,note3 ,images of the original pages are
 available through       ,internet      
,archive4 ,see                          
https3_/_/archive4org_/details_/greekphi
losoph#jb;benn       ,transcriber's     
note3        ,text enclosed by          
underscores is in italics 7italics74    
,footnotes are at the end of the book4  
,,the ,,greek ,,philosophers ,,vol4     
,,ii4   ,,the ,,greek ,,philosophers  by
  ,,alfred ,,william ,,benn             
,,plotinus    ,quamquam ab his          
philosophiam et omnes ingenuas          
disciplinas   habemus3 sed tamen est    
aliquid quod nobis non liceat1 liceat   
illis                                   
,,cicero   ,in ,two ,volumes  ,,vol4    
,,ii4       ,london ,kegan ,paul1       
,trench1  ,co41 #a ,paternoster ,square 
#ahhb  7,the rights of translation and  
of reproduction are reserved7           
,,contents                              
,,of                            ,,the   
,,second ,,volume4                      
,,chapter ,i4                           

,,the ,,stoics                          
pages #a-eb  ,i4 ,why the systems of    
,plato and ,aristotle failed to secure a
 hold on contemporary thought1          
#a--;,fate of the schools which they    
founded1 #b--,revival of earlier        
philosophies and especially of          
naturalism1 #c--;,antisthenes and the   
,cynics1 #d--,restoration of naturalism 
to its former dignity1 #f4  ,,ii4 ,zeno 
and ,crates1 #g--;,establishment of the 
,stoic school1 #h--;,cleanthes and      
,chrysippus1 #i--;,encyclopaedic        
character of the ,stoic teaching1       
#i--,the great place which it gave to   
physical science1 #aj--;,heracleitean   
reaction against the dualism of         
,aristotle1 #aa--;,determinism and      
materialism of the ,stoics1 #ab--,their 
concessions to the popular religion1    
#ad4  ,,iii4 ,the ,stoic theory of      
cognition purely empirical1             
#ae--;,development of formal logic1     
#af--,new importance attributed to      
judgment as distinguished from          

conception1 #af--,the idea of law1      
#ag--;,consistency as the principle of  
the ,stoic ethics1 #ah--,meaning of the 
precept1 ,follow ,nature1               
#ai--;,distinction between pleasure and 
self-interest as moral standards1       
#bj--;,absolute sufficiency of virtue   
for happiness1 #ba--,the ,stoics wrong  
from an individual1 right from a social 
point of view1 #bb--,theory of the      
passions1 #bc--,necessity of volition   
and freedom of judgment1                
#bd--;,difficulties involved in an      
appeal to purpose in creation1 #bd4     
,,iv4 ,the ,stoic paradoxes follow      
logically from the absolute distinction 
between right and wrong1 #be--;,attempt 
at a compromise with the ordinary       
morality by the doctrines 7i47 of       
preference and objection1 #bf--7;ii47 of
 permissible feeling1 #bg--7;iii47 of   
progress from folly to wisdom1 #bg--;and
 7iv47 of imperfect duties1             
#bg--;,cicero's ,de ,officiis1          
#bh--;,examples of ,stoic casuistry1    

#bi--;,justification of suicide1 #cj4   
,v4 ,three great contributions made by  
the ,stoics to ethical speculation1 7i47
 ,the inwardness of virtue1 including   
the notion of conscience1               
#ca--,prevalent misconception with      
regard to the ,erinyes1 #cb--7;ii47 ,the
 individualisation of duty1             
#cc--,process by which this idea was    
evolved1 #ce--;,its influence on the    
,romans of the empire1 #cf--7;iii47 ,the
 idea of humanity1 #cf--;,its connexion 
with the idea of ,nature1               
#cg--,utilitarianism of the ,stoics1    
#ch4  ,,vi4 ,the philanthropic          
tendencies of ,stoicism partly          
neutralised by its extreme              
individualism1 #dj--;,conservatism of   
,marcus ,aurelius1 #da--,the ,stoics at 
once unpitying and forgiving1           
#db--;,humility produced by their       
doctrine of universal depravity1        
#db--;,it is not in the power of others 
to injure us1 #dc--,the ,stoic satirists
 and ,roman society1 #dd4  ,,vii4 ,the  

idea of ,nature and the unity of        
mankind1 #dd--,the dynamism of          
,heracleitus dissociated from the       
teleology of ,socrates1 #df--,standpoint
 of ,marcus ,aurelius1 #df--,tendency to
 extricate morality from its external   
support1 #dg--,modern attacks on        
,nature1 #dh--;,evolution as an ethical 
sanction1 #di--,the vicious circle of   
evolutionist ethics1 #ej--,the idea of  
humanity created and maintained by the  
idea of a cosmos1 #ea--,the prayer of   
,cleanthes1 #eb4                        
,,chapter ,,ii4                         
,,epicurus ,,and ,,lucretius            
pages #ec-aai  ,i4 ,stationary character
 of ,epicureanism1 #ec--,prevalent      
tendency to exaggerate its scientific   
value1 #ee--,opposition or indifference 
of ,epicurus to the science of his time1
 #eg4  ,,ii4 ,life of ,epicurus1        
#eh--;,his philosophy essentially       
practical1 #ei--,the relation of        
pleasure to virtue3 ,aristippus1        
#fj--,pessimism of ,hgsias1             

