,iunius4 ,,kal4 ,,iun4 7,,june #a74 ,n4 ,,iunoni ,,monetae 7,,ven47 ,,fabarici ,c,,ircenses ,m,,issus4 7,,philoc47 ,on the name of the mensis ,junius some remarks have already been made under ,may #a4 ,there is no sure ground for connecting it with ,juno#eje4 ,the first day of ,june was sacred to her1 but so were all ,kalends2 and if this was also the dies natalis of the temple of ,juno ,moneta in arce1 we have no reason to suppose the choice of day to be specially significant#ejf4 ,we know the date of this dedication2 it was in #cdd ,b4,c4 and in consequence of a vow made by ,l4 ,furius ,camillus ,dictator in a war against the ,aurunci#ejg4 ,of a ,juno ,moneta of earlier date we have no knowledge2 and1 in spite of much that has been said to the contrary1 ,i imagine that the title was only given to a ,juno of the arx in consequence of the popular belief that the ,capitol was saved from the attack of the ,gauls 7#cij ,b4,c47 by the warning voices of her sacred geese4 ,what truth there was in that story may be a matter of doubt1 but it seems easier to believe that it had a basis of fact than to account for it aetiologically#ejh4 ,there may well have been an altar or sacellum#eji of ,juno on the arx1 near which her noisy birds were kept#eaj2 and when a temple was eventually built here in #cdd ,b4,c41 it was appropriately dedicated to ,juno of the warning voice4 ,from the fact that part of this temple was used as a mint#eaa1 the word ,moneta gradually passed into another sense1 which has found its way into our modern languages#eab4 ,one tradition connected the name of the month with ,m4 ,junius ,brutus1 who is said to have performed a sacrum on this day after the flight of ,tarquinius1 on the ,caelian ,hill#eac4 ,this sacrum had no connexion with ,juno1 and the tradition which thus absurdly brings ,brutus into the question shows plainly that the derivation from ,juno was not universally accepted#ead4 ,the real deity of the ,kalends of ,june was not ,juno1 but an antique goddess whose antiquity is attested both by the meagreness of our knowledge of her1 and the strange confusion about her which ,ovid displays4 ,had ,carna been more successful in the struggle for existence of ,roman deities1 we might not have been so sure of her extreme antiquity2 but no foreign cult grafted on her gave her a new lease of life1 and by the end of the ,republic she was all but dead4 ,what little we do know of her savours of the agricultural life and folk-lore of the old ,latins4 ,her sacrifices were of bean-meal and lard#eae2 and this day went by the name of ,kalendae fabariae#eaf1 #8quia hoc mense adultae fabae divinis rebus adhibentur4' ,the fact was that it was the time of bean-harvest#eag2 and beans1 as we have already seen1 were much in request for sacred purposes4 #8,maximus honos fabae1' says ,pliny#eah1 alluding to the value of the bean as food1 to its supposed narcotic power1 and its use in religious ritual4 ,we have already found beans used in the cult of the dead and the ejection of ghosts from the house#eai2 and ,prof4 ,wissowa has of late ingeniously conjectured that this day 7,june #a7 was concerned with rites of the same kind#ebj4 ,he quotes an inscription1 a will in which a legacy is left #8ut rosas ,carnariis ducant'#eba4 ,undoubtedly the reference here is to rites of the dead 7cf4 ,rosalia71 and ,mommsen may be right in suggesting that by ,carnariis is meant the ,kalends of ,june4 ,but it is going a little too far to argue on this slender evidence1 even if we add to it the fact that the day was nefastus1 that the festival of ,carna was of the same kind as the ,parentalia1 ,rosalia1 c42 a careful reading of ,ovid's comments seems to show that there were curious survivals of folk-lore connected with the day and with ,carna which cannot all be explained by reference to rites of the dead4 ,ovid does indeed at once mislead his readers by identifying ,carna and ,cardea1 and thus making the former the deity of door-hinges1 and bringing her into connexion with ,janus#ebb4 ,but we may guess that he does this simply because he wants to squeeze in a pretty folk-tale of ,janus and ,cardea1 for which his readers may be grateful1 and which need not deceive them4 ,when he writes of the ritual of ,carna#ebc--our only safe guide--he makes it quite plain that he is mixing up the attributes of two distinct deities4 ,he brings the two together by contriving that ,janus1 as a reward to ,cardea for yielding to his advances1 should bestow on her not only the charge of cardines1 but also that of protecting infants from the striges#ebd1 creatures of the nature of vampires1 but described by ,ovid as owls1 who were wont to suck their blood and devour their vitals4 ,but this last duty surely belonged to ,carna1 of whom ,macrobius says #8,hanc deam vitalibus humanis praeesse credunt'3 and thus ,carna's attribute is conjoined with ,cardea's4 ,the lines are worth quoting in which ,ovid describes the charms which are to keep off the striges1 for as preserving a remnant of old ,italian folk-lore they are more interesting than the doubtful nature of an obscure deity#ebe3 ,protinus arbutea#ebf postes ter in ordine tangit ,fronde1 ter arbutea limina fronde notat3 ,spargit aquis aditus--et aquae medicamen habebant-- ,extaque de porca cruda bimenstre tenet#ebg4 ,atque ita #8noctis aves1 extis puerilibus' inquit #8,parcite3 pro parvo victima parva cadit4 ,cor pro corde1 precor1 pro fibris sumite fibras4 ,hanc animam vobis pro meliore damus4' ,sic ubi libavit1 prosecta sub aethere ponit1 ,quique adsint sacris1 respicere illa vetat#ebh4 ,virgaque ,ianalis de spina ponitur alba#ebi ,qua lumen thalamis parva fenestra dabat4 ,post illud nec aves cunas violasse feruntur1 ,et rediit puero qui fuit ante color4 ,having told his folk-tale and described his charms1 ,ovid returns to ,carna1 and asks why people eat bean-gruel on the ,kalends of ,june1 with the rich fat of pigs4 ,the answer is that the cult of ,carna is of ancient date1 and that the healthy food of man in early times is retained in it#ecj4 ,sus erat in pretio2 caesa sue festa colebant4 ,terra fabas tantum duraque farra dabat4 ,quae duo mixta simul sextis quicunque ,kalendis ,ederit1 huic laedi viscera posse negant4 ,this was undoubtedly the real popular belief--that by eating this food on ,carna's day your digestion was secured for the year4 ,macrobius#eca makes the practice into a much more definite piece of ritual4 #8,prayers are offered to this goddess1' he says1 #8for the good preservation of liver1 heart1 and the other internal organs of our bodies4 ,her sacrifices are bean-meal and lard1 because this is the best food for the nourishment of the body4' ,ovid is here the genuine ,italian1 ,macrobius the scholar and theologian3 both may be right4 ,whatever1 then1 may be the meaning or etymology of the name ,carna1 we may at least be sure that the cult belongs to the age of ancient ,latin agriculture#ecb1 since it was in connexion with her name that the popular belief survived in ,ovid's time of the virtue of bean-eating on the ,kalends of ,june4 ,we learn from ,ovid 7line #aia7 that this same day was the dies natalis of the temple of ,mars extra portam ,capenam1 i4 e4 on the ,via ,appia--a favourite spot for the mustering of armies1 and the starting-point for the yearly transvectio equitum#ecc4 ,i have already alluded to the baseless fabric of conjecture built on the conjunction of ,mars and ,juno on this day#ecd2 and need here only repeat that in no well-attested ,roman myth is ,mars the son of ,juno1 or ,juno the wife of ,jupiter4 ,and it is even doubtful whether ,june #a was the original dedication-day of this temple of ,mars3 the ,venusian calendar does not mention it1 and ,ovid may be referring to a re-dedication by ,augustus#ece4 ,there is absolutely no ground for the myth-making of ,usener and ,roscher about ,mars and ,juno3 but it is to the credit of the latter that he has inserted in his article on ,mars a valuable note by ,aust1 in which his own conclusions are cogently controverted4 ,,iii4 ,,non4 ,,iun4 7,,june #c74 ,c4 ,,bellon,,ae ,,in ,,circ,o ,,flam,,inio4 7,,ven47 ,this temple was vowed by the ,consul ,ap4 ,claudius in an ,etruscan war#ecf 7#bif ,b4,c473 the date of dedication is unknown4 ,in front of the temple was an area of which the truly ,roman story is told#ecg1 that being unable to declare war with ,pyrrhus with the orthodox ritual of the fetiales1 as he had no land in ,italy into which they could throw the challenging spear#ech1 they caught a ,pyrrhan soldier and made him buy this spot to suit their purpose4 ,here stood the #8columella' from which henceforward the spear was thrown#eci4 ,the temple became well known as a suitable meeting-place for the ,senate outside the pomoerium1 when it was necessary to do business with generals and ambassadors who could not legally enter the city#edj4 ,but of the goddess very little is known4 ,there is no sufficient reason to identify her with that ,nerio with whom we made acquaintance in ,march1 as is done too confidently by the writer of the article in ,roscher's ,lexicon#eda4 ,,prid4 ,,non4 ,,iun4 7,,june #d74 ,c4 ,,herc,,uli ,,magn,o ,,custo,,di4 7,,ven47 ,,sacrum ,,herculi4 7,,rust47 ,this temple also was near the ,circus ,flaminius#edb4 ,it was a foundation of ,sulla's1 #hb ,b4,c41 and the cult was ,greek1 answering to that of #edc4 ,,non4 ,,iun4 7,,june #e74 ,n4#edd ,,dio ,,fidio ,,in ,,colle4 7,,ven47 ,the temple on the ,quirinal of which this was the dies natalis is said by ,dionysius#ede to have been vowed by ,tarquinius ,superbus1 and dedicated by ,sp4 ,postumius in ,b4,c4 #dff4 ,but that there was a fanum or sacellum of this deity on or near the same site at a much earlier time is almost certain2 such a sacellum #8ad portam ,sanqualem' is mentioned1 also by ,dionysius#edf1 as 1 and we know that in many cases the final aedes or templum was a development from an uncovered altar or sacred place4 ,dius ,fidius1 as the adjectival character of his name shows1 was a genuine old ,italian religious conception1 but one that in historical times was buried almost out of sight4 ,among gods and heroes there has been a struggle for existence1 as among animals and plants2 with some peoples a struggle between indigenous and exotic deities1 in which the latter usually win the day1 and displace or modify the native species#edg4 ,what laws1 if any1 govern this struggle for existence it is not possible to discern clearly2 the result is doubtless the survival of the fittest1 if by the fittest we understand those which flourish best under the existing conditions of society and thought2 but it would hardly seem to be the survival of those which are most beneficial to the worshipping race4 ,among the ,romans the fashionable exotic deities of the later ,republic and ,empire had no such ethical influence on the character of the people as those older ones of the type of ,dius ,fidius1 who in historical times was known to the ordinary ,roman only through the medium of an old-fashioned oath4 ,ovid knows very little about ,dius ,fidius#edh3 ,quaerebam ,nonas ,sanco ,fidione referrem1 ,an tibi1 ,semo pater3 cum mihi ,sancus ait #8,cuicunque ex illis dederis1 ego munus habebo2 ,nomina trina fero1 sic voluere ,cures4' ,he finds three names for the deity1 but two would have sufficed2 the only individual ,semo known to us is ,sancus himself4 ,the ,semones1 so far as we can guess1 were spirits of the #8pandaemonic' age1 nameless like the ,lares with whom they are associated in the hymn of the ,fratres ,arvales#edi2 but one only1 ,semo ,sancus1 seems to have taken a name and survived into a later age1 and this one was identified with ,dius ,fidius4 ,aelius ,stilo1 the ,varro of the seventh century ,a4 ,u4 ,c41 seems to have started this identification#eej4 ,varro does not comment on it2 but ,verrius accepted it3 he writes of an #8aedes ,sancus1 qui deus ,dius ,fidius vocatur'#eea4 ,the evidence of inscriptions is explicit for a later period2 an altar1 for example1 found near the supposed site of his temple on the ,quirinal1 bears the inscription #8,sanco ,sancto ,semoni deo fidio sacrum'#eeb4 ,and there is nothing in the words ,sancus and ,fidius to forbid the identification1 for both point to the same class of ideas--that of the bond which religious feeling places on men in their duties to1 and contracts with1 each other4 ,they are in fact two different names for the same religious conception4 ,it is interesting to find them both occurring in the great processional inscription of ,iguvium in ,umbria3 ,fisus or ,fisovius ,sancius1 who is there invoked next after ,jupiter1 seems to unite the two deities in a single name#eec4 ,this conjunction would seem to save us from the necessity of discussing the question whether ,sancus1 as has often been insisted on by scholars both ancient and modern#eed1 was really the ,sabine form of ,dius ,fidius2 for if in ,umbria the two are found together1 as at ,rome1 there is no reason why the same should not have been the case throughout central ,italy4 ,the question would never have been asked had the fluid nature of the earliest ,italian deities and the adjectival character of their names been duly taken account of4 ,we are all of us too apt to speak of this primitive spirit-world in terms of a later polytheistic theology1 and to suppose that the doubling of a name implies some distinction of origin or race4 ,dius ,fidius1 then1 and ,semo ,sancus are both ,latin names for the same religious conception1 the impersonality of which caused it to lose vitality as new and anthropomorphic ideas of the divine came into vogue at ,rome4 ,but there is at least some probability that it survived in a fashion under the name of an intruder1 ,hercules2 and the connexion with ,hercules will show1 what we might already have guessed1 that the religious conception we are speaking of was very near akin to that of ,jupiter himself4 ,there is clear evidence that the best ,roman scholars identified not only ,dius ,fidius with ,semo ,sancus1 but both of these with ,hercules4 ,varro1 in a passage already quoted1 tells us that ,stilo believed ,dius ,fidius to be the ,sabine ,sancus and the ,greek ,hercules2 ,verrius ,flaccus1 if his excerptors represent him rightly1 in two separate glosses identified all these three#eee4 ,again1 the ,roman oaths me dius fidius and me hercule are synonymous2 that the former was the older can hardly be doubted1 and the latter must have come into vogue when the ,greek oath by ,heracles became familiar4 ,thus the origin of me hercule must be found in a union of the characteristics of ,hercules with those of the native ,dius ,fidius4 ,it is worth noting that in pronouncing both these oaths it was the custom to go out into the open air#eef4 ,here is a point at which both ,hercules and ,dius ,fidius seem to come into line with ,jupiter2 for the most solemn oath of all was per ,iovem 7lapidem71 also taken under the light of heaven#eeg1 as was the case with the oath at the altar of in ,greece#eeh4 ,yet another point of conjunction is the ara maxima at the entrance to the ,circus ,maximus1 which was also a place where oaths were taken and treaties ratified#eei2 this was the altar of ,hercules ,victor1 to whom the tithes of spoil were offered2 and this was also associated with the legend of ,hercules and ,cacus4 ,in the deity by whom oaths were sworn1 and in the deity of the tithes and the legend1 it is now acknowledged on all hands that we should recognize a great ,power whom we may call ,dius ,fidius1 or ,semo ,sancus1 or the ,genius ,iovius1 or even ,jupiter himself#efj4 ,tithes1 oaths1 and the myth of the struggle of light with darkness1 cannot be associated with such a figure as the ,hercules who came to ,italy from ,greece2 tithes are the due of some great god1 or lord of the land#efa1 oaths are taken in the presence of the god of heaven1 and the great nature myth only descends by degrees to attach itself to semi-human figures4 ,we are here indeed in the presence of very ancient ,italian religious ideas1 which we can only very dimly apprehend1 and for the explanation of which--so far as explanation is possible--there is not space in this work4 ,but before we leave ,dius ,fidius1 ,i will briefly indicate the evidence on which we may rest our belief 7#a7 that as ,semo ,sancus1 he is connected with ,jupiter as the god of the heaven and thunder2 and 7#b7 that as ,hercules he is closely related to the same god as seen in a different aspect4 #a4 ,in the ,iguvian inscription referred to above ,sancius in one place appears in conjunction with ,iovius#efb2 and1 as we have seen1 it is also found in the same ritual with ,fisu or ,fisovius4 ,in this same passage of the inscription 7which is a manual of ritual for the ,fratres ,attidii1 an ancient religious brotherhood of ,iguvium71 the priest is directed to have in his hand an urfita 7orbita71 i4 e4 either disk or globe2 and this urfita has been compared#efc1 not without reason1 with the orbes mentioned by ,livy#efd as having been made of brass after the capture of ,privernum and placed in the temple of ,semo ,sancus4 ,if we may safely believe that such symbols occur chiefly in the worship of deities of sun and heaven1 as seems probable1 we have here some evidence1 however imperfect1 for the common origin of ,sancus and ,jupiter4 ,again1 there was in ,roman augural lore a bird called sanqualis avis1 which can hardly be dissociated from the cult of ,sancus2 for there was also an ancient city gate1 the porta ,sanqualis1 near the sacellum ,sancus on the ,quirinal#efe4 ,pliny's language about this bird shows that this bit of ancient lore was almost lost in his time2 but at the same time he makes it clear that it was believed to belong to the eagle family1 which played such an important part in the science of augury4 ,the only concrete fact that seems to be told us about this bird is that in ,b4,c4 #agg one struck with its beak a sacred stone at ,crustumerium--a stone1 it would seem1 that had fallen from heaven1 i4 e4 a thunder-stone or a meteorite#eff4 ,bearing this in mind1 we are not surprised to find further traces of a connexion between ,sancus and thunderbolts4 ,there was at ,rome a decuria of sacerdotes bidentales1 in close association with the cult of ,sancus4 ,three votive altars are extant1 dedicated to the god by this decuria#efg2 two of them were found on the ,quirinal1 close to the site of the sacellum ,sancus4 ,now the meaning of the word bidental shows that the decuria had as its duty the care of the sacred spots which had been struck by thunderbolts2 such a spot1 which was also called puteal from its resemblance to a well fenced with a circular wall1 bore the name bidental1 presumably because two-year-old sheep 7bidentes7 were sacrificed there#efh4 ,consequently we again have ,sancus brought into connexion with the augural lore of lightning1 which made it a religious duty to bury the bolt1 and fence off the spot from profane intrusion4 ,yet another step forward in this dim light4 ,a bidental was one kind of templum1 as we are expressly told#efi2 and the temple of ,sancus itself seems to have had this peculiarity4 ,varro says that its roof was perforatum1 so that the sky might be seen through it#egj4 ,in a fragment of augural lore1 apparently genuine though preserved by a writer of late date1 the caeli templum seems to have been conceived as a dome1 or a ball 7orbis7 cut in half1 with a hole in the top#ega4 ,we may allow that we are here getting out of our depth2 but the general result of what has been put forward is that ,sancus ,dius ,fidius was originally a spirit or numen of the heaven1 and a wielder of the lightning1 closely allied to the great ,jupiter1 whose cult1 combined with that of ,hercules1 had almost obliterated him in historical times4 ,finally1 it would seem that those moral attributes of ,jupiter which give him a unique position in the ,roman theology as the god of truth1 order1 and concord1 belonged at one period also to ,sancus as ,dius ,fidius2 for in his temple was kept the most ancient treaty of which the ,romans knew1 that said to have been made by ,tarquinius ,superbus with ,gabii1 which ,dionysius must himself have seen#egb1 and which he describes as consisting of a wooden clypeus1 bound with the hide of a sacrificed ox1 and bearing ancient letters4 ,here also was the reputed statue of ,gaia ,caecilia or ,tanaquil1 the ideal ,roman matron2 of which it has been conjectured1 rashly perhaps1 but by an authority of weight1 that it really represented a humanized female form of ,dius ,fidius1 standing to him as the ,junones of women stood to the ,genii of men1 or as ,juno in the abstract to ,genius in the abstract#egc4 #b4 ,the last sentence of the preceding paragraph may aptly bring us to our second point1 viz4 the relation to ,jupiter of ,dius ,fidius as ,hercules4 ,those who read the article #8,dius ,fidius' in ,roscher's ,lexicon will be struck by the fact that so cautious a writer as ,professor ,wissowa should boldly identify this deity1 at the very outset of his account1 with the #8,genius ,iovis'2 and this conjecture1 which is not his own1 but rather that of the late ,professor ,reifferscheid of ,breslau#egd1 calls for a word of explanation4 ,more than thirty years ago ,reifferscheid published a paper in which he compared certain points in the cults of ,juno and ,hercules1 of which we have a meagre knowledge from ,roman literature1 with some works of art of ,etruscan or ancient ,italian origin 7i4 e4 not ,greek71 and found that they seemed to throw new and unexpected light on each other4 ,the ,roman women1 we are told#ege1 did not swear by ,hercules1 but by #8their ,juno'2 the men swore by ,hercules1 ,dius ,fidius1 or by their ,genius#egf4 ,women were excluded from the cult of ,hercules at the ara maxima#egg2 men were excluded1 not indeed from the cult of ,juno1 but 7as ,reifferscheid puts it7 #8from that of ,bona ,dea1 who was not far removed from ,juno#egh4' ,at the birth of a child1 a couch 7lectus7 was spread in the atrium for ,juno1 a mensa for ,hercules#egi4 ,the bride's girdle 7cingulum7 seems to have given rise to a cult-title of ,juno1 viz4 ,cinxia1 while the knot in it which was loosed by the bridegroom at the lectus genialis was called the nodus herculaneus#ehj4 ,now ,reifferscheid believed that he found the same conjunction of ,juno and ,hercules in several works of art1 which may be supposed to be reflections from the same set of ideas which produced the usages just indicated4 ,in the most important of these there is indeed no doubt about it2 this is a mirror of ,etruscan workmanship#eha1 in which three figures are marked with the ,latin names ,,iovei 7,jupiter71 ,,iuno and ,,hercele4 ,jupiter sits on an altar in the middle1 and with his right hand is touching ,juno1 who has her left hand on his shoulder2 ,hercules stands with his club1 apparently expectant1 on the left4 ,from certain indications in the mirror 7for which ,i must refer the reader to the illustration on p4 #bbei of ,roscher's ,lexicon7 ,reifferscheid concluded that ,jupiter was here giving ,juno in marriage to ,hercules2 and1 in spite of some criticism1 this interpretation has been generally accepted#ehb4 ,in other works of art he found the same conjunction1 though no names mark the figures2 in these ,hercules and ,juno1 if such they be1 appear to be contending for the mastery1 rather than uniting peacefully in wedlock#ehc4 ,this conjunction1 or opposition1 of ,juno and ,hercules1 is thus explained by ,reifferscheid4 ,the name ,juno represents the female principle in human nature#ehd2 the #8genius' of a woman was called by this name1 and the cult of ,juno as a developed goddess shows many features that bear out the proposition#ehe4 ,if these facts be so1 then the inference to be drawn from the conjunction or opposition of ,juno and ,hercules is that the name ,hercules indicates the male principle in human nature4 ,but the male principle is also expressed in the word ,genius1 as we see e4 g4 in the term lectus genialis2 ,hercules therefore and ,genius mean the same thing--the former name having encroached upon the domain of the latter1 as a ,latinized form of ,heracles1 of all ,greek heroes or divinities the most virile4 ,and if ,hercules1 ,semo ,sancus and ,dius ,fidius are all different names for the same idea1 then the word ,genius may be taken as equivalent to the two last of these as well as to ,hercules#ehf4 ,but why does ,reifferscheid go on to tell us that this ,genius1 i4 e4 ,hercules ,sancus ,dius ,fidius1 is the ,genius ,iovis8 ,how does he connect this many-titled conception with the great father of the sky8 ,as a matter of fact1 he has but slender evidence for this2 he relies on the mirror in which he found ,jupiter giving ,juno to ,hercules1 and on the conjecture that the ,greek ,hercules1 the son of ,zeus1 would easily come to occupy in ,italy the position of ,genius1 if the latter were1 in an abstract form and apart from individual human life1 regarded as the ,genius of ,jupiter#ehg4 ,and in this he is followed by ,wissowa and other writers in ,roscher's ,lexicon4 ,it would perhaps have been wiser not to go so far as this4 ,he has already carried us back to a world of ideas older than these varying names which so often bewilder us in the ,roman worship--to a world of spirits1 ,semones1 ,lares1 ,cerri1 ghosts of deceased ancestors1 vegetation demons1 and men's #8other souls4' ,when he talks of a ,genius ,iovis#ehh1 he is surely using the language of later polytheism to express an idea which belonged1 not to a polytheistic age1 but to that older world of religious thought4 ,he is doing1 in fact1 the very thing which the ,romans themselves were doing all through the period of the ,republic--the one thing which above all others has made the study of their religious ideas such a treacherous quagmire for the modern student4 ,,vi ,,id4 ,,iun4 7,,june #h74 ,n4 ,,menti ,,in ,,capitolio4 7,,ven4 ,,maff4 ,,vi ,,minores47 ,the temple of ,mens was vowed by ,t4 ,otacilius 7praetor7 in #bag ,b4,c41 after the battle of ,trasimenus #8propter neglegentiam caerimoniarum auspiciorumque#ehi1' and dedicated in #bae ,b4,c41 by the same man as duumvir aedibus dedicandis#eij4 ,the vow was the result of an inspection of the ,sibylline books1 from which we might infer that the goddess was a stranger#eia4 ,if so1 who was she1 and whence8 ,reasoning from the fact that in the same year1 in the same place1 and by the same man1 a temple was dedicated to ,venus ,erycina#eib1 ,preller guessed that this ,mens was not a mere abstraction1 but another form of the same ,venus2 for a ,venus ,mimnermia or ,meminia is mentioned by ,servius#eic1 #8quod meminerit omnium4' ,however this may be1 the foundation of a cult of ,mens at so critical a moment of their fortunes is very characteristic of the ,roman spirit of that age2 it was an appeal to #8something not themselves which made for righteousness' to help them to remember their caerimoniae1 and not to neglect their auspicia4 ,it is remarkable that this temple of ,mens was restored by ,m4 ,aemilius ,scaurus probably amid the disasters of the ,cimbrian war a century later#eid4 ,,vii ,,id4 ,,iun4 7,,june #g74 ,n4 ,,vesta ,,aperit4 7,,philoc47 ,v ,,id4 ,,iun4 7,,june #i74 ,n4 ,,vestalia4 7,,tusc4 ,,ven4 ,,maff47 ,,xvii ,,kal4 ,,quinct4 7,,june #ae74 ,n4 ,,vesta ,,cluditur4 7,,philoc47 ,,xvii ,,kal4 ,,quinct4 7,,june #ae74 ,q4 ,,st4 ,d4 ,f4 ,it would seem from these notes in the calendars1 and from passages in ,ovid and ,festus#eie1 that both before and after the day of the true ,vestalia there were days set apart for the cult of the goddess1 which were nefasti and also religiosi#eif4 ,ovid's lines are worth quoting2 he consults the ,flaminica ,dialis#eig about the marriage of his daughter3 ,tum mihi post sacras monstratur ,iunius idus ,utilis et nuptis1 utilis esse viris1 ,primaque pars huius thalamis aliena reperta est1 ,nam mihi sic coniunx sancta ,dialis ait2 #8,donec ab ,iliaca placidus purgamina ,vesta ,detulerit flavis in mare ,thybris aquis1 ,non mihi detonsos crines depectere buxo1 ,non ungues ferro subsecuisse licet1 ,non tetigisse virum1 quamvis ,iovis ille sacerdos1 ,quamvis perpetua sit mihi lege datus4 ,tu quoque ne propera4 ,melius tua filia nubet ,ignea cum pura ,vesta nitebit humo4' ,what is the meaning of this singular aspect of the ,vesta-cult8 ,why should these days be so ill-omened or so sacred that during them marriages might not be celebrated1 and the priestess of ,jupiter might not hold any intercourse with her husband1 cut her hair1 or pare her nails8 ,and what is the explanation of the annotation ,quando ,stercus ,delatum ,fas#eih1 which on the #aeth indicated the breaking of the spell1 and a return to ordinary ways of life8 ,before attempting to answer these questions1 it will be as well to say a few words about the nature and probable origin of the worship of ,vesta4 ,owing to the remarkable vitality and purity of this cult throughout the whole of ,roman history1 we do not meet here with those baffling obscurities which so often beset us in dealing with deities that had lost all life and shape when ,roman scholars began to investigate them4 ,and yet we know that we are here in the presence of rites and ideas of immemorial antiquity4 ,in an article of great interest in the ,journal of ,philology for #ahheeii1 ,mr4 ,j4 ,g4 ,frazer first placed the origin of the cult in a clear light for ,english scholars4 ,by comparing it with similar practices of existing peoples still in a primitive condition of life1 he made apparent the real germ of the institution of the ,vestal ,virgins4 ,helbig1 in his ,italiker in der ,poebene#fjj1 had already recognized that germ in the necessity of keeping one fire always alight in each settlement1 so that its members could at any time supply themselves with the flame1 then so hard to procure at a moment's notice2 and ,mr4 ,frazer had only to go one step further1 and show that the task of keeping this fire alight was that of the daughters of the chief4 ,this step he was able to take1 supported by evidence from ,damaraland in ,south ,africa1 where the priestess of the perpetual fire is the chief's daughter2 quoting also the following example from ,calabria in ,southern ,italy3 #8,at the present day the fire in a ,calabrian peasant's house is never 7except after a death7 allowed to die quite out1 even in the heat of summer2 it is a bad omen if it should chance to be extinguished1 and the girls of the house1 whose special care it is to keep at least a single brand burning on the hearth1 are sadly dismayed at such a mishap4' ,the evidence of the ,roman ius sacrum quite confirms this modern evidence2 the ,vestals were under the patria potestas of the pontifex maximus1 who represented in republican times the legal powers of the ,rex1 and from this fact we may safely argue that they had once been the daughters of the primitive chief4 ,the flamines too1 or kindlers1 as being under the potestas of the pontifex1 may be taken as representing the sons of the primitive household#fja4 ,but from various reasons#fjb the duties of the flamines became obsolete or obscure2 while those of the ,vestals remained to give us an almost perfect picture of life in the household of the oldest ,latins4 ,from the first1 no doubt1 the tending of the fire was in some sense a religious service1 and the flame a sacred flame#fjc4 ,there must have been many stages of growth from this beginning to the fully developed ,vesta of the ,republic and ,empire2 yet we can see that the lines of development were singularly simple and consistent4 ,the sacred fire for example was maintained in the aedes ,vestae1 adjoining the king's house#fjd 7regia72 and the penus ,vestae1 which must originally have contained the stores on which the family depended for their sustenance1 was always believed to preserve the most sacred and valuable objects possessed by the ,state#fje4 ,we return to the ,vestalia1 of which the ritual was as follows4 ,on ,june #g1 the penus ,vestae1 which was shut all the rest of the year1 and to which no man but the pontifex maximus had at any time right of entry1 was thrown open to all matrons4 ,during the seven following days they crowded to it barefoot#fjf4 ,ovid relates his own experience#fjg3 ,forte revertebar festis ,vestalibus illa ,qua nova ,romano nunc via iuncta foro est4 ,huc pede matronam vidi descendere nudo3 ,obstipui tacitus sustinuique gradum4 ,the object of this was perhaps to pray for a blessing on the household4 ,on plain and old-fashioned ware offerings of food were carried into the temple3 the ,vestals themselves offered the sacred cakes made of the first ears of corn plucked1 as we saw1 in the early days of ,may#fjh2 bakers and millers kept holiday1 all mills were garlanded1 and donkeys decorated with wreaths and cakes#fji4 ,ecce coronatis panis dependet asellis ,et velant scabras florida serta molas4 ,on ,june #ae the temple 7aedes1 not templum7 was swept and the refuse taken away and either thrown into the ,tiber or deposited in some particular spot#faj4 ,then the dies nefasti came to an end2 and the #aeth itself became fastus as soon as the last act of cleansing had been duly performed3 #8,quando stercus delatum fas4' ,in this account of the ritual of these days1 two features claim special attention3 7#a7 the duties of the ,vestals in connexion with the provision of food2 7#b7 the fact that the days were religiosi1 as is illustrated by the prohibition of marriage and the mourning of the ,flaminica ,dialis4 ,that these two features were in some way connected seems proved by the cessation of the mourning when the penus ,vestae was once more closed4 #a4 ,it needs but little investigation to discover that1 though the germ of the cult was doubtless the perpetual fire in the king's house1 the cult itself was by no means confined to attendance on the fire2 and this was so probably from the very first4 ,the king's daughters fetched the water from the spring1 both for sacred and domestic purposes2 and this duty was kept up throughout ,roman history1 for water was never #8laid on' to the house of the ,vestals1 but carried from a sacred fountain#faa4 ,they also crushed the corn with pestle and mortar1 and prepared the cakes for the use of the family--duties which survived in all their pristine simplicity in the preparation of the mola salsa in the early days of ,may#fab2 and they swept the house1 as the ,vestals afterwards continued to cleanse the penus ,vestae1 on ,june #ae4 ,the penus1 or store-closet of the house1 was under their charge2 on the state of its contents the family depended for its comfort and prosperity1 and from the very outset it must have had a kind of sacred character#fac4 ,the close connexion of ,vesta and her ministrants with the simple materials and processes of the house and the farm is thus quite plain2 and we may trace it in every rite in which they took any part4 ,the ,fordicidia and the ,parilia in ,april were directly concerned with the flocks and herds of the community2 in ,may the festival of the ,bona ,dea and the mysterious ceremony of the ,argei point to the season of peril during the ripening of the crops4 ,after the ,vestalia the ,vestals were present at the ,consualia and the festival of ,ops ,consiva in ,august1 which1 as we shall see1 were probably harvest festivals2 and on the ,ides of ,october the blood of the #8,october horse' was deposited in their care for use at the ,fordicidia as a charm for fertility4 ,so constant is the connexion of ,vesta with the fruits of the earth1 that it is not surprising that some ,roman scholars#fad should have considered her an earth goddess2 especially as1 in a volcanic region1 the proper home of fire would be thought to be beneath the earth4 ,but such explanations1 and also the views of modern scholars who have sought to find in ,vesta a deity of abstract ideas1 such as #8the nourishing element in the fire'#fae1 are really superfluous4 ,the associations which grew up around the sacred hearth-fire can all be traced to the original germ1 if it be borne in mind that the fire1 the provision-store1 and the protecting deities of that store1 were all placed together in the centre of the house1 and that all domestic operations1 sacrificial or culinary1 took place at or by means of1 the necessary fire4 #8,what is home but another word for cooking8' ,nor must we forget that the living fire was for primitive man a mysterious thing1 and invested from the first with divine attributes#faf4 #b4 ,the fact that from the #eth to the #aeth the days were not only nefasti but also religiosi is not easy to explain4 ,it is true that in two other months1 ,february and ,april1 we find a parallel series of dies nefasti in the first half of the month2 in ,february it extended from the ,kalends to the ,lupercalia 7#aeth71 and in ,april from the ,nones to the ,vinalia 7#bcrd7#fag4 ,but these days in ,february and ,april were nefasti in the ordinary sense of the word1 i4 e4 the cessation of judicial business1 and we are not told of them that they were also religiosi1 or that the ,flaminica ,dialis lay during them under any special restrictions1 as in the days we are speaking of4 ,on the other hand1 we find to our surprise that the other days on which this priestess was forbidden to comb hair or cut nails were not even nefasti in the ordinary sense1 viz4 those of the #8moving' of the ancilia and of the ceremony of the ,argei#fah3 so that we are baffled at every point in looking for a solution to the calendar4 ,but there is one fact that is quite clear1 namely1 that the tempus nefastum was in some way or other the result of the purification of the aedes ,vestae1 since it ceased at the moment the last act of cleansing was completed4 ,now it does seem to be the case that among some peoples living by agriculture but as yet comparatively uncivilized1 special importance is attached to the days immediately before harvest and the gathering of the first-fruits--at which time there is a general cleaning out of house1 barns1 and all receptacles and utensils1 and following upon this a period of rejoicing4 ,mr4 ,frazer1 in his ,golden ,bough has collected some examples of this practice1 though he has not brought them together under one head or given them a single explanation4 ,the most striking1 and at the same time the best attested1 example is as follows#fai3 #8,among the ,creek ,indians of ,north ,america1 the busk1 or festival of firstfruits1 was the chief ceremony of the year4 ,it was held in ,july or ,august1 when the corn was ripe1 and marked the end of the old year and the beginning of the new one4 ,before it took place none of the ,indians would eat or even handle any of the new harvest4444 ,before celebrating the ,busk1 the people provided themselves with new clothes and new household utensils and furniture2 they collected their old clothes and rubbish1 together with all the remaining grain and other old provisions1 cast them together in one common heap and consumed them with fire4 ,as a preparation for the ceremony all the fires in the village were extinguished1 and the ashes swept clean away4 ,in particular the hearth or altar of the temple was dug up1 and the ashes carried out4444 ,meanwhile the women at home were cleaning out their houses1 renewing the old hearths1 and scouring all the cooking vessels that they might be ready to receive the new fire and the new fruits4 ,the public or sacred square was carefully swept of even the smallest crumbs of previous feasts1 for fear of polluting the first-fruit offerings4 ,also every vessel that had contained any food during the expiring year was removed from the temple before sunset4' ,a general fast followed1 we are told2 #8and when the sun was declining from the meridian1 all the people were commanded by the voice of a crier to stay within doors1 to do no bad act1 and to be sure to extinguish and throw away every spark of the old fire4 ,universal silence now reigned4 ,then the high priest made the new fire by the friction of two pieces of wood1 and placed it on the altar under the green arbour4 ,this new fire was believed to atone for all past crimes except murder4 ,then a basket of new fruits was brought2 the high priest took out a little of each sort of fruit1 rubbed it with bear's oil1 and offered it together with some flesh to the bountiful spirit of fire as a first-fruit offering and an annual oblation for sin4444 ,finally the chief priest made a speech1 exhorting the people to observe their old rites and customs1 announcing that the new divine fire had purged away the sins of the past year1 and earnestly warning the women that if any of them had not extinguished the old fire1 or had contracted any impurity1 they must forthwith depart lest the divine fire should spoil both them and the people4' ,the four chief points in this very interesting account are1 7#a7 the extremely solemn and critical character of the whole ceremonial1 as indicated in the general fast2 7#b7 the idea of the necessity of purification preparatory to the reception of first-fruits1 a purification which seems to extend to human beings as well as to houses1 receptacles1 and utensils2 7#c7 the renewal of the sacred fire1 which was coincident with the beginning of a new year2 7#d7 the solemn reception of the first-fruits4 ,comparing these with ,roman usage1 we notice that the first two are fully represented at the ,vestalia1 the one by the religious character of the days1 and the mourning of the ,flaminica ,dialis1 the other by the cleansing of the penus ,vestae1 and the careful removal of all its refuse4 ,the third is represented1 not at the ,vestalia1 but at the beginning of the year on ,march #a1 when the sacred fire was renewed1 as we saw1 in the primitive fashion by the friction of two pieces of wood1 and the temple of ,vesta was adorned with fresh laurels1 as was the case also with the altar in the ,american example just quoted4 ,the fourth point is represented neither in ,march nor ,june1 but rather by the plucking of the first ears of corn by the ,vestals before the ,ides of ,may1 from which they made the sacred salt-cakes of sacrifice4 ,now we need not go the length of assuming that the ,roman ceremonies of ,march1 ,may and ,june were three parts of one and the same rite which in course of time had been separated and attached to different periods of the year2 though this indeed may not be wholly impossible4 ,but we may at least profitably notice that all the four striking features of the ,indian ceremony are found in the cult of ,vesta1 and descended no doubt to the later ,romans from an age in which both the crops1 the fire and the store-houses were regarded as having much the same sacred character as they had for the ,creek ,indians4 ,to me indeed it had seemed probable1 even before the publication of ,mr4 ,frazer's ,golden ,bough1 that the cleansing of the penus ,vestae was nothing but a survival of a general purification of store-houses1 barns1 utensils1 and probably of all the apparatus of farming1 including perhaps human beings1 before the completion of the harvest which was now close at hand4 ,the date of the ,vestalia is indeed too early to let us suppose it to have been a real harvest festival1 nor had it any of the joyous character found in such rites2 and1 as we shall see1 the true harvest festivals are to be found in the month of ,august4 ,the corn harvest in middle ,italy took place in the latter half of ,june and in ,july#fbj2 and1 as is everywhere still the practice1 the festivals proper did not occur until the whole work of harvesting was done4 ,but at the time of the ,vestalia the crops were certainly ripening2 in ,may we have already had the plucking of the first ears by the ,vestals1 and the lustratio segetum which has been described under the head of ,ambarvalia on ,may #bh4 ,i must leave to anthropologists the further investigation of the ideas underlying the ritual we have been examining2 it is something to have been able to co-ordinate it with rites which are so well attested as those of the ,creek ,indians1 and which admit without difficulty of a reasonable interpretation#fba4 ,,iii ,,id4 ,,iun4 7,,june #aa74 ,n4 ,,mat,,ralia4 7,,tusc4 ,,ven4 ,,maff47 ,,matr,i ,,matut,,ae4 7,,ven47 ,,matralia4 7,,philoc47 ,the temple of which this day was apparently the dies natalis dated from the ,veientine ,war1 #cif ,b4,c41 and was the result of a vow made by ,l4 ,furius ,camillus#fbb4 ,an earlier temple was attributed to ,servius ,tullius2 but it is extremely improbable that anything more than a sacellum or altar existed at such an early date#fbc4 ,the cult of ,mater ,matuta was widely extended in ,italy1 and clearly of genuine and ancient ,italian origin2 she can be separated with certainty from the ,greek goddess ,leucothea with whom ,ovid mixes her up1 and from whom she derived a connexion with harbours which did not originally belong to her#fbd4 ,the evidence for the wide spread of her cult consists of 7#a7 two extremely old inscriptions from ,pisaurum in ,umbria1 of which ,mommsen observes1 #8lingua meram vetustatem spirat'#fbe2 7#b7 certain inscriptions and passages of ,livy which prove that her worship existed among the ,volsci1 in ,campania1 and at ,praeneste#fbf4 ,at ,satricum she was apparently the chief deity of the place and probably also at ,pyrgi1 the port of ,caere in ,etruria#fbg4 ,the cult seems to have had some marked peculiarities1 of which one or two fragments have come down to us4 ,only the wife of a first marriage could deck the image of the goddess#fbh2 no female slaves were allowed in the temple except one1 who was also driven out of it with a box on the ear1 apparently as a yearly recurring memorial of the rule#fbi2 the sacred cakes offered were cooked in old-fashioned earthenware#fcj2 and1 lastly1 the women are said to have prayed to this goddess for their nephews and nieces in the first place1 and for their own children only in the second#fca4 ,all that can be deduced from these fragments is that the ,mater ,matuta was an ancient deity of matrons1 and perhaps of the same type as other deities of women such as ,carmenta1 ,fortuna1 and ,bona ,dea#fcb4 ,the best modern authorities explain her as a goddess of the dawn's light and of child-birth1 and see a parallel in ,juno ,lucina#fcc2 and ,mommsen has pointed out that the dawn was thought to be the lucky time for birth1 and that the ,roman names ,lucius and ,manius have their origin in this belief#fcd4 ,lucretius shows us that in his day ,mater ,matuta was certainly associated with the dawn#fce3 roseam ,matuta per oras ,aetheris auroram differt et lumina pandit4 ,we should1 however1 be glad to be more certain that ,matuta was originally a substantive meaning dawn or morning4 ,verrius ,flaccus#fcf seems to have believed that the words mane1 maturus1 matuta1 manes1 and mnus1 all had the meaning of #8good' contained in them2 so that ,mater ,matuta might after all be only another form of the ,bona ,dea1 who is also specially a woman's deity4 ,but this cult was not preserved1 like that of ,vesta1 by being taken up into the essential life of the ,state1 and we are no longer able to discern its meaning with any approach to certainty4 ,it is noticeable that this day was1 according to ,ovid#fcg1 the dedication of a temple of ,fortuna1 also in foro boario3 but no immediate connexion can be discovered between this deity and ,mater ,matuta4 ,this temple was remarkable as containing a wooden statue1 veiled in drapery1 which was popularly believed to represent ,servius ,tullius#fch1 of whose connexion with ,fortuna we shall have more to say further on4 ,no one1 however1 really knew what the statue was2 ,varro and ,pliny#fci write of one of ,fortuna herself which was heavily draped1 and may have been the one in this temple4 ,pliny says that the statue of ,fortuna was covered with the togae praetextae of ,servius ,tullius1 which lasted intact down to the death of ,seianus2 and it is singular that ,seianus himself is said to have possessed a statue of ,fortuna which dated from the time of ,servius#fdj1 and which turned its face away from him just before his fall4 ,seianus was of ,etruscan descent1 we may remember2 ,servius ,tullius1 or ,mastarna1 was certainly ,etruscan2 and among ,etruscan deities we find certain shrouded gods#fda4 ,these facts seem to suggest that the statue 7or statues1 if we cannot refer all the passages above quoted to one statue7 came from ,etruria1 and was on that account a mystery both to the learned and the ignorant at ,rome4 ,to us it must also remain unexplained#fdb4 ,,id4 ,,iun4 7,,june #ac74 ,,np4 ,,feriae ,,iovi4 7,,ven47 ,,iovi4 7,,tusc47 ,to these notes in the calendars we may add a few lines from ,ovid3 ,idibus ,invicto sunt data templa ,iovi4 ,et iam ,quinquatrus iubeor narrare minores3 ,nunc ades o coeptis1 flava ,minerva1 meis4 ,cur vagus incedit tota tibicen in urbe8 ,quid sibi personae1 quid stola longa volunt8 ,all ,ides1 as we have seen1 were sacred to ,jupiter2 they are so noted in the surviving calendars in ,may1 ,june1 ,august1 ,september1 ,october and ,november1 and were probably originally so noted in all the months#fdc4 ,on this day the collegium or guild of the tibicines feasted in the temple of ,jupiter ,capitolinus#fdd4 ,the temple referred to by ,ovid of ,jupiter ,invictus as having been dedicated on this day may possibly have been one of two mentioned by ,livy as dedicated on the ,capitol in ,b4,c4 #aibfde2 but the coincidence of a dedication-day with the ,ides may perhaps suggest a higher antiquity#fdf4 ,for the right meaning and derivation of the word ,quinquatrus the reader is referred to what has been already said under ,march #ai4 ,june #ac was usually called ,quinquatrus minusculae1 not because it was really ,quinquatrus 7i4 e4 five days after the ,ides71 but because through the feast of the tibicines it was associated with their patron ,minerva#fdg1 in whose temple on the ,aventine they met1 apparently before they set out on the revelling procession to which ,ovid refers#fdh4 ,varro makes this clear when he writes #8,quinquatrus minusculae dictae ,iuniae ,idus ab similitudine maiorum'#fdi1 i4 e4 it was not really ,quinquatrus1 but was popularly so called because the other festival of ,minerva and her followers bore that name4 ,verrius ,flaccus was equally explicit on the point3 #8,minusculae ,quinquatrus appellantur quod is dies festus est tibicinum1 qui colunt ,minervam cuius deae proprie festus dies est ,quinquatrus mense ,martio'#fej4 ,the revelry of the tibicines1 during which they wore the masks and long robes mentioned by ,ovid1 was explained by a story which the poet goes on to tell1 and which is told also by ,livy and by ,plutarch with some variations#fea2 how they fled to ,tibur in anger at being deprived by ,appius ,claudius the censor of their feast in the ,capitol3 how they were badly missed at ,rome1 tricked and made drunk by a freedman at ,tibur1 and sent home unconscious on a big waggon4 ,the story is genuinely ,roman in its rudeness and in the rough humour which ,ovid fully appreciates2 the favourite feature of a secession is seen in it1 and also the peaceful settlement of difficulties by compromise and contract4 ,i see no reason why it should not be the echo of an actual event1 though in detail it is obviously intended to explain the masks and the long robes4 ,these are to be seen represented on a coin of the gens ,plautia#feb1 to which the fierce censor's milder colleague belonged1 who negotiated the return of the truants4 ,plutarch calls the #8stolae longae' women's clothes2 but it is more natural to suppose that they were simply the dress of ,etruscan pipe-players of the olden time#fec4 ,the story well shows the universal use of the tibia in all sacred rites2 the tibicines were indispensable1 and had to be got back from ,tibur by fair means or foul4 ,as ,ovid says3 ,cantabat fanis1 cantabat tibia ludis1 ,cantabat maestis tibia funeribus4 ,the instrument was probably indigenous in ,italy1 and the only indigenous one of which we know4 #8,the word tibia1' says ,professor ,nettleship#fed1 #8is purely ,italian1 and has1 so far as ,i can find1 no parallel in the cognate languages4' ,mller1 in his work on the ,etruscans1 does indeed assume that the ,roman tibicines were of ,etruscan origin1 which would leave the ,romans without any musical instrument of their own4 ,the probability may rather be that it was the general instrument of old ,italy1 specially cultivated by the one ,italian race endowed with anything like an artistic temperament4 ,,xii ,,kal4 ,,iun4 7,,june #bj74 ,c4 ,,summan,o ,,ad ,,circ,,um ,,maxim,,um4 7,,ven4 ,,esq4 ,,amit47 ,to this note may be added that of ,ovid#fee3 ,reddita1 quisquis is est1 ,summano templa feruntur1 ,tum cum ,romanis1 ,pyrrhe1 timendus eras4 ,the date of the foundation of the temple of ,summanus was probably between #bgh and #bge ,b4,c4#fef2 the foundation was the result of the destruction by lightning1 no doubt at night1 of a figure of ,jupiter on the ,capitol#feg4 ,who was this ,summanus8 ,ovid's language1 quisquis is est1 shows that even in his time this god1 like ,semo ,sancus1 ,soranus1 and others1 had been fairly shouldered out of the course by more important or pushing deities4 ,in the fourth century ,a4,d4 ,s4 ,augustine#feh1 well read in the works of ,varro and the ,roman antiquarians1 could write as follows3 #8,sicut enim apud ipsos legitur1 ,romani veteres nescio quem ,summanum1 cui nocturna fulmina tribuebant1 coluerunt magis quam ,iovem--sed postquam ,iovi templum insigne ac sublime constructum est1 propter aedis dignitatem sic ad eum multitudo confluxit1 ut vix inveniatur1 qui ,summani nomen1 quod audire iam non potest1 se saltem legisse meminerit4' ,in spite of the decay and disappearance of this god we may believe that the ,christian ,father has preserved the correct tradition as to his nature when he tells us that he was the wielder of the lightning of the night1 or in other words a nocturnal ,jupiter4 ,we do in fact find a much earlier statement to the same effect traceable to ,verrius ,flaccus#fei4 ,varro also mentions him and classes him with ,veiovis1 and with the ,sabine deities whom he believed to have been brought to ,rome by ,tatius#ffj4 ,there is1 however1 no need to suppose with ,varro that he was ,sabine1 or with ,mller that he was ,etruscan#ffa2 the name is ,latin and probably ,submanus1 i4 e4 the god who sends the lightning before the dawn4 ,it is interesting to find the wheel symbol here again1 as is noticed by ,gaidoz in his ,studies of ,gallic ,mythology#ffb4 ,we can hardly doubt that the ,summanalia which ,festus explains as #8liba farinacea in modum rotae ficta#ffc#81 were cakes offered or eaten on this day3 it is hard to see what other connexion they could have had4 ,mr4 ,arthur ,evans has some interesting remarks#ffd on what seem to be moulds for making religious cakes of this kind1 found at ,tarentum2 they are decorated1 not only with the wheel or cross1 but with many curious symbols4 #8,it is characteristic1' he writes1 #8in a whole class of religious cakes that they are impressed with a wheel or cross1 and in other cases divided into segments as if to facilitate distribution4 ,this symbolical division seems to connect itself with the worship of the ancestral fire rather than with any solar cult4 ,in a modified form they are still familiar to us as 8hot-cross buns40' ,summanus1 however1 does not seem to have had anything to do with the ancestral fire4 ,,viii ,,kal4 ,,quinct4 7,,june #bd74 ,c4 ,,forti ,,fortunae ,,trans ,,tiber,,im ,,ad ,,milliar,,ium ,,prim,,um ,,et ,,sext,,um4 7,,amit47 ,,fortis ,,fortunae4 7,,ven4 ,,philoc47 ,,sacrum ,,fortis ,,fortunae4 7,,rust47 ,ovid writes of this day as follows#ffe3 ,ite1 deam laeti ,fortem celebrate1 ,quirites6 ,in ,tiberis ripa munera regis habet4 ,pars pede1 pars etiam celeri decurrite cymba1 ,nec pudeat potos inde redire domum4 ,ferte coronatae iuvenum convivia lintres3 ,multaque per medias vina bibantur aquas4 ,plebs colit hanc1 quia1 qui posuit1 de plebe fuisse ,fertur1 et ex humili sceptra tulisse loco4 ,convenit et servis2 serva quia ,tullius ortus ,constituit dubiae templa propinqua deae4 ,h4 ,peter1 in his additional notes to ,ovid's ,fasti#fff1 has one so lucid on the subject of the temples of ,fors ,fortuna mentioned in this passage that ,i cannot do better than reproduce it4 #8,we find three temples of the goddess mentioned1 all of which lay on the further side of the ,tiber4 ,the first was that of ,servius ,tullius mentioned by ,varro in the following passage#ffg3 8,dies ,fortis ,fortunae appellatus ab ,servio ,tullio rege1 quod is fanum ,fortis ,fortunae secundum ,tiberim extra urbem ,romam dedicavit ,iunio mense40 ,the second is one stated by ,livy#ffh to have been built by the consul ,spurius ,carvilius in #dfj ,b4,c4 near the temple of ,servius4 ,the third is mentioned by ,tacitus#ffi as having been dedicated at the end of the year #ag ,a4,d4 by ,tiberius1 also on the further side of the ,tiber in the gardens of ,caesar4 ,of these three temples the third does not concern us in dealing with ,ovid's lines1 because it was completed and dedicated long after the composition of the sixth book of the ,fasti1 perhaps at a time when ,ovid was already dead2 we have to do only with the first two4 ,now we find in the ,fasti of ,amiternum#fgj the following note on the #bdth of ,june3 8,forti ,fortunae trans ,tiberim ad milliarium primum et sextum02 and this taken together with ,ovid suggests that either besides the temple of ,carvilius there were two temples of ,fors ,fortuna attributed to ,servius1 or 7and this appears to me more probable7 the temple of ,carvilius itself was taken for a foundation of ,servius as it had the same dedication-day and was in the same locality4 ,in this way the difficulties may be solved4' ,i am disposed to accept the second suggestion of ,peter's2 for1 as ,mommsen has remarked#fga1 it is quite according to ,roman usage that ,carvilius should have placed his temple close to a much more ancient fanum of the same deity2 i4 e4 the principle of the locality of cults often held good through many centuries4 ,many cults of ,fortuna were referred to ,servius ,tullius1 but especially this one1 because1 as ,ovid says1 it was particularly a festival of the plebs of which he was the traditional hero2 and also because it was open to slaves1 a fact which was naturally connected with the supposed servile birth of this king4 ,the jollity and perhaps looseness of the occasion seemed to indicate a connexion between the lower stratum of population and the worship of ,fortuna3 #8,on foot and in boats1' says ,ovid1 #8the people enjoyed themselves even to the extent of getting drunk4' ,we are reminded in fact of the plebeian license of the festival of ,anna ,perenna in ,march#fgb4 ,it is perhaps worth noting that on ,june #ah the calendar of ,philocalus has the note ,annae ,sacrum1 which unluckily finds no corroboration from any other source4 ,whether it was an early popular cult1 whether it was connected in any way with that of ,fors ,fortuna1 and whether both or either of them had any immediate relation to the summer solstice1 are questions admitting apparently of no solution4 ,it has rarely happened that any ,roman cult has been discussed at length in the ,english language1 especially by scholars of unquestionable learning and resource4 ,but on the subject of ,fortuna1 and ,fors ,fortuna1 an interesting paper appeared some years ago by ,prof4 ,max ,mller in his volume entitled ,biographies of ,words#fgc1 which ,i have been at great pains to weigh carefully4 ,the skill and lucidity with which the ,professor's arguments are1 as usual1 presented1 make this an unusually pleasant task4 ,he starts1 we must note1 with a method which in dealing with ,italian deities has been justly and emphatically condemned#fgd2 he begins with an etymology in order to discover the nature of the deity1 and goes on to support this by selecting a few features from the various forms of the cult4 ,this method will not of course be dangerous1 if the etymology be absolutely certain2 and absolute certainty1 so far as our present knowledge reaches1 is indeed what the ,professor claims for his4 ,though we may doubt whether the science of ,comparative ,philology is as yet old and sure enough to justify us in violating a useful principle in order to pay our first attentions to its results1 we may waive this scruple for the present and take the etymology in this case at the outset4 ,the ,professor alludes to the well-known and universally accepted derivation of ,fors and ,fortuna from ferre1 but rejects it3 #8,i appeal to those who have studied the biographies of similar ,latin words1 whether they do not feel some misgiving about so vague and abstract a goddess as 8,dea quae fert10 the goddess who brings4' ,but feeling the difficulty that ,fortuna may not indeed have been originally a deity at all1 but an abstract noun which became a deity1 like ,fides1 ,spes1 c41 in which case his objection to the derivation from ferre would not apply1 he hastens to remove it by trying to show from the early credentials of ,fortuna1 that she did not belong to this latter class1 but has characteristics which were undoubtedly heaven-born4 ,the process therefore was this3 the ordinary etymology1 though quite possible1 is vague and does not seem to lead to anything2 is there another to be discovered1 which will fulfil philological requirements and also tell us something new about ,fortuna8 ,and are there any features to be found in the cult which will bear out the new etymology when it is discovered8 ,he then goes on to derive the word from the ,sanskrit root ,,haer1 #8to glow1' from which many names expressive of the light of day have come3 #8,from this too comes the ,greek with the 1 the goddess of morning2 and from this we may safely derive fors1 fortis1 taking it either as a mere contraction1 or a new derivative1 corresponding to what in ,sanskrit would be ,har-ti1 and would mean the brightness of the day1 the ,fortuna huiusce diei4' ,so much for the etymological argument2 on which we need only remark1 7#a7 that while it may be perfectly possible in itself1 it does not impugn the possibility of the older derivation2 7#b7 that it introduces an idea #8bright1' hardly less vague and unsubstantial than that conveyed by #8the thin and unmeaning name' she who brings or carries away4 ,when1 indeed1 the ,professor goes on1 by means of this etymology1 to trace ,fortuna to a concrete thing1 viz4 the dawn1 he is really making a jump which the etymology does not specifically justify4 ,all he can say is that it would be #8a most natural name for the brightest of all goddesses1 the dawn1 the morning1 the day4' ,he looks1 however1 for further justification of the etymology to the cult and mythology of ,fortuna4 ,from among her many cult-names he selects two or three which seem suitable4 ,the first of these is ,fortuna huiusce diei4 ,this ,fortuna was1 he tells us1 like the ,ushas of the ,veda1 #8the bright light of each day1 very much like what we might call 8,good morning40' ,but as a matter of fact all we know of this ,fortuna is that ,aemilius ,paullus1 the victor of ,pydna1 vowed a temple to her in which he dedicated certain statues#fge2 that ,catulus1 the hero of ,vercellae1 may have repaired or rebuilt it1 and that on ,july #cj1 the day of the latter battle1 there was a sacrifice at this temple#fgf4 ,whatever therefore was the origin of this cult 7and it may date no further back than ,pydna7 it seems to have been specially concerned1 as its name implies1 with the events of particular famous days4 ,it is pure guesswork to imagine that its connexion with such days may have arisen from an older meaning1 viz4 the bright light of each day4 ,nothing is more natural than the huiusce diei1 if we believe that this ,fortuna simply represented chance1 that inexplicable power which appealed so strongly to the later sceptical and ,graecized ,roman1 and which we see in the majority of cult-names by which ,fortuna was known in the later ,republic4 ,the advocate of the dawn-theory1 on the other hand1 has to account for the total loss in the popular belief of the nature-meaning of the epithet and cult--a loss which is indeed quite possible1 but one which must necessarily make the theory less obvious and acceptable than the ordinary one4 ,secondly1 the ,professor points out1 that on ,june #aa1 the day of the ,matralia1 ,fortuna was worshipped coincidently with ,mater ,matuta--the latter being1 as he assumes beyond doubt1 a dawn-goddess4 ,but we have already seen that this assumption is not a very certain one#fgg2 and we may now add that the coincident worship must simply mean that two temples had the same dedication-day1 which may be merely accidental#fgh4 ,but the chief argument is based on the cult of ,fortuna ,primigenia1 #8the first-born of the gods1' as he translates the word1 in accordance with a recent elaborate investigation of its meaning#fgi4 ,this cult does indeed show very curious and interesting characters4 ,it belonged originally to ,praeneste1 where ,fortuna was the presiding deity of an ancient and famous oracle4 ,here have been found inscriptions to ,fortuna1 #8,,diovo,s ,,filea,i ,,primogenia,i1' the first-born daughter of ,jupiter#fhj4 ,here also1 strange to say1 ,cicero describes#fha an enclosure sacred to ,jupiter ,puer1 who was represented there with ,juno as sitting in the lap of ,fortuna #8mammam appetens4' ,this very naturally attracted ,prof4 ,max ,mller's keenest attention1 and he had no difficulty in finding his explanation3 ,fortuna is #8the first-born of all the bright powers of the sky1 and the daughter of the sky2 but likewise from another point of view the mother of the daily sun who is the bright child she carries in her arms4' ,this is charming2 but it is the language and thought1 not of ancient ,italians1 but of ,vedic poets4 ,the great ,latin scholar1 who had for years been soaking his mind in ,italian antiquities1 will hardly venture on an explanation at all3 #8haud ignarus quid deceat eum qui ,aboriginum regiones attingat#fhb4' ,i shall have occasion later on#fhc to say something of this very interesting and mysterious cult at ,praeneste4 ,at present ,i must be content with pointing out that it is altogether unsafe to regard it as representative of any general ideas of ancient ,italian religion4 ,as ,italian archaeologists are aware1 ,praeneste was a city in which ,etruscan and ,greek influences are most distinctly traceable1 and in which foreign deities and myths seem to have become mixed up with native ones1 to the extreme bewilderment of the careful inquirer#fhd4 ,we may accept the ,professor's explanation of it with all respect as a most interesting hypothesis1 but as no more than a hypothesis which needs much more information than we as yet possess to render it even a probable one4 ,by his own account the ,professor would not have been led so far afield for an explanation of ,fortuna if he had not been struck by the apparent difficulty involved in such a goddess as #8she who brings4' ,towards the removal of this difficulty1 however1 the late ,mr4 ,vigfusson did something in a letter to the ,academy of ,march #ag1 #ahhhfhe4 ,he equated ,fors and ,fortuna with the ,icelandic buror1 from a verb having quite as wide and general a meaning as fero1 and being its etymological equivalent4 #8,there is a department of its meanings1' he tells us1 #8through which runs the notion of an invisible1 passive1 sudden1 involuntary1 chance agency'2 and another1 in which bera means to give birth1 and produces a noun meaning birth1 and so lucky birth1 honour1 c4 ,the two ideas come together in the ,norse notion of the ,norns who presided at the birth of each child1 shaping at that hour the child's fortune#fhf4 ,it is rather to the ideas of peoples like the early ,teutons and ,celts that we must look for mental conditions resembling those of the early ,italians1 than to the highly developed poetical mythology of the ,vedas2 and it is in the direction which ,mr4 ,vigfusson pointed out that ,i think we should search for the oldest ,italian ideas of ,fortuna and for the causes which led to her popularity and development4 ,in a valuable paper1 to which ,i shall have occasion to refer again1 ,prof4 ,nettleship#fhg suggested that ,carmenta 7or ,carmentes7 may be explained with ,s4 ,augustine#fhh as the goddess or prophetess who tells the fortunes of the children1 and that this was the reason why she was especially worshipped by matrons1 like ,mater ,matuta1 ,fortuna and others4 ,the ,carmentes were in fact the ,norns of ,italy4 ,such a practical need as the desire to know your child's fortunes would be quite in harmony with what we know of the old ,italian character2 and ,i think it far from impossible that ,fortuna1 as an oracular deity in ,italy1 may have been originally a conception of the same kind1 perhaps not only a prophetess as regards the children1 but also of the good luck of the mother in childbirth4 ,perhaps the most striking fact in her multifarious cults is the predominance in them of women as worshippers4 ,of the very ,fortuna ,primogenia of whom we have been speaking ,cicero tells us that her ancient home at ,praeneste was the object of the special devotion of mothers#fhi4 ,the same was the case with ,fortuna ,virilis1 ,muliebris1 ,mammosa1 and others4 ,if we look at her in this light1 there is really no difficulty in understanding why what seems to us at first sight a very vague conception1 #8the goddess who brings1' should not have meant something very real and concrete to the early ,italian mind4 ,and again1 if that be so1 if ,fortuna be once recognized as a great power in ways which touched these essential and practical needs of human nature1 we may feel less astonishment at finding her represented either as the daughter or the mother of ,jupiter4 ,such representation could indeed hardly have been the work of really primitive ,italians2 it arose1 one may conjecture1 if not from some confusion which we cannot now unravel1 from the fame of the oracle--one of the very few in ,italy--and the consequent fame of the goddess whose name came to be attached to that oracle4 ,or1 as ,jordan seems to think1 it may have been the vicinity of the rock-oracle to the temple of ,jupiter which gave rise to the connexion between the two in popular belief2 a belief which was expressed in terms of relationship1 perhaps under ,greek influence1 but certainly in a manner for the most part absent from the unmythological ,italian religion4 ,why indeed in the same place she should be mother as well as daughter of ,jupiter 7if ,cicero be accurate in his account1 which is perhaps not quite certain7 may well puzzle us all4 ,those who cannot do without an explanation may accept that of ,prof4 ,max ,mller1 if they can also accept his etymology4 ,those who have acquired what ,mommsen has called the #8difficillima ars nesciendi1' will be content with ,jordan's cautious remark1 #8,non desunt vestigia divinum numen ,italis notum fuisse deis deabusve omnibus et hoc ipso in quo vivimus mundo antiquius#fij4' ,but ,fortuna has not only been conjectured to be a deity of the dawn2 she has been made out to be both a moon-goddess and a sun-goddess4 ,for her origin in the moon there is really nothing of any weight to be urged2 the advocate of this view is one of the least judicious of ,german specialists1 and his arguments need not detain us#fia4 ,but for her connexion with the sun there is something more to be said4 ,the dedication day of the temple of ,fors ,fortuna was exactly at the summer solstice4 ,it is now ,st4 ,john the ,baptist's day1 and one on which a great variety of curious local customs1 some of which still survive1 regularly occur2 and especially the midsummer fires which were until recently so common in our own islands4 ,attention has often been drawn to the fondness for parallelism which prompted the early ,christians to place the birth of ,christ at the winter solstice1 when the days begin to grow longer1 and that of the ,baptist--for ,june #bd is his reputed birthday as well as festival--at the summer solstice when they begin to shorten2 following the text1 #8,he must increase and ,i must decrease#fib4' ,certainly the sun is an object of special regard at all midsummer festivals1 and is supposed to be often symbolized in them by a wheel1 which is set on fire and in many cases rolled down a hill#fic4 ,now the wheel is of course a symbol in the cult of ,fortuna1 and is sometimes found in ,italian representations of her1 though not so regularly as the cornucopia and the ship's rudder which almost invariably accompany her#fid4 ,putting this in conjunction with the date of the festival of ,fors ,fortuna1 the ,celtic scholar ,gaidoz has concluded that ,fortuna was ultimately a solar deity#fie4 ,the solar origin of the symbol was1 he thinks1 quite forgotten2 but the wheel1 or the globe which sometimes replaces it1 was certainly at one time solar1 and perhaps came from ,assyria4 ,if so 7he concludes71 the earliest form of ,fortuna must have been a female double of the sun4 ,all hints are useful in ,roman antiquities1 and something may yet be made of this4 ,but it cannot be accepted until we are sure of the history and descent of this symbol in the representations of ,fortuna2 it is far from impossible that the wheel or globe may in this case have nothing more to do with the sun than the rudder which always accompanies it4 ,in any case it can hardly be doubted that it is not of ,italian origin2 it is found1 e4 g4 also in the cult of ,nemesis1 who1 like ,tyche1 ,eilithyia1 and ,leucothea1 is probably responsible for much variation and confusion in the worship of ,italian female deities#fif4 ,as to the other fact adduced by ,gaidoz1 viz4 the date of the festival1 it is certainly striking1 and must be given its full weight4 ,it is surprising that ,prof4 ,max ,mller has made no use of it4 ,but we must be on our guard4 ,it is remarkable that we find in the ,roman calendars no other evidence that the ,romans attached the same importance to the summer solstice as some other peoples2 the ,roman summer festivals are concerned1 in accordance with the true ,italian spirit1 much more with the operations of man in dealing with nature than with the phenomena of nature taken by themselves4 ,it is perhaps better to avoid a hasty conclusion that this festival of ,fors ,fortuna was on the #bdth because the #bdth was the end of the solstice1 and rather to allow the equal probability that it was fixed then because harvest was going on4 ,columella seems to be alluding to it in the following lines#fig3 ,sed cum maturis flavebit messis aristis ,allia cum cepis1 cereale papaver anetho ,iungite1 dumque virent1 nexos deferte maniplos1 ,et celebres ,fortis ,fortunae dicite laudes ,mercibus exactis1 hilaresque recurrite in hortos4 ,the power of ,fortuna as a deity of chance would be as important for the perils of harvest as for those of childbirth2 and it is in this connexion that the ,italians understood the meaning of that cornucopia which is perhaps her most constant symbol in art#fih4 ,lastly1 there is a formidable question1 which may easily lead the unwary into endless complications1 and on which ,i shall only touch very briefly4 ,how are we to explain the legendary connexion between the cult of ,fortuna and ,servius ,tullius8 ,that king1 the so-called second founder of ,rome1 was said1 as we have seen1 to have erected more than one sanctuary to ,fortuna1 and was even believed to have had illicit dealings with the goddess herself#fii4 ,the dedication-day of ,fors ,fortuna was said to have been selected by him1 and1 as ,ovid describes it1 was a festival of the poorer kind of people1 who thus kept up the custom initiated by the popular friend of the plebs4 ,since the ,etruscan origin of ,servius ,tullius has been placed beyond a doubt by the discovery of the famous tomb at ,vulci1 with the paintings of ,cales ,vibenna released from his bonds by ,mastarna#gjj1 which has thus confirmed the ,etruscan tradition of the identity of ,mastarna and ,servius preserved by the emperor ,claudius in his famous speech#gja1 it would seem that we may consider it as highly probable that if ,servius did really institute the cult of ,fortuna at ,rome1 that cult came with him from ,etruria4 ,this by no means compels us to look on ,fortuna as an ,etruscan deity only2 but it seems to be a fact that there was an ,etruscan goddess who was recognized by the ,romans as the equivalent of their ,fortuna#gjb4 ,this was ,nortia1 a great deity at ,volsinii1 as is fully proved by the remains found there#gjc2 and we may note that the city was near to and in close alliance with ,vulci1 where the tomb was found containing the paintings just alluded to4 ,seianus1 a native of ,volsinii#gjd1 was supposed to be under the protection of this deity1 and1 as we have already seen1 to possess an ancient statue of her4 ,in her temple a nail was driven every year as in the temple of ,jupiter ,capitolinus#gje1 and hence some have concluded that she was a goddess of time4 ,it cannot1 however1 be regarded as certain whether this nail-driving was originally symbolical only1 or at all1 of time2 it may quite as well remind us of the famous ,fortuna of ,antium and the #8clavos trabales' of ,horace's ,ode#gjf4 ,however this may be1 it is a fair guess1 though it must be made with hesitation1 that the ,fortuna of ,servius was the equivalent of this ,nortia1 to whom the ,roman plebs gave a name with which they were in some way already familiar4 ,mastarna continued to worship his native deity after he was settled in ,rome2 and the plebs continued to revere her1 not because of his luck1 which was indeed imperfect1 but simply because she was his protectress#gjg4 ,if we try to get beyond this we lose our footing2 and even this is only conjecture1 though based upon evidence which is not entirely without weight4 ,footnote #eje3 ,what can be said for this view may be read in ,roscher's article in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,iuno1 p4 #ege1 note4 ,footnote #ejf3 ,roscher's treatment of ,juno ,moneta 7,lex4 s4 v4 ,iuno1 #eic7 seems to me pure fancy2 this writer is apt to twist his facts and his inferences to suit a prepossession--in this case the notion of a of ,jupiter and ,juno4 ,footnote #ejg3 ,liv4 #g4 #bh2 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #f4 #ahc2 ,macrob4 #a4 #ab4 #cj4 ,footnote #ejh3 ,on this point see ,lewis1 ,credibility of ,early ,roman ,hist4 vol4 ii4 #cde4 ,footnote #eji3 ,dionys41 #ac4 #g1 says1 2 but this is no evidence for an early temple of ,juno ,moneta4 ,footnote #eaj3 ,apparently she was fond of such birds3 crows also were #8in tutela ,iunonis' at a certain spot north of the ,tiber 7,paul4 #fd71 and at ,lanuvium 7,preller1 i4 #bhc74 ,footnote #eaa3 ,liv4 #f4 #bj4 ,footnote #eab3 ,i have assumed that ,moneta is connected with moneo2 but there are other views 7,roscher1 ,lex4 #eic74 ,livius ,andronicus 7ap4 ,priscian1 p4 #fgi7 helps us to the meaning by translating 7of the ,odyssey7 by ,moneta4 ,footnote #eac3 ,macrob4 ,sat4 #a4 #ab4 #bb and #ca4 ,there was no temple of ,carna there but ,tertullianus 7ad ,nat4 #b4 #i7 mentions a fanum4 ,footnote #ead3 ,cp4 also the explanation from iuniores 7e4 g4 in ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #f4 #hc foll474 ,footnote #eae3 ,macrob4 #a4 #ab4 #cc #8,cui pulte fabacia et larido sacrificatur4' ,footnote #eaf3 ,even in the fourth century ,a4,d4 this was so3 see the calendar of ,philocalus4 ,footnote #eag3 ,colum4 ,,ii4 #b4 #bj2 ,pallad4 #g4 #c2 ,hartmann1 ,das ,rm4 ,kal4 #ace4 ,footnote #eah3 ,h4 ,n4 #ah4 #aag4 ,footnote #eai3 ,see above on ,lemuria1 p4 #aaj4 ,footnote #ebj3 de ,feriis1 xiii4 ,footnote #eba3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 iii4 #chic4 ,footnote #ebb3 ,there is really nothing in common between the two3 see ,wissowa in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,carna1 following ,merkel1 clxv4 ,what the real etymology of ,carna may be is undecided2 ,curtius and others have connected it with cor1 and on this ,o4 ,gilbert has built much foolish conjecture 7ii4 #ai foll474 ,i would rather compare it with the words ,garanus or ,recaranus of the ,hercules legend 7,bral1 ,herc4 et ,cacus1 pp4 #ei1 #fj71 and perhaps with ,gradivus1 ,grabovius4 ,the name of the #8nymph' ,cranae in ,ovid's account is in some ,,mss4 ,grane or ,crane4 ,h4 ,peter 7,fasti1 pt4 ii4 p4 #hi7 adopts the connexion with caro3 she is #8die das ,fleisch krftigende ,gttin' 7cp4 ,ossipago74 ,footnote #ebc3 ,fasti1 #f4 #afi-ahb4 ,lines #aja-acj are concerned with ,cardea2 #acj to #afh1 or the middle section of the comment1 seem1 as ,marquardt suggested 7p4 #ac1 note71 to be referable to ,carna 7as the averter of striges71 though the charms fixed on the postes show that ,ovid is still confounding her with ,cardea4 ,footnote #ebd3 ,the word strix is ,greek1 or at least identical with the ,greek word4 ,but the belief in vampires is so widely spread 7cf4 ,tylor1 ,prim4 ,cult4 ii4 #age foll47 that we must not conclude hastily that it came to ,italy with the ,greeks3 it is met with as early as ,plautus 7,pseud4 #c4 #b4 #bj74 ,cf4 ,pliny1 ,h4 ,n4 #aa4 #bcb4 ,footnote #ebe3 ,fasti1 #f4 #aee foll4 ,footnote #ebf3 ,the arbutus does not seem to be mentioned in connexion with charms except in this passage2 we might have expected the laurel4 ,btticher1 ,baumkultus1 #cbd4 ,footnote #ebg3 ,the sucking-pig is sacrificed1 as we gather from prosecta below2 i4 e4 to ,carna3 cp4 the cakes of lard eaten this day 7#afi foll474 ,footnote #ebh3 ,cp4 in the process of ghost-laying 7above1 p4 #aji7 the prohibition to look at the beans scattered4 ,footnote #ebi3 ,for the blackthorn 7,germ4 ,weissdorn7 see ,btticher1 ,baumkultus1 #cfa4 ,varro1 ap4 ,charisium1 p4 #aag #8fax ex spinu alba praefertur1 quod purgationis causa adhibetur4' ,footnote #ecj3 ,this is the passage that must have inspired ,o4 ,crusius in his paper on beans in ,rhein4 ,mus4 xxxix4 #afd foll4 #8,beans1' he says1 #8were the oldest ,italian food1 and like stone knives1 c41 survived in ritual4' ,we want1 indeed1 some more definite proof that they were really the oldest food2 and anyhow their use had not died out like that of stone implements4 ,they were a common article of food at ,athens3 ,aristoph4 ,knights1 #da2 ,lysist4 #ecg and #fia4 ,but it is not unlikely that their use in the cult of the dead may be a survival1 upon which odd superstitions grafted themselves4 ,for a parallel argument see ,roscher1 ,nektar und ,ambrosia1 #cf2 ,rhys1 ,celtic ,mythology1 #cef4 ,footnote #eca3 ,sat4 #a4 #ab4 #cb4 ,footnote #ecb3 ,no safe conclusion can be drawn from ,tertullian's inclusion 7ad ,nat4 #b4 #i7 of the fanum of ,carna on the ,caelian among those of di adventicii4 ,o4 ,gilbert has lately tried to make much of this 7ii4 #db foll471 and to find an ,etruscan origin for ,carna3 but see ,aust on the position of temples outside the pomoerium 7de ,aedibus sacris1 #dg74 ,footnote #ecc3 ,liv4 #g4 #bc2 ,dionys4 #f4 #ac4 ,footnote #ecd3 ,see on ,march #a1 above1 p4 #cg4 ,footnote #ece3 ,aust1 de ,aedibus sacris1 p4 #h4 ,the ,fasti ,venusini are #8omnium accuratissimi'2 ib4 p4 #dc4 ,aust goes so far as to doubt the true ,roman character of this ,mars1 and believes him to be the ,greek god ,ares4 ,see his note in ,lex4 #bcia4 ,the date of foundation is not certain1 but was probably not earlier than the ,gallic war1 #chh ,b4,c41 if it is this to which ,livy alludes in #f4 #e4 #h4 ,footnote #ecf3 ,liv4 #aj4 #ai4 ,there was a tradition that ,ap4 ,claudius1 ,cos4 #die ,b4,c41 had dedicated statues of his ancestors in a temple of ,bellona 7,pliny1 ,n4 ,h4 #ce4 #ab74 ,footnote #ecg3 ,serv4 ,aen4 ix4 #ec4 ,footnote #ech3 ,liv4 #a4 #cb4 #ab2 ,marq4 #dbb4 ,footnote #eci3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #f4 #bje foll42 ,paulus1 #cc4 ,footnote #edj3 ,willems1 ,le ,snat de la ,rpublique1 ii4 #afa4 ,footnote #eda3 ,this was originally suggested by ,gellius 7#ac4 #bc71 #8perhaps not without some reason1' says ,marquardt 7#ge74 ,this suggestion has grown almost into a certainty for the writer in the ,lexicon1 in a manner very characteristic of the present age of research4 ,there would be some reason to think that ,bellona 7or ,duellona7 was an ancient goddess of central ,italy1 if we could be sure that the inscription on an ancient cup1 in the museum at ,florence1 which may be read #8,belolae poculum' 7,c4 ,i4 ,l4 i4 #dd71 refers to this deity4 ,see ,lex4 s4 v4 ,belola4 ,footnote #edb3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #f4 #bji4 ,see ,commentarii in honorem ,th4 ,mommseni1 #bfb foll4 7,klgmann71 and ,r4 ,peter in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,herc4 p4 #bigi4 ,footnote #edc3 ,preller-,jordan1 ii4 #bif4 ,footnote #edd3 ,see below1 p4 #adf4 ,footnote #ede3 #i4 #fj1 where ,dius ,fidius4 ,footnote #edf3 #d4 #eh3 cp4 ,liv4 #h4 #bj2 ,aust1 de ,aedibus sacris1 p4 #ea4 ,of the porta ,sanqualis ,i shall have a word to say presently4 ,footnote #edg3 ,mr4 ,lang 7,myth1 ,ritual1 c41 ii4 #aia7 has some excellent remarks on this subject4 ,footnote #edh3 ,fasti1 #f4 #bac4 ,footnote #edi3 ,see ,wordsworth's ,fragments and ,specimens of ,early ,latin1 p4 #aeg #8,semunes alternos advocapit cunctos4' ,i follow ,jordan's explanation of #8,semunes1' in ,krit4 ,beitrge1 #bjd foll4 ,footnote #eej3 ,aelius ,dium ,fidium dicebat ,diovis filium1 ut ,graeci ,castorem1 et putabat hunc esse ,sancum ab ,sabina lingua et ,herculem a ,graeca' 7,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #e4 #ff74 ,footnote #eea3 ,festus1 #bda4 ,this is probably the sacellum of ,livy1 #h4 #bb4 ,footnote #eeb3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 vi4 #efh3 again 7ib4 #efg71 #8,semoni ,sanco deo fidio4' ,sancus is1 of course1 a name1 not an adjective3 we find ,sangus in some ,,mss4 of ,livy1 #cb4 #a4 ,for the well-known curious confusion with ,simon ,magus1 ,euseb4 ,h4 ,e4 #b4 #ac4 ,footnote #eec3 ,bral1 ,tables ,eugubines1 #ga2 ,bcheler1 ,umbrica1 #fe foll4 ,as ,preller remarks1 ,fisus stands to ,fidius as ,clausus to ,claudius 7ii4 #bga74 ,at ,iguvium there was a hill1 important in the rites1 which bore this name--ocris fisius4 ,footnote #eed3 ,aelius ,stilo ap4 ,varro1 l4 c42 ,ovid1 l4 c42 ,propert4 #d4 #i4 #gd2 ,lactantius1 #a4 #ae4 #h2 ,schwegler1 ,r4 ,g4 i4 #cfd2 ,preller1 ii4 #bgb2 ,o4 ,gilbert1 i4 #bge1 note2 ,ambrosch1 ,studien1 #agj4 ,jordan1 however1 in a note on ,preller 7#bgc7 emphatically says that the ,sabine origin of the god is a fable2 and for the illusory distinction between ,latins and ,sabines in ,rome see ,mommsen1 ,r4 ,h4 i4 #fg1 note1 and ,bral1 ,hercule et ,cacus1 p4 #ef4 ,sancus was no doubt a ,sabine deity and reputed ancestor of the race 7,cato ap4 ,dionys4 #b4 #di3 cp4 #d4 #eh72 but it does not follow that he came to ,rome as a ,sabine importation4 ,footnote #eee3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #e4 #ff2 ,festus1 #bbi 7,propter viam72 and ,paulus1 #adg 7medius fidius74 ,footnote #eef3 ,cp4 ,plutarch1 ,quaest4 ,rom4 #bh 7#8,why are boys made to go out of the house when they wish to swear by ,hercules8#87 with ,varro1 ap4 ,nonium1 s4 v4 rituis1 and ,l4 ,l4 #e4 #ff4 ,footnote #eeg3 ,see below on ,sept4 #ac1 p4 #bca4 ,the silex was taken out of the temple of ,jupiter ,feretrius 7,paulus1 #ib74 ,footnote #eeh3 ,eustath4 ad ,od4 #bb4 #cce2 ,hermann1 ,gr4 ,ant4 ii4 #gd4 ,cp4 ,a4 ,lang1 ,myth1 c4 ii4 #ed3 #8the sky hears us1' said the ,indian when taking an oath4 ,footnote #eei3 ,dionys4 #a4 #dj4 ,footnote #efj3 ,see the opinions of ,hartung1 ,schwegler1 and ,preller1 summed up by ,bral1 ,hercule et ,cacus1 #ea foll42 and ,r4 ,peter in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,hercules1 #bbee foll4 ,footnote #efa3 ,robertson ,smith1 ,religion of the ,semites1 p4 #bcc4 ,footnote #efb3 ,bcheler1 ,umbrica1 #g2 ,bral1 ,tables ,eugubines1 #bgj4 ,footnote #efc3 ,preller1 ii4 #bgc1 and ,jordan's note4 ,in ,m4 ,gaidoz's tudes de ,mythologie ,gauloise1 i4 #fd1 will be found figures of a hand holding a wheel1 from ,bar-le-,duc 7the wrist thrust through one of the holes71 which may possibly explain the urfita1 and which he connects with the ,celtic sun-god4 ,in this connexion we may notice the large series of ,umbrian and ,etruscan coins with the six-rayed wheel-symbol 7,mommsen1 ,mnzwesen1 #bbb foll471 which1 as ,professor ,gardner tells me1 is more probably a sun-symbol than merely the chariot-wheel convenient for unskilful coiners4 ,footnote #efd3 #h4 #bj4 ,footnote #efe3 ,for the bird1 ,plin4 ,n4 ,h4 #aj4 #bj2 ,festus1 #aig s4 v4 oscines1 and #cag 7sanqualis avis74 ,bouch-,leclercq1 ,hist4 de la ,divination1 iv4 #bjj4 ,for the gate cp4 ,paulus1 #cde1 with ,liv4 #h4 #bj2 ,jordan1 ,topogr4 ii4 #bfd4 ,footnote #eff3 ,liv4 #da4 #ac1 with ,weissenborn's note4 ,the stone was perhaps the same as one which had shortly before fallen into the grove of ,mars at ,crustumerium 7#da4 #i74 ,footnote #efg3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 vi4 #efg4 #efh2 and ,bull4 dell',inst41 #ahha1 p4 #ch foll4 7,this last with a statue1 which1 however1 may not belong to it3 ,jordan's note on ,preller1 ii4 #bgc47 ,wilmanns1 ,exempla ,inscr4 ,lat4 #acjj4 ,footnote #efh3 ,marq4 #bfc2 ,b4-,leclercq1 iv4 #ea foll4 ,the ,scholiast on ,persius1 #b4 #bg1 is explicit on the point4 ,but ,deecke1 in a note to ,mller's ,etrusker 7ii4 #bge7 doubts the connexion of the decuria with bidental puteal4 ,footnote #efi3 ,festus1 s4 v4 ,scribonianum 7p4 #ccc3 the restoration can hardly be wrong7 #8quia nefas est integi1 semper ibi foramine aperto caelum patet4' ,footnote #egj3 ,l4 ,l4 #e4 #ff #8ut ea videatur divum1 id est caelum4' ,he connects the word divum with ,dius ,fidius4 ,see ,jordan in the collection of essays #8in honorem ,th4 ,mommseni1' p4 #cfi4 ,footnote #ega3 ,martianus ,capella1 #a4 #de 7p4 #dg in ,eyssenhardt's edition74 ,see ,nissen's explanation in ,das ,templum1 p4 #ahd1 and plate iv4 ,in this account ,jupiter occupies the chief place3 ,sancus is there1 alone in the #abth regio4 ,but doubt has been cast on ,nissen's view by the discovery of an actual representation of the caeli templum 7see ,aust1 in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,iupiter1 #ffh74 ,footnote #egb3 ,dionys4 #d4 #eh4 ,in #i4 #fj he says that this temple was only vowed by ,tarquinius1 and not dedicated till #dff ,b4,c4 7,aust1 de ,aedibus sacris1 p4 #f72 but there must have been a still earlier sanctuary of some kind 7,livy writes of a sacellum1 #h4 #bj4 #h74 ,dionysius is interesting and explicit2 he calls ,dius ,fidius 1 and adds the name 4 ,the treaties next in date1 those with ,carthage1 were kept in the aedilium thesaurus1 close to the temple of ,jupiter ,capitolinus 7,polyb4 #c4 #bb2 ,mommsen1 ,staatsrecht1 ii4 #a 7ed4 #b7 #dha note74 ,here we seem to see the authority of the ancient ,dius ,fidius already losing ground4 ,footnote #egc3 ,plut4 ,quaest4 ,rom4 #cj2 ,varro1 ap4 ,plin4 ,n4 ,h4 #h4 #aid2 ,festus1 #bch4 ,it was ,reifferscheid's conjecture that she was a female ,dius ,fidius 7see ,wissowa1 ,lex4 #aaij74 ,fest4 #bda adds #8cuius ex zona periclitantes ramenta sumunt4' ,footnote #egd3 ,bull4 dell' ,inst41 #ahfg1 #ceb foll4 ,reifferscheid was prevented by death from working his view out more fully2 but ,r4 ,peter 7see ,lex4 s4 v4 ,hercules1 #bbfg7 preserved notes of his lectures4 ,footnote #ege3 ,gellius1 #aa4 #f4 #a4 ,for ,juno as female equivalent of ,genius see article #8,iunones' in ,lex4 ,but it does not seem proved that this was the old name1 and not an idea of comparatively late times4 ,footnote #egf3 ,seneca1 ,ep4 #ab4 #b4 ,footnote #egg3 ,see below1 on ,aug4 #ab1 p4 #aid4 ,footnote #egh3 ,this seems a weak point4 ,bona ,dea was not more closely related to ,juno than some others4 ,i do not feel sure that the name ,juno is not as much an intrusion here as ,hercules1 and that the real female counterpart of ,genius1 c41 was not a nameless numen like the ,bona ,dea4 ,the rise of the cult of ,juno ,lucina may have produced this intrusion4 ,it is worth noting that in ,etruria ,minerva takes the place of ,juno 7,lex4 #bbff1 and the illustration on #bbfg74 ,footnote #egi3 ,serv4 ,ecl4 #d4 #fb4 ,footnote #ehj3 ,paulus1 #fc4 ,footnote #eha3 ,gerhard1 ,etruskische ,spiegel1 #adg4 ,it is also figured in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,hercules1 #bbei4 ,footnote #ehb3 e4 g4 by every writer in ,roscher's ,lexicon who has touched on the subject4 ,jordan seems to have dissented 7,preller1 ii4 #bhd74 ,footnote #ehc3 ,the opposition or conflict of the two is paralleled by the supposed myth of the contention of ,mars and ,minerva 7,nerio7 7see above1 p4 #fj2 ,lex4 #bbfe74 ,footnote #ehd3 ,see article #8,iunones' in ,lex42 and ,de-,marchi1 ,la ,religione nella vita domestica1 p4 #gj4 ,footnote #ehe3 ,roscher's article #8,juno' in ,lex4 passim4 ,footnote #ehf3 ,i cannot agree with ,mr4 ,jevons 7,introduction to ,history of ,religion1 p4 #ahf foll47 when he makes the ,roman genius a relic of totemism1 simply because genii were often represented by serpents4 ,the snake was too universally worshipped and domesticated to be easily explained as a totem4 ,mr4 ,frazer has an interesting example from ,zululand1 which is singularly suggestive in connexion with the doctrine of ,genius 7see ,golden ,bough1 ii4 #ccb71 which can hardly be explained on a totemistic basis4 ,the doctrine of ,genius may certainly have had its roots in a totemistic age2 but by the time it reaches us in ,roman literature it has passed through so many stages that its origin is not to be dogmatized about4 ,footnote #ehg3 ,i cannot attach much weight to the argument 7see ,lex4 #bbfh7 that because ,aelius ,stilo explained ,dius ,fidius as ,diovis ,filius he therefore had in his head some such relation of ,genius to ,jupiter4 ,footnote #ehh3 ,if he had written ,genius ,iovius1 after the manner of the ,iguvian inscription1 with its adjectival forms which preserve a reminiscence of the older spirit-world1 he might have been nearer the mark4 ,it may be that we get back to ,jupiter himself as the ,genius par excellence1 but there is no direct proof of this4 ,the genius of a god is a late idea1 as ,mr4 ,jevons points out in a note to ,roman ,questions1 p4 liii4 ,footnote #ehi3 ,livy1 #bb4 #i2 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #f4 #bda foll42 ,aust1 de ,aedibus sacris1 p4 #ai4 ,footnote #eij3 ,livy1 #bc4 #ca and #cb2 ,marq4 #bgj4 ,footnote #eia3 ,marq4 #ceh foll42 ,article #8,sibyllini libri' in ,dict4 of ,antiquities1 ed4 #b4 ,footnote #eib3 ,livy1 #bb4 #i1 #aj2 #bc4 #cj1 #ca4 ,footnote #eic3 ,ad ,aen4 #a4 #gbj4 ,footnote #eid3 ,plut4 de ,fort4 ,rom4 #e4 #aj2 ,cic4 ,nat4 ,deor4 #b4 #fa4 ,aust 7de ,aedibus sacris1 p4 #ai7 puts it in ,b4,c4 #aae1 in ,scaurus' consulship4 ,footnote #eie3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #f4 #bai foll42 ,festus1 #bej1 s4 v4 ,penus3 #8,penus vocatur locus intimus in aede ,vestae1 tegetibus saeptus1 qui certis diebus circa ,vestalia aperitur4 ,ii dies religiosi habentur4' ,footnote #eif3 ,for the meanings of nefastus and religiosus see ,introduction1 p4 #i2 ,marq4 #bia4 ,footnote #eig3 ,no doubt this was done1 and the lines composed1 in order to please ,augustus and reflect the revival of the old religio4 ,footnote #eih3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #cb4 ,footnote #eii3 ,vol4 xiv1 ,no4 #bh4 ,footnote #fjj3 p4 #ec4 ,footnote #fja3 ,marq4 #bej4 ,in the ,andaman ,islands both sons and daughters take part in the work of maintaining the fires 7,man's ,andaman ,islands1 quoted by ,mr4 ,frazer1 op4 cit4 p4 #aec74 ,footnote #fjb3 ,see my article #8,sacerdos' in ,dict4 of ,antiquities1 ed4 #b4 ,footnote #fjc3 ,vesta herself was originally simply the fire on the hearth 7,frazer1 op4 cit4 #aeb74 ,note that the flame was obtained afresh each year on ,march #a1 even in historical times1 by the primitive method of the friction of the wood of a #8lucky' tree 7,festus1 #ajf71 or from the sun's rays4 ,we are not told which priest performed this rite4 ,footnote #fjd3 ,middleton1 ,rome in #ahhe1 p4 #aha foll4 ,footnote #fje3 ,this belief1 and the nature of the treasures1 are fully discussed by ,marquardt1 p4 #bea1 with additions by ,wissowa4 ,footnote #fjf3 ,cp4 ,petronius1 ,sat4 #dd 7of the aquaelicium74 ,footnote #fjg3 ,fasti1 #f4 #cie foll4 ,footnote #fjh3 ,above1 p4 #aaj4 ,footnote #fji3 ,as the beast that usually worked in mills8 ,there is a ,pompeian painting of this scene 7,gerhard1 ,ant4 ,bild4 pl4 #fb74 ,footnote #faj3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #cb #8,dies qui vocatur ,q4 ,st4 ,d4 ,f4 ab eo appellatur quod eo die ex aede ,vestae stercus everritur et per ,capitolinum clivum in locum defertur certum4' ,it is ,ovid who tells us it was thrown into the ,tiber 7,fasti1 #f4 #gac74 ,footnote #faa3 ,jordan1 ,tempel der ,vesta1 p4 #fc4 ,footnote #fab3 ,the crushing of the grain no doubt comes down from a time when there were no mills 7,helbig1 ,italiker in der ,poebene1 #ag and #gb74 ,the preparation of the cakes was also peculiar1 and even that of the salt which was used in them 7,festus1 #aei2 cp4 ,serv4 ,ecl4 #h4 #hb74 ,the latter passage is the locus classicus for all these duties3 #8,virgines ,vestales tres maximae ex nonis ,maiis ad pridie ,idus ,maias alternis diebus 7i4 e4 on #gth1 #ith1 #aath87 spicas adoreas in corbibus messuariis ponunt1 easque spicas ipsae virgines torrent1 pinsunt1 molunt1 atque ita molitum condunt4 ,ex eo farre virgines ter in anno molam faciunt1 ,lupercalibus1 ,vestalibus1 ,idibus ,septembribus1 adiecto sale cocto et sale duro4' ,for examples of the primitive method of cooking see ,miss ,kingsley's ,travels in ,west ,africa1 p4 #bjh2 and ,sir ,joseph ,banks's ,journal 7ed4 ,hooker71 p4 #acg4 ,footnote #fac3 ,penus means1 in the first instance1 food4 ,cic4 ,nat4 ,deorum1 #b4 #fh #8,est omne quo vescuntur homines penus4' ,hence it came to mean the store-closet in the centre of the house1 of which the ,penates were the guardian spirits4 ,its sacred character is indicated in a passage of ,columella 7,r4 ,r4 #ab4 #d2 and see my paper on the toga praetexta of ,roman children1 in ,classical ,review1 ,oct4 #ahif74 ,footnote #fad3 ,varro1 ap4 ,s4 ,aug4 de ,civ4 #g4 #bd2 cp4 #g4 #af4 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #f4 #bfg1 writes1 #8,vesta eadem quae terra1' but more correctly in #bia1 #8,nec tu aliud ,vestam quam vivam intellige flammam4' ,some moderns derive ,vesta from root vas #8dwelling1' and make her the earth in special relation to the dwelling2 e4 g4 ,o4 ,gilbert1 i4 #cdh note4 ,footnote #fae3 ,preuner1 ,hestia-,vesta1 p4 #bba #8,gottheit des ,feuers1 sofern religise1 ethische ,ideen sich in demselben abspiegeln1 nicht des ,feuers als blossen ,elements4' ,this is surely turning the question upside down4 ,footnote #faf3 ,tylor1 ,prim4 ,cult4 ii4 #bea2 ,grimm1 ,german ,mythology 7,eng4 trans471 p4 #fja foll4 ,footnote #fag3 ,in ,july also the days were nefasti from the ,kalends to the #ith2 but to the meaning of this we have no clue whatever4 ,footnote #fah3 ,see above1 p4 #aae4 ,footnote #fai3 ,g4 ,b4 ii4 #ge4 ,in an appendix 7p4 #cgc foll4 and esp4 #chb7 will be found some other examples of the same type of ritual4 ,cp4 also ii4 #agf 7from ,punjaub71 which example1 however1 does not seem in any way connected with harvest4 ,but the practice of the ,creek ,indians is so unusually well attested that it deserves special attention4 ,it is described by no less than four independent authorities 7see ,mr4 ,frazer's note on p4 #gf74 ,footnote #fbj3 ,nissen1 ,landeskunde1 #cii4 ,footnote #fba3 ,the whole of ,mr4 ,frazer's section on the sacramental eating of new crops should be read in connexion with the ,vestalia4 ,footnote #fbb3 ,aust1 de ,aedibus sacris1 p4 #g2 ,liv4 #e4 #ai and #bc4 ,the temple was in the ,forum boarium1 near the ,circus maximus4 ,footnote #fbc3 ,wissowa in ,myth4 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,mater ,matuta1 #bdfc4 ,footnote #fbd3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #f4 #dgc foll42 ,cic4 ,nat4 ,deor4 #c4 #dh2 ,tusc4 #a4 #bh4 ,plutarch 7,quaest4 ,rom4 #af4 #a7 noted a likeness between her cult and that of ,leucothea in his own city of ,chaeroneia2 an interesting passage1 though quite inconclusive as to the ,greek origin of ,mater ,matuta4 ,plutarch1 like ,servius 7,aen4 #e4 #bda7 and others1 has adopted ,ovid's legend of ,ino by way of explanation of the identity of ,leucothea and ,matuta4 ,merkel 7,fasti1 clxxxiv7 believed the cult to be wholly ,greek2 ,bouch-,leclercq 7,hist4 de ,divination1 iv4 #adg7 follows ,klausen in identifying ,mater ,matuta with ,tethys 7cf4 ,plut4 ,rom4 #b7 and with the deity of the oracle at ,pyrgi4 ,but see ,wesseling on ,diod4 ,sic4 #ae1 p4 #ccg2 and ,strabo1 ,bk4 #e1 p4 #cde4 ,footnote #fbe3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 i4 #agf1 #agg4 ,footnote #fbf3 ,liv4 #f4 #cc4 #d2 ,wissowa1 ,lex4 #bdfb4 ,footnote #fbg3 ,diod4 ,sic4 #ae4 #ad1 p4 #ccg1 and ,wesseling's note4 ,the temple at ,pyrgi was an important one1 and rich enough to be plundered by ,dionysius ,i of ,syracuse4 ,but it must be admitted that the identification of the deity of ,pyrgi with ,mater ,matuta is not absolutely certain4 ,strabo1 l4 c41 calls her ,eileithyia1 ,aristotle 7,oecon4 #acdi b7 ,leucothea2 and it is thought that ,mater ,matuta alone combines the characteristics of these two4 ,if1 however1 the goddess of ,pyrgi was the deity of the oracle1 she might almost as well have been a ,fortuna1 like those of ,antium and ,praeneste4 ,footnote #fbh3 ,tertullian1 de ,monogam4 #ag4 ,footnote #fbi3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #f4 #dha1 with ,plut4 ,q4 ,r4 #af2 ,camill4 #e4 ,footnote #fcj3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #e4 #ajf4 ,ovid 7#dhb7 writes of liba tosta1 i4 e4 cakes cooked in pans rather than baked1 like the mola salsa4 ,see above1 p4 #adi2 and cp4 ,ovid1 #ecb #8in subito cocta foco4' ,footnote #fca3 ,plut4 ll4 cc42 ,ovid1 #eei foll4 ,footnote #fcb3 ,see below on ,jan4 #aa4 ,i cannot explain the rule that a woman prayed for nephews and nieces before her own children1 which is peculiar to this cult4 ,footnote #fcc3 ,preller1 i4 #cbb2 ,wissowa in ,lex4 ,footnote #fcd3 ,r4 ,h4 7,eng4 trans47 i4 #afb4 ,footnote #fce3 ,lucr4 #e4 #fed4 ,footnote #fcf3 ,paulus1 #abb #8,matrem ,matutam antiqui ob bonitatem appellabant1 et maturum idoneum usui1' c4 ,see also ,curtius1 ,gk4 ,etym4 ,i4 #djh4 ,footnote #fcg3 ,fasti1 #f4 #efi foll42 #fbe foll43 cp4 ,dionysius1 #d4 #dj4 ,ovid has three fanciful explanations of the draping4 ,footnote #fch3 ,ovid1 l4c42 ,dionys4 #d4 #dj4 ,footnote #fci3 ,varro ap4 ,nonium1 p4 #ahi2 ,plin4 ,n4 ,h4 #h4 #aid1 #aig4 ,see ,schwegler1 ,r4 ,g4 i4 #gab1 note #c1 and a full discussion in ,lex4 by ,r4 ,peter1 s4v4 ,fortuna1 p4 #aeji4 ,footnote #fdj3 ,dio ,cassius1 #eh4 #g4 ,footnote #fda3 ,seneca1 ,q4 ,n4 #b4 #da2 ,mller-,deecke1 ,etrusker1 ii4 #hc2 ,dennis1 ,etruria1 i1 ,introduction lvi4 ,the passage of ,seneca is a very curious one about the ,etruscan lightning-lore4 ,o4 ,mller guesses that the di involuti were ,fates 7,schicksalsgottheiten71 which would suit ,fortuna 7cp4 ,hor4 ,od4 #a4 #ce74 ,footnote #fdb3 ,there is just a possibility that it was confused with a statue of ,pudicitia1 also in foro boario1 and also said to have been veiled 7,festus1 #bdb74 ,varro1 l4 c41 calls the goddess of the statue1 ,fortuna ,virgo1 and ,preller suggested that she was identical with ,pudicitia4 ,the lines of ,ovid seem to favour this view 7,fasti1 #f4 #fag foll473 ,veste data tegitur4 ,vetat hanc ,fortuna moveri ,et sic e templo est ipsa locuta suo2 #8,ore revelato qua primum luce patebit ,servius1 haec positi prima pudoris erit4 ,parcite1 matronae1 vetitas attingere vestes3 ,sollemni satis est voce movere preces4' ,footnote #fdc3 ,mommsen in ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 i4 #b1 #bih4 ,footnote #fdd3 ,livy1 #i4 #cj2 ,val4 ,max4 #b4 #e4 #d2 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ag4 ,cp4 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 vi4 #cfif ,magistri quinq7uennales7 collegi teib7icinum7 ,rom7anorum7 qui s7acris7 p7ublicis7 p7raesto7 s7unt7 ,iov7i7 ,epul7oni7 s7acrum74 ,footnote #fde3 ,so ,preller1 i4 #aih4 ,footnote #fdf3 ,aust1 in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,iuppiter1 #fhj4 ,both here and in his work de ,aedibus sacris1 this scholar declines to distinguish between ,iup4 ,invictus and ,iup4 ,victor4 ,footnote #fdg3 ,for ,minerva as the patron of all such guilds see ,wissowa in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,minerva1 #bihd foll4 ,footnote #fdh3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ag4 ,there were three days of revelry1 according to ,livy 7#i4 #cj73 did they meet in this temple on each day8 ,the #acth was the day of the epulum2 which the other days were we do not know4 ,footnote #fdi3 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ag4 ,footnote #fej3 ,festus1 #adi1 s4 v4 minusculae4 ,cf4 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #f4 #fie4 ,footnote #fea3 ,livy1 l4 c4 ,plutarch1 ,quaest4 ,rom4 #ee1 who confuses two ,appii ,claudii1 and refers the story to the ,decemvir instead of to the ,censor of #caa ,b4,c4 ,livy omits the very ,roman trait 7,ov4 #fgc foll47 of the libertus feigning to be surprised by his patronus4 ,footnote #feb3 ,cohen1 ,md4 ,pl4 #cc2 ,borghesi1 ,op4 i4 #bja 7quoted by ,marq4 #egg74 ,footnote #fec3 ,mller-,deecke1 ,etrusker1 ii4 #bjb4 ,footnote #fed3 ,journal of ,philology1 vol4 xi4 p4 #ahi4 ,it was a short pipe played with a reed1 and no doubt almost the same thing as the short rough oboes which are still favourites in ,italy1 and which are still sometimes played two at a time in the mouth as of old4 ,their antiquity is vouched for by the law of the ,twelve ,tables1 which limited the players at a funeral to ten4 ,see ,professor ,anderson's article #8tibia' in ,dict4 of ,ant4 7ed4 #b74 ,footnote #fee3 ,fasti1 #f4 #gca4 ,footnote #fef3 ,aust1 de ,aedibus sacris1 p4 #ac4 ,footnote #feg3 ,not to be confused1 as in ,livy1 ,epit4 #ad1 with a statue of ,summanus himself on the same temple 7in fastigio ,iovis3 ,cicero1 ,div4 #a4 #aj74 ,footnote #feh3 de ,civ4 ,dei1 #d4 #bc4 ,footnote #fei3 ,festus1 #bbi1 s4 v4 ,proversum fulgor3 #8,quod diurna ,iovis1 nocturna ,summani fulgura habentur4' 7,cp4 ,pliny1 ,n4 ,h4 #b4 #eb47 ,an interesting inscription 7,c4 ,i4 ,l4 vi4 #bjf7 runs1 #8,summanium fulgus conditum1' i4 e4 #8a bolt which fell before dawn was buried here4' ,footnote #ffj3 ,l4 ,l4 #e4 #gd4 ,footnote #ffa3 ,mller-,deecke1 ,etrusker1 ii4 #fj4 ,footnote #ffb3 tudes de ,mythologie ,gauloise1 i4 p4 #ib4 ,m4 ,gaidoz looks on these wheel-cakes as #8emblematic of ,summanus' as a god of sun and sky4 ,footnote #ffc3 ,festus1 p4 #cdh4 ,the ,,ms4 has #8finctae4' ,footnote #ffd3 ,journal of ,hellenic ,studies1 vol4 vii1 ,no4 #a 7#ahhf71 p4 #dd foll4 ,footnote #ffe3 ,fasti1 #f4 #gge foll4 ,footnote #fff3 p4 #ajd4 ,footnote #ffg3 ,l4 ,l4 #fa4 #g4 ,footnote #ffh3 ,livy1 #aj4 #df4 #ag4 ,footnote #ffi3 ,ann4 #b4 #da4 ,footnote #fgj3 ,see above1 the heading of this section4 ,footnote #fga3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cbj4 ,footnote #fgb3 ,see above1 p4 #ej4 ,footnote #fgc3 ch4 i4 ,footnote #fgd3 ,marquardt1 p4 #b4 ,footnote #fge3 ,pliny1 ,n4 ,h4 #cd4 #ed4 ,footnote #fgf3 ,plut4 ,marius1 #bf2 ,pliny1 l4 c4 ,i follow ,aust1 de ,aedibus sacris1 p4 #bf4 ,footnote #fgg3 ,above1 p4 #aef4 ,footnote #fgh3 ,ovid is the only authority for the worship of ,fortuna on ,june #aa 7,fasti1 #f4 #efi72 it is not mentioned in the calendars 7,tusc4 ,ven4 ,maff47 which have notes surviving for this day4 ,footnote #fgi3 ,by ,h4 ,jordan1 ,symbolae ad historiam religionum ,italicarum alterae 7,knigsberg1 #ahhe74 ,see also ,r4 ,peter1 in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,fortuna1 #aedb1 and ,aust1 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,iuppiter1 #fdg4 ,footnote #fhj3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 xiv4 #bhfc4 ,footnote #fha3 de ,div4 #b4 #da4 #he4 ,footnote #fhb3 ,jordan1 op4 cit4 p4 #ab4 ,footnote #fhc3 ,see below1 p4 #bbc foll41 under ,sept4 #ac4 ,footnote #fhd3 ,fernique1 tude sur ,prneste1 pp4 #h and #aci foll4 ,footnote #fhe3 ,see also his previous letter of ,march #c4 ,footnote #fhf3 ,he held #8birth' and #8fortune' to be words etymologically related4 ,cp4 a communication from ,prof4 ,kluge in the same number of the ,academy4 ,footnote #fhg3 ,journal of ,philology1 vol4 xi4 #agh2 ,studies in ,latin ,literature1 p4 #fj4 ,footnote #fhh3 de ,civ4 ,dei1 #d4 #aa4 ,cp4 ,serv4 ,aen4 #h4 #ccf4 ,footnote #fhi3 l4 c4 #8,castissime colitur a matribus4' ,one of the ancient inscriptions from ,praeneste 7,c4 ,i4 ,l4 xi4 #bhfc7 is a dedication #8nationu cratia' nationis gratia1 which may surely mean #8in gratitude for childbirth1' though ,mommsen would refer it to cattle1 on the ground of a gloss of ,festus 7p4 #afg74 ,footnote #fij3 ,jordan1 op4 cit4 p4 #ab4 ,footnote #fia3 ,o4 ,gilbert1 ,gesch4 u4 ,topogr4 der ,stadt ,rom1 ii4 #bfj foll4 ,footnote #fib3 ,st4 ,john1 iii4 #cj2 ,st4 ,augustine1 ,sermo xii in ,nativitate ,domini3 #8,in nativitate ,christi dies crescit1 in ,johannis nativitate decrescit4 ,profectum plane facit dies1 quum mundi ,salvator oritur2 defectum patitur quum ultimus prophetarum nascitur4' ,footnote #fic3 ,see many examples in ,the ,golden ,bough1 ii4 #beh foll41 and ,brand's ,popular ,antiquities1 p4 #cjf4 ,footnote #fid3 ,see ,r4 ,peter1 in ,lex41 s4 v4 ,fortuna1 #aejf4 ,footnote #fie3 tudes de ,myth4 ,gaul4 i4 #ef foll4 ,on p4 #eh we find1 #8,la ,fortune nous parat donc sortir1 par l'intermdiaire d'une image1 d'une divinit du soleil4' ,footnote #fif3 ,for the history of these symbols in ,greek cults1 and especially that of ,tyche1 see a paper by ,prof4 ,gardner in ,journal of ,hellenic ,studies1 vol4 ix4 p4 #gh1 on #8,countries and ,cities in ancient art4' ,the rudder seems to connect ,fortuna with sea-faring2 it is often accompanied by a ship's prow 7,r4 ,peter1 ,lex4 #aejg72 in connexion with which we may notice that even in ,italy her cult is rarely found far from the sea4 ,cp4 ,horace1 ,od4 #a4 #ce1 #f #8dominam aequoris4' ,footnote #fig3 #aj4 #caa foll42 ,marq4 #egh4 ,footnote #fih3 ,r4 ,peter1 ,lex4 #aeje4 ,she is also often represented with a modius1 and with ears of corn4 ,cp4 ,horace1 l4 c4 7of the ,fortuna of ,antium73 #8,te pauper ambit sollicita prece ,ruris colonus4' ,footnote #fii3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #f4 #egc foll4 ,schwegler1 ,r4 ,g4 i4 #gaa foll42 ,preller1 ii4 #ahj4 ,footnote #gjj3 ,dennis1 ,cities and ,cemeteries of ,etruria1 vol4 ii4 p4 #ejf2 ,gardthausen1 #8,mastarna1' figures the painting 7plate i74 ,footnote #gja3 ,tac4 ,ann4 ,,ii4 #bd2 the fragments of the original speech are printed from the inscription at ,lyons in ,mr4 ,furneaux's ,annals of ,tacitus1 vol4 ii4 p4 #baj4 ,footnote #gjb3 ,juvenal1 #aj4 #gd1 and note of the ,scholiast4 ,footnote #gjc3 ,mller-,deecke1 ,etrusker1 ii4 #eb2 ,dennis1 ,cit4 and ,cem4 ii4 #bd4 ,footnote #gjd3 ,juvenal1 l4c4 ,footnote #gje3 ,see below on ,sept4 #ac1 p4 #bcd4 ,footnote #gjf3 ,mller-,deecke1 ii4 #cjh4 ,gaidoz1 op4 cit4 p4 #ef1 on the connexion between ,fortuna1 ,necessitas1 and ,nemesis4 ,footnote #gjg3 ,gerhard1 ,agathodaemon1 p4 #cj1 has other explanations4 ,,mensis ,,quinctilis4 ,the festivals of this month are so exceedingly obscure that it seems hopeless to try to connect them in any definite way with the operations either of nature or of man4 ,we know that this was the time when the sun's heat became oppressive and dangerous2 statistics show at the present day that the rate of mortality rises at ,rome to its greatest height in ,july and ,august1 as indeed is the case in southern latitudes generally4 ,we know also that harvest of various kinds was going on in this month3 #8,quarto intervallo inter solstitium et caniculam plerique messem faciunt1' writes ,varro 7,r4 ,r4 #a4 #cb74 ,we should have expected that the unhealthy season and the harvest would have left their mark on the calendar2 but in the scantiness of our information we can find very few traces of their influence4 ,we here lose the company of ,ovid1 who might1 in spite of his inevitable ignorance1 have incidentally thrown some ray of light upon the darkness2 but it is clear that even ,varro and ,verrius knew hardly anything of the almost obsolete festivals of this month4 ,the ,poplifugia1 the ,lucaria1 the ,neptunalia1 and the ,furrinalia1 had all at one time been great festivals1 for they are marked in large capitals in the ancient calendars2 but they had no more meaning for the ,roman of ,varro's time than the lesser saints'-days of our calendar have for the ordinary ,englishman of to-day4 ,the ludi ,apollinares1 of much later date1 which always maintained their interest1 did not fall upon the days of any of these festivals1 or obliterate them in the minds of the people2 they must have decayed from pure inanition--want of practical correlation with the life and interests of a great city4 ,,iii ,,non4 ,,quinct4 7,,july #e74 ,,np4 ,,poplif,,ugia4 7,,maff4 ,,amit4 ,,ant47 ,,feriae ,,iovi4 7,,amit47 ,the note #8feriae ,iovi' in the calendar of ,amiternum is confirmed in a curious way1 by a statement of ,dio ,cassius#gjh1 who says that in ,b4,c4 #db the ,senate passed a decree that ,caesar's birthday should be celebrated on this day#gji1 and that any one who refused to take part in the celebration should be #8sacer ,iovi et ,divo ,iulio4' ,but we know far too little of the rites of this day to enable us to make even a guess at the meaning of its connexion with ,jupiter4 ,it is just worth noting that two days later we find a festival of ,juno1 the ,nonae ,caprotinae2 the two days may have had some connexion with each other1 being separated by an interval of one day1 as is the case with the three days of the ,lemuria1 the two days of the ,lucaria in this month1 and in other instances#gaj2 and their rites were explained by two parts of the same aetiological story--viz4 that the ,romans fled before the ,fidenates on the #eth1 and in turn defeated them on the #gth#gaa4 ,but we are quite in the dark as to the meaning of such a connexion1 if such there was4 ,nor can we explain the singular fact that this is the only festival in the whole year1 marked in large capitals in the calendars1 which falls before the ,nones#gab4 ,there is hardly a word in the whole calendar the meaning of which is so entirely unknown to us as this word ,poplifugia4 ,of the parallel one1 the ,regifugium in ,february1 something can be made out1 as we shall see#gac2 and it is not unlikely that the ritualistic meaning concealed in both may be much the same4 ,but all attempts to find a definite explanation for ,poplifugia have so far been fruitless1 with the single exception perhaps of that of ,schwegler#gad1 who himself made the serious blunder of confounding this day with the ,nonae ,caprotinae4 ,it is true that the two days and their rites were confused even in antiquity1 but only by late writers#gae2 the calendars1 on the other hand1 are perfectly plain and so is ,varro#gaf1 who proceeds from the one to the other in a way that can leave no doubt that he understood them as distinct4 ,the simple fact is that the meaning of the word ,poplifugia had wholly vanished when the calendar began to be studied4 ,ingenuity and fancy1 as usual1 took the place of knowledge1 and two legends were the result--the one connecting the word with the flight of the ,romans from an army of their neighbours of ,fidenae1 after the retirement of the ,gauls from the city#gag2 the other interpreting it as a memorial of the flight of the people after the disappearance of ,romulus in the darkness of an eclipse or sudden tempest#gah4 ,the first of these legends may be dismissed at once2 the large capitals in which the name ,poplifugia appears in the fragments of the three calendars which preserve it1 are sufficient evidence that it must have been far older than the ,gallic invasion#gai4 ,the second legend might suggest that the story itself of the death of ,romulus had grown out of some religious rite performed at this time of year2 and it was indeed traditionally connected with the ,nones of this month#gbj4 ,but that day is unluckily not the day of the ,poplifugia1 which it is hardly possible to connect with the disappearance of ,romulus4 ,there may1 however1 have been a connexion between the rites of the two days1 as has been pointed out above2 and this being so1 it is worth while to notice a suggestion made by ,schwegler1 in spite of the fact that he confused the two days together4 ,he saw that the disappearance of ,romulus was said to have occurred while he was holding a lustratio of the citizens#gba1 and concluded that the ,poplifugia may have been an ancient rite of lustration--an idea which other writers have been content to follow without always giving him the credit of it#gbb4 ,such a rite may very well be indicated by the following sentence of ,varro#gbc--the only one which gives us any solid information on the question3 ,aliquot huius diei vestigia fugae in sacris apparent1 de quibus rebus antiquitatum libri plura referunt4 ,it seems not unreasonable to guess that the rite was one of those in which the priest1 or in this case1 as it would seem1 the people also1 fled from the spot after the sacrifice had been concluded4 ,as the slayer of the ox at the ,athenian ,bouphonia 7which curiously enough took place just at this same time of year7 fled as one guilty of blood1 so it may possibly have been that priest and people at ,rome fled after some similar sacrifice1 and for the same reason#gbd4 ,or it may have been that they fled from the victim as a scapegoat which was destined to carry away from the city some pollution or pestilence4 ,it is interesting to find at ,iguvium in ,umbria some #8vestigia fugae1' not of the people1 indeed1 but of victims1 at a lustratio populi which seems to have had some object of this kind#gbe4 ,heifers were put to flight1 then caught and killed1 apparently in order to carry off evils from the city#gbf1 as well as to represent and secure the defeat of its enemies4 ,such performances seem especially apt to occur at sickly seasons#gbg2 and as the unhealthy season began at ,rome in ,july#gbh1 it is just possible that the ,poplifugia was a ceremony of this class4 ,,non4 ,,quinct4 7,,july #g74 ,n4 ,this day does not appear as a festival in the old calendars2 but the late one of ,silvius#gbi notes it as ,ancillarum ,feriae1 or ,feast of ,handmaids1 and adds the explanatory story which is found also in ,plutarch and ,macrobius#gcj4 ,the victorious ,fidenates having demanded the surrender of the wives of the ,romans1 the latter made over to them their ancillae1 dressed in their mistresses' robes1 by the advice of a certain ,philotis1 or ,tutula#gca1 one of the handmaids4 ,ausonius alludes to the custom that gave rise to the story3 ,festa ,caprotinis memorabo celebria ,nonis ,cum stola matronis dempta teget famulas#gcb4 ,plutarch also tells us that on this day the ancillae not only wore the matron's dress1 but had license for what may be described as a game of romps2 they beat each other1 threw stones at each other1 and scoffed at the passers by#gcc4 ,this last point supplies us with a possible clue both to the origin of the custom and the explanatory legend4 ,one of the most frequent customs at harvest-time used to be1 and still is in some places1 for the harvesters to mock at1 and even to use roughly1 any stranger who appears on the field2 frequently he is tied up with straw1 even by the women binding the sheaves1 and only released on promise of money1 brandy1 c42 or he is ducked in water1 or half-buried1 or in pretence beheaded#gcd4 ,the stranger in such cases is explained as representing the spirit of the corn2 the examples collected by ,mannhardt and ,mr4 ,frazer seem fairly conclusive on this point#gce4 ,the wearing of the matron's dress also seems to be a combination of the familiar practices of the winter ,saturnalia with harvest customs1 which in various forms is by no means uncommon#gcf1 though ,i have not found a case of exchange of dress after harvest4 ,thus it would seem possible that we have here a relic of ,italian harvest-custom2 and this is confirmed by the statement of ,tertullian that there was on this day a sacrifice to the harvest-god ,consus#gcg1 at his underground altar in the ,circus ,maximus1 of which we shall have more to say under ,aug4 #ba 7,consualia74 ,it is worth noting here that just as the legend of the ,rape of the ,sabines was connected with the ,consualia#gch1 so the analogous story of the demand of the ,fidenates for ,roman women is associated with the ,ancillarum ,feriae1 and the day of the sacrifice to ,consus4 ,this not only serves to connect together the two days of ,consus-worship1 but suggests that harvest was a favourable opportunity for the practice of capturing wives in primitive ,italy1 when the women were out in the fields1 and might be carried off by a sudden incursion4 ,this day was also known as ,nonae ,caprotinae1 because the women1 presumably those who had been helping at the harvest1 both bond and free#gci1 sacrificed to ,juno ,caprotina under a wild fig-tree 7caprificus7 in the ,campus ,martius#gdj4 ,juno ,caprotina was a ,latin goddess1 of great renown at ,falerii#gda1 where the goat from which she took her name appears in the legend of her cult4 ,the character of ,juno as the representative of the female principle of human life#gdb suits well enough with the prominence of women both in the customs and legends connected with the day2 and the fig-tree with its milky juice1 which was used1 according to ,macrobius1 in the sacrifice to ,juno instead of milk1 has also its significance#gdc4 ,varro adds that a rod 7virga7 was also cut from this tree#gdd1 without telling us for what purpose it was used2 and it has been ingeniously conjectured that it was with this that the handmaids beat each other as ,plutarch describes1 to produce fertility1 just as at the ,lupercalia the women were beaten with strips cut from the skins of the victims 7amiculum ,junonis74 ,but this is mere conjecture1 and ,varro's statement is too indefinite to be pressed#gde4 ,,viii ,,id4 ,,quinct4 7,,july #h74 ,n4 #8,piso ait vitulam victoriam nominari1 cuius rei hoc argumentum profert1 quod postridio nonas ,iulias re bene gesta1 cum pridie populus a ,tuscis in fugam versus sit 7unde ,populifugia vocantur71 post victoriam certis sacrificiis fiat vitulatio#gdf4' ,i must be content with quoting this passage1 and without comment2 it will suffice to show that the meaning of the word #8vitulatio' was entirely unknown to ,roman scholars4 ,why they should not have connected it with vitulus ,i know not3 we may remember that in the ,iguvian ritual vituli seem to have performed the function of scapegoats#gdg4 ,if the vitulatio is in any way to be connected with the ,poplifugia1 as it was indeed in the legend as given by ,macrobius above1 it may be worth while to remember that that day is marked in one calendar as #8feriae ,iovi1' and that the vitulus 7heifer7 was the special victim of ,jupiter#gdh4 ,,prid4 ,,non4 ,,quinct4--,,iii ,,id4 ,,quinct4 7,,july #f-ac74 ,,ludi ,,apollinares4 ,all these days are marked #8ludi' in ,maff4 ,amit4 ,ant42 the #fth #8ludi ,apollini1' and the #acth #8ludi in circo4' ,these games#gdi were instituted in #bab ,b4,c41 for a single occasion only1 at the most dangerous period of the war with ,hannibal1 when he had taken ,tarentum and invaded ,campania4 ,recourse was had to the ,sibylline books and to the ,italian oracles of ,marcius1 and the latter answered as follows#gej3 #8,hostes ,romani si expellere voltis1 vomicamque quae gentium venit longe1 ,apollini vovendos censeo ludos1 qui quotannis ,apollini fiant1' c4 ,the games were held1 as we may suppose1 on the analogy of the ludi plebeii1 originally on the #acth day of the month#gea1 and were1 in course of time1 extended backwards till in the ,julian calendar we find them lasting from the #fth to the #acth4 ,they had a ,greek character from the first2 they were superintended by the ,decemviri sacris faciundis1 who consulted the ,sibylline books and organized the ritual of foreign cults2 and they included scenic shows1 after the ,greek fashion1 as well as chariot races#geb4 ,it was matter of dispute whether in this year1 #bab1 ,apollo was expected to show his favour to ,rome as a conqueror of her foe or as an averter of pestilence in the summer heats2 both functions were within his range4 ,but in #bjh we are told that the ludi were renewed by a lex1 made permanent1 and fixed for ,july #ac in consequence of a pestilence#gec2 and we may fairly assume that this was1 in part at least1 the cause of their institution four years earlier4 ,what little we know of the traditions of ,apollo-worship at ,rome points in the same direction4 ,his oldest temple in the ,flaminian fields1 where1 according to ,livy1 a still more ancient shrine once stood#ged1 was vowed in #dcb ,b4,c4 in consequence of a pestilence2 and the god had also the cult-title ,medicus#gee4 ,the next occasion on which we meet with the cult is that of the first institution of a lectisternium in #cig ,b4,c41 ,livy's account of which is worth condensing#gef4 ,that year was remarkable for an extremely cold winter1 which was followed by an equally unhealthy summer1 destructive to all kinds of animals4 ,as the cause of this pestilence could not be discovered1 the ,sibylline books were consulted2 the result of which was the introduction of a lectisternium1 at which three couches were laid out with great magnificence1 on which reposed ,apollo and ,latona1 ,diana and ,hercules1 ,mercurius and ,neptunus1 whose favour the people besought for eight days4 ,the cult of ,apollo1 though thus introduced in its full magnificence at ,rome in historical times1 was1 #8so old in ,italy as almost to give the impression of being indigenous#geg4' ,tradition ascribed to ,tarquinius ,superbus the introduction from ,cumae of the ,sibylline oracles1 which were intimately connected with ,apollo-worship2 and that ,etruscan king may well have been familiar with the ,greek god1 who was well known in ,etruria as ,aplu#geh1 and who was worshipped at ,caere1 the home of the ,tarquinian family1 which city had a #8treasury' at ,delphi#gei4 ,the ,romans themselves1 according to a tradition which is by no means improbable1 had very early dealings with the ,delphic oracle4 ,it does not seem certain that ,apollo displaced any other deity when transplanted to ,rome4 ,it has been thought that the obscure ,veiovis became clothed with some of ,apollo's characteristics1 but this is extremely doubtful#gfj4 ,the mysterious deity of ,soracte1 ,soranus1 is called ,apollo by ,virgil#gfa2 this1 however1 is not a true displacement1 like that1 e4 g41 of the ancient ,ceres by the characteristics of ,demeter1 but merely a poetical substitution of a familiar name for an unfamiliar one which was unquestionably old ,italian4 ,it does not seem probable that in the ,republican period the cult of ,apollo had any special influence1 either religious or ethical1 for the ,roman people generally4 ,it was a priestly experiment--a new physician was called in at perilous times1 according to the fashion of the ,roman oligarchy1 either to give advice by his oracles1 or to receive honours for his benefits as 4 ,it is in the age of ,augustus that the cult begins to be important2 the family of the ,caesars was said to have had an ancient connexion with it#gfb1 and after the victory at ,actium1 where a temple of ,apollo stood on the promontory1 ,augustus not only enlarged and adorned this one1 but built another on the ,palatine1 near his own house1 to ,apollo ,palatinus4 ,but for the #8,apollinism' of ,augustus1 and for the important part played by the god in the ludi saeculares of ,b4,c4 #ag1 ,i must refer the reader to other works#gfc4 ,,xiv ,,kal4 ,,sext4 7,,july #ai74 ,,np4 ,,lucar,,ia4 7,,maff4 ,,amit47 ,,xii ,,kal4 ,,sext4 7,,july #ba74 ,,np4 ,,lucar,,ia4 7,,maff4 ,,amit47 ,here1 as in the next two festivals we have to consider1 we are but #8dipping buckets into empty wells4' ,the ritual1 and therefore the original meaning of this festival1 is wholly lost to us1 as indeed it was to the ,romans of ,varro's time4 ,varro1 in his list of festivals1 does not even mention this one2 but it is possible that some words have here dropped out of his text#gfd4 ,the only light we have comes at second-hand from ,verrius ,flaccus#gfe4 #8,lucaria festa in luco colebant ,romani1 qui permagnus inter viam ,salariam et ,tiberim fuit1 pro eo1 quod victi a ,gallis fugientes#gff e praelio ibi se occultaverint4' ,this passage reminds us of the story explanatory of the ,poplifugia1 and might suggest1 as in that case1 an expiatory sacrifice and flight of the people from a scapegoat destined to carry away disease4 ,but here we know of no vestigia fugae in the cult1 such as ,varro tells us were apparent at the ,poplifugia4 ,the only possible guess we can make must rest on the name itself1 taken together with what ,festus tells us of the great wood once existing between the ,via ,salaria and the ,tiber1 in which the festival was held--a wood which no doubt occupied the ,pincian hill1 and the region afterwards laid out in gardens by ,lucullus1 ,pompeius1 and ,sallust the historian4 ,lucaria is formed from lucar as ,lemuria from lemur2 and lucar1 though in later times it meant #8the sum disbursed from the aerarium for the games#gfg1' drawn probably from the receipts of the sacred groves1 may also at one time itself have meant a grove4 ,an inscription from the ,latin colony of ,luceria shows us lucar in this sense#gfh3 ,,in ,,hoce ,,lucarid ,,stircus ,,ne ,,is ,,fundatid1 c4 ,now there can be no doubt about the great importance of woods1 or rather of clearings in them1 in the ancient ,italian religion4 #8,nemus and lucus1' says ,preller#gfi1 #8like so many other words1 remind us of the old ,italian life of woodland and clearing4 ,nemus is a pasturage1 lucus a 8light0 or clearing#ggj1 in the forest1 where men settled and immediately began to look to the interests of the spirits of the woodland1 and especially of ,silvanus1 who is at once the god of the wild life of the woodland and of the settler in the forest--the backwoodsman4' ,the woods left standing as civilization and agriculture advanced continued to be the abodes of numina1 not only of the great ,jupiter1 who1 as we shall see1 was worshipped in groves all over ,italy#gga1 and of ,diana1 who at ,aricia bore the title of ,nemorensis1 but of innumerable spirits of the old worship1 ,fauni1 ,silvani1 and other manifestations of the idea most definitely conceived in the great god ,mars#ggb4 ,but men could not of course know for certain what spirits dwelt in a wood1 whose anger might be roused by intrusion or tree-felling2 and old ,cato1 among his many prescriptions1 material and religious1 gives one in the form of an invocation to such unknown deities if an intrusion had to be made4 ,it is worth quoting1 and runs as follows#ggc3 #8,lucum conlucare ,romano more sic oportet4 ,porco piaculo facito4 ,sic verba concipito3 ,si ,deus1 si ,dea es1 quoium illud sacrum est1 uti tibi ius siet porco piaculo facere1 illiusce sacri coercendi ergo4 ,harumce rerum ergo1 sive ego1 sive quis iussu meo fecerit1 uti id recte factum siet4 ,eius rei ergo te hoc porco piaculo immolando bonas preces precor1 uti sies volens propitius mihi1 domo familiaeque meae1 liberisque meis4 ,harumce rerum ergo macte hoc porco piaculo immolando esto4' ,applying these facts to the problem of the ,lucaria1 though necessarily with hesitation1 and remembering the position of the wood and the date of the festival1 we may perhaps arrive at the following conclusion2 that this was a propitiatory worship offered to the deities inhabiting the woods which bordered on the cultivated ,roman ager4 ,the time when the corn was being gathered in1 and the men and women were in the fields1 would be by no means unsuitable for such propitiation4 ,it need not have been addressed to any special deity1 any more than that of ,cato1 or as ,i believe1 the ritual of the ,lupercalia#ggd2 it belonged to the most primitive of ,roman rites1 and partly for that reason1 partly also from the absorption of land by large private owners#gge1 it fell into desuetude4 ,the grove of the ,fratres ,arvales and the decay of their cult 7also addressed to a nameless deity7 offers an analogy on the other side of ,rome1 towards ,ostia4 ,such a hypothesis seems not unreasonable1 though it is based rather on general than particular evidence4 ,it is at any rate better than the wild guessing of one ,german inquirer1 who is always at home when there is no information4 ,huschke#ggf believes that the words ,lucaria and ,luceres 7the ancient ,roman tribe-name7 are both derived from lucus because the ,lucaria take place in ,july1 which is the auspication-month of the ,luceres4 ,and there are two days of this festival1 because the ,luceres owed protection both to the ,romani and ,quirites 7,rhamnes and ,tities7 and therefore worshipped both ,janus and ,quirinus4 ,x ,,kal4 ,,sext4 7,,july #bc74 ,,np4 ,,nept,,unalia4 7,,pinc4 ,,maff47 ,,feriae ,,neptuno4 7,,pinc4 ,,allif47 ,the early history of ,neptunus is a mystery1 and we learn hardly anything about him from his festival4 ,we know that it took place in the heat of summer1 and that booths or huts made of the foliage of trees were used at it1 to keep the sun off the worshippers--and that is all#ggg4 ,neither of these facts suggests a sea-god1 such as we are accustomed to see in ,neptune2 yet they are hardly strong enough to enable us to build on them any other hypothesis as to his character or functions4 ,nor does his name help us4 ,though it constantly appears in ,etruscan art as the name of a god who has the characteristics of the ,greek ,poseidon1 it is said not to be of genuine ,etruscan origin#ggh4 ,if this be so1 the ,etruscans must have borrowed it from some people who already used it of a sea-god when the loan was made2 but one does not see why this great seafaring people should have gone outside the language of their own religion for a name for their deity of the sea4 ,in the ancient cult-formulae preserved by ,gellius#ggi1 ,neptunus is coupled with a female name ,salacia2 and of this ,varro writes #8,salacia ,neptuni a salo'--an etymology no doubt suggested by the later identification of ,neptunus with ,poseidon4 ,salacia is in my opinion rather to be referred to salax 7#8lustful1' c471 and1 like ,nerio ,martis#ghj1 to be taken as indicating the virile force of ,neptunus as the divine progenitor of a stock#gha4 ,this seems to be confirmed by the fact that this god was known as ,neptunus pater1 like ,mars1 ,janus1 ,saturnus1 and ,jupiter himself#ghb2 all of whom are associated in cult or legend with the early history of ,latin stocks4 ,when ,neptunus first meets us in ,roman history1 he has already put on the attributes of the ,greek ,poseidon2 this was in ,b4,c4 #cii1 at the first lectisternium1 where he is in company with ,apollo and ,latona1 ,diana and ,hercules1 and is specially coupled with ,mercurius 7 ,hermes7#ghc4 ,what characteristics of his suggested the identification1 either here or in ,etruria1 we cannot tell4 ,we find no trace of any evidence connecting him with the sea2 and the coupling with ,hermes need mean no more than that both this god and ,poseidon found their way to ,rome through the medium of ,greek trade4 ,it has recently been conjectured#ghd that the object of both the ,lucaria and ,neptunalia was to avert the heat and drought of ,july1 and to propitiate the deities of water and springs1 of whom ,neptunus 7judging from his identification with ,poseidon7 may possibly have been one2 but this is no more than a vague guess1 which its author only puts forward #8with all reserve4' ,,viii ,,kal4 ,,sext4 7,,july #be74 ,,np4 ,,furr,,inalia4 7,,pinc4 ,,allif4 ,,maff47 ,,feriae ,,furrinae 7,,pinc4 ,,allif47 ,it seems to be the lesson of the festivals of ,july that there was an early stage of the ,roman religion which had lost all meaning for the ,romans themselves when they began to inquire into the history of their own religion4 ,of this last festival of the month we know no single item in the cult1 and therefore have nothing substantial to guide us4 ,it seems almost certain that even ,varro and ,verrius ,flaccus#ghe knew nothing of the festival but its name as it stood in the calendar4 ,nor did they know anything of the goddess ,furrina or ,furina4 ,varro is explicit2 he says that she was celebrated #8apud antiquos1' for they gave her an annual festival and a flamen1 but that in his day there were hardly a dozen ,romans who knew either her name or anything about her4 ,varro is no doubt right in arguing from the festival and the flamen to the ancient honour in which she was held2 and these facts also tend to prove that she was a single deity1 and quite distinct from the ,furiae with whom the later ,romans as well as the ,greeks naturally confounded her--an inference which is confirmed by the long u indicated by the double r in the calendars#ghf4 ,there is therefore nothing but the etymology to tell us anything about the goddess1 and from this source we cannot expect to learn anything certain4 ,preller plausibly suggested a connexion with fur1 furvus1 and fuscus1 from a root meaning dark or secret2 and if this were correct she might be a deity of the under-world or of the darkness4 ,bcheler in his ,umbrica#ghg suggested a comparison with the ,umbrian furfare februare 7#8to purify'71 which will at least serve to show the difficulty of basing conclusions on etymological reasoning4 ,jordan conjectured that the festival had to do with the averting of dangerous summer heat#ghh--;a conclusion that is natural enough1 but does not seem to rest on any evidence but its date4 ,lastly1 ,huschke#ghi1 again in his element1 boldly asserts that the ,furrinalia served to appease the deities of revenge who hailed from the black region of ,vediovis--wrongly confusing ,furrina and the ,furiae4 ,it will be quite obvious from these instances that it is as hopeless as it is useless to attempt to discover the nature of either goddess or festival by means of etymological reasoning4 ,footnote #gjh3 ,bk4 #dg4 #ah4 ,we owe the reference to ,merkel1 ,praef4 in ,ovidii ,fastos1 clix4 ,footnote #gji3 ,his real birthday seems to have been the #abth1 which1 was already occupied by the ludi ,apollinares4 ,footnote #gaj3 ,mommsen in ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cba 7on ,july #g74 ,footnote #gaa3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4#f4 #ah2 ,marq4 #cbe4 ,footnote #gab3 ,see ,introduction1 p4 #g4 ,this anomaly led ,huschke to the inadmissible supposition that this was the single addition made to the calendar of ,numa in the republican period4 ,he accepts ,varro's explanatory story1 ,rm4 ,jahr1 p4 #bbd4 ,footnote #gac3 ,see below1 p4 #cbg4 ,footnote #gad3 ,r4 ,g4 i4 #ecb3 see ,mommsen's criticism in ,c4 ,i4 ,l #cba f4 ,footnote #gae3 ,macrob4 #f4 #aa4 #cf2 ,plut4 ,rom4 #bi1 ,camill4 #cc4 ,see also ,o4 ,mller's note on ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ah4 ,footnote #gaf3 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ah4 ,footnote #gag3 ,this is ,varro's account2 the ,etruscans are a variant in ,macrobius1 l4 c4 ,footnote #gah3 ,dionys4 #b4 #ef2 ,plut4 ,rom4 #bi4 ,see ,lewis1 ,credibility of ,early ,roman ,history1 i4 #dcj4 ,footnote #gai3 ,introduction1 p4 #ae4 ,footnote #gbj3 ,cic4 de ,rep4 #a4 #af2 ,plut4 ,rom4 #bg4 ,footnote #gba3 ,liv4 #a4 #af #8,ad exercitum recensendum4' ,lustratio came to be the word for a review of troops because this was preceded by a religious lustratio populi4 ,footnote #gbb3 e4 g4 ,gilbert1 i4 #bij2 ,marq4 #cbe4 ,footnote #gbc3 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ah4 ,details have vanished with the great work here quoted1 the ,antiquitates divinae4 ,footnote #gbd3 ,schwegler suggested the parallel1 i4 #ecd1 note #bj4 ,for the ,bouphonia see especially ,mannhardt1 ,myth4 ,forsch4 #fh4 ,for other such rites1 ,lobeck1 ,aglaophamus1 #fgi1 #fhj4 ,footnote #gbe3 ,bcheler1 ,umbrica1 #aad4 ,footnote #gbf3 ,the idea of the scapegoat was certainly not unknown in ,italy2 ,bcheler quotes ,serv4 7,aen4 #b4 #adj7 #8,ludos ,taureos a ,sabinis propter pestilentiam institutos dicunt1 ut lues publica in has hostias verteretur4' ,see on the ,regifugium1 below1 p4 #cbh4 ,footnote #gbg3 ,see examples in ,frazer1 ,golden ,bough1 ii4 #afj foll4 ,the one from the ,key ,islands is interesting as including a flight of the people4 ,footnote #gbh3 ,nissen1 ,landeskunde1 #djf4 ,footnote #gbi3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 p4 #bfi4 ,footnote #gcj3 ,macrob4 #a4 #aa4 #cf2 ,plut4 ,camill4 #cc4 ,footnote #gca3 ,aug4 de ,civ4 ,dei1 #d4 #h4 ,footnote #gcb3 de ,feriis1 #i4 ,footnote #gcc3 ,the last point is in ,camill4 #cc-f3 cp4 ,rom4 #bi4 #f4 ,footnote #gcd3 ,the bearing of these customs on the ,nonae ,caprotinae1 and on the ,greek story of ,lityerses1 was suggested by ,mannhardt1 ,myth4 ,forsch4 #cb4 ,mr4 ,frazer gives a useful collection of examples1 ,g4 ,b4 ii4 #cfc foll4 ,the custom survives in ,derbyshire 7so ,i am told by ,mr4 ,s4 ,b4 ,smith1 ,scholar of ,lincoln ,college71 but only in the form of making the stranger #8pay his footing4' ,footnote #gce3 ,g4 ,b4 i4 #cha4 ,footnote #gcf3 ,it was the custom1 says ,macrobius 7i4 #aj7 #8ut patres familiarum1 frugibus et fructibus iam coactis1 passim cum servis vescerentur1 cum quibus patientiam laboris in colendo rure toleraverant4' ,the old ,english harvest- or mell-supper1 had all the characteristics of ,saturnalia 7,brand1 ,pop4 ,antiq4 #ccg foll474 ,footnote #gcg3 ,tertullian1 de ,spect4 #e4 ,footnote #gch3 ,see below1 p4 #bjh4 ,footnote #gci3 ,this point--the union of free- and bond-women