#fa--;,hedonism of ,plato's ,protagoras1
 #fa--,the ,epicurean definition of     
pleasure1 #fb--,reaction of ,plato's    
idealism on ,epicurus1 #fc--;,he accepts
 the negative definition of pleasure1   
#fd--;,inconsistency involved in his    
admissions1 #fe4  ,,iii4 ,deduction of  
the particular virtues3 ,temperance1    
#ff--,points of contact with ,cynicism1 
#ff--;,evils bred by excessive          
frugality1 #fg--,sexual passion         
discouraged by ,epicureanism1           
#fg--;,comparative indulgence shown to  
pity and grief1 #fh--;,fortitude        
inculcated by minimising the evils of   
pain1 #fi--;,justice as a regard for the
 general interest1 #gj--,the motives for
 abstaining from aggression purely      
selfish1 #gj--;,indifference of the     
,epicureans to political duties1        
#gc--,success of ,epicureanism in       
promoting disinterested friendship1 #gd4
  ,,iv4 ,motives which led ,epicurus to 
include physics in his teaching1        
#ge--;,his attacks on supernaturalism   

directed less against the old           
,polytheism than against the religious  
movement whence ,catholicism sprang1    
#gf--;,justification of the tone taken  
by ,lucretius1 #gh--,plato and          
,hildebrand1 #gh--;,concessions made by 
,epicurus to the religious reaction1    
#hj--;,his criticism of the ,stoic      
theology1 #ha4  ,v4 ,why ,epicurus      
adopted the atomic theory1              
#hb--;,doctrine of infinite             
combinations1 #hc--,limited number of   
chances required by the modern theory of
 evolution1 #hd--,objections to which   
,democritus had laid himself open1      
#he--,they are not satisfactorily met by
 ,epicurus1 #he--,one naturalistic      
theory as good as another1 #hg--;except 
the conclusions of astronomy1 which are 
false1 #hg4  ,,vi4 ,materialism and the 
denial of a future life1 #hh--;,epicurus
 tries to argue away the dread of death1
 #hi--;,his enterprise inconsistent with
 human nature1 #ij--,the belief in      
future torments is the dread of death   

under another form1 #ib--;,how the      
prospect of death adds to our enjoyment 
of life1 #ic--;,its stimulating effect  
on the energies1 #id--,the love of life 
gives meaning and merit to courage1 #ie4
  ,,vii4 ,the ,epicurean theory of      
sensation and cognition1 #ie--,negative 
character of the whole system1          
#ih--,theory of human history3 the      
doctrine of progressive civilisation    
much older than ,epicurus1              
#ih--,opposition between humanism and   
naturalism on this point1 #ii--,passage 
from a drama of ,euphorion1 #ii4        
,,viii4 ,lucretius3 his want of         
philosophic originality1 #ajj--;,his    
alleged improvements on the doctrine of 
,epicurus examined1 #aja--;,his         
unreserved acceptance of the ,epicurean 
ethics1 #ajc--;,in what the difference  
between ,lucretius and ,epicurus        
consists1 #ajc--,roman enthusiasm for   
physical science1 #ajd--,sympathy of    
,lucretius with early ,greek thought1   
#aje--,the true heroine of the ,de      

,rerum ,natur1 #aje--;,exhibition of    
life in all its forms1 #ajf--,venus as  
the beginning and end of existence1     
#ajf--;,elucidation of the atomic theory
 by vital phenomena1 #ajg--;,imperfect  
apprehension of law3 the foedera        
,naturai and the foedera fati1          
#ajh--;,assimilation of the great cosmic
 changes to organic processes1          
#aaj--;,false beliefs considered as     
necessary products of human nature1     
#aaa--;and consequently as fit subjects 
for poetic treatment1 #aab--;,high      
artistic value of the ,de ,rerum ,natur1
 #aac--;,comparison between ,lucretius  
and ,dante1 #aac4  ,,ix4 ,merits and    
defects of ,epicurus3 his revival of    
atomism and rejection of                
supernaturalism1 #aad--;,his theory of  
ethics1 #aae--;,his contributions to the
 science of human nature1 #aaf--;,his   
eminence as a professor of the art of   
happiness1 #aaf--;,his influence on     
modern philosophy greatly exaggerated by
 ,m4 ,guyau1 #aag--,unique combination  

of circumstances to which ,epicureanism 
owed its origin1 #aai4                  
,,chapter ,,iii4     ,,the ,,sceptics   
,,and ,,eclectics3 ,,greek ,,philosophy 
,,in ,,rome    pages #abj-aid  ,i4      
,philosophic embassy from ,athens to    
,rome1 #abj--,lectures of ,carneades on 
,justice versus ,expediency1            
#aba--,public and private morality in   
,rome3 position of ,cato1 #abb--;,his   
motion for the dismissal of the embassy1
 #abc--;,carneades and ,plato1 #abc4    
,,ii4 ,different meanings of the word   
scepticism1 #abc--;,false scepticism as 
an ally of orthodoxy1 #abe--,vein of    
doubt running through ,greek mythology1 
#abf--,want of seriousness in ,homer's  
religion1 #abg--;,incredulous spirit    
shown by some of his characters1        
#abg--,similar tendency in ,aeschylus   
and ,herodotus1 #abh--,negative and     
sceptical elements in early ,greek      
thought1 #abh4  ,,iii4 ,protagoras the  
true father of philosophical scepticism1
 #abi--,the three theses of ,gorgias1   

#acj--,sceptical idealism of the        
,cyrenaic school1 #acb--,scepticism as  
an ally of religion with ,socrates and  
,plato1 #acc--,the ,parmenides1 the     
,sophist1 and the ,timaeus1             
#acd--,synthesis of affirmation and     
negation in metaphysics and in          
dialectics1 #ace--,use of scepticism as 
a moral sanction by the ,megarians1     
#acf4  ,,iv4 ,life and opinions of      
,pyrrho1 #acg--;,denial of first        
principles3 present aspect of the       
question1 #aci--,practical teaching of  
,pyrrho1 #adj--;,encouragement given to 
scepticism by the concentration of      
thought on human interests1             
#ada--;,illogical compromise of         
,epicurus1 #adc--,parasitic character of
 the sceptical school1 #adc4  ,v4       
,origin of the ,new ,academy1           
#add--;,character and position of       
,arcesilaus1 #ade--,the ,stoic theory of
 certainty1 #adf--;,criticism of        
,arcesilaus3 his method of infinitesimal
 transitions1 #adg--,systematic         

development and application of the      
,academic principle by ,carneades1      
#adh--;,his analysis of experience1     
#adi--;,his attack on syllogistic and   
inductive reasoning1 #aej--;,his        
criticism of the ,stoic and ,epicurean  
theologies1 #aea--,sceptical conformity 
to the established religion1            
#aec--,theory of probable evidence as a 
guide to action1 #aed--;,a priori       
reasoning of the ancient sceptics1      
#aee--,their resemblance in this respect
 to modern agnostics1 #aef--;and also in
 their treatment of ethics1             
#aeg--,obedience to ,nature inculcated  
by ,carneades1 #aeh4  ,,vi4 ,return of  
,greek thought to the ,sophistic        
standpoint1 #aeh--,obstacles to a       
revival of spiritualism1                
#aei--,platonising eclecticism of the   
,academy3 ,philo and ,antiochus1        
#afj--;,approximation of ,stoicism to   
,aristotle's teaching1 #afb--;,general  
craving for certainty and stability in  
philosophy1 #afc4  ,,vii4 ,sudden       

paralysis of the ,greek intellect1      
#afe--,probable influence of the new    
,latin literature1 #afe--;,adaptation of
 ,greek philosophy to ,roman            
requirements1 #aff--;,increased         
prominence given to the anti-religious  
side of ,epicureanism1 #afg--;,its      
ethics ill-suited to the ,roman         
character1 #afh--;,growing popularity of
 ,stoicism3 ,panaetius and ,posidonius1 
#afh--;,it is temporarily checked by the
 influence of the ,academy1 #afi4       
,,viii4 ,academic eclecticism of        
,cicero1 #agj--;,his attempted return to
 the principles of ,socrates1           
#aga--,natural instinct as the common   
ground of philosophy and untrained      
experience1 #agb--,practical agreement  
of the different ethical systems1       
#agc--,the weakness of ,cicero's        
character favourable to religious       
sentiment1 #agc--;,his theological      
position1 #agd--;,contrast between      
,cicero and ,socrates1 #age4  ,,ix4 ,the
 ideas of ,nature1 reason1 and utility1 

#agf--,meaning and value which they     
possessed for a ,roman1 #agg--;,cynic   
tendencies of ,roman thought1           
#agh--;,influence exercised by the      
younger ,cato in favour of ,stoicism1   
#agi--,the philosophy of natural law as 
illustrated in ,roman poetry1           
#ahj--,stoic elements in the ,aeneid1   
#aha--,the ,roman love of simplification
 and archaism1 #ahb--;,cynicism of      
,juvenal1 #ahc4  ,x4 ,neo-,scepticism as
 a reaction against ,naturalism3        
,aenesidmus1 #ahd--,return to the       
standpoint of ,protagoras1              
#ahd--;,critical analysis of causation  
and perception1 #ahe--,the ten ,tropes1 
#ahf--,their derivation from the        
categories of ,aristotle1               
#ahf--;,ethical scepticism of           
,aenesidemus1 #ahg--,the ,tropes        
simplified and extended to reasoning1   
#ahh--,their continued invincibility as 
against all appeals to authority1       
#ahi--;,association of ,scepticism with 
,empiricism1 #ahi--,sextus ,empiricus   

and ,hume on causation1 #aij4  ,,xi4    
,the philosophy of the dinner-bell and  
its implications1 #aia--,subsequent     
influence of ,scepticism on ,greek      
thought1 #aib--,unshaken confidence of  
the ,neo-,platonists in the power of    
reason1 #aic--,their philosophy a       
genuine return to the standpoint of     
,plato and ,aristotle1 #aic4            
,,chapter ,,iv4                         
,,the ,,religious ,,revival             
pages #aie-bfe  ,i4 ,new views          
respecting the civilisation of the      
,roman empire1 #aie--,prejudices        
formerly entertained by its historians1 
#aif--,the literary bias1               
#aig--;,evidence of intellectual and    
moral progress supplied by the study of 
jurisprudence and epigraphy1 #aig--,the 
new school of historians1 #aih--,the    
vitality of polytheism much greater than
 was formerly supposed1                 
#aii--notwithstanding the scepticism of 
the most distinguished ,roman writers1  
#aii--opposed as they were by a large   

and increasing body of religious belief1
 #bjj4  ,,ii4 ,revival of religious     
authority under ,augustus1              
#bjj--;,feeling of the provincials1     
#bja--;,isolated position of ,horace1   
#bja--,the spread of religious beliefs  
checked by the political organisation of
 the old city-state1 #bjb--;and         
encouraged by the ,roman conquest1      
#bjc--,sceptical tendencies of the      
city-aristocracies1 #bjd--the higher    
classes more favourable than the people 
to free thought down to the time of the 
,french ,revolution1 #bje4  ,,iii4      
,dissociation of wealth from education  
under the empire1 #bjf--,stupidity and  
credulity of the centurions1            
#bjg--;,ever-increasing influence       
exercised by women1 #bjh--;and          
indirectly by children1 #baj--,slavery  
and religion1 #baa--,the social         
despotism of the empire destructive to  
intellectual independence1              
#baa--;,causes which prevented the      
formation of a new aristocracy1 #bac4   