in the sacrifice--seems to prove that ,nonae ,caprotinae and ancillarum feriae were only two names for the same thing4 ,macrobius connects the legend of the latter with the rite of the former 7i4 ,,ii4 #cf74 ,footnote #gdj3 ,plut4 ,rom4 #bi4 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ah writes #8in ,latio4' ,footnote #gda3 ,deecke1 ,die ,falisker1 #hi2 ,roscher1 in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,juno1 p4 #eii4 ,footnote #gdb3 ,see above1 p4 #adc4 ,footnote #gdc3 ,one naturally compares the ficus ,ruminalis and the foundation-legend of ,rome4 ,footnote #gdd3 ,it is curious that the practice in husbandry called caprificatio1 or the introduction of branches of the wild tree among those of the cultivated fig to make it ripen 7,plin4 ,n4 ,h4 #ae4 #gi2 ,colum4 ,,ii4 #b7 took place in ,july2 and it strikes me as just possible that there may have been a connexion between it and the ,nonae ,caprotinae4 ,footnote #gde3 ,mannhardt1 ,myth4 ,forsch4 l4 c4 ,footnote #gdf3 ,macrob4 #c4 #b4 #aa and #ad4 ,macrobius also quotes ,varro in the #aeth book of his ,res ,divinae #8,quod pontifex in sacris quibusdam vitulari soleat1 quod ,graeci vocant4' ,perhaps we may compare visceratio3 ,serv4 ,aen4 #e4 #bae4 ,footnote #gdg3 ,above1 p4 #agf4 ,footnote #gdh3 ,marq4 #agj4 ,footnote #gdi3 ,see ,marq4 #chd1 and ,lex4 s4 v4 ,apollo #ddg4 ,footnote #gej3 ,liv4 #be4 #ab4 ,footnote #gea3 ,the ,,mss4 of ,livy 7#bg4 #bc7 have a4d4 iii ,nonas1 no doubt in error for a4d iii ,idus4 ,merkel1 ,praef4 xxviii42 ,mommsen1 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cba4 ,footnote #geb3 ,liv4 #be4 #ab2 #bf4 #cc2 ,festus1 #cbf2 ,cie4 ,brutus1 #bj1 #gh1 whence it appears that ,ennius produced his ,thyestes at these ludi4 ,cp4 the story in ,macrob4 #a4 #ag4 #be4 ,footnote #gec3 ,liv4 #bg4 #bc4 ,footnote #ged3 ,liv4 #c4 #fc4 ,this older shrine ,livy calls ,apollinar4 ,the temple that followed it was the only ,apollo-temple in ,rome till ,augustus built one on the ,palatine after ,actium2 this is clear from ,asconius1 p4 #ha 7ad ,cic4 in toga candida71 quoted by ,aust1 de ,aedibus sacris1 #g4 ,it was outside the ,porta ,carmentalis1 near the ,circus ,flaminius4 ,a still more ancient ,apollinar is assumed by some to have existed on the ,quirinal2 but it rests on an uncertain emendation of ,o4 ,mller in ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #e4 #eb4 ,footnote #gee3 ,liv4 #dj4 #ea4 ,the ,romans seem originally to have called the god ,apello1 and connected the name with pellere4 ,paulus1 #bb2 ,macrob4 #a4 #ag4 #ae4 ,footnote #gef3 ,liv4 #e4 #ac4 ,footnote #geg3 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,apollo1 #ddf4 ,footnote #geh3 ,mller-,deecke1 ,etrusker1 ii4 #fi4 ,footnote #gei3 ,strabo1 p4 #bad2 ,herodotus1 #a4afg4 ,footnote #gfj3 ,jordan on ,preller1 i4 #bfe4 ,footnote #gfa3 ,aen4 #aa4 #ghe #8,summe deum1 sancti custos ,soractis ,apollo1' c4 ,footnote #gfb3 ,serv4 ,aen4 #aj4 #caf #8,omnes qui secto matris ventre procreantur1 ideo sunt ,apollini consecrati1 quia deus medicinae est1 per quam lucem sortiuntur4 ,unde ,aesculapius eius fingitur filius3 ita enim eum esse procreatum supra 7#g4 #gfa7 diximus4 ,caesarum etiam familia ideo sacra retinebat ,apollinis1 quia qui primus de eorum familia fuit1 exsecto matris ventre natus est4 ,unde etiam ,caesar dictus est4' ,footnote #gfc3 ,a concise account by ,roscher1 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,apollo #ddh2 ,boissier1 ,religion ,romaine1 i4 #if foll42 ,gardthausen1 ,augustus1 vol4 ii1 p4 #hgc4 ,for the ludi saeculares see especially ,mommsen's edition of the great but mutilated inscription recently discovered in the ,campus ,martius 7,eph4 ,epigr4 viii4 #a foll472 ,diels1 ,sibyllin4 ,bltter1 p4 #aji foll42 and the ,carmen ,saeculare of ,horace1 with the commentaries of ,orelli and ,wickham4 ,footnote #gfd3 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ah fin4 and #ai init4 ,footnote #gfe3 ,festus1 #aai4 s4 v4 ,lucaria4 ,footnote #gff3 ,the battle of the ,allia was fought on the #ahth1 the day before the first ,lucaria4 ,this no doubt suggested the legend connecting the two1 especially as the ,via ,salaria1 near which was the grove of the festival1 crossed the battle-field some ten miles north of ,rome4 ,footnote #gfg3 ,see ,friedlnder in ,marq4 #dhg2 ,plutarch1 ,q4 ,r4 #hh4 ,footnote #gfh3 ,mommsen in ,ephemeris ,epigraphica1 ii4 #bje4 ,footnote #gfi3 i4 ,,iii2 ,liv4 #bd4 #c2 ,cato1 ap4 ,priscian1 #fbi4 ,much useful matter bearing on luci as used for boundaries1 asyla1 markets1 c41 will be found in ,rudorff1 ,gromatici ,veteres1 ii4 #bfj4 ,footnote #ggj3 #8,light' is not uncommon in ,england for a #8ride' or clearing in a wood4 ,footnote #gga3 ,below1 pp4 #bbb1 and #bbh4 ,footnote #ggb3 ,on the whole subject of the religious ideas arising from the first cultivation of land in a wild district ,i know nothing more instructive than ,robertson ,smith's remarks in ,religion of the ,semites1 ,lecture iii42 ,i have often thought that they throw some light on the origin of ,mars and kindred numina4 ,the most ancient settlements in central ,italy are now found to be on the tops of hills1 probably once forest-clad 7see ,von ,duhn's paper on recent excavations1 ,journal of ,hellenic ,studies1 #ahif1 p4 #abe74 ,for a curious survival of the feeling about woods and hill-tops in ,bengal1 see ,crooke1 ,religion1 c41 in ,india1 ii4 #hg4 ,footnote #ggc3 ,r4 ,r4 #aci4 ,for piacula of this kind see also ,henzen1 ,acta ,fratr4 ,arv4 #acf foll42 ,marq4 #def4 ,footnote #ggd3 ,see below1 p4 #cab4 ,footnote #gge3 ,see a passage in ,frontinus 7,grom4 ,vet4 #a4 #ef3 cp4 #b4 #bfc74 ,footnote #ggf3 ,rm4 ,jahr1 p4 #bba1 and note #ha on p4 #bbb4 ,footnote #ggg3 ,festus1 #cgg #8,umbrae vocantur ,neptunalibus casae frondeae pro tabernaculis4' ,wissowa 7,lex4 s4 v4 ,neptunus1 #bjb7 compares the of the ,spartan ,carneia 7also in the heat of summer71 described in ,athenaeus1 #d4 #ada ,f4 ,footnote #ggh3 ,mller-,deecke1 ,etrusker1 ii4 #ed1 with ,deecke's note #ea b4 ,the ,etruscan forms are ,nethunus and ,nethuns4 ,the form of the word is adjectival like ,portunus1 c42 but what is the etymology of the first syllable8 ,we are reminded of course of ,nepe or ,nepete1 an inland town near ,falerii2 and to this district the cult seems specially to have belonged4 ,messapus1 #8,neptunia proles1' leads the ,falisci and others to war in ,virg4 ,aen4 #g4 #fia1 and ,halesus1 ,neptuni filius1 was eponymous hero of ,falerii 7,deecke1 ,falisker1 #ajc74 ,there is no known connexion of ,neptunus with any coast town4 ,footnote #ggi3 #ac4 #bc4 #b3 cp4 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #e4 #gb4 ,footnote #ghj3 ,see above1 p4 #fj4 ,footnote #gha3 ,cp4 ,serv4 ,aen4 #e4 #gbd #87,venus7 dicitur et ,salacia1 quae proprie meretricum dea appellata est a veteribus4' ,footnote #ghb3 ,gell4 #e4 #ab2 ,henzen1 ,act4 ,fratr4 ,arv4 #abd4 ,wissowa1 in his article #8,neptunus1' goes too far1 as it seems to me1 when he asserts that the #8pater' belonged to all deities of the oldest religion4 ,see below1 p4 #bbj4 ,footnote #ghc3 ,liv4 #e4 #ac4 #f2 ,dionys4 #ab4 #i4 ,wissowa1 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,nept4 #bjc1 for his further history as ,poseidon4 ,footnote #ghd3 ,wissowa in ,lex4 l4 c4 ,i doubt if much can be made of the argument that the ,neptunalia on the #bcrd is necessarily connected with the ,lucaria on the #agth and #aith--i4 e4 three alternate days1 like the three days of the ,lemuria in ,may4 ,footnote #ghe3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #e4 #hd #8,furinalis 7flamen7 a ,furina quoius etiam in fastis ,furinales feriae sunt'3 cp4 #f4 #ai #8,ei sacra instituta annua et flamen attributus3 nunc vix nomen notum paucis4' ,footnote #ghf3 ,see ,wissowa's short and sensible note in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,furrina4 ,for the confusion with ,furiae1 ,cic4 de ,nat4 ,deor4 #c4 #df2 ,plut4 ,c4 ,gracch4 #ag2 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,furiae4 ,jordan1 in ,preller1 ii4 #gj1 is doubtful on the etymological question4 ,footnote #ghg3 p4 #ga4 ,footnote #ghh3 ,in ,preller1 ii4 #aba4 ,footnote #ghi3 ,rm4 ,jahr1 #bba4 ,,mensis ,,sextilis4 ,august is with us the month when the corn-harvest is begun2 in ,italy it is usually completed in ,july1 and the final harvest-festivals1 when all the operations of housing1 c41 have been brought to a close1 would naturally have fallen for the primitive ,roman farmer in the sixth month4 ,the ,kalends of ,quinctilis would be too early a date for notice to be given of these2 some farmers might be behindhand1 and so cut off from participation4 ,the ,kalends of ,sextilis would do well enough2 for by the ,nones1 before which no festival could be held1 there would be a general cessation from labour4 ,no other agricultural operations would then for a time be specially incumbent on the farmer#gij4 ,before the ,ides we find no great festival in the old calendar1 though the sacrifice on the #abth at the ara maxima was without doubt of great antiquity4 ,the list begins with the ,portunalia on the #agth2 and then follow1 with a day's interval between each1 the ,vinalia ,rustica1 ,consualia1 ,volcanalia1 ,opeconsivia1 and ,volturnalia4 ,the ,vinalia had of course nothing to do with harvest1 and the character of the ,portunalia and ,volturnalia is almost unknown2 but all the rest may probably have had some relation to the harvesting and safe-keeping of crops1 and the one or two scraps of information we possess about the ,portunalia bear in the same direction4 ,deities of fire and water seem to be propitiated at this time1 in order to preserve the harvest from disaster by either element4 ,the rites are secret and mysterious1 the places of worship not familiar temples1 but the ara maxima1 the underground altar of ,consus1 or the ,regia2 which may perhaps account for the comparatively early neglect and decadence of some of these feasts4 ,we may also note two other points3 first1 the rites gather for the most part in the vicinity of the ,aventine1 the ,circus ,maximus1 and the bank of the ,tiber2 which in the earliest days must have been the part of the cultivated land nearest the city#gia1 or at any rate that part of it where the crops were stored4 ,secondly1 there is a faint trace of commerce and connexion between ,rome and her neighbours--,latins and ,sabines--both in the rites and legends of this month1 which may perhaps point to an intercourse1 whether friendly or hostile1 brought about by the freedom and festivities of harvest time4 ,,non4 ,,sext4 7,,aug4 #e74 ,f4 7,,np4 ,,ant47 ,,saluti ,,in ,,colle ,,quirinale ,,sacrificium ,,publicum4 7,,vall47 ,,saluti ,,in ,,colle4 7,,amit4 ,,ant47 ,,natalis ,,salutis4 7,,philoc47 ,the date of the foundation of the temple of ,salus was #cjb ,b4,c41 during the ,samnite wars#gib4 ,the cult was probably not wholly new4 ,the ,augurium ,salutis1 which we know through its revival by ,augustus1 was an ancient religious performance at the beginning of each year1 or at the accession of new consuls1 which involved1 first the ascertaining whether prayers would be acceptable to the gods1 and secondly the offering of such prayers on an auspicious day#gic4 ,two very old inscriptions also suggest that the cult was well distributed in ,italy at an early period#gid4 ,such impersonations of abstract ideas as ,salus1 ,concordia1 ,pax1 ,spes1 c41 do not belong to the oldest stage of religion1 but were no doubt of pontifical origin1 i4 e4 belonged to the later monarchy or early republic#gie4 ,we need not suppose that they were due to the importation of ,greek cults and ideas1 though in some cases they became eventually overlaid with these4 ,they were generated by the same process as the gods of the ,indigitamenta#gif--;being in fact an application to the life of the state of that peculiarly ,roman type of religious thought which conceived a distinct numen as presiding over every act and suffering of the individual4 ,this again1 as ,i believe1 in its product the ,indigitamenta1 was an artificial priestly exaggeration of a very primitive tendency to see a world of nameless spirits surrounding and influencing all human life4 ,the history of the temple is interesting#gig4 ,not long after its dedication its walls were painted by ,gaius ,fabius1 consul in #bfi ,b4,c41 whose descendants1 among them the historian1 bore the name of ,pictor1 in commemoration of a feat so singular for a ,roman of that age#gih4 ,it was struck by lightning no less than four times1 and burnt down in the reign of ,claudius4 ,livy#gii tells us that in #ahj ,b4,c41 by order of the decemviri a supplicatio was held1 in consequence of a severe pestilence1 in honour of ,apollo1 ,aesculapius1 and ,salus2 which shows plainly that the goddess was already being transformed into the likeness of the ,greek 1 and associated rather with public health than with public wealth in the most general sense of the word4 ,,vi ,,id4 ,,sext4 7,,aug4 #i74 ,f4 7,,allip47 ,,np4 7,,amit4 ,,maff4 ,,etc47 ,,soli ,,indigiti ,,in ,,colle ,,quirinale4 7,,amit4 ,,allif47 ,,sol,,is ,,indigitis ,,in ,,colle ,,quirinale ,,sacrificium ,,publicum4 7,,vall47 ,there was an ancient worship of ,sol on the ,quirinal1 which was believed to be of ,sabine origin4 ,a ,solis pulvinar close to the temple of ,quirinus is mentioned1 and the ,gens ,aurelia was said to have had charge of the cult#hjj4 ,but the ,sol of ,august #i is called in the calendars ,sol ,indiges4 ,what are we to understand by this word1 which appears in the names ,di ,indigetes1 ,jupiter ,indiges1 or ,indigetes simply8 ,the ,roman scholars themselves were not agreed on the point2 the general opinion was that it meant #8of or belonging to a certain place1' i4 e4 fixed there by origin and protecting it#hja4 ,this view has also been generally adopted1 on etymological or other grounds1 by modern writers1 including ,preller#hjb4 ,recently a somewhat different explanation has been put forward in the ,mythological ,lexicon1 suggested by ,reifferscheid in his lectures at ,breslau4 ,according to this view1 ,indiges 7from indu and root ag in agere7 was a deity working in a particular act1 business1 place1 c41 of men's activity1 and in no other2 it is of pontifical origin1 like its cognate indigitamenta1 and is therefore not a survival from the oldest religious forms#hjc4 ,the second of these explanations does not seem to help us to understand what was meant by ,sol ,indiges2 and its exponent in the ,lexicon1 in order to explain this1 falls back on an ingenious suggestion made long ago by ,preller4 ,in dealing with ,sol ,indiges1 ,preller explained ,indiges as index1 and conjectured that the name was not given to ,sol until after the eclipse which foretold the death of ,caesar1 comparing the lines of ,virgil 7,georg4 #a4 #dfc foll473 ,sol tibi signa dabit4 ,solem quis dicere falsum ,audeat8 ille etiam caecos instare tumultus ,saepe monet1 fraudemque et operta tumescere bella4 ,ille etiam exstincto miseratus ,caesare ,romam3 ,cum caput obscura nitidum ferrugine texit1 ,impiaque aeternam timuerunt saecula noctem4 ,preller may be right2 and if he were1 we should have no further trouble in this case4 ,in the pre-,julian calendar1 on this hypothesis1 the word ,indiges was absent4 ,this is also the opinion of the last scholar who1 so far as ,i know1 has touched the question2 but ,wissowa#hjd1 with reason as ,i think1 reverts to the first explanation given above of the word ,indiges 7#8of or belonging to a certain place'71 and believes that the word1 when added to ,sol in the ,julian calendar1 was simply meant to distinguish the real indigenous ,sun-god from foreign solar deities4 ,,prid4 ,,id4 ,,sext4 7,,aug4 #ab74 ,c4 ,,herculi ,,invicto ,,ad ,,circum ,,maxim,,um4 7,,allif4 ,,amit47 ,,herculi ,,magno ,,custodi ,,in ,,circo ,,flamin,,io 7,,vall47 is generally taken as a confusion with ,june #dhje4 ,this is the only day to which we can ascribe1 on the evidence of the calendars1 the yearly rites of the ara maxima1 and of the aedes ,herculis in the ,forum boarium4 ,these two shrines were close together2 the former just at the entrance of the ,circus maximus1 the latter1 as has been made clear by a long series of researches1 a little to the north-east of it#hjf4 ,we are led to suppose that the two must have been closely connected in the cult1 though we are not explicitly informed on the point4 ,the round temple indicates a very ancient worship1 as in the case of the aedes ,vestae1 and the legends confirm this4 ,the story of ,hercules and ,cacus1 the foundation-legend of the cult1 whatever be its origin1 shows a priesthood of two ancient patrician families1 the ,potitii and ,pinarii#hjg4 ,appius ,claudius1 the censor of #cab ,b4,c41 is said to have bribed the ,potitii1 the chief celebrants1 to hand over their duties to public slaves#hjh2 but in the yearly rites1 consisting chiefly in the sacrifice of a heifer1 these were presided over by the praetor urbanus1 whose connexion with the cult is attested by inscriptions#hji4 ,that there was at one time a reconstruction of the cult1 especially in the direction of ,greek usage1 seems indeed probable2 for the praetor wore a laurel wreath and sacrificed with his head uncovered after the ,greek fashion#haj4 ,but there is enough about it that was genuine ,roman to prove that the foundation-legend had some of its roots in an ancient cult2 e4 g4 at the sacred meal which followed the previous sacrifice in the evening1 the worshippers did not lie down but sat1 as was the most ancient practice both in ,greece and ,italy#haa4 ,women were excluded1 which is in keeping with the ,italian conception of ,hercules as ,genius1 or the deity of masculine activity#hab4 ,the sacrifice was followed by a meal on the remainder1 which was perhaps an old practice in ,italy1 as in ,greece4 ,in this feature1 as in two others1 we have a very interesting parallel with this cult1 which does not seem to have been noticed1 in the prescription given by ,cato for the invocation of ,mars on behalf of the farmer's cattle#hac4 ,after prescribing the material of the offering to ,mars ,silvanus1 he goes on as follows3 #8,eam rem divinam vel servus1 vel liber licebit faciat4 ,ubi res divina facta erit1 statim ibidem consumito4 ,mulier ad eam rem divinam ne adsit1 neve videat quomodo fiat4 ,hoc votum in annos singulos1 si voles1 licebit vovere4' ,here we have the eating of the remainder#had1 the exclusion of women1 and the participation in the cult by slaves2 the exclusion of women is very curious in this case1 and seems to show that such a practice was not confined to worships of a sexual character4 ,it is also worth noting that just as ,cato's formula invokes ,mars ,silvanus1 so in ,virgil's description of the cult of the ara maxima#hae1 we find one special feature of ,mars-worship1 namely the presence of the ,salii#haf4 ,it is hardly possible to suppose that ,virgil here was guilty of a wilful confusion3 is it possible1 then1 that in this cult some form of ,mars is hidden behind ,hercules1 and that the ,hercules of the ara maxima is not the ,genius after all1 as modern scholars have persuaded themselves8 ,but what marks out this curious cult more especially from all others is the practice of offering on the ara maxima #8decumae' or tithes1 of booty1 commercial gains1 sudden windfalls1 and so on#hag4 ,the custom seems to be peculiar to this cult1 though it is proved by inscriptions of ,hercules-cults elsewhere in ,italy--e4 g4 at ,sora near ,arpinum1 at ,reate1 ,tibur1 ,capua and elsewhere#hah4 ,but these inscriptions1 old as some of them are1 cannot prove that the practice they attest was not ultimately derived from ,rome4 ,at ,rome1 indeed1 there is no question about it2 it is abundantly proved by literary allusions1 as well as by fragments of divine law#hai4 ,was it an urban survival from an old ,italian rural custom1 or was it an importation from elsewhere8 ,in favour of the first of these explanations is the fact that the offering of first-fruits was common1 if not universal1 in rural ,italy#hbj4 ,they are not1 indeed1 known to have been offered specially to ,hercules2 but the date1 ,aug4 #ab1 of the sacrifice at ,rome might suggest an original offering of the first-fruits of the ,roman ager1 before the growth of the city had pushed agriculture to some distance away4 ,now first-fruits are the oldest form of tribute to a god as #8the lord of the land1' developing in due time into fixed tithes as temple-ritual becomes more elaborate and expensive#hba4 ,in their primitive form they are found in all parts of the world1 as ,mr4 ,frazer has shown us in an appendix to the second volume of his ,golden ,bough#hbb4 ,it is certainly possible that in this way the ,august cult of the ara maxima may be connected with the general character of the ,august festivals2 that the offering of the first-fruits of harvest gave way to a regulated system of tithes#hbc1 of which we find a survival in the offerings of the tenth part of their booty by great generals like ,sulla and ,crassus4 ,as the city grew1 and agriculture became less prominent than military and mercantile pursuits1 the practice passed into a form adapted to these--i4 e4 the decumae of military booty or mercantile gain#hbd4 ,but there is another possibility which must at least be suggested4 ,the myth attached to the ara maxima and the ,aventine1 that of ,hercules and ,cacus1 stands alone among ,italian stories1 as the system of tithe-giving does among ,italian practices4 ,we may be certain that the practice did not spring from the myth2 rather that an addition was made to the myth1 when ,hercules was described as giving the tenth of his booty1 in order to explain an unusual practice4 ,yet myth and practice stand in the closest relation to each other1 and the strange thing about each is that it is unlike its ,italian kindred4 ,of late years it has become the fashion to claim the myth as genuine ,italian1 in spite of its ,graeco-,oriental character1 on the evidence of comparative mythology#hbe3 but no explanation is forthcoming of its unique character among ,italian myths1 all of which have a marked practical tendency1 and a relation to some human institution such as the foundation of a city4 ,they are legends of human beings and practices3 this is an elemental myth familiar in different forms to the ,eastern mind4 ,again1 the ,hercules of the myth has nothing in common with the genuine ,italian ,hercules1 whom we may now accept as genius1 or the masculine principle--as may be seen from the sorry lameness of the attempt to harmonize the two#hbf4 ,beyond doubt there was an ,italian spirit or deity to whom the name ,hercules was attached3 but there is no need to force all the forms of ,hercules that meet us into exact connexion with the genuine one4 ,we have seen above that the ,hercules of the ara maxima may possibly have concealed ,mars himself1 in his original form of a deity of cattle1 pasture1 and clearings4 ,but there is yet another possible explanation of this tangled problem4 ,the ,roman form of the ,cacus-myth1 in which ,cacus steals the cattle from ,hercules1 and tries to conceal his theft by dragging them backwards into his cave by their tails1 has recently been found in ,sicily depicted on a painted vase1 whither1 as ,professor ,gardner has suggested1 it may have been brought by way of ,cyprus by ,phoenician traders#hbg2 and the inference of so cautious an archaeologist is1 apparently1 that the myth may have found its way from ,sicily to the ,tiber4 ,nothing can be more probable2 for it is certain that even before the eighth century ,b4,c4 the whole western coast of ,italy was open first to ,phoenician trade and then to ,greek4 ,and we are interested to find that the only other traces of the myth to be found in ,italy are located in places which would be open to the same influence4 ,from ,capua we have a bronze vase on which is depicted what seems to be the punishment of ,cacus by ,hercules#hbh2 and a fragment of the annalist ,gellius gives a story connecting ,cacus with ,campania1 ,etruria1 and the ,east#hbi4 ,at ,tibur also1 which claimed a ,greek origin1 there is a faint trace of the myth in an inscription#hcj4 ,now assuming for a moment that the myth was thus imported1 is it impossible that the anomalies of the cult should be foreign also8 ,that one of them at least which stands out most prominently is a peculiarly ,semitic institution2 tithe-giving in its systematized form is found in the service of that ,melcarth who so often appears in ,hellas as ,herakles#hca4 ,the coincidence at the ,aventine of the name1 the myth1 and the practice1 is too striking to be entirely passed over--especially if we cannot find certain evidence of a pure ,italian origin1 and if we do find traces of all three where ,phoenicians and ,greeks are known to have been4 ,we may take it as not impossible that the ara maxima was older than the traditional foundation of ,rome1 and that its cult was originally not that of the characteristic ,italian ,hercules1 but of an adventitious deity established there by foreign adventurers4 ,,id4 ,,sext4 7,,aug4 #ac74 ,,np4 ,,fer,,iae ,,iovi4 7,,amit4 ,,allif47 ,,dianae ,,in ,,aventino4 7,,amit4 ,,vall4 ,,ant4 ,,allif47 ,,sacrum ,,deanae4 7,,rust47 ,,natalis ,,dianes4 7,,philoc47 ,,vortumno ,,in ,,aventino4 7,,amit4 ,,allif47 ,,herc,,uli ,,invicto ,,ad ,,portam ,,trigeminam4 7,,allif47 ,,castori ,,polluci ,,in ,,circo ,,flaminio4 7,,amit4 ,,allif47 ,,florae ,,ad ,c,,ircum ,,maximum4 7,,allif47 ,all ,ides1 as we have seen1 were sacred to ,jupiter2 and it does not seem that there is here any further significance in the note #8feriae ,iovi4' ,though there was a conjunction here of many cults1 this day was best known as that of the dedication of the temple of ,diana on the ,aventine1 which was traditionally ascribed to ,servius ,tullius4 ,there are interesting features in this cult1 and indeed in the worship of this goddess throughout ,latium and ,italy4 ,for the most famous of all her cults1 that of ,aricia#hcb1 ,i need only refer to ,mr4 ,frazer's ,golden ,bough--the most elaborate and convincing examination of any ancient worship that has yet appeared4 ,of the goddess in general it will be sufficient to say here that whatever be the etymology of her name or the earliest conception of her nature--and both are very far from certain--she was for the old ,latins second only to ,jupiter ,latiaris in the power she exercised of uniting communities together and so working in the cause of civilization4 ,this was the ease with the cult on the ,aventine1 as it was also with that at ,aricia#hcc4 ,about the political origin of the temple on the ,aventine tradition was explicit#hcd4 ,livy says that ,servius ,tullius persuaded the chiefs of the ,latins to build a temple of ,diana in conjunction with the ,romans2 and ,varro calls it #8commune ,latinorum ,dianae templum4' ,the #8lex templi1' or ordinance for the common worship of ,romans and ,latins1 was seen by ,dionysius--so he declares--written in ,greek characters and preserved in the temple#hce4 ,the horns of a cow#hcf1 hung up in front of this temple1 gave rise to legends1 one of which is preserved by ,livy1 and seems to bring the ,sabines also into the connexion4 ,this temple was1 then1 from the beginning in some sense extra-,roman1 i4 e4 did not belong to the purely ,roman gentile worship4 ,and it had other characteristics of the same kind2 it was specially connected with the ,plebs and with slaves1 and as1 in the case of the neighbouring temple at ,ceres1 there was a ,greek character in the cult from the beginning4 ,i4 ,the ,connexion with the ,plebs4 ,the position on the ,aventine would of itself be some evidence of a non-patrician origin2 so also the traditional ascription to ,servius ,tullius as the founder4 ,more direct evidence seems wanting#hcg1 but it is not impossible that the temple marks a settlement of ,latins in this part of the city4 ,,ii4 ,the ,connexion with ,slaves4 ,the day was a holiday for slaves#hch1 perhaps after the work of harvest4 ,there was one other ,latin goddess1 ,feronia1 who was especially beloved by emancipated slaves#hci2 and as ,feronia was a deity both of markets and harvests1 there is something to be said for the suggestion#hdj that both slave holidays and slave emancipation would find a natural place on occasions of this kind4 ,it would seem also that this temple was an asylum for runaway or criminal slaves--a fact which slips out in ,festus' curious reproduction of a gloss of ,verrius ,flaccus#hda3 #8,servorum dies festus vulgo existimatur ,idus ,aug41 quod eo die ,servius ,tullius1 natus servus1 aedem ,dianae dedicaverit in ,aventino1 cuius tutelae sint cervi1 a quo celeritate fugitivos vocent servos4' ,the stag1 as the favourite beast of ,diana1 may perhaps have a ,greek origin2 but the inference from the false etymology remains the same4 ,,iii4 ,the ,greek ,character in the ,cult4 ,as in the case of ,ceres1 the temple-foundations of this age might naturally have a ,greek character1 owing to the foreign relations of the ,etruscan dynasty in ,rome#hdb4 ,we have already noticed the lex templi1 said to have been written in ,greek characters4 ,it is a still more striking fact that there was in this temple a 1 or wooden statue of ,diana1 closely resembling that of ,artemis at ,massilia1 which was itself derived from the famous temple at ,ephesus#hdc4 ,the transference to ,diana of the characteristics of ,artemis was no doubt quite natural and easy2 for1 hard as it is to distinguish the ,greek and ,italian elements in the cult1 we know enough of some at least of the latter to be sure that they would easily lend themselves to a ,greek transformation4 ,this transformation must have begun at a very early period1 for in ,b4,c4 #cih we find ,diana already associated with ,apollo and ,latona1 in the first lectisternium celebrated at ,rome1 where she certainly represented ,artemis#hdd4 ,on the whole this temple and its cult seem a kind of anticipation of the great temple on the ,capitol1 in marking an advance in the progress of ,rome from the narrow life of a small city-state to a position of influence in ,western ,italy4 ,the advance of the ,plebs1 the emancipation of slaves1 the new relations with ,latin cities1 and the introduction of ,greek religious ideas are all reflected here4 ,new threads are being woven into the tissue of ,roman social and political life4 ,the close relation of ,diana to human life is not very difficult to explain4 ,like ,fortuna1 ,juno ,lucina1 ,bona ,dea1 and others1 she was a special object of the worship of women2 she assisted the married woman at childbirth#hde2 and on this day the ,roman women made a special point of washing their heads#hdf--;an unusual performance1 perhaps1 which has been explained by reference to the sanctity of the head among primitive peoples#hdg4 ,but ,diana1 like ,silvanus1 with whom she is found in connexion#hdh1 was no doubt originally a spirit of holy trees and woods1 i4 e4 of wild life generally1 who became gradually reclaimed and brought into friendly and useful relations with the ,italian farmer1 his wife1 and his cattle#hdi4 ,this was also the dies natalis of another temple on the ,aventine1 that of ,vortumnus1 which was dedicated in ,b4,c4 #bfd by the consul ,m4 ,fulvius ,flaccus#hej4 ,about the character of this god there is fortunately no doubt4 ,literature here comes to our aid1 as it too rarely does3 ,propertius#hea describes him elaborately as presiding over gardens and fruit1 and ,ovid#heb tells a picturesque story of his love for ,pomona the fruit-goddess1 whose antiquity at ,rome is proved by the fact that she had a flamen of her own#hec4 ,the date1 ,august #ac1 when the fruit would be ripe1 suits well enough with all we know of ,vortumnus4 ,the god had a bronze statue in the ,vicus ,tuscus1 and perhaps for that reason was believed to have come to ,rome from ,etruria#hed4 ,but his name1 like ,picumnus1 is beyond doubt ,latin1 and may be supposed to indicate the turn or change in the year at the fruit-season#hee2 and if he really was an immigrant1 which is possible1 his original cult in ,etruria was not ,etruscan proper1 but old ,italian4 ,three other dedications are mentioned in the calendars as occurring on ,aug4 #ac3 to ,hercules invictus ad portam trigeminam2 to ,castor and ,pollax in circo ,flaminio2 and to ,flora ad circum maximum4 ,of these cults nothing of special interest is known1 and the deities are treated of in other parts of this work4 ,,xvi ,,kal4 ,,sept4 7,,aug4 #ag74 ,,np4 ,,port,,unalia4 7,,maff4 ,,amit4 ,,vall47 ,,tiberinalia4 7,,philoc47 ,,feriae ,,portuno4 7,,amit4 ,,ant47 ,,portuno ,,ad ,,pontem ,,aemilium4 7,,amit4 ,,vall4 ,,allif47 ,,iano ,,ad ,,theatrum ,,marcelli4 7,,vall4 ,,allif47 ,who was ,portunus1 and why was his festival in ,august8 ,why was it at the ,pons ,aemilius1 and where was that bridge8 ,can any connexion be found between this and the other ,august rites8 ,these questions cannot be answered satisfactorily2 the scraps of evidence are too few and too doubtful4 ,we have here to do with another ancient deity1 who survives in the calendars only1 and in the solitary record that he had a special flamen4 ,this flamen might be a plebeian#hef1 which seems to suit with the character of other cults in the district by the ,tiber1 and may perhaps point to a somewhat later origin than that of the most ancient city worships4 ,there are but two or three texts which help us to make an uncertain guess at the nature of ,portunus4 ,varro#heg wrote #8,portunalia et ,portuno1 quoi eo die aedes in portu ,tiberino facta et feriae institutae4' ,mommsen takes the portus here as meaning ,ostia at the mouth of the ,tiber1 and imagines a yearly procession thither from ,rome on this day#heh4 ,this of course is pure hypothesis2 but if1 as he insists1 portus is rarely or never used for a city wharf on a river such as that at ,rome1 we may perhaps accept it provisionally2 but in doing so we have to yield another point to ,mommsen1 viz4 the identity of ,portunus and ,tiberinus4 ,in the very late calendar of ,philocalus this day is called ,tiberinalia1 and from this ,mommsen infers the identity of the two deities#hei4 ,but it may be that the original ,portunus had no immediate connexion either with river or harbour4 ,we find a curious but mutilated note in the ,veronese commentary on ,virgil#hfj3 #8,portunus1 ut ,varro ait1 deus portuum portarumque praeses4 ,quare huius dies festus ,portunalia1 qua apud veteres claves in focum add 444 mare institutum4' ,huschke#hfa here conjectured #8addere et infumare1' and inferred that we should see in ,portunus the god of the gates and keys which secured the stock of corn1 c41 in storehouses4 ,wild as this writer's conjectures usually are1 in this case it seems to me possible that he has hit the mark4 ,if the words #8claves in focum' are genuine1 as they seem to be1 we can hardly avoid the conclusion that something was done to keys on this day2 perhaps the old keys of very hard wood were held in the fire to harden them afresh#hfb4 ,it is worth noting that according to ,verrius#hfc ,portunus was supposed #8clavim manu tenere et deus esse portarum4' ,this would suit very well with harvest-time1 when barns and storehouses would be repaired and their gates and fastenings looked to--more especially as it is not unlikely that the word portus originally meant a safe place of any kind1 and only as civilization advanced became specially appropriated to harbours#hfd4 ,this appropriation may have come about through the medium of storehouses near the ,tiber2 and it was long ago suggested by ,jordan that these were under the particular care of ,portunus#hfe4 ,if ,portunus were really a god of keys and doors and storehouses1 it would be natural to look for some close relation between him and ,janus4 ,but what can be adduced in favour of such a relation does not amount to much#hff2 and it may have been merely by accident that this was the dedication-day of a temple of ,janus #8ad theatrum ,marcelli'#hfg4 ,,xiv ,,kal4 ,,sept4 7,,aug4 #ai74 ,,fp4 7,,maff4 ,,amit47 ,f4 7,,ant4 ,,allif47 ,,np4 7,,vall4#hfh7 ,,vin,,alia4 7,,maff4 ,,vall4 ,,amit4 ,,etc47 ,,feriae ,,iovi4 7,,allif47 ,,veneri ,,ad ,,circum ,,maximum4 7,,vall47 ,the #8,aedes ,veneris ad ,circum ,maximum' alluded to in the ,fasti ,vallenses was dedicated in #bie ,b4,c41 and the building was begun at the expense of certain matrons who were fined for adultery#hfi4 ,as has been already explained1 no early connexion can be proved between ,venus and wine or the vintage#hgj2 though both ,august #ai and ,april #bc1 the days of the two ,vinalia1 were dedication-days of temples of the goddess4 ,the difficult question of the two festivals called ,vinalia has been touched upon under ,april #bc4 ,the one in ,august was known as ,vinalia ,rustica#hga1 and might naturally be supposed to be concerned with the ripening grapes4 ,it has been conjectured#hgb that it was on this day1 which one calendar marks as a festival of ,jupiter1 that the ,flamen ,dialis performed the auspicatio vindemiae1 i4 e4 plucked the first grapes1 and prayed and sacrificed for the safety of the whole crop#hgc4 ,if it be argued that ,august #bc was too early a date for such a rite1 since the vintage was never earlier than the middle of ,september1 we may remember that the ,vestal ,virgins plucked the first ears of corn as early as the first half of ,may for the purpose of making sacred cakes1 some weeks before the actual harvest#hgd4 ,but it is certainly possible that both ,vinalia have to do with wine1 and not with the vintage4 ,festus says that this day was a festival because the new wine was then first brought into the city#hge2 and this does not conflict with ,varro#hgf1 who tells us that on this day fiunt feriati olitores--for it would naturally be a day of rejoicing for the growers4 ,mommsen1 with some reason1 refers these passages to the later custom of not opening the wine of the last vintage for a year#hgg1 in which case the year must be understood roughly as from ,october to ,august4 ,he would1 in fact1 explain this second ,vinalia as instituted when this later and more luxurious custom arose1 the old rule of a six months' period surviving in the ,april ceremony4 ,if we ask why the ,august ,vinalia are called ,rustica1 ,mommsen answers that the country growers were now at liberty to bring in their wine4 ,it is difficult to decide between these conflicting views4 ,when an authority like ,mommsen bids us beware of connecting the ,vinalia ,rustica with the auspicatio vindemiae1 we feel that it is at our peril that we differ from him4 ,he is evidently quite unable to look upon such a date as ,august #ai as in any way associated with the vintage which followed some weeks later4 ,yet ,i cannot help thinking1 that this association is by no means impossible2 for the grapes would by this time be fully formed on the vines1 and the next few weeks would be an anxious time for the growers#hgh4 ,ceremonies like that of the ,auspicatio1 intended to avert from crops the perils of storm or disease1 are known sometimes to take place when the crops are still unripe4 ,i have already alluded to the proceedings of the ,vestals in ,may4 ,mr4 ,frazer1 in an ,appendix to his ,golden ,bough#hgi1 gives a curious instance of this kind from ,tonga in the ,pacific ,ocean1 where what we may call the auspicatio of the ,yam-crop took place before the whole crop was fit for gathering4 ,it was celebrated #8just before the yams in general are arrived at a state of maturity2 those which are used in this ceremony being planted sooner than others1 and consequently they are the firstfruits of the yam season4 ,the object of this offering is to ensure the protection of the gods1 that their favour may be extended to the welfare of the nation generally and in particular to the productions of the earth1 of which yams are the most important4' ,,xii ,,kal4 ,,sept4 7,,aug4 #ba74 ,,np4 ,,cons,,ualia4 7,,pinc4 ,,maff4 ,,vall4 ,,etc47 ,,conso ,,in ,,aventino ,,sacrificium4 7,,vall47 ,there was a second festival of ,consus on ,dec4 #ae2 but the note #8,conso in ,aventino' there appears three days earlier1 ,dec4 #ab4 ,the temple on the ,aventine was a comparatively late foundation#hhj2 but as the cult of this old god became gradually obscured1 it seems to have been confused with the most ancient centre of ,consus-worship1 the underground altar in the ,circus maximus1 #8ad primas metas'#hha4 ,it is with this latter that we must connect the two ,consualia4 ,what the altar was like we do not exactly know2 it was only uncovered on the festival days4 ,dionysius calls it a 1 ,servius a #8templum sub tecto'2 and ,tertullian1 who explicitly says that it was #8sub terra1' asserts that there was engraved on it the following inscription3 #8,consus consilio1 ,mars duello1 ,lares coillo#hhb potentes4' ,wissowa remarks that this statement #8is not free from suspicion'2 and we may take it as pretty certain that if it was really there it was not very ancient4 ,the false etymology of ,consus1 and the connexion of ,mars with war1 both show the hand of some comparatively late interpreter of religion2 and the form of the inscription1 nominative and descriptive1 is most suspiciously abnormal4 ,for the true etymology of ,consus we are1 strange to say1 hardly in doubt2 and it helps us to conjecture the real origin of this curious altar4 ,consus is connected with #8condere'#hhc1 and may be interpreted as the god of the stored-up harvest2 the buried altar will thus be a reminiscence of the very ancient practice--sometimes of late suggested as worth reviving for hay--of storing the corn underground#hhd4 ,or if this practice cannot be proved of ancient ,italy1 we may aptly remember that sacrifices to chthonic deities were sometimes buried2 a practice which may in earliest times have given rise to the connexion of such gods with wealth--when agricultural produce rather than the precious metals was the common form of wealth#hhe4 ,or again we may combine the two interpretations1 and guess that the corn stored up underground was conceived as in some sense sacrificed to the chthonic deities4 ,if these views of the altar are correct1 we might naturally infer that the ,consualia in ,august was a harvest festival of some kind4 ,plutarch#hhf asks why at the ,consualia horses and asses have a holiday and are decked out with flowers2 and such a custom would suit excellently with harvest-home4 ,unluckily in the only trace of this custom preserved in the calendars1 it is attributed to the ,december festival1 and is so mutilated as to be useless for detail#hhg4 ,,feriae ,,conso ,,equi ,,et ,,muli ,,floribus ,,coronantur4 ,,quod ,,in ,,eius ,,tu,,tela ,,sunt4 ,,ita,,que ,,rex ,,equo ,,vectus4 ,the amplifications here are ,mommsen's1 the first two based on ,plutarch's statement4 ,it is a difficulty1 as regards the first1 that the middle of ,december would be a bad time for flowers3 perhaps this did not occur to the great scholar4 ,i would suggest that either ,verrius' note is here accidentally misplaced1 or that the lacunae must be filled up differently4 ,in any case ,i do not think we need fear to refer ,plutarch's passage to the ,consualia of ,august1 and therefore to harvest rejoicings on that day4 ,the connexion of the ,consus-cult with horses was so obvious as to give rise eventually to the identification of the god with ,poseidon ,hippios4 ,it is certain that there were horse-races in the ,circus maximus at one of the two ,consualia1 and as ,dionysius#hhh connects them with the day of the ,rape of the ,sabines1 which ,plutarch puts in ,august1 we may be fairly sure that they took place at the ,august festival4 ,mules also raced--according to ,festus#hhi1 because they were said to be the most ancient beasts of burden4 ,this looks like a harvest festival1 and may carry us back to the most primitive agricultural society and explain the origin of the ,circus maximus2 for the only other horse-races known to us from the old calendar were those of ,mars in the ,campus ,martius on ,feb4 #bg and ,march #achij4 ,we may suppose that when the work of harvest was done1 the farmers and labourers enjoyed themselves in this way and laid the foundation for a great ,roman social institution#hia4 ,once more1 it is not impossible that in the legendary connexion of the ,rape of the ,sabine women with the ,consualia#hib we may see a reflection of the jollity and license which accompanies the completion of harvest among so many peoples4 ,romulus was said to have attracted the ,sabines by the first celebration of the ,consualia4 ,is it not possible that the meeting of neighbouring communities on a festive occasion of this kind may have been a favourable opportunity for capturing new wives#hic8 ,the sexual license common on such occasions has been abundantly illustrated by ,mr4 ,frazer in his ,golden ,bough#hid4 ,before leaving the ,consualia we may just remark that ,consus had no flamen of his own1 in spite of his undoubted antiquity2 doubtless because his altar was underground1 and only opened once or perhaps twice a year4 ,on ,august #ba his sacrifice was performed1 says ,tertullian#hie1 by the ,flamen ,quirinalis in the presence of the ,vestals4 ,this flamen seems to have had a special relation to the corn-crops1 for it was he who also sacrificed a dog to ,robigus on ,april #behif1 to avert the mildew from them2 and thus we get one more confirmation from the cult of the view taken as to the agricultural origin of the ,consualia4 ,x ,,kal4 ,,sept4 7,,aug4 #bc74 ,,np4 ,,volcanalia4 7,,pinc4 ,,maff4 ,,vall4 ,,etc47 ,,volcano ,,in ,,circo ,,flaminio4 7,,vall47 ,,volcano4 7,,pinc47 7,a mutilated fragment of the calendar of the ,fratres ,arvales gives ,,quir,,ino ,,in ,,colle1 ,,volk,,ano ,,in ,,comit,,io4 ,,opi ,,opifer,,ae ,,in 4441 ,,nymp,,his787 ,,in ,,campo74 ,of the cult of this day1 apart from the extracts from the calendars1 we know nothing1 except that the heads of ,roman families threw into the fire certain small fish with scales1 which were to be had from the ,tiber fishermen at the #8area ,volcani'#hig4 ,we cannot explain this2 but it reminds us of the fish called maena1 with magical properties1 which the old woman offered to ,tacita and the ghost-world at the ,parentalia#hih4 ,fish-sacrifices were rare2 and if in one rite fish are used to propitiate the inhabitants of the underworld1 they seem not inappropriate in another of which the object is apparently to propitiate the fire-god1 who in a volcanic country like that of ,rome must surely be a chthonic deity4 ,the antiquity of the cult of ,volcanus is shown by the fact that there was a ,flamen ,volcanalis#hii1 who on ,may #a sacrificed to ,maia1 the equivalent1 as we saw1 of ,bona ,dea1 ,terra1 c4 ,with ,volcanus we may remember that ,maia was coupled in the old prayer formula preserved by ,gellius 7#ac4bc7--,maia ,volcani4 ,from these faint indications ,preller#ijj conjectured that the original notion of ,volcanus was that of a favouring nature-spirit1 perhaps of the warmth and fertilizing power of the earth4 ,however this may be1 in later times1 under influences which can only be guessed at1 he became a hostile fire-god1 hard to keep under control4 ,of this aspect of him ,wissowa has written concisely at the conclusion of his little treatise de ,feriis4 ,he suggests that the appearance of the nymphs#ija in the rites of this day indicates the use of water in conflagrations1 and that ,ops ,opifera was perhaps invoked to protect her own storehouses4 ,the name ,volcanus became a poetical word for devouring fire as early as the time of ,ennius1 and is familiar to us in this sense in ,virgil#ijb4 ,after the great fire at ,rome in ,nero's time a new altar was erected to ,volcanus by ,domitian1 at which 7and at all ,volcanalia7 on this day a red calf and a boar were offered for sacrifice#ijc4 ,at ,ostia the cult became celebrated2 there was an #8aedes' and a #8pontifex ,volcani' and a #8praetor sacris ,volcani faciundis4' ,in ,august the storehouses at ,ostia would be full of new grain arrived from ,sicily1 ,africa1 and ,egypt1 and in that hot month would be especially in danger from fire2 an elaborate cult of ,volcanus the fire-god was therefore at this place particularly desirable4 ,the aedes ,volcani in circo ,flaminio was dedicated before #bae ,b4,c42 the exact date is not known#ijd4 ,its position was explained by ,vitruvius#ije as having the object of keeping conflagrations away from the city4 ,mr4 ,jevons1 in his ,introduction to a translation of ,plutarch's ,quaestiones ,romanae#ijf1 has argued from this position1 outside the pomoerium1 and from a doubtful etymology1 that the cult of ,volcanus was a foreign introduction2 but the position of the temple is no argument1 as has been well shown by ,aust#ijg1 and the chief area ,volcani1 or ,volcanal1 was in the ,comitium1 in the heart of the city#ijh4 ,,ix ,,kal4 ,,sept4 7,,aug4 #bd74 ,,mundus ,,patet4 ,this does not appear in the calendars4 ,we learn from ,festus#iji that on this day1 on ,oct4 #e1 and ,nov4 #h1 the #8mundus' was open4 ,this mundus was a round pit on the ,palatine1 the centre of ,roma quadrata#iaj--the concave hollow being perhaps supposed to correspond to the concave sky above#iaa4 ,it was closed1 so it was popularly believed1 by a #8lapis manalis' 7,festus s4 v474 ,when this was removed1 on the three days there was supposed to be free egress for the denizens of the underworld#iab4 ,i am much inclined to see in this last idea a later ,graeco-,etruscan accretion upon a very simple original fact4 ,o4 ,mller long ago suggested this--pointing out that in ,plutarch's description of the foundation of ,roma quadrata the casting into the trench of first-fruits of all necessaries of life gives us a clue to the original meaning of the mundus4 ,if we suppose that it was the penus of the new city--a sacred place1 of course--used for storing grain1 we can see why it should be open on ,aug4 #bdiac4 ,nor is it difficult to understand why1 when the original use and meaning had vanished1 the ,graeco-,etruscan doctrine of the underworld should be engrafted on this simple ,roman stem4 ,dis and ,proserpina claim the mundus3 it is #8ianua ,orci1' #8faux ,plutonis'#iad--;ideas familiar to ,romans who had come under the spell of ,etruscan religious beliefs4 ,,viii ,,kal4 ,,sept4 7,,aug4 #be74 ,,np4 ,,opic,,onsivia4 7,,allif4 ,,maff4 ,,vall47 ,,opicid4 7,,pinc47 ,the last two letters must be a cutter's error4 ,,feriae ,,opi2 ,,opi ,,consiv4 ,,in ,,regia4 7,,arv47 ,the last four words seem to belong to ,aug4 #bf 7see ,mommsen ad loc474 ,this festival follows that of ,consus after an interval of three days2 and ,wissowa#iae has pointed out that in ,december the same interval occurs between the ,consualia 7#aeth7 and the ,opalia 7#aith74 ,this and the epithet or cognomen ,consiva1 which is fully attested#iaf1 led him to fancy that ,ops was the wife of ,consus1 and not the wife of ,saturnus1 as has been generally supposed both in ancient and modern times#iag4 ,we may agree with him that there is no real evidence for any primitive connexion of ,saturnus and ,ops of this kind2 as far as we can tell the idea was adopted from the relation of ,cronos and ,rhea4 ,but there was no need to find any husband for ,ops2 the name ,consiva need imply no such relation1 any more than ,lua ,saturni1 ,moles ,martis1 ,maia ,volcani1 and the rest#iah1 or the ,tursa ,iovia of the ,iguvian inscription so often quoted4 ,both adjectival and genitive forms are in my view no more than examples of the old ,italian instinct for covering as much ground as possible in invoking supernatural powers#iai2 and this is again a result of the indistinctness with which those powers were conceived1 in regard both to their nature and function4 ,a distinct specialization of function was1 ,i am convinced1 the later work of the pontifices4 ,ops and ,consus are obviously closely related2 and ,wissowa is probably right in treating the one as a deity #8messis condendae1' and the other as representing the #8opima frugum copia quae horreis conditur4' ,but when he goes further than this1 his arguments ring hollow#ibj4 ,of the ritual of the ,opiconsivia we know only what ,varro tells us#iba3 #8,opeconsiva dies ab dea ,ope ,consiva1 quoius in ,regia sacrarium1 quod ideo actum 7so ,,mss47 ut eo praeter ,virgines ,vestales et sacerdotem publicum introeat nemo4' ,many conjectures have been made for the correction of #8quod ideo actum'#ibb2 but the real value of the passage does not depend on these words4 ,the ,regia is the king's house1 and represents that of the ancient head of the family3 the sacrarium ,opis was surely then the sacred penus of that house--the treasury of the fruits of the earth on which the family subsisted4 ,it suits admirably with this view that1 as ,varro says1 only the ,vestals and a #8publicus sacerdos' were allowed to enter it--i4 e4 the form was retained from remote antiquity that the daughters of the house were in charge of it#ibc--the master of the house being here represented by the sacerdos--the rex sacrorum or a pontifex4 ,in this connexion it is worth while to quote a passage of ,columella#ibd which seems to be derived from some ancient practice of the rural household3 #8,ne contractentur pocula vel cibi nisi aut ab impube aut certe abstinentissimo rebus venereis1 quibus si fuerit operatus vel vir vel femina debere eos flumine aut perenni aqua priusquam penora contingant ablui4 ,propter quod his necessarium esse pueri vel virginis ministerium1 per quos promantur quae usus postulaverit4' ,,vi ,,kal4 ,,sept4 7,,aug4 #bg74 ,,np4 ,,volt,,urnalia4 7,,allif4 ,,maff4 ,,vall47 ,,feriae ,,volturno4 7,,arv4 ,,inter ,,addita ,,posteriora47 ,,volturno ,,flumini ,,sacrificium4 7,,vall47 ,of this very ancient and perhaps obsolete rite nothing seems to have been known to the later ,latin scholars1 or they did not think it worth comment4 ,varro mentions a ,flamen ,volturnalis1 but tells us nothing about him4 ,from the occurrence of the name for a river in ,campania it may be guessed that the god in this case was a river also2 and if so1 it must be the ,tiber4 ,this is ,mommsen's conclusion1 and the only difficulty he finds in it is that 7in his view7 ,portunus is also the ,tiber#ibe4 ,why did he not see that the same river-god1 even if bearing different names1 could hardly have two flamines8 ,i am content to see in ,volturnus an old name for the ,tiber1 signifying the winding snake-like river#ibf1 and in ,portunus a god of storehouses1 as ,i have explained above4 ,here1 then1 we perhaps have a trace of the lost cult of the ,tiber1 which assuredly must have existed in the earliest times--and the flamen is the proof of its permanent importance4 ,when the name was changed to ,tiber we do not know1 nor whether #8,albula' marks an intermediate stage between the two2 but that this was the work of the pontifices seems likely from ,servius#ibg1 who writes #8,tiberinus 444 a pontificibus indigitari solet4' ,of a god ,tiberinus there is no single early record4 ,it should just be mentioned that ,jordan#ibh1 relying on ,lucretius1 #e4 #gde1 thought it probable that ,volturnus might be a god of whirlwinds2 and ,huschke#ibi has an even wilder suggestion1 which need not here be mentioned4 ,footnote #gij3 ,varro1 ,r4 ,r4 ,i4 #cc1 has only the following3 #8,quinto intervallo1 inter caniculam et aequinoctium auctumnale oportet stramenta desecari1 et acervos construi1 aratro offringi1 frondem caedi1 prata irrigua iterum secari4' ,footnote #gia3 ,this is the natural position for the ager of the oldest community on the ,palatine4 ,the ,campus ,martius was believed to have been #8king's land' of the later developed city 7,liv4 #b4 #e74 ,footnote #gib3 ,liv4 #aj4 #a4 #i2 ,aust1 de ,aedibus sacris1 p4 #aj4 ,footnote #gic3 ,marq4 #cgg2 ,dio ,cass4 #cg4 #bd and #be2 ,tac4 ,ann4 #ab4 #bc4 ,footnote #gid3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 i4 #di and #agi4 ,footnote #gie3 ,see ,preller1 ii4 #bbh2 and article #8,sacerdos' in ,dict4 of ,antiquities1 new edition4 ,footnote #gif3 ,on this difficult subject see ,dict4 of ,antiquities1 s4v4 ,indigitamenta2 and the long and exhaustive article by ,r4 ,peter in ,roscher's ,lexicon 7which is1 however1 badly written1 and in some respects1 ,i think1 misleading74 ,footnote #gig3 ,see the valuable summary of ,aust 7in ten lines74 ,footnote #gih3 ,plin4 ,n4 ,h4 #ce4 #ai4 ,footnote #gii3 #dj4 #ai4 ,footnote #hjj3 ,paulus1 #bc2 ,quintil4 #a4 #g4 #ab2 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #e4 #eb 7from the #8sacra ,argeorum'71 if we read #8adversum ,solis pulvinar cis aedem ,salutis4' ,the name is said to be connected with the ,umbrian and ,etruscan god of light1 ,usil1 a word thought to be recognizable in ,aurelius 7 ,auselius1 ,varro1 l4 c471 and in the ,ozeul of the ,salian hymn 7,wordsworth1 ,fragments and ,specimens of ,early ,latin1 p4 #efd foll474 ,footnote #hja3 ,so e4 g4 ,virgil1 ,georg4 #a4 #dih #8,di patrii indigites et ,romule ,vestaque ,mater4' ,peter1 in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,indigitamenta1 #acb4 ,footnote #hjb3 i4 #cbe4 ,footnote #hjc3 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,indigitamenta1 #acg4 ,footnote #hjd3 ,wissowa1 de ,romanorum ,indigetibus et ,novensidibus 7,marburg1 #ahib74 ,footnote #hje3 ,merkel1 ,praef4 in ,ov4 ,fastos1 cxxxv2 ,mommsen1 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cbd4 ,footnote #hjf3 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,hercules1 #bijc foll41 where ,r4 ,peter has summarized and criticized all the various opinions4 ,footnote #hjg3 ,liv4 ,i4 #g4 ,footnote #hjh3 ,dionys4 ,i4 #dj1 who says that the duties were performed by slaves in his day4 ,see ,lex4 #bibe for a long list of conjectures about this part of the legend4 ,the ,potitii never occur in inscriptions2 and ,i think with ,jordan 7,preller1 ii4 #bia7 that the name is imaginary1 invented to account for the functions of the slaves4 ,footnote #hji3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 vi4 #cab-cai1 found on the site of the aedes4 ,footnote #haj3 ,macrob4 #c4 #ab4 #b2 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ae4 ,the uncovered head also occurs in the cult of ,saturnus2 and ,r4 ,peter argues that the custom may after all be old-,italian 7,lex4 #bibh74 ,footnote #haa3 ,marquardt1 ,privatalterthmer1 vol4 i1 p4 #bia4 ,footnote #hab3 ,see above1 p4 #adb foll4 ,plut4 ,qu4 ,rom4 #fj2 ,macrob4 #a4 #ab4 #ch4 ,in ,q4 ,r4 #ij ,plutarch notes that no other god might be mentioned at the sacrifice1 and no dog might be admitted4 ,footnote #hac3 de ,re ,rustica1 #hc4 ,footnote #had3 ,the word was profanatum1 opposed to polluctum 7see ,marq4 #adi74 ,footnote #hae3 ,aen4 #h4 #bha foll4 ,footnote #haf3 ,salii are found in the cult of ,hercules also at ,tibur3 ,macrob4 #c4 #ab4 #g4 ,see a note of ,jordan in ,preller1 i4 #ceb4 ,footnote #hag3 ,lex4 #bica foll42 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 i4 #adi foll4 ,footnote #hah3 ,the examples are collected by ,r4 ,peter in ,lex4 #bice4 ,footnote #hai3 ,festus1 #bec1 s4 v4 pollucere merces2 ,plut4 ,qu4 ,rom4 #ah2 ,vita ,sullae1 #ce2 ,crassi1 #b2 ,lex4 #bjcb foll4 ,footnote #hbj3 ,marq4 #dfi2 ,festus1 p4 #cah1 s4 v4 sacrima4 ,footnote #hba3 ,robertson ,smith1 ,religion of the ,semites1 p4 #bcc4 ,footnote #hbb3 ,g4 ,b4 ii4 #cgc foll4 ,footnote #hbc3 ,in the legend ,hercules gave a tenth part of his booty to the inhabitants of the place 7,dionys #a4 #dj74 ,footnote #hbd3 ,see ,mommsen in ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 i4 #aej4 ,footnote #hbe3 e4 g4 in ,bral1 ,hercule et ,cacus4 ,footnote #hbf3 ,see ,lex4 #bbhf 7,r4 ,peter1 quoting ,reifferscheid74 ,footnote #hbg3 ,journal of ,hellenic ,studies1 vol4 xiii4 #gc4 ,professor ,gardner is inclined to consider the myth as ,phoenician rather than ,greek1 and attached to the ,phoenician ,melcarth ,herakles4 ,the vase is in the ,ashmolean ,museum1 and was found by the ,keeper1 ,mr4 ,arthur ,evans4 ,footnote #hbh3 ,mon4 dell' ,inst4 v4 #be4 ,but the character of the vase is archaic ,ionian1 as ,prof4 ,gardner tells me2 ,lex4 #bbge4 ,footnote #hbi3 ,h4 ,peter1 ,fragmenta ,hist4 ,rom4 p4 #aff 7 ,solinus1 i4 #g74 ,footnote #hcj3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 xiv4 #ceee2 ,lex4 #bbgh4 ,footnote #hca3 ,robertson ,smith1 op4 cit4 pp4 #bbh foll41 and additional note ,f4 ,footnote #hcb3 ,the day of the festival at ,aricia is thought to have been also ,aug4 #ac 7,lex4 s4 v4 ,diana1 #ajjf74 ,footnote #hcc3 ,beloch1 ,italischer ,bund1 #ahj2 ,cato 7ap4 ,priscian1 #g4 #ccg1 ed4 ,jordan1 p4 #da7 gives the names of the towns united in and by the ,arician cult--,aricia1 ,tusculum1 ,lanuvium1 ,laurentum1 ,cora1 ,tibur1 ,pometia1 ,ardea4 ,footnote #hcd3 ,liv4 ,i4 #de ,dionys4 #d4 #bf2 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #e4 #dc4 ,footnote #hce3 ,dionys4 l4 c4 ,see ,jordan1 ,krit4 ,beitrge1 #bec4 ,footnote #hcf3 ,so ,liv4 l4 c43 other temples of ,diana had deers' horns1 according to ,plutarch1 ,q4 ,r4 #d4 ,the cow was ,diana's favourite victim 7,marq4 #cfa72 but we cannot be sure that this was not a feature borrowed from the cult of ,artemis 7,farnell1 ,greek ,cults1 ii4 #eib74 ,footnote #hcg3 ,the passages from ,livy quoted by ,steuding 7,lex4 #ajjh7 are hardly to the point1 as the cult is not mentioned in them4 ,footnote #hch3 ,plut4 ,q4 ,r4 #ajj4 ,footnote #hci3 ,serv4 ,aen4 #h4 #efd3 cp4 ,liv4 #bb4 #a1 #bf4 #aa4 ,footnote #hdj3 ,mannhardt1 ,a4 ,w4 ,f4 #cbh foll4 ,footnote #hda3 ,festus1 #cdc1 #8,servorum dies4' ,footnote #hdb3 ,see above1 p4 #ge4 ,footnote #hdc3 ,strabo1 ,bk4 #d1 p4 #ahj2 ,farnell1 ,greek ,cults1 ii4 #ebi and #eib4 ,footnote #hdd3 ,liv4 #e4 #ac3 ,apollo and ,latona1 ,diana and ,hercules1 ,mercurius and ,neptunus4 ,footnote #hde3 ,lex4 #ajjg4 ,the excavations at ,nemi have produced several votive offerings in terra cotta of women with children in their arms4 ,cp4 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #c4 #bfi4 ,plutarch tells us 7,q4 ,r4 #c7 that men were excluded from a shrine of ,diana in the ,vicus ,patricius2 but of this nothing further is known4 ,footnote #hdf3 ,plut4 ,q4 ,r4 #ajj2 ,jevons1 ,introduction1 p4 lxviii4 ,footnote #hdg3 ,frazer1 ,golden ,bough1 i4 #ahg4 ,footnote #hdh3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 vi4 #fef1 #feh4 ,footnote #hdi3 ,frazer1 ,g4 ,b4 i4 #aje3 cp4 ,robertson ,smith1 ,religion of the ,semites1 p4 #abh foll4 ,serv4 ,georg4 #c4 #ccb #8,ut omnis quercus ,iovi est consecrata1 et omnis lucus ,dianae4' 7,hor4 ,od4 #a4 #ba47 ,the reclaiming of ,diana from the woodland to the homestead is curiously illustrated by an inscription from ,aricia 7,wilmanns1 ,exempla1 #agfg7 in which she is identified with ,vesta4 ,footnote #hej3 ,aust1 de ,aedibus sacris1 p4 #ae4 ,footnote #hea3 #e4 7#d47 #b4 ,footnote #heb3 ,metaph4 #ad4 #fbc foll42 ,preller1 i4 #dea4 ,footnote #hec3 ,varro4 ,l4 ,l4 #g4 #de4 ,a god ,pomonus 7gen4 ,puemones7 occurs in the ,iguvian ritual 7,bcheler1 ,umbrica1 #aeh72 who may have been identical with ,vortumnus4 ,footnote #hed3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #e4 #df4 ,footnote #hee3 ,preller1 i4 #deb1 and ,jordan's note4 ,footnote #hef3 ,festus1 #bag1 s4 v4 persillum4 ,all we know of his duties is that he #8unguit arma ,quirini'2 the word for the oil or grease he used was #8persillum4' ,quirinus had his own flamen1 who might be supposed to do this office for him2 hence ,marq4 7#cbh note7 inferred that the god in this case was a form of ,janus1 ,janus ,quirinus4 ,but there is no other sound evidence for a ,janus ,quirinus1 though ,janus and ,portunus may be closely connected4 ,footnote #heg3 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ai4 ,footnote #heh3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cbe4 ,he thinks that the atria ,tiberina mentioned by ,ovid 7,fasti1 #d4 #cbi7 were a station on the route of the procession4 ,footnote #hei3 ,mommsen has not convinced other scholars1 e4 g4 ,jordan on ,preller1 ii4 #acc1 and ,marq4 #cbh1 who points out that if ,volturnus is an old name for the ,tiber1 that river-god was already provided with a flamen 7,volturnalis71 and a festival in this month 7see below on ,volturnalia74 ,i am disposed to think that ,mommsen's critics have the best of the argument4 ,footnote #hfj3 ,on ,aen4 #e4 #bda4 ,footnote #hfa3 ,rm4 ,jahr1 p4 #bej4 ,jordan restored the passage thus3 #8,quo apud veteres aedes in portu et feriae institutae' 7,preller1 i4 #agh note74 ,footnote #hfb3 ,see ,marquardt1 ,privatalterthmer1 p4 #bbf4 ,footnote #hfc3 ,paulus1 #ef4 ,footnote #hfd3 ,in ,festus1 #bcc1 portus is said to have been used for a house in the ,twelve ,tables4 ,footnote #hfe3 ,topogr4 i4 #dcj2 ,marq4 agrees 7#cbg note74 ,footnote #hff3 ,preller1 i4 #agg4 ,footnote #hfg3 ,it was a late foundation1 vowed by ,c4 ,duilius in the ,first ,punic ,war 7,b4,c4 #bfj74 ,when rebuilt by ,tiberius 7,tac4 ,ann4 #b4 #di7 the dedication-day became ,oct4 #ah4 ,see ,aust1 de ,aedibus sacris1 p4 #ah4 ,footnote #hfh3 ,see above on ,april #bc1 p4 #he4 ,footnote #hfi3 ,livy1 #aj4 #ca2 ,aust1 de ,aedibus sacris1 p4 #ab4 ,footnote #hgj3 ,see above1 p4 #hf4 ,footnote #hga3 ,paulus1 #bfd4 ,footnote #hgb3 ,preller1 i4 #aif2 ,marq4 #ccc note4 ,footnote #hgc3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #af #8,vinalia a vino2 ,hic dies ,iovis1 non ,veneris2 huius rei cura non levis in ,latio2 nam aliquot locis vindemiae primum a sacerdotibus publicae fiebant1 ut ,romae etiam nunc2 nam flamen ,dialis auspicatur vindemiam1 et ut iussit vinum legere1 agna ,iovi facit1 inter quoius exta caesa et porrecta flamen primus vinum legit4' ,but this note1 coming between others on the ,cerialia and ,robigalia1 clearly refers to ,april #bc1 and the latter part of it must be taken as simply explaining #8huius rei cura non levis' without reference to a particular day4 ,footnote #hgd3 ,see above1 p4 #aaj4 ,footnote #hge3 p4 #bfd4 ,footnote #hgf3 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #bj4 ,the passage in #f4 #af1 quoted above1 ends thus3 #8,in ,tusculanis hortis 7sortis in ,,ms47 est scriptum3 ,vinum novum ne vehatur in urbem antequam ,vinalia calentur1' which may refer to a notice put up in the vineyards4 ,another reading is #8sacris4' ,footnote #hgg3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #caf and #cbf2 ,varro1 ,r4 ,r4 #a4 #fe4 ,footnote #hgh3 ,cf4 ,pliny1 ,n4 ,h4 #ah4 #bhd4 #8,tria namque tempora fructibus metuebant1 propter quod instituerunt ferias diesque festos1 ,robigalia1 ,floralia1 ,vinalia4' ,i do not see why the ,vinalia here should not be the ,vinalia ,rustica4 ,cp4 ,virg4 ,georg4 #b4 #dai #8,et iam maturis metuendus ,iuppiter uvis4' ,hartmann1 ,rm4 ,kal4 #acg foll4 ,footnote #hgi3 ,vol4 ii4 #cgi4 ,footnote #hhj3 ,b4,c4 #bgb 7,festus1 #bji2 ,aust1 p4 #ad74 ,footnote #hha3 ,for this altar1 ,tertull4 ,spect4 #e and #h2 ,dionys4 #a4 #cc2 ,tac4 ,ann4 #ab4 #bd2 ,serv4 ,aen4 #h4 #fcf4 ,footnote #hhb3 ,no correction of this word seems satisfactory3 see ,mommsen1 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cbf4 ,footnote #hhc3 ,wissowa1 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,consus1 #ibf4 ,footnote #hhd3 ,suggested by ,mommsen1 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cbf1 and accepted by ,wissowa4 ,unluckily ,columella 7r4 #f71 in alluding to the practice1 says nothing of its occurrence in ,italy4 ,the alternative explanation was suggested to me by ,robertson ,smith 7,religion of the ,semites1 #ajg73 see also a note in ,mller-,deecke1 ,etrusker1 ii4 #ajj2 and below on ,terminalia 7p4 #cbe74 ,footnote #hhe3 ,the underground altar of ,dis ,pater in the ,campus ,martius1 at which the ludi saeculares were in part celebrated 7,zosimus1 #b4 #a71 may have had a like origin4 ,footnote #hhf3 ,qu4 ,rom4 #dj3 cf4 ,dionys4 #a4 #cc4 ,footnote #hhg3 ,fast4 ,praen42 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #bcg4 ,footnote #hhh3 #b4 #ca1 where he says that they were kept up in his own day3 cf4 ,strabo1 ,bk4 #e4c4 #b4 ,footnote #hhi3 p4 #adh4 ,footnote #hij3 ,friedlnder in ,marq4 #dhb4 ,for the connexion of games with harvest see ,mannhardt4 ,myth4 ,forsch4 #agb foll4 ,footnote #hia3 ,varro 7ap4 ,non4 p4 #ac7 quotes an old verse which seems to the point here3 #8,sibi pastores ludo faciunt coriis consualia4' ,footnote #hib3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #bj2 ,serv4 ,aen4 #h4 #fcf2 ,dionys4 #b4 #ca2 ,cic4 ,rep4 #b4 #ab4 ,footnote #hic3 ,see above1 p4 #agh4 ,footnote #hid3 ,vol4 ii4 #aga foll41 #cgb foll4 ,footnote #hie3 de ,spect4 #h4 ,footnote #hif3 ,see above1 p4 #hi2 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #d4 #ijh4 ,footnote #hig3 ,festus1 p4 #baj1 s4 v4 piscatorii ludi 7,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f #bj74 ,the latter uses the word #8animalia1' and does not mention fish4 ,the fish were apparently sacrificed at the domestic hearth2 but it is doubtful whether ,volcanus was ever a deity of the hearth-fire 7see ,schwegler1 ,r4 ,g4 i4 #gad2 ,wissowa1 de ,feriis1 xlv74 ,footnote #hih3 ,see below1 p4 #cji2 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #b4 #ega foll4 ,footnote #hii3 ,see above on ,may #bc1 p4 #abc2 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #e4 #hd2 ,macrob4 #a4 #ab4 #ah2 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 vi4 #afbh4 ,footnote #ijj3 ii4 #adi4 ,footnote #ija3 ,in the mutilated note in ,fast4 ,praen4 given above4 ,for ,wissowa's views as to the mistake of supposing ,volcanus to have been a god of smiths1 see above1 p4 #abc 7,may #bc74 ,footnote #ijb3 ,ennius1 ,fragm4 #e4 #dgg2 ,virg4 ,aen4 #e4 #ffb4 ,footnote #ijc3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 vi4 #hbf4 ,footnote #ijd3 ,liv4 #bd4 #aj4 #i4 ,footnote #ije3 ,vitruv4 #a4 #g4 #a4 ,footnote #ijf3 ,roman ,questions1 xviii4 ,footnote #ijg3 de ,aedibus sacris1 p4 #dg foll4 ,footnote #ijh3 ,what this was we do not really know3 there were several of them 7,preller1 ii4 #aej74 ,footnote #iji3 ,fest4 #aed1 from ,ateius ,capito2 ,macrob4 #a4 #af4 #ag4 ,footnote #iaj3 ,plut4 ,rom4 #aa2 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #d4 #hba4 ,plutarch wrongly describes it as being in the ,comitium4 ,footnote #iaa3 ,this seems to be meant by ,cato's words quoted by ,festus1 l4 c4 #8,mundo nomen impositum est ab eo mundo quod supra nos est 444 eius inferiorem partem veluti consecratam dis ,manibus clausam omni tempore nisi his diebus 7i4 e4 the three above mentioned7 maiores censuerunt habendam1 quos dies etiam religiosos judicaverunt4' ,footnote #iab3 ,fest4 #abh4 ,so ,varro1 ap4 ,macrob4 #a4 #af4 #ah #8,mundus cum patet1 deorum tristium atque inferum ianua patet4' ,lex4 s4 v4 ,dis ,pater1 #aahd2 ,preller1 ii4 #fh4 ,footnote #iac3 ,mller-,deecke1 ,etrusker1 ii4 #ajj4 ,plutarch is explicit3 1 1 1 4 ,see above on the ,consualia for the practice of burying grain1 c4 ,footnote #iad3 ,macrob4 #a4 #af4 #ag4 ,for similar ideas in ,greece see ,a4 ,mommsen1 ,heortologie1 #cde foll4 ,footnote #iae3 de ,feriis1 