,,iv4 ,nature-worship as a universal    
religion1 #bad--;,isis and ,serapis1    
#bae--,mithras and the worship of the   
heavenly bodies1 #bae--,spread of       
,judaism in ,rome and elsewhere1        
#baf--,the ,holy ,land and the ,sabbath1
 #bah--;,continued devotion paid to the 
,olympian deities1 #bai--;,elasticity of
 ,graeco-,roman polytheism1             
#bai--;,development of indigenous       
superstition1 #bbj4  ,v4 ,oracular      
character of the pagan religions1       
#bba--;,effect produced by the          
intellectual movement in ,greece1       
#bba--,popular belief remains stationary
 or becomes retrograde3 ,deisidaimonia1 
#bbb--;,faith in omens among the        
educated classes under ,augustus1       
#bbc--;,conversion of an infidel by the 
oracle of ,mopsus1 #bbd--;,alexander of 
,abonuteichus and his dupes1 #bbd4      
,,vi4 ,belief in prophetic dreams3 the  
work of ,artemidrus1 #bbg--;,conversion 
of an ,epicurean1 #bbi--,the            
fighting-cock of ,tanagra1 #bbi--,piety 

displayed by animals1 #bcj--;,increased 
reverence paid to ,asclpius and         
,heracles1 #bcj--;,aristeides the       
rhetor1 #bca--;,deification of mortals1 
#bcb4  ,,vii4 ,the doctrine of          
immortality1 #bcc--;,epicurean epitaphs1
 #bcc--;,attitude of the ,stoics and    
,peripatetics1 #bcd--,opinions of       
literary and scientific men1            
#bcd--;,epitaphs testifying to the      
popular belief in a future life1        
#bce--;,articles found in tombs1        
#bcf--;,evidence afforded by figured    
representations1 #bcg--;,frequency of   
ghostly apparitions1 #bdj4  ,,viii4     
,reaction of supernaturalism on         
philosophy1 #bda--;,decline of          
,epicureanism1 #bda--,religious         
tendencies of ,stoicism3 ,seneca1       
#bda--;,complete substitution of        
theology for physics by ,epicttus1      
#bdc--,why he rejected the doctrine of  
human immortality1 #bdd--,superstition  
of ,marcus ,aurelius1                   
#bde--;,decomposition of ,stoicism3 the 

,cynic revival1                         
#bdf--,neo-,pythagoreanism3 its         
temporary alliance with ,stoicism1      
#bdg--;and subsequent return to the     
spiritualism of ,plato and ,aristotle1  
#bdh--,the ,neo-,pythagorean creed1     
#bdi4  ,,ix4 ,advantages possessed by   
,platonism in the struggle for          
existence1 #bej--;,great extent of its  
influence1 #bej--,the ,platonist        
daemonology1 #bea--;,conflicting        
tendencies in ,plutarch's writings1     
#bec--,unmixed superstition of ,maximus 
,tyrius and ,apuleius1 #bed--;,a prose  
hymn to ,isis1 #bee--;,combination of   
philosophy with ,oriental theology1     
#bef--,philo and the ,logos1            
#beg--;,dualistic pessimism of the      
,gnostics1 #bei4  ,x4 ,superficial      
analogy between modern ,europe and the  
,roman empire1 #bfa--;,analysis of the  
points on which they differ1            
#bfb--;,growth and influence of physical
 science1 #bfd--,spread of rationalism  
through all classes of society1 #bfe4   

,,chapter ,v4                      ,,the
 ,,spiritualism ,,of ,,plotinus         
pages #bff-cfb  ,i4 ,plutarch on ,delays
 in the ,divine ,vengeance1 #bff--;,a   
vision of judgment1 #bfg--,nero forgiven
 for the sake of ,greece1 #bfh--;,a     
century of western supremacy in politics
 and literature1 #bfh--,reaction begun  
by ,nero1 #bfi--,revival of ,greek      
literature3 ,plutarch and his           
successors1 #bfi--,renewed cultivation  
of philosophy and science1              
#bgj--,sophisticism and ,platonism of   
the second century1 #bga--,the two      
methods of interpreting ,plato1         
#bgb--,the problem of the age1 #bgc4    
,,ii4 ,life of ,plotinus1 #bgc--;,his   
personal influence and popularity1      
#bge--,the part assigned to him in a    
dialogue of ,leopardi's1                
#bgg--;,composition and arrangement of  
his writings1 #bgg--,mythical elements  
in his biography1 #bhj--;,alleged       
derivation of his teaching from         
,ammonius ,saccas1 #bha4  ,,iii4        

,difficulties presented by the style of 
,plotinus1 #bhb--;,general clearness of 
his philosophy1 #bhd--;,his dependence  
on ,plato and exclusive attention to the
 metaphysical side of ,plato's teaching1
 #bhe--;,his unacknowledged obligations 
to ,aristotle1 #bhg4  ,,iv4 ,plotinus on
 the spiritual interpretation of love   
and beauty1 #bhg--;,his departure from  
the method of ,plato1                   
#bhi--;,aristotelian influences1        
#bij--;,his subjective standpoint shared
 by ,plato and ,aristotle1              
#bia--,relation of the                  
post-,aristotelian schools to their     
predecessors1 #bib--,the antithesis     
between materialism and spiritualism    
common to both1 #bib--,services rendered
 by the later schools1 #bic4  ,v4       
,anti-materialistic arguments of        
,plotinus1 #bid--;,coincidence with     
modern philosophy1 #bie--;,criticism of 
the ,aristotelian doctrine1             
#bif--,weakness of ,greek philosophy in 
dealing with the phenomena of volition1 

#big--;,difficulties raised by          
astrology1 #bih--,plotinus as a         
philosophical critic and reformer1 #bii4
  ,,vi4 ,intermediate position of the   
soul between the principles of unity and
 division1 #cjb--;,combination of the   
,aristotelian ,nous with the ,platonic  
,ideas1 #cjc--;,difficulties to which it
 gave rise1 #cjd--,unity and plurality  
in the ,ideas and in the ,nous1         
#cjd--;,descent of the soul into the    
material world1 #cje--,the triad of     
body1 soul1 and spirit1 #cjg--,search   
for a supreme principle of existence3   
data furnished by ,plato and ,aristotle1
 #cjg--,the unity of all souls1         
#cji--,universal dependence of existence
 on unity1 #caj--,method for arriving at
 the ,one1 #caj--,to what extent        
,plotinus can be called a mystic1       
#cab--,mystical elements in the systems 
of his predecessors1 #cac4  ,,vii4      
,retrospect and recapitulation1         
#cae--,transition to the constructive   
philosophy of ,plotinus1 #cag--,three   

aspects of the supreme principle1       
#cag--;,creative power of the ,one1     
#cah--;,influence of false physical     
analogies on metaphysics1               
#cai--;,inconceivability of causation   
apart from time1 #cbj--,subjective      
nature of logical and mathematical      
sequence1 #cba--,the ,neo-,platonic     
method in the ,christian creeds1        
#cbb--;,how ,plotinus employed the      
method of generation by contraries1     
#cbb--;,difficulty of explaining the    
derivation of ,soul from ,nous1         
#cbc--;and of accounting for the        
existence of ,matter1 #cbc--,return to  
the ,platonic identification of ,matter 
with ,extension1 #cbf--;,generation of  
the ,infinite from the ,one1            
#cbg--;,hesitation of ,plotinus between 
monism and dualism1 #cbh--;,influence of
 ,stoicism1 #cbi--,substitution of      
contemplation for action as a creative  
principle1 #ccj4  ,,viii4 ,the ethics of
 ,plotinus3 derivation of the cardinal  
virtues1 #cca--;,absence of asceticism1 

#ccb--;,condemnation of suicide1        
#ccb--,similar view expressed by        
,schopenhauer1 #ccc--;,dialectic as a   
method for attaining perfection1        
#ccc--,the later writings of ,plotinus1 
#ccd4  ,,ix4 ,four points of view from  
which every great philosophical system  
may be considered1 #ccd--;,inferiority  
of ,neo-,platonism to the older schools 
of ,greek thought in absolute value1    
#cce--;,deserved neglect into which it  
has fallen1 #ccf--;,in combining the    
metaphysics of ,plato and ,aristotle    
with ,stoicism1 ,plotinus eliminates the
 elements of truth and utility which    
they severally contain1 #ccf--;,high    
aesthetic value of ,neo-,platonism1     
#cch--,purity and unworldliness of      
,plotinus1 #cci--;,complete             
self-absorption of thought which he     
represents1 #cdj4  ,x4 ,neo-,platonism  
not a product of ,oriental tendencies1  
#cda--,nor of the religious revival of  
the empire1 #cdb--,nor a mystical       
reaction against ,scepticism1           

#cdc--;,independent attitude of         
,plotinus towards the old religion1     
#cdd--;,his views on immortality1       
#cde--;,his relation to pantheism1      
#cdf--;,his attack on the ,gnostics1    
#cdg--,plotinus on the relation between 
religion and morality1                  
#cdh--,neo-,platonism a part of the     
great classical revival1 #cdi4  ,,xi4   
,the place of ,plotinus in the history  
of philosophy1 #cej--,the triumph of    
spiritualism due to his teaching1       
#cej--;,he secures the supremacy of     
,plato and ,aristotle during the ,middle
 ,ages1 #cea--;,his interpretation of   
,plato universally accepted until a     
recent date1 #ceb--,the pantheistic     
direction of modern metaphysics largely 
determined by ,plotinus1                
#cec--,neo-,platonic derivation of the  
,unknowable1 #cec--;,atavism in         
philosophy1 #cee4  ,,xii4 ,history of   
,neo-,platonism after ,plotinus1        
#cee--;,its alliance with the old       
religion1 #cef--;,continued vitality of 

polytheism1 #ceg--;,increased study of  
the classic philosophers1 #ceh--,proclus
 and his system1 #ceh--,the schools of  
,athens closed by ,justinian1 #cfj--,the
 ,greek professors in ,persia1          
#cfa--;,final extinction of pagan       
philosophy1 #cfb4                       
,,chapter ,,vi4                         
,,greek ,,philosophy ,,and ,,modern     
,,thought       pages #cfc-dcj  ,i4     
,continuity in the history of thought1  
#cfc--,the triumph of spiritualism      
followed by a breach between the two    
spiritualistic schools1                 
#cfd--;,importance of the ,realistic    
controversy1 #cfe--,why ,realism was at 
first favoured by the ,church1          
#cff--,revolution effected by the       
introduction of ,aristotle's complete   
works into the ,west1 #cfg--,platonic   
reaction of the ,renaissance1           
#cfh--;,its influence on literature1    
#cfi--,shakspeare a ,platonist1         
#cgj--,renewed ascendency of ,aristotle 
in science1 #cga4  ,,ii4 ,bacon as an   