vi4 ,footnote #iaf3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ba2 ,festus1 #ahg4 ,footnote #iag3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l44 #e4 #eg and #fd2 ,festus1 #ahf2 ,macrob4 #a4 #aj4 #ai4 ,so ,preller1 ii4 #bj4 ,the keen-sighted ,ambrosch had1 ,i think1 a doubt about it 7,studien1 #adi71 and about the conjugal tie generally among ,italian deities4 ,see his note on p4 #adi4 ,footnote #iah3 ,gell4 #ac4 #bc4 ,ops ,toitesia 7if the reading be right7 of the ,esquiline vase 7,jordan in ,preller1 ii4 #bb7 may be a combination of this kind 7toitesia1 conn4 tutus873 cf4 ,ops opifera4 ,footnote #iai3 ,wissowa himself goes so far as to say that male and female divinities were joined together #8non per iustum matrimonium sed ex officiorum adfinitate1' op4 cit4 vi4 ,footnote #ibj3 ,op4 cit4 vii42 ,mommsen1 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cbg declines to follow him here4 ,footnote #iba3 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #bj4 ,the ,,mss4 read ,ope ,consiva2 so ,mommsen in ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cbg4 ,wissowa adopts the other form4 ,footnote #ibb3 ,see ,mommsen1 l4 c41 and ,marquardt1 #bab4 ,footnote #ibc3 ,see on ,vestalia above1 p4 #adg1 and ,marq4 #bea4 ,footnote #ibd3 ,colum4 #ab #d4 ,cited in ,de ,marchi1 ,il ,culto privato di ,roma ,antica 7,milan1 #ahif71 p4 #ef4 ,see my paper in ,classical ,review for ,oct4 #ahif3 vol4 x4 p4 #cag foll4 ,footnote #ibe3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cbg4 ,footnote #ibf3 ,preller1 ii4 #adb4 ,footnote #ibg3 ,aen4 #h4 #ccj4 ,footnote #ibh3 ,in ,preller1 ii4 #adc4 ,in the passage of ,lucretius ,volturnus is coupled with ,auster3 #8,inde aliae tempestates ventique secuntur1 ,altitonam ,volturnus et ,auster fulmine pollens4' ,columella 7#aa4 #b4 #fe7 says that some people use the name for the east wind 7cp4 ,liv4 #bb4 #dc74 ,footnote #ibi3 ,rm4 ,jahr1 #bea4 ,,mensis ,,september4 ,the ,calendar of this month is almost a blank4 ,only the ,kalends1 ,nones and ,ides are marked in the large letters with which we have become familiar2 no other festival is here associated with a special deity4 ,but the greater part of the month is occupied with the ludi ,romani 7#eth to #aith7#icj1 and the #acth 7,ides71 as we know from two ,calendars1 was not only1 like all ,ides1 sacred to ,jupiter1 but was distinguished as the day of the famous #8epulum ,jovis1' and also as the dies natalis of the great ,capitoline temple4 ,the explanation of the absence of great festivals in this month is comparatively simple4 ,september was for the ,italian farmer1 and therefore for the primitive ,roman agricultural community1 a period of comparative rest from urgent labour and from religious duties2 for no operations were then going on which called for the invocation of special deities to favour and protect4 ,a glance at the rustic calendars will show this well enough#ica4 ,the messes which figure in ,july and ,august have come to an end1 and the vintage does not appear until ,october4 ,there is of course work to be done1 as always1 but it is the easy work of the garden and orchard4 #8,dolia picantur3 poma legunt3 arborum oblaqueatio4' ,varro1 who divides the year for agricultural purposes into eight irregular periods1 has little to say of the fifth of these1 i4 e4 that which preceded the autumn equinox4 #8,quinto intervallo inter caniculam et aequinoctium autumnale oportet stramenta desecari1 et acervos construi1 aratro offringi1 frondem caedi1 prata irrigua iterum secari#icb4' ,this was also the time when military work would be coming to an end4 ,in early times there were of course no lengthy campaigns2 and such fighting as there was1 the object of which would be to destroy your enemies' crops and harvest1 would as a rule be over in ,august4 ,even in later times1 when campaigns were longer1 the same would usually be the case2 and the performance of vows made by the generals in the field1 and also their vacation of office1 would naturally fall in this month4 ,we find1 in fact1 that the ludi which occupied so large a number of ,september days1 had their origin in the performance of the vota of kings or consuls after the close of the wars#icc2 and we have evidence that the ,ides of ,september was the day on which the earliest consuls laid down their office#icd4 ,there was1 in fact1 every opportunity for a lengthened time of ease2 the people were at leisure and in good temper after harvest and victory2 even the horses which took part in the games were home from war service or resting from their labours on the farm#ice4 ,it is not strictly within the scope of this work to describe the ludi ,romani1 which in their fully organized form were of comparatively late date2 but their close connexion with the cult of ,jupiter affords an opportunity for some remarks on that most imposing of all the ,roman worships4 ,the ludi ,romani came in course of time1 as has been said above1 to extend from the #eth to the #aith2 they spread out in fact on each side of the ,ides#icf1 the day on which took place the #8epulum ,jovis' in the ,capitoline temple4 ,as this day was also the dies natalis of the same temple1 and that on which the nail was driven into the wall of the cella ,jovis#icg1 we have a very close connexion between the ludi and the cult of ,jupiter4 ,the link is to be found in the fact that in the ludi votivi1 which were developed into ludi ,romani1 the vows were made and paid to the supreme god of the ,state#ich4 ,we have from a later time the formula of such a vow preserved by ,livy#ici4 #8,si duellum quod cum rege ,antiocho sumi populus iussit id ex sententia senatus populique ,romani confectum erit1 tum tibi1 ,iuppiter1 populus ,romanus ludos magnos dies decem continuos faciet1 donaque ad omnia pulvinaria dabuntur de pecunia1 quantam senatus decreverit3 quisquis magistratus eos ludos quando ubique faxit1 hi ludi recte facti donaque data recte sunto4' ,the epulum ,jovis1 thus occurring in the middle of the ludi1 is believed by some writers to have originally belonged to the ,ides of ,november and to the ludi plebeii1 as it does not happen to be alluded to by ,livy in connexion with the ludi ,romani1 and our first notice of it in ,september is in the ,augustan calendars#idj4 ,but it is surely earlier than ,b4,c4 #bcj1 the received date of the ludi plebeii1 and of the circus ,flaminius in which they took place4 ,we may agree with the latest investigator of the ,jupiter-cult that the origin of the epulum is to be looked for in a form of thanksgiving to ,jupiter for the preservation of the state from the perils of the war season1 and that no better day could be found for it than the foundation-day of the ,capitoline temple#ida4 ,this epulum was one of the most singular and striking scenes in ,roman public life4 ,it began with a sacrifice2 the victim is not mentioned1 but was no doubt a heifer1 and probably a white one#idb4 ,then took place the epulum proper#idc1 which the three deities of the ,capitol seem to have shared in visible form with the magistrates and senate4 ,the images of the gods were decked out as for a feast1 and the face of ,jupiter painted red with minium1 like that of the triumphator4 ,jupiter had a couch1 and ,juno and ,minerva each a sella1 and the meal went on in their presence#idd4 ,now an investigator of the ,roman religious system is here confronted with a difficult problem4 ,was this simply a ,greek practice like that of the lectisternium1 and one which began with the ,etruscan dynasty and the foundation of the ,capitoline temple with its triad of deities8 ,or is it possible that in the cult of the ,roman ,jupiter there was of old a common feast of some kind1 shared by gods and worshippers1 on which this gorgeous ritual was eventually grafted8 ,marquardt has gone so far as to separate the epulum ,jovis altogether from the lectisternia1 and apparently also from the inundation of ,greek influence#ide4 ,it answers rather1 he says1 to such domestic rites as the offering to ,jupiter ,dapalis described thus by ,cato in the ,de ,re ,rustica#idf3 #8,dapem hoc modo fieri oportet4 ,iovi dapali culignam vini quantum vis polluceto4 ,eo die feriae bubus et bubulcis1 et qui dapem facient4 ,cum pollucere oportebit1 sic facies4 ,iupiter dapalis1 quod tibi fieri oportet1 in domo familia mea culignam vini dapi1 eius rei ergo macte hac illace dape pollucenda esto4 ,manus interluito4 ,postea vinum sumito4 ,iupiter dapalis1 macte istace dape pollucenda esto4 ,macte vino inferio esto4 ,vestae1 si voles1 dato#idg4 ,daps ,iovi assaria pecuina1 urna vini lovis caste4' ,i confess that ,i do not see wherein lies the point of the comparison of this passage with the ceremony of the epulum2 and ,marquardt himself does not attempt to elaborate it4 ,there is no mention here of a visible presence of ,jupiter in the form of an image1 which is the one striking feature of the epulum4 ,marquardt1 as it seems to me1 might better have adduced some example from old ,italian usage of the belief that the gods were spiritually present at a common religious meal--a belief on which might easily be engrafted the practice of presenting them there in actual iconic form4 ,ovid1 for example1 writes thus of the cult of the ,sabine ,vacuna#idh3 ,ante focos olim scamnis considere longis ,mos erat1 et mensae credere adesse deos4 ,nunc quoque cum fiunt antiquae sacra ,vacunae1 ,ante ,vacunales stantque sedentque focos4 ,or again in the sacra of the curiae1 if ,dionysius reports them rightly#idi1 we find a clear case of a common meal in which the gods took part4 ,he tells us that he saw tables in the #8sacred houses' of the curiae spread for the gods with simple food in very primitive earthenware dishes4 ,he does not mention the presence of any images of the gods1 but it is probable from his interesting description that each curia partook with its gods of a common meal of a religious character1 and one not likely to have come under ,greek influence#iej4 ,this last example may suggest a hypothesis which is at least not likely to do any serious harm4 ,let it be remembered that each curia was a constituent part of the whole ,roman community4 ,we might naturally expect to find a common religious meal of the same kind in which the whole state took part through its magistrates and senate4 ,this is just what we do find in the epulum ,jovis1 though the character of its ceremonial is different2 and it is certainly possible that this epulum had its origin in a feast like that which ,dionysius saw1 but one which afterwards underwent vital changes at the hands of the ,etruscan dynasty of ,roman kings4 ,i am strongly inclined to believe that it was under the influence of these kings that the meal came to take place on the ,capitol1 and in the temple of ,jupiter1 ,juno1 and ,minerva1 which they intended to be the new centre of the ,roman dominion#iea2 and to them also ,i would ascribe the presence at the feast of the three deities in iconic form4 ,it may be that before that critical era in ,roman history the epulum took place not on the ,capitol but in the ,regia1 which with the temple of ,vesta hard by formed the oldest centre of the united ,rome2 and that the presence of ,jupiter#ieb or any other god was there a matter of belief1 like that of ,vacuna with the ,sabines1 and not of the actual evidence of eyesight4 ,but this conjecture is a somewhat bold one2 and it seems worth while to take this opportunity of examining more closely into the cult of ,jupiter1 with the object of determining whether the great god was apt1 in any part of ,italy but ,etruria1 to lend himself easily to anthropomorphic ideas and practices#iec4 ,the cult of ,jupiter is found throughout ,italy under several forms of the same name1 with or without the suffix -piter pater1 which1 so far as we can guess1 points to a conception of the god as protector1 if not originator1 of a stock4 ,this paternal title1 which was applied to other deities also1 does not necessarily imply an early advance beyond the #8daemonistic' conception of divine beings2 it rather suggests that some one such being had been brought into peculiarly close relations with a particular stock1 and does no more than indicate a possibility of further individual development in the future#ied4 ,the #8father' in this case has no wife1 though we find the word #8mater' applied to goddesses#iee2 ,juno is undoubtedly the female principle1 but she is not1 as has so often been imagined1 the wife of ,jupiter4 ,the attempt to prove this by arguing from the ,flamen ,dialis and his wife the ,flaminica cannot succeed3 the former was the priest of ,jupiter1 but his wife was not the priestess of ,juno#ief4 ,there is indeed a certain mysterious dualism of male and female among the old ,italian divinities1 as we know from the locus classicus in ,gellius 7,n4 ,a4 #ac4 #bc4 #b72 but we are not entitled to say that the relation was a conjugal one#ieg4 ,before we proceed to examine traces of the oldest ,jupiter in ,rome and ,latium let us see what survivals are to be found in other parts of ,italy4 ,in ,umbria we find ,jovis holding the first place among the gods of the great inscription of ,iguvium1 which beyond doubt retains the primitive features of the cult1 though it dates probably from the last century ,b4,c41 and records rites which indicate a fully developed city-life#ieh4 ,his cult-titles here are ,grabovius1 of which the meaning is still uncertain1 and ,sancius1 which brings him into connexion with the ,semo ,sancus and ,dius ,fidius of the ,romans4 ,the sacrifices and prayers are elaborately recorded1 but there is no trace in the ritual of anything approaching to an anthropomorphic conception of the god1 unless it be the apparent mention of a temple#iei4 ,no image is mentioned1 and there is no sign of a common meal4 ,the titles of the deities too have the common old-,italian fluidity1 i4 e4 the same title belongs to more than one deity#ifj4 ,everything points to a stage of religious thought in which the personality of gods had no distinct place4 ,the centre-point of the cult seems to be a hill1 the ocris fisius1 within the town of ,iguvium1 which reminds us of the habits of the ,greek ,zeus and the physical or elemental character--unanthropomorphized--which seems to belong to that earlier stage in his worship#ifa4 ,it is on a hill also that we find the cult among the ,sabellians4 ,an inscription from ,rapino in the land of the ,marrucini tells us of a festal procession in honour of #8,iovia ,ioves patres ocris ,tarincris1' i4 e4 ,jovia 7,juno87 belonging to the ,jupiter of the hill ,tarincris#ifb4 ,among the ,oscan peoples the cult-title ,lucetius is the most striking fact4 ,servius#ifc says3 #8,sane lingua ,osca ,lucetius est ,iuppiter dictus a luce quam praestare hominibus dicitur4' ,the same title is found in the hymn of the ,roman ,salii#ifd1 and is evidently connected with lux2 ,jupiter being beyond doubt the giver of light1 whether that of sun or moon4 ,so ,macrobius#ife3 #8,nam cum ,iovem accipiamus lucis auctorem1 unde et ,lucetium ,salii in carminibus canunt et ,cretenses vocant1 ipsi quoque ,romani ,diespitrem appellant ut diei patrem4 ,iure hic dies ,iovis fiducia vocatur1 cuius lux non finitur cum solis occasu1 sed splendorem diei et noctem continuat inlustrante luna1' c4 ,the ,ides of all months1 i4 e4 the days of full moon1 were sacred to ,jupiter4 ,but in all ceremonies known to us in which the god appears in this capacity of his1 there is1 as we might expect1 no trace whatever of a personal or anthropomorphic conception4 ,the ,etruscan ,tina1 or ,tinia1 is now generally identified1 even etymologically1 with ,jupiter#iff4 ,the attributes of the two are essentially the same1 though one particular side of the ,etruscan god's activity1 that of the lightning-wielder1 is specially developed4 ,but ,tina is also the protector of cities1 along with ,juno and ,minerva 7,cupra and ,menvra72 and it is in connexion with this function of his that we first meet with a decided tendency towards an anthropomorphic conception4 ,even here1 however1 the stimulus can hardly be said to have come from ,italy4 #8,the one fact1' says ,aust#ifg1 #8which is at present quite clear is that the oldest ,etruscan representations of gods can be traced back to ,greek models4 ,tinia was completely identified in costume and attributes with the ,greek ,zeus by ,etruscan artists4' ,the insignia of ,etruscan magistrates were again copied from these1 and have survived for us in the costume of the ,roman triumphator#ifh1 and in part in the insignia of the curule magistrate1 i4 e4 in sceptrum1 sella1 toga palmata1 c41 and in the smearing of the face of the triumphator with minium4 ,coming nearer to ,rome we find at ,falerii1 a town subject to ,roman and ,sabellian as well as ,graeco-,etruscan influence1 the curious rite of the described by ,ovid 7,amores1 #c4 #ac71 and found also in many parts of ,greece#ifi4 ,in this elaborate procession ,juno is apparently the bride1 but the bridegroom is not mentioned4 ,at ,argos1 ,zeus was the bridegroom1 and the inference is an obvious one that ,jupiter was the bridegroom at ,falerii4 ,but this cannot be proved1 and is in fact supported by no real evidence as to the old-,italian relation of the god and goddess4 ,the rite is extremely interesting as pointing to what seems to be an early penetration of ,greek religious ideas and practices into the towns of ,western ,italy2 but it has no other bearing on the ,jupiter-question1 nor are we enlightened by the little else we know of the ,falerian ,jupiter#igj4 ,but at ,praeneste1 that remarkable town perched high upon the hills which enclose the ,latin ,campagna to the north1 we find a very remarkable form of the ,jupiter-cult1 and one which must be mentioned here1 puzzling and even inexplicable as it certainly is4 ,the great goddess of ,praeneste was ,fortuna ,primigenia--a cult-title which cannot well mean anything but first-born#iga2 and that she was1 or came to be thought of as1 the first-born daughter of ,jupiter is placed beyond a doubt by an inscription of great antiquity first published in #ahhbigb4 ,but this is not the only anomaly in the ,jupiter-worship of ,praeneste4 ,there was another cult of ,fortuna1 distinct1 apparently1 from that of ,fortuna ,primigenia1 in which she took the form not of a daughter but of a mother1 and1 strange as it may seem1 of the mother both of ,jupiter and ,juno4 ,on this point we have the explicit evidence of ,cicero 7de ,divinatione1 #b4 #he71 who says1 when speaking of the place where the famous #8sortes' of ,praeneste were first found by a certain ,numerius ,suffustius3 #8,is est hodie locus saeptus religiose propter ,iovis pueri 7sacellum87 qui lactens cum ,iunone ,fortunae in gremio sedens1 castissime colitur a matribus4' ,thus we have ,fortuna worshipped in the same place as the daughter and as the mother of ,jupiter2 and nowhere else in ,italy can we find a trace of a similar conception of the relations either of these or any other deities4 ,we cannot well reject the evidence of ,cicero1 utterly unsupported though it be3 we must face the difficulty that we have here to account for the occurrence of a ,jupiter who is the child of ,fortuna and also apparently the brother of ,juno1 as well as of a ,jupiter who is the father of ,fortuna4 ,as regards this last feature1 the fatherhood of ,jupiter1 ,jordan says emphatically#igc--;and no scholar was more careful in his judgements--that in the whole range of ,italian religions #8liberorum procreatio nulla est unquam'3 and he would understand #8filia' in the inscription quoted above in a metaphorical rather than a physical sense4 ,yet however we choose to think of it1 ,mommsen is justified in remarking#igd on the peculiarly anthropomorphic idea of ,fortuna 7and we may add of ,jupiter7 at which the ,latins of ,praeneste must have arrived1 in comparison with the character of ,italian religion generally4 ,even more singular than this is the sonship of ,jupiter and the fact that he appeared together with ,juno in the lap of ,fortuna #8mammae appetens4' ,cicero's language leaves no doubt that there was some work of art at ,praeneste in which the three were so represented1 or believed to be represented4 ,yet there are considerations which may suggest that we should hesitate before hastily concluding that all this is a genuine ,italian development of genuine ,italian ideas4 #a4 ,italy presents us with no real parallel to this child-,jupiter though in ,greece we find many4 ,jordan has mentioned three possible ,italian parallels1 but rejected them all3 ,caeculus ,volcani1 the legendary founder of ,praeneste1 ,hercules bullatus1 and the beardless ,veiovis4 ,the attributes of the last-named are explained by a late identification with ,apollo#ige2 ,hercules bullatus is undoubtedly ,greek3 the story of the birth of ,caeculus is a foundation-legend1 truly ,italian in character1 but belonging to a different class of religious ideas from that we are discussing4 ,to these we may add that the boy-,mars found on a ,praenestine cista is clearly of ,etruscan origin1 as is shown by ,deecke in the ,lexicon1 s4 v4 ,maris4 #b4 ,cicero's statement is not confirmed by any inscription from ,praeneste4 ,those which were formerly thought to refer to ,iupiter ,puer#igf are now proved to belong to ,fortuna as ,iovis puer 7 filia74 ,it is most singular that ,fortuna should be thus styled ,iovis puer in the same place where ,jupiter himself was worshipped as puer2 still more so that in one inscription 7#bhfh7 the cutter should have dropped out the #8s' in ,iovis1 so that we actually read ,iovi puero4 ,it may seem tempting to guess that the name ,jupiter ,puer arose from a misunderstanding of the word puer as applied to ,fortuna3 but the evidence as it stands supplies no safe ground for this4 #c4 ,the fact that ,cicero describes a statue is itself suspicious1 in the absence of corroborative evidence of any other kind#igg3 for it suggests that the cult may have arisen1 and have taken its peculiar form1 as a result of the introduction of ,greek or ,graeco-,etruscan works of art4 ,in ,praeneste itself1 and in other parts of ,latium and of ,campania1 innumerable terra-cottas have been found#igh1 of the type of the ,greek 1 i4 e4 a mother1 sitting or standing1 with a child1 and occasionally two children#igi in her lap4 ,these may1 indeed1 be simply votive offerings1 to ,fortuna and other deities of childbirth3 but such objects may quite well have served as the foundation from which the idea of ,fortuna and her infants arose4 ,there is a passage in ,servius which seems to me to show a trace of a similar confusion elsewhere in this region of ,italy4 #8,circa hunc tractum ,campaniae colebatur puer ,iuppiter qui ,anxyrus dicebatur quasi 1 id est sine novacula3 quia barbam nunquam rasisset3 et ,iuno virgo quae ,feronia dicebatur#ihj4' ,true1 the ,jupiter of ,anxur is a boy or youth#iha1 not an infant3 but the passage serves well to show the fluidity of ,italian deities1 at any rate in regard to the names attached to them4 ,that this puer ,iuppiter was originally some other deity1 and very possibly a ,greek one1 ,i have little doubt3 while ,juno ,virgo1 ,feronia1 ,fortuna1 ,proserpina1 all seem to slide into each other in a way which is very bewildering to the investigator#ihb4 ,this is no doubt owing to two chief causes--the daemonistic character of the early ,italian religion1 in which many of the spiritual conceptions were even unnamed2 and1 secondly1 the confusion which arose when ,greek artistic types were first introduced into ,italy4 ,two currents of religious thought met at this point1 perhaps in the eighth and following centuries ,b4,c42 and the result was a whirlpool1 in which the deities were tossed about1 lost such shape as they possessed1 or got inextricably entangled with each other4 ,the ,french student of ,praenestine antiquities writes with reason of #8the negligence with which the ,praenestine artists placed the names of divinities and heroes on designs borrowed from ,greek models1 and often representing a subject which they did not understand#ihc4' #d4 ,and lastly1 there is no doubt that ,praeneste1 in spite of its lofty position on the hills1 was at an early stage of its existence subject to foreign influences1 like so many other towns on or near the western coast of central ,italy4 ,this has been made certain by works of art found in its oldest tombs#ihd4 ,whether these objects came from ,greece1 ,phoenicia1 ,carthage1 or ,etruria1 the story they tell is for us the same1 and may well make us careful in accepting a statement like that of ,cicero's without some hesitation4 ,there was even a ,greek foundation-legend of ,praeneste1 as well as the pure ,italian one of ,caeculus#ihe4 ,evidence is slowly gathering which points to a certain basis of fact in these foundation-stories--of fact1 at least1 in so far as they seem to indicate that the transformation of the early ,italian community into a city and a centre of civilization was coincident with the era of the introduction of foreign trade4 ,while1 then1 we cannot hope as yet to account for the singular anomaly in the ,jupiter-cult1 which is presented to us at ,praeneste1 we may at least hesitate to make use of it in answering the main question with which we set out--viz4 how far we can find in the cult of the genuine ,italian ,jupiter any tendency towards an anthropomorphic conception of the god4 ,before we return to ,rome a word is needed about the ,latin ,jupiter4 ,the ,latin festival has already been described#ihf3 it will be sufficient here to point out that none of its features show any advance towards an anthropomorphic conception of ,jupiter ,latiaris4 ,the god here is of the same type as at ,iguvium1 one whose sanctuary--whatever it may originally have been--is in a grove on a hill-top#ihg1 the conspicuous religious centre of the whole ,latin stock inhabiting the plain below4 ,of this stock he is the uniting and protecting deity2 and when once a year his sacred victim is slain1 after offerings have been made to him by the representatives of each member of the league1 it is essential that each should also receive 7and probably consume through its deputies7 a portion of the sacrificial flesh 7carnem petere74 ,this1 the main feature1 and other details of the ritual1 point to a survival from a very early stage of religious culture1 and one that we may fairly call aniconic4 ,the victim1 a white heifer1 the absence of wine in the libations1 and the mention of milk and cheese among the offerings1 all suggest an origin in the pastoral age2 and it would seem that foreign ideas never really penetrated into this worship of a pastoral race4 ,the objects that have been found during excavations near the site of the ancient temple#ihh show that1 as in the worship of the ,fratres ,arvales and in that of the curiae1 so here1 the most antique type of sacred vessels remained in use4 ,undoubtedly there was in later times a temple1 and also a statue of the god#ihi3 and it is just possible that1 as ,niebuhr supposed#iij1 these were the goal of an ancient ,alban triumphal procession1 older than the later magnificent rite of the ,capitol4 ,but we know for certain that the ancient cult here suggests neither gorgeous ritual nor iconic usage4 ,we see nothing but the unadorned practices of a simple cattle-breeding people4 ,coming now once more to ,rome itself1 where of course we have fuller information1 fragmentary though it be1 we find sufficiently clear indications of an ancient cult of ,jupiter showing characteristics of much the same kind as those we have already noticed as being genuine ,italian4 ,in the first place the cult is associated with hills and also with trees4 ,it is found on that part of the ,esquiline which was known as lucus ,fagutalis or ,fagutal3 here there was a sacellum ,iovis #8in quo fuit fagus arbor quae ,iovis 7so ,,mss47 sacra habebatur#iia#83 and the god himself was called ,fagutalis4 ,not far off on the ,viminal1 or hill of the osiers1 there was also an altar of ,jupiter ,viminius1 which we may suppose to have been ancient#iib4 ,the mysterious ,capitolium vetus on the ,quirinal may be assumed as telling the same tale1 though in historical times the memory of the cult there included ,minerva and ,juno with ,jupiter1 i4 e4 the ,etruscan #8,trias4' ,lastly1 on the ,capitol itself was the temple of ,jupiter ,feretrius1 reputed to be the oldest in ,rome#iic4 ,it was attributed to ,romulus1 who1 after slaying the king of the ,caeninenses1 dedicated the first spolia opima on an ancient oak #8pastoribus sacram1' and at the same time #8designavit templo ,iovis fines cognomenque addidit deo4' ,the oak1 we may assume1 was the original dwelling of the god1 and upon it were fixed the arms taken from the conquered enemy as a thank-offering for his aid#iid4 ,in this case we seem to be able to guess the development of the cult from this beginning in the tree-worship of primitive #8pastores4' ,the next step would be the erection of an altar below the tree1 in a small enclosure1 i4 e4 a sacellum of the same kind as those of the ,argei or the ,sacellum ,larum#iie4 ,the third stage would be the building of the aedes known to us in history1 which ,cornelius ,nepos says had fallen into decay in his time1 and was rebuilt by ,augustus on the suggestion of ,atticus4 ,even this was a very small building1 for ,dionysius saw the foundations of it and found them only fifteen feet wide4 ,this oldest cult of ,jupiter was completely overshadowed by the later one of the ,etruscan ,trias--the aniconic by the iconic1 the pure ,italian by the mongrel ritual from ,etruria4 ,that this ,jupiter ,feretrius#iif was the great ,jupiter of pre-,etruscan ,rome seems to be proved by his connexion with oaths and treaties1 in which he resembles the god of the ,latin festival4 ,to him apparently belonged the priestly college of the ,fetiales1 who played so important a part in the declaring of war and the making of treaties3 at any rate it was from his temple that the lapis silex and the sceptrum were taken which accompanied them on their official journeys#iig4 ,it has been supposed that this lapis silex was a symbol of the god himself1 like the spear of ,mars in the ,regia1 and other such objects of cult#iih4 #8,we recognize here the primitive forms of a nature-worship1 in which the simple flint was sufficient to bring up in men's minds the idea of the heavenly power of lightning and thunder1' i4 e4 the flint if struck would emit sparks and remind the beholder of lightning4 ,unluckily the existence of a stone in this temple as an object of worship is not clearly attested4 ,servius 7,aen4 #h4 #fda7 says that the ,fetials took to using a stone instead of a sword to slay their victims with1 #8quod antiquum ,iovis signum lapidem silicem putaverunt esse4' ,the learned commentator makes a mistake here which will be obvious to all archaeologists1 in putting the age of iron before that of stone2 but it has not been equally clear to scholars that he by no means implies his belief that ,jupiter was ever worshipped under the form of a stone4 ,he only says that the ,fetials fancied that this was so3 and the whole passage has an aetiological colouring which should put us on our guard#iii4 ,it is not supported by any other statement or tradition1 except an allusion in ,s4 ,augustine#ajjj to a #8lapis ,capitolinus1' which is surely the stone of ,terminus 7see below73 and by the oath #8per ,iovem lapidem1' which has been interpreted by some as meaning #8,jupiter in the form of a stone4' ,but this interpretation is at least open to grave doubt2 and in the absence of clearer evidence for the #8,iuppiter lapis' of the temple it is better to understand the oath as being sworn by the god and also by the stone1 #8two distinct aspects of the transaction being run together1' in a way not uncommon in ,latin formulae#ajja4 ,it only remains to conjecture what the #8silex' or #8lapis' was which the ,fetials took from the temple together with the sceptrum4 ,helbig has attempted to prove that it was not a survival of the stone age1 e4 g4 an axe of stone4 ,had that been so1 he argues1 the ,roman antiquaries1 who were acquainted with such implements#ajjb1 would have noticed it3 and those who describe the rites of the ,fetials would have stated that the stone was artificially sharpened4 ,but this negative argument is not a strong one2 and ,i am rather inclined to agree with the suggestion of ,dr4 ,tylor#ajjc1 that it was a stone celt believed to have been a thunder-bolt4 ,there may indeed have been more than one of these kept in the temple1 for in ,b4,c4 #bja the ,fetials who went to ,africa took with them each a stone#ajjd 7privos lapides silices7 along with their #8sagmina1' c4 ,this fact seems to me to prove that the silices1 like the sagmina and sceptrum1 were only part of the ritualistic apparatus of the ,fetials#ajje1 and not objects in which the god was supposed to be manifested4 ,the idea that he was originally worshipped in the form of a stone may well have arisen from this use of stones in the ritual1 especially if those stones were believed to be in some way his handiwork#ajjf4 ,we may think then of the cult of ,jupiter ,feretrius as an example of primitive tree-worship1 but we are not justified in going further and finding him also in the form of a stone4 ,there is yet another stone that may have belonged to the earliest ,roman cult of ,jupiter1 but the connexion is not very certain4 #8,the 7rite of7 ,aquaelicium1' says ,festus#ajjg1 #8is when rain is procured 7elicitur7 by certain methods1 as for example when the lapis manalis is carried into the city4' ,this stone lay by the temple of ,mars1 outside the ,porta ,capena2 we learn from other passages that it was carried by the pontifices#ajjh1 but we are not told what they did with it within the walls4 ,it has been ingeniously suggested that this rain-spell1 as we may call it1 was a part of the cult of ,jupiter ,elicius1 to whom there was an altar close by under the ,aventine#ajji1 the cult-title being identical with the latter part of the word #8aquaelicium#ajaj4' ,we may agree that the stone had nothing to do with the temple of ,mars1 which happened to be near it1 and also that any such rain-spell as this would be more likely to belong to the cult of ,jupiter than of any other deity4 ,the heaven-god1 who launches the thunder-bolt1 is naturally and almost everywhere also the rain-giver#ajaa3 and that this was one of the functions of ,jupiter is fully attested1 for later times at least#ajab4 ,but it must be confessed that the evidence is very slight#ajac3 and it is as well here to remember that the further we probe back into old ,italian rites1 the less distinctly can we expect to be able to connect them with particular deities4 ,the formula #8si deus1 si dea es' should always be borne in mind in attempting to connect gods and ceremonies4 ,and this ceremony1 like that of the ,argei#ajad 7which also wants a clearly-conceived deity as its object71 is obviously a survival from a very primitive class of performances which ,mr4 ,frazer has called acts of #8sympathetic magic#ajae4' ,i am indebted to the ,golden ,bough for a striking parallel to the rite of the lapis manalis1 among many others which more or less resemble it4 #8,in a ,samoan village a certain stone was carefully housed as the representative of the rain-making god3 and in time of drought his priests carried the stone in procession and dipped it in a stream#ajaf4' ,what was done with the lapis manalis we are not told1 but it is pretty plain from the word #8manalis1' and from the fragments of explanation which have come down to us from ,roman scholars1 that it was either the object of some splashing or pouring1 or was itself hollow and was filled with water which was to be poured out in imitation of the desired rain#ajag4 ,such rites need not necessarily be connected by us with the name of a god3 and the ,jupiter ,elicius1 with whom it is sought to connect this one1 was always associated by the ,romans not with this obsolete rite1 but with the elaborated science of augury which was in the main ,etruscan#ajah4 ,but this discussion has already been carried on as far as the scope of this work permits4 ,it may be completed by any one who has the patience to work through ,aust's exhaustive article1 examining his conclusions with the aid of his abundant references2 but ,i doubt if anything will be found1 beyond what ,i have mentioned1 which bears closely on the question with which we set out4 ,that question was1 whether the distinctly anthropomorphic treatment of ,jupiter in the #8epulum ,iovis' could be explained by any native ,italian practice in his cult 7as ,marquardt tried to explain it71 or must be referred with ,aust to foreign1 i4 e4 ,graeco-,etruscan1 influence4 ,i am driven to the conclusion that ,aust is probably right4 ,there is no real trace in ,italy of an indigenous iconic representation of ,jupiter4 ,trees and hills are apparently sacred to him1 and possibly stones1 though this last is doubtful3 we find a sacrificial meal at the ,latin festival1 but no sign that he takes part in it as an image or statue4 ,elsewhere1 as at ,praeneste1 peculiar representations of him arouse strong suspicions of foreign iconic influence4 ,i think1 on the whole1 that the ,italian peoples owed the sacred image to foreign works of art3 and that the #8epulum ,iovis' was introduced from ,etruria by the ,etruscan dynasty which built the ,capitoline temple4 ,it may1 indeed1 have been engrafted upon an earlier sacrificial meal like that of the feriae ,latinae1 or that of the curiae1 or the rustic one of ,jupiter dapalis3 but1 if so1 the meal was one at which the ancient ,romans were content to believe1 as ,ovid says1 that the gods were present1 and did not need1 like the ,greeks1 the evidence of their eyes to help out their belief4 ,their gods were still aniconic when the wave of foreign ideas broke over them4 ,we may say of the earliest ,roman cult of ,jupiter what ,tacitus asserts of the ,germans of his day#ajai3 #8nec cohibere parietibus deos neque in ullam humani oris speciem adsimulare ex magnitudine caelestium arbitrantur3 lucos ac nemora consecrant1 deorumque nominibus appellant secretum illud quod sola reverentia vident4' 99 99 99 99 99 ,september #ac was also the day on which1 according to ,livy#ajbj and ,verrius ,flaccus#ajba1 a nail 7clavus7 was driven annually by the #8,praetor maximus' into the wall of the cella of ,minerva in the ,capitoline temple1 in obedience to an old lex which was fixed up on the wall of the temple adjoining this same cella4 ,but ,mommsen's trenchant criticism#ajbb of the locus classicus for this subject in ,livy has made it almost certain that the ,roman scholars were here in error3 that the ceremony was not an annual one1 but took place once in a century1 in commemoration of a vow made in #dfc ,b4,c41 to commemorate the great pestilence of that year1 which carried off both the consuls and several other magistrates#ajbc3 that it had no special connexion with the cult of ,jupiter1 and was not intended1 as is generally supposed1 to mark the years as they passed4 ,the nail is really the symbol of ,fortuna or ,necessitas2 the rite was ,etruscan1 and was also celebrated at ,volsinii in the temple of the ,etruscan deity of ,fate2 when brought to ,rome it was very naturally located in the great temple of the ,etruscan ,trias1 the religious centre of the ,roman state4 ,originally a dictator was chosen 7i4 e4 ,praetor maximus7 clavi figendi causa2 and when the dictatorship was dropped after the ,second ,punic ,war1 the ceremony was allowed to fall into oblivion4 ,later on the ,roman antiquarians unearthed and misinterpreted it1 believing it to have been a yearly rite of which the object was to mark the succession of years4 ,this brief account of ,mommsen's view may suffice for the purpose of this work3 but the subject is one that might with advantage be reinvestigated4 ,footnote #icj3 ,this represents the length which the ludi had attained in ,cicero's time 7,verr4 i4 #aj4 #ca74 ,september #d was probably added after ,caesar's death 7,mommsen in ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cbh74 ,footnote #ica3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #bha4 ,footnote #icb3 ,r4 ,r4 ,i4 #cc4 ,footnote #icc3 ,see ,mommsen's masterly essay in his ,rmische ,forschungen1 vol4 ii4 p4 #db foll4 ,aust1 in ,myth4 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,iuppiter1 #gcb4 ,footnote #icd3 ,mommsen1 ,rm4 ,chronol4 #hf foll4 ,footnote #ice3 ,the #8equorum probatio1' preliminary to the races in the circus1 took place on the day after the ,ides3 see above1 p4 #bg4 ,footnote #icf3 ,mommsen 7,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cbh1 and ,rm4 ,forsch4 ii4 #dc foll47 points out that the real centre-point and original day of the ludi proper was the day of the great procession 7pompa7 from the ,capitol to the ,circus maximus2 and that this was probably the #aeth1 two days after the epulum1 because the #adth1 being postriduanus1 was unlucky1 and that day was also occupied by the #8equorum probatio4' 7,see ,fasti ,sab41 ,maff41 ,vall41 ,amit4 and ,antiat47 ,footnote #icg3 ,see below1 p4 #bcd4 ,for the dies natalis1 see ,aust1 in ,lex4 s4v4 ,iuppiter1 p4 #gjg2 ,plutarch1 ,poplic4 #ad4 ,footnote #ich3 ,mommsen1 ,rm4 ,forsch4 l4 c4 ,footnote #ici3 ,livy1 #cf4 #b4 #c4 ,the passage refers to ludi magni1 i4 e4 special votive games1 vowed after the fixed organization of the ludi ,romani2 but it is none the less illustrative of the latter1 as they originated in votive games4 ,footnote #idj3 ,so ,marq4 #cdi and note2 ,mommsen in ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cbi1 #cce4 ,i follow ,aust1 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,iuppiter1 #gcb4 ,the #8epulum ,minervae' of the rustic calendars is but slender evidence for an ancient and special connexion of the goddess with this day2 but ,mommsen thinks that the epulum #8magis ,minervae quam ,iovis fuisse4' ,footnote #ida3 ,aust1 l4 c4 ,footnote #idb3 ,aust1 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,iuppiter1 #fgj1 #gce4 ,footnote #idc3 ,in ,capitolio 7,gellius1 #ab4 #h4 #b2 ,liv4 #ch4 #eg4 #e74 ,for the collegium of epulones1 which from #aif ,b4,c4 had charge of this and other public feasts1 see ,marq4 #cdg foll4 ,footnote #idd3 ,val4 ,max4 #b4 #a4 #b2 ,plin4 ,n4 ,h4 #cc4 #aaa2 ,aust1 l4 c42 ,preller1 i4 #abj4 ,footnote #ide3 ,marq4 #cdh4 ,footnote #idf3 ,r4 ,r4 #acb4 ,festus 7#fh7 explains daps as #8res divina quae fiebat aut hiberna semente aut verna1' and ,cato directs the farmer to begin to sow after the ceremony he describes4 ,i do not clearly understand whether ,marquardt intended also to connect the epulum ,jovis of ,nov4 #ac with the autumn sowing4 ,footnote #idg3 ,i am unable to offer any explanation of these words1 though half inclined to suspect that ,vesta was the original deity of this rite of the farm1 and that ,jupiter and the wine-offering are later intrusions4 ,footnote #idh3 ,fasti1 #f4 #cjg4 ,for ,vacuna see ,preller1 i4 #djh4 ,footnote #idi3 ,bk4 #b4 #bc 7cp4 #b4 #ej72 ,marq4 #aie foll4 ,for a comparison of ,greek and ,roman usage of this kind see de ,coulanges1 ,la ,cit antique1 p4 #acb foll4 ,footnote #iej3 ,he compares this common meal with those of the of ,greek cities1 and also with the at ,sparta4 ,but it is most unlikely that the practice of the curiae should have had any but a native origin4 ,footnote #iea3 ,see cap4 #g of ,ambrosch's ,studien2 and cp4 cap4 #a on the ,regia as the older centre4 ,footnote #ieb3 ,i may relegate to a footnote the further conjecture that the original deity of the epulum was ,vesta4 ,we know that this ,sept4 #ac was one of the three days on which the ,vestals prepared the mola salsa 7,serv4 ,ecl4 #h4 #cb74 ,we cannot connect this mola salsa with the cult of ,jupiter on this day1 for the ,vestals have no direct connexion with that cult at any period of the year2 but it is possible that it was a survival from the time when the common meal took place in the ,regia4 ,footnote #iec3 ,see ,aust's admirable and exhaustive article on ,jupiter in ,roscher's ,lexicon4 ,footnote #ied3 ,robertson ,smith 7,religion of the ,semites1 #db foll47 seems to trace the idea back to an actual physical fatherhood4 ,mr4 ,farnell1 on the other hand 7,cults of the ,greek ,states1 i4 #di71 believes that in the case of ,zeus it expresses #8rather a moral or spiritual idea than any real theological belief concerning physical or human origins4' ,in ,italy1 ,i think1 the suffix pater indicates a special connexion with a particular stock1 and one rather of guardianship than of actual fatherhood4 ,see above on ,neptunalia4 ,footnote #iee3 ,see ,jordan's note on ,preller1 i4 #ef4 ,footnote #ief3 ,see my paper in ,classical ,review1 vol4 ix4 #dgd foll4 ,footnote #ieg3 ,wissowa1 de ,feriis1 p4 #f1 in the true spirit of ,italian worship1 concludes that it was #8non per iustum matrimonium1 sed ex officiorum affinitate4' ,footnote #ieh3 ,bcheler1 ,umbrica2 ,bral1 ,les ,tables ,eugubines4 ,footnote #iei3 ,tab4 #a ,b4 7,bcheler1 p4 #b1 takes it as a temple or sacellum of ,juno74 ,footnote #ifj3 ,grabovius is an epithet of ,mars2 ,sancius of ,fisius2 ,jovius or ,juvius of more than one deity4 ,footnote #ifa3 ,farnell1 op4 cit4 i4 #ej and notes4 ,footnote #ifb3 ,mommsen1 ,unteritalische ,dialekten1 #cda2 ,lex4 #fcg4 ,the ,jupiter ,cacunus of ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #f4 #cga and #i4 #dhgf also points to high places1 and there are other examples4 ,footnote #ifc3 ,aen4 #i4 #efg4 ,footnote #ifd3 ,wordsworth1 ,fragments and ,specimens1 p4 #efd4 ,footnote #ife3 ,sat4 #a4 #ae4 #ad4 ,footnote #iff3 ,deecke1 ,etruskische ,forschungen1 iv4 #gi foll4 ,footnote #ifg3 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,iuppiter1 p4 #fcd4 ,footnote #ifh3 ,servius ,ecl4 #aj4 #bg2 ,dict4 of ,antiquities 7ed4 #b71 s4 v4 ,triumphus4 ,footnote #ifi3 ,farnell1 i4 #ahd foll4 ,see also ,dion4 ,hal4 #a4 #ba4 #b2 ,deecke1 ,die ,falisker1 p4 #hh2 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,juno1 #eia2 ,roscher1 ,juno und ,hera1 #gf4 ,footnote #igj3 ,lex4 #fdc4 ,footnote #iga3 ,h4 ,jordan1 ,symbolae ad historiam religionum ,italicarum alterae4 ,knigsberg1 #ahhe4 ,footnote #igb3 #8,orceria,numerinationucratia,fortuna,d iovofileiprimoceniadonom dedi' 7,c4 ,i4 ,l4 xiv4 #bhfc74 ,there are later inscriptions in which she appears as #8,iovis 7or ,iovi7 puero1' in the sense of female child 7,c4 ,i4 ,l4 xiv4 #bhfb1 #bhfh74 ,the subject is discussed by ,mommsen in ,hermes for #ahhd1 p4 #dee1 and by ,jordan op4 cit4 ,see also ,lex4 s4 v4 ,fortuna1 #aedb foll41 and s4 v4 ,iuppiter1 #fdh4 ,footnote #igc3 ,symbolae1 i4 p4 #h1 and cp4 #ab4 ,for the apparent parallel in the myth of the birth of ,mars see on ,march #a4 ,footnote #igd3 ,hermes1 #ahhd1 p4 #dee foll4 ,footnote #ige3 ,gellius1 ,n4 ,a4 #e4 #ab2 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #c4 #dbi foll42 and see above on ,may #ba4 ,for ,hercules1 ,jordan l4 c4 and his note on ,preller1 ii4 #bih4 ,for ,caeculus1 ,wissowa1 in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,footnote #igf3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 xiv4 #bhfb and #bhfh4 ,footnote #igg3 ,the tria signa of ,liv4 #bc4 #ai1 placed #8in aede ,fortunae' by ,m4 ,anicius after his escape from ,hannibal1 with a dedication1 may possibly have been those of ,fortuna and the two babes 7,preller1 ii4 #aib4 note #a73 but this is very doubtful4 ,footnote #igh3 ,jordan1 ,symbolae1 #aj2 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,fortunae1 #aedc2 ,fernique1 tude sur ,prneste1 #gh4 ,footnote #igi3 ,gerhard1 ,antike ,bildwerke1 ,tab4 iv4 no4 #a1 gives an example3 the children here1 however1 are not babes1 and the mother has her arms round their necks4 ,it seems more to resemble the types of ,leto with ,apollo and ,artemis as infants 7,lex4 s4 v4 ,leto1 #aigc71 as ,prof4 ,gardner suggests to me4 ,footnote #ihj3 ,ad ,aen4 #g4 #gii4 ,footnote #iha3 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,iuppiter1 #fdj4 ,footnote #ihb3 ,see ,fernique1 tude sur ,prneste1 pp4 #gi-ha4 ,footnote #ihc3 ,fernique1 op4 cit4 p4 #gi4 ,footnote #ihd3 ,fernique1 #aci foll4 ,wissowa writes of ,praeneste as #8a special point of connexion between ,latin and ,etruscan culture' 7,lex4 s4 v4 ,mercurius1 #bhac74 ,footnote #ihe3 ,plutarch1 ,parallela1 #da4 ,footnote #ihf3 ,see at end of ,april1 p4 #ie4 ,footnote #ihg3 ,liv4 #a4 #ca4 #c #8visi etiam audire vocem ingentem ex summi cacuminis luco1 ut patrio ritu sacra ,albani facerent4' ,footnote #ihh3 e4 g4 the vases of very primitive make 7,henzen1 ,acta ,fratr4 ,arv4 #cj74 ,footnote #ihi3 ,liv4 #bg4 #aa 7,b4,c4 #bji74 ,footnote #iij3 ,niebuhr1 ,hist4 of ,rome1 ii4 #cg4 ,strong arguments are urged against this view by ,aust1 ,lex4 #fif4 ,footnote #iia3 ,paul4 ,diac4 #hg4 ,the lucus is mentioned in the corrupt fragments of the ,argean itinerary 7see on ,may #ae7 in ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #e4 #ej 7see ,jordan1 ,topogr4 ii1 #bdb73 where ,i am inclined to think the real reading is #8,esquiliis cis ,iovis lucum fagutalem'2 #8,iuppiter ,fagutalis' in ,plin4 ,n4 ,h4 #af4 #cg2 a #8vicus ,iovis ,fagutalis1' ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 vi4 #deb 7#aaj ,a4,d474 ,footnote #iib3 ,for ,iuppiter ,viminius and his ara1 ,fest4 #cgf4 ,footnote #iic3 ,liv4 #a4 #aj2 ,dionys4 #b4 #cd2 ,propert4 #e4 7#d47 #aj4 ,footnote #iid3 ,for other examples of this practice see ,btticher1 ,baumkultus1 pp4 #gc and #acd2 ,virgil1 ,aen4 #aj4 #dbc1 and ,servius1 ad loc42 ,statius1 ,theb4 #b4 #gjg4 ,footnote #iie3 ,corn4 ,nep4 ,atticus1 #bj2 cf4 ,mommsen1 ,res ,gestae ,divi ,augusti1 p4 #ec2 ,dion4 ,hal4 #b4 #cd4 #d4 ,this is apparently what ,livy alludes to in #a4 #aj1 attributing it1 after ,roman fashion1 to ,romulus3 #8,templum his regionibus1 quas modo animo metatus sum1 dedico sedem opimis spoliis4' ,for a discussion of the shape of this temple see ,aust1 in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,iuppiter1 #fgc4 ,he is inclined to attribute it 7#fgi7 to the ,a4 ,cornelius ,cossus who dedicated the second spolia opima in ,b4,c4 #dbh 7,liv4 #d4 #bj74 ,footnote #iif3 ,the meaning of the cult-title is obscure2 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,iuppiter1 #fgc4 ,footnote #iig3 ,paul4 ,diac4 #ib2 ,serv4 ,aen4 #ab4 #bjf4 ,footnote #iih3 ,aust1 in ,lex4 #fgf4 ,the idea is that of ,helbig in his ,italiker in der ,poebene1 #ia foll4 ,cp4 ,schwegler1 ,rm4 ,gesch4 i4 #fha1 and ,preller1 i4 #bdh foll4 ,h4 ,nettleship1 ,essays in ,latin ,literature1 p4 #ce1 and ,strachan-,davidson 7,polybius1 ,prolegomena1 viii7 discuss the oath per ,iovem lapidem usefully4 ,nettleship saw that the passage of ,servius is the only one which #8gives any real support' to the notion that the god was represented by a stone2 and ,strachan-,davidson notes the aetiological method of ,servius4 ,footnote #iii3 ,cp4 his note on the #8sceptrum' 7,aen4 #ab4 #bjf71 which he explains as being the substitute for a #8simulacrum' of ,jupiter4 ,was this #8simulacrum' a stone8 ,if so he would have said so4 ,obviously he knew little or nothing about these cult-objects4 ,footnote #ajjj3 de ,civ4 ,dei #b4 #bi4 ,s4 ,augustine couples it with the focus ,vestae1 as something well known3 and this could not be said at that time of any object in the temple of ,jupiter ,feretrius4 ,the epithet ,capitolinus would suit the stone of ,terminus far better2 and this is1 in fact1 made almost certain by ,servius' language when speaking of ,virgil's #8,capitoli immobile saxum' 7,aen4 #i4 #ddh71 which he identifies with the #8lapidem ipsum ,termini4' ,doubtless if we could be sure that such a stone existed1 we might guess that it was an aerolite 7,strachan-,davidson1 p4 #gf1 who quotes examples74 ,footnote #ajja3 ,so ,nettleship1 l4 c43 and ,strachan-,davidson1 l4 c4 ,footnote #ajjb3 ,he quotes ,plin4 ,n4 ,h4 #cg4 #ace #8cerauniae nigrae rubentesque et similes securibus4' ,footnote #ajjc3 ,communicated to ,mr4 ,strachan-,davidson1 and mentioned by him in a note 7op4 cit4 p4 #gg74 ,an instance in ,retzel1 ,history of ,mankind1 vol4 i4 p4 #age4 ,the other suggestion1 that it was a meteoric stone1 is also quite possible3 for ,greek examples1 see ,schmann1 ,griech4 ,alterthmer1 ii4 #aga foll4 ,footnote #ajjd3 ,liv4 #cj4 #dc4 ,footnote #ajje3 ,we may compare the #8orbita' of the cult of ,jupiter ,sancius at ,iguvium3 ,bcheler1 ,umbrica1 #ada4 ,see above1 p4 #aci4 ,footnote #ajjf3 ,it may be as well to say1 before leaving the subject1 that ,i certainly agree with ,mr4 ,strachan-,davidson that the ordinary oath1 #8per ,iovem lapidem1' where the swearer throws the stone away from him 7described by ,polybius1 #c4 #be71 has nothing to do with the ritual of the ,fetials4 ,footnote #ajjg3 ,festus1 p4 #b4 ,cp4 #abh1 where this stone is distinguished from the other1 which was the #8ostium ,orci4' ,serv4 ,aen4 #c4 #age4 ,footnote #ajjh3 ,serv4 l4 c4 ,marquardt1 and ,aust following him1 add the matrons with bare feet and the magistrates without their praetexta3 but this rests on the authority of ,petronius 7,sat4 #dd71 who surely is not writing of ,rome1 where the ceremony was only a tradition1 to judge by ,fest4 p4 #b4 ,footnote #ajji3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #id4 ,footnote #ajaj3 ,o4 ,gilbert1 ii4 #aed3 adopted by ,aust1 #feh1 who adds some slight additional evidence3 e4 g4 the #8,iovem aquam exorabant' of the passage from ,petronius4 ,footnote #ajaa3 ,tylor1 ,prim4 ,cult4 ii4 #bce-g3 for the ,greek ,zeus1 ,farnell1 ,cults1 i4 #dd foll4 ,footnote #ajab3 ,preller1 i4 #aij4 ,i cannot say that ,i find evidence earlier than the passage of ,tibullus1 #a4 #g4 #bf 7,jupiter ,pluvius74 ,footnote #ajac3 ,note that the ,flamen ,dialis is not mentioned along with the ,pontifices by ,servius1 l4c4 ,footnote #ajad3 ,see on ,may #ae4 ,footnote #ajae3 ,golden ,bough1 i4 #aa foll42 ,grimm1 ,teutonic ,mythology1 #eie foll42 abundant examples in the works of ,mannhardt1 see indices4 ,footnote #ajaf3 ,from ,samoa1 by ,g4 ,turner1 p4 #ade4 ,footnote #ajag3 ,compare together ,nonius1 #edg4 #aj2 #eei4 #ai 7s4 v4 trulleum71 from ,varro2 ,festus1 #abh1 s4 v4 #8manalis lapis1' from ,verrius ,flaccus4 ,the suggestion that the stone was hollow is ,o4 ,gilbert's4 ,footnote #ajah3 ,aust1 ,lex4 #feg1 who believes the ,romans to have been mistaken4 ,the locus classicus is ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #c4 #bhe foll42 a more rational account in ,liv4 #a4 #bj2 ,plin4 ,n4 ,h4 #b4 #adj4 ,note the position of the altar of this ,jupiter1 i4 e4 the ,aventine4 ,footnote #ajai3 ,germania1 #i4 ,footnote #ajbj3 #g4 #c4 ,footnote #ajba3 ,festus1 #ee4 ,footnote #ajbb3 ,in ,rm4 ,chronologie1 p4 #age foll4 ,preller 7i4 #beh7 had already seen that the ceremony was a religious one1 but believed it to be annual1 and used for the reckoning of time4 ,footnote #ajbc3 #8,an sich hat der ,nagel gewiss mit dem ,jahre nichts zu thun1 sondern steht in seiner natrlichen und wohlbekannten ,bedeutung der ,schicksalsfestung1 in welcher er als ,attribut der grausen ,nothwendigkeit 7saeva ,necessitas71 der ,fortuna1 der ,atropos bei rmischen ,schriftstellern und auf italischen ,bildwerken begegnet4' ,mommsen1 op4 cit4 #agi4 ,he alludes1 of course1 to ,horace1 ,od4 #a4 #ce1 and #c4 #bd1 and to the ,etruscan mirror mentioned by ,preller 7p4 #bei73 see ,gerhard1 ,etr4 ,spiegel1 i4 #agf4 ,but the interpretation of this mirror1 as given by ,preller1 seems to me very doubtful4 ,,mensis ,,october4 ,in the ,italy of historical times1 the one agricultural feature of this month was the vintage4 ,the rustic calendars mark this with the single word vindemiae#ajbd4 ,the vintage might begin during the last few days of ,september1 but ,october was its natural time1 though it is now somewhat earlier3 this point is clear both from ,varro and ,pliny#ajbe4 ,but the old calendars have preserved hardly a trace of this2 and in fact the only feast which we can in any way connect with wine making 7the ,meditrinalia on the #aath7 is obscure in name and its ritual unknown to us4 ,we may infer that the practice of viticulture was a comparatively late introduction2 and this is borne out by such facts as the absence of wine in the ritual of the ,latin festival#ajbf1 and the words of a lex regia 7ascribed to ,numa7 which forbade wine to be sprinkled on a funeral pile#ajbg4 ,pliny also expressed a decided opinion that viticulture was multo serior3 and lately ,hehn#ajbh has traced it to the ,italian ,greeks on etymological grounds4 ,it can hardly have become a common occupation in ,latium before the seventh or possibly even the eighth century ,b4,c4 ,probably if ,ovid had continued his ,fasti to the end of the year we might have learnt much of interest about this month3 as it is1 we have only scraps of information about a very few primitive rites1 only one of which can be said to be known to us in any detail2 and the interpretation of that one is extremely doubtful4 ,,kal4 ,,oct4 7,,october #a74 ,n4 ,,fidei ,,in ,,capitolio4 ,,tigill,o ,,soror,,io ,,ad ,,compitum ,,acili4 7,,arv47 ,the sacrifice here indicated to ,fides in the ,capitol is clearly the one which ,livy ascribes to ,numa#ajbi3 #8,et soli ,fidei sollemne instituit4 ,ad id sacrarium flamines bigis1 curru arcuato 7i4 e4 #8covered'7 vehi iussit1 manuque ad digitos usque involuta rem divinam facere3 significantes fidem tutandam1 sedemque eius etiam in dextris sacratam esse4' ,dionysius also mentions the foundation1 without alluding to the peculiar ritual1 but dwelling on the moral influence of the cult both in public and private life#ajcj4 ,the personification of a moral idea would hardly seem likely to be as old as ,numa2 yet there are points in the ritual which suggest a high antiquity1 apart from tradition4 ,it was the three chief flamines who thus drove to the ,capitol--i4 e4 those of ,jupiter1 ,mars1 and ,quirinus2 these at least were the three who had been just instituted by ,numa 7,liv4 #a4 #bj71 and to them ,livy must be referring4 ,as has been often pointed out1 the presence of flamines at a rite is always evidence of its antiquity2 and in this case they may have represented the union of the two communities of ,septimontium and ,quirinal in a common worship on the ,capitol1 this central point being represented by the ,flamen ,dialis4 ,the curious fact that the right hands of these flamens were wrapped up to the fingers in white cloth is another obvious sign of antiquity1 and is explained as meaning that the right hand1 which was given to another in pledging one's word1 then as now#ajca1 was pure and clean1 as was the mind of the pledger#ajcb4 ,a sacred object1 statue or victim1 was often thus wrapped or tied with fillets 7vittae72 and the in the ,eleusinian mysteries seem to have worn a crocus-coloured band on the right hand and right foot#ajcc4 ,the statue of the goddess in her temple had probably the right hand so covered1 if at least we are at liberty so to interpret the words of ,horace1 #8albo ,fides velata panno'#ajcd4 ,a word about the tigillum sororium#ajce4 ,what this was1 and where it was1 can be made out with some certainty2 beyond that all is obscure4 ,it was a beam1 renewed from time to time1 let into the opposite walls of a street which led down from the ,carinae to the ,vicus ,cyprius1 now the via del ,colosseo#ajcf4 ,it remained till at least the fourth century ,a4,d4 ,it is now generally explained as a primitive ,janus-arch1 apparently on the ground that one of the altars below it was to ,janus ,curiatius#ajcg4 ,as it seems1 however1 to have been a single beam1 without supports except the street walls#ajch1 ,i am unable to understand this conclusion2 and as the ,roman antiquaries never supposed it to be such1 we can hardly do so safely4 ,they believed it to be a memorial of the expiation undergone by the legendary ,horatius for the murder of his sister4 ,acquitted by the people on appeal1 he had to make religious expiation1 and this he did by the erection of an altar to ,janus ,curiatius1 and another to ,juno ,sororia#ajci1 and by passing under a yoke1 which was afterwards represented by the tigillum4 ,we may leave the tigillum as really inexplicable1 unless we are to accept the suggestion of ,roscher#ajdj1 that the germ of the legend is to be found in the practice of creeping through a split tree to get rid of spell or disease4 ,the two altars demand a word4 ,livy's language seems to suggest that these were in the care of the gens ,horatia#ajda3 #8,quibusdam piacularibus sacrificiis factis1 quae deinde genti ,horatiae tradita sunt4' ,if so1 perhaps the whole legend of ,horatius1 or at any rate its connexion with this spot1 arose out of this gentile worship of two deities1 of whom the cult-titles were respectively ,curiatius and ,sororia4 ,the coincidence of ,janus and ,juno is natural enough2 both were associated with the ,kalends#ajdb4 ,but the original meaning of their cult-titles at the ,tigillum remains unknown4 ,all we can say is that the ,janus of the curiae and the ,juno of a sister may certainly have given point to a legend of which the hero was acquitted by the ,comitia ,curiata for the murder of a sister#ajdc4 #c ,,non4 ,,oct4 7,,october #e74 ,c4 ,this was one of the three days on which the mundus was open3 see on ,august #bd4 ,,non4 ,,oct4 7,,october #g74 ,f4 ,,iovi ,,fulguri1 ,,iunoni ,,curriti#ajdd ,,in ,,campo4 7,,arv4 ,,paul47 ,of these worships in ,rome nothing else is known4 ,iuno ,curitis is the goddess of ,falerii1 whose supposed was referred to above#ajde4 ,v ,,id4 ,,oct4 7,,october #aa74 ,,np4 ,,meditr,,inalia4 7,,sab4 ,,maff4 ,,amit47 ,,feriae ,,iovi4 7,,amit47 ,this was the day on which the new wine was tasted4 ,there is no real evidence of a goddess ,meditrina4 ,the account in ,paulus is as follows3 #8,mos erat ,latinis populis1 quo die quis primum gustaret mustum1 dicere ominis gratia 8,vetus novum vinum bibo1 veteri novo morbo medeor40 ,a quibus verbis etiam ,meditrinae deae nomen conceptum1 eiusque sacra ,meditrinalia dicta sunt#ajdf4' ,varro had already given the same account3 #8,octobri mense ,meditrinalia dies1 dictus a medendo1 quod ,flaccus flamen ,martialis dicebat hoc die solitum vinum novum et vetus libari et gustari medicamenti causa3 quod facere solent etiam nunc multi quom dicunt3 ,novum vetus vinum bibo1 novo veteri vino morbo medeor4' ,note a4 ,a parallel practice of tasting both old and new crops is to be found in the ritual of the ,fratres ,arvales1 who in ,may #8fruges aridas et virides contigerunt1' i4 e4 the old grain and the new#ajdg4 ,note b4 ,the belief that the new wine 7mustum7 was wholesome and non-inebriating is discussed charmingly by ,plutarch 7,quaest4 ,conv4 vii4 #a74 ,note c4 ,mommsen1 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #a4 #b4 #ccb1 points out that the real deity here concerned was doubtless ,jupiter3 see under ,vinalia1 p4 #hf4 ,,iii ,,id4 ,,oct4 7,,october #ac74 ,,np4 ,,font,,inalia4 7,,sab4 ,,maff4 ,,amit4 ,,min4 ,,ix47 ,,feriae ,,fonti4 7,,amit47 ,all we know of this very ancient festival is contained in a few words of ,varro#ajdh3 #8,fontinalia a ,fonte1 quod is dies feriae eius2 ab eo tum et in fontes coronas iaciunt et puteos coronant4' ,the holiness of wells and springs is too familiar to need illustration here4 ,the original object of the garlanding was probably to secure abundant water4 ,it is generally assumed that there was a god ,fons or ,fontus1 to whom this day was sacred4 ,there was a delubrum ,fontis#ajdi2 an ara ,fonti on the ,janiculum#ajej2 and a porta ,fontinalis in the ,campus ,martius4 ,fons also appears with ,flora1 ,mater ,larum1 ,summanus1 c41 in the ritual of the ,fratres ,arvales#ajea4 ,the case seems to be one of those in which multiplicity passes into a quasi-unity3 but ,fons did not survive long in the latter stage4 ,,id4 ,,oct4 7,,oct4 #ae74 ,,np4 ,,equus ,,ad ,,nixas ,,fit4 7,,philoc47 ,no calendar but the late one of ,philocalus mentions the undoubtedly primitive rite of horse-sacrifice which took place on this day4 ,wissowa has tried to explain this difficulty1 which meets us elsewhere in the ,calendar1 e4 g4 on the ,ides of ,may 7,argei71 ,june #a 7festival of ,carna7#ajeb4 ,where two festivals fell on the same day1 both would not be found in calendars which were meant for the use1 not of the pontifices themselves1 but of the unlearned vulgar2 for the latter would not be able to distinguish1 or to get one clear name for the day1 and confusion would result4 ,now all ,kalends and ,ides were sacred to ,juno and ,jupiter respectively2 all other rites falling on these days would stand a chance of being omitted1 unless indeed they were noticed in later annotations such as we find cut in smaller letters in the ,fasti ,praenestini and others4 ,luckily the entry in ,philocalus' calendar is supplemented sufficiently from other sources4 ,the earliest hint we get comes from the ,greek historian ,timaeus1 and is preserved in a fragment of the twelfth book of ,polybius#ajec4 ,timaeus after the ,greek fashion connects the horse-sacrifice with the legend of ,troy and the wooden horse3 but he also tells us the important detail that on a certain day a war-horse was killed with a spear in the ,campus ,martius#ajed4 ,the passage is no doubt characteristic of ,timaeus1 both in regard to the detail1 and the mythology which ,polybius despised4 ,but though we do not know that ,timaeus was ever at ,rome1 we may hope that he was correct in the one particular which we do not learn from other sources1 viz4 the slaughter of the horse with the sacred weapon of ,mars4 ,fuller information comes from ,verrius ,flaccus1 as represented in the epitomes of ,festus and ,paulus ,diaconus#ajee4 ,on this day there was a two-horse chariot race in the ,campus ,martius2 and the near horse of the winning pair was sacrificed to ,mars--killed with a spear1 if we may believe ,timaeus4 ,the place is indicated in ,philocalus' calendar as #8ad nixas1' i4 e4 the ciconiae nixae1 which seem to have been three storks carved in stone with bills crossing each other#ajef3 this however was non-existent under the ,republic4 ,the real scene of the sacrifice must have been an old #8ara ,martis1' and that there was such an altar in the ,campus we know for certain1 though we cannot definitely fix its position#ajeg4 ,the tail of the horse was cut off and carried with speed to the ,regia so that the warm blood might drip upon the focus or sacred hearth there4 ,the head also was cut off and decked with cakes2 and at one time there was a hard fight for its possession between the men of the two neighbouring quarters of the ,via ,sacra and the ,subura4 ,if the former carried off the prize1 they fixed it on the wall of the ,regia2 if the latter1 on the turris ,mamilia#ajeh4 ,it is probable#ajei1 though not quite certain1 that the congealed blood from the tail was used1 together with the ashes of the unborn calves sacrificed on the ,fordicidia1 as #8medicine' to be distributed to the people at the ,parilia on ,april #ba4 ,the rite of the #8,october-horse' had been adequately described and in some degree explained by ,preller1 ,marquardt1 ,schwegler1 and others#ajfj1 before the late ,dr4 ,mannhardt took it in hand not long before his death#ajfa4 ,mannhardt studied it in the light of his far-reaching researches in folk-lore1 and succeeded in treating it as all such survivals should be treated1 i4e4 in bringing it into relation with the practices of other peoples--not so much by way of explaining its original meaning precisely1 as in order to make some progress by its help towards an understanding of the attitude of primitive man to the supernatural4 ,his conclusions have been generally accepted1 and1 with very slight modifications1 are to be found in ,mr4 ,frazer's ,golden ,bough 7ii4 #fd71 and in ,roscher's article #8,mars' in the ,mythological ,lexicon 7#bdaf74 ,recently1 however1 they have been called in question by no less a person than ,prof4 ,wissowa#ajfb of ,berlin1 who seems to take a different view of the ,mars-cult from that at which we thought we had at last safely arrived3 it may be as well therefore to give yet another account of ,mannhardt's treatment of the question1 and to follow his track somewhat more elaborately than ,mr4 ,frazer4 ,it does not of course follow that he has said the last word2 but it is as well to begin by making clear what he has said4 #a4 ,this is the last of the series of harvest festivals1 as we may call them generically4 ,we have had the ,ambarvalia and the plucking of the first ears by the ,vestals in ,may3 the ,vestalia in ,june#ajfc2 the festivals of ,consus and ,ops ,consiva in ,august2 and lastly we find this one coming after all the fruits of the land have been gathered in4 ,in this respect it is parallel to the ,pyanepsia and ,oschophoria of the ,greeks1 to the ,jewish feast of ,tabernacles#ajfd1 and to the true ,michaelmas harvest-festivals of modern ,europe1 which follow at an interval the great variety of quaint harvest customs which occur at the actual in-gathering4 ,even now in the ,roman ,campagna there is a lively festival of this kind in ,october4 ,it should be noticed that the harvest character of the rite was suggested to ,mannhardt by the passage from ,paulus 7#bbj71 from which we learn that the head of the sacrificed horse was decked with cakes1 like those of the live draught-animals at the ,vestalia and ,consualia and feriae ,sementivae q4 v44 ,this1 ,paulus adds1 was done #8quia id sacrum fiebat ob frugum eventum1' which last words can hardly mean anything but #8on account of the past harvest#ajfe4' ,there are1 ,i may add1 two points open to doubt here1 which ,mannhardt does not point out3 7#a7 the reason here given may be only a guess of ,verrius'1 and not one generally understood at ,rome#ajff4 7#b7 ,the concluding words of the gloss seem to make no sense1 a fact which throws some doubt on the whole passage4 ,the rite is #8ob frugum eventum1' yet #8a horse1 and not an ox1 is the victim1 because a horse is suited for war1 and an ox is not#ajfg4' ,however this may be understood1 we need not quarrel with the conclusion#ajfh1 that the real meaning of the adornment was to show that the head was an object possessed of power to procure fertility--an inference confirmed by the eagerness of the rival city-quarters to get possession of it4 #b4 ,the sacrificed horse represented a ,corn-spirit4 ,the ,corn-spirit was ,mannhardt's chief discovery1 and its various forms are now familiar to ,english readers of ,frazer's ,golden ,bough1 and of ,farnell's ,cults of the ,greek ,states4 ,almost every common animal1 wild or tame1 may be found to represent the ,corn-spirit at harvest-time in one locality or another1 where the nomadic age has given place to an agricultural one2 or a man1 woman1 boy or puppet represents the animal1 and so indirectly the ,corn-spirit#ajfi4 ,mannhardt produces from his stores of folk-lore many instances in which