,aristotelian1 #cgb--;,history the      
matter of science1 #cgc--;,bacon's      
method of arrangement taken from        
,aristotle1 #cgd--,origin of his        
confusion between ,form and ,law1       
#cge--,the superinduction of ,forms and 
the atomic theory1 #cgf--,relation of   
the ,novum ,organum to the ,topics1     
#cgg--,the method of negative instances1
 #cgh--,the ,lord ,chancellor and       
,nature1 #cgi--,the utilisation of      
natural forces brought about by a method
 opposed to ,bacon's1                   
#chj--;,association of the formal       
philosophy of ,aristotle and ,bacon with
 the geocentric astronomy1 #cha4  ,,iii4
 ,the philosophic importance of the     
,copernican system first perceived by   
,giordano ,bruno1 #chb--;,how it led to 
a revival of ,atomism1 #chc--;,common   
pantheistic tendency of the             
anti-,aristotelian schools1 #chd--,the  
analytical method applied to            
mathematics1 #che--,survival of         
,aristotelian ideas in the physics of   

,galileo1 #che--;,his affinities with   
,plato1 #chf--;,influence of ,platonic  
ideas on ,kepler1 #chg4  ,,iv4          
,descartes' theory of ,matter derived   
from the ,timaeus1 #chh--;and developed 
under the influence of ,democritus1     
#chi--;,how the identification of       
,matter with ,extension led to its      
complete separation from ,thought1      
#cij--,the denial of final causes a     
consequence of this separation1         
#cij--;,difference between the          
,cartesian and ,baconian views of       
teleology1 #cia--;,doctrine of animal   
automatism1 #cia--,localisation of      
feeling in the brain1 #cib--,the ,cogito
 ergo sum and its antecedents in ,greek 
philosophy1 #cib--;,descartes interprets
 ,thought after the analogy of          
,extension1 #cic--,revival of the ,stoic
 and ,epicurean materialism3 transition 
to ,hobbes1 #cid4  ,v4 ,hobbes not a    
link between ,bacon and ,locke1         
#cie--,the different meanings which they
 respectively attached to the notion of 

experience1 #cie--;,deductive and       
mathematical method of ,hobbes1         
#cif--;,his opposition to the ethics of 
,aristotle1 #cig--;,his identification  
of happiness with power1                
#cih--,subordination of the infinite to 
the finite in ,greek philosophy1        
#cih--;,contrast offered by the         
illimitable aspirations of the          
,renaissance1 #cii--;,elements out of   
which ,spinozism was formed1 #djj4      
,,vi4 ,platonic method of ,spinoza1     
#dja--,the limiting principles of ,greek
 idealism1 #djb--,their tendency to     
coalesce in a single conception1        
#djc--,similar result obtained by an    
analysis of extension and thought1      
#djd--;,genesis of ,spinoza's ,infinite 
,substance1 #dje--,the uses of unlimited
 credit in metaphysics1 #djf--,spinoza's
 theory of cognition1 #djg--,the        
identity of extension and thought1 #djh4
  ,,vii4 ,influence of ,aristotle's     
logic on ,spinoza1 #dji--,meaning of    
#8the infinite intellect of ,god1'      

#daj--;,contingency as a common property
 of extension and thought1 #daa--,the   
double-aspect theory not held by        
,spinoza1 #dab--,the distinction between
 necessity and contingency in its       
application to ethics1 #dac--,the study 
of illusion in ,malebranche and ,molire1
 #dad--;,intellectual character of      
,spinoza's ethics1 #dae--,parallel      
between knowledge and virtue1           
#daf--;,enumeration of the ,greek       
elements in ,spinoza's philosophy1 #dag4
  ,,viii4 ,the place of ,scepticism in  
,greek thought1 #dah--,parallel between 
,locke and the ,new ,academy1           
#dai--,results obtained by a complete   
application of the analytical method1   
#dbj--;,close connexion between         
philosophy and positive science1        
#dbj--;,increased prominence given to   
ethical and practical interests by the  
method of ,locke1 #dba--,the idea of    
,nature and the revival of teleology1   
#dbb--,new meaning given to hedonism by 
modern philosophy1 #dbc--,the ,stoic    

side of modern utilitarianism1          
#dbc--;,different combinations of the   
same ideas in ancient and modern        
systems1 #dbe4  ,,ix4 ,conflict between 
analytical criticism and scholasticism1 
#dbf--,the theory of evolution as a new 
application of the atomistic method1    
#dbg--,transitional character of the    
principal systems of the nineteenth     
century1 #dbh--;,aristotelian ideas in  
modern ,french thought1                 
#dbh--;,contrasting relations of ancient
 and modern philosophy to theology1     
#dcj4                             ,,the 
,,greek ,,philosophers4     ,,chapter   
,i4  ,,the ,,stoics4   ,i4  ,the systems
 of ,plato and ,aristotle were splendid 
digressions from the main line of       
ancient speculation rather than stages  
in its regular development4 ,the        
philosophers who came after them went   
back to an earlier tradition1 and the   
influence of the two greatest ,hellenic 
masters1 when it was felt at all1 was   
felt almost entirely as a disturbing or 

deflecting force4 ,the extraordinary    
reach of their principles could not1 in 
truth1 be appreciated until the         
organised experience of mankind had     
accumulated to an extent requiring the  
application of new rules for its        
comprehension and utilisation2 and to   
make such an accumulation possible1     
nothing less was needed than the        
combined efforts of the whole western   
world4 ,such religious1 educational1    
social1 and political reforms as those  
contemplated in ,plato's ,republic1     
though originally designed for a single 
city-community1 could not be realised1  
even approximately1 within a narrower   
field than that offered by the mediaeval
 church and the feudal state4 ,the ideal
 theory first gained practical          
significance in connexion with the      
metaphysics of ,christian theology4 ,the
 place given by ,plato to mathematics   
has only been fully justified by the    
development of modern science4 ,so also1
 ,aristotle's criticism became of       

practical importance only when the      
dreams against which it was directed had
 embodied themselves in a fabric of     
oppressive superstition4 ,only the vast 
extension of reasoned knowledge has     
enabled us to disentangle the vitally   
important elements of ,aristotle's logic
 from the mass of useless refinements in
 which they are imbedded2 his fourfold  
division of causes could not be         
estimated rightly even by ,bacon1       
,descartes1 or ,spinoza2 while his      
arrangement of the sciences1 his remarks
 on classification1 and his             
contributions to comparative biology    
bring us up to the very verge of        
theories whose first promulgation is    
still fresh in the memories of men4     
,again1 the spiritualism taught by      
,plato and ,aristotle alike--by the     
disciple1 indeed1 with even more        
distinctness than by the master--was so 
entirely inconsistent with the common   
belief of antiquity as to remain a dead 
letter for nearly six centuries--that   

is1 until the time of ,plotinus4 ,the   
difference between body and mind was    
recognised by every school1 but only as 
the difference between solid and gaseous
 matter is recognised by us2 while the  
antithesis between conscious and        
unconscious existence1 with all its     
momentous consequences1 was recognised  
by none4 ,the old hypothesis had to be  
thoroughly thought out before its       
insufficiency could be completely and   
irrevocably confessed4  ,nor was this   
the only reason why the spiritualists   
lost touch of their age4 ,if in some    
respects they were far in advance of    
early ,greek thought1 in other respects 
they were far behind it4 ,their systems 
were pervaded by an unphilosophical     
dualism which tended to undo much that  
had been achieved by their less         
prejudiced predecessors4 ,for this we   
have partly to blame their environment4 
,the opposition of ,god and the world1  
heaven and earth1 mind and matter1      
necessity in ,nature and free-will in   

man1 was a concession--though of course 
an unconscious concession--to the stupid
 bigotry of ,athens4 ,yet at the same   
time they had failed to solve those     
psychological problems which had most   
interest for an ,athenian public4       
,instead of following up the attempt    
made by the ,sophists and ,socrates to  
place morality on a scientific          
foundation1 they busied themselves with 
the construction of a new machinery for 
diminishing the efficacy of temptation  
or for strengthening the efficacy of    
law4 ,to the question1 ,what is the     
highest good8 ,plato gave an answer     
which nobody could understand1 and      
,aristotle an answer which was almost   
absolutely useless to anybody but       
himself4 ,the other great problem1 ,what
 is the ultimate foundation of          
knowledge8 was left in an equally       
unsatisfactory state4 ,plato never      
answered it at all2 ,aristotle merely   
pointed out the negative conditions     
which must be fulfilled by its solution4

  ,it is not1 then1 surprising that the 
,academic and ,peripatetic schools      
utterly failed to carry on the great    
movement inaugurated by their respective
 founders4 ,the successors of ,plato    
first lost themselves in a labyrinth of 
,pythagorean mysticism1 and then sank   
into the position of mere moral         
instructors4 ,the history of that       
remarkable revolution by which the      
,academy regained a foremost place in   
,greek thought1 will form the subject of
 a future chapter3 here we may          
anticipate so far as to observe that it 
was effected by taking up and presenting
 in its original purity a tradition of  
older date than ,platonism1 though      
presented under a new aspect and mixed  
with other elements by ,plato4 ,the     
heirs of ,aristotle1 after staggering on
 a few paces under the immense burden of
 his encyclopaedic bequest1 came to a   
dead halt1 and contented themselves with
 keeping the treasure safe until the    
time should arrive for its appropriation

 and reinvestment by a stronger         
speculative race4  ,no sooner did the   
two imperial systems lose their         
ascendency than the germs which they had
 temporarily overshadowed sprang up into
 vigorous vitality1 and for more than   
five centuries dominated the whole      
course not only of ,greek but of        
,european thought4 ,of these by far the 
most important was the naturalistic     
idea1 the belief that physical science  
might be substituted for religious      
superstitions and local conventions as  
an impregnable basis of conduct4 ,in a  
former chapter#a we endeavoured to show 
that1 while there are traces of this    
idea in the philosophy of ,heracleitus1 
and while its roots stretch far back    
into the literature and popular faith of
 ,greece1 it was formulated for the     
first time by the two great ,sophists1  
,prodicus and ,hippias1 who1 in the     
momentous division between ,nature and  
,law1 placed themselves--,hippias more  
particularly--on the side of ,nature4   

,two causes led to the temporary        
discredit of their teaching4 ,one was   
the perversion by which natural right   
became the watchword of those who1 like 
,plato's ,callicles1 held that nothing  
should stand between the strong man and 
the gratification of his desire for     
pleasure or for power4 ,the other was   
the keen criticism of the ,humanists1   
the friends of social convention1 who   
held with ,protagoras that ,nature was  
unknowable1 or with ,gorgias that she   
did not exist1 or with ,socrates that   
her laws were the secret of the gods4   
,it was in particular the overwhelming  
personal influence of ,socrates which   
triumphed4 ,he drew away from the       
,sophists their strongest disciple1     
,antisthenes1 and convinced him that    
philosophy was valuable only in so far  
as it became a life-renovating power1   
and that1 viewed in this light1 it had  
no relation to anything outside         
ourselves4 ,but just as ,socrates had   
discarded the physical speculations of  