the horse thus figures1 including the hobby-horse which in old ,england used to prance round the ,may-pole4 ,those examples1 however1 are not strong enough to convince us that the ,october horse was a ,corn-spirit1 though they prove well enough that the ,corn-spirit often took this shape#ajgj4 ,but we must remember that he is only suggesting an origin in the simple rites of the farm1 indicating a class of ideas to which this survival may be traceable#ajga4 ,he does1 however1 produce an example which has one or two features in common with the ,roman rite1 only in this case the animal is a goat instead of a horse4 ,in ,dauphin a goat is decked with ribbons and flowers and let loose in the harvest-field4 ,the reapers run after it1 and finally the farmer cuts off its head#ajgb1 while his wife holds it4 ,parts of its body 7we are not told whether the head is among them7 are kept as #8medicine' till the next harvest4 ,so too the head1 and also the tail and the blood1 of the ,october horse were the seat of some great ,power2 but whether this was a vegetation-spirit does not seem satisfactorily shown4 #c4 ,the chariot-race was an elaborated and perhaps ,graecized form or survival of the simple race of men and women so often met with in the harvest-field1 often in pursuit of a representative of the ,corn-spirit4 ,mannhardt gives examples from ,france and ,germany of races in pursuit of cock1 calf1 kid1 sheep1 or whatever shape may be the one in vogue for the ,corn-spirit2 often the animal is in some way decorated for the occasion4 ,two of a rather different kind may be mentioned here1 though they occur1 not on the harvest-field1 but at ,whitsuntide and ,easter respectively2 but they show how horse-races may originate in the customs of the farm4 ,in the ,hartz the farm-horses1 gaily decorated1 are raced by the labourers for possession of a wreath1 which is hung on the neck of the winning horse4 ,in ,silesia the finest near horse of the team1 decorated by the girls1 is ridden 7raced87 round the boundary of the farm1 and then round a neighbouring village1 while ,easter hymns are sung4 ,we have already noticed the racing of horses and mules at the ,consualia in ,august3 according to ,dionysius1 these too were decked out with flowers#ajgc4 ,mannhardt makes also a somewhat lengthy digression to point out the possibility that in the original form of the ,passover 7on which was afterwards engrafted the ,jahvistic worship and the history of the escape from ,egypt7 a race or something of the kind may be indicated by the custom of eating the victim with the loins girt4 ,there is undoubtedly a possible origin for the horse-racing of ,greeks and ,romans in the customs of the farm at different seasons of the year1 and ,i accept ,mannhardt's view so far1 with a probability1 not certainty1 as to the ,corn-spirit4 ,we may perhaps be able to trace the development of the custom a little further in this case4 #d4 ,the horse's head1 fixed on the ,regia or the turris ,mamilia1 is the effigy of the ,corn-spirit1 which is to bring fertility and to keep off evil influences for the year to come4#ajgd ,examples of this practice of fixing up some object after harvest in a prominent place in farm or village are so numerous as almost to defy selection1 and are now familiar to all students of folk-lore#ajge4 ,sometimes it is a bunch of corn or flowers1 as in the ,greek ,eiresione#ajgf1 and to this day at ,charlton-on-,otmoor1 where it is placed over the beautiful rood-screen in the church4 ,such bunches are often called by the name of some animal2 occasionally their place is taken by the effigy of an animal's head1 e4 g4 that of a horse#ajgg1 which in course of time becomes a permanency4 #e4 ,the cutting off the tail is explained by the idea that a remnant of the body of the representative of the ,corn-spirit is sufficient to produce this spirit afresh in the vegetation of the coming year4 ,the examples ,mannhardt quotes are numerous1 and only gain force when brought together3 ,i must refer the reader to his work for them#ajgh4 ,the word tail not only occurs frequently in harvest customs 7e4 g4 the cutter of the last sheaf is called the wheat-tail or barley-tail#ajgi71 but there is little doubt that virtue was believed to reside in a tail#ajhj4 ,who knows but that the preservation of the fox's brush by fox-hunters has some origin of this kind8 #f4 ,the use made of the blood1 which was kept and mixed with the ashes of the unborn calves of the ,fordicidia1 and with sulphur and bean-straw as a medicine to be distributed to the people at the ,parilia1 tells its own story without need of illustration 7see on ,april #ae and #ba74 ,the blood was the life#ajha2 the fire and sulphur-fumes were to purify and avert evil4 ,both men and beasts leapt over the fire into which this mixture was thrown at the ,parilia1 to gain new life and strength1 and to avert the influences which might retard them4 ,finally1 ,mannhardt has some remarks on the origin of the rite1 which were suggested by ,schwegler and ,ambrosch#ajhb4 ,the ,campus ,martius1 the scene of the sacrifice1 was originally terra regis1 cultivated for him by the people#ajhc4 ,when the king was the chief farmer1 the horse's head was carried to his house 7regia7 and fixed thereon1 and the tail allowed to drip on to his hearth4 ,when the neighbouring community of the ,subura was united with that of the ,palatine1 the seat of the oldest community1 the remembrance of their duality survived in the contest for the head3 if the men of the ,subura won it1 they fixed it on the turris ,mamilia1 which may have been the dwelling of their own chief4 ,such contests are even now well known1 or have#ajhd but lately disappeared2 and some of them may owe their origin to a fight for the ,corn-spirit4 ,mannhardt gives some examples--one very curious one from ,granada1 and one from ,brittany4 ,at ,derby1 ,hawick1 ,ludlow1 and other places in this country1 they or the recollection of them may still be found4 ,on the whole we may agree with him that the rite was in its origin one of the type to which he has referred it--a final harvest festival of the ,latin farm4 ,there is yet1 however1 a word to be said4 ,he does not treat it from the point of view of the ,roman calendar1 and thus fails to note the turn it took when ,latin farmers became ,roman citizens4 ,wissowa1 on the other hand1 takes the calendar as his sole basis for judging of it1 and with a strange perversity1 as it seems to me1 brushes ,mannhardt's conclusions aside1 and would explain the rite simply as a sacrifice to the god of war#ajhe4 ,now doubtless it had come to be this in the organized city-calendar1 as ,mars himself began to be brought into prominence in a new light1 as the iuvenes of the community came to be more and more employed in war as well as agriculture1 and as the ,campus ,martius came to be used as an exercising-ground for the armed host4 ,the ,calendars show us a curious correspondence between the beginning and the end of the season of arms1 i4 e4 the middle of ,march and the middle of ,october1 which leaves little doubt of the change which had taken place in the accepted character of the rites of the two periods by the time the ,numan calendar was drawn up4 ,this correspondence has already been noted#ajhf2 it may be here briefly referred to again4 ,on ,march #adajhg there was a horse-race in the ,campus ,martius2 on the #aith 7,quinquatrus7 was the lustratio armorum for the coming war-season1 as is seen from the fact that the ancilia of the ,salii at least--if not all arms--were lustrata on that day#ajhh4 ,so too on ,october #ae there was a horse-race1 as we have seen1 in the ,campus ,martius1 and on the #aith we find the ,armilustrium in the oldest calendars#ajhi1 a name which tells its own tale4 ,the inference is that the horse-races on ,oct4 #ae and ,march #ad had much the same origin1 and it is just this which induces ,wissowa to slight ,mannhardt's explanation of the former4 ,he thinks that on each day the horses1 like the arms1 were lustrated 7p4 x471 i4 e4 before the war-season began1 and after it was over4 ,this is likely enough2 but might not the same have been the case with the horses of the farm8 ,the ,roman farmer's year began with ,march1 and the heavy work of carrying1 c41 would be over in ,october4 ,i am disposed to think that we must look on organized war-material as a development later than the primitive times to which ,mannhardt would carry us back1 a side of ,roman life which only in course of time became highly specialized4 ,we must never forget that the oldest ,roman calendar is the record of the life of an agricultural people4 ,so much is clear on the face of it2 and in some instances1 as in the ,ambarvalia1 ,vestalia1 ,consualia1 and in the ,october rite we have been discussing1 something of the original intent can be made out from researches into modern folk-lore or savage custom4 ,yet this calendar is at the same time the table of feasts of a fully developed city-state1 and in the process of its development the original meaning of the feasts was often lost1 or they were explained by some mythical or historical event1 or again they themselves may have changed character as the life of the people changed from an agricultural to a political one4 ,in the rite of the ,october horse we may see an agricultural harvest custom taking a new shape and meaning as the ,state grew to be accustomed to war1 just as ,mars1 originally perhaps the protector of man1 herds1 and crops alike1 becomes--it may be even before ,greek influence is brought to bear upon him--the deity of warriors and war-horses1 of the yearly renewed strength of a struggling community#ajij4 ,it is looking with modern eyes at the institution of an old world if we try to separate the ,roman warrior from the ,roman husbandman1 or the warlike aspect of his god from his universal care for his people4 ,,xiv ,,kal4 ,,nov4 7,,october #ai74 ,,np4 ,,arm,,ilustrium4 7,,arv4 ,,sab4 ,,maff4 ,,amit4 ,,ant47 ,the first three letters of this word1 which alone appear in the calendars1 are explained by ,varro and ,verrius3 #8,armilustrium ab eo quod in armilustrio armati sacra faciunt 444 ab ludendo aut lustro1 quod circumibant ludentes ancilibus armati#ajia4' ,this passage may be taken as referring both to ,march #ai and ,oct4 #ai1 and as showing that the ,salii with the sacred shields were active on both days4 ,this can also be inferred from the fact that in #aij ,b4,c4 a ,roman army1 on its march into ,asia1 had to halt at the ,hellespont1 #8quia dies forte1 quibus ancilia moventur4 religiosi ad iter inciderant'#ajib--;its commander ,scipio being one of the ,salii4 ,it can be shown that this was in the autumn1 as the army did not leave ,italy till ,july #aeajic4 ,it may be taken as certain1 then1 that this was the last day on which the ,salii appeared1 and that arma and ancilia were now purified#ajid1 and put away for the winter4 ,there are no festivals in any way connected with ,mars from this day to the ,roman new year1 ,march #a4 ,as ,roscher has remarked1 his activity1 like that of ,apollo1 is all in the warm season--the season of vegetation and of arms4 ,his priests1 who seem in their dances1 their song1 and their equipment1 to form a connecting link between his fertilizing powers and his warlike activity1 are seen no more from this day till his power is felt again on the threshold of spring4 ,we learn from ,varro#ajie that the place of lustratio on this day was the ,aventine #8ad circum maximum4' ,i can find no explanation of this3 we know of no ,mars-altar in that part of ,rome1 which was the seat of the cults of ,hercules and ,consus4 ,it was probably the last point in a procession of the ,salii#ajif4 ,footnote #ajbd3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 i #b4 #bha4 ,footnote #ajbe3 ,varro1 ,r4 ,r4 #a4 #cd4 ,pliny1 ,n4 ,h4 #ah4 #cae3 #8,vindemiam antiqui nunquam existimavere maturam ante aequinoctium1 iam passim rapi cerno4' ,sec4 #cai #8,iustum vindemiae tempus ab aequinoctio ad ,vergiliarum occasum dies xliii4' ,footnote #ajbf3 ,see above1 p4 #ig4 ,footnote #ajbg3 ,pliny1 ,n4 ,h4 #ad4 #hh #8,vino rogum ne respargito4' ,cp4 #ah4 #bd4 ,footnote #ajbh3 ,kulturpflanzen1 c41 p4 #fe4 ,footnote #ajbi3 #a4 #ba4 ,dion4 ,hal4 #b4 #ge4 ,the significance of this covered vehicle seems to be unknown4 ,footnote #ajcj3 ,many passages might be collected to bear out ,dionysius' remarks3 the reader may refer to ,preller1 i4 #bej foll4 ,footnote #ajca3 ,pliny1 ,n4 ,h4 xi4 #bej4 ,so #8dextram fidemque dare4' ,footnote #ajcb3 ,wissowa1 in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,fides1 ,preller4 i4 #bea4 ,serv4 ,aen4 #a4 #bib and #h4 #fcf3 but ,serv4 in the latter note says #8,quia fides tecta esse debet et velata4' ,footnote #ajcc3 ,libanius1 ,decl4 #ai2 ,photius1 s4 v4 7,btticher1 ,baumkultus1 p4 #dc7 4 ,footnote #ajcd3 ,hor4 ,od4 #a4 #ce4 #ba4 ,footnote #ajce3 ,the authorities for this and the altars connected with it are ,livy1 #a4 #bf2 ,dion4 ,hal4 #c4 #bb2 ,festus1 #big and ,paul4 #cjg2 ,aur4 ,vict4 #d4 #i2 ,schol4 ,bob4 ad ,cic4 p4 #bgg ,orelli2 ,lydus de ,mensibus1 #d4 #a4 ,footnote #ajcf3 ,kiepert u4 ,huelsen1 ,formae urbis ,romae antiquae1 p4 #ib and map #a2 ,jordan1 ,topogr4 ii4 #ajj4 ,footnote #ajcg3 ,so ,roscher1 in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,ianus1 #ba2 ,gilbert1 ,topogr4 #a4 #ahj1 who would make it the #8porta ,ianualis' of ,macrob4 #a4 #ai4 #ag1 wrongly4 ,footnote #ajch3 ,it is always in the singular1 e4 g4 #8,transmisso per viam tigillo1' ,livy1 l4 c4 ,dionys4 writes as if it were originally a iugum1 i4 e4 two uprights and a cross-beam1 but does not imply that it was so in his day4 ,footnote #ajci3 ,the altars are mentioned by ,festus1 ,dionys1 and ,schol4 ,bob4 ,footnote #ajdj3 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,janus1 #ba2 quoting ,grimm1 ,deutsche ,myth4 7,e4 ,t4 #aaeg1 with quotation from ,white's ,selborne74 ,footnote #ajda3 ,marquardt1 #ehd4 ,footnote #ajdb3 ,macrob4 #a4 #i4 #af #8,ianum ,iunonium quia non solum mensis ,ianuarii sed mensium omnium ingressum tenentem3 in dicione autem ,iunonis sunt omnes ,kalendae4' ,footnote #ajdc3 ,this ,juno may be the #8,weibliche ,genius einer ,frau1' as ,roscher suggests 7s4 v4 ,janus1 #bb2 s4 v4 ,juno4 #eih1 he seems to think otherwise74 ,but as she is connected with ,janus1 ,i should doubt it4 ,for an explanation of #8,ianus ,curiatius' cp4 ,lydus1 l4 c4 4 ,footnote #ajdd3 ,curriti ,arv43 ,quiriti ,paul4 ,footnote #ajde3 p4 #bbc4 ,footnote #ajdf3 ,paulus1 #abc2 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ba4 ,footnote #ajdg3 ,henzen1 ,act4 ,fr4 ,arv4 pp4 #aa1 #ab1 #ad4 ,footnote #ajdh3 ,l4 ,l4 vi4 #bb4 ,cp4 ,festus1 #he4 ,footnote #ajdi3 ,cic4 ,n4 ,d4 iii4 #bj4 ,footnote #ajej3 ,preller1 i4 #agf4 ,footnote #ajea3 ,henzen1 ,acta ,fr4 ,arv4 #adf4 ,the deities to whom piacula are here to be sacrificed are deities of the grove of the ,brethren3 hence ,i should conclude that this ,fons simply represented a particular spring there4 ,footnote #ajeb3 de ,feriis1 c41 p4 xi4 ,to me this explanation does not seem quite satisfactory1 though it seems to be sanctioned by ,mommsen 7,c4 ,i4 ,l4 i4 #b4 #ccb1 note on ,id4 ,oct4 sub fin474 ,it is however undoubtedly preferable to the view ,i had taken before reading ,wissowa's tract1 that the omission was due to an aristocratic neglect of usages which only survived among the common people and had ceased to concern the whole community4 ,footnote #ajec3 ,polyb4 xii4 #d;b4 ,footnote #ajed3 4 ,this is quoted from 8 40 ,footnote #ajee3 ,fest4 #agh #8,october equus appellatur1 qui in campo ,martio mense ,oct4 immolatur quotannis ,marti1 bigarum victricum dexterior4 ,de cuius capite non levis contentio solebat esse inter ,suburanenses et ,sacravienses1 ut hi in regiae pariete1 illi ad turrim ,mamiliam id figerent2 eiusdemque coda tanta celeritate perfertur in regiam1 ut ex ea sanguis distillet in focum participandae rei divinae gratia1 quem hostiae loco quidam ,marti bellico deo sacrari dicunt1' c4 ,then follow three examples of horse-sacrifices4 ,paul4 #agi adds no fresh information4 ,paul4 #bbj #8,panibus redimibant caput equi immolati idibus ,octobribus in campo ,martio1 quia id sacrificium fiebat ob frugum eventum1 et equus potius quam bos immolabatur1 quod hic bello1 bos frugibus pariendis est aptus4' 7,the meaning of these last words will be considered presently47 ,cp4 ,plutarch1 ,qu4 ,rom4 #ig2 probably from ,verrius1 perhaps indirectly through ,juba4 ,plut4 by a mistake puts the rite on the ,ides of ,december4 ,footnote #ajef3 ,see note in ,preller's ,regionen der ,stadi ,rom1 p4 #agd4 ,they are placed by ,kiepert and ,hlsen 7map #b7 close to the ,tiber and near the ,mausoleum of ,augustus1 and a long way from the old ara ,martis4 ,perhaps the position of the latter had changed as the ,campus came to be built over4 ,footnote #ajeg3 ,livy1 #ce4 #aj2 #dj4 #de 7the censors after their election sat in ,campo on their curule chairs #8ad aram ,martis'74 ,roscher1 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,mars1 #bchi4 ,footnote #ajeh3 ,what this was is not known3 some think a kind of peel-tower4 ,possibly a tower in quadriviis3 cf4 definition of compitum in ,schol4 ,pers4 #d4 #bh4 ,footnote #ajei3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #d4 #gca foll42 ,prop4 #e4 7#d47 #a4 #ai4 ,see on ,parilia and ,fordicidia4 ,footnote #ajfj3 ,preller1 #a4 #cff2 ,marquardt1 #ccd2 ,schwegler1 ,rm4 ,gesch4 ii4 #df2 ,roscher1 ,apollo und ,mars1 #fd foll4 ,footnote #ajfa3 ,mythologische ,forschungen1 #aef-bja4 ,footnote #ajfb3 de ,feriis1 ix4 ,footnote #ajfc3 ,i add this 7see on ,vestalia74 ,mannhardt had not handled it4 ,footnote #ajfd3 ,levit4 #bc fin4 ,footnote #ajfe3 ,had they referred to the crops of the next season we might have expected #8ob bonum frugum eventum4' ,footnote #ajff3 ,so ,wissowa1 de ,feriis1 ix4 ,he thinks that it was only an attempt to explain the panes3 but he is wrong in insisting that the ,vestalia 7where1 as we saw1 the same decoration occurs7 had nothing to do with #8frugum eventus4' ,footnote #ajfg3 ,to me it looks as if some words had dropped out of the text1 perhaps after the word eventum2 see the passage quoted above1 p4 #bdb1 note #a4 ,footnote #ajfh3 ,given in ,mannhardt's next section1 p4 #afi4 ,footnote #ajfi3 ,see under ,may #ae 7,argei74 ,footnote #ajgj3 ,mannhardt has not suggested what seems not impossible1 that the horse represented ,mars himself--in which case we might allow that ,mars was1 among other things1 a vegetation deity4 ,footnote #ajga3 ,see his language at the top of p4 #afd4 ,footnote #ajgb3 ,he ingeniously suggests that these cases of decapitation may be explained by the old custom of cutting off the corn-ears so as to leave almost the whole of the stalk4 7,see his ,korndmonen1 p4 #ce47 ,that this method existed in ,latium seems proved by a passage in ,livy1 #bb4 #a #8,antii metentibus cruentas in corbem spicas cecidisse4' ,footnote #ajgc3 ,dion4 ,hal4 i4 #cc1 who compares an ,arcadian ,hippokrateia4 ,footnote #ajgd3 ,op4 cit4 p4 #ahb4 ,footnote #ajge3 ,see ,golden ,bough1 i4 #fh foll41 and ,mannhardt1 ,a4 ,w4 ,f4 #bad foll4 ,footnote #ajgf3 ,mannhardt1 ,a4 ,w4 ,f4 l4 c4 ,footnote #ajgg3 ,mannhardt1 ,baumkultus1 #afg4 ,footnote #ajgh3 p4 #ahe foll4 ,the tail in ,roman ritual was #8offa penita4' ,marq4 #cce1 note #a4 ,footnote #ajgi3 ,in ,silesia1 c41 the word is ,zl1 ,zl1 which ,i suppose tail4 ,footnote #ajhj3 ,golden ,bough1 ii4 #fe4 ,jevons1 ,introduction to ,plut4 ,q4 ,r4 p4 lxix4 ,he quotes an example from ,africa4 ,footnote #ajha3 ,robertson ,smith1 ,religion of the ,semites1 ,lect4 ix4 ,in this case1 according to ,m41 it was the life of the ,corn-spirit--so of generation in general4 ,footnote #ajhb3 ,schwegler1 ,r4 ,g4 i4 #gci2 ,ambrosch1 ,studien1 #bjj foll4 ,footnote #ajhc3 ,evidence for this in ,liv4 i #b2 ,serv4 ,aen4 #i4 #bgd4 ,footnote #ajhd3 ,see e4 g4 ,crooke's ,folklore of ,northern ,india1 vol4 ii4 pp4 #agf and #cba4 ,crooke looks on these fights 7he should have said1 the possession of the object which is the cause of the fight7 as charms for rain or fertility4 ,so in the plains of ,n4-,w4 ,india1 #8plenty is supposed to follow the side which is victorious4' ,footnote #ajhe3 ,veram huius sacri rationem inter veteres ii viderunt quorum sententiam ita refert ,festus #8equum hostiae loco ,marti bellico deo sacrari' 7de ,feriis1 p4 x74 ,footnote #ajhf3 ,see under ,march #ad and #ai4 ,footnote #ajhg3 ,wissowa thinks it was originally the #aeth 7,ides72 but ,mommsen dissents in his note on ,oct4 #ae 7,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #ccb74 ,it is the only feast-day in the calendar which is an even number4 ,perhaps it was changed because of the popularity of the revels1 c41 on the ,ides4 ,footnote #ajhh3 ,charisius1 p4 #ha2 ,marq4 #dce4 ,footnote #ajhi3 ,this point of the parallel was first noticed by ,wissowa1 who1 as just noted1 believes the day of ,equirria to have been in each case the ,ides4 ,footnote #ajij3 ,an apt illustration of this aspect of ,mars1 in combination with the older primitive form of ritual1 is supplied by the strange sacrifice by ,julius ,caesar of two mutinous soldiers1 recorded by ,dio ,cassius1 #dc4 #bd4 ,they were offered to ,mars in the ,campus ,martius by the ,flamen ,martialis in the presence of the ,pontifices1 and their heads were nailed up on the ,regia4 7,hence ,marq4 infers that it was this flamen who sacrificed the ,october horse47 ,caesar was in ,rome in ,october of the year to which ,d4 ,c4 attributes this deed1 ,b4,c4 #df4 ,footnote #ajia3 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #fb4 ,cp4 ,festus1 #ai #8,armilustrium festum erat apud ,romanos1 quo res divinas armati faciebant ac dum sacrificarent tubis canebant4' ,see on ,march #ai and #bc4 ,footnote #ajib3 ,liv4 #cg4 #cc4 #g4 ,cp4 ,polyb4 #ba4 #aj4 #ab4 ,footnote #ajic3 ,marq4 #dcg1 note #a4 ,the suggestion was ,huschke's1 ,rm4 ,jahr1 #cfc4 ,footnote #ajid3 ,charisius1 pp4 #ha4 #bj 7,keil71 for lustratio in ,march4 ,the word ,armilustrium1 used for this day1 speaks for itself4 ,footnote #ajie3 ,l4 ,l4 #e4 #aec4 ,footnote #ajif3 ,we have a faint indication that they reached the pons sublicius1 which was quite near to the ,circus maximus4 ,see ,marq4 #dcc1 note #h4 ,,mensis ,,november4 ,of all the months in the ,roman year ,november is the least important from a religious point of view4 ,it was the month of ploughing and sowing--not of holiday-time#ajig2 then1 as now1 it was a quiet month1 and in the calendars1 with the exception of the ludi plebeii1 not a festival appears of any importance4 ,later on1 the worship of ,isis gained a hold upon the month#ajih1 which remained open to intruders long after city-life had taken the place of ,november agricultural operations4 ,the ludi plebeii1 as a public festival1 date from #bbj ,b4,c42 they took place in the ,circus ,flaminius1 which was built in that year#ajii2 they and the epulum ,iovis 7,nov4 #ac7 are first mentioned by ,livy four years later4 ,the epulum has already been discussed in connexion with the ludi ,romani4 ,the plebeian games were probably at first on a single day 7,nov4 #ac71 and were gradually extended1 like the ludi ,romani2 finally1 they lasted from ,nov4 #d to ,nov4 #agaajj4 ,the #hth was one of the three days on which the mundus was open3 see under ,oct4 #e4 ,,id4 ,,nov4 7,,nov4 #ac74 ,,np4 ,,feroniae ,,in ,,campo#aaja4 7,,arv41 a later addition to the original47 ,,fortunae ,,primigeniae ,,in ,,colle4 7,,arv41 a later addition to the original47 ,this is the only mention we have of ,feronia in ,rome4 ,she was a goddess of renown in ,latium and central ,italy1 but never made her mark at ,rome1 as did others of her kind--,diana1 ,fortuna1 ,ceres1 ,flora--all of whom appear there with plebeian associations about them1 as not belonging to the earliest patrician community#aajb4 ,it is curious to find this ,feronia too in the calendar only in the middle of the ludi plebeii1 and probably on the day which was the original nucleus of the games4 ,we may either date the cult from the establishment of the ludi or guess that it was there before them1 and was subsequently eclipsed by the cult of ,jupiter4 ,the latter is perhaps the more probable conjecture2 for the little that we know of the cult elsewhere points to a possible origin of the games which has not1 so far as ,i know1 been noticed4 ,they took place1 be it remembered1 in the ,circus ,flaminius1 which was in the ,campus ,martius2 where also was this cult of ,feronia4 ,now the most famous shrine of ,feronia in ,italy1 that of ,trebula ,mutusca1 was the centre of a great fair or market held on the feast-days of the goddess#aajc1 and on the whole her attributes seem to be those of a deity of fertility and plenty#aajd4 ,is it impossible that she had also some share in a fair in the ,campus ,martius long before the establishment of the ludi8 ,the connexion of ,feronia with the plebs seems suggested not only by her position in the calendar1 but by the devotion of libertini#aaje4 ,in the year #bag ,b4,c4 the ,roman freedwomen collected a sum of money as a gift to ,feronia#aajf2 though this offering need not be taken as destined for the ,roman goddess1 but rather for her of ,soracte1 to whom first-fruits and other gifts were frequently offered4 ,the temple of ,feronia at ,terracina was specially devoted to the manumission of slaves1 of which the process1 as described by ,servius1 presents at least one feature of special interest#aajg4 ,manumissions would take place on public occasions1 such as markets1 when the necessary authorities and witnesses were to be easily found1 and the temple of the market-goddess was at hand2 and this may be the original point of relation between this cult and the ,roman plebs1 which was beyond doubt by the third century ,b4,c4 largely composed of descendants of manumitted slaves4 ,the conjunction of ,feronia on this day with ,fortuna ,primigenia 7in colle7 is curious1 as both were goddesses of ,praeneste1 where ,feronia in legend was the mother of ,erulus1 a daemon with threefold body and soul1 who had to be killed three times by ,evander#aajh4 ,the date of the introduction of this cult of ,fortuna at ,rome is #bjd ,b4,c4#aaji ,footnote #ajig3 ,rustic calendars3 #8,sementes triticariae et hordiariae4' ,varro1 ,r4 ,r4 #a4 #cd4 ,footnote #ajih3 ,mommsen in ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 i4 #b1 #ccc4 ,footnote #ajii3 ,friedlnder in ,marq4 #dii2 ,liv4 #bc4 #cj4 ,footnote #aajj3 ,see the table in ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 i4 #b1 #cce4 ,footnote #aaja3 ,probably these notes belong to the ,ides4 ,in the ,arval calendar the entry is opposite the #adth1 but from its position may be really meant as an additional note to the ,ides4 ,there is no other example of religious rites on a day after ,ides4 7,henzen1 ,arv4 #bdj2 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 i4 #b1 #bif47 ,the same was the case with all #8dies postriduani4' ,footnote #aajb3 ,see under ,cerialia and ,floralia4 ,footnote #aajc3 ,liv4 #a4 #cj4 ,roman merchants were seized by the ,sabines in this market 7,dion4 ,hal4 #c4 #cb74 ,footnote #aajd3 ,steuding in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,feronia2 ,liv4 #bf #aa4 ,i cannot see any reason to connect her with ,november sowing1 as ,steuding does1 p4 #adhj4 ,footnote #aaje3 ,serv4 ,aen4 #h4 #efd4 ,footnote #aajf3 ,liv4 #bb4 #a4 ,footnote #aajg3 ,the cutting of the hair1 and putting on of the pileus4 ,see ,robertson ,smith1 ,religion of ,semites1 p4 #cjg4 ,footnote #aajh3 ,serv4 ,aen4 l4 c4 ,the myth must be ,graeco-,etruscan4 ,footnote #aaji3 ,liv4 #bi4 #cf4 ,the dedication was #aid ,b4,c4 7,liv4 #cd4 #ec74 ,,mensis ,,december ,in the middle of winter1 until well on in ,january1 the ,roman husbandman had comparatively little to do4 ,varro#aaaj writes of sowing lilies1 crocuses1 c41 and of cleaning out ditches and pruning vines1 and such light operations of the farm4 ,columella#aaaa tells us that the autumn sowing should be ended by the beginning of ,december1 though some sow beans in this month2 and in this he agrees with the rustic calendars which mention1 besides this operation1 only the manuring of vineyards and the gathering of olives4 ,it is not unnatural1 then1 that we should find in this #8slack time'#aaab several festivals which are at once antique and obscure1 and almost all of which seem to carry us back to husbandry and the primitive ideas of a country life4 ,on the night of the #crd or thereabouts was the women's sacrifice to the ,bona ,dea2 on the #eth the rustic ,faunalia in some parts of ,italy1 though probably not in ,rome2 on the #aeth the winter ,consualia2 on the #agth the ,saturnalia2 and on the #aith the ,opalia2 and so on to the ,compitalia and ,paganalia4 ,all this is in curious contrast with the absence of festivals in the busy month of ,november4 ,women's ,sacrifice to the ,bona ,dea4 ,this fell1 in the year #fc ,b4,c41 on the night between ,dec4 #c and #d1 if we may trust ,plutarch and ,dio#aaac2 but the date does not seem to have been a fixed one#aaad4 ,the rite does not appear in the calendars1 and1 though attended by the ,vestals1 did not take place in the temple of the goddess1 but in the house of a consul or praetor1 #8in ea domo quae est in imperio#aaae4' ,it seems to have been in some sense a ,state sacrifice1 i4 e4 it was #8pro populo ,romano' 7according to ,cicero72 but it was not #8publico sumptu'#aaaf1 and it was never woven into the calendar by the pontifices1 or it could hardly have occurred between the ,kalends and the ,nones4 ,its very nature would exclude the interference of the pontifical college1 and there would be no need to give public notice of it4 ,the character of the goddess and her rites have already been discussed under ,may #a4 ,all that need be said of the ,december sacrifice is that it was clearly a survival from the time when the wife of the chief of the community--himself its priest--together with her daughters 7represented in later times by the ,vestals71 and the other matrons1 made sacrifice of a young pig or pigs#aaag to the deity of fertility1 from all share in which men were rigorously excluded4 ,it must have been originally a perfectly decorous rite1 and so have continued to the famous sacrilege of ,clodius2 it was only under the empire that it became the scene of such orgies as ,juvenal describes in his second and sixth satires#aaah4 ,,non4 ,,dec4 7,,dec4 #e74 ,f4 ,here we have another festival unknown to the calendars1 the ,faunalia rustica1 as it has been called4 ,our knowledge of it comes from the familiar ode of ,horace 7iii4 #ah71 and from the comments of the scholiasts thereon3 ,faune1 ,nympharum fugientum amator1 ,per meos fines et aprica rura ,lenis incedas abeasque parvis ,aequus alumnis1 ,si tener pleno eadit haedus anno1 ,larga nec desunt ,veneris sodali ,vina craterae1 vetus ara multo ,fumat odore4 ,ludit herboso pecus omne campo ,cum tibi ,nonae redeunt ,decembres2 ,festus in pratis vacat otioso ,cum bove pagus2 ,inter audaces lupus errat agnos2 ,spargit agrestes tibi silva frondes2 ,gaudet invisam pepulisse fossor ,ter pede terram4 ,no picture could be choicer or neater than this2 for once it is a treat to have our best evidence in the form of a perfect work of art4 ,we are for a moment let into the heart and mind of ancient ,italy1 as they showed themselves on a winter holiday4 ,there is an ancient altar--not a temple--to a supernatural being who is not yet fully god1 who can play pranks like the #8,brownies' and do harm1 but is capable of doing good if duly propitiated4 ,on the ,nones of ,december1 possibly of other months too#aaai1 he is coaxed with tender kid1 libations of wine1 and incense#aabj2 the little rural community of farmers 7pagus71 with their labourers1 take part in the rite1 and bring their cattle into the common pasture1 plough-oxen and all4 ,then1 after the sacrifice1 they dance in triple measure1 like the ,salii in ,march4 ,horace is of course describing a rite which was entirely rural1 as the word pagus would indicate sufficiently1 apart from other features4 ,unless he were the god of the ,lupercalia1 which is open to much doubt#aaba1 ,faunus was not introduced into the city of ,rome till #aif ,b4,c41 when the aediles very appropriately built him a temple in the ,tiber-island with money taken as fines from defaulting pecuarii#aabb1 or holders of public land used for cattle-runs4 ,we may assume that his settlement in the city was suggested by the pontifices1 and that we have here a case of the transformation of a purely rustic cult into an urban one by priestly manipulation4 ,it is not impossible that the idea that ,faunus was the deity of the ,lupercalia came in about the same time#aabc4 ,both priests and annalists got hold of him1 and did their best to rob him of his true character as an intelligible and useful god of woodland and pasture4 ,he became a ,rex ,aboriginum#aabd1 and the third on the list of mythical kings of ,latium#aabe4 ,he became identified with the ,greek ,pan4 ,but1 in spite of all their efforts1 ,faunus would not tamely accept his new position4 ,we hear no more of the aedes in the island3 the ,roman vulgus do not seem to have recognized him at the ,lupercalia1 and his insertion in the legends had no political effect4 ,the fact that not a single inscription from ,rome or its vicinity records his name shows plainly that he never took the popular fancy as a deity with city functions3 and the absence of inscriptions in the country districts also1 in most singular contrast to the ubiquitous stone records of ,silvanus-worship1 seems to show that he remained always much as wild as he was before the age of inscriptions began1 while the kindred deity was adopted into the organized life and culture of the ,italian and provincial farmer#aabf4 ,it may be as well1 before leaving the subject of this singular being1 to sum up under a very few heads what is really known about him4 ,but so little is known about the cult of ,faunus--and indeed it can hardly be said that any elaborate cult ever grew up around him--that it may be legitimate for once first to glance at the etymological explanations of his name which have been suggested by scholars4 7#a7 ,faunus is connected with favere1 and means #8the kind or propitious one1' like ,faustus and ,faustulus1 and as some think1 ,favonius#aabg and ,fons4 ,this derivation was known to ,servius#aabh3 #8quidam ,faunos putant dictos ab eo quod frugibus faveant4' ,it is not in itself inconsistent with what we know of the rural ,faunus1 or with analogous supernatural beings1 like the #8good people4' ,it was accepted by ,preller and ,schwegler1 and has affected their conclusions about ,faunus2 e4 g4 ,schwegler based on it the view1 now generally held1 that ,evander is a ,greek translation of ,faunus#aabi4 7#b7 ,faunus is from fari1 i4 e4 the speaker1 or foreteller4 ,this too was known to ,latin scholars3 thus ,isidorus 7perhaps from ,varro#aacj71 #8fauni a fando1 dicti1 quod voce non signis ostendere viderentur futura4' ,it was revived not long ago by the late ,prof4 ,nettleship3 #8,once imagine ,faunus as a 8speaker10 and all becomes clear4 ,he is not only the composer and reciter of verses#aaca1 but generally the seer or wise man1 whose superior knowledge entitles him to the admiration and dread of the country folk who consult him4 ,but as his real nature and functions are superseded1 his character is misconceived3 he becomes a divinity1 the earliest king of ,latium1 the god of prophecy1 the god of agriculture4' ,we may compare with this ,scaliger's note on ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #g4 #cf3 #8,the ,fauni were a class of men who exercised1 at a very remote period1 the same functions which belonged to the ,magi in ,persia1 and to the ,bards in ,gaul4' 7#c7 ,faunus may ,favonius1 which itself may come from the same root as ,pan 7i4 e4 pu purify74 ,thus ,faunus1 like ,pan1 might be taken as a mythological expression of the #8purifying breeze1' the god of the gentler winds#aacb4 ,the characteristics of ,faunus are of course very like those of ,pan2 but as it is no easy matter to determine how far those of the ,italian were taken over by the ,roman litterati from the ,greek deity1 and as the etymology itself is confessedly a questionable one1 this conjecture must be left to take its chance4 ,but the first two are worth attending to1 and each finds some support in what we know of ,faunus from other sources4 ,let us see in the next place what this amounts to4 7#a7 ,there is fairly strong evidence that ,faunus was not originally conceived as a single deity1 but as multiplex4 ,varro quotes the line of ,ennius3 ,versibus quos olim ,fauni vatesque canebant1 and comments thus#aacc3 #8,fauni dii ,latinorum1 ita ut ,faunus et ,fauna sit4' ,the evidence of ,virgil1 always valuable for rural antiquities1 is equally clear3 ,et vos agrestum praesentia numina1 ,fauni1 ,ferte simul ,faunique pedem ,dryadesque puellae#aacd4 ,servius has an interesting note on these lines3 why1 he asks1 does the poet put ,faunus in the plural1 when there is but one8 ,we might be tempted to think ,virgil wrong and his commentator right1 the poet representing ,greek ideas and the scholar ,italian1 but for a still more curious note of ,probus on the same passage3 #8,plures 7,fauni7 existimantur esse etiam praesentes3 idcirco rusticis persuasum est incolentibus eam partem ,italiae quae suburbana est1 saepe eos in agris conspici4' ,my belief is that these words give us the genuine idea of ,faunus in the rustic mind1 surviving in central ,italy long after he had been appropriated as a conventional ,roman deity4 ,we seem in the case of ,faunus to be able to catch a deity in the process of manufacture--of elevation from a lower1 multiplex1 daemonistic form1 to a higher and more uniform and more rigid one4 ,yet so excellent a scholar as ,wissowa holds exactly the opposite view1 that there was but one ,faunus1 and that his multiplication is simply the result of ,roman acquaintance with ,pan and the ,satyrs#aace4 ,it would have been more satisfactory if he had given us an explanation from his point of view of the passage of ,probus just quoted1 or had shown us how these ,greek notions could have penetrated into the rural parts of ,italy4 7#b7 ,another point which comes out distinctly--unless our ,roman authorities were wholly misled--is the woodland character of the ,fauni4 ,a passage of ,varro1 of which ,i quoted the first words just now1 goes on thus3 #8hos versibus quos vocant ,saturnios in silvestribus locis traditum est solitos fari futura1 a quo fando ,faunos dictos4' ,this seems to be a genuine ,italian tradition4 ,virgil was not talking ,greek when he wrote#aacf ,haec nemora indigenae ,fauni ,nymphaeque tenebant ,gensque virum truncis et duro robore nata1 ,queis neque mos neque cultus erat1 c4 ,the poet imagines an ancient race1 sprung from the trees themselves3 a #8genus indocile et dispersum montibus altis1' living on the forest-clad hills#aacg1 to whom foreign invaders brought the means of civilization4 ,why should not this tradition be a native one8 ,it is singularly in accord with the most recent results of ,italian excavation2 for it is now absolutely certain that the oldest inhabitants of central ,italy dwelt on the hill-tops1 and that the first traces of foreign influence only occur in lower and later settlements#aach4 ,the valleys were still undrained and malarious4 ,these earliest inhabitants who have left their traces for the excavator1 or a still older race scattered on the hills after their invasion1 may have been the traditional representatives of what ,preller has called #8the period of ,faunus#aaci1' regarded by the later civilization1 from their wild and woodland habits1 as half demons and half men4 ,the name of the kindred ,silvanus tells its own tale2 and his actual connexion with trees was even closer than that of ,faunus#aadj4 7#c7 ,a third well-attested point is the attribution to ,faunus or the ,fauni of power for good or evil over the crops and herds1 as we have seen it already implied in ,horace's ode4 ,porphyrion#aada in his commentary on this ode tells us that ,faunus1 on the ,nones of ,december1 wishes the cattle1 which are under his protection1 to be free from danger4 ,just before this passage he had spoken of him as #8deum inferum et pestilentem1' thus giving us the dark and hurtful side of his power as well as the bright and gracious4 ,the same combination of the powers of doing and averting harm is seen in ,mars1 as we have already learnt from the hymn of the ,arval ,brethren and the formula of prayers preserved by ,cato#aadb4 ,under this head may be mentioned the belief that both ,faunus and ,silvanus were dangerous for women1 an idea which finds expression in the significant word incubus1 so often applied to them#aadc4 ,we may perhaps find a reason for the identification of ,faunus as god of the ,lupercalia in the most striking feature of the festival--the pursuit of the women by the creppi1 who struck them with thongs in order to render them productive#aadd4 7#d7 ,the last characteristic of the ,fauni to be noticed is that they had the power of foretelling the future4 ,the verse of ,ennius already quoted is the earliest literary evidence we have of this2 but the quaint story of the capture of ,picus and ,faunus by ,numa#aade1 who caught them by making them drunk with wine at the fountain where they came to drink1 and compelled them as the price of their liberty to reveal the art of staying a disaster1 has an unmistakeable old-,italian ring4 ,the idea seems to have been1 not that ,faunus was a #8god of prophecy1' as ,preller seems to fancy1 but that there was an ancient race of ,fauni1 who might be coaxed or compelled to reveal secrets4 ,sometimes indeed they #8spoke' of their own accord2 when a ,roman army needed to be warned or encouraged on its march1 their voice was heard by all as it issued from thicket or forest4 ,cicero and ,livy#aadf write of these voices with a distinctness which 7as it seems to me7 admits of no suspicion that they are inserting ,greek ideas into ,roman annals4 ,there are also traces to be found of a belief in the existence of local woodland oracles of ,faunus and his kind4 ,it was in a grove sacred to ,faunus that ,numa1 in ,ovid's vivid description#aadg1 slew two sheep1 the one to ,faunus1 the other to ,sleep1 and after twice sprinkling water on his head1 and twice wreathing it with beech-leaves1 stretched himself on the fleeces to receive the prophetic inspiration as he slumbered4 ,almost every touch in this story seems to me to be genuine2 and especially the conditions necessary to success--the continence of the devotee1 and the removal of the metal ring from the finger4 ,virgil1 with something more of foreign adornment1 tells in exquisite verse what is really the same story as ,ovid's#aadh4 ,and a later poet writes of a sacred beech-grove1 where under like conditions of temperance1 c41 the shepherds might find the oracles of ,faunus inscribed on the bark of a beech-tree#aadi4 ,all this reminds us of ,dodona and the oldest ,greek oracles3 we have here the quaint methods of primitive shepherds1 appealing to prophetic powers localized in particular woodland spots4 ,roman exigencies of state drew by degrees the whole of the secrets of fore-knowledge into the hands of a priestly aristocracy1 with its fixed doctrine and methods of divination2 but the country folk long retained their faith in the existence of an ancient race1 possessed of prophetic power1 which haunted forest and mountain4 ,these four points1 taken together1 i4 e4 the multiplicity of the ,fauni1 their woodland character1 and their supposed powers of productivity and prophecy1 seem by no means to exclude the possibility of the human origin suggested long ago by ,scaliger1 and recently by ,prof4 ,nettleship1 though ,i would shape the explanation somewhat differently4 ,wild men from the hills and woods1 for example1 might well be supposed to be possessed of supernatural powers1 like the gipsies of modern times#aaej4 ,and the striking absence of any epigraphical survivals of a definite cult may possibly be explained by a persistence of the belief in the ,italian mind that ,faunus was never really and truly a god1 but one of a race with some superhuman attributes--a link in the chain that always in antiquity connected together the human and the divine4 ,horace's ode shows the divine element predominating2 some local ,faunus has1 so to speak1 been caught and half deified2 and yet1 even then1 the process is hardly complete4 ,there is1 however1 another explanation of conceptions of this kind to which ,i must briefly allude1 which was based by ,dr4 ,mannhardt on an exhaustive examination of the attributes of creatures like the ,fauni1 as they occur in various parts of ,europe and elsewhere#aaea4 ,the general result of his investigation may be stated thus4 ,spirits which seem to have their origin in woods and mountains find outward expression for their being in the wind2 so also do those which seem to have their origin in corn and vegetation generally4 ,we thus find three ingredients in their composition3 7#a7 trees1 7#b7 corn1 7#c7 wind4 ,we have only to think how the invisible wind moves the branches of the trees1 or bows the corn before it1 to see how closely1 in the eyes of men used to attribute life to inanimate things1 the idea of the wind might run together with that of objects to which it seems to give motion and life4 ,the result of its mysterious agency is the growth of a variety of creatures of the imagination1 often half bestial1 like ,pan and the ,russian ,ljeschi1 sometimes entirely animal1 like the ,rye-wolf and many another animal corn-spirit now familiar to readers of ,frazer's ,golden ,bough2 sometimes entirely human1 like ,silvanus1 perhaps ,faunus himself#aaeb1 or the ,teutonic #8wild man of the woods4' ,mannhardt endeavours1 not wholly without success1 to bring the attributes of ,faunus into harmony with this theory4 ,his prophetic vox comes from the forest in which the wind raises strange noises2 his relation to crops and flocks is parallel to that of many other spirits who can be traced to a woodland origin2 and the word ,favonius1 used for the western moist and fertilizing breeze1 is kindred1 if not identical1 with ,faunus2 and so on4 ,this theory1 resting as it does on a very wide induction from unquestionable facts1 beyond doubt explains many of the conceptions of primitive agricultural man2 whether it can be applied satisfactorily to the ,italian ,faunus is perhaps less evident4 ,at present ,i rather prefer to think of the ,fauni as arising from the contact of the first clearers and cultivators of ,italian soil with a wild aboriginal race of the hills and woods4 ,but on such questions certainty is impossible1 and dogmatism entirely out of place4 ,,iii ,,id4 ,,dec4 7,,dec4 #aa74 ,,np4 ,,ag4 ,,in4444 7,,amit474 ,,ag,,onia 7,,maff4 ,,praen4 ,,ant47 ,,septimontia 7,,philoc474 ,,septimontium1 ,,guid4 ,,silv4#aaec ,for ,agonia see on ,jan4 #i4 ,this 7,dec4 #aa7 is the third day on which this mysterious word appears in the calendars4 ,the ,,ag4 ,,in4 of the ,amiternian calendar was conjectured by ,mommsen in the first edition of ,c4 ,i4 ,l41 vol4 i1 to indicate #8,agonium ,inui'#aaed2 but in the new edition he withdraws this2 #8ab incertis coniecturis abstinebimus4' ,this is done in deference to ,wissowa1 who has pointed out that there is no other case in the calendars of a festival-name inscribed in large letters being followed immediately by the name of a deity#aaee4 ,we must fall back on the supposition that ,,ag4 ,,in4 444 is simply a cutter's error for the ,,agon4 of three other calendars4 ,it is impossible to determine what was the relation between this agonium1 or solemn sacrifice1 and the ,septimontium or ,septimontiale sacrum1 which appears only in very late calendars1 or whether indeed there was any relation at all4 ,it is not absolutely certain that the so-called ,septimontium took place on this day4 ,it was only a conjecture of ,scaliger's 7though a clever one7 that completed the gloss in ,festus on the word #8,septimontium'#aaef ,septimontium dies appellatur mense ,decembri qui dicitur in fastis agonalia4 ,the word ,septimontium suggested itself1 as the gloss occurred under letter ,s4 ,other support for the conjecture is found in the two late calendars1 and in a fragment of ,lydus#aaeg1 who connects the two ceremonies4 ,but even if ,scaliger's conjecture be right1 it does not follow that the ,agonium was identical with or was part of the ,septimontiale sacrum4 ,the latter does not appear in the old calendars1 as it was not #8pro populo1' but only #8pro montibus' 7see below72 and if it was there represented by the word ,agonium1 it is not easy to see how the latter should have found its way into the calendar4 ,it seems better to conclude that the two were distinct4 ,about the ,septimontium itself we have just enough information to divine its nature1 but without details4 ,the word is used by ,varro both in a topographical and a religious sense3 #8,ubi nunc est ,roma1 erat olim ,septimontium2 nominatum ab tot montibus1 quos postea urbs muris comprehendit#aaeh4' ,here he implies that the old name for ,rome was ,septimontium2 but this is only a guess based on the name of the festival3 #8,dies ,septimontium nominatur ab his septem montibus1 in quis sita urbs est2 feriae non populi sed montanorum modo1 ut ,paganalia1 quae sunt aliquoius pagi#aaei4' ,the montes here meant are the three divisions of the ,palatine1 viz4 ,palatium1 ,cermalus1 ,velia2 the three of the ,esquiline1 viz4 ,mons ,oppius1 ,mons ,cispius1 and the ,fagutal1 together with the lower ground of the ,subura#aafj4 ,i believe that ,mommsen is right in thinking that these were never political divisions--in other words1 that they were not originally distinct communities#aafa1 but probably religious divisions of a city which began on the ,palatine1 and gradually took in new ground on the ,esquiline4 ,the same process can be traced at ,falerii1 and at ,narce a few miles above it2 what we seem to see is not the accretion of villages--not --but the extension of a city from one strong position to another#aafb4 ,this is especially clear at ,narce1 where it is distinctly proved by the pottery found in the excavations1 that the hill 7,monte li ,santi7 subsequently added to the original city was not co-eval with the latter as a settlement2 i4 e4 that it was the absorption by an older settlement of a probably uninhabited position which here took place1 and not the synoecizing of distinct political communities#aafc4 ,in the later ,rome the montani of the seven districts1 together with the pagani1 or inhabitants of what had originally been the farm-country around ,rome1 formed the united city#aafd4 ,it is most interesting to find that the earliest divisions1 i4 e4 of the montes1 were imitated in the foundation of some colonies--we should find them probably in many if we had the necessary information#aafe4 ,all we know of the cult of the montani on this day is as follows3 7#a7 ,there was a sacrifice on the ,palatium 7which seems to have been the first in dignity of the montes7 by the ,flamen ,palatualis#aaff2 but we do not know to what deity1 and can only guess that it was ,pales1 or ,palatua#aafg4 7#b7 ,on this day no carts or other vehicles drawn by beasts of burden were allowed in the city1 as we learn from ,plutarch1 who asks the reason of this1 and gives some quaint answers#aafh4 ,but the explanations are useless to us1 and we cannot even guess whence ,plutarch drew his knowledge of the fact1 unless it was from personal observation4 ,let us remember1 however1 that this was a feast of montani3 is it not likely that this was a survival from a time when the farm-waggons of the pagani really never ascended to the #8hills'8 ,,prid4 ,,id4 ,,dec4 7,,dec4 #ab74 ,,en4 ,,conso ,,in ,,aventin,o4 7,,amit47 ,,xviii 7,,ante ,,caes4 ,,xvi#aafi7 ,,kal4 ,,ian4 7,,dec4 #ae74 ,,np4 ,,cons,,ualia4 7,,maff4 ,,praen4 ,,amit4 ,,ant47 ,,feriae ,,conso 7,,praen4 ,,amit47 ,for these see on ,aug4 #ba4 ,if the conclusions there arrived at are sound we might guess that these winter rites of ,consus arose from the habit of inspecting the condition of the corn-stores in mid-winter#aagj4 ,it is this day that has the note attached to it in the ,fasti ,praenestini1 #8,equi et muli floribus coronantur quod in eius tutela 444 itaque rex equo vectus81' which was commented on under ,aug4 #ba4 ,see also under ,aug4 #be 7,opeconsivia72 ,wissowa1 s4 v4 ,consus1 in ,lex4 ,myth42 and de ,feriis1 vi foll4 ,,xvi 7,,ante ,,caes4 ,,xiv#aaga7 ,,kal4 ,,ian4 7,,dec4 #ag74 ,,np4 ,,saturnalia4 7,,maff4 ,,amit4 ,,guid4 ,,rust4 ,,philoc47 ,,feriae ,,saturno4 7,,maff4 ,,amit47 ,,saturn,o ,,ad ,,fo,,rum4 7,,amit47 ,,feriae ,,servorum4 7,,silv47 ,this was the original day of the ,saturnalia#aagb1 and1 in a strictly religious sense1 it was the only day4 ,the festival1 in the sense of a popular holiday1 was extended by common usage to as much as seven days#aagc3 ,augustus limited it to three in respect of legal business1 and the three were later increased to five#aagd4 ,probably no ,roman festival is so well known to the general reader as this1 which has left its traces and found its parallels in great numbers of mediaeval and modern customs#aage1 occurring about the time of the winter solstice4 ,unfortunately1 it is here once more a matter of difficulty to determine what features in the festival were really of old ,latin origin1 in spite of information as to detail1 which is unusually full2 for both ,saturnus himself and his cult came to be very heavily overlaid with ,greek ideas and practice4 ,that ,saturnus was an old agricultural god admits1 however1 of no doubt2 the old form of the word was probably ,sturnus1 which is found on an inscription on an ancient vase#aagf1 and this leads us to connect him with serere and satio2 and popular tradition attributed to him the discovery of agricultural processes#aagg4 ,but the ,roman of the historical age knew very little about him1 and cared only for his ,graecized festival2 like ,faunus1 he is the object of no votive inscriptions in ,rome and its neighbourhood#aagh2 and this conclusively proves that he was never what may be called popular as a deity4 ,as the first king of ,latium there were plenty of legends about him1 or as the first civilizer of his people1 the representative of a ,golden ,age#aagi2 but no one has as yet thoroughly investigated these#aahj1 with a view to distinguish any ,italian precipitate in the mixture of elements of which they certainly consist4 ,we are still without the invaluable aid of the contributors to ,roscher's ,lexicon4 ,more promising at first sight is the tradition which connects him in ,rome itself with the ,capitoline hill4 ,varro tells us positively that this hill was originally called ,mons ,saturnius2 and that there was once an oppidum there called ,saturnia1 of which certain vestiges survived to his own time1 including a #8fanum ,saturni in faucibus1' i4 e4 apparently the ara ,saturni of which ,dionysius records that it was at the #8root of the hill1' by the road leading to the summit#aaha1 in fact on the same spot where stood later the temple of which eight columns are still standing4 ,close to this1 it may be noted1 was a sacellum of ,dis ,pater#aahb1 the ,latinized form of ,plutus2 in the temple was the aerarium of later ,rome#aahc1 and built into the rock behind1 the chambers of records 7tabularia74 ,but it would be idle to found upon these facts or traditions any serious hypothesis as to the original nature of the ,roman cult of ,saturn2 all attempts must fail in the bewildering fog of ancient fancy and ancient learning4 ,saturnus belongs1 like ,janus1 with whom he was closely connected in legend#aahd1 to an age into whose religious ideas we cannot penetrate1 and survived into ,roman worship only through ,greek resuscitation#aahe1 and in the feast of the ,saturnalia4 ,all we seem to see is that he is somehow connected with things that are put in the earth#aahf--seed1 treasure1 perhaps stores of produce2 to which may just be added that the one spot in ,rome at all times associated with him is close to the market1 and that market-days 7nundinae7 were said to be sacred to him#aahg4 ,the temple of ,janus is also close by1 and it is not impossible that both these ancient gods had some closer relation to the ,forum and the business done there than we can at present understand with our limited knowledge4 ,neither of them1 it may be noted1 had a flamen attached to his cult2 from which we may infer that they did not descend from the primitive household or the earliest form of community1 but rather represented some place or process common to several communities1 such as a forum and the business transacted there#aahh4 ,it is precisely such gods who figure in tradition as kings1 not of a single city1 but of ,latium4 ,but to turn to the festival2 if the god was obscure and uninteresting1 this was not the case with his feast4 ,it seems steadily to have gained in popularity down to the time of the empire1 and still maintained it when ,macrobius wrote the dialogue supposed to have taken place on the three days of the ,saturnalia1 and called by that name4 ,seneca tells us that in his day all ,rome seemed to go mad on this holiday#aahi4 ,probably its vogue was largely due merely to the accident of fashion1 partly perhaps to misty ideas about the ,golden ,age and the reign of ,saturn#aaij2 but it seems to be almost a general human instinct to rest and enjoy oneself about the time of the winter solstice1 and to show one's good-will towards all one's neighbours#aaia4 ,in ,latium1 as elsewhere1 this was the time when the autumn sowing had come to an end1 and when all farm-labourers could enjoy a rest#aaib4 ,macrobius alludes also to the completion of all in-gathering by this date3 #8,itaque omni iam fetu agrorum coacto ab hominibus hos deos 7,saturnus and ,ops7 coli quasi vitae cultioris auctores#aaic4' ,the close concurrence of ,consualia1 ,opalia1 and ,saturnalia at this time seems to show that some final inspection of the harvest work of the autumn may in reality have been coincident with1 or have immediately preceded1 the rejoicings of the winter solstice4 ,there are several well-attested features of the ,saturnalia as it was in historical times#aaid4 ,on ,dec4 #ag there was a public sacrifice at the temple 7formerly the ara7 of ,saturn by the ,forum#aaie1 followed by a public feast1 in breaking up from which the feasters shouted #8,io ,saturnalia'#aaif4 ,during the sacrifice ,senators and ,equites wore the toga1 but laid it aside for the convivium1 which reminds us of the ritual of the ,fratres ,arvales1 except that the toga was in the latter case the praetexta#aaig4 ,these proceedings of the first and original day of the festival might seem pretty clearly to descend from the religion of the farm1 yet the convivium is said by ,livy to have been introduced as late as #bag ,b4,c4#aaih4 ,on the #ahth and #aith1 which were general holidays1 the day began with an early bath#aaii2 then followed the family sacrifice of a sucking pig1 to which ,horace alludes in familiar lines3 ,cras genium mero ,curabis et porco bimenstri ,cum famulis operum solutis#abjj4 ,then came calls on friends1 congratulations1 games1 and the presentation of gifts#abja4 ,all manner of presents were made1 as they are still at ,christmas3 among them the wax candles 7cerei7 deserve notice1 as they are thought to have some reference1 like the yule log1 to the returning power of the sun's light after the solstice4 ,they descended from the ,saturnalia into the ,christmas ritual of the ,latin ,church#abjb4 ,the sigillaria1 or little paste or earthenware images which were sold all over ,rome in the days before the festival#abjc1 and used as presents1 also survived into ,christian times2 thus1 in the ancient ,romish ,calendar1 we find that all kinds of little images were on sale at the confectioners' shops1 and even in ,england the bakers made little images of paste at this season#abjd4 ,what was the original meaning of the custom we do not know2 but it reminds us of the oscilla of the ,latin festival and the ,compitalia#abje4 ,but the best known feature of the ,saturnalia is the part played in it by the slaves1 who1 as we all know1 were waited on by their masters1 and treated as being in a position of entire equality4 ,the earliest reference to this is in a fragment of ,accius1 quoted by ,macrobius#abjf3 ,iamque diem celebrant1 per agros urbesque fere omnes ,exercent epulas laeti1 famulosque procurant ,quisque suos3 nostrique itidem1 et mos traditus illine ,iste1 ut cum dominis famuli epulentur ibidem4 ,but even this custom1 as ,marquardt points out1 may not have been of genuine ,latin origin3 #8,though the ,romans looked on it as a reminiscence of the ,golden ,age when all men were equal1 it may have begun with the lectisternium of #bag ,b4,c41 for such entertainments were a characteristic of lectisternia4' ,when we turn1 however1 to the same author's account#abjg of the ,greek forms of religion introduced through the ,sibylline oracles1 of which the lectisternium was one1 we do not find slaves included in the ritual of any of them4 ,there was no general exclusion of outsiders or women1 but nothing is said of slaves4 ,and on the whole we may still perhaps consider the other explanation possible1 that the slaves here represent the farm-servants of olden time1 whatever social position they may have held1 who at the end of their year's work were allowed to enjoy themselves #8exaequato omnium iure4' ,,xiv 7,,ante ,,caes4 ,,xii7 ,,kal4 ,,dec4 7,,dec4 #ai74 ,,np4 ,,opal,,ia4 7,,maff4 ,,amit47 ,,feriae ,,opi3 ,,opi ,,ad ,,forum4 7,,amit47 ,for ,ops see on ,aug4 #be1 when the sacrifice was in the ,regia1 the significance of which ,i endeavoured to explain4 ,here it is #8ad forum1' which has lately aroused a little unfruitful dispute4 ,is the temple of ,saturn meant1 which was also described as #8ad forum' in the same calendar8 ,this is still the view of ,mommsen#abjh1 who seems to hold the old opinion that there was a sacellum ,opis attached to the aedes ,saturni1 or that this aedes was dedicated to both deities#abji4 ,h4 ,jordan made up his mind that #8ad forum' meant the ,regia#abaj2 but this is not supported by any similar entry in the ,fasti4 ,aust and ,wissowa believe that ,ops had a separate temple #8ad forum1' of which all traces are lost1 as has happened with many others#abaa2 and the latter1 as we have already seen1 disbelieves in any connexion between ,saturnus and ,ops1 attributing it entirely to ,greek influence4 ,however this may be1 the one interesting fact about the temple--or whatever it was--is that it was #8ad forum4' ,the conjunction of ,saturnus and ,ops at this place and time must surely indicate some connexion of function between the two4 ,but what it was is not discoverable2 under ,saturnalia ,i have merely suggested the direction in which we may look for it4 ,,xii 7,,ante ,,caes4 ,x74 ,,kal4 ,,ian4 7,,dec4 #ba74 ,,np4 ,,diva,,lia4 7,,maff4 ,,praen47 ,praen4 adds a terribly mutilated note1 which ,mommsen thus fills up from stray hints in ,varro1 ,pliny 7following ,verrius71 and ,macrobius#abab3 ,,feriae ,,diva,e ,,angeronae1 ,,quae ,,ab ,,anginae ,,morbo ,,appell,,atur1 ,,quod ,,remedia ,,eius ,,quondam ,,prae,,cepit4 ,,statuerunt ,,eam ,,ore ,,obligato ,,in ,,ar,a ,,volupiae1 ,,ut ,,qui ,,no,,sset ,n,,omen ,,occul,,tum ,,urbis1 ,,taceret4 ,s,,unt ,,tamen1 ,,qui ,,fieri ,,id ,,sacru,m ,,aiunt ,,ob ,,an,,num ,,novum2 ,,mani,,festum ,,esse ,,enim ,,principiu,m ,a,,nni ,,nov,i4 ,the date given by ,pliny and ,macrobius proves that ,angerona was the deity of the ,divalia2 but the etymology of the latter is useless1 and the statement of ,pliny as to the statue with the mouth gagged and sealed fails to give us any clue to the nature or function of the goddess#abac4 ,angerona is1 in fact1 the ,north ,pole of our exploration3 no one has ever reached her1 and probably no one ever will4 ,the mention of ,volupia by ,macrobius gives no help2 she is only elsewhere mentioned as one of the numina of the ,indigitamenta by ,augustine#abad4 ,the only possible clue is that of which ,mommsen has taken advantage in the very clever completion of ,verrius' last words1 viz4 the fact that this day 7#bast7 is the centre one of the winter solstice4 ,he here even allows himself an etymology1 and derives ,angeronalia #8ab angerendo1 id est '3 quoting ,plutarch 7de ,iside1 ch4 #eb7 for similar ,egyptian ideas of the sun's birth at this time4 ,though the etymology may be doubtful1 the inference from the date of the festival is certainly acceptable1 in the absence of anything more definite3 and the #8,praenestine fragments' clearly suggest the word #8annus4' ,x 7,,ante ,,caes4 ,,viii7 ,,kal4 ,,ian4 7,,dec4 #bc74 ,,np4 ,,lar,,entalia4 7,,maff4 ,,praen47 ,here again ,praen4 has a valuable note1 which1 in this case1 is fairly well preserved3 ,,feriae ,,iovi4 ,,accae ,,larentiae4 444 ,,hanc ,,alii ,,remi ,,et ,,rom,,uli ,,nutricem ,,alii ,,meretricem1 ,,herculis ,,scortum ,,fuisse ,,dic,,unt3 ,,parentari ,,ei ,,publice1 ,,quod ,p,,opulum ,r,,omanum ,,he,,redem ,,fece,,rit ,,magnae ,,pecuniae1 ,,quam ,,accepe,,rat ,,testame,,nto ,,tarutili ,,amatoris ,,sui#abae4 ,as regards the feriae ,iovi we are utterly in the dark4 ,macrobius explains it thus3 #8,iovique feriae consecratae1 quod aestimaverunt antiqui animas a ,iove dari et rursus post mortem eidem reddi1' which is obviously a late invention4 ,i can see no possible connexion of ,jupiter with the ,larentalia1 and believe the conjunction to be accidental4 ,mommsen writes3 #8,de origine ,larentalium ipsiusque ,larentinae indole ac natura parum constat4' ,he himself has investigated the myth of ,acca ,larentia in a memorable essay#abaf1 and we may take his opinion on the ,larentalia as at present conclusive4 ,it is to be noted1 however1 that the view he formerly held as to the impossibility of connecting ,lrentia and ,lres#abag is not re-asserted in the new edition of the ,corpus 7vol i72 the connexion1 he says1 may be right1 but does not help us to explain the #8feriae ,iovi' or the parentatio 7performance of funeral rites7 at the grave of ,larentina 7or ,larentia74 ,this parentatio seems to me the one thing known to us about the ,larentalia which can possibly aid us4 ,we are told by ,varro that it took place in the ,velabrum1 #8qua in ,novam viam exitur1 ut aiunt quidam1 ad sepulcrum ,accae#abah4' ,the ,flamen ,quirinalis took part in it1 and the ,pontifices#abai4 ,now the ,parentalia took place in ,february4 ,is it possible that this is a survival from a time when it was in ,december--a survival1 because it was at the tomb of a semi-deity1 and was a public function#abbj8 ,it is very curious that we have a record of a private parentatio wilfully transferred from ,february to ,december1 and probably to this day4 ,cicero1 in a mutilated passage from which ,plutarch has apparently drawn one of his #8,roman ,questions1' seems to have stated that ,dec4 ,brutus 7consul #ach ,b4,c47 used to do his parentatio in ,december#abba4 ,whether ,cicero was here alluding to the ,larentalia we do not know2 but ,plutarch notes the fact of the parentatio of ,larentia in ,december1 and is led thereby to write the quaestio next in order on the story of ,larentia#abbb4 ,was the learned ,brutus simply a pedant1 changing his parentatio to a date which he believed to be the real original one1 or had he some special reason for connecting his family with ,december and ,larentia8 ,however we may answer this question1 there is1 perhaps1 a bare possibility that the ,larentalia was originally a feast of the dead of the old ,rome on the ,palatine1 preserved in the calendar of the completed city only through the reputed survival of the tomb of ,larentia in the ,velabrum at the foot of the rock4 ,footnote #aaaj3 ,r4 ,r4 #a4 #ce4 #b2 ,colum4 #b4 #h4 #b4 ,footnote #aaaa3 xi4 #b4 ,footnote #aaab3 ,cp4 ,hor4 ,od4 #c4 #ah1 #i-ab4 ,ovid 7,fasti1 #c4 #eg7 says of ,december--,vester 7i4 e4 ,faustuli et ,larentiae7 honos veniet1 cum ,larentalia dicam2 ,acceptus ,geniis illa ,december habet4 ,is this only an allusion to ,larentia and ,faustulus1 or also to the general character of the month and its festivals8 ,footnote #aaac3 ,plut4 ,cic4 #ai2 ,dio ,cass4 #cg4 #ce4 ,footnote #aaad3 ,cic4 ad ,att4 #a4 #ab1 and #ae4 #be4 ,footnote #aaae3 ,cic4 de ,harusp4 resp4 #ag4 #cg #8fit per ,virgines ,vestales1 fit pro populo ,romano1 fit in ea domo quae est in imperio4' ,in #fb ,b4,c4 it was in ,caesar's house1 and apparently in the ,regia1 if as pontifix maximus he resided there4 ,see ,marq4 #cdf1 note #a2 #bej1 note #b4 ,footnote #aaaf3 ,fest4 #bde publica sacra are #8quae publico sumptu pro populo fiunt4' ,see my article #8,sacra' in ,dict4 of ,antiquities4 ,footnote #aaag3 ,juvenal1 #b4 #hf4 ,footnote #aaah3 #b4 #hc foll42 #f4 #cad foll4 ,footnote #aaai3 ,probus on ,virg4 ,georg4 #a4 #aj #8,in ,italia quidam annuum sacrum1 quidam menstruum celebrant4' ,footnote #aabj3 ,the word is #8odore1' i4e4 sweet herbs of the garden 7,marq4 #afi and note74 ,footnote #aaba3 ,see on ,lupercalia1 p4 #cab4 ,footnote #aabb3 ,lev4 #cc4 #db4 ,footnote #aabc3 ,the earliest hint of the connexion of ,faunus with ,evander and the ,palatine legend is found in a fragment of ,cincius ,alimentus1 who wrote at this time 7,h4 ,peter1 ,fragm4 ,hist4 ,lat4 #da1 from ,servius1 ,georg4 #a4 #aj74 ,footnote #aabd3 ,dion4 ,hal4 #a4 #ca2 ,suet4 ,vitell4 #a4 ,cp4 for a more truly ,italian view1 ,virgil1 ,aen4 #h4 #cad foll4 ,footnote #aabe3 ,aen4 #g4 #de foll4 ,the order was ,saturnus1 ,picus1 ,faunus1 ,latinus4 ,footnote #aabf3 ,wissowa in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,faunus1 #adeh3 who1 however1 does not sufficiently explain the contrast4 ,silvanus became tutor finium1 and cusios hortuli 7cp4 ,gromatici ,veteres4 p4 #cjb74 ,it was probably this turn given to his cult which saved him from the fate of ,faunus4 ,he takes over definite duties to the cultivator1 while ,faunus is still roaming the country in a wild state4 ,footnote #aabg3 ,bouch-,leclercq1 ,hist4 de la ,divination1 iv4 #abb4 ,footnote #aabh3 ,ad ,georg4 #a4 #aj4 ,footnote #aabi3 ,schwegler1 ,rm4 ,gesch4 i4 #cea4 ,footnote #aacj3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #g4 #cf #8,faunos in silvestribus locis traditum est solitos fari futura4' ,servius identifies ,faunus and ,fatuus2 ad ,aen4 #f4 #gge4 ,footnote #aaca3 #8,versibus quos olim ,fauni vatesque canebant4' ,ennius in ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #g4 #cf4 ,see ,nettleship1 ,essays in ,latin ,literature1 p4 #ej foll4 ,footnote #aacb3 ,mannhardt1 ,a4 ,w4 ,f4 #aac foll4 ,footnote #aacc3 ,l4 ,l4 #g4 #cf4 ,footnote #aacd3 ,georg4 #a4 #aj4 ,the introduction of the ,greek ,dryads may be thought to throw suspicion upon the ,latinity of these ,fauni of ,virgil4 ,but in ,aen4 #h4 #cad1 the similar conjunction of ,fauni and ,nymphae is followed by words which seem to mark a true ,italian conception4 ,footnote #aace3 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,faunus1 #aded4 ,footnote #aacf3 ,aen4 #h4 #cad4 ,footnote #aacg3 ,cp4 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #c4 #cae #8,di sumus agrestes et qui dominemur in altis ,montibus1' c4 ,cp4 ,preller1 i4 #chf4 ,footnote #aach3 ,monumenti ,antichi1 vol4 v4 7,barnabei74 ,von ,duhn1 translated in ,journal of ,hellenic ,studies1 #ahif1 p4 #abj foll4 ,footnote #aaci3 ,rm4 ,myth4 i4 #ajd foll4 ,footnote #aadj3 ,virg4 ,aen4 #h4 #fja1 and ,serv4's note3 #8,prudentiores dicunt eum esse 1 hoc est deum 4' ,silvanus may have been a true tree-spirit2 ,mannhardt1 ,a4 ,w4 ,f4 #aah foll42 ,preller1 i4 #cib4 ,footnote #aada3 ,vol4 i4 #cce1 ed4 ,hauthal4 ,footnote #aadb3 ,see above1 p4 #abf4 ,it may be noticed that the ,bona ,dea1 whose solemn rite occurs also at the beginning of this month1 was identified with ,fauna1 the female form of ,faunus 7,r4 ,peter1 in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,fauna72 i4 e4 their powers for good and evil were thought to be much alike4 ,footnote #aadc3 ,preller1 i4 #cha and reff4 ,footnote #aadd3 ,see under ,lupercalia1 p4 #cbj4 ,footnote #aade3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #c4 #bia foll4 ,i am glad to see that ,wissowa accepts this story as genuine ,italian 7,lex4 s4 v4 #adef74 ,footnote #aadf3 ,cic4 de ,div4 #a4 #aja2 ,livy1 #b4 #g 7,silvanus71 and ,dion4 ,hal4 #e4 #af 7,faunus7 of the battle by the wood of ,arsia4 ,footnote #aadg3 ,fasti1 #d4 #fdi foll4 ,footnote #aadh3 ,aen4 #g4 #ha foll4 ,footnote #aadi3 ,calpurnius1 ,ecl4 #a4 #h foll4 ,footnote #aaej3 ,cp4 ,tylor1 ,primitive ,culture1 i4 #cda foll42 ,sir ,a4 ,lyall1 ,asiatic ,studies1 ch4 #b4 ,footnote #aaea3 ,antike ,wald- und ,feldkulte1 p4 #aeb4 ,footnote #aaeb3 ,see the cuts of two bronze statuettes which ,wissowa1 following ,reifferscheid1 believed to represent the un-,graecized ,italian ,faunus1 at the end of the article #8,faunus' in ,lex4 #adfj4 ,but it is at least very doubtful whether ,reifferscheid was right in his opinion4 ,footnote #aaec3 ,by an error ,silvius has entered it on the #abth4 ,footnote #aaed3 ,for ,inuus see on ,lupercalia1 and ,livy1 i4 #e4 ,footnote #aaee3 de ,feriis1 xii4 ,his other argument1 that ,inuus is not a nomen1 but a cognomen1 is less satisfactory4 ,can we always be sure which is which8 7e4 g4 ,saturnus1 ,janus74 ,footnote #aaef3 ,festus1 p4 #cdj4 ,footnote #aaeg3 de ,mensibus1 p4 #aah1 ed4 ,bekk42 quoted by ,mommsen1 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 i #b14 #ccf4 ,footnote #aaeh3 ,l4 ,l4 v4 #da4 ,footnote #aaei3 ,ibid4 vi4 #bd4 ,footnote #aafj3 ,antistius ,labeo1 ap4 ,festum1 #cdh3 #8,septimontio1 ut ait ,antistius ,labeo1 hisce montibus feriae4 ,palatio1 cui sacrificium quod fit ,palatuar dicitur4 ,veliae1 cui item sacrificium1 ,fagutali1 ,suburae1 ,cermalo1 ,oppio1 ,cispio monti4' ,before #8,cispio' the ,,ms4 has #8,caelio monti1' which must be a copyist's blunder4 ,the ,subura is by courtesy a mons2 also a pagus 7,festus1 #cji71 a regio 7ib471 and a tribus 7ib474 ,footnote #aafa3 ,staatsrecht1 iii4 #aab4 ,o4 ,gilbert has made a great to-do about the development of these communities2 ,gesch4 u4 ,topogr4 i4 #ci foll4 ,but where else will he find three distinct settlements in a space as small as that of the ,palatine8 ,the discoveries at ,falerii and ,narce would have saved him the labour of much web-spinning4 ,plutarch1 ,q4 ,r4 #fi1 has 7accidentally perhaps7 expressed the matter rightly4 ,footnote #aafb3 ,monumenti ,antichi1 vol4 v4 p4 #ae foll4 ,footnote #aafc3 ,mon4 ,ant4 p4 #aaj foll4 7,barnabei74 ,footnote #aafd3 ,cic4 de ,domo1 #bh4 #gd4 ,footnote #aafe3 ,at ,ariminum1 and ,antioch in ,pisidia 7,mommsen1 ,staatsrecht1 iii4 #aac1 note74 ,footnote #aaff3 ,festus1 #cdh1 cp4 #bde4 ,footnote #aafg3 ,preller1 i4 #dad4 ,footnote #aafh3 ,q4 ,r4 #fi4 ,plutarch does not say in what parts of the city the vehicles were forbidden4 ,the feast existed in his day1 and indeed long afterwards 7,tertull4 ,idololatr4 #aj74 ,it seems to have become a general feast of the whole people4 ,footnote #aafi3 ,macrob4 i4 #aj4 #b4 ,footnote #aagj3 ,see below on ,saturnalia1 p4 #bga4 ,footnote #aaga3 ,macrob4 #a4 #aj4 #b4 ,macr4 tells us that after the change some people in error held the festival on the #aith1 i4 e4 on the day which was now xiv ,k4 ,ian4 ,footnote #aagb3 ,hartmann1 ,der ,rm4 ,kalender1 p4 #bjc foll41 thinks it was originally one of the feriae conceptivae1 like the ,compitalia1 ,paganalia1 c41 and only became fixed 7stativae7 when it was reorganized in #bag ,b4,c4 ,but if so1 why is it marked in the calendars in large letters8 ,and ,hartmann himself points out 7p4 #bjh7 that ,dec4 #ag is the first day of ,capricornus1 i4 e4 the coldest season1 which in the oldest natural reckoning would be likely to fix the day 7,colum4 #aa4 #b4 #id74 ,footnote #aagc3 ,macr4 l4 c42 ,cic4 ,att4 #ac4 #eb4 ,footnote #aagd3 ,mommsen1 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 i4 #ccg4 ,footnote #aage3 ,frazer1 ,golden ,bough1 ii4 #agb2 ,brand1 ,popular ,antiquities1 ch4 #ac2 ,usener1 ,religionsgeschichtliche ,untersuchungen1 #a4 #bad foll4 ,see for ,italy1 ,academy1 ,jan4 #bj1 #ahhh4 ,footnote #aagf3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 i4 #dh4 ,but ,prof4 ,gardner tells me that the reading ,saet4 is not certain4 ,footnote #aagg3 ,macrob4 #a4 #aj4 #ai foll42 #a4 #g4 #bd and #be2 ,marq4 p4 #aa note #c4 ,the conjunction of ,ops with him in this function is rejected 7rightly1 ,i think7 by ,wissowa1 de ,feriis1 iv4 ,but see below on ,opalia4 ,footnote #aagh3 ,jordan's note on ,preller1 ii4 #aj4 ,footnote #aagi3 e4 g4 ,virg4 ,aen4 #h4 #cba4 ,footnote #aahj3 ,see1 however1 ,schwegler1 ,r4 ,g4 i4 #bbc foll4 ,footnote #aaha3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #e4 #db2 ,dion4 ,hal4 i4 #cd 7cp4 #f4 #a72 ,fest4 #cbb2 ,solinus1 #a4 #ac2 ,servius1 ,aen4 #b4 #aae2 ,middleton1 ,rome in #ahhe1 p4 #aff4 ,footnote #aahb3 ,r4 ,peter1 s4 v4 ,dis in ,lex4 #aaha2 ,macr4 #a4 #aa4 #dh4 ,footnote #aahc3 ,lucan1 #c4 #aec2 ,middleton1 op4 cit4 #afg4 ,footnote #aahd3 ,preller1 ii4 #ac2 i4 #ahb4 ,footnote #aahe3 ,the temple was traditionally dated ,b4,c4 #dig 7,livy1 #b4 #ba72 cp4 ,aust1 de ,aedibus sacris1 p4 #d3 so too the festival1 though both had an older origin 7,ambrosch4 ,stud4 #adi74 ,the latter was reorganized in ,greek fashion in obedience to a ,sibylline oracle in ,b4,c4 #bag 7,livy1 #bb4 #a74 ,footnote #aahf3 ,plut4 ,q4 ,r4 #cd notes the cult of such gods when all fruits have been gathered4 ,footnote #aahg3 ,macr4 #a4 #h4 #c and #a4 #af4 #cj 7also1 but probably in error1 attributed to ,jupiter74 ,plut4 ,q4 ,r4 #db1 and ,poplic4 #ab1 states it distinctly2 but there is no indication of the source from which he drew4 ,footnote #aahh3 ,cp4 the legendary connexion of both with ship-building and the coining of money2 though it is of course possible that this was simply suggested by the ,janus-head and the ship of early ,roman coins4 ,footnote #aahi3 ,seneca1 ,ep4 #ah4 #a4 ,martial is full of ,saturnalian allusions2 e4 g4 #ab4 #fb4 ,footnote #aaij3 ,popularized1 of course1 by the poets3 ,virg4 ,georg4 ii4 #ech2 ,tibull4 i4 #c4 #ce2 c4 ,footnote #aaia3 ,was this one of the reasons why ,christmas was fixed at the winter solstice8 ,cp4 ,john ,chrysostom1 tom4 iii4 #dig;e3 quoted by ,usener1 op4 cit4 p4 #bag4 ,footnote #aaib3 ,varro1 ,r4 ,r4 #a4 #ce4 #b #8,dum in xv diebus ante et post brumam ut pleraque ne facias4' ,columella1 #b4 #h4 #b1 seems to follow ,varro4 ,virg4 ,georg4 #a4 #baa extends the time #8usque sub extremum brumae intractabilis imbrem' 7cp4 ,serv4 ad loc474 ,footnote #aaic3 ,sat4 i4 #aj4 #ai and #bb1 and ,dion4 ,hal4 #c4 #cb2 ,plut4 ,q4 ,r4 #cd4 ,footnote #aaid3 ,see ,marquardt's excellent summary in ,staatsverwaltung1 iii4 #ceg1 and ,preller1 ii4 #ae foll4 ,footnote #aaie3 ,dion4 ,hal4 #f4 #a4 ,fasti ,amit4 ,dec4 #ag4 ,we do not know who was the sacrificing priest2 perhaps the ,rex ,sacrorum1 or a magistrate4 ,footnote #aaif3 ,macrob4 #a4 #aj4 #ah4 ,footnote #aaig3 ,martial1 #ad4 #a2 at least this seems to be the inference from #8,synthesibus dum gaudet eques dominusque senator4' ,cp #f4 #bd4 ,footnote #aaih3 ,livy1 #bb4 #a4 #ai #8lectisternium imperatum et convivium publicum4' ,footnote #aaii3 ,tertull4 ,apol4 #db4 ,footnote #abjj3 ,odes1 #c4 #ag4 ,cp4 ,martial1 #ad4 #gj4 ,the pig-offering indicates an earth-deity3 ,henzen1 ,acta ,fratr4 ,arv4 p4 #bb2 ,marq4 #agc4 ,footnote #abja3 ,martial1 bk4 #ad1 is the locus classicus for all this4 ,footnote #abjb3 ,brand1 ,pop4 ,ant4 #ahc4 ,footnote #abjc3 ,macr4 i4 #aj4 #bd2 #aa4 #di4 ,in the latter passage he says #8quae homines pro se atque suis piaculum pro ,dite ,saturno facerent4' ,footnote #abjd3 ,brand1 #ahj4 ,footnote #abje3 ,marq4 #aib1 and the passages there quoted4 ,footnote #abjf3 ,sat4 #a4 #g4 #cg4 ,for later evidence see ,marq4 #ehh4 ,footnote #abjg3 p4 #ej1 and note #ac4 ,footnote #abjh3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 i #b4 #ccg4 ,footnote #abji3 ,o4 ,gilbert 7#a4 #bdg note7 holds this latter view4 ,footnote #abaj3 ,ephem4 ,epigr4 #a4 #cg4 ,wissowa 7de ,feriis1 v7 points out that all such entries1 in which the god's name in the dative is followed by the place of sacrifice1 apply to consecrated temples only--and the ,regia was not one4 ,footnote #abaa3 ,aust1 de ,aedibus sacris ,populi ,romani1 p4 #dj4 ,wissowa1 l4 c41 who should not1 ,i think1 write of an aedes in foro4 ,footnote #abab3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #bc #8,angeronalia ab ,angerona1 cui sacrificium fit in curia ,acculeia et cuius feriae publicae is dies4' ,pliny1 ,n4 ,h4 #c4 #e4 #fe #8,nomen alterum dicere nisi arcanis caerimoniarum nefas habetur2 444 non alienum videtur hoc loco exemplum religionis antiquae ob hoc maxime silentium institutae2 namque diva ,angerona1 cui sacrificatur a4d4 xii ,kal4 ,ian41 ore obligato obsignatoque simulacrum habet4' ,macr4 ,sat4 i4 #aj #8xii 7,kal4 ,ian47 feriae sunt divae ,angeroniae1 cui pontifices in sacello ,volupiae sacrum faciunt2 quam ,verrius ,flaccus ,angeroniam dici ait1 quod angores ac sollicitudines animorum propitiata depellat4' ,footnote #abac3 ,see ,wissowa1 s4 v4 ,angerona1 ,lex4 #cej4 ,footnote #abad3 ,civ4 ,dei1 #d4 #h4 ,footnote #abae3 ,macrob4 ,sat4 #a4 #aj4 #aa2 ,fest4 #aai2 and ,lact4 ,inst4 #a4 #bj4 #d mention the ,larentalia4 ,footnote #abaf3 ,rm4 ,forschungen1 vol4 ii4 p4 #a foll4 ,see also ,roscher1 s4 v4 in ,lex4 #e4 ,footnote #abag3 ,cp4 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #c4 #ee4 ,footnote #abah3 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #bc4 ,the passage is in part hopelessly corrupt4 ,footnote #abai3 ,gellius1 ,n4 ,a4 #g4 #g2 for the ,flamen ,quir4 cf4 ,gilbert1 #a4 #hh4 ,cic4 ,ep4 ad ,brut4 #a4 #ae4 #h4 ,varro1 l4 c4 says vaguely #8sacerdotes nostri4' ,plut4 ,romulus1 #d1 gives 1 wrongly4 ,footnote #abbj3 #8,sacerdotes nostri publice parentant' 7,varro1 l4 c474 ,footnote #abba3 ,cic4 de ,legibus1 #b4 #ba4 #ed2 ,plut4 ,q4 ,r4 #cd4 ,footnote #abbb3 ,plutarch is often led on in this work from one question to another by something he finds in the book he is consulting for the first4 ,,mensis ,,ianuarius4 ,the period of winter leisure which began for the agriculturist in ,december continued into ,january4 ,from the solstice to ,favonius 7i4 e4 ,feb4 #g7 is ,varro's eighth and last division of the agricultural year1 in which there is no hard work to be done out of doors 7,r4 ,r4 i4 #cf3 cf4 ,virg4 ,georg4 #a4 #cab2 ,colum4 xi4 #b74 ,so too the rustic calendars2 #8palus aquitur1 salix harundo caedetur4' ,columella tells us1 however1 that if the weather be favourable1 it may be possible from the ,ides of ,january #8auspicari culturarum officia4' ,we have seen that in ,december this easy time was occupied with a series of religious rites of such extreme antiquity that their meaning was almost entirely lost for the ,roman of later ages4 ,after the solstice this series cannot be said to continue3 the calendars have only three festivals in ,january marked with large letters1 the ,agonia on the #ith1 and the two ,carmentalia on the #aath and #aeth4 ,on the other hand1 there were two feriae conceptivae in this month which do not appear in the calendars2 the ,compitalia 7which might1 however1 fall before the beginning of the month71 and the ,paganalia towards the end of it4 ,both these were originally festive meetings in which rural folk took part together1 and seem to indicate that agricultural labours had not yet really begun4 ,,kal4 ,,ian4 7,,jan4 #a74 ,f4 ,,aescu,,lapio1 ,,vediovi ,,in ,,insula4 7,,praen47 ,this temple of ,vediovis was vowed by the praetor ,l4 ,furius ,purpureo in #bjj ,b4,c41 and dedicated six years later#abbc4 ,for this obscure deity see on ,may #ba4 ,the connexion between him and ,aesculapius 7if there were any7 is unexplained4 ,the latter was a much older inhabitant of the ,tiber island 7#bia ,b4,c471 and became in time the special deity of that spot#abbd1 which is called by ,dionys4 7#e4 #ac7 4 ,is it possible that an identification of ,vediovis with ,apollo#abbe--so often a god of pestilence--brought the former to the island seat of the healing deity8 ,the connexion between ,apollo and ,aesculapius is well known4 ,another invasion of the island took place almost at the same time4 ,in #aid ,b4,c4 a temple of ,faunus was dedicated there which had been vowed two years earlier#abbf2 and it may be worth noting that ,faunus also had power to avert pestilence and unfruitfulness1 as is seen in the story of ,numa and the ,faunus-oracle4 7,ovid1 ,fasti1 #d4 #fda foll47 ,on ,jan4 #a1 under the later ,republic1 i4 e4 after the year #aec ,b4,c41 in and after which the consuls began their year of office on this day1 it was the custom to give ,new ,year presents by way of good omen1 called strenae#abbg2 a word which survives in the ,french trennes4 ,it is likely enough that the custom was much older than #aec ,b4,c43 the word was said to be derived from a ,sabine goddess ,strenia1 whose sacellum at the head of the ,via ,sacra is mentioned by ,varro 7,l4 ,l4 v4 #dgabbh71 and from whose grove certain sacred twigs were carried to the arx 7in procession along the ,sacred ,way87 at the beginning of each year#abbi4 ,but we are not told whether this latter rite always took place on ,jan4 #a1 or was transferred to that day from some other in #aec ,b4,c4 ,,iii ,,non4 ,,ian4-,,non4 ,,ian4 7,,jan4 #c-e74 ,c4 #c ,,ludi ,,ludi #d ,,ludi 7,,philoc47 ,,ludi ,,compitales 7,,silv47 #e ,,ludi 7,,comitalis1 ,,ms47 ,the ,compitalia were not feriae stativae until late in the ,empire1 and then perhaps only so by tradition#abcj4 ,they took place at some date between the ,saturnalia 7,dec4 #ag7 and ,jan4 #e2 and we may infer from ,philocalus and ,silvius as quoted above that the tendency was to put them late in that period4 ,not being a great state-festival1 they could be put between ,kalends and ,nones4 ,the original meaning of compitum is explained by the ,scholiast on ,persius1 #d4 #bhabca #8,compita sunt loca in quadriviis1 quasi turres1 ubi sacrificia1 finita agricultura1 rustici celebrabant4444 ,compita sunt non solum in urbe loca1 sed etiam viae publicae ac diverticulae aliquorum confinium1 ubi aediculae consecrantur patentes4 ,in his fracta iuga ab agricolis ponuntur1 velut emeriti et elaborati operis indicium#abcb4' ,from this we gather that where country cross-roads met1 or where in the parcelling out of agricultural allotments one semita crossed another#abcc1 some kind of altar was erected and the spot held sacred4 ,this is quite in keeping with the usage of other peoples3 the #8holiness' of cross-roads is a well-known fact in folk-lore#abcd4 ,it may be doubted1 however1 whether the ,scholiast is right in his explanation of the #8fracta iuga1' which may rather have been used as a spell of some kind1 than as #8emeriti operis indicium4' ,thus ,crooke#abce mentions an ,indian practice of fixing up a harrow perpendicularly where four roads met1 apparently with the object of appeasing the rain-god4 ,in the city of ,rome the compita were the meeting-places of vici 7streets with houses71 where sacella were erected to the ,lares compitales#abcf--two in each case4 ,for the inhabitants of the vici which thus crossed each other1 the compitum was the religious centre2 and thus arose a quasi-religious organization1 which1 as including the lowest of the population and even slaves#abcg1 became of much importance in the revolutionary period in connexion with the machinery of electioneering4 ,the #8collegia compitalicia' were abolished by the ,senate in ,b4,c4 #fd1 and reconstituted in ,b4,c4 #eh by a bill of ,clodius de collegiis4 ,caesar again prohibited them1 and the ludi compitalicii with them2 but the latter were once more revived by ,augustus and made part of his general reorganization of the city and its worship#abch4 ,the ,compitalia1 which the ,romans ascribed to ,servius ,tullius or ,tarquinius ,superbus#abci1 was probably first organized as part of the religious system of the united city in the ,etruscan period1 though it doubtless had its origin in the rustic ideas and practice of which we get a glimpse in the passage quoted from the ,scholiast on ,persius4 ,two features of it seem to fit in conveniently with this conjecture3 7#a7 that already mentioned1 that even the slaves had a part in it1 as well as the plebs2 7#b7 the fact that the magistri vicorum1 who were responsible for the festival1 wore the toga praetexta on the day of its celebration#abdj--which looks like a ,tarquinian innovation in an anti-aristocratic sense4 ,v ,,id4 ,,ian4 7,,jan4 #i74 ,,np8 ,,agon4 7,,maff4 ,,praen47 ,a mutilated note in ,praen4 gives the word ,agonium4 ,it may be doubted whether the ,roman scholars themselves knew for certain what was meant by ,,agon1 and whether the explanations they give are anything better than guesses based on analogy#abda4 ,ovid calls the day #8dies agonalis'3 ,ianus agonali luce piandus erit 7,fasti1 #a4 #cah74 ,nomen agonalem credit habere diem 7,ibid4 #a4 #cbd74 and gives a number of amusing derivations which prove his entire ignorance4 ,festus#abdb gives ,agonium as the name of the day 7which agrees with ,verrius in ,fast4 ,praen471 and says that agonia was an old word for hostia4 ,varro calls the day #8agonalis'#abdc2 ,ovid in another place ,agonalia#abdd4 ,a god ,agonius mentioned by ,st4 ,augustine#abde is probably only an invention of the pontifices4 ,the fact is that the ,romans knew neither what the real form of the word was1 nor what it meant4 ,the attempt to explain it by the apparitor's word at a sacrifice1 agone8 7shall ,i slay87 is still approved by some1 but is quite uncertain#abdf4 ,the original meaning of the word1 if it ever were in common use1 must have vanished long before ,latin was a written language4 ,the only traces of it1 besides its appearance in the calendars1 are in the traditional name for the ,quirinal hill1 ,collis ,agonus1 in its gate1 #8porta agonensis1' and its college of ,salii agonenses#abdg4 ,it would seem thus to have had some special connexion with the ,colline city4 ,the same word appears in the calendars for three other days1 ,march #ag 7,liberalia71 ,may #ba 7,agon4 ,vediovi71 ,dec4 #aa 7,septimontium72 but it is impossible to make out any connexion between these and ,jan4 #i4 ,nor can we be sure that the sacrifice 7if such it was71 indicated by ,agon1 had any relation to the other ceremonies of the days thus marked#abdh4 ,on ,jan4 #i ,ovid does indeed say that ,janus was #8agonali luce piandus1' and on ,may #ba the ,fasti ,venusini add a note #8,vediovi' to the letters ,,agon2 but there is no distinct proof that the agonium was a sacrifice to ,janus or to ,vediovis4 ,we are utterly in the dark#abdi4 ,on this day the ,rex sacrorum offered a ram 7to ,janus87 in the ,regia4 ,ovid says#abej that though the meaning of ,agon is doubtful1 ita rex placare sacrorum ,numina lanigerae coniuge debet ovis4 ,it is provokingly uncertain whether this ram was actually sacrificed to ,janus3 ,varro does not say so1 and ,ovid only implies it#abea4 ,but we may perhaps assume it on the ground that once at least in the ritual of the ,fratres ,arvales#abeb the ram is mentioned as ,janus' victim4 ,if this be so1 we are carried back by this sacrifice to the very beginnings of ,rome1 and get a useful clue to the nature of the god ,janus4 ,the ,rex sacrorum was the special representative in later times of the king2 the king1 living in the ,regia1 was the equivalent in the ,state of the head of the household4 ,the two most important and sacred parts of the house are the door 7ianua1 ianus71 and the hearth 7vesta7#abec1 and the numina inhabiting and guarding these are ,janus and ,vesta1 who1 as is well known1 were respectively the first and the last deities to be invoked at all times in ,roman religious custom4 ,the whole house certainly had a religious importance1 like everything else in intimate relation to man2 and ,macrobius is not romancing when he says 7quoting mythici7 #8,regnante ,iano omnium domos religione et sanctitate fuisse munitas#abed4' ,but the door and the hearth were of special importance1 as the folk-lore of every people fully attests2 and it is hardly possible to avoid the conclusion that we must look for the origin of ,janus in the ideas connected with the house-door1 just as we have always found ,vesta in the fire on the hearth4 ,whatever be the true etymology of ,janus1 and however wild the interpretations of his nature and cult both in ancient and modern times1 we shall always have firm ground to stand on if we view him in relation to the primitive worship of the house#abee4 ,there is hardly an attribute or a cult-title of ,janus that cannot be deduced with reason from this root-idea4 ,the old ,roman scholars1 who knew as little about ,janus as we do1 started several explanations of a cosmical kind1 which must have been quite strange to the average ,roman worshipper4 ,he was a sun-god#abef1 and his name is the masculine form of ,diana 7 moon72 he was the mundus1 i4 e4 the heaven1 or the atmosphere#abeg4 ,these were1 of course1 mere guesses characteristic of a pedantic age which knew nothing of the old ,roman religious mind4 ,if ,janus ever had been a nature-deity1 his attributes as such were completely worn away in historical times1 or had lost their essential character in the process of constant application to practical matters by a prosaic people4 ,how far the ,roman of the ,augustan age understood his great deorum deus may be gathered from ,ovid's treatment of the subject1 itself no doubt a poetical version of the learned speculation of ,varro and others4 ,the poet #8interviews' the deity with the object of finding out the lost and hidden meaning of his most obvious peculiarities1 and the old god condescends to answer with a promptness and good temper that would do credit to the victims of the modern journalist4 ,the curious thing is that the real origin1 humble1 simple1 and truly ,latin1 escaped the observation both of the interviewer and the deity4 ,before ,i state more definitely the grounds on which this simple explanation of ,janus is based1 it will be as well to deal shortly with the more ambitious ones4 #a4 ,the theory that ,janus was a sun-god has the support of ,roman antiquarians#abeh1 and was probably suggested by them to the moderns4 ,nigidius ,figulus1 the ,pythagorean mystic1 seems to have been the first to broach the idea3 we have no evidence that ,varro gave his sanction to it4 ,it was ,nigidius who first suggested the idea of the relation of ,janus to ,diana 7,dianus1 ,diana ,janus1 ,jana71 which found much favour with ,preller and ,schwegler#abei at a time when neither comparative philology nor comparative mythology were as well understood as now4 ,but the common argument1 both in ancient and modern times1 has been that which ,macrobius quotes from certain speculators whom he does not name3 #8,ianum quidam solem demonstrari volunt1 et ideo geminum quasi utriusque ianuae coelestis potentem1 qui exoriens aperiat diem1 occidens claudat1' c4 ,it is obvious that this is pure speculation by a ,roman of the cosmopolitan age3 it is an attempt to explain the ,janus geminus as the representation of one of the great forces of nature4 ,but it has nothing to do with the ideas of the early ,italian farmer4 #b4 ,the theory that ,janus was a god of the #8vault of heaven' was also started by the ancients1 as may be seen from the chapter of ,macrobius quoted above4 ,recently it has been adopted by ,professor ,deecke in his ,etruscan researches#abfj4 ,he seems to hold that ,janus in ,etruria1 as a god of the arch of heaven1 was represented on arches and gates in that country1 and came to ,rome when the ,romans learnt the secret of the arch from the ,etruscans4 ,that the ,romans were the pupils of the ,etruscans in this particular seems to be true2 but if ,janus only came to ,rome with the arch 7,deecke says in ,numa's time7 it is hard to see how he could have so quickly gained his peculiar place in ,roman worship and legend4 ,i cannot think that ,deecke has here improved on the conclusions of his predecessor4 ,speculations about ,janus as a heaven-god have been pushed still further4 ,here is a passage from a book which is almost a work of genius#abfa1 yet embodies many theories of which its author may by this time have repented3 #8,he who prayed 7in ancient ,italy7 began his prayer looking to the ,east1 but ended it looking to the ,west4 ,herein we find expressed the conception of the unity and indivisibility of ,nature2 whose symbol is the most characteristic figure of the ,italian religion1 the double-headed ,janus1 the highest god1 and the god of all things1 all times1 and all gods4 ,he unites the dualistic opposites which complete the world--beginning and end1 morning and evening1 outgoing and ingoing4 ,he is the god of the year1 which finds its completion in its own orbit1 and as he is the god of time1 so he is the god of the ,kosmos1 which like a circle displays both beginning and end at once4' ,he then quotes a passage from ,messalla1 which ,macrobius has preserved1 in support of this astonishing product of the rude mind of the primitive ,roman#abfb4 ,of this ,messalla we only know that he was consul in #ec ,b4,c41 and that 7as ,macrobius tells us7 he was augur for fifty-five years1 in the course of which period1 after the fashion of his day1 he wrote works of which the object was to find a philosophic basis for the quaint phenomena of the ,roman religion4 ,his speculations on the double head of ,janus cannot help us to discover the primitive nature of our deity2 ,janus may have been the ancient heaven-god of the ,latins1 but these guesses are the product of a spurious and eclectic ,greek philosophy4 #c4 ,there is another possible explanation of ,janus1 which is not mentioned in ,roscher's article1 but is perhaps worth as much consideration as the two last4 ,professor ,rhys1 in his ,hibbert ,lectures on ,celtic ,mythology#abfc1 somewhat casually identified ,janus with the ,celtic god ,cernunnos1 whom he considers to be the ,gallic deity called by ,caesar ,dis ,pater4 ,the one striking fact in favour of this equation is that ,cernunnos was represented as having three faces1 and like ,janus1 as a head without a body--the lower portion of the block being utilized for other purposes#abfd4 ,he seems to have been a chthonic deity1 and is compared to and even identified by ,rhys with ,heimdal of the ,norsemen and ,teutons1 who was the warder or porter of the gods1 and of the underworld#abfe1 who sits as the #8wind-listening' god1 whose ears are of miraculous sharpness1 who is the father of man1 and the sire of kings4 ,both ,cernunnos and ,heimdal are thought further to have been like ,janus1 the fons et origo of all things4 ,according to ,caesar the ,gauls believed themselves to be descended from their deity2 and both the ,celtic and ,scandinavian gods seem to have had1 like the ,roman1 some connexion with the divisions of time4 ,it must be allowed that these two gods taken together supply parallels to ,janus' most salient characteristics2 and even to one or two of the less prominent and more puzzling ones1 such as the connexion with springs#abff4 ,it is not impossible that all three may have grown out of a common root2 but in the cases of ,cernunnos and ,heimdal it does not seem any longer possible to trace this1 owing to heavy incrustations of poetical mythology4 ,in the case of the ,roman1 the chance is a better one1 in spite of philosophical speculation1 ancient and modern4 ,we return from philosophers and mythologists to early ,rome4 ,the one fact on which we must fix our attention is that on the north-east of the forum ,romanum was the famous ,janus geminus1 which from representations on coins#abfg we can see was not a temple1 but a gateway1 with entrance and exit connected by walls1 within which was1 we may suppose1 the double-headed figure of ,janus which is familiar on ,roman coins4 ,the same word janus is applied to the gate and to the numen who guarded it1 lived in it1 and was as inseparable from it as ,vesta from the fire on the hearth#abfh4 ,the word does not seem to have been used for the gate of a city1 but for the point of passage into a space within a city1 such as a market1 or a street4 ,at ,rome there were several such jani#abfi2 probably two or more leading into the forum1 as well as the more famous one1 which alone appears to have had a strictly religious signification#abgj4 ,the connexion of the god with entrances is thus a certainty1 though we are puzzled by his apparent absence from the gates of the city#abga4 ,the double head would signify nothing transcendental1 but simply that the numen of the entrance to house or market was concerned both with entrance and exit4 ,it is not peculiar to ,italy1 or to ,janus1 but is found on coins in every part of the ,mediterranean 7,roscher1 ,lex4 #ec foll473 in no case1 it is worth noting1 does the double head represent any of the great gods of heaven1 such as ,zeus1 ,apollo1 c41 but ,dionysus1 ,boreas1 ,argos1 unknown female heads#abgb1 c4 ,its history does not seem to have been worked out2 but we can be almost sure that it does not represent the sun1 and has no relation to the arch of heaven4 ,now keeping in mind the fact that ,janus is the guardian spirit of entrances1 let us recall again the fact that he was the first deity in all invocations both public and private#abgc1 and that ,vesta was the last#abgd4 ,vesta in the house was1 as ,cicero expresses it1 #8rerum custos intimarum'2 she presided over the penetralia--the last part of the house to which any stranger could be admitted2 exactly the opposite position to that of ,janus at the entrance#abge4 ,both deities retained at all times the essential mark of primitive ideas of the supernatural3 they resided in and in a sense were1 the doorway and the hearth respectively4 ,what we know of the priests who served them tells the same tale of an origin in the house1 and the family--the foundation of all ,italian civilization4 ,vesta was served by her sacred virgins1 and these1 we can no longer doubt1 were the later representatives of the daughters of the head of the family1 or the headman of the community#abgf2 the innermost part of the house was theirs1 the care of the fire1 the stores 7penus71 and the cooking4 ,to the father1 the defender of the family1 belonged naturally the care of the entrance1 the dangerous point1 where both evil men and evil spirits might find a way in4 ,and surely this must be the explanation of the fact that no priest is to be found for ,janus in the ,roman system but the ,rex sacrorum#abgg1 the lineal representative of the ancient religious duties of the king1 and therefore1 we may infer with certainty1 of those of the primitive chief1 and of the head of the household#abgh4 ,in the most ancient order of the priesthoods1 the ,rex sacrorum came first1 just as ,janus was the first of all the gods#abgi3 then came the three great ,flamines1 and then the ,pontifex maximus1 in whose care and power were the ,vestals4 ,translating the order into terms of the primitive family1 we have first the head of the house1 next the sons1 and lastly 7as women do not appear in these lists71 the daughters represented by the later priesthood1 to which they were legally subordinated4 ,the order of the gods1 the order of the priests1 and the natural position of the entrance to the house1 all seem to lead us to the same conclusion1 that the beginning of ,janus and his cult are to be sought1 and may be found1 in the early ,italian family dwelling4 ,we may agree with ,roscher1 who has worked out this part of the subject with skill1 that this position of ,janus in the worship of the family and the state is the origin of all the practices in which he appears as a god of beginnings4 ,for these the reader must be referred to ,roscher's article#abhj1 or to ,preller1 or to ,mommsen1 who sees in this aspect of the god1 and rightly no doubt1 that which chiefly reflects the notion of him held by the ordinary ,roman4 ,he was himself the oldest god1 the beginner of all things1 and of all acts#abha2 to him in legend is ascribed the introduction of the arts1 of agriculture1 ship-building1 c4#abhb4 ,he is an object of worship at the beginning of the year1 the month1 and the day#abhc4 ,all this sprang1 not from an abstract idea of beginning--an idea which has no ,roman parallel in being sanctified by a presiding deity1 but from the concrete fact that the entrance of the house was the initium1 or beginning of the house1 and at the same time the point from which you started on all undertakings4 ,such developments of the original ,janus were no doubt as old as the ,state itself4 ,in the ,salian hymn he is already #8deorum deus'#abhd1 and #8duonus cerus'#abhe1 which ,festus tells us meant creator bonus4 ,but even in the ,state there are1 as we have seen1 sufficiently clear traces of his original nature to forbid us to attribute these titles to any lofty and abstract philosophical ideas of religion4 ,the known cult-titles of ,janus are for the most part explicable in the same way4 ,geminus1 ,patulcius1 ,clusius1 and ,matutinus1 speak for themselves4 ,junonius probably arose from the concurrence of the cults of ,janus and ,juno on the ,kalends of each month1 as ,macrobius tells us#abhf4 ,consivius#abhg is explained by ,roscher as connected with serere1 and used of ,janus as creator 7beginner of life3 cf4 duonus cerus74 ,curiatius1 ,patricius1 and ,quirinus#abhh are titles arising from the worship of the god in gentes1 curiae1 and the completed state1 and have no significance in regard to his nature4 ,,iii ,,id4 ,,ian4 7,,jan4 #aa74 ,,np4 ,,karm,,entalia4 7,,praen4 ,,maff47 ,,xviii ,,kal4 ,,feb4 7,,jan4 #ae74 ,,np4 ,,kar,,mentalia4 7,,praen4 ,,maff4 ,,phil4 ,,caer47 ,the full name of the festival is supplied by ,philoc4 and ,silv4 ,there is a much mutilated note in ,praen4 on ,jan4 #aa which is completed by ,mommsen thus#abhi3 #8,feriae ,carmenti 444 quae partus curat omniaque futura2 ob quam causam in aede eius cavetur ab scorteis tanquam omine morticino4' ,the first point to be noticed here is that the same deity has two festival days1 with an interval of three days between them4 ,there is no exact parallel to this in the calendar1 though there are several instances of something analogous#abij4 ,the ,lemuria are on ,may #i1 #aa1 #ac2 but here are three days1 and no special deity4 ,kindred deities have their festivals separated by three days1 as ,consus and ,ops 7,aug4 #ba1 #be72 and we may compare the ,fordicidia and ,cerealia on ,april #ae and #ai1 and the ,quinquatrus and ,tubilustrium1 both apparently sacred to ,mars1 on ,march #ai and #bc4 ,all festivals occur on days of uneven number2 and if there was an extension to two or more days1 the even numbers were passed over#abia4 ,but the ,romans did not apparently consider the two ,carmentalia to be two parts of the same festival1 but two different festivals1 or they would not have tried to account as they did for the origin of the second day4 ,it was said to have been added by a victorious general who left ,rome by the ,porta ,carmentalis to attack ,fidenae#abib1 or by the matrons who had refused to perform the function of women1 in anger at being deprived by the ,senate of the right of riding in carpenta2 and who1 when the decree was withdrawn1 testified their satisfaction in this curious way4 ,it does not seem possible to discover the real meaning of the double festival4 ,it has been suggested#abic that the two days represent the so-called ,roman and ,sabine cities1 like the two bodies of ,salii and ,luperci4 ,this guess is hardly an impossible one1 but it is only a guess1 and has nothing to support it but a casual statement by ,plutarch that the ,carmentalia were instituted at the time of the synoikismos of ,latin and ,sabine cities#abid4 ,there is fortunately little doubt about the nature of ,carmenta and the general meaning of the cult4 ,in all the legends into which she was woven#abie her most prominent characteristic is the gift of prophecy2 she is the #8vates fatidica1' c41 ,cecinit quae prima futuros ,aeneadas magnos et nobile ,pallanteum4 ,so ,ovid1 at the end of his account of her3 ,at felix vates1 ut dis gratissima vixit1 ,possidet hunc ,iani sic dea mense diem4 ,the power is expressed in her very name1 for carmen signifies a spell1 a charm1 a prophecy1 as well as a poem4 ,now there is clear evidence that either women alone had access to the temple at the ,porta ,carmentalis1 or that they were the chief frequenters of it2 and they are even said to have built a temple themselves#abif4 ,where we find women worshipping a deity of prophecy we may be fairly sure that that deity also has some influence on childbirth4 #8,the reason1' writes the late ,prof4 ,nettleship#abig1 #8why the ,carmentes are worshipped by matrons is because they tell the fortunes of the children'--and also1 surely1 because they tell the fortunes of the women in childbirth#abih4 ,i am inclined to agree with my old tutor that the ,carmentes may originally have been wise women whose skill and spells assisted the operation of birth4 ,i do not think we can look for an explanation of the titles ,porrima and ,postverta elsewhere than in the two positions in which the child may issue from the womb1 over each of which a ,carmentis watched#abii2 and there is in fact no doubt that ,carmenta was a birth-goddess#acjj4 ,the argument then would be that the spiritual origin attributed to superior knowledge transforms the owner of the knowledge into a divine person4 ,as ,sir ,a4 ,lyall says#acja 7of the genesis of local deities in ,berar71 #8,the immediate motive 7of deification7 is nothing but a vague inference from great natural gifts or from strange fortunes to supernatural visitation1 or from power during life to power prolonged beyond it4' ,of the cult of ,carmenta we know hardly anything4 ,she had a flamen of her own#acjb1 like other ancient goddesses1 ,palatua1 ,furrina1 ,flora4 ,his sacrificial duties must have been confined to the preparing of cereal offerings1 for there was a taboo in this cult excluding all skins of animals--all leather--from the temple4 ,scortea non illi fas est inferre sacello#acjc1 ,ne violent puros exanimata focos4 ,varro writes #8,in aliquot sacris et sacellis scriptum habemus3 ,ne quid scorteum adhibeatur ideo ne morticinum quid adsit4' ,we could wish that he had told us what these sacra and sacella were#acjd2 as it is we must be content to suppose that a goddess of birth could have nothing to do with the slaughter of animals4 ,the position of the temple was at the foot of the southern end of the ,capitol1 near the ,porta ,carmentalis#acje1 where1 according to ,servius1 she was said to have been buried 7cp4 ,acca ,larentia1 ,dec4 #bc74 ,it is noticeable that the festivals of this winter period are connected with sites near the ,capitol and ,forum2 we have already had ,saturnus1 ,ops1 and ,janus4 ,if the reader should ask why a goddess of birth should be specially worshipped in the depth of winter1 he may perhaps find a reason for it after reading the third chapter of ,westermarck's ,history of ,human ,marriage4 ,as far as we can judge from the calendar1 ,april was the month at ,rome when marriages and less legal unions were especially frequent#acjf2 during ,may and the first days of ,june marriages were not desirable#acjg4 ,in ,january therefore births might naturally be expected4 ,ovid tells us 7#a4 #dfc7 that ,juturna was also worshipped on ,jan4 #aaacjh2 but whether in any close connexion with ,carmenta we do not know4 ,they are both called ,nymphs2 but from this we can hardly make any inference4 ,juturna was certainly a fountain-deity3 ,i can find no good evidence that this was one of ,carmenta's attributes4 ,the fount of ,juturna was near the ,vesta-temple#acji1 and therefore close to the ,forum3 its water was used1 says ,servius1 for all kinds of sacrifices1 and itself was the object of sacrifice in a drought4 ,all took part in the festival who used water in their daily work 7#8qui artificium aqua exercent'74 ,but the ,juturnalia appears in no calendar1 and ,aust is no doubt right in explaining it only as the dedication-festival of the temple built by ,augustus in ,b4,c4 #bacaj4 ,feriae ,sementivae#acaa4 ,paganalia4 ,under date of ,jan4 #bd-bf1 ,ovid#acab writes in charming verse of the feriae conceptivae called ,sementivae 7or -tinae71 which from his account would seem to be identical with the so-called ,paganalia#acac4 ,just as the ,compitalia of the city probably had its origin in the country 7see on ,jan4 #c-e71 though the rustic compita were almost unknown to the later ,romans1 so the festival of sowing was kept up in the city 7#8a pontificibus dictus1' ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #bf7 as ,sementinae1 long after the ,roman population had ceased to sow4 ,in the country it was known--so we may guess--by the less technical name of ,paganalia#acad1 as being celebrated by the rural group of homesteads known as the pagus4 ,as to the object and nature of the festival1 let ,ovid speak for himself3 ,state coronati plenum ad praesaepe iuvenei3 ,cum tepido vestrum vere redibit opus4 ,rusticus emeritum palo suspendat aratrum#acae3 ,omne reformidat frigida volnus humus4 ,vilice1 da requiem terrae1 semente peracta3 ,da requiem terram qui coluere viris4 ,pagus agat festum3 pagum lustrate1 coloni1 ,et date paganis annua liba focis4 ,placentur frugum matres1 ,tellusque ,ceresque1 ,farre suo1 gravidae visceribusque suis4 ,officium commune ,ceres et ,terra tuentur3 ,haec praebet causam frugibus1 illa locum4 ,ceres and ,tellus1 #8consortes operis1' are to be invoked to bring to maturity the seed sown in the autumn1 by preserving it from all pests and hurtful things2 and also to assist the sower in his work in the spring that is at hand4 ,this at least is how ,i understand the lines 7#fha1 #fhb73 ,cum serimus1 caelum ventis aperite serenis2 ,cum latet1 aetheria spargite semen aqua4 ,or if it be argued that both these lines may very well refer to the spring1 it is at least certain that the poet understood the festival to cover the past autumn sowing3 ,utque dies incerta sacro1 sic tempora certa1 ,seminibus iactis est ubi fetus ager#acaf4 ,varro tells us#acag that the time of the autumn sowing extended from the equinox to the winter solstice2 after which1 as we have seen1 the husbandmen rested from their labours in the fields1 and enjoyed the festivals we have been discussing since ,dec4 #ag 7,consualia74 ,the last of these is the ,paganalia1 i4 e4 the one nearest in date1 if we may go by ,ovid1 to the time for setting to work at the spring sowing1 which began on or about ,feb4 #g 7,favonius74#acah ,it would thus be quite natural that this festival should have reference not only to the seed already in the ground1 but also to that which was still to be sown4 ,if ,ovid lays stress on the former1 ,varro and ,lydus seem to be thinking chiefly of the latter#acai4 ,ovid has told us what was the nature of the rites4 ,according to him1 ,ceres and ,tellus were the deities concerned1 and with this ,lydus agrees4 ,we need not be too certain about the names#acbj1 considering the #8fluidity' and impersonality of early ,roman numina of this type2 but the type itself is obvious4 ,there were offerings of cake1 and a sacrifice of a pregnant sow2 the oxen which had served in the ploughing were decorated with garlands2 prayers were offered for the protection of the seed from bird and beast and disease4 ,if we may believe a note of ,probus'#acba1 oscilla were hung from the trees1 as at the ,latin festival1 c41 doubtless as a charm against evil influences4 ,,vi ,,kal4 ,,feb4 7,jan4 #bg74 ,c4 ,,aedis ,,castoris ,,et ,,po,,llucis ,,dedica,,ta ,,est 4444 7,,praen47 ,mommsen's restoration of this note in the ,fasti of ,praeneste is based on ,ov4 ,fast4 #a4 #gje-h3 ,at quae venturas praecedet sexta ,kalendas1 ,hac sunt ,ledaeis templa dicata deis4 ,fratribus illa deis fratres de gente deorum ,circa ,iuturnae composuere lacus4 ,but ,livy#acbb gives the ,ides of ,july as the day of dedication1 and a difference of learned opinion has arisen#acbc4 ,july #ae1 ,b4,c4 #dif1 is the traditional date of the battle of ,lake ,regillus1 and the temple was dedicated ,b4,c4 #dhd--the result of the ,consul's vow in that battle#acbd4 ,mommsen infers that ,livy confused the date of the dedication with that of the battle1 and that ,jan4 #bg is right4 ,aust and others differ1 and refer the latter date to a restoration by ,tiberius1 probably in ,a4,d4 #facbe4 ,the mistake in ,livy is easy to explain1 and ,mommsen's explanation seems sufficient#acbf4 ,three beautiful columns of ,tiberius' temple are still to be seen at the south-eastern end of the ,forum1 near the temple of ,vesta1 and close to the ,iacus ,juturnae1 where the ,twins watered their steeds after the battle#acbg4 ,the very early introduction of the ,dioscuri into the ,roman worship is interesting as being capable of unusually distinct proof4 ,they must have been known long before the battle of the ,regillus2 and they took a peculiarly firm hold on the ,roman mind1 as we see from the common oaths ,edepol1 ,mecastor1 from their representation on the earliest denarii#acbh1 from their connexion with the equites throughout ,roman history1 and from the great popularity of their legend1 which was reproduced in connexion with later battles#acbi4 ,the spread of the cult through ,southern ,italy to ,latium and ,etruria 7where it was also a favourite7 is the subject of a ,french monograph#accj4 ,footnote #abbc3 ,livy1 #ca4 #ba2 #cd4 #ec4 ,the ,,mss have #8deo ,iovi' in the former passage1 and #8,iovis' in the second2 but it is almost certain that ,vediovis is the deity referred to4 ,see ,mommsen in ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 i4 #b4 #cje for the confusion in these passages1 and in ,livy1 #ce4 #da4 7,cp4 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 i4 #bia-c47 ,footnote #abbd3 ,livy1 ,epit4 #aa1 and #aj4 #dg2 ,preller1 ii4 #bda2 ,plut4 ,q4 ,r4 #id2 ,jordan1 in ,comm4 in hon4 ,momms4 p4 #cdi foll4 ,footnote #abbe3 ,see under ,may #ba4 ,deecke1 ,falisker1 #if4 ,footnote #abbf3 ,livy1 #cc4 #db1 #cd4 #ec2 ,jordan1 l4 c4 ,footnote #abbg3 ,these and their later history are the subject of a most exhaustive treatise by ,martin ,lipenius1 in ,graevius' ,thesaurus1 vol4 xii1 p4 #dje4 ,see also ,marq4 ,privatleben1 #a4 #b1 #bde4 ,for the sentiment implied in the strenae see ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #a4 #ga foll4 and #age4 ,footnote #abbh3 ,cp4 ,fest4 #bij4 ,footnote #abbi3 ,symmachus1 ep4 #aj4 #ce #8,ab exortu paene urbis ,martiae strenarum usus adolevit1 auctoritate ,tatii regis1 qui verbenas felicis arboris ex luco ,strenuae anni novi auspices primus accepit4' ,footnote #abcj3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #be #8quotannis is dies concipitur' 7for the right reading of the rest of the passage see ,mommsen1 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #cje74 ,macrobius 7#a4 #af4 #f7 reckons them as conceptivae1 in the fourth century2 ,philoc4 and ,silv4 may be representing a traditional date for a feast which was iure conceptivus4 ,so ,momms4 ,cp4 ,gell4 #aj4 #bd4 #c1 where the formula for fixing the date is given2 and ,cic4 in ,pis4 #d4 #h4 ,it was the praetor 7urbanus87 who in this case made the announcement4 ,footnote #abca3 ,cp4 ,philargyrius1 ,georg4 #b4 #chb #8compita ubi pagani agrestes buccina convocati solent certa inire consilia'2 no doubt discussion about agricultural matters4 ,footnote #abcb3 ,cp4 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #a4 #ffe1 of the ,paganalia3 #8,rusticus emeritum palo suspendat aratrum4' 7,cp4 ,tibull4 ii4 #a4 #e47 ,such features were perhaps common to all these rustic winter rejoicings4 ,footnote #abcc3 ,grom4 ,vet4 #cjb4 #bj foll4 ,footnote #abcd3 ,for ,greece see ,farnell1 ,cults1 ii4 #efa and #eih4 ,footnote #abce3 ,folklore in ,northern ,india1 i4 #gg4 ,footnote #abcf3 ,marq4 #bjc2 ,dion4 ,hal4 #d4 #ad2 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #b4 #fae and #e4 #adj4 ,wissowa 7,myth4 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,lares1 p4 #ahgd7 would limit them in origin to the pagi outside the septem montes1 as the latter had their own sacra4 ,footnote #abcg3 ,dion4 ,hal4 #d4 #ad 7i4 e4 ,serv4 ,tull47 1 7,cic4 pro ,sestio1 #ae4 #cd74 ,footnote #abch3 ,marq4 #bjd2 ,rushforth1 ,latin ,historical ,inscriptions1 p4 #ei foll4 ,footnote #abci3 ,pliny1 ,n4 ,h4 #cf4 #bjd2 ,macrob4 #a4 #g4 #cd2 ,dion4 l4 c4 ,footnote #abdj3 ,asconius1 p4 #f1 ,k4 ,sch4 ,livy1 #cd4 #g4 #b4 ,footnote #abda3 ,so ,wissowa1 de ,feriis1 xii note4 ,cp4 his article #8,agonium' in the new edition of ,pauly's ,real-,encycl4 ,footnote #abdb3 p4 #aj4 ,cp4 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #a4 #cca #8,et pecus antiquus dicebat agonia sermo4' ,footnote #abdc3 ,he uses the plural3 #8,agonales 7dies7 per quos rex in regia arietem immolat' 7,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ab74 ,but only ,jan4 #i seems to be alluded to4 ,footnote #abdd3 ,fasti1 #a4 #cbe2 cf4 ,macrob4 #a4 #af4 #e4 ,footnote #abde3 ,civ4 ,dei1 #d4 #aa4 #af4 ,ambrosch 7,studien1 #adi7 thinks it possible that ,agonius may have been a god of the ,colline city4 ,footnote #abdf3 ,bcheler1 ,umbrica1 p4 #cj4 ,b4 apparently sees in the ,umbrian #8sakreu perakneu' an equivalent to #8hostias agonales4' ,the ,iguvian ritual is certainly the most likely document to be useful2 it at least shows how large was the store of sacrificial vocabulary4 ,footnote #abdg3 ,fest4 p4 #aj4 ,for the ,salii1 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ad4 ,footnote #abdh3 ,wissowa1 de ,feriis1 xii4 ,footnote #abdi3 ,when ,varro writes 7,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ab7 that the dies agonales are those in which the ,rex sacrorum sacrifices a ram in the ,regia1 he may be including all the four days1 and not only ,jan4 #i4 ,i think this is likely2 but we only know it of ,jan4 #i4 ,footnote #abej3 ,fasti1 i4 #ccc4 ,varro ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ab #8,agonales 7dies7 per quos rex in regia arietem immolat4' ,footnote #abea3 ,cp4 lines #cah and #ccc4 ,footnote #abeb3 ,henzen1 #add4 ,an #8agna' is the only other animal sacrifice we know of to ,janus 7,roscher1 in ,lex4 #db74 ,footnote #abec3 ,roscher1 in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,ianus1 #bi foll4 7cp4 for much interesting kindred matter1 ,de-,marchi1 ,il ,culto privato1 p4 #bj foll474 ,roscher's attempt to find an analogy between the ,forum and the house is interesting1 but unluckily the positions #8ad ,forum' of the #8,ianus geminus' and the #8aedes ,vestae' do not exactly answer to those of the door and hearth of a ,roman house4 ,footnote #abed3 ,sat4 i4 #i4 #b2 ,procopius1 ,b4 ,g4 #a4 #be1 who says that #8,janus belonged to the gods whom the ,romans in their tongue called ,penates1' seems to be alluding to the same connexion of this god and the house4 ,footnote #abee3 ,we owe this explanation of ,janus chiefly to ,roscher's article1 and ,roscher himself owed it to the fact that his study of ,janus for the article was a second and not a first attempt4 ,in ,hermes der ,windgott 7,leipzig1 #ahgh7 he had arrived at a very different and a far less rational conclusion4 ,the influence of ,mannhardt and the folk-lorists set him on the right track4 ,footnote #abef3 ,nigidius ,figulus in ,macrob4 i4 #i4 #h4 ,footnote #abeg3 ,see ,roscher1 ,lex4 #dd4 ,footnote #abeh3 ,macrob4 #a4 #i4 #i2 ,lydus1 de ,mensibus1 #d4 #f 7who quotes ,lutatius74 ,footnote #abei3 ,schwegler1 ,r4 ,g4 i4 #bah foll42 ,preller1 #a4 #afh foll4 ,the etymology is weak2 the god and goddess have nothing common in cult or myth2 it is not certain that ,diana was originally the moon2 and the great ,italian deities are not coupled together in this way4 ,footnote #abfj3 ii4 #abe foll4 ,cf4 ,mller's ,etrusker 7ed4 ,deecke71 ii4 #eh foll4 ,mller1 with his usual good sense1 concluded from the evidence that the ,latin ,janus was a god of gates2 but he thought that an ,etruscan deity of the vault or arch of heaven had been amalgamated with him4 ,this is not impossible1 if there was really such an ,etruscan god2 and ,deecke finds him in ,ani1 who in ,etruscan theology seems to have had his seat in the northern part of the heaven 7,mart4 ,capell4 #a4 #de7 where ,janus was also represented in the templum of ,piacenza 7,lex4 s4 v4 ,janus1 p4 #bh74 ,but this must remain a doubtful point1 even though ,lydus 7#d4 #b7 tells us that ,varro said that the god 4 ,footnote #abfa3 ,nissen1 ,templum1 p4 #bbh4 ,footnote #abfb3 ,macrob4 #a4 #i4 #af4 ,footnote #abfc3 p4 #ic foll42 ,caes4 ,b4 ,g4 #f4 #ah4 ,footnote #abfd3 ,m4 ,mowat thought that this was ,janus naturalized in ,gaul2 but with ,prof4 ,rhys 7p4 #ha note7 ,i cannot but think this unlikely4 ,footnote #abfe3 ,see ,corpus ,poeticum ,boreale1 ii4 #dfe4 ,footnote #abff3 ,roscher1 in ,lex4 #ah2 ,rhys1 #a4 c4 #hh4 ,footnote #abfg3 ,roscher1 ,lex4 #ag2 ,jordan1 ,topogr4 #a4 #b4 #cea4 ,footnote #abfh3 ,cic4 ,de ,nat4 ,deorum1 #b4 #bg4 #fg #8,transitiones perviae iani1 foresque in liminibus profanarum aedium ianuae nominantur4' ,cp4 ,macrob4 #a4 #i4 #g4 ,footnote #abfi3 ,on the whole question see ,jordan1 ,topogr4 #a4 #b4 #bae foll4 ,ovid 7,fasti1 #a4beg7 asks the god #8,cum tot sint iani1 cur stas sacratus in uno8#8 ,footnote #abgj3 ,from ,falerii came another janus1 with a four-headed simulacrum1 which was set up in the ,forum transitorium 7,macr4 #a4 #i4 #ac2 ,jordan1 ,top4 #a4 #b4 #cdh74 ,footnote #abga3 ,preller made an attempt1 which ,roscher approves1 to identify ,portunus with ,janus1 ,portunus being1 according to ,varro1 #8,deus portuum portarumque praeses' 7,interpr4 ,veron4 ,aen4 v4 #bda74 ,but see on ,aug4 #ag4 ,footnote #abgb3 ,the nearest approach to ,janus is the ,hermes or 7single head only87 and ,hermes with two1 three1 or four heads at the meeting-points of streets4 ,these are points which suggested to ,roscher in his older work an elaborate comparison of ,hermes and ,janus 7p4 #aai foll474 ,footnote #abgc3 ,see ,marq #be1 #bf and notes4 ,footnote #abgd3 ,cic4 ,n4 ,d4 #b4 #bg2 ,preller1 ii4 #agb4 ,footnote #abge3 ,for the evidence of this position of ,janus in the cults of the house see ,roscher1 ,lex4 #cb2 it is indirect1 but sufficiently convincing4 ,footnote #abgf3 ,see my article #8,vestales' in ,dict4 of ,antiquities1 ed4 #b4 ,footnote #abgg3 ,marq4 #cba foll4 ,besides the sacrifice in the ,regia on ,jan4 #i1 the ,rex and his wife1 the ,regina sacrorum1 sacrificed to ,juno in the ,regia on the ,kalends of every month1 and apparently also to ,janus 7,junonius7 to whom there were twelve altars 7in the ,regia87 one for each month4 ,macr4 #a4 #i4 #af and #a4 #ae4 #ai4 ,footnote #abgh3 ,for the father as the natural defender of the family1 see ,westermarck1 ,hist4 of ,human ,marriage1 ch4 #c4 ,footnote #abgi3 ,festus1 #ahe #8,maximus videtur ,rex1 dein ,dialis1 post hunc ,martialis1 quarto loco ,quirinalis1 quinto pontifex maximus4' ,for the corresponding place of ,janus1 ,liv4 #h4 #i4 #f2 ,cato1 ,r4 ,r4 #acd2 ,marq4 #bf4 ,footnote #abhj3 ,lex4 #cg foll42 ,preller1 #a4 #aff foll42 ,mommsen1 ,r4 ,h4 i4 #agc4 ,footnote #abha3 1 says ,lydus1 #d4 #b1 quoting ,varro2 cp4 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #afe foll4 ,footnote #abhb3 ,plut4 ,q4 ,r4 #bb4 ,footnote #abhc3 ,macrob4 #a4 #i4 #af2 ,horace1 ,sat4 ii4 #f4 #bj foll4 ,footnote #abhd3 ,macrob4 #a4 #i4 #ad4 ,footnote #abhe3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #g4 #bf2 ,fest4 #abb4 ,footnote #abhf3 ,macr4 #a4 #i4 #af4 ,footnote #abhg3 ,macr4 l4 c4 ,wissowa 7de ,feriis1 vi7 says the true form is consevius2 but the etymology holds4 ,footnote #abhh3 ,roscher1 ,lex4 #ba1 #bf1 #dj4 ,footnote #abhi3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #a4 #cjg1 on the evidence of ,ovid1 ,fast4 #a4 #fbi and ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #g4 #hd4 ,footnote #abij3 ,wissowa1 de ,feriis1 viii4 ,footnote #abia3 ,mommsen1 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #a4 #bhh4 ,footnote #abib3 ,fast4 ,praen4 on ,jan4 #ae 7mutilated74 ,cp4 ,ovid1 ,fast4 #a4 #fai1 and ,plut4 ,q4 ,r4 #ef4 ,festus1 #bde4 ,footnote #abic3 ,by ,huschke1 ,rm4 ,jahr1 #aii4 ,there was probably more than one ,carmenta 7,gell4 #af4 #af4 #d71 if we consider ,porrima and ,postverta as two forms of the goddess2 and the two days may have some relation to this duality4 ,perhaps there were two altars in the temple4 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #a4 #fbg4 ,footnote #abid3 ,plut4 ,romulus1 #ba4 ,footnote #abie3 ,see ,wissowa in ,lex4 ,myth4 i4 #hea2 ,ovid4 ,fasti1 #a4 #dfa foll42 ,virg4 ,aen4 #h4 #ccf4 ,the eighth ,aeneid1 it may be remarked1 should be learnt by heart by all investigators into ,roman antiquity4 ,footnote #abif3 ,plut4 ,q4 ,r4 #ef3 cp4 ,dion4 ,hal4 #a4 #ca4 #a-i1 from whom ,plutarch may have drawn his information1 directly or perhaps through ,juba4 ,for the temple they built cp4 ,gell4 #ah4 #g4 #b4 ,if this temple be a different one from that under the ,capitol1 it may suggest an explanation of the double festival4 ,footnote #abig3 ,studies in ,latin ,literature1 p4 #dh foll42 ,journal of ,philology1 xi4 #agh4 ,footnote #abih3 ,see on ,fortuna1 above1 p4 #afg4 ,footnote #abii3 ,ovid1 ,fast4 #a4 #fcc2 ,varro in ,gell4 #af4 #f4 #d4 ,nettleship takes a different view of these words4 ,but see ,wissowa in ,lex4 #a4 #hec2 ,preller1 i4 #djf4 ,footnote #acjj3 ,st4 ,augustine1 ,c4 ,d4 #d4 #aa #8,in illis deabus quae fata nascentibus canunt et vocantur ,carmentes4' ,footnote #acja3 ,asiatic ,studies1 p4 #bj4 ,footnote #acjb3 ,cic4 ,brut4 #ad4 #ef2 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 vi4 #cgbj2 and ,eph4 ,ep4 iv4 #gei4 ,the rite of ,jan4 #aa is called #8sacrum pontificale' by ,ovid 7,fast4 #a4 #dfb71 whence we infer that the pontifices had a part in it as well as the flamen4 ,footnote #acjc3 ,ovid1 ,fast4 #a4 #fbi4 ,cp4 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #g4 #hd4 ,this passage of ,varro may possibly raise a doubt whether the taboo did not arise from a mistaken interpretation of the words scortum and pellicula1 as ,carmenta was especially worshipped by matrons4 ,footnote #acjd3 ,the more so as we have no inscriptions relating to ,carmenta4 ,though her flaminium continued to exist under the ,empire1 she herself practically disappeared4 ,i am inclined to guess that her attributes were to some extent usurped by the more popular and plebeian ,fortuna4 ,footnote #acje3 ,solinus1 #a4 #ac2 ,serv4 ,aen4 #h4 #ccf and #ccg4 ,footnote #acjf3 ,see especially under ,april #a and #bh1 the days of ,fortuna virilis and ,flora4 ,footnote #acjg3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #f4 #bbc foll4 ,footnote #acjh3 ,juturnalia1 ,serv4 ,aen4 #ab4 #aci4 ,footnote #acji3 ,jordan1 ,topogr4 #a4 #b4 #cgj2 ,wissowa in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,iuturna4 ,footnote #acaj3 ,aust1 de ,aedibus sacris1 p4 #de4 ,footnote #acaa3 ,sementinae1 according to ,jordan in ,prell4 #b4 #e1 note #b4 ,footnote #acab3 ,fasti1 #a4 #feh foll4 ,footnote #acac3 ,paganicae 7feriae71 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #bf4 ,varro seems to separate the two3 after mentioning the ,sementinae1 which he says was #8sationis causa susceptae1' he goes on #8,paganicae eiusdem agriculturae susceptae1 ut haberent in agris omnes pagi1' c4 ,but the distinction is perhaps only of place2 or if of time also1 yet not of object and meaning4 ,footnote #acad3 ,so ,marq4 #aii1 and ,hartmann1 ,rm4 ,kal4 #bjc4 ,preller thinks the ,sementinae were in ,september1 before the autumn sowing2 and it is possible that there were two feasts of the name1 one before the autumn1 another before the spring1 sowing4 ,lydus 7de ,mens4 #c4 #c7 speaks of two days separated by seven others2 on the former they sacrificed to ,tellus 7,demeter71 on the latter to ,ceres 772 two successive nundinae 7market-days7 are here meant4 ,footnote #acae3 ,cp4 ,scholiast on ,persius1 #d4 #bh2 and see under ,compitalia1 ,jan4 #c-e4 ,footnote #acaf3 ,ovid1 #a4 #ffa4 ,footnote #acag3 ,r4 ,r4 #a4 #cd2 ,plin4 ,n4 ,h4 #ah4 #bjd4 ,footnote #acah3 ,cp4 ,varro1 ,r4 ,r4 #a4 #bi1 #cf4 ,cp4 the ,rustic ,calendars for ,february4 ,footnote #acai3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #bf #8sationis causa'2 and ,lydus says that the feast could not be #8stativae1' because the cannot be fixed to a day4 ,lydus' reason is not a good one1 if the sowing did not begin till ,feb4 #g2 but it is plain that he understands the rites as prophylactic4 ,i may note that ,columella seems to know little about spring sowing 7,,ii4 #b3 cp4 #b4 #h74 ,mommsen1 ,r4 ,h4 ii4 #cfd1 says that spring sowing was exceptional4 ,footnote #acbj3 ,see under ,cerialia1 ,april #ai4 ,footnote #acba3 ,ad ,virg4 ,georg4 #b4 #che2 ,marq4 #bjj and #aib1 where the old explanation 7,macr4 #a4 #g4 #cd7 seems to be adopted1 that these were substitutes for human or other victims 7cp4 ,btticher1 ,baumkultus1 #hj foll474 ,we have no clear evidence for this1 and ,i am not disposed to accept it4 ,footnote #acbb3 #b4 #db4 ,so ,plut4 ,coriol4 #c4 ,footnote #acbc3 ,momms4 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #a4 #cjh2 ,jordan1 ,eph4 ,ep4 #a4 #bcf2 ,aust1 de ,aedibus sacris1 #dc4 ,footnote #acbd3 ,dion4 ,hal4 #f4 #ac2 ,liv4 #b4 #bj4 ,footnote #acbe3 ,suetonius1 ,tib4 #bj2 ,aust1 op4 cit4 p4 #f4 ,footnote #acbf3 ,weight must1 however1 be given to the fact that the transvectio equitum took place on ,july #ae4 ,aust1 #dc1 and ,furtwngler in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,dioscuri4 ,footnote #acbg3 ,middleton1 ,ancient ,rome1 p4 #agd2 ,lanciani1 ,ruins and ,excavations of ,ancient ,rome1 p4 #bga foll4 ,footnote #acbh3 ,mommsen1 ,mnzwesen1 #cja1 #eei4 ,footnote #acbi3 ,pydna1 ,cic4 ,n4 ,d4 #c4 #e4 ,,ii2 ,verona 7#aja ,b4,c471 ,plut4 ,mar4 #bf4 ,the most famous application of the story is in the accounts of the great fight between ,locri and ,kroton at the river ,sagra3 this was probably the origin of the ,italian legends4 ,see ,preller1 ii4 #cja4 ,footnote #accj3 ,albert1 le ,culte de ,castor et ,pollux en ,italie1 #ahhc4 ,cp4 ,furtwngler1 l4 c4 ,,mensis ,,februarius ,the name of the last month of the old ,roman year is derived from the word februum1 usually understood as an instrument of purification#acca4 ,this word1 and its derivatives were1 as we shall see1 best known in connexion with the ,lupercalia1 the most prominent of the festivals of the month4 ,now the ritual of the ,lupercalia seems to suggest that our word #8purification' does not cover all the ground occupied by the #8religio' of that festival2 nor does it precisely suit some of the other rites of ,february4 ,we are indeed here on difficult and dangerous ground4 ,certainly we must not assume that there was any general lustration of the whole people1 or any period corresponding in religious intent to the ,christian ,lent1 which in time only is descended from the ,roman ,february4 ,assuredly there were no such ideas as penitence or forgiveness of sins involved in the ritual of the month4 ,let so much be said for the benefit of those who are only acquainted with ,jewish or ,christian history4 ,what at least is certain is that at this time the character of the festivals changes4 ,since the middle of ,december we have had a series of joyful gatherings of an agricultural people in homestead1 market-place1 cross-roads2 now we find them fulfilling their duties to their dead ancestors at the common necropolis1 or engaged in a mysterious piacular rite under the walls of the oldest ,rome4 ,the ,parentalia and the ,lupercalia are the characteristic rites of ,february2 we shall see later on whether any of the others can be brought into the same category4 ,if pleasure is the object of the mid-winter festivals1 the fulfilment of duties towards the gods and the manes would seem to be that of the succeeding period4 ,from an agricultural point of view ,february was a somewhat busy month2 but in the time of ,varro the work was chiefly the preparatory operations in the culture of olives1 vines and fruit-trees#accb4 ,the one great operation in the oldest and simplest agricultural system was the spring sowing4 ,spring was understood to begin on ,feb4 #g 7,favonius7#accc1 and it is precisely at this point that the rites change their character4 ,we are in fact close upon the new year1 when the powers of vegetation awake and put on strength2 but the ,romans approached it as it were with hesitation1 preparing for it carefully by steady devotion to work and duty1 the whole community endeavouring to place itself in a proper position toward the numina of the land's fertility1 and the dead reposing in the land's embrace4 ,before taking the rites one by one1 it will perhaps be as well to say a word in general about the nature of ,roman expiatory rites1 in order to determine in what sense we are to understand those of ,february4 ,the first point to notice is that these rites were applicable only to involuntary acts of commission or omission--an offence against the gods 7nefas7 if wittingly committed1 was inexpiable4 ,in this case the offender was impius1 i4 e4 had wilfully failed in his duty2 and him no rites could absolve#accd4 ,but by ordinary offences against the gods we are not to understand sin1 in the ,christian sense of the word2 they were rather mistakes in ritual1 or involuntary omissions--in fact any real or supposed or possible errors in any of a man's relations to the numina around him4 ,he might always be putting himself in the wrong in regard to these relations1 and he must as sedulously endeavour to right himself4 ,in the life of the #8privatus' these trespasses in sacred law would chiefly be in matters of marriages and funerals and the regular sacrifices of the household2 in the life of the magistrate they would be mistakes or omissions in his duties on behalf of the ,state#acce4 ,whether in private or public life1 they must be duly expiated4 ,it is needless to point out how powerful a factor this belief must have been in the growth of a conscience and of the sense of duty2 or how stringent a #8religio' was that which1 assuming that a man could hardly commit an offence except unwittingly1 made the possible exceptional case fatal to his position as a member of a community which depended for its wholesome existence on the good will of the gods4 ,remembering that among the divine beings to whom it was most essential for each family to fulfil its duties1 were the di manes1 or dead ancestors and members of the family1 we see at once that ,february with its ,parentalia was an important month in the matter of expiatory rites4 ,ovid1 though suggesting a fancy derivation for the name of the month1 expresses this idea clearly enough3 ,aut quia placatis sunt tempora pura sepulcris ,tum cum ferales praeteriere dies#accf4 ,but the other etymology given by the poet is1 as we have seen1 the right one1 and may bring us to another class of piacula1 of which we find an example this month in the ,lupercalia4 ,mensis ab his dictus1 secta quia pelle ,luperci ,omne solum lustrant1 idque piamen habent#accg4 ,not only was the ,roman most careful to expiate involuntary offences1 and also to appease the wrath of the gods1 if shown in any special active way1 e4g4 by lightning and many other prodigia#acch1 but he also sought to avert evil influences before-hand1 which might possibly emanate from hostile or offended numina4 ,this religious object is well illustrated in the sacrifice of the hostia praecidanea1 which was offered beforehand to make up for any involuntary errors in the ritual that followed#acci4 ,but it is also seen in numerous other rites of which we have had many examples2 all those1 for instance1 which included a lustratio4 ,we generally translate this word by #8purification'2 but it also involves the ideas of intercession1 and of the removal of unseen hostile influences which may be likely to interfere with the health and prosperity of man1 beast1 or crop4 ,at such rites special victims were sometimes offered1 or the victim was treated in a peculiar manner2 we find1 perhaps1 some part of it used as a charm or potent spell1 as the strips of skin at the ,lupercalia1 or the ashes of the unborn calves at the ,fordicidia1 or the tail and blood of the ,october horse#acdj4 ,to the first of these1 at least1 if not to the other two1 the word februum was applied1 and we may assume it of the others3 also to many other objects which had some magical power1 and carry us back to a very remote religious antiquity4 ,ovid gives a catalogue of them#acda3 ,februa ,romani dixere piamina patres1 ,nunc quoque dant verbo plurima signa fidem4 ,pontifices ab rege petunt et flamine lanas1 ,quis veterum lingua februa nomen erat4 ,quaeque capit lictor domibus purgamina ternis#acdb ,torrida cum mica farra1 vocantur idem4 ,nomen idem ramo1 qui caesus ab arbore pura ,casta sacerdotum tempora fronde tegit4 ,ipse ego flaminicam poscentem februa vidi3 ,februa poscenti pinea virga data est4 ,denique quodcunque est1 quo corpora nostra piantur1 ,hoc apud intonsos nomen habebat avos4 ,objects such as these1 called by a name which is explained by piamen1 or purgamentum1 must have been understood as charms potent to keep off evil influences1 and so to enable nature to take its ordinary course unhindered4 ,only in this sense can we call them instruments of purification4 ,the use of the februa in the ,lupercalia was1 as we shall see1 to procure fertility in the women of the community4 ,here then1 as well as in the rites of the ,fornacalia and ,parentalia1 is some reason for calling the month a period of purification2 but only if we bear in mind that at the ,parentalia the process consisted simply in the performance of duties towards the dead1 which freed or purified a man from their possible hostility2 while at the ,lupercalia the women were freed or purified from influences which might hinder them in the fulfilment of their natural duties to their families and the ,state4 ,beyond this it is not safe to go in thinking of ,february as a month of expiation4 ,,kal4 ,,feb4 ,,iunoni ,,sospitae4 ,n4 ,this was the dedication-day of a temple of the great ,lanuvian goddess1 ,juno ,sospita1 in the ,forum olitorium#acdc4 ,it was vowed in the year #aig ,b4,c4 by the consul ,cornelius ,cethegus1 but had fallen into decay in ,ovid's time#acdd4 ,for the famous cult of this deity at ,lanuvium1 see ,roscher1 in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,iuno1 #eie4 ,,id4 ,,feb4 ,,fauno ,i,n ,,insul,a4 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 vi4 #bcjb4 ,,np4 ,this temple was vowed almost at the same time as the last1 #bif ,b4,c41 by plebeian aediles2 it was built by fines exacted from holders of ager publicus who had not paid their rents#acde4 ,see under ,dec4 #e1 p4 #beg4 ,,fornicalia3 ,,feriae ,,conceptivae1 ending ,feb4 #ag4 ,i have drawn attention to the change in the character of the festivals at this season4 ,but before we go on to the ,parentalia and ,lupercalia1 which chiefly mark this change1 we have to consider one festival which seems to belong rather to the class which we found in ,december and ,january4 ,this was the ,fornacalia1 or feast of ovens2 one which does not appear in the calendars1 as it was a moveable feast 7conceptivae72 and one which was a sacrum publicum only in the sense of being pro curiis1 as the ,paganalia were pro pagis1 the ,septimontium pro montibus1 and the ,argean rite pro sacellis#acdf4 ,each curia conducted its own rites1 under the supervision of its curio and 7for the last day7 of the ,curio ,maximus#acdg3 the great priests of the ,state had no official part in it4 ,in this it differs in some degree from the ,fordicidia 7,april #ae71 the other feast of the curiae1 which appears in three of our calendars1 and in which the ,pontifices and ,vestals took some part#acdh4 ,this is not the place to investigate the difficult question of what the curiae really were4 ,so much at least is clear1 that while1 like the montes1 pagi1 and sacella 7argea71 they were divisions of the people and the land1 they were more important than the others1 in that they formed the basis of the earliest political and military organization#acdi4 ,it need hardly be said that each curia had also itself a religious organization3 their places of assembly1 though not temples1 were quasi-religious buildings#acej1 used for sacred purposes1 but furnished with hearth and eating-room like an ordinary house#acea4 ,we hear also of tables 7mensae1 7 #8in quibus immolabatur ,iunoni quae ,curis appellata est#aceb4' ,there is no need to assume any etymological connexion between ,cris and ,cria#acec2 but the cult of the goddess of the spear is interesting here1 as seeming at once to illustrate the military importance of the curiae1 the power of the paterfamilias#aced1 and the necessity of continuing the family through the fertility of woman1 an idea which we shall come upon again at the ,lupercalia#acee4 ,lastly1 each curia had its own curio1 or religious superintendent1 and its own flamen1 and at the head of all the curiae was the ,curio ,maximus2 officers who coincide with the general character of the curiae in being 7like the heads of families7 not strictly priests1 but capable of religious duties1 for the performance of which they are said to have been instituted#acef4 ,the ritual of the ,fornacalia has been evolved with difficulty1 and without much certainty1 from a few passages in ,ovid1 ,dionysius1 ,varro1 ,festus1 and ,pliny#aceg4 ,we seem to see--#a4 ,an offering in each private house in each curia3 it consisted of far1 i4 e4 meal of the oldest kind of ,italian wheat1 roasted in antique fashion in the oven which was to be found in the pistrina of each house1 and made into cakes by crushing in the manner still common in ,india and elsewhere#aceh4 #b4 ,a rite in which each curia took part as a whole4 ,this is deduced from the fact that on the #agth 7,quirinalia7 any one who by forgetfulness or ignorance had omitted to perform his sacra on the day fixed by the curio for the meeting of his own curia1 might do so then at a general assembly of all the thirty curiae#acei4 ,this was the reason why the ,quirinalia was called #8stultorum feriae4' ,it has also been conjectured that the bounds of each curia were beaten on this day1 on which its members thus met3 for ,pliny says #8,numa et ,fornacalia instituit farris torrendi ferias et aeque religiosas terminis agrorum#acfj4' #c4 ,what happened on the ,quirinalia ,ovid shall tell us himself#acfa3 ,curio legitimis nunc ,fornacalia verbis ,maximus indicit1 nec stata sacra facit2 ,inque foro1 multa circum pendente tabella1 ,signatur certa curia quaeque nota3 ,stultaque pars populi1 quae sit sua curia1 nescit1 ,sed facit extrema sacra relata die4 ,it should be noted that no certain connexion can be made out between ,quirinus and curia1 and ,i imagine it was only accident or convenience that made this day the last of the ,fornacalia#acfb4 ,ovid's words #8nec stata sacra facit' seem to me to imply that the ,curio ,maximus carefully abstained from using a formula of announcement likely to confuse the #8stultorum feriae' with the ,quirinalia1 which was always on the same day4 ,but it may well have been the case that by usage the two coincided4 ,ovid's lines make it clear that on the #agth 7as a rule7 the ,forum was the scene of a general meeting of curiae1 each of which had a certain space assigned it1 indicated by a placard4 ,is it possible that this was merely a survival of the assembly of the armed host in comitia curiata1 now used only for religious purposes8 ,if so1 the tendency to fix it on the festival of ,quirinus might find a natural explanation4 ,the meaning and object of the ,fornacalia are very far from being clear4 ,preller#acfc fancied it was the occasion of the first eating of the fruits of the last harvest3 but it is hardly possible to imagine this postponed as late as ,february4 ,on the other hand ,dionysius' description#acfd1 already quoted1 of what he saw in the curiae1 would suit this well enough if it could be set down to a suitable time of year3 it suggests a common meal1 in which the first fruits are offered to the god1 while the worshippers eat of the new grain4 ,but this cannot have been in ,february4 ,steuding 7in the ,lex47 suggests that the object was to thank the gods for preserving the corn through the winter1 and to pray for the welfare of the seed still in the ground 7i4 e4 in a lustratio74 ,ovid says 7though ,steuding does not quote him7 ,facta dea est ,fornax3 laeti ,fornace coloni ,orant1 ut fruges temperet illa suas#acfe4 ,but neither ,steuding's conjecture1 nor the ,german parallels he appeals to1 seem convincing4 ,i am rather inclined to think that the making of cakes in each household was simply a preliminary to the sacra that followed in the curia1 i4 e4 each family brought its contribution to a common religious meal4 ,the roasting was naturally accompanied by an offering to the spirit of the oven#acff 7fornax72 hence the name ,fornacalia4 ,the object of the sacra in the curia is doubtful2 but they probably had some relation to the land and its fertility1 in view of the new year about to begin4 ,of the final meeting of all the curiae in the forum ,i have already suggested an explanation3 the phrase #8stultorum feriae' was1 in my opinion1 of late origin1 and illustrates the diminishing importance of the curiate organization after the admission of plebeians#acfg4 ,,id4 ,,feb4 7,,feb4 #ac74 ,,np4 ,,virgo ,,vestalis ,,parentat4 7,,phil47 ,,parentatio ,,tumulorum ,,incipit4 7,,silv47 ,the dies parentales1 or days of worshipping the dead 7placandis ,manibus71 began at the sixth hour on this day1 and continued either to the #bast 7,feralia71 or the #bbnd 7cara cognatio7#acfh4 ,the parentatio of the ,vestal was at the tomb of ,tarpeia1 herself a ,vestal#acfi4 ,undoubtedly1 the ,feralia 7#bast7 was the oldest and the best known of these days1 and the only one which was a public festival3 it appears in three calendars 7,caer4 ,maff4 ,farn47 in large letters4 ,yet there is reason for believing that even the ,feralia was not the oldest day for worshipping the manes3 it was in part at least a dies fastus1 and none of the dies parentales are marked ,n in the calendars2 and this1 according to ,mommsen#acgj1 shows that the rites of those days were of later origin than those of the ,lemuria 7,may #i-ac71 which are all marked ,n4 ,this seems also to have been the opinion of ,latin scholars#acga4 ,whatever the ,lemuria may have been1 it is certain that the ,parentalia were not days of terror or ill-omen2 but rather days on which the performance of duty was the leading idea in men's minds4 ,nor was the duty an unpleasant one4 ,there was a general holiday3 the dead to be propitiated had been duly buried in the family tomb in the great necropolis1 had been well cared for since their departure1 and were still members of the family4 ,there was nothing to fear from them1 so long as the living members performed their duties towards them under the supervision of the ,state and its ,pontifices#acgb4 ,they had their iura1 and the relations between them and their living relations were all regulated by a ius sacrum3 they lived on in their city outside the walls of the city of the living#acgc1 each family in their own dwelling3 they did not interfere with the comfort of the living1 or in any way show themselves hostile or spiteful4 ,such ideas as these are of course the result of a well developed city life2 experience has taught the citizen how his conduct towards the ,di ,manes can best be regulated and organized for the benefit of both parties4 ,the ,parentalia belong to a later stage of development than the ,lemuria1 though both have the same original basis of thought4 ,the ,parentalia was practically a yearly renewal of the rite of burial4 ,as sacra privata they took place on the anniversary of the death of a deceased member of the family1 and it was a special charge on the heir that he should keep up their observance#acgd4 ,on that day the family would go in procession to the grave1 not only to see that all was well with him who abode there1 but to present him with offerings of water1 wine1 milk1 honey1 oil1 and the blood of black victims#acge3 to deck the tomb with flowers#acgf1 to utter once more the solemn greeting and farewell 7,salve1 sancte parens71 to partake of a meal with the dead1 and to petition them for good fortune and all things needful4 ,this last point comes out clearly in ,virgil's picture3 ,poscamus ventos1 atque haec me sacra quotannis ,urbe velit posita templis sibi ferre dicatis4 ,the true meaning of these lines is1 as ,henry quaintly puts it#acgg1 #8,let us try if we cannot kill two birds with one stone1 and not only pay my sire the honours due to him1 but at the same time help ourselves forward on our journey by getting him to give us fair winds for our voyage4' ,as we have seen1 the dies parentales began on the #acth2 from that day till the #bast all temples were closed1 marriages were forbidden1 and magistrates appeared without their insignia#acgh4 ,on the #bbnd was the family festival of the ,caristia1 or cara cognatio3 the date of its origin is unknown1 but ,ovid#acgi writes of it as well established in his time1 and it may be very much older4 ,he describes it as a reunion of the living members of the family after they have paid their duties to the dead3 ,scilicet a tumulis et qui periere1 propinquis ,protinus ad vivos ora referre iuvat2 ,postque tot amissos quicquid de sanguine restat1 ,aspicere1 et generis dinumerare gradus4 ,it was a kind of love-feast of the family1 and gives a momentary glimpse of the gentler side of ,roman family life4 ,all quarrels were to be forgotten#achj in a general harmony3 no guilty or cruel member may be present#acha4 ,the centre of the worship was the ,lares of the family1 who were #8incincti1' and shared in the sacred meal#achb4 ,we might naturally expect that1 especially in ,italy--so tenacious of old ideas and superstitions--we should find some survival of primitive folk-lore1 even in the midst of this highly organized civic cult of the dead4 ,ovid supplies us with a curious contrast to the ethical beauty of the ,caristia1 in describing the spells which an old woman works1 apparently on the day of the ,feralia#achc4 #8,an old hag sitting among the girls performs rites to ,tacita3 with three fingers she places three bits of incense at the entrance of a mouse-hole4 ,muttering a spell1 she weaves woollen threads on a web of dark colour1 and mumbles seven black beans in her mouth4 ,then she takes a fish1 the maena1 smears its head with pitch1 sews its mouth up1 drops wine upon it1 and roasts it before the fire3 the rest of the wine she drinks with the girls4 ,now1 quoth she1 we have bound the mouth of the enemy3 ,hostiles linguas inimicaque vinximus ora1 ,dicit discedens1 ebriaque exit anus4' ,in spite of the names of deities we find here1 ,tacita and ,dea ,muta#achd1 and of the pretty story of the mother of the ,lares which the poet's fancy has added to it1 it is plain that this is no more than one of a thousand savage spells for counteracting hostile spirits#ache4 ,the picture is interesting1 as showing the survival of witchcraft in the civilized ,rome of ,ovid's time1 and reminds us of the horrible hags in ,horace's fifth epode2 but it may be doubted whether it has any real connexion with the ,feralia4 ,doubtless its parallel could be found even in the ,italy of today#achf4 ,,xv4 ,,kal4 ,,mart4 7,,feb4 #ae74 ,,np4 ,,luper7,,calia74 7,,caer4 ,,maff4 ,,farn4 ,,philoc4 ,,silv4 ,,and ,,rustic ,,calendars47 ,there is hardly another festival in the calendar so interesting and so well known as this4 ,owing to the singular interest attaching to its celebration in ,b4,c4 #dd1 only a month before ,caesar's death1 we are unusually well informed as to its details2 but these present great difficulties in interpretation1 which the latest research has not altogether overcome#achg4 ,i shall content myself with describing it1 and pointing out such explanations of ritual as seem to be fairly well established4 ,on ,feb4 #ae the celebrants of this ancient rite met at the cave called the ,lupercal1 at the foot of the steep south-western corner of the ,palatine ,hill--the spot where1 according to the tradition1 the flooded ,tiber had deposited the twin children at the foot of the sacred fig-tree#achh1 and where they were nourished by the she-wolf4 ,the name of the cave is almost without doubt built up from lupus1 #8a wolf'#achi2 but we cannot be equally sure whether the name of the festival is derived directly from ,lupercal1 or on the analogy of ,quirinalia1 ,volcanalia1 and others1 from ,lupercus1 the alleged name of the deity concerned in the rites1 and also of the celebrants themselves#acij4 ,in any case we are fairly justified in calling this the wolf-festival2 the more so as the wolf was the sacred animal of ,mars1 who was in a special sense the god of the earliest settlers on the ,palatine#acia4 ,the first act of the festival seems to have been the sacrifice of goats 7we are not told how many71 and of a dog#acib2 and at the same time were offered sacred cakes made by the ,vestals1 from the first ears of last year's harvest4 ,this was the last batch of the mola salsa1 some of which had been used at the ,vestalia in ,june1 and some on the ,ides of ,september#acic4 ,next1 two youths of high rank1 belonging1 we may suppose1 one to each of the two collegia of ,luperci 7of which more directly71 were brought forward2 these had their foreheads smeared with the knife bloody from the slaughter of the victims1 and then wiped with wool dipped in milk4 ,as soon as this was done they were obliged to laugh4 ,then they girt themselves with the skins of the slaughtered goats1 and feasted luxuriously#acid2 after which they ran round the base of the ,palatine ,hill1 or at least a large part of its circuit1 apparently in two companies1 one led by each of the two youths4 ,as they ran they struck at all the women who came near them or offered themselves to their blows1 with strips of skin cut from the hides of the same victims2 which strips1 as we have seen1 were among the objects which were called by the priests februa4 ,here1 in what at first sight looks like a grotesque jumble1 there are two clearly distinguishable elements2 7#a7 an extremely primitive ritual1 probably descended from the pastoral stage of society2 7#b7 a certain co-ordination of this with definite local settlements4 ,the sacrifices1 the smearing and wiping1 the wearing of the skins1 and the striking with the februa1 all seem to be survivals from a very early stage of religious conceptions2 but the two companies of runners1 and their course round the ,palatine1 which apparently followed the most ancient line of the pomoerium1 bring us into touch with the beginning and with the development of urban life4 ,surviving through the whole ,republican period1 with a tenacity which the ,roman talent for organization alone could give it1 the ,lupercalia was still further developed for his own purposes by the dictator ,caesar1 and thenceforward lived on for centuries under his successors into the age of imperial ,christianity4 ,let us now examine the several acts of the festival1 to see how far they admit of explanation under the light of modern research into primitive ideas and ritual4 ,it began1 as we saw1 with the sacrifice of goats and a dog4 ,unluckily we cannot be sure of the god to whom they were offered1 nor of the sacrificing priest4 ,according to ,ovid#acie the deity was ,faunus2 according to ,livy it was a certain mysterious ,inuus1 of whom hardly anything else is known#acif1 though much has been written4 ,there was no ,lupercus1 as some have vainly imagined2 much less any such combination as ,faunus ,lupercus1 which has been needlessly created out of a passage of ,justin#acig4 ,liber is suggested by ,servius#acih2 who adds that others fancied it was a #8bellicosus deus4' ,recently ,juno has been suggested1 because the strips which the runners carried were called #8,iunonis amiculum'#acii4 ,thus it is quite plain that the ,roman of the literary age did not know who the god was4 ,the common idea that he was ,faunus is discredited by ,livy's account and his mention of ,inuus1 and also by the fact that ,faunus is not associated with urban settlements3 and may easily be accounted for by the myth of ,evander and the ,arcadians1 whose ,pan ,lycaeus was of course identified with ,faunus#adjj1 or by the girding of the ,luperci with skins1 which made them resemble the popular conception of the ,fauni#adja4 ,possibly the name was a secret2 for there was a tendency to avoid fixing a god's name in ritual1 in order to escape making mistakes1 and so offending him4 #8,iure pontificum cautum est ne suis nominibus dii ,romani appellarentur1 ne exaugurari possint#adjb4' ,we must also remember that the ,lupercalia undoubtedly descends from the very earliest period of the ,roman religion1 when the individuality of deities was not clearly conceived1 and when their names were unknown1 doubtful1 or adjectival only4 ,in fact1 we need not greatly trouble ourselves about the name of the god3 his nature is deducible to some extent from the ritual4 ,the connexion with the ,palatine1 with the wolf1 and with fructification1 seems to me to point very clearly in the direction of ,mars and his characteristics4 ,it would be almost more profitable if we could be sure of the sacrificing priest2 but here again we are in the dark4 ,ovid says1 #8,flamen ad haec prisco more ,dialis erat#adjc#82 but it is impossible that this priest could have been the sacrificer 7though ,marquardt committed himself to this71 for he was expressly forbidden to touch either goat or dog#adjd1 which seem to have been excluded from the cult of ,jupiter4 ,even in the case of such exceptional piacula as this no doubt was1 we can hardly venture without further evidence to ascribe the slaughter of the sacred animal to the great priest of the heavenly deity in whose cult it was tabooed4 ,plutarch says that the ,luperci themselves sacrificed#adje2 and this is more probable1 and is borne out by comparison with other cases in which the priest clothes himself1 as the ,luperci did1 in the skin of the victim4 ,it does not indeed seem certain that the two youths who thus girt themselves had also performed the sacrifice2 but they represent the two collegia of ,luperci1 and lead the race#adjf1 as ,romulus and ,remus did in the explanatory legend4 ,as regards the victims1 there is here at least no doubt that both goat and dog were exceptional animals in sacrifice#adjg1 and that their use here betokens a piacular rite of unusual #8holiness4' ,thus their offering is a mystic sacrifice1 and belongs to that #8small class of exceptional rites in which the victim was drawn from some species of animals that retained even in modern times their ancient repute of natural holiness#adjh4' ,it is exactly in this kind of sacrifice that we find such peculiar points of ritual as meet us in the ,lupercalia4 #8,the victim is sacrosanct1 and the peculiar value of the ceremony lies in the operation performed on its life1 whether that life is merely conveyed to the god on the altar 7i4 e4 as in burnt-sacrifices7 or is also applied to the worshippers by the sprinkling of the blood1 or some other lustral ceremony#adji4' ,the writer might very well have been thinking of the ,lupercalia when he wrote these lines4 ,the meaning of these rites was originally1 as he states it1 that the holiness of the victim means kinship to the worshippers and their god1 #8that all sacred relations and all moral obligations depend on physical unity of life1 and that physical unity of life can be created or reinforced by common participation in living flesh and blood4' ,we may postpone consideration of this view as applied to the ,lupercalia till we have examined the remaining features of the ceremony4 ,after the sacrifice was completed1 ,plutarch#adaj tells us that the foreheads of the two youths were touched with the bloody knife that had slain the victims1 and the stain was then wiped off with wool dipped in milk1 after which the youths had to laugh4 ,this has often been supposed to indicate an original human sacrifice#adaa1 the he-goats being substituted for human victims1 and the death of the latter symbolized by the smearing with their blood4 ,this explanation might be admissible if this were the only feature of the ceremony2 but it is so entirely out of keeping with those that follow--the wearing of the skins and the running--that it is preferable to look for another before adopting it4 ,at the same time it may be observed that no reasonable hypothesis can be ruled out of court where our knowledge of the rite is so meagre and so hard to bring satisfactorily into harmony with others occurring among other peoples#adab4 ,there is a curious passage in ,apollonius ,rhodius#adac1 where purification from a murder is effected by smearing the hands of the murderer with the blood of a young pig1 and then wiping it off 2 and the ,scholiast on the lines describes a somewhat similar method of purification which was practised in ,greece4 ,this would raise a presumption that the youths were not originally the victims at the ,lupercalia1 but rather the slayers2 and that they had to be purified from the guilt of the blood of the sacrosanct victim#adad4 ,when this was done they became one with the victim and the god by the girding on of the skins1 and were able to communicate the new life thus acquired in the course of their lustratio of the city by means of the strips of skin to the women who met them4 ,this explanation is open to one or two objections2 for example1 it hardly accounts for the laughter of the youths1 unless we are to suppose that it was an expression of joy at their release from blood-guiltiness#adae4 ,and we have indeed no direct evidence that the youths were ever themselves the sacrificers1 though the collateral evidence on this point1 as ,i have already said1 seems to be fairly strong#adaf4 ,yet ,i cannot but think that the true significance of the essential features of the ceremony is to be looked for somewhere in the direction thus indicated4 ,there is1 however1 another explanation of the application of the bloody knife1 the wiping1 and the laughing1 which ,mannhardt proposed1 not without some modest hesitation1 in his posthumous work#adag4 ,in his view these were symbolic or quasi-dramatic acts1 signifying death and renewed life4 ,the youths were never actually killed1 but they were the figures in a kind of acted parable4 ,the smearing with blood denoted that they partook of the death of the victim#adah2 the wiping with milky wool signified the revival to a new life1 for milk is the source of life4 ,the laughing is the outward sign of such revival3 the dead are silent1 cannot laugh#adai4 ,and the meaning of all this was the death and the revival of the ,vegetation-spirit4 ,i have already more than once profited by ,mannhardt's researches into this type of ,european custom1 and they are now familiar to ,englishmen in the works of ,mr4 ,frazer1 ,mr4 ,farnell1 and others4 ,undoubtedly there are many bits of grotesque custom which can best be explained if we suppose them to mean the death of the ,power of growth at harvest-time1 or its resuscitation in the spring1 perhaps after the death of the powers of winter and darkness4 ,but whether the ,lupercalia is one of these ,i cannot be so sure4 ,these rites do not seem to have any obvious reference to crops1 but rather to have come down from the pastoral stage of society3 and it is not in this case the fields which are lustrated by the runners1 but the urbs and its women#adbj4 ,and the earlier parts of the ritual bear the marks of a piaculum so distinctly that it seems unnecessary and confusing to introduce into it a different set of ideas4 ,there is a similar divergence of opinion in explaining the next feature1 the wearing of the skins of the victims#adba4 ,dr4 ,mannhardt believed that this was one of the innumerable instances in which1 at certain times of the year1 animals are personated by human beings1 e4 g4 at ,christmas1 at the beginning of ,lent 7,carnival71 and at harvest4 ,these he explained as representations of the ,vegetation-spirit1 which was conceived to be dead in winter1 to come to life in spring1 and at harvest to die again1 and which was believed to assume all kinds of animal forms4 ,this has been generally accepted as explaining several curious rites both in ,greece and ,italy1 e4 g4 that of the ,hirpi ,sorani at ,soracte not far from ,rome#adbb4 ,but it is a question whether it will equally well explain the ,luperci and their goat-skins4 ,in this case ,mannhardt is driven to somewhat far-fetched hypotheses2 he derives ,lupercus from lupus-hircus#adbc 7p4 #ij71 and suggests that the two collegia represented respectively wolves and goats1 according to the view of the ,vegetation-spirit taken by the two communities of ,palatine and ,quirinal#adbd4 ,but this solution1 the result of a bias in favour of his favourite ,vegetation-spirit1 does not strike us as happy1 and ,dr4 ,mannhardt himself does not seem well pleased with it#adbe4 ,it would seem safer to take this as one of the many well-known piacula in which the worshipper wears the skin of a very holy victim1 thereby entering sacramentally into the very nature of the god to whom the victim is sacrificed#adbf4 ,whether or no we are to look for the origin of these practices in a totemistic age1 is a question that cannot be discussed here2 and there is no sign of totemism in the ,lupercalia save this one#adbg4 ,but if this be the right explanation1 what1 we may ask1 was meant by the name ,luperci8 ,if it meant wolves1 are we not rather thrown back on ,mannhardt's theory8 ,to this it may be answered2 7#a7 that no classical author suggests that the runners were looked upon as representing wolves2 by the common people we are told that they were called creppi#adbh1 the meaning of which is quite uncertain1 though it has been explained as capri1 and as simply arising from the fact that the runners were clad in goat-skins#adbi4 ,there is in fact no necessary connexion at all between the skins and the name ,luperci4 ,if that name originally meant wolf-priests1 its explanation is to be found rather in connexion with the wolf of ,mars1 and the cave of the she-wolf1 than in the skins of the sacrificed goats1 which were worn by only two members of the two collegia bearing the name4 ,we must now turn our attention to the last features of the festival2 the course taken by the runners round the ,palatine ,hill1 and the whipping of women with the strips of sacred skin4 ,the two youths1 having girded on the skins 7though otherwise naked7 and also cut strips from them1 proceeded to run a course which seems almost certainly to have followed that of the pomoerium at the foot of the ,palatine4 ,the starting-point was the ,lupercal1 or a point near it1 and ,tacitus#adcj has described the course of the pomoerium as far as the #8sacellum ,larum forumque ,romanum'3 in his day it was marked out by stones 7#8cippi'74 ,we are concerned with it here only so far as it affects the question whether the running was a lustratio of the ,palatine city4 ,the last points mentioned by ,tacitus1 the #8sacellum ,larum1 forumque ,romanum#adca1' show plainly that the course was round the ,palatine from south-west to north-east1 but they do not bring the runners back to the point from which they started1 and complete the circle#adcb4 ,varro is1 however1 quite clear that the running was a lustratio3 #8,lupercis nudis lustratur antiquum oppidum ,palatinum gregibus humanis cinctum4' ,the passage is obscure1 and attempts have been made to amend it2 but there can be no doubt that it points to a religious ceremony#adcc4 ,this lustratio1 then1 as we may safely call it1 was at the same time a beating of the bounds and a rite of purification and fertilization4 ,just as the peeled wands of our ,oxford bound-beaters on ,ascension ,day#adcd may perhaps have originally had a use parallel to that of the februa1 so the parish boundaries correspond to the ,roman pomoerium4 ,we have already had examples of processional bound-beating in the rites of the ,argei and the ,ambarvalia2 in all there is the same double object--the combination of a religious with a juristic act2 but the ,lupercalia stands alone in the quaintness of its ritual1 and may probably be the oldest of all4 ,before we go on to the februa and their use1 mention must be made of a difficulty in regard to the duality of the collegia of ,luperci and the runners4 ,these have been supposed to have originated from two gentile priesthoods of the ,fabii and ,quinctii#adce2 and as we know that the gens ,fabia had a cult on the ,quirinal#adcf1 it is conjectured that the ,luperci ,fabiani represented the ,sabine city1 and the ,quinctiales the ,romans of the ,palatine1 just as we also find two collegia of ,salii1 viz4 ,palatini and ,collini#adcg4 ,if1 however1 the running of the ,luperci was really a lustratio of the ,palatine1 we must suppose that the lustratio of the ,quirinal city by its own ,luperci was given up and merged in that of the older settlement#adch2 and such an abandonment of a local rite would be most surprising in ,roman antiquity4 ,it is true that there is no other explanation of the existence of the two guilds2 but we may hesitate to accept this one1 if we have to pay for it by so bold a hypothesis#adci4 ,the last point to be noticed1 the whipping with the strips of skin#addj1 might have attracted little notice as a relic of antiquity in the late ,republic but for the famous incident in the life of ,caesar1 when ,antonius was one of the runners4 ,we have it on excellent evidence1 not only that the runners struck women who met them with the strips1 but that they did so in order to produce fertility#adda4 ,such an explanation of the object would hardly have been invented1 and it tallies closely with some at least of a great number of practices of the kind which have been investigated by ,mannhardt#addb4 ,his parallel are not indeed all either complete or convincing2 but the collection is valuable for many purposes1 and the general result is to show that whipping certain parts of the body with some instrument supposed to possess magic power is efficacious in driving away the powers of evil that interfere with fertilization4 ,whether the thing beaten be man1 woman1 image1 or human or animal representative of the ,vegetation spirit1 the object is always more or less directly to quicken or restore the natural powers of reproduction2 the notion being that the hostile or hindering spirit was thus driven out1 or that the beating actually woke up and energized the power4 ,the latter is perhaps a later idea1 rationalized from the earlier4 ,in any case the thongs1 as part of the sacrosanct victim1 were supposed to possess a special magical power#addc2 and the word applied to them1 februa1 though not meaning strictly instruments of purification in our sense of the word1 may be translated cathartic objects1 since they had power to free from hostile influences and quicken natural forces4 ,and those who wielded them were regarded in some at least as priests or magicians2 they were naked but for the goat-skins1 and probably had wreaths on their heads#addd4 ,their wild and lascivious behaviour as they ran is paralleled in many ceremonies of the kind#adde4 ,it is singular that a festival of a character so rude and rustic should have lived on in the great city for centuries after it had become cosmopolitan and even ,christian4 ,this is one of the many results due to the religious enterprise of ,augustus1 who rebuilt the decayed ,lupercal1 and set the feast on a new footing#addf4 ,it continued to exist down to the year #did ,a4,d4 when the ,pope1 ,gelasius ,i1 changed the day 7,feb4 #ae7 to that of the ,purification of the ,virgin ,mary#addg4 ,,xiii ,,kal4 ,,mart4 7,feb4 #ag74 ,,np4 ,,quir,,inalia4 7,,caer4 ,,maff4 ,,farn4 ,,philoc47 ,,quirino ,,in ,,colle4 7,,farn4 ,,caer47 ,how the festival of ,quirinus came to be placed at this time ,i cannot explain3 we know nothing of it1 and cannot assume that it was of an expiatory character1 like the ,lupercalia preceding it1 and the ,feralia following4 ,of the temple #8in colle' we also know nothing#addh that can help us4 ,we have already learnt that this day was called #8stultorum feriae1' and why2 but the conjunction of the last day of the sacra of the curiae with those of ,quirinus is probably accidental2 we cannot safely assume any connexion through the word #8curia4' ,the name ,quirinalia was familiar enough#addi2 but it may be that it only survived through the stultorum feriae4 ,the ,roman of the later ,republic identified ,quirinus with ,romulus2 ,virgil1 e4 g4 in the first ,aeneid 7#bib7 speaks of #8,remo cum fratre ,quirinus#adej4' ,we have no clue to the origin of this identification4 ,it may have been suggested by the use of the name ,quirites2 but neither do we know when or why that name came to signify the ,roman people in their civil capacity1 and the etymology of these words and their relation to each other still entirely baffles research#adea4 ,there is1 however1 a general agreement that ,quirinus was another form of ,mars1 having his abode on the hill which still goes by his name4 ,that ,mars and ,quirinus were ever the same deities was indeed denied by so acute an inquirer as ,ambrosch#adeb2 but he denied it partly on the ground that no trace of the worship of ,mars had been found on the ,quirinal2 and since his time two inscriptions have been found there on the same spot1 one at least of great antiquity1 which indicate votive offerings to ,mars and ,quirinus respectively#adec4 ,from these ,mommsen concludes that ,quirinus was at one time worshipped there under the name of ,mars2 which involves also the converse1 that ,mars was once worshipped under the adjectival cult-title ,quirinus4 ,unluckily ,mars ,quirinus is a combination as yet undiscovered2 and as the existence of a patrician ,flamen ,quirinalis distinct from the ,flamen ,martialis points at least to a very early differentiation of the two1 it may be safer to think of the two1 not as identical deities1 but rather as equivalent cult-expressions of the same religious conception in two closely allied communities#aded4 ,that the ,quirinal was the seat of the cult of ,quirinus admits of no doubt2 and the name of the hill1 which we are told was originally ,agonus or ,agonalis#adee1 arose no doubt from the cult#adef4 ,here were probably two temples of the god1 the one dating from ,b4,c4 #bic1 and having ,june #bi as its day of dedication2 the other of unknown date1 which celebrated its birthday on the ,quirinalia#adeg4 ,a #8sacellum ,quirini in colle' is also mentioned at the time of the ,gallic invasion#adeh 7this was perhaps the predecessor of the temple of ,june #bi71 and also the house of the ,flamen ,quirinalis which adjoined it4 ,to the ,quirinal also belong the ,salii ,agonenses1 ,collini1 or ,quirinales1 who correspond to the ,salii of the ,palatine and of ,mars#adei4 ,and here1 lastly1 seems to belong the mysterious ,flora or ,horta ,quirini1 whose temple1 according to ,plutarch#adfj1 was #8formerly' always open4 ,about the cult of ,quirinus on his hill we know1 however1 nothing1 except that there were two myrtles growing in front of his temple1 one called the patrician and the other the plebeian#adfa1 and to which a curious story is attached4 ,preller#adfb noted that these correspond to the two laurels in the sacrarium ,martis in the ,regia1 and conjectured that each pair symbolized the union of the state in the cults of the two communities4 ,of the duties of the ,flamen ,quirinalis we have already seen something#adfc3 unluckily they throw little or no new light on the cult of ,quirinus4 ,he was concerned in the worship of ,robigus1 of ,consus1 and of ,acca ,larentia1 all of them ancient cults of agricultural ,rome2 and he seems to have been in close connexion with the ,vestal ,virgins#adfd4 ,these are just such duties as we might have expected would fall to the ,flamen of ,mars2 and probably the two cults were much alike in character4 ,,vii ,,kal4 ,,mart4 7,,feb4 #bc47 ,,np4 ,,ter,,minalia4 7,,caer4 ,,maff4 ,,rust4 ,,philoc4 ,,silv47 ,was there any connexion between the ,terminalia and the end of the year8 ,the ,roman scholars thought so2 ,varro#adfe writes1 #8,terminalia quod is dies anni extremus constitutus2 duodecimus enim fuit ,februarius1 et quum intercalatur1 inferiores quinque dies duodecimo demuntur mense4' ,so ,ovid1 ,tu quoque sacrorum1 ,termine1 finis eras4 ,but ,terminus is the god of the boundaries of land1 and has nothing to do with time2 and the ,terminalia is not the last festival of the year in the oldest calendars4 ,the ,romans must have been misled by the coincidence of the day of ,terminus with the last day before intercalation4 ,the position in the year of the rites to be described seems parallel to that of the ,compitalia and ,paganalia1 which were concerned with matters of common interest to a society of farmers3 and we may remember that ,pliny#adff said of the ,fornacalia that it was #8farris torrendi feriae et aeque religiosae terminis agrorum4' ,the ritual of the ,terminalia in the country districts is described by ,ovid#adfg4 ,the two landowners garlanded each his side of the boundary-stone1 and all offerings were double#adfh4 ,an altar is made2 and fire is carried from the hearth by the farmer's wife1 while the old man cuts up sticks and builds them in a framework of stout stakes4 ,then with dry bark the fire is kindled2 from a basket1 held ready by a boy#adfi1 the little daughter of the family thrice shakes the fruits of the earth into the fire1 and offers cakes of honey4 ,others stand by with wine2 and the neighbours 7or dependants7 look on in silence and clothed in white4 ,a lamb is slain1 and a sucking-pig1 and the boundary-stone sprinkled with their blood2 and the ceremony ends with a feast and songs in praise of holy ,terminus4 ,this rite was1 no doubt1 practically a yearly renewal of that by which the stone was originally fixed in its place4 ,the latter is described by the gromatic writer ,siculus ,flaccus#adgj4 ,fruits of the earth1 and the bones1 ashes1 and blood of a victim which had been offered were put into a hole by the two 7or three7 owners whose land converged at the point1 and the stone was rammed down on the top and carefully fixed4 ,the reason given for this was of course that the stone might be identified in the future1 e4 g4 by an arbiter1 if one should be called in#adga2 but it also reminds us of the practice of burying the remains of a victim#adgb1 and the use of the blood shows the extreme sanctity of the operation4 ,that the stone was regarded as the dwelling-place of a numen is proved by the fact that it was sprinkled with blood and garlanded#adgc2 and the development of a god ,terminus is perfectly in keeping with ,roman religious ideas4 ,it is more difficult to determine what was the relation of this ,terminus to the great ,jupiter who was so intimately associated1 as we have seen#adgd with the idea of keeping faith with your neighbours4 ,was he the numen originally thought to occupy the stone1 and is the name ,terminus1 as marking a distinct deity1 a later growth8 ,i am disposed to think that this was so2 for we saw that there is some reason to believe that ,jupiter did not disdain to dwell in objects such as trees and stones1 and there is no need to look to ,greece for the origin of his connexion with boundaries#adge4 ,but ,jupiter and ,terminus remained on the whole distinct2 and a ,jupiter ,terminus or ,terminalis is first found on the coins of ,varro the great scholar1 probably in ,b4,c4 #gfadgf4 ,the close connexion of the two is seen in the legend that when ,jupiter was to be introduced into the great ,capitoline temple1 from the ,capitolium vetus on the ,quirinal1 all the gods made way for him but ,terminus#adgg4 ,quid nova cum fierent ,capitolia8 nempe deorum ,cuncta ,iovi cessit turba1 locumque dedit4 ,terminus1 ut veteres memorant1 inventus in aede ,restitit1 et magno cum love templa tenet4 ,this1 as ,preller truly observes1 is only a poetical way of expressing his stubbornness1 and his close relation to ,jupiter1 with whom he continued to share the great temple4 ,it seems certain that there was in that temple a stone supposed to be that of ,terminus1 over which there was a hole in the roof#adgh3 for all sacrifice to ,terminus must be made in the open air4 ,nunc quoque1 se supra ne quid nisi sidera cernat1 ,exiguum templi tecta foramen habent#adgi4 ,precisely the same feature is found in the cult of ,semo ,sancus or ,dius ,fidius#adhj1 who was concerned with oaths and treaties2 and of ,hercules we are told that the oath taken in his name must be taken out of doors#adha4 ,of the stone itself we know nothing4 ,it is open to us to guess that it was originally a boundary-stone1 perhaps between the ager of the ,palatine city and that of the ,quirinal4 ,the mons ,capitolinus seems to have been neutral ground1 as we may guess by the tradition of the asylum there2 it was outside the pomoerium1 and in the early ,republic was the property of the priestly collegia#adhb4 ,it was1 therefore1 a very appropriate place for a terminus between two communities#adhc4 ,from ,ovid 7#fgi foll47 we gather that there was a terminus-stone at the sixth milestone on the via ,laurentina1 at which public sacrifices were made1 perhaps on the day of the ,terminalia3 this was probably at one time the limit of the ager ,romanus in that direction4 ,,vi ,,kal4 ,,mart4 7,,feb4 #bd74 ,n4 ,,regif,,ugium1 7,,caer4 ,,maff4 ,,philoc47 ,,regifugium1 ,,cum ,,tarquinius ,,superbus ,,fertur ,,ab ,,urbe ,,expulsus4 7,,silv47 ,this note of ,silvius is based on a very old and natural misapprehension4 ,ovid#adhd1 and probably most ,romans1 believed that the expulsion of ,tarquin was commemorated on this day4 ,there is1 however1 strong indirect evidence to show that the #8flight of the king' on ,feb4 #bd was something very different4 #a4 ,we have already had a #8flight of the people' 7,poplifugia7 on ,july #e2 and we saw that this was probably a purificatory rite of which the meaning had been lost--the sacrifice perhaps of a sacred animal followed by the flight of the crowd as from a murder4 ,it seems impossible1 at any rate unwise1 to separate ,poplifugia and ,regifugium in general meaning1 for there is no other parallel to them in the calendar4 ,both were explained historically by the ,romans1 because in both the obscure 7and perhaps obsolete7 religious rite was inexplicable otherwise2 and we must also endeavour to treat both on the same principle4 #b4 ,it seems pretty clear that ,verrius ,flaccus did not believe in the historical explanation of the ,regifugium4 ,in ,festus1 page #bgh1 we find a mutilated gloss which evidently refers to this day1 and is thus completed by ,mommsen#adhe3-- ,regifugium notatur in fastis dies a4d4 vi kal4 ,mart4 qui creditur sic dictus quia eo die ,tarquinius rex fugerit ex urbe4 ,quod falsum est2 nam e castris in exilium abisse cum rettulerunt annales4 ,rectius explicabit qui regem et ,salios#adhf hoc die 444 facere sacrificium in comitio eoque perfecto illum inde fugere noverit 444 ,it may be said that this is all guesswork1 and no evidence2 but it is borne out by the following passage in ,plutarch's sixty-third ,roman question3 1 4 ,whence ,plutarch drew this statement we cannot tell4 ,he does not give the day on which the sacrifice and flight took place2 and ,huschke#adhg has denied that he refers to the ,regifugium at all4 ,he believes that ,plutarch is thinking of the days marked ,q4 ,r4 ,c4 ,f4 7,march #bd and ,may #bd71 on which ,varro says1 or seems to say1 that the ,rex sacrorum sacrificed in the ,comitium#adhh2 and this may have been so1 for the note in the ,fasti ,praenestini on ,march #bd shows that there was a popular misinterpretation of ,q4 ,r4 ,c4 ,f41 which took the letters to mean1 #8quod eo die ex comitio fugerit rex4' ,in this confusion we can but appeal to the word ,regifugium1 which is attached to ,feb4 #bd only4 ,taking this together with ,plutarch's statement1 and remembering the great improbability of the historical explanation being the true one1 we are justified in accepting ,mommsen's completion of the passage in ,festus1 and in concluding that there was really on ,feb4 #bd a flight of the ,rex after a sacrifice4 ,and this view is strengthened by the frequent occurrence of sacerdotal flights in ancient and primitive religions4 ,these were first collected by ,lobeck#adhi1 and have of late been treated of and variously explained by ,mannhardt1 ,frazer1 and ,robertson ,smith#adij4 ,the best known examples are those of the ,bouphonia 7#8ox murder'7 at ,athens1 in which every feature shows that the slain ox was regarded1 #8not merely as a victim offered to a god1 but in itself a sacred creature1 the slaughter of which was sacrilege or murder'#adia2 and the sacrifice of a bull-calf to ,dionysus at ,tenedos1 where the priest was attacked with stones1 and had to flee for his life#adib4 ,we do not yet know for certain whether the origin of these ideas is to be found in totemism1 or in the sanctity of cattle in the pastoral age1 or in the representation of the spirit of vegetation in animal form4 ,the second of these explanations1 as elucidated by ,robertson ,smith1 would seem most applicable to the ,athenian rite2 but in the case of the ,roman one1 we do not know what the victim was4 ,it is also just possible1 as ,hartung long ago suggested#adic1 that the victim was a scapegoat carrying away pollution1 and therefore to be avoided2 but ,i do not find any example of flight from a scapegoat1 among the many instances collected by ,mr4 ,frazer 7,golden ,bough1 ii4 #ahb foll474 ,,iii ,,kal4 ,,mart4 7,,feb4 #bg74 ,,np4 ,,eq,,uirria4 7,,maff4 ,,caer43 cp4 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ac74 ,we have no data whatever for guessing why a horse-race should take place on the last day of ,february1 or why there should be two days of racing1 the second being ,march #ad4 ,this has not1 however1 prevented ,huschke#adid from making some marvellous conjectures1 in which ingenuity and learning have been utterly thrown away4 ,we saw#adie that the oldest races of this kind were connected with harvest rejoicings2 and ,mannhardt#adif suggested that they originated in the desire to catch the spirit of vegetation in the last sheaf or in some animal form4 ,races also occur in various parts of ,europe in the spring--e4 g4 at the ,carnival1 at ,easter1 and at ,whitsuntide2 and of these he says that they correspond with the others1 and that the idea at the bottom of them is #8die ,vorstellung des wetteifernden ,frhlingseinzuges der ,vegetationsdmonen4' ,however this may be1 we cannot but be puzzled by the doubling of the ,equirria1 and are tempted to refer it to the same cause as that of the ,salii and ,luperci#adig4 ,that both were connected with the cult of ,mars is almost beyond question4 ,they were held in the ,campus ,martius1 and were supposed to have been established by ,romulus in honour of ,mars#adih2 and we have already had an example of the occurrence of horses in the ,mars-cult4 ,it would seem1 then1 that the peculiar features of the worship of ,mars began even before ,march #a4 ,preller noticed this long ago#adii1 and suggested that even the ,lupercalia and the ,quirinalia have some relation to the ,mars-cult1 and that these fall at the time when the first beginnings of spring are felt--e4 g4 when the first swallows arrive#aejj4 ,we may perhaps add the appearance of the ,salii at the ,regifugium to these foreshadowings of the ,march rites4 ,ovid seems to bear out ,preller in his lines on this day#aeja3 ,iamque duae restant noctes de mense secundo1 ,marsque citos iunctis curribus urget equos3 ,ex vero positum permansit ,equirria nomen1 ,quae deus in ,campo prospicit ipse suo4 ,iuro venis1 ,gradive4 ,locum tua tempora poseunt1 ,signatusque tuo nomine mensis adest4 ,i may aptly add ,ovid's next couplet1 now that we have at last reached the end of the ,roman year3-- ,venimus in portum1 libro cum mense peracto4 ,naviget hinc alia iam mihi linter aqua4 ,footnote #acca3 ,paulus1 #he #8,quaecumque purgamenti causa in quibusque sacrificiis adhibentur1 februa appellantur4 ,id vero quod purgatur1 dicitur februatum4' ,the verb februare also occurs4 ,varro 7,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ac7 says that februum was the ,sabine equivalent for purgamentum3 #8,nam et ,lupercalia februatio1 ut in ,antiquitatum libris demonstravi' 7cp4 #f4 #cd74 ,ovid renders the word by #8piamen' 7,fasti1 #b4 #ai74 ,februus1 a divinity1 is mentioned in ,macr4 #a4 #ac4 #c2 he is almost certainly a later invention 7see ,lex4 ,myth4 s4 v474 ,the etymology of the word is uncertain4 ,footnote #accb3 ,varro1 ,r4 ,r4 #a4 #bi4 ,cp4 ,colum4 xi4 #b2 and the rustic calendars4 ,footnote #accc3 ,varro1 ,r4 ,r4 #a4 #bh4 ,see above1 p4 #bie4 ,footnote #accd3 ,this is very distinctly stated by ,cicero 7de ,legibus1 #a4 #ad4 #dj #8,in deos impietatum nulla expiatio est'3 cp4 #b4 #i4 #bb #8,sacrum commissum quod neque expiari poterit1 impie commissum est'74 ,even the sailor in ,horace's ode 7#a4 #bh71 whose duty does not seem exactly binding1 is told1 if he omits it1 #8teque piacula nulla resolvent4' ,on the general question1 cp4 ,de ,marchi1 ,la ,religione nella vita domestica1 #bdf2 and ,marq4 #beg4 ,the pontifex ,scaevola #8asseverabat prudentem expiari non posse' 7,macrob4 #a4 #af4 #aj74 ,ovid's account 7,fasti1 #b4 #ce foll47 is that of a layman and a modern1 but not less interesting for that reason4 ,footnote #acce3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #cj #8,praetor qui tum 7i4e4 die nefasto7 fatus est1 si imprudens fecit1 piaculari hostia facta piatur2 si prudens dixit1 ,q4 ,mucius ambigebat eum expiari ut impium non posse4' ,footnote #accf3 ,fasti1 #b4 #cc4 ,footnote #accg3 ,ib4 #ca4 ,footnote #acch3 ,see ,marq4 #bei2 ,bouch-,leclercq1 ,les ,pontifes1 #aja foll4 ,footnote #acci3 ,marq4 #ahj1 ,bouch-,leclercq1 #agh4 ,footnote #acdj3 ,see ,robertson ,smith1 ,religion of the ,semites1 p4 #djf4 ,footnote #acda3 ,fasti1 #b4 #ai foll4 ,footnote #acdb3 ,this difficult line has occasioned much conjecture1 and seems still inexplicable4 ,see ,merkel1 ,fasti1 clxvi foll42 and ,de-,marchi1 op4 cit4 p4 #bdf4 ,footnote #acdc3 ,aust1 ,de ,aedibus sacris1 pp4 #ba1 #de1 #dh4 ,on this last page are some useful remarks on the danger of drawing conclusions as to the indigenous or foreign origin of deities from the position of their temples inside or outside the pomoerium4 ,footnote #acdd3 ,fasti1 #b4 #ee foll4 ,footnote #acde3 ,livy1 #cc4 #db2 #cd4 #ec4 ,jordan1 in ,commentationes in hon4 ,momms4 #cei foll42 ,aust1 op4 cit4 p4 #bj4 ,footnote #acdf3 ,see ,dict4 of ,antiq4 s4v4 sacra4 ,fest4 #bde a #8,publica sacra1 quae publico sumptu pro populo fiunt3 quaeque pro montibus1 pagis1 curiis1 sacellis4' ,footnote #acdg3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #b4 #ebg4 ,see under ,quirinalia4 ,footnote #acdh3 ,see on ,april #ae4 ,there must have been at one time a tendency to amalgamate the two kinds of sacra publica4 ,the argei were also attended by ,pontifices and ,vestals4 ,i should conjecture that the ,pontifices claimed supervision over rites in which they had originally no official locus standi1 and brought the ,vestals with them4 ,footnote #acdi3 ,mommsen1 ,staatsrecht4 iii4 #a4 #hi foll4 ,footnote #acej3 1 ,dion4 ,hal4 #b4 #bc2 ,fest4 #agd b2 ,marq4 #aie4 ,footnote #acea3 ,dion4 ,hal4 #b4 #bc4 ,footnote #aceb3 ,ib4 #b4 #ej4 ,the ,latin words are from ,paul1 #fd4 ,footnote #acec3 ,jordan1 on ,preller1 i4 #bgh note4 ,roscher1 in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,iuno1 #eif4 ,curis hasta in ,sabine2 ,fest4 #di2 ,roscher1 l4 c42 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #b4 #dgg4 ,footnote #aced3 ,cp4 the parting of the bride's hair with a spear1 ,marq4 vii4 #dd and note #e2 ,plut4 ,q4 ,r4 #hg2 ,btticher1 ,baumkultus1 #dhe2 ,schwegler1 ,r4 ,g4 i4 #dfi4 ,footnote #acee3 ,the same connexion between curiae and the armed deity of the female principle is found at ,tibur 7,serv4 ,aen4 #a4 #ag71 #8in sacris ,tiburtibus sic precantur3 ,iuno curritis 7sic7 tuo curru clipeoque tuere meos curiae vernulas1' ,jordan1 in ,hermes1 #h4 #bag foll4 ,possibly also at ,lanuvium 7,lex4 s4 v4 ,iuno1 #eie74 ,footnote #acef3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #e4 #hc and #aee2 ,marq4 #aie4 ,footnote #aceg3 ,this has been done by ,o4 ,gilbert 7,gesch4 und ,topogr4 #b1 #abi foll471 an author who is not often so helpful4 ,he is followed by ,steuding1 in ,lex4 ,myth4 s4 v4 ,fornax4 ,footnote #aceh3 ,paul4 #ic 7cp4 #hc71 #8,fornacalia feriae institutae sunt farris torrendi gratia quod ad fornacem quae in pistrinis erat sacrificium fieri solebat4' ,dionysius was probably referring to this when he wrote 7#b4 #bc7 that he had himself seen ancient wooden tables spread with rude cakes of primitive fashion in baskets and dishes of primitive make4 ,he also mentions 7cp4 ,ovid1 l4 c4 #ebj71 which might indeed suggest a feast of curiae at a different time of year4 ,for the far1 see ,marq4 vii4 #cii foll4 ,the cakes were februa1 according to ,ovid2 see above1 p4 #cja4 ,footnote #acei3 ,comp4 ,ovid1 l4 c4 with ,fest4 #bed2 ,paul4 #caf2 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ac2 ,plut4 ,q4 ,r4 #hi4 ,footnote #acfj3 ,h4 ,n4 #ah4 #h2 ,lange1 ,rm4 ,alt4 #a4 #b4 #bde4 ,footnote #acfa3 ,fasti1 #b4 #ebg foll4 ,footnote #acfb3 ,that it was so is proved by ,fest4 #bed1 and ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ac4 ,it must have been a custom fairly well fixed4 ,footnote #acfc3 ii4 #i4 ,footnote #acfd3 #b4 #bc1 1 c4 ,footnote #acfe3 ,fasti1 #b4 #ebe4 ,what does ,ovid mean by fruges8 ,footnote #acff3 ,paul4 #ic1 quoted above2 ,ovid1 l4 c4 #ebe4 ,fornax as a spirit may be at least as old as those of other parts of the house1 ,janus1 ,vesta1 ,limentinus1 c4 ,footnote #acfg3 ,mommsen1 ,rm4 ,forschungen1 i4 #adi foll4 ,footnote #acfh3 ,lydus1 de ,mens4 #d4 #bd4 ,lydus gives the #bbnd as the final day2 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #b4 #efi1 gives the #bast 7,feralia74 ,footnote #acfi3 ,dion4 ,hal4 #b4 #dj4 ,footnote #acgj3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 ,i4 #cji3 cf4 #big 7,introduction1 p4 #i74 ,the ,lupercalia 7#aeth7 is an exception2 but for reasons connected with that festival4 ,the #bast 7,feralia7 is ,f ,p 7,caer47 ,f 7,maff474 ,see ,introduction1 p4 #aj4 ,f ,p1 according to ,mommsen1 fastus principio4 ,footnote #acga3 ,if ,ovid reflects it rightly in ,fasti1 #e4 #dai foll4 ,cp4 ,porph4 on ,hor4 ,ep4 #b4 #b4 #bji4 ,see on ,lemuria1 above1 p4 #ajg4 ,footnote #acgb3 ,on the vast subject of the jus ,manium and the worship of the dead1 the following are some of the works that may be consulted3 ,marq4 #cjg foll41 and vii4 #cej foll42 ,de-,marchi1 ,il ,culto ,privato1 p4 #ahj foll42 ,roscher1 ,lex4 articles ,manes and ,inferi2 ,bouch-,leclereq1 ,pontifes1 #adg foll42 ,rohde1 ,psyche1 p4 #fcj foll4 ,two old treatises still form the basis of our knowledge3 ,gutherius1 de iure ,manium1 in ,graevius' ,thesaurus1 vol4 xii42 and ,kirchmann1 de ,funeribus 7#afje74 ,valuable matter has still to be collected 7for later times7 from the ,corpus ,inscriptionum4 ,footnote #acgc3 ,this was the universal practice in ,italy from the earliest times1 so far as we have as yet learnt from excavations4 ,for the question whether burial in or close to the house1 or within the city walls1 preceded burial in necropoleis1 see ,classical ,review1 for ,february1 #ahig1 p4 #cb foll4 ,servius 7,ad ,aen4 #e4 #fd2 #f4 #aeb2 cp4 ,isidorus1 #ae4 ii4 #a7 tells us that they once buried in the house1 and there were facts that might suggest this in the cult of the ,lares1 and in the private ghost-driving of the ,lemuria2 but we cannot prove it1 and it is not true of the ,romans at any period4 ,not even the well-known law of the ,,xii ,tables can prove that burial ever regularly took place within the existing walls of a city4 ,footnote #acgd3 ,cic4 ,de ,legg4 #b4 #dh4 ,cp4 ,virg4 ,aen4 #e4 #di3 ,iamque dies1 ni fallor1 adest1 quern semper acerbum1 ,semper honoratum--sic di voluistis--habebo4 ,footnote #acge3 ,marq4 #caa foll4 ,footnote #acgf3 ,purpureosque iacit flores1 ,virg4 ,aen4 #e4 #gi4 ,cp4 ,cic4 pro ,flacco1 #ch4 #ie4 ,footnote #acgg3 ,aeneidea1 #c4 #ae4 ,he well compares ,lucan1 #i4 #iij4 ,tylor1 ,prim4 ,cult4 ii4 #ccb4 ,aeneas is here1 as always1 the true type of the practical ,roman4 ,footnote #acgh3 ,marq4 #caa and reff4 ,footnote #acgi3 ,fasti1 #b4 #fag foll4 ,among the calendars it is only mentioned in those of ,philocalus and ,silvius1 and in the rustic calendars4 ,valerius ,maximus is the next writer after ,ovid who mentions it3 #b4 #a4 #h4 ,cp4 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 vi4 #ajbcd4 ,martial calls it #8lux propinquorum' 7#i4 #ee1 cp4 #ed74 ,for an interesting conjecture as to the special meaning of carus1 see ,lattes quoted in ,de-,marchi1 op4 cit4 #bad1 note #b4 ,footnote #achj3 ,val4 ,max4 l4 c4 and ,silvius' ,calendar4 ,footnote #acha3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #b4 #fbc1 ,innocui veniant3 procul hinc1 procul impius esto ,frater1 et in partus mater acerba suos4 ,footnote #achb3 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #b4 #fcc-fcd4 ,on such occasions the ,lares were clothed in tunics girt at the loins2 see a figure of a ,lar on an altar from ,caere in ,baumeister1 ,denkmler1 vol4 i4 p4 #gg4 ,footnote #achc3 ,fasti1 #b4 #ega foll4 ,footnote #achd3 ,line #ehc4 ,see ,wissowa in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,dea ,muta4 ,footnote #ache3 ,see e4 g4 ,crooke1 ,folklore of ,northern ,india1 ch4 #e 7the ,black ,art71 and especially pp4 #bfd foll4 ,footnote #achf3 ,see e4 g4 ,leland1 ,etruscan ,roman remains in popular legend1 pp4 #c and #aie foll4 ,footnote #achg3 ,the chief attempts are those of ,unger1 in ,rhein4 ,mus41 #ahha1 p4 #ej1 and ,mannhardt in his ,mythologische ,forschungen1 pp4 #gb-aee4 ,the former is ingenious1 but unsatisfactory in many ways2 the latter conscientious1 and valuable as a study in folk-lore1 whether its immediate conclusions be right or wrong4 ,see also ,schwegler1 ,r4 ,g4 i4 #cef foll42 ,preller1 i4 #chg foll42 and article s4 v4 in ,dict4 of ,antiquities 7#bnd edition72 ,marq4 #ddb foll4 ,the ancient authorities are ,dion4 ,hal4 #a4 #cb4 #e1 #gi1 #hj2 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #b4 #bfg foll42 ,plutarch1 ,caes4 #fa1 ,rom4 #ba2 ,val4 ,max4 #b4 #b4 #i2 ,propert4 #e4 7#d47 #a4 #bf2 and many other passages which will be referred to when necessary4 ,footnote #achh3 ,dion4 ,hal4 #a4 #cb4 #e4 ,footnote #achi3 ,jordan1 ,kritische ,beitrge1 #afd foll4 ,unger's attempt1 after ,serv4 ,aen4 #h4 #cdc4 to derive the word from luo 7#8to purify'7 is generally rejected4 ,footnote #acij3 ,wissowa1 ,lex4 7s4 v4 ,lupercus7 takes the latter view1 but rightly1 as ,i think1 rejects the deity4 ,footnote #acia3 ,virg4 ,aen4 #h4 #fcj #8,mavortis in antro4' ,roscher1 in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,mars1 #bchh2 ,preller1 i4 #ccd4 ,footnote #acib3 ,plut4 ,rom4 #ba4 ,after mentioning the goats1 he says1 7cp4 ,q4 ,r4 iii74 ,footnote #acic3 ,marq4 #afe4 ,see above1 p4 #aaj4 ,footnote #acid3 ,so ,val4 ,max4 l4c4 ,from ,ovid's version of the aetiological story of ,romulus and ,remus 7,fasti1 #b4 #cga foll47 we might infer that the feasting took place after the running4 ,footnote #acie3 #8,cornipedi ,fauno caesa de more capella' 7,fasti1 #b4 #cfa74 ,cp4 #e4 #aja4 ,so ,plut4 ,rom4 l4 c4 ,footnote #acif3 ,livy1 #a4 #e4 ,unger 7p4 #ga foll47 has much to say about ,inuus in the worst style of ,german pseudo-research4 ,see ,lex4 s4 v4 7,steuding74 ,footnote #acig3 ,schwegler1 i4 #cea foll42 ,justin1 #dc4 #a4 ,i had long ago arrived at this conclusion1 and was glad to see it sanctioned by ,wissowa in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,lupercus4 ,footnote #acih3 ,aen4 #h4 #cdc3 the only reason given is that the goat was ,liber's victim4 ,footnote #acii3 ,arnobius1 #b4 #bc4 ,see ,mannhardt1 #he2 ,huschke1 ,rm4 ,jahr1 #ab4 ,footnote #adjj3 ,schwegler1 i4 #ced foll43 the general result is given in ,lex4 s4 v4 ,evander1 vol4 #a4 #acie4 ,evander himself ,faunus4 ,it is possible that there may be some basis of truth in the ,arcadian legend3 we await further archaeological inquiry4 ,footnote #adja3 ,see on ,dec4 #e2 and ,lex4 s4 v4 ,faunus1 p4 #adeh4 ,footnote #adjb3 ,serv4 ,aen4 #b4 #cea4 ,the whole passage is very interesting4 ,see on ,dec4 #ba2 and ,bouch-,leclercq1 ,pontifes1 #bh and #di4 ,footnote #adjc3 ,fasti1 #b4 #bhb2 ,marq4 #ddc4 ,footnote #adjd3 ,plut4 ,q4 ,r4 #aaa2 ,gell4 #aj4 #ae2 ,arnob4 #g4 #ba4 ,footnote #adje3 ,rom4 #ba3 quoted above1 p4 #caa4 ,val4 ,max4 l4 c4 seems also to imply it3 #8,facto sacrificio caesisque capris1 epularum hilaritate ac vino largiore provecti1 divisa pastorali turba1 cincti pellibus immolatarum hostiarum1 iocantes obvios petiverunt4' ,footnote #adjf3 ,even this point is not quite certain2 but see ,hartung1 ,rel4 der ,rmer1 ii4 #agh1 and ,mannhardt1 #gh4 ,footnote #adjg3 ,ox1 sheep and pig were the usual victims2 the dog was only offered to ,robigus 7see on ,april #be71 to the ,lares ,praestites and to ,mana ,geneta2 the goat only to ,bacchus and ,aesculapius1 foreign deities 7,marq4 #agb74 ,the goat-skin of ,juno ,sospita is certainly ,greek3 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,iuno1 #eie4 ,the goat was a special ,hebrew piaculum 7,robertson ,smith1 #ddh2 cf4 #dec74 ,footnote #adjh3 ,robertson ,smith1 #cgi4 ,footnote #adji3 ,ib4 #cha4 ,footnote #adaj3 ,rom4 #ba 1 ' 4 4 ,footnote #adaa3 ,so ,schwegler4 l4 c4 and reff4 in ,marq4 #ddc notes #aa-ac4 ,dion4 ,hal4 7#a4 #cb7 compared the human sacrifice in the cult of ,zeus ,lycaeus in ,arcadia4 ,see ,farnell1 ,cults1 i4 #dj foll4 ,footnote #adab3 ,we ought to have the whole history of the ,lupercalia if we are to explain it rightly2 it is impossible to guess through what stages and changes it may have passed4 ,footnote #adac3 #d4 #dgh 7quoted in a valuable section 7#bc7 of ,hermann's ,gottesdienstliche ,alterthmer der ,griechen74 ,footnote #adad3 ,for examples of this idea see under ,feb4 #bd 7,regifugium72 ,robertson ,smith1 #bhf2 ,mannhardt1 ,myth4 ,forsch4 #eh foll4 ,footnote #adae3 ,it may indeed be misrepresented by ,plutarch 7who is the only writer who mentions it71 and may have been originally an 4 ,for the confusion of mournful and joyful cries at a sacrifice see ,robertson ,smith1 #daa4 ,footnote #adaf3 ,robertson ,smith notes 7p4 #cif7 that young men1 or rather lads1 occur as sacrificers in ,exodus xxiv4 #e4 ,footnote #adag3 p4 #ia foll4 ,footnote #adah3 ,mannhardt is not lucid on this point2 he was evidently in difficulties 7pp4 #ig-ii74 ,he seems clear that the application of the blood produces an identity between victim and youths2 but in similar cases it is not through death that victim1 god1 and priest become identical1 but through the life-giving virtue of the blood4 ,the blood-application must surely mean the acquisition of new life2 but he makes it symbolic of death4 ,footnote #adai3 ,frazer1 ,g4 ,b4 ii4 #bdb4 ,footnote #adbj3 ,mannhardt seems to have felt this difficulty 7p4 #hf71 and to have tried to overcome it1 but without success4 ,footnote #adba3 ,i here omit the feasting1 as it is by no means certain at what point of time it took place4 ,if the victims themselves were eaten1 it would be part of the sacrificial act and would precede the running2 but this is not common in the case of such piacula1 and one victim1 we must remember1 was a dog4 ,it is more likely that ,val4 ,max4 is here wrong 7see above1 p4 #caa1 note #f74 ,footnote #adbb3 ,see ,mannhardt1 ,antike ,wald- und ,feldkulte1 #cah foll41 and for other examples1 ,frazer1 ,g4 ,b4 ii4 #a foll42 ,preller-,robert1 ,griech4 ,myth4 i4 #add 7,zeus-festival on ,pelion74 ,footnote #adbc3 ,after ,schwegler1 i4 #cfa2 rejected by ,marq4 7#dci1 note #d74 ,footnote #adbd3 p4 #aja4 ,the #8wolves' represent of course the ,palatine city4 ,footnote #adbe3 ,see his eminently modest and sensible remarks at the end of his #eth section1 p4 #aac4 ,footnote #adbf3 ,robertson ,smith1 ,religion of the ,semites1 #daf foll42 ,encycl4 ,brit4 art4 #8,sacrifice'2 and for the ,lupercalia1 ,academy1 ,feb4 #aa1 #ahhh1 where a totemistic origin is suggested4 ,footnote #adbg3 ,see also ,lobeck1 ,aglaoph4 pp4 #ahc-f2 ,lang1 ,myth1 ,ritual and ,religion1 vol4 ii4 #agg 7cp4 #ajf7 and reff41 #bac2 ,dict4 of ,antiquities1 art4 #8,sacrificium1' p4 #ehd4 ,footnote #adbh3 ,festus1 p4 #eg #8,creppos1 id est lupercos1 dicebant a crepitu pellicularum1' c4 ,footnote #adbi3 ,preller1 i4 #chi4 ,on this ,jordan has added no comment4 ,footnote #adcj3 ,ann4 #ab4 #bd2 ,jordan1 ,topogr4 i4 #afc foll41 has examined ,tacitus's account with great care4 ,tacitus starts the pomoerium from the ,forum boarium1 while ,dionysius and ,plutarch start the runners from the ,lupercal2 but the two are close together4 ,footnote #adca3 ,the reading is not quite certain2 the ,,mss4 have #8,larum de forumque4' ,footnote #adcb3 ,the ,sacellum ,larum has generally been supposed to be that in summa sacra via 7,jordan1 op4 cit4 ii4 #bfi74 ,kiepert and ,huelsen make it the sacellum or ara ,larum praestitum at the head of the ,vicus ,tuscus4 ,footnote #adcc3 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #cd4 ,mommsen proposed #8a regibus ,romanis moenibus cinctum4' ,but it is safer to keep to the ,,ms4 reading and make the best of it4 ,jordan sees in the words a #8scurrilous' allusion to the luperci4 ,footnote #adcd3 ,for modern practices of the kind in ,england see ,brand1 ,popular ,antiquities1 ch4 #cf2 and for ,oxford1 p4 #bji4 ,as ,brand puts it1 the beaters 7i4 e4 ministers1 churchwardens1 c471 #8beg a blessing on the fruits of the earth1 and preserve the rights and boundaries of their parish4' ,the analogy with the old ,italian processions is very close4 ,footnote #adce3 ,so ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 #f4 #aicc #8lupercus ,quinctialis vetus4' ,see ,mommsen1 ,forsch4 i4 #aag4 ,unger1 however 7p4 #ef foll471 argues for the form ,quintilianus1 as it appears in ,fest4 #hg1 and ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #b4 #cgh2 and also denies that the names indicate gentile priesthoods4 ,but his arguments depend on a doubtful etymology4 ,see ,marq4 #ddj1 note4 ,footnote #adcf3 ,liv4 #e4 #df4 ,mommsen connects the name ,kaeso1 which is found in both gentes1 with the cutting of the strips at the ,lupercalia4 ,the ,fabii in ,ovid's story 7#cfa foll47 are led by ,remus1 and the ,quintilii by ,romulus4 ,footnote #adcg3 ,see under ,march #a1 p4 #da4 ,footnote #adch3 ,so ,mannhardt1 #aja1 who tries to explain it as we have seen4 ,footnote #adci3 ,gilbert1 ,gesch4 und ,topogr4 i4 #hf1 note1 tries to make out that the ,fabii belonged to the ,palatine proper2 and the other guild1 not to the ,quirinal1 but to the ,cermalus1 and thus also to account for the fact that in ,ovid's story the ,fabii come first to the feast2 but all this is pure guesswork4 ,footnote #addj3 ,plut4 ,rom4 #ba and ,caes4 #fa2 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #b4 #dbe foll42 ,paul4 #eg2 ,liv4 fragm4 #ab 7,madvig72 ,serv4 ,aen4 #h4 #cdc4 ,all these passages make it clear that the object was to procure fertility in women4 ,nic4 ,damasc41 ,vita ,caesaris #ba1 does not specify women 7cp4 ,dion4 ,hal4 #a4 #hj74 ,footnote #adda3 ,liv4 l4 c4 and ,serv4 l4 c4 are explicit on this point4 ,footnote #addb3 ,op4 cit4 #aac foll4 and his ,baumkultus1 p4 #bea foll4 7see also ,frazer1 ,g4 ,b4 ii4 #bad and #bcb foll474 ,an example of the same kind of practice in ,india is in ,crooke1 ,religion and ,folklore1 vol4 i4 p4 #ajj4 ,see under ,may #a 7,bona ,dea71 p4 #ajd4 ,footnote #addc3 ,they were also called #8amiculum ,iunonis' 7,fest4 #he3 cp4 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 #b4 #dbg foll472 ,juno here1 as so often1 representing the female principle4 ,farnell 7,cults1 i4 #ajj7 aptly compares with this the ,athenian custom of carrying ,athena's aegis round ,athens1 and taking it into the houses of married women4 ,footnote #addd3 ,lactantius1 ,inst4 #a4 #ba4 #de1 describes them as #8nudi1 uncti1 coronati1 personati1 aut luto obliti currunt'2 but we have no certain confirmation from earlier sources except as to the nakedness 7,ovid1 ,fasti1 #b4 #bfg74 ,footnote #adde3 #8,iocantes obvios petiverunt' 7,val4 ,max474 ,mannhardt1 ,myth4 ,forsch4 #adj foll4 ,footnote #addf3 ,mon4 ,ancyr4 iv4 #b2 ,marq4 #ddf4 ,footnote #addg3 ,baronius1 ,annal4 ,eccles4 viii4 #fj foll4 ,footnote #addh3 ,aust1 de ,aedibus sacris1 p4 #aa2 ,jordan1 ,eph4 ,epigr4 iii4 #bch4 ,footnote #addi3 e4 g4 ,cic4 ad ,quint4 ,fratr4 #b4 #c4 #b4 ,footnote #adej3 ,see other references in ,preller1 i4 #cgd1 note4 ,ambrosch 7,studien1 #afi1 note #ej7 observes that ,cicero 7de ,off4 #c4 #aj7 writes with a trace of scepticism3 #8,romulus fratre interempto sine controversia peccavit1 pace vel ,quirini vel ,romuli dixerim4' ,footnote #adea3 ,see ,jordan on ,preller1 i4 #cfi4 ,the article #8,quirinus' in ,myth4 ,lex4 has not yet appeared as ,i write4 ,footnote #adeb3 ,studien1 #afi4 ,footnote #adec3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 i4 #da vi4 #dge and i4 #fcj vi4 #efe4 ,the older one is attributed by ,mommsen to the consul ,p4 ,cornelius of ,b4,c4 #bcf3 #8,p4 ,cornelios ,l4 f4 cosol probavit ,marte sacrom4' ,the other1 #8,quirino ,l4 ,aimilius ,l4 f4 praitor1' must be set down to an ,aemilius praetor in #bjd1 #aia1 or #aij4 ,the inference is that ,mars became known as ,quirinus in that spot at the end of the third century ,b4,c4 ,it is worth noting that the legendary smith1 ,mamurius1 had a statue on the ,quirinal 7,jord4 ,top4 ii4 #abe74 ,footnote #aded3 ,this is much what ,dion4 ,hal4 #b4 #dh says was one view held in his time3 4 ,footnote #adee3 ,see on ,jan4 #i4 ,fest4 #bed4 ,footnote #adef3 ,gilbert1 i4 #bhc1 points out that in the ,argean itinerary 7,jord4 ,top4 ii4 #bcg foll47 one of the divisions of the ,quirinal bears the name1 and infers the gradual spread of the cult of ,quirinus over the whole hill2 but he insists that it was introduced from the ,palatine4 ,the general result of his wild but ingenious combinations is to infer a religious conquest of the ,quirinal from the ,palatine4 ,footnote #adeg3 ,aust1 op4 cit4 pp4 #aa and #cc4 ,mommsen1 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 i4 #caj1 takes the one of unknown date as the older4 ,footnote #adeh3 ,aust1 op4 cit4 #ea1 where for ,liv4 #d4 #ba read ,liv4 #e4 #dj4 ,footnote #adei3 ,preller1 i4 #cef4 ,footnote #adfj3 ,q4 ,r4 #df2 ,ennius ap4 ,nonium #abj2 ,gell4 #ac4 #bc4 ,footnote #adfa3 ,plin4 ,h4 ,n4 #ae4 #abj4 ,footnote #adfb3 i4 #cgc4 ,footnote #adfc3 ,see under ,april #be1 ,aug4 #ba1 ,dec4 #bc4 ,marq4 #cce2 ,schwegler1 i4 #ccd4 ,footnote #adfd3 ,liv4 #e4 #dj1 #g and #h4 ,footnote #adfe3 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ac4 ,according to ,macrob4 7#a4 #ac4 #ae7 the five last days of ,february were added after the intercalation1 in order that ,march might follow on ,feb41 and not on the intercalated days4 ,footnote #adff3 ,h4 ,n4 #ah4 #h4 ,see above1 p4 #cjd4 ,footnote #adfg3 ,fasti1 #b4 #fdc foll4 ,footnote #adfh3 ,te duo diversa domini pro parte coronant1 ,binaque serta tibi binaque liba ferunt4 ,footnote #adfi3 ,this must be a son of the family4 ,we have1 therefore1 in this charming picture the predecessors of the ,rex1 the ,regina sacrorum1 the flamines1 and the ,vestal ,virgins4 ,stat puer et manibus lata canistra tenet4 ,inde ubi ter fruges medios immisit in ignes1 ,porrigit incisos filia parva favos4 ,de-,marchi1 p4 #bca1 gives a cut of a painting at ,herculaneum which may represent a scene of this kind4 ,footnote #adgj3 ,gromatici veteres1 i4 #ada4 ,see ,rudorff in vol4 ii4 #bcf for an interesting discussion of the religio terminorum and its ethical and legal results4 ,footnote #adga3 ,rudorff1 l4 c4 #bcg4 ,footnote #adgb3 ,jevons1 ,introduction to the ,history of ,religion1 #adi4 ,footnote #adgc3 ,robertson ,smith1 ,religion of the ,semites1 #ahg foll4 ,footnote #adgd3 ,see under ,september1 p4 #bbi foll4 ,i may here notice the very curious #8oraculum' in ,grom4 ,vet4 p4 #cej 7ex libris ,vegoiae7 which connects ,jupiter with the introduction of termini in ,etruria4 ,footnote #adge3 he is called by ,dion4 ,hal4 7#b4 #gd71 where the cult is ascribed to ,numa4 ,farnell1 ,cults of the ,greek ,states i4 #aei4 ,footnote #adgf3 ,aust1 in ,myth4 ,lex4 s4 v4 ,iuppiter1 #ffh4 ,footnote #adgg3 ,fasti1 #b4 #ffg2 ,liv4 #a4 #ee2 ,serv4 ,aen4 #i4 #ddh4 ,augustine1 ,c4 ,d4 #d4 #bc1 adds ,mars1 and ,dion4 ,hal4 #c4 #fi ,iuventus to ,terminus1 who could not be #8exauguratus4' ,footnote #adgh3 ,serv4 ,aen4 #i4 #ddh #8,unde in ,capitolio prona pars tecti patet1 quae lapidem ipsum ,termini spectat4' ,this is the #8,capitoli immobile saxum' of ,virgil2 see above1 p4 #bcj4 ,footnote #adgi3 ,ovid1 l4 c4 #fga4 ,footnote #adhj3 ,see above1 p4 #adj4 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #e4 #ff4 ,footnote #adha3 ,plut4 ,q4 ,r4 #bh4 ,footnote #adhb3 ,ambrosch1 ,studien1 #aii foll4 ,footnote #adhc3 ,it would exactly correspond to the spot of sacred ground on which the terminus-stone stood between two properties 7,rudorff1 l4 c74 ,in the latter case1 it is worth noting1 the sacrifices and sacrificers are doubles1 as with the ,salii1 ,luperci1 c1 of the two ,roman settlements4 ,mr4 ,granger 7,worship of the ,romans1 #afc7 suggests that this stone was #8a relic from the original dwellers by the ,tiber1' i4e4 pre-,roman4 ,but the question is1 ,how did the ,romans come to associate it with ,terminus8 ,footnote #adhd3 ,fasti1 #b4 #fhe foll4 ,he is probably following ,varro and common opinion1 which latter ,verrius refers to 7,paul4 #bgi7 #8,regifugium sacrum dicebant1 quo die rex ,tarquinius fugerit e ,roma4' ,the word dicebant seems to show that this was not ,verrius' own opinion4 ,footnote #adhe3 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 i4 #bhi4 ,this gloss is no doubt the equivalent in ,festus to that of ,paulus just quoted2 but the leading word ,regifugium is lost4 ,i have only quoted so much as is needed for our purpose4 ,for other completions of the gloss see ,mller1 ,festus1 l4 c1 and ,huschke1 ,rm4 ,jahr1 p4 #aff4 ,footnote #adhf3 ,if this gloss really refers to ,feb4 #bd1 the presence of the ,salii is difficult to account for1 as their period of activity begins in ,march4 ,frazer in an interesting note 7,g4 ,b4 ii4 #baj7 suggests that the use of the ,salii was to drive away evil demons2 if the ,regifugium was a solemn piaculum1 and the victim a scapegoat1 this explanation might serve for ,feb4 #bd4 ,footnote #adhg3 ,rm4 ,jahr1 #aff foll4 ,footnote #adhh3 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ca1 where ,hirschfeld has conjectured #8litat ad comitium' for the ,,ms4 #8dicat4' ,footnote #adhi3 ,aglaophamus1 #fgf4 ,footnote #adij3 ,mannhardt1 ,myth4 ,forsch4 #eh foll42 ,frazer1 ,golden ,bough1 ii4 #ce foll42 ,robertson ,smith1 ,religion of the ,semites1 #bhf foll4 ,cp4 ,lang1 ,myth1 ,ritual and ,religion1 ii4 #bcc foll4 ,see also ,farnell1 ,cults of the ,greek ,states1 i4 #hh foll41 who agrees in the main with ,robertson ,smith4 ,footnote #adia3 ,frazer1 l4 c4 ,footnote #adib3 ,aelian1 ,n4 ,a4 #ab4 #cd4 ,footnote #adic3 ,relig4 der ,rmer1 ii4 #ce4 ,cp4 ,gilbert1 i4 #cdc1 note4 ,the presence of the ,salii 7see above1 p4 #cbh71 if a fact1 would be in favour of this explanation4 ,footnote #adid3 ,rm4 ,jahr1 #aii4 ,footnote #adie3 ,see on ,aug4 #ba 7,consualia74 ,footnote #adif3 ,myth4 ,forsch4 #agj foll42 ,baumkultus1 #chb foll4 ,footnote #adig3 ,this1 though with impossible combinations1 is what ,huschke does 7#aii1 note #ec74 ,feb4 #bg is the ,roman1 ,march #ad the ,quirinal ,equirria1 in his view4 ,that the ,quirinalia falls in ,february may perhaps give some support to the view4 ,footnote #adih3 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 #f4 #ac2 ,fest4 #ha4 ,see under ,oct4 #ae4 ,footnote #adii3 i4 #cfa4 ,footnote #aejj3 ,so ,ovid1 on ,feb4 #bf1 writes 7#b4 #hec72 ,fallimur1 an veris praenuntia venit hirundo1 ,et metuit ne qua versa recurrat hiems8 ,this would be early now for central ,italy2 but ,columella1 #aa4 #b1 gives ,feb4 #bc as the date4 ,footnote #aeja3 ,fasti1 #b4 #heg foll4 ,,conclusion ,at the end of the introductory chapter a promise was made that when we had completed the round of the year1 we would sum up our results1 sketch in outline the history of ,roman religious ideas1 and estimate the influence of all this elaborate ceremonial on the life and character of the ,roman people4 ,this undertaking ,i must now endeavour to fulfil1 though with doubt and diffidence2 for even after the most careful examination of the ,calendar1 both the character and the history of the ,roman religious system must still in great degree remain a mystery4 ,with such knowledge however as may have been gleaned in the preceding pages1 the reader may be able to appreciate or criticize a few conclusions of a more general character4 ,the ,roman religion has been ably discussed in general terms by several writers of note in the century just closing4 ,mommsen's chapters in the early books of his ,roman ,history are familiar to every one4 ,the introduction to ,marquardt's volume on our subject is indispensable2 and ,preller1 less exact perhaps1 but more sympathetic and inspiring1 still holds the field with the opening chapters of his work on ,roman ,mythology4 ,to these classical works may be added the section on the ,roman religion in the second volume of the ,religionsgeschichte of ,chantepie de la ,saussaye1 and the first chapter of ,boissier's work on the ,roman religion from ,augustus onwards4 ,professor ,granger's ,worship of the ,romans also contains here and there some suggestive remarks1 though as a rule these are not based upon any elaborate investigation of the cult4 ,lastly ,i may mention a small but valuable treatise1 published as long ago as #ahcg by ,leopold ,krahner1 on the history of the decay of the ,roman religion down to the time of ,augustus1 which fell into my hands many years ago1 and is in almost every sentence of value to the student of ,roman history4 ,in all these works the one point insisted on at the outset is this3 that the ,romans were more interested in the cult of their deities1 that is1 in the ritual and routine by which they could be rightly and successfully propitiated1 than in the character and personality of the deities themselves4 ,this is indeed a truth which has been abundantly borne out in our examination of the ,calendar1 and might be further illustrated in almost every public act of procedure in the ,roman ,state4 ,cicero himself expresses it well in the second book of his ,de ,natura ,deorum 7#b4 #c4 #h7 #8,si conferre volumus nostra cum externis1 ceteris rebus aut pares aut etiam inferiores reperiemur1 religione1 id est cultu deorum1 multo superiores4' ,the second book of his work ,de ,legibus is also an invaluable witness to the conviction1 lasting on even in an age of scepticism and indifference among the educated1 that the due performance of sacred rites was a necessary function of the ,state1 on which its very existence depended4 ,the ,christian ,fathers1 some of whom1 like ,st4 ,augustine and ,tertullian1 were men of learning who had studied the voluminous works of ,varro1 were well aware of this character2 and ,tertullian in a curious passage went so far as to suggest that the ,devil had here perpetrated an imitation or parody of the minute ritual of ,leviticus#aejb4 ,so far as externals go1 the comparison he suggested is a useful one2 but there is an essential difference in the religious spirit which lay at the root of the two ceremonial systems--a difference that makes it impossible that any work should be written on the ,roman religion as inspiring for the student of religious history as ,the ,religion of the ,semites so often quoted in these pages4 ,this elaborate ,roman ceremonial consisted in the main of sacrifices of different kinds1 conducted with an endless but ordered variety of detail1 of prayers1 processions1 and festivities1 the object of which was either to obtain certain practical results1 to discover the will of the gods1 or to rejoice with the divine inhabitants of the city over the prosperous event of some undertaking4 ,when we survey it in the ,calendar as a whole1 it seems to fall naturally into three divisions1 which correspond with and illustrate the development of the ,state from its constituent materials4 ,the ,calendar contains in fact in a fossilized condition the remains of three different strata of religious or social development4 7#a7 ,here and there we find survivals of what we can only regard as the most primitive condition of human life in ancient ,latium3 that of men dwelling on forest-clad hill-tops1 surrounded by a world of spirits1 some of which have taken habitation in1 or are in some sort represented by1 objects such as trees1 animals1 or stones4 ,examples of such objects are the oak of ,jupiter ,feretrius1 the sacred fig-tree of ,rumina1 the stone of ,terminus with its buried sacrifice1 and the wolf1 the wood-pecker1 and spear of ,mars4 ,to this earliest stratum may also belong in their ultimate origin those quaint sacrificial or semi-dramatic rites of which we have had examples in the ,lupercalia1 the ,fordicidia1 and the ,parilia4 ,the casting of the ,argei into the ,tiber may perhaps also be reckoned here1 though connected later on with certain divisions of the developed city of which the meaning and origin are lost to us4 ,this primitive population knew also of charms and spells and omens1 not reduced indeed as yet to a definite system1 of which the ,calendar naturally supplies hardly any indications1 while in ,ovid and ,cato not a few survivals meet us4 ,but the investigation of the oldest culture of central ,italy is more especially the province of archaeology1 and to the archaeologists1 who are now in ,italy doing excellent and elaborate work1 ,i must be content to leave it4 7#b7 ,we next come conjecturally to clearly-defined evidence of a period in which the ordered processes of agriculture1 and the settled life of the farm-house1 are the distinctive features4 ,we have the beginnings of a calendar in the observation of the quarters of the moon and their connexion with the deities of light4 ,we have the discipline of the house1 represented in the cult of ,vesta the hearth-spirit1 under the care of the daughters of the family1 while the sons as flamines have their special sacrificial duties1 the head of the house presiding over all1 and having as his own special department the worship of the spirit of the door-way 7,janus74 ,the occupations of the family are reflected in the series of festivals which represent the processes and perils of pastoral and agricultural industry3 e4g4 the ,robigalia1 ,ambarvalia1 ,vestalia1 ,consualia1 ,opiconsivia1 ,vinalia1 ,saturnalia1 and ,terminalia3 this last indicating also the idea of property1 whether of the community or the individual4 ,we have also clear traces of the union of farms in a group 7pagus72 for the ,paganalia still survived in the full-grown city1 and both at the ,saturnalia and ,compitalia the households met together at the winter period of ease and rejoicing4 7#c7 ,the further development of social life is also reflected in the annual rites we have been investigating4 ,we see the aggregation of small communities in the ,septimontium1 in the ,fornacalia or feast of the ,curiae1 possibly also in the ritual of the twenty-four or twenty-seven ,sacella ,argeorum1 round which a procession seems to have gone in ,march and ,may4 ,the ,parentalia again is the systematized cult of the dead in their own city1 outside the walls of the city of the living4 ,the ,lares ,praestites1 worshipped on ,may #a1 are the guardian spirits of the whole community4 ,the ,regia1 the dwelling of the king1 is its political and religious centre1 with its sacrarium of ,mars1 the peculiar deity of the stock1 and with the house and hearth of ,vesta close by1 now grown to be the symbol of the ,state's vitality4 ,the ,vestals and ,flamines have become priests of special worships in an organized state1 and at the head of all is the ,rex1 still specially concerned with the cult of ,janus1 but representing in his priestly capacity the whole community4 ,the steadily increasing tendency to organize1 a tendency rooted in the very fibre of this people1 is producing colleges of pontifices and augurs1 to assist by associated effort in making sure of the laws of intercourse with the unseen world1 and of the best methods of divining its will and intention4 ,and lastly1 not only have we found in the festivals traces of the growth and systematization of the life of the city1 but in the great ,latin festival we have also religious evidence of the early tendency of the cities of ,latin blood to combine in some sort with each other4 ,we have thus reached what has been called by ,preller the period of ,numa1 the king with whose name and personality the ,romans always associated the redaction of the ,fasti and the state-organization of their religion3 a personality so clearly conceived by them as to bear witness at once to its own historical reality1 and to their conviction of the vital importance of his work4 ,before we go further1 let us pause here to interrogate the ,calendar as to the nature of the divine beings who in these same stages of development were the objects of popular worship4 ,the simplest way to do this will be to present a table showing the list of the most ancient festivals1 with the deities concerned in them1 so far as they can be identified1 in a parallel column3-- ,festivals4 ,deities4 ,,kalends ,,juno4 ,,ides ,,jupiter4 ,,equirria ,,mars4 ,,liberalia ,,liber4 ,,fordicidia ,,tellus8 ,,cerialia ,,ceres4 ,,parilia ,,pale8 ,,robigalia ,,robigus4 ,,lemuria ,ghosts 7unburied74 ,,argeorum ,,sacra ,unknown4 ,,agonia ,,vediovis8 ,,vestalia ,,vesta4 ,,matralia ,,mater ,,matuta4 ,,poplifugia ,unknown4 ,,lucaria ,unknown4 ,,neptunalia ,,neptunus4 ,,furrinalia ,,furrina8 ,,portunalia ,,portunus4 ,,vinalia ,,jupiter4 ,,consualia ,,consus4 ,,volcanalia ,,volcanus4 ,,opiconsivia ,,ops ,,consiva4 ,,meditrinalia ,unknown4 ,,fontinalia ,,fons8 ,,agonia ,unknown4 ,,consualia ,,consus4 ,,saturnalia ,,saturnus4 ,,opalia ,,ops4 ,,divalia ,,angerona8 ,,larentalia ,,larentia8 ,,agonia ,,janus8 ,,carmentalia4 ,,carmenta4 ,,lupercalia ,unknown4 ,,quirinalia ,,quirinus4 ,,feralia ,,buried ,,ancestors4 ,,terminalia ,,terminus4 ,,regifugium ,unknown4 ,here it will be noticed that in those festivals which seem to be survivals from the oldest stratum of civilization 7the period of ,faunus1 as ,preller has named it71 viz4 the ,lupercalia1 ,parilia1 ,fordicidia1 ,argeorum ,sacra1 the deities concerned are either altogether doubtful1 or so wanting in clearness and prominence as to be altogether subordinate in interest to the details of the ceremony4 ,the ,parilia and ,fordicidia were believed in later times to have belonged to ,pales and ,tellus2 but our authority for the grounds of such belief is not strong1 and as a matter of fact these two1 together with the sacrifice of the ,october horse1 were interconnected by details of antique ceremonial1 rather than separately defined by their relation to particular numina4 ,in other festivals which may have possibly come down from the oldest period1 the deity is almost entirely lost4 ,here is good evidence of the indistinctness of the ,roman conception of the divine2 the cult appealed to this people as the practical method of obtaining their desires1 but the unseen powers with whom they dealt in this cult were beyond their ken1 often unnamed1 and only visible in the sense of being seated in1 or in some sort symbolized by1 tree or stone or animal4 ,they are often multiplex1 like the ,fauni1 ,silvani1 ,lares1 ,penates1 ,semones1 ,carmentes2 or they run into each other1 like ,bona ,dea1 ,maia1 ,tellus1 ,ceres1 ,dea ,dia1 and others4 ,only the great deity of the stock stands out at all clearly2 ,father ,mars of the ,romans2 ,father ,diovis of the whole ,latin race2 to these we may perhaps add the ,hercules or ,genius1 and ,juno1 representing respectively the male and female principles of human life4 ,in the second and third of the strata which the ,calendar offers to the excavator1 representing the ordered life of the household and afterwards of the city1 we still find much of the same indistinctness4 ,vesta indeed1 the spirit of the hearth-fire1 becomes clearly though not personally delineated2 so too1 but in a less degree1 does ,janus the spirit of the doorway4 ,two other groups of spirits also occupy the house2 the ,lares1 who may have been the spirits of dead ancestors duly buried1 and the ,penates or spirits of the store-chamber2 both of them becoming sufficiently clear in the popular conception to be represented by images at a very early period4 ,but in the round of ancient festivals1 some at least of the so-called gods1 so far as we can guess at their original nature1 hardly deserve that name4 ,liber and ,ceres seem to have been originally general names for an ill-defined class of spirits2 ,robigus is the spirit of the mildew2 ,consus and ,ops are not personalities1 but numina protecting the gathered harvest1 as ,saturnus probably protected the sown seed4 ,the ,compitalia was concerned only with the ,lares ,compitales1 spirits of the crossways2 in the ,paganalia we have but very indistinct information as to the object of worship4 ,the ,vinalia1 marking a later and more skilled agricultural process1 seems on the other hand always to have been clearly connected with ,jupiter himself4 ,thus in the so-called period of ,numa1 the period of the earlier monarchy and the first organization of the city-state1 the religious life of the community had become highly systematized in respect of the cult1 of the priest in charge of it1 and the ius which governed all the citizens in their relation to the world of divinities4 ,of any real change however in the character of these divinities1 of any approach to polytheism in the way of an increased individuality of conception1 of iconic representation1 or definite temple-worship1 the ,calendar then drawn up supplies no certain evidence4 ,there may indeed have been a tendency towards a clearer definition of numina1 arising from the very fact of the definite organization of prayer and sacrifice1 and of the allotment of cults to particular priesthoods or families4 ,there may1 even at that early stage in ,roman history1 have been an influence at work on the ,roman mind1 coming from ,etruria and ,greece1 where polytheism found its nourishment in works of art and mythological fancy4 ,these are possibilities of which we must take account1 but the ,calendar has nothing positive to tell us of them4 ,it is when we advance to the later monarchy1 which we may speak of without hesitation as an ,etruscan dynasty1 that we find a change beginning1 both in the forms and objects of the cult1 which marks an epoch in ,roman religious history4 ,the oldest ,calendar1 that of the large letters in the ,fasti1 tells us of course nothing of this4 ,but in the additamenta ex fastis1 and in later literary allusions1 we have a considerable body of material to help us in following out the character and consequences of this change4 ,it is at this point1 or rather at the end of the monarchy1 that we begin to hear of the building of real temples1 as distinct from luci1 sacella1 arae1 or fana2 of the introduction into these of statues of the gods1 of the ,graecus ritus in sacrifice1 and of the appearance of new deities1 some of them apparently connected with new elements of population4 ,this epoch is most clearly marked by the building of the great temple on the ,capitol of ,jupiter1 ,juno1 and ,minerva1 an ,etruscan ,trias1 perhaps ultimately of ,greek origin1 whose statues1 as we have seen1 were invited in true polytheistic fashion to partake of a feast every year on the ,ides of ,september1 the dies natalis of the temple4 ,this temple was dedicated in ,b4,c4 #eji1 directly after the expulsion of ,tarquinius ,superbus4 ,the next of which we hear is that of the old ,roman ,saturnus 7,b4,c4 #dig71 now strangely represented by a fettered statue1 and worshipped henceforward ,graeco ritu1 with the head uncovered4 ,next comes ,mercurius 7,b4,c4 #die71 a god unknown to the most ancient ,fasti2 then ,ceres1 the ,greek ,demeter under a familiar ,italian name 7,b4,c4 #dic72 next ,fortuna with a statue 7,b4,c4 #dhf71 an imported goddess1 to whom ,servius ,tullius1 if tradition can be trusted1 had already erected temples4 ,to this same age belongs probably the temple of ,diana on the ,aventine1 with a ,greek and the introduction of ,apollo-worship as a popular cult4 ,if we follow the catalogue of dedications during the two centuries following the abolition of the monarchy#aejc1 we find that out of fourteen of which the dates are known to us1 six are ,greek or ,graeco-,etruscan1 three more admit before long a non-,roman ritual under the influence of the duoviri sacris faciundis1 and five are known to have contained statues from an early period4 ,only three1 those of ,dius ,fidius1 of ,juno ,lucina1 and of ,mater ,matuta1 can be said to have been genuine ,roman foundations4 ,without doubt a great change is here indicated which has come over the ,roman religion1 both in cult and theology4 ,new elements of population1 new relations with conquerors or conquered1 new commercial enterprise1 new experiences of war1 famine1 and pestilence1 bring in new deities1 suggest recourse to new divine aids4 ,the old ,rome is almost a thing of the past2 the cults and deities of the ,numan period no longer suffice1 and are perhaps already beginning to be forgotten2 the oldest priesthoods begin to give place in all except empty externals to the semi-political colleges of pontifices and augurs1 and to the important new foundation of duoviri sacris faciundis2 the old ,italian ritual of simple apparatus and detailed ceremony is becoming overshadowed by the showy ceremonial of lectisternia and supplicationes4 ,was there no reaction1 we may well ask1 against a tendency so expansive and denationalizing8 ,i answer this question with hesitation1 for so far as ,i am aware it has never yet been fully investigated4 ,but ,i am strongly disposed to believe that there was such a reaction in the third century ,b4,c41 in the period1 that is1 between the ,samnite wars and ,hannibal's invasion of ,italy4 ,this1 unlike the preceding century1 was a period of almost uniform success of the ,roman arms1 and one in which the ,state was at no time in serious peril2 and the temptation to have recourse to strange divinities1 as a patient betakes himself to new physicians1 would not present itself to the minds of the senate or the priesthoods4 ,if we pursue the history of the temple-foundations of this period1 under ,aust's invaluable guidance1 the result is very remarkable4 ,between #cjd and #bag ,b4,c4 we know the dates of twenty-five foundations2 and of these no less than twenty are in honour of indigenous1 or at least what ,i may perhaps call1 home-made deities4 ,no doubt there is a growing tendency to identify ,roman gods with ,greek2 but this does not show itself plainly till the end of the century1 and the only genuine ,greek foundation is that of ,aesculapius1 the consequence of a severe pestilence in #bic ,b4,c4 ,three or four1 e4 g4 those of ,fors ,fortuna1 ,minerva ,capta1 and ,feronia1 were probably of non-,roman origin2 but they were transplanted from the near neighbourhood of ,rome and may almost count as indigenous4 ,in contemplating the ,roman foundations of this period we are struck by certain indications of the activity of the pontifices1 as distinguished from the duoviri sacris faciundis2 i4 e4 the activity of that college of priests whose special charge was the ,roman religion proper1 and who were only indirectly concerned with foreign introductions4 ,for example1 we may note with interest a group of four agricultural deities1 to whom temples were dedicated in the eight years between #bgb and #bfd ,b4,c41 the years1 that is1 of the pacification and settlement of ,italy after the invasion of ,pyrrhus#aejd4 ,these deities were ,consus1 ,tellus1 ,pales1 and ,vortumnus4 ,owing to the loss of ,livy's second decade we cannot be very certain of the immediate object of these foundations2 but we may guess that they had a definite meaning in connexion with the events of the time1 and that they were chiefly the work of the pontifical college4 ,less distinct perhaps1 but still worth noticing1 is a group of foundations in honour of deities connected with water#aeje1 i4e4 to ,tempestates1 ,juturna and ,fons1 which seem to have had some reference to the naval operations of the ,first ,punic ,war4 ,the temple of ,juturna was vowed by ,lutatius ,catulus in the battle at the ,aegates ,insulae in #bda ,b4,c42 that to the ,tempestates by ,cornelius ,scipio1 when the fleet was almost destroyed near ,corsica in #bei ,b4,c42 and that of ,fons in the ,corsican war in #bca ,b4,c4 ,it was characteristic of the ,roman mind1 and of the pontifical methods1 thus to connect the spirits of the springs in ,rome with those of the sea and its tempests4 ,it is at this time also that we notice the appearance of abstractions resolved into deities1 such as ,salus1 ,spes1 ,fides1 ,honos et ,virtus1 ,concordia1 and ,mens4 ,these1 as ,i have said elsewhere#aejf1 are not genuine old ,roman cults1 but pontifical creations in the spirit of the old ,roman impersonal and daemonic ideas of divine agency4 ,in connexion with these ,i may mention the conviction which has grown upon me in the course of these investigations1 that it was in this reactionary period1 as we may call it1 that the pontifices drew up that extraordinary list of deities1 classified according to their functions in relation to man and his activity and suffering1 which we know as the ,indigitamenta4 ,this seems to me characteristic of the period1 inasmuch as it was probably based on the old ,roman ideas of divine agency1 now systematized by something like scientific terminology and ordered classification4 ,it is the old national belief in the ubiquity of the world of spirits1 now edited and organized by skilled legal theologians4 ,but it would be beyond the province of this work to venture farther into this tangled question4 ,from the ,hannibalic war to the end of the ,republic is the period of the decay and downfall of the old ,roman religion4 ,this period need not detain us long2 it has been no part of my plan to exhibit this religion on its death-bed1 for the ,fasti do not admit us to that scene4 ,they show us a living and genuine1 not a spurious and enfeebled religious life4 ,a few salient facts shall suffice as illustrations of the slow process of this dissolution4 ,at the very outset of the period we mark the solemn introduction into ,rome of ,cybele1 the ,magna ,mater ,idaea1 and the stone which was supposed to represent her2 and we are thus warned that even the ,greek cults1 with all their adjuncts of art and mythology1 are no longer sufficient for ,roman needs4 ,the ,state is once more in peril1 and the far-reaching struggle with ,hannibal has brought her into touch with new peoples and cults4 ,the ,greeks do indeed continue to be the chief invaders of the ,roman religious territory1 but the religion they bring with them is a debased one4 ,the extraordinary rapidity with which the orgiastic rites of ,dionysus spread over ,italy in #ahf ,b4,c4 proves at once that the ,italian religious forms were wearing out1 and that the ,greek substitute was no longer a wholesome one#aejg4 ,from this time forward the lower strata of population show a tendency to run after exciting ,oriental forms of worship1 which neither the attempted restoration of the old religion by ,augustus1 nor the subsequent rapid growth of ,christianity1 could entirely and permanently check4 ,among the educated classes the old beliefs were being eaten away by the acids of a second-hand philosophy4 ,the ,greeks had long begun to inquire into the nature of the gods1 and they passed on their disintegrating criticism to their conquerors4 ,euhemerus1 the arch-destroyer of ancient faiths1 became known to the ,romans through a translation by ,ennius at the beginning of the second century ,b4,c42 and it took only another century and a half to produce the sceptical and eclectic treatise of ,cicero1 ,de ,natura ,deorum4 ,again1 nothing is more characteristic of this period than the contempt and neglect into which the old priesthoods gradually fell2 ,rome now swarmed with a mongrel population that knew little of them and cared less4 ,in the year #bji ,b4,c4 even the priesthood of ,jupiter was filled by the youthful black sheep of an old patrician family1 apparently for no other reason than the hope that so objectionable a character might be reformed by the many quaint restrictions imposed upon the office#aejh4 ,of the flamines in general1 of the ,fratres ,arvales1 ,salii1 ,sodales ,titii1 and others of the ancient priesthoods we henceforward hear little or nothing until the revival of learning and religion in the ,augustan age4 ,old forms continued to be used1 but mainly for political purposes1 like the obnuntiatio or observation of lightning2 and only those religious offices which had considerable political power continued to be sought after by men of light and leading4 ,temples continued to be vowed and built1 especially in the earlier part of this period2 but their cults are1 with few exceptions1 of ,greek origin1 or are new and fanciful forms of old worships1 such as the ,lares ,permarini1 ,venus ,verticordia1 ,fortuna ,equestris1 ,ops ,opifera1 ,fortuna ,huiusce ,diei4 ,before the fall of the ,republic a great number of the old temples had fallen almost irretrievably into decay2 ,augustus tells us in his record of his own reign that he restored no less than eighty-two of them4 ,this too is the period when the identification of ,roman gods with ,greek became a general fashion2 a process which had begun long before1 but originally with a genuine meaning and object1 not as the sport of a sceptical society educated in ,greek speculation4 ,salus takes the attributes of ,hygieia1 ,mater ,matuta becomes ,leucothea1 ,faunus ,pan1 ,sancus ,hercules1 ,carmenta ,nicostrate1 ,neptunus ,poseidon1 the god of ,soracte1 ,apollo ,soranus2 and even the greater gods like ,mars1 ,diana1 and others assume more and more the likeness and mythical adornment of their supposed ,greek equivalents4 ,the civil troubles of the age of revolution completed the work of disintegration4 ,men became careless1 reckless1 self-regarding2 the of which ,polybius could say only just before the revolution began1 that more than anything else it served to knit the ,roman state together1 was lost to view in the tumult of political passion and personal greed4 ,not indeed that it was altogether extinct2 that could never be1 and never has been the case in ,italy4 ,augustus1 who came by degrees to know the people he governed better than any statesman in ,italian history1 was well aware that to inspire the ,roman world once more with confidence1 he must bring the religious instinct into play again4 ,the task he thus set himself he accomplished with extraordinary skill and tact2 the old religion seemed to live again1 the old priesthoods were revived1 the old minutiae of worship were restored4 ,he did what he could to bring to life again even the spirit and the principles of the old religio2 and in the ,carmen ,saeculare of ,horace1 written to his order at a moment when he wished to make these things obvious to the eyes of all ,romans1 we probably have the best succinct exposition of them to be found in ,roman literature#aeji4 ,but of the ,augustan revival1 and of the reasons why it could not be permanent1 ,i must forbear here to speak further4 99 99 99 99 99 ,i have yet to say a few words in answer to the interesting question whether the religious system we have been examining had any appreciable influence on the character of the ,roman people3 whether it contributed to build up that virtus of the ,state and the individual which enabled them to subdue and govern the world1 as the pietas of ,aeneas in the poem armed him for the subjugation and civilization of the wild ,italian tribes4 ,the question may at first sight seem a superfluous one1 since the religion of a people is rather the expression of its own genius for dealing with the perplexities of human life1 than a vera causa in determining its character2 yet it is worth asking1 for it is unquestionable that the peculiar turn taken by a nation's religious beliefs and practices does in course of time come to react upon its character and morals4 ,it has often been said of the ,roman religion that it had nothing to do with righteousness1 and was without ethical value4 ,the admirable criticism of it given by ,mommsen in the first volume of his ,history may originally have suggested this view2 but if so1 the copyists have exaggerated the opinion of the master in one particular point1 failing to give due weight to the general tenor of his exposition4 ,however this may be1 we certainly are now always invited to conclude that this great people1 which in its dealings with human beings discovered an extraordinary genius for expansion and adaptation1 in its attitude to the supernatural remained cooped up within curiously narrow mental limits1 drawing no real sustenance either from its primitive beliefs or its quaint and detailed practice4 ,the current views of this kind have just lately been so well summed up in an admirable ,english work on the latest age of ,roman society and thought1 that ,i cannot do better than borrow a few sentences from it#aeaj3-- #8,the old ,roman theology was a hard1 narrow1 unexpansive system of abstraction and personification1 which strove to represent in its ,pantheon the phenomena of nature1 the relations of man in the ,state or in the clan1 every act and feeling and incident in the life of the individual4 ,unlike the mythologies of ,hellas and the ,east1 it had no native principle of growth1 or adaptation to altered needs of society and the individual imagination4 ,it was also singularly wanting in awe and mystery4 ,the religious spirit which it cultivated was formal1 timid1 and scrupulous4444 ,the old ,roman worship was businesslike and utilitarian4 ,the gods were partners in a contract with their worshippers1 and the ritual was characterized by the hard and literal formalism of the legal system of ,rome4 ,the worshipper performed his part to the letter with the scrupulous exactness required in pleadings before the praetor4 ,to allow devotional feeling to transgress the bounds prescribed by immemorial custom was 8superstitio40' ,it is impossible to deny that there is much truth in all this2 yet ,i may venture to express a doubt whether it contains the whole truth4 ,the fact is that the subject needs a more historical treatment1 and perhaps also something of the historical imagination1 to do it full justice4 ,in the earliest periods of ,roman civilization1 those of the family and the beginnings of the ,state1 the ,roman attitude towards the supernatural was1 if ,i am not mistaken1 a real contributing cause towards the formation of virtus4 ,it was not merely an attitude of business and bargaining4 ,so far as we know it1 the common form of address to the gods was not #8send me what ,i want--sun1 rain1 victory1 c41 and you shall then have these gifts'2 but #8,i give you these sacrifices and expect you to do your part2 in taking all this trouble to act correctly by you1 ,i establish a right as against you4' ,it is true that in one particular form of dealing with the gods1 the vow1 or solemn undertaking 7votum71 the transaction wears more the character of a definite bargain2 if the god will do certain things1 he shall then have his reward4 ,so ,cloanthus in ,virgil addresses the gods of the sea#aeaa-- ,di1 quibus imperium est pelagi1 quorum aequora curro1 ,vobis laetus ego hoc candentem in litore taurum ,constituam ante aras1 voti reus1 extaque salsos ,proiciam in fluctus et vina liquentia fundam4 ,but the votum was the exception1 not the rule2 it was a promise made by an individual at some critical moment1 not the ordered and recurring ritual of the family or the ,state4 ,it takes its peculiar form simply because the maker of the vow is not at the particular moment in a position to fulfil it4 ,the normal attitude of the ,roman in prayer and sacrifice was not this2 it is much more exactly expressed in the formula of the farmer's prayer already quoted in these pages3 #8,father ,mars1 ,i pray and beseech thee be willing and propitious to me1 my household1 and my slaves2 for the which object ,i have caused this threefold sacrifice to be driven round my farm and land4' ,this is the usual and natural attitude of all peoples in sacrificing to their gods1 and is far from being peculiar to ,rome2 but it was the nature of the ,roman to express it in a more formal and definite way than others1 and this led to an outward religion of formulae which has done much to obscure for us1 as indeed for the ,romans themselves1 the real thought underlying them4 ,these exact formulae of invocation and sacrifice were really the outward expression of a fear of the unknown1 and its power to hinder and injure man2 for the old ,roman did not know his gods intimately1 inasmuch as they took no human shape1 and did not dwell in buildings made by hands4 ,we have illustrated this ignorance of his again and again1 and the vagueness and fluidity of the religious conceptions of the ,roman mind4 ,the remedy for this weakness was found1 as with the ,jews1 in a remarkable formularity of ritual1 both as regards time1 place1 and method of worship3 in a series of elaborate prescriptions drawn up by experts1 going even so far as to anticipate the consequence of an unintentional omission or error by piacular acts4 ,this in time1 and under ,state organization1 became a science1 and finds its parallel in the science of legal formulae4 ,but there was a difference between the two sciences1 even for the ,roman4 ,in religious acts1 the human mind is dealing with the unseen and unknown1 not with human beings who can be calculated with or outwitted4 ,his fear of the unknown was thus for the primitive ,roman a wholesome discipline2 and his attitude towards it he aptly and characteristically called religio1 because it bound him to the performance of certain regulated duties1 calculated to keep his footsteps straight as he walked daily in this unseen world3 duties which even in the family and clan must have been to some extent systematized1 and which when the city-state was reached took the definite form of a calendar of public prayers1 sacrifices1 and festivities4 ,now surely in this motive of fear1 thus remedied by exact ritual1 we may trace a true civilizing element--the idea of ,duty1 ,pietas1 which as ,cicero defined it1 was #8iustitia erga deos'3 righteous dealing towards the gods1 in expectation of righteous treatment on their part4 ,and he would be a bold man who should assert that #8iustitia erga deos' had no effect in inducing the habit of #8iustitia erga homines'3 in other words that it could not react upon conduct4 ,in the pietas of the one typical ,roman in literature both these elements are equally present4 ,the pietas of ,aeneas is a sense of duty towards god and man alike2 to his father1 his son1 and his people1 as well as to the will of the gods1 and to that solemn mission which is at once the religion of his life and the key to the great ,roman poem#aeab4 ,this is indeed that same sense of duty and responsibility which governed every ,roman in authority in the best days of the ,state1 whether paterfamilias1 patronus1 priest1 or magistrate1 and which was the motive power in the working of a constitution which lasted for centuries though only resting on a basis of trust4 ,in this pietas1 it is true1 we find no sense of contrition for sin1 no humbling of the individual self before an almighty ,governor of the world2 but we do find a very sensitive conscientiousness1 arising from the dread of neglect or trespass in the discharge of religious observance1 in the trust committed by family or ,state to its constituted representative4 ,and this trust included also the discharge of duties to other men1 the neglect of which might bring down the anger of the ,unknown1 and even compel the surrender of a criminal as sacer to an offended deity4 ,we find abundant evidence of this aspect of the religio in the language of solemn oaths and treaties1 and especially in connexion with the cult of the great ,jupiter4 ,i maintain then that in this ,roman religion1 in spite of its dryness and formality1 there was a distinct ethical and civilizing element4 ,and in conclusion ,i may perhaps raise the question whether it was really1 as has been so often asserted1 such a conception of the unseen as could never admit of elevation and expansion4 ,a religion1 which in its best and simplest forms1 could bind men together in the orderly dutiful life of family1 gens1 state1 and federation1 could hardly1 if left to itself1 have speedily become an inanity1 even though based on the motive of fear rather than that of brotherly love4 ,but this religion1 as the ,state became more fully matured1 came under the influence of two retarding causes4 ,first1 its ritual1 always obnoxious to formularism1 was gradually deprived of its meaning by great priesthoods which from causes which need not be here discussed became powerful political agencies4 ,secondly1 the contact with a mature system of polytheism1 adorned and in some sort materialized by art and literature1 drew away the mind of the simple and wondering ,roman from the task of developing his religious ideas in his own way4 ,when a new world of thought broke on the conquering ,roman of the ,republic1 his own religious motives were already drying up under the influence of a powerful ,state-organization4 ,his pietas lived on after a fashion for centuries1 but more and more it lost that hold on the conscience1 that appeal to trust and responsibility1 which had once promised it a vigorous life and growth4 ,while foreign gods and cults attracted his attention and admiration1 or appealed to his sense that there was no quarter from which supernatural aid might not be called in for the advancement of his ,state1 they failed to bind his conscience with the wholesome motives which lay at the root of his old native religio4 ,and neither in the reaction of the fourth century ,b4,c41 nor in the protests of an austere ,cato in the second1 nor in the elaborate revival of ,augustus1 much less in any later effort of philosopher or autocrat to return to the old ways1 was any permanent resuscitation of discipline or conduct possible4 ,the problem of giving a real religion to the world-state into which the ,roman dominion had then grown1 was not to be solved either by ,roman pietas or ,hellenic polytheism4 ,footnote #aejb3 ,tertullian1 de ,praescriptionibus ,haereticorum1 #dj4 ,footnote #aejc3 ,collected by ,aust in his work de ,aedibus sacris1 pp4 #d foll4 ,footnote #aejd3 ,aust1 op4 cit41 p4 #ad1 note #a4 ,footnote #aeje3 ,above1 p4 #aij4 ,footnote #aejf3 ,aust1 op4 cit41 p4 #ae1 note #a4 ,footnote #aejg3 ,see especially the speech of the consul ,postumius in ,livy #ci4 #ae4 ,footnote #aejh3 ,see a paper by the author in ,classical ,review1 vol4 vii4 p4 #aic foll4 ,footnote #aeji3 ,note for example the way in which ,horace has contrived to introduce in combination the ideas of the fertility of crops and herbs1 of marriage and the increase of population1 of public morality and prosperity4 ,footnote #aeaj3 ,it gives me pleasure to quote this passage from ,roman ,society in the last century of the ,western ,empire 7p4 #fc7 by my old friend ,professor ,dill4 ,footnote #aeaa3 ,aen4 #e4 #bce4 ,footnote #aeab3 ,see ,nettleship1 ,essays in ,latin ,literature1 pp4 #ajc1 #ajd4 ,,notes ,,on ,,two ,,coins4 ,a4 ,denarius of ,p4 ,licinius ,stolo 7p4 #db74 ,obv4 ,,avgvstvs ,,tr ,,pot ,augustus1 laureate1 on horse-back to r4 ,rev4 ,p4 ,,stolo ,helmet 7apex7 between two shields4 ,,iiivir ,illustration ,the forms of the helmet and shields are very archaic and interesting1 appearing to point to a very early period4 ,the helmet bears a marked likeness to that worn on ,egyptian monuments by the ,shardana1 one of the races that invaded ,egypt about the thirteenth century ,b4,c4 ,the shield seems to consist of two small round bosses connected by an oval boss4 ,it is strikingly like the ,mycenaean shield as shown on a number of monuments1 and far earlier than the so-called ,boeotian shield which was common in ,greece from the sixth century onwards4 ,the ,roman writers themselves seem to have been puzzled by this shape 7,marindin1 article #8,salii' in ,smith's ,dict4 ,antiq471 and there can be little doubt that it came down from a time when the #8,mycenaean' civilization was common to ,greece and ,italy4 ,the figure on the coins of ,m4 ,sanquinius 7,babelon1 ,mon4 de la ,rpub4 ,rom4 ii4 #dag71 who wears a horned helmet and long tunic and carries a herald's staff and round shield1 has been identified by several authorities as one of the ,salii4 ,this1 however1 is certainly wrong4 ,both on this coin1 and later coins of ,domitian1 the personage is closely connected with the ,ludi ,saeculares4 ,dr4 ,dressel1 in the ,ephem4 ,epigr4 viii4 #cad1 maintains him to be a herald proclaiming the festival4 ,this would admirably suit the caduceus2 but the decorations of the helmet seem to me to be not plumes1 as ,dr4 ,dressel thinks1 but horns1 like those on the headpiece of ,juno ,lanuvina4 ,in any case the person is no ,salius4 ,b4 ,,denarius ,,of ,l4 ,,caesius 7p4 #aja74 ,obv4 ,youthful bust l41 hair disordered1 striking with thunderbolt4 ,behind1 a monogram4 ,illustration ,rev4 ,l4 ,,caesi ,two young male figures seated to r4 ,each has drapery wrapped round waist1 and grasps a spear4 ,between them1 a dog1 which one of them caresses4 ,in field1 in monograms1 ,,lare ,above1 head of ,vulcan and pinchers 7moneyer's mark74 ,the monogram of the obverse was read by ,mommsen ,,ap for ,apollo2 but the closed ,p was not at that time in use3 the interpretation of ,montagu 7,numismatic ,chronicle1 #ahie1 p4 #afb7 as ,roma is therefore to be preferred4 ,the head appears to be that of ,vedius or ,vejovis1 whose statue at ,rome carried in the hand a sheaf of arrows1 which would naturally be confused with the ,greek thunderbolt4 ,other heads of ,vejovis on ,roman coins1 as those of the ,gens ,fonteia1 are more ,apolline in type1 with long curls and laurel-wreath4 ,the two seated figures of the reverse are identified by the inscription as ,lares4 ,they are clearly assimilated to the ,greek ,dioscuri1 early adopted at ,rome4 ,the dog1 however1 which sits between them is an attribute properly belonging to them4 ,dr4 ,wissowa in ,roscher's ,lexicon 7p4 #ahgb7 says that they are clad in dogs' skins2 this1 however1 is certainly not the case1 an ordinary cloak or chlamys falls over their knees4 ,this representation of the ,lares stands by itself1 the deities are frequently represented in later art1 especially wall-paintings and bronze statuettes1 but their type is that of boys who hold cornucopiae or drinking vessel1 and are fully clad4 ,p4 ,g4 ,,index ,,of ,,subjects ,acca ,larentia1 #gd1 #ic1 #bge1 #bgf1 #cbd4 ,aedes ,herculis3 see ,forum ,boarium4 ,aedes ,vestae3 see ,vesta4 ,aediles1 plebeian1 #ge1 #gf1 #ib4 ,aesculapius1 #aje1 #aia1 #bgh2 connexion with ,vediovis1 #abb1 #bgh2 temple1 #bgh1 #cdj4 ,agonia3 ,december1 #bfe1 #bha2 ,january1 #bgg1 #bhj-b2 ,march1 #ed1 #bha2 ,may1 #aba1 #bha4 ,agonus 7or ,agonalis71 #cbc4 ,agriculture3 festivals1 #c1 #ga1 #gi-hb1 #he-h1 #hh-ia1 #aac-d1 #abd-h1 #ade-ed1 #bjd-f1 #bjf-i1 #bab-d1 #bef-h1 #bfh-gc1 #cbd-g1 #cce4 ,alban ,mount3 ,feriae ,latinae held at1 #ie1 #ig1 #bbg-h2 temple of ,jupiter ,latiaris1 #ie-f1 #bbh4 ,ambarvalia1 #aad1 #abd-h1 #aed4 ,ancilia1 #ch-i1 #da-c1 #de-f1 #bej2 lustration1 #eg-i1 #bdh1 #bej2 moving1 #ci1 #da1 #dc-d1 #aae ,ancillarum ,feriae1 #agf-h4 ,angerona1 #bgd-e2 goddess of ,divalia1 #bgd1 #ccf4 ,anna ,perenna3 festival1 #dd1 #ej-a1 #ec1 #afc2 legends1 #ea-d1 #fj2 popularity with lower classes1 #dd1 #ej-a2 representative of year1 #eb-c4 ,aphrodite3 connexion with ,venus1 #fi1 #hf4 ,aplu1 #aha4 ,apollo1 #hi1 #aia1 #bej2 comparison with ,mars1 #ci-dj2 connexion with ,aesculapius1 #bgh2 with ,vediovis1 #abb1 #aha1 #bbe1 #bgh2 coupled with ,latona1 #aha1 #ahf1 #bjj2 festivals1 #agc1 #agi-ha2 functions1 #ahj1 #bgh2 ,medicus1 #ahj2 restoration of worship by ,augustus1 #ahj 7n4 #d71 #aha-b2 ,soranus1 #hd1 #aha2 temples1 #ahj1 #ahb2 worship1 #aag1 #agi-hb1 #cci4 ,april3 character1 #f1 #i1 #cc1 #ff-g2 connexion with ,venus1 #fg1 #fi2 festivals1 #ff-ig2 origin of name1 #f1 #cc1 #ff2 prevalence of female deities1 #fg4 ,ara ,maxima3 see ,circus ,maximus4 ,argei3 see also ,sacella ,argeorum1 #aej1 #aea2 explanations of custom1 #aad1 #aaf-bj2 mourning of ,flaminica ,dialis1 #aab1 #aae1 #aai1 #aea2 origin of name1 #aab-c2 #aah-i2 puppets thrown into ,tiber1 #eb1 #eg1 #ajj1 #aaa-bj2 substitution for human victims1 #aab1 #aae1 #aaf-g1 #aai4 ,armilustrium1 #de1 #eh1 #bdi1 #bej-a4 ,army3 importance of curiae1 #cjc1 #cje2 mustering1 #acc4 ,artemis1 #bjj4 ,asylum1 #abb1 #ahc 7n4 #c71 #cbg2 connexion with ,vediovis1 #abb4 ,attalus1 ,king of ,pergamus1 #fi4 ,august3 character1 #ahi-ij2 festivals1 #ahi-bad4 ,augustus1 revival of religion1 #ai1 #aha-b1 #aij1 #bhj1 #cdb1 #cdc-d1 #cdi4 ,aventine3 plebeian quarter1 #ge-f1 #aii2 temples1 #ei1 #gd-f1 #aja-e1 #aeh1 #aih-bjj1 #bja1 #bjf1 #bcb1 #bfg1 #cci4 ,beans3 harvest1 #acj1 #bee2 use as food1 #acb-c2 use in ritual1 #hc1 #aji-aj1 #aca2 religious character1 #ia1 #aaj1 #acj-a4 ,beating bounds1 see ,lustrations2 productive of fertility1 #ajd1 #agh-i1 #bfb1 #cjb1 #caa1 #cae1 #cah-ba4 ,bellona1 #acd-e4 ,birds3 used in augury1 #aci-dj4 ,bona ,dea1 #ie2 connexion with ,damia1 #aje-f2 with ,maia1 #ii1 #ajj1 #abc1 #baj2 earth goddess1 #ga1 #ajc1 #ajd1 #ajf2 functions1 #ajd-e1 #ajf2 men excluded from worship1 #ajb-c1 #adb1 #bef2 myrtle not allowed in temple1 #ajc-d2 temple1 #aja-e2 women's sacrifice1 #bee-f2 worship1 #ajb-f1 #aej4 ,bouphonia1 #agf1 #cbi4 ,brutus1 ,m4 ,junius1 #acj4 ,caesar 7,julius73 birthday1 #agd2 calendar1 #d1 #e-f1 #aa1 #ad-e4 ,cakes3 see also ,salt-cake2 heads of animals decked with1 #adh1 #bdb1 #bdd2 sacrifices1 #ec-e1 #aee1 #afa1 #bie1 #cjd4 ,calendar3 see also ,year1 #bdh-ej2 authorities on1 #ac-d1 #af-i2 divergences1 #cf1 #de1 #bda1 #bfe-f2 ,julian3 see ,caesar2 marks of days1 #h-aj2 republican1 #ad-bj2 secrecy1 #h-i1 #aa2 surviving1 #e-f1 #aa-d4 ,campus ,martius1 #bdg-h2 festivals1 #ej-a2 races1 #dd-e1 #bjh1 #bdb1 #bdi1 #ccj2 sacrifice of ,october-horse1 #bda-c1 #bdg-i4 ,capitolium1 #abi-cj1 #cbg2 connexion with ,saturnus1 #bfi-gj2 temples1 #dc1 #he1 #abi-cj1 #ade1 #aeg-h1 #bad1 #baf-g1 #bbi1 #bia1 #bic1 #cbf-g4 ,caprotinae1 ,nonae3 see ,nones4 ,cardea3 confusion with ,carna1 #aca-b4 ,caristia1 #cjh-i4 ,carmenta1 #afg1 #bia-c2 festival1 #bgg1 #bij-c2 temple1 #bia1 #bic4 ,carmentalia1 #ae1 #bgg1 #bij-c4 ,carmentes3 see ,carmenta4 ,carna1 #acj2 confusion with ,cardea1 #aca-b2 festival1 #acj-c4 ,castor and ,pollux3 see ,dioscuri4 ,cerealia1 #ae1 #gb-c1 #gg-i1 #ib2 foxes loosed in ,circus ,maximus1 #gg-i1 #id2 plebeian character1 #gj1 #gg1 #ib4 ,ceres1 #gc-d1 #bie1 #cch2 connexion with ,demeter1 #gc1 #gd1 #aha2 with plebeians1 #gd-g1 #ib2 festival1 #gb-c1 #gg-i1 #ib1 #bid-f2 goddess of crops1 #fg1 #ga1 #gc1 #abf2 ,greek influence on1 #gc1 #ge-f1 #aje2 sacrifices1 #ajc1 #aje1 #bie2 temple1 #gd-f1 #ib4 ,cernunnos3 identification with ,janus1 #bhf4 ,character of ,romans1 #fe2 influence of religion on1 #cdd-i4 ,charlton-on-,otmoor3 lustration of fields1 #abh1 #bdf4 ,circus ,flaminius3 games1 #bag1 #beb1 #bec2 temples1 #acd1 #ace1 #ahj1 #bjb1 #baa4 ,circus ,maximus1 #aij2 altar of ,consus1 #agh1 #aij1 #bjf-g1 #bji2 ,ara ,maxima1 #ach1 #ahi1 #aij1 #aic-g2 festivals1 #gg-h1 #id2 races1 #bjh2 temples1 #ib1 #afj1 #bjb1 #bjd4 ,cnaeus ,flavius1 #aa4 ,coins1 #cej-b2 heads on1 #bhf-g1 #cea4 ,comitia ,curiata3 meetings1 #fc1 #fd1 #abc1 #cje4 ,comitium1 #eg-h4 ,compitalia1 #bee1 #bgg1 #bgi-hj1 #bid1 #cce1 #cch4 ,consualia1 #aae1 #agh1 #ahi1 #bjf-i1 #bij2 ,vestal ,virgins present1 #aae1 #aej2 winter1 #bfg-h4 ,consuls3 connexion with ,feriae ,latinae1 #ie1 #if2 entrance on office1 #e1 #ie1 #aij1 #bgh2 laying down of office1 #baf4 ,consus1 #cbd1 #cch2 altar in ,circus ,maximus1 #agh1 #aij1 #bjf-g1 #bji2 connexion with horses1 #bjg-h2 with ,ops1 #bab-c2 festivals1 #aae1 #agh1 #bjf-i1 #bfg-h2 temple1 #bjf1 #bfg4 ,corn3 supply1 #gf2 trade1 #aba2 wolf3 see ,corn-spirit4 ,corn-spirit3 animal representation1 #gh1 #hc1 #ij-a1 #id1 #bdd-e1 #bfd2 death and renewal of life1 #hc1 #aah1 #bdf-g1 #caf-g2 human representation1 #agg1 #bde2 races in rites1 #bde-f1 #ccj2 rites to aid growth of corn1 #da1 #hc-d2 rites to propitiate1 #ij-a1 #bdd-h4 ,creek ,indians3 festivals of first-fruits1 #aeb-c4 ,cross-roads1 #bgi-hj4 ,curiae1 #af1 #ga1 #cjc-d2 festivals1 #ga-b1 #bai1 #cjb-f1 #cce2 flamen1 #cjd4 ,curio ,maximus1 #cjc-d4 ,curis1 #cjc4 ,damia3 connexion with ,bona ,dea1 #aje-f4 ,days3 calendar marks in1 #h-aj2 market1 #h2 number in months1 #b-c4 ,dead3 ancestor worship1 #afa1 #bge-f1 #cjj1 #cjh-i2 burial1 #ajh1 #aji1 #cjg2 cult chiefly in ,february1 #c1 #f1 #cc1 #ajg1 #bii1 #cjj2 festivals1 #ajf-aj1 #aca1 #bge-f1 #cjf-aj2 offerings1 #cjh2 spirits3 see ,ghosts4 ,dea ,dia1 #ga1 #aje2 centre of ritual of ,fratres ,arvales1 #gd1 #aje2 connexion with ,ceres1 #gd4 ,december1 #g2 character1 #bee2 festivals1 #cc1 #bee-gf4 ,deities3 abstractions resolved into1 #aij-a1 #cda2 chthonic1 #bjg1 #baj1 #baa-b2 dualism of male and female1 #fa-b1 #bab-c1 #bba2 female1 #fg1 #ga1 #gd1 #ajf2 fluctuation between male and female1 #fg1 #gc1 #hj1 #bcb-c2 images3 see ,images2 impersonality1 #ajf1 #acg1 #aci1 #bac1 #bba-b1 #bie1 #caa1 #ccg2 multiplicity1 #add1 #afg1 #bda1 #bei-fj1 #bia-c1 #ccg2 prayers3 see ,prayers2 symbols1 #abb1 #aci1 #afa1 #afi1 #agj1 #bcj1 #bce2 women's3 see ,women4 ,delphi3 ,roman dealings with1 #aha4 ,demeter1 #ajc1 #aaj2 connexion with ,ceres1 #gc1 #gd1 #aha4 ,demons3 see ,evil spirits4 ,diana3 connexion with ,artemis1 #bjj2 coupled with ,hercules1 #aha1 #ahf2 festival1 #aih-bjj2 functions1 #aih1 #bjj-a2 ,nemorensis1 #ahc2 temples1 #aih-bjj1 #cci4 ,dionysus3 connexion with ,liber1 #ed-e1 #gd1 #hh2 introduction of cult into ,italy1 #hh1 #cdb2 sacrifice at ,tenedos1 #cbi4 ,dioscuri1 #bif-g1 #cea2 temples1 #bjb1 #bif4 ,dis ,pater1 #abj1 #bab1 #bfi4 ,dius ,fidius1 #cbg2 antiquity1 #ace-f2 connexion with ,genius ,jovis1 #adb-e2 with ,hercules1 #acg-i1 #adb-d2 with ,jupiter1 #ach-da1 #bba2 with ,semo ,sancus1 #acf-h1 #add2 temple1 #ace1 #acf1 #ada4 ,divalia1 #bgd-e4 ,dogs3 connexion with ,lares praestites1 #aja1 #cea-b2 sacrifices1 #hi-ia1 #aja1 #bji1 #caa1 #cab1 #cad4 ,earth3 deities1 #fg1 #ga1 #gd1 #ajc1 #ajd1 #ajf1 #bef1 #bid-e2 spiritualized as feminine1 #ajc1 #ajf4 ,epulum ,jovis3 see ,jupiter4 ,equirria1 #dd-f1 #ccj-a4 ,esquiline3 cults1 #bbh2 divisions1 #bff2 temples1 #ch4 ,etruscans3 influence on ,roman religion1 #aga-b1 #ahe-f1 #bjj1 #bai-bj1 #bbb-c1 #bbi1 #bcd-e1 #cch-dj2 trias1 #bah1 #bbj1 #bbi1 #bce1 #bci4 ,evil spirits3 expulsion1 #dj-a1 #dc1 #ajg2 human scapegoat1 #dj-a1 #df-i4 ,fairs1 #bec4 ,fasti3 see ,calendar2 ,ovid's1 see ,ovid4 ,fauna1 #ajc4 ,faunalia1 #bee1 #bef-h4 ,faunus1 #ajc1 #beg-h2 connexion with ,lupercalia1 #beg-h1 #bfb1 #cab-c2 with ,pan1 #beh1 #bei1 #cac2 derivation of name1 #beh-i2 festival1 #bef-h2 functions1 #hj1 #bfa-c1 #bgh2 multiplicity1 #bei-fj1 #cac2 origin1 #beg-h1 #bei1 #bfa1 #bfc-e2 temples1 #beg-h1 #bgh1 #cjb2 woodland character1 #bfj-a4 ,favonius1 #beh1 #bei1 #bfd2 ,feb4 #gth1 #bgg1 #bii4 ,february1 #c1 #d1 #f1 #g2 character1 #f1 #ff1 #bii2 festivals1 #c1 #f1 #cc1 #bih-cca2 origin of name1 #f1 #bih4 ,feralia1 #aj1 #ajg1 #cjf1 #cji-aj4 ,feretrius3 see ,jupiter4 ,feriae ,latinae1 #ie-g1 #bbg-h1 #cce4 ,feriae ,sementivae1 #bid-f4 ,feronia1 #aii1 #beb-d2 temple1 #bec4 ,fertility3 customs to produce1 #id-e1 #ajd1 #agh-i1 #bfb1 #cjb1 #caa1 #cae1 #cah-ba4 ,festivals1 #ae1 #ah-i1 #dd1 #ccf2 agricultural1 #c1 #ga1 #gi-hb1 #he-h1 #hh-ia1 #aac-d1 #abd-h1 #ade-ed1 #bjd-f1 #bjf-i1 #bab-d1 #bef-h1 #bfh-gc1 #cbd-g1 #cce2 of curiae1 #af1 #ga-b1 #bai1 #cjb-f1 #cce2 domestic1 #ajg1 #cjf-aj2 harvest1 #abd-h1 #ade-ed1 #ahi-ij1 #aie-f1 #bjg-i1 #bab-d1 #bdc-d1 #bid-f2 marked in calendars1 #ae-f2 men's1 #ajb-c1 #adb1 #aid2 of montes1 #af1 #bfe-g1 #cce2 moveable1 #ae1 #ie1 #abd1 #bee-f1 #bgg1 #bgi1 #bid1 #cjc2 pagi1 #af1 #beg1 #bid-f1 #cce2 pastoral1 #if-g2 patrician1 #fh 7n4 #b71 #gj2 plebeian1 #dd1 #ej-a1 #fh1 #gj1 #ib1 #afc1 #aga1 #bec2 of sacella1 #af1 #aaa-bj1 #cce2 survival of1 #abg-h1 #cab1 #cba2 times of1 #g1 #ei1 #gj1 #afi-gj1 #agd1 #ahi1 #bef1 #bij2 transition from rustic to urban3 see ,religion2 women's1 #ch1 #fg-h1 #ajb-c1 #adb1 #adh1 #aed-f1 #agh-i1 #bee-f1 #bia4 ,fetiales1 #bcj-a2 declaration of war1 #acd1 #bcj2 lapis silex1 #bcj-a4 ,fidenates3 legends about1 #agd1 #age1 #agg1 #agh4 ,fides1 #bcg2 festival1 #bcg-h4 ,fig-tree of ,rumina1 #caj1 #ccd4 ,fire3 deities1 #ahi1 #bji-aj2 sacred fire of ,vesta3 see ,vesta4 ,firstfruits3 gathering1 #aea-c2 offering1 #aie1 #baa-b4 ,fisovius ,sancius3 see ,fisus4 ,fisus1 #acg1 #aci4 ,flamines1 #ce1 #bhh1 #cce1 #cdb-c2 antiquity of deity proved by1 #ib1 #ahg1 #bja1 #bcg2 ,flamen ,carmentalis1 #bib2 ,flamen curiae1 #cjd2 ,flamen ,dialis1 #hf-h1 #bjd1 #bba1 #cac2 ,flamen ,floralis1 #ib2 ,flamen ,furinalis1 #ahg2 ,flamen ,martialis1 #bcg1 #cbc2 ,flamen ,palatualis1 #bfg2 ,flamen ,pomonalis1 #bja2 ,flamen ,portunalis1 #bjb2 ,flamen ,quirinalis1 #hi1 #bji1 #bcg1 #bgf1 #ccc1 #ccd2 ,flamen ,volcanalis1 #abc1 #baj2 ,flamen ,volturnalis1 #bad2 ,flaminica ,dialis1 #ef 7n4 #e71 #aab1 #aae1 #adf1 #adi1 #aea1 #aec1 #bba2 representative of sons of the family1 #cf1 #adg1 #bhh1 #ccd4 ,flora1 #ib-c1 #bdj1 #cbd2 festivals1 #ia-e functions1 #fg1 #ic1 #id2 temples1 #ib1 #bjb1 #cbd4 ,floralia1 #ia-e2 hares and goats loosed in ,circus ,maximus1 #id4 ,fons 7or ,fontus71 #bdj-a1 #beh2 temple1 #cda4 ,fontinalia1 #bdj-a4 ,fordicidia1 #ga-b1 #hc1 #bdc2 character1 #ff1 #aae1 #aej2 share of ,vestal ,virgins in1 #ga1 #hc1 #aae1 #aej4 ,fornacalia1 #cjb-f1 #cce4 ,fors ,fortuna3 see ,fortuna4 ,fortuna1 #fg2 connexion with ,jupiter1 #aff1 #afh1 #bbc-e2 with ,nortia1 #aga-b2 with ,servius ,tullius1 #fh1 #aef-g1 #afb1 #aga-b2 explained as dawn-goddess1 #afd-f2 explained as moon-goddess1 #afh-i2 explained as sun-goddess1 #afh-ga2 festivals1 #fg-i2 #afa-gb2 ,fors1 #abd1 #afa-c1 #cdj2 functions1 #afg-h1 #agj-a2 huiusce diei1 #afd-e1 #cdc2 origin of name1 #afc-d1 #aff-g2 ,primigenia1 #gb1 #abd1 #afe-f1 #afg-h1 #bbc-d1 #bed2 statues1 #aef-g1 #cci2 symbols1 #afi1 #agj-a2 temples1 #fh1 #gb1 #abd1 #aef-g1 #afa-b1 #aff1 #cci1 #cdc2 ,virilis1 #fh2 women especially worship1 #afg-h2 worshipped at ,praeneste1 #gb1 #abd1 #aff1 #afh1 #bbc4 ,forum3 meeting of curiae in1 #cje1 #cjf2 temples1 #bga1 #bgc-d1 #bif1 #cci4 ,forum ,boarium3 ,aedes ,herculis1 #aic2 temples1 #aed1 #aef-g1 #cci4 ,forum ,olitorium3 temple1 #cjb4 ,foxes1 #gh2 loosed at ,cerealia1 #gg-i2 #id4 ,fratres ,arvales1 #db2 ,acta ,fratrum ,arvalium1 #ag1 #abe2 calendar1 #ab2 decline of1 #ahd-e1 #cdc2 ritual of1 #dh1 #gd1 #ib-c1 #aje1 #abe1 #abg1 #acf1 #bdj-a1 #bga1 #bhb4 ,freedwomen3 worship of ,feronia1 #bec4 ,furiae3 confusion with ,furrina1 #ahg1 #ahh4 ,furrina 7or ,furina71 #ahg-h4 ,furrinalia1 #agc1 #ahg-h4 ,gaia ,caecilia1 #ada4 ,games 7ludi71 #ae1 #ej2 ,apollinares1 #agc1 #agi-hj2 ,cereales1 #gb-c2 compitales1 #bgi-hj2 ,florae1 #ia-e2 horse races1 #dd-e1 #eh1 #ia1 #ahj1 #bjh1 #bdb1 #bde-f1 #bdh-i2 ,megalesiaci1 #fi-ga2 plebeii1 #ahj1 #bag1 #beb1 #bec2 ,romani1 #bae1 #baf-g1 #beb2 saeculares1 #ahb4 ,gates3 see ,porta4 ,geese3 sacred to ,juno1 #abi-cj4 ,genita ,mana4 #aja4 ,ghosts3 purification of house from1 #ajj1 #aji-aj1 #aca2 classification of1 #ajh-i4 ,gods3 see ,deities4 ,guilds1 #fb1 #aba2 tibicines1 #aeg-h4 ,harawara1 #hd4 ,hares3 loosed at ,floralia1 #id4 ,harvest1 #aed1 #ahi2 customs1 #agg-h1 #bde-f2 festivals1 #abd-h1 #aec-d1 #ahi-ij1 #aie-f1 #bjg-i4 ,healing deities1 #ajd-e1 #ahj1 #aia1 #bgh4 ,heimdal3 equation with ,janus1 #bhf4 ,hephaestus1 #abc4 ,hercules3 connexion with ,dius ,fidius or ,semo ,sancus1 #acg-i1 #adb-d2 with ,genius1 #adc-d1 #aid-e1 #aif1 #ccg2 with ,juno1 #adb-d2 with ,mars1 #aid-e1 #aif2 coupled with ,diana1 #aha1 #ahf2 ,invictus1 #bja2 legends1 #ajb1 #aab1 #ach1 #aic1 #aif-g2 representative of male principle1 #ajc1 #adc1 #aid2 temples1 #ace1 #bja2 ,victor1 #ach2 worship1 #aic-g2 worship confined to men1 #ajb1 #ajc1 #adb1 #aid4 ,hermes1 #abj-a2 connexion with ,mercury1 #aba1 #ahf4 ,hirpi ,sorani3 rites at ,soracte1 #hd1 #cag4 ,horatius3 legend1 #bch-i4 ,horses3 connexion of ,consus with1 #bjg-h2 of ,mars with1 #ccj2 decked with flowers1 #bjg-h2 heads decked with cakes1 #bdb1 #bdd4 ,horta ,quirini1 #cbd4 ,ides1 #h2 sacred to ,jupiter1 #h1 #aj1 #abj1 #aeg1 #aih1 #bae1 #bda4 ,iguvium3 inscription found at1 #ag1 #aad1 #abg1 #acg1 #aci1 #agf1 #bba4 ,images and statues of gods1 #ha1 #ada1 #aef-g1 #bjj1 #bja1 #bah1 #bbh1 #bci4 ,indigitamenta1 #ga1 #aia1 #aib1 #bgd1 #cda4 ,indigites1 #aib4 ,inuus1 #cab-c4 ,isis worship1 #beb4 ,january1 #e-g2 character1 #f1 #cc1 #bgg2 consuls enter office in1 #e1 #ie1 #bgh2 festivals1 #f1 #bgg-ig2 origin of name1 #f1 #g1 #cc1 #ii4 ,janus1 #bgj2 connexion with ,cardea1 #aca-b2 with ,january1 #f1 #cc1 #ii2 with ,saturnus1 #bgj2 with tigillum sororium1 #bch-i2 with ,vesta1 #bhb-c1 #bhg-h1 #ccd-e2 cult-titles1 #bhi-ij2 geminus1 #bhf2 god of entrances1 #bhb-c1 #bhf-i1 #cce1 #ccg2 origin of cult1 #bhb-i2 ,rex sacrorum connected with worship of1 #bhb1 #bhh1 #ccd-e2 temples1 #bjd1 #bgj4 ,july1 #b1 #c1 #agc2 festivals1 #agd-hh4 ,june3 character1 #f1 #cc2 festivals1 #acj-gb2 origin of name1 #f1 #ii-ajj1 #abi-cj4 ,juno1 #cab2 ,caprotina1 #agh2 connexion with ,bona ,dea1 #adb2 with ,hercules1 #adb-d2 with ,june1 #ii-ajj1 #abi2 with ,jupiter1 #acd1 #bah1 #bba1 #bbc-e2 with ,mars1 #cg-h1 #acc-d2 with tigillum sororium1 #bch-i2 cult at ,praeneste1 #aff1 #bbd2 ,curitis1 #bbc1 #bci2 festivals1 #agd1 #agh-i2 ,kalends sacred to1 #h1 #ch1 #abi1 #bci1 #bda2 ,lucina1 #ch1 #aje1 #aef2 ,moneta1 #abi-cj2 one of ,etruscan trias1 #bah1 #bbj1 #bbi1 #bce1 #cci2 representative of female principle1 #ch1 #ada1 #adc1 #agh1 #bba1 #cba 7n4 #a71 #ccg2 ,sospita1 #cjb2 temples1 #ch1 #aeg-h1 #bae1 #baf-g1 #cjb1 #cbf-g4 ,jupiter1 #ig1 #bbj-a1 #cac2 ,capitolinus1 #ig1 #aeh2 cella ,jovis1 #bag2 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,portunalia1 #ahi1 #bjb-d4 ,portunus1 #bjb-d1 #bad1 ,poseidon3 connexion1 with ,neptunus1 #ahe1 #ahf1 #ahg2 ,hippios1 #bjh4 ,potitii1 #aic4 ,praeneste1 #bed2 cult of ,fortuna1 #gb1 #abd1 #aff1 #afh1 #bbc-d1 #bed2 cult of ,jupiter ,puer1 #aff1 #bbd-g2 foreign influence1 #aff1 #bbg4 ,prayers1 #ha-b1 #hi-ij1 #abf-g1 #acc1 #aee1 #ahd1 #aia1 #bie1 #cjh1 #cdf4 ,presents given at festivals1 #ch1 #bgb1 #bgh4 ,priests3 see ,pontifices4 ,primigenia3 see ,fortuna4 ,proserpina1 #bab4 ,prostitutes1 festival of1 #ic4 ,punic ,wars1 #ai1 #fi-ga1 #agi2 institution of festivals and temples due to1 #ai1 #fi1 #agi1 #cda1 #cdb4 ,puppets3 ,argei thrown into ,tiber1 #aaa-bj2 oscilla hung on trees1 #if1 #aaf1 #bif4 ,purification3 see ,lustration4 ,pythagoreans1 #aaj4 ,quinctilis3 see ,july4 ,quinquatrus1 #de1 #eg-fb1 #bij2 minusculae1 #aeg-i4 ,quirinal1 #bcg1 #bha1 #cbb2 cults1 #bbi1 #cbb-d2 temples1 #abd1 #ace1 #acf1 #ada1 #aij-a1 #cbb1 #cbd4 ,quirinalia1 #cjd-e1 #cbb-d4 ,quirinus1 #cje1 #cbb-d2 temples1 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7,bk4 #aj4 #h7 #aag ,,the ,,end ,,oxford3 ,,horace ,,hart ,,printer ,,to ,,the ,,university ,,by ,w4 ,,warde ,,fowler1 ,m4,a4 ,the ,city ,state of the ,greeks and ,romans4 ,a ,survey ,introductory to the ,study of ,ancient ,history4 ,by ,w4 ,,warde ,,fowler1 ,m4,a41 ,sub-,rector of ,lincoln ,college1 ,oxford4 ,crown #hvo1 #es4 ,,by ,,professor ,,rodolfo ,,lanciani4 ,ancient ,rome in the ,light of recent ,discoveries4 ,by ,prof4 ,,rodolfo ,,lanciani1 ,,ll4,d4 ,harv4 ,with #ajj ,illustrations4 ,small #dto1 #bds4 ,,handbooks ,,of ,,arch,,ology ,,and ,,antiquities4 ,edited by ,professor ,,percy ,,gardner1 ,litt4,d4 of the ,university of ,oxford1 and ,professor ,,francis ,w4 ,,kelsey1 of the ,university of ,michigan4 ,each volume will be the work of a thoroughly competent author1 and will deal with some special ,department of ,ancient ,life or ,art in a manner suited to the needs both of the scholar and of the educated general reader4 ,the ,series will be characterised by the following features3-- 7#a7 ,the size of the volumes will be extra crown octavo2 each volume to contain not less than #bjj pages4 7#b7 ,the illustrations1 taken from works of ancient art1 will be made as complete and satisfactory as possible4 7#c7 ,each volume will contain a concise bibliography1 together with complete indexes of ,greek and ,latin words and quotations1 and of ,subjects4 7#d7 ,thus the volumes will together form a handy encyclopdia of ,archology and ,antiquities for the fields covered4 7#e7 ,the different treatises will not be uniform in respect to length or price4 ,the following volumes are already published or in preparation3-- ,greek ,sculpture4 ,by ,prof4 ,,ernest ,a4 ,,gardner1 ,m4,a41 ,university ,college1 ,london4 ,part ,i1 #es4 ,part ,,ii1 #es4 ,complete in one vol41 #ajs4 ,ready4 ,greek and ,roman ,coins4 ,by ,g4 ,f4 ,,hill1 of the ,coins ,department of the ,british ,museum4 ,illustrated4 ,ready4 ,the ,roman ,festivals of the ,period of the ,republic4 ,an ,introduction to the ,study of ,roman ,religion4 ,by ,w4 ,,warde ,,fowler1 ,m4,a41 ,sub-,rector of ,lincoln ,college1 ,oxford4 ,extra crown #hvo4 ,ready4 ,a ,handbook of ,greek ,constitutional ,history4 ,by ,a4 ,h4 ,j4 ,,greenidge1 ,m4,a41 ,hertford ,college1 ,oxford4 ,with ,map4 #es4 ,ready4 ,greek ,religion4 ,by ,,louis ,,dyer4 ,homeric ,antiquities4 ,by ,,thomas ,d4 ,,seymour1 ,yale ,university4 ,greek ,private ,life4 ,by ,prof4 ,j4 ,,williams ,,white1 ,harvard ,university4 ,roman ,public ,life4 ,by ,a4 ,h4 ,j4 ,,greenidge4 ,greek ,commerce4 ,by ,prof4 ,,percy ,,gardner1 ,university of ,oxford4 ,the ,acropolis of ,athens4 ,by ,prof4 ,m4 ,l4 ,d',,ooge1 ,university of ,michigan4 ,greek ,architecture4 ,by ,prof4 ,,allan ,,marquand1 ,princeton ,university4 ,roman ,architecture4 ,by ,prof4 ,,francis ,w4 ,,kelsey1 ,university of ,michigan4 ,the ,destruction of ,ancient ,rome4 ,a ,sketch of the ,history of the ,monuments4 ,by ,,rodolfo ,,lanciani1 ,university of ,rome4 ,shortly4 ,christian ,rome4 ,by ,a4 ,l4 ,,frothingham1 ,jr41 ,princeton ,university4 ,roman ,sculpture4 ,by ,,saloman ,,reinach1 ,muse ,st4 ,germain4 ,ancient ,painting4 ,by ,,cecil ,,smith1 ,,ll4,d41 ,british ,museum4 ,greek ,vases4 ,by ,,cecil ,,smith1 ,,ll4,d41 ,british ,museum4 ,scientific ,knowledge of the ,ancients4 ,by ,,paul ,,shorey1 ,university of ,chicago4 ,latin ,inscriptions in relation to ,literature and ,life4 ,by ,prof4 ,,minton ,,warren1 ,american ,school1 ,rome4 ,,macmillan ,,and ,,co41 ,,ltd41 ,,london4 ,transcriber's ,notes3 ,missing or obscured punctuation was corrected4 ,typographical errors were silently corrected4