former teachers1 so also did            
,antisthenes discard the dialectic which
 ,socrates had substituted for them1    
even to the extent of denying that      
definition was possible4#b ,yet he seems
 to have kept a firm hold on the two    
great ideas that were the net result of 
all previous philosophy1 the idea of a  
cosmos1 the common citizenship of which 
made all men potentially equal1#c and   
the idea of reason as the essential     
prerogative of man4#d  ,antisthenes     
pushed to its extreme consequences a    
movement begun by the naturalistic      
,sophists4 ,his doctrine was what would 
now be called anarchic collectivism4    
,the ,state1 marriage1 private property1
 and the then accepted forms of         
religion1 were to be abolished1 and all 
mankind were to herd promiscuously      
together4#e ,either he or his followers1
 alone among the ancients1 declared that
 slavery was wrong2 and1 like ,socrates1
 he held that the virtue of men and     
women was the same4#f ,but what he meant

 by this broad human virtue1 which      
according to him was identical with     
happiness1 is not clear4 ,we only know  
that he dissociated it in the strongest 
manner from pleasure4 #8,i had rather be
 mad than delighted1' is one of his     
characteristic sayings4#g ,it would     
appear1 however1 that what he really    
objected to was self-indulgence--the    
pursuit of sensual gratification for its
 own sake--and that he was ready to     
welcome the enjoyments naturally        
accompanying the healthy discharge of   
vital function4#h  ,antisthenes and his 
school1 of which ,diogenes is the most  
popular and characteristic type1 were   
afterwards known as ,cynics2 but the    
name is never mentioned by ,plato and   
,aristotle1 nor do they allude to the   
scurrility and systematic indecency     
afterwards associated with it4 ,the     
anecdotes relating to this unsavoury    
subject should be received with extreme 
suspicion4 ,there has always been a     
tendency to believe that philosophers   

carry out in practice what are vulgarly 
believed to be the logical consequences 
of their theories4 ,thus it is related  
of ,pyrrho the ,sceptic that when out   
walking he never turned aside to avoid  
any obstacle or danger1 and was only    
saved from destruction by the vigilance 
of his friends4#i ,this is of course a  
silly fable2 and we have ,aristotle's   
word for it that the ,sceptics took as  
good care of their lives as other       
people4#aj ,in like manner we may       
conjecture that the ,cynics1 advocating 
as they did a return to ,nature and     
defiance of prejudice1 were falsely     
credited with what was falsely supposed 
to be the practical exemplification of  
their precepts4 ,it is at any rate      
remarkable that ,epicttus1 a man not    
disposed to undervalue the obligations  
of decorum1 constantly refers to        
,diogenes as a kind of philosophical    
saint1 and that he describes the ideal  
,cynic in words which would apply       
without alteration to the character of a

 ,christian apostle4#aa  ,cynicism1 if  
we understand it rightly1 was only the  
mutilated form of an older philosophy   
having for its object to set morality   
free from convention1 and to found it   
anew on a scientific knowledge of       
natural law4 ,the need of such a system 
was not felt so long as ,plato and      
,aristotle were unfolding their         
wonderful schemes for a reorganisation  
of action and belief4 ,with the         
temporary collapse of those schemes it  
came once more to the front4 ,the result
 was a new school which so thoroughly   
satisfied the demands of the age1 that  
for five centuries the noblest spirits  
of ,greece and ,rome1 with few          
exceptions1 adhered to its doctrines2   
that in dying it bequeathed some of     
their most vital elements to the        
metaphysics and the theology by which it
 was succeeded2 that with their decay it
 reappeared as an important factor in   
modern thought2 and that its name has   
become imperishably associated in our   

own language with the proud endurance of
 suffering1 the self-sufficingness of   
conscious rectitude1 and the            
renunciation of all sympathy1 except    
what may be derived from contemplation  
of the immortal dead1 whose heroism is  
recorded in history1 or of the eternal  
cosmic forces performing their glorious 
offices with unimpassioned energy and   
imperturbable repose4   ,,ii4  ,one day1
 some few years after the death of      
,aristotle1 a short1 lean1 swarthy young
 man1 of weak build1 with clumsily      
shaped limbs1 and head inclined to one  
side1 was standing in an ,athenian      
bookshop1 intently studying a roll of   
manuscript4 ,his name was ,zeno1 and he 
was a native of ,citium1 a ,greek colony
 in ,cyprus1 where the ,hellenic element
 had become adulterated with a          
considerable ,phoenician infusion4      
,according to some accounts1 ,zeno had  
come to the great centre of intellectual
 activity to study1 according to others 
for the sale of ,tyrian purple4 ,at any 

rate the volume which he held in his    
hand decided his vocation4 ,it was the  
second book of ,xenophon's ,memoirs of  
,socrates4 ,zeno eagerly asked where    
such men as he whose sayings stood      
recorded there were to be found4 ,at    
that moment the ,cynic ,crates happened 
to pass by4 #8,there is one of them1'   
said the bookseller1 #8follow him4'#ab  
,the history of this ,crates was        
distinguished by the one solitary       
romance of ,greek philosophy4 ,a young  
lady of noble family1 named ,hipparchia1
 fell desperately in love with him1     
refused several most eligible suitors1  
and threatened to kill herself unless   
she was given to him in marriage4 ,her  
parents in despair sent for ,crates4    
,marriage1 for a philosopher1 was       
against the principles of his sect1 and 
he at first joined them in endeavouring 
to dissuade her4 ,finding his           
remonstrances unavailing1 he at last    
flung at her feet the staff and wallet  
which constituted his whole worldly     

possessions1 exclaiming1 #8,here is the 
bridegroom1 and that is the dower4      
,think of this matter well1 for you     
cannot be my partner unless you follow  
the same calling with me4' ,hipparchia  
consented1 and thenceforth1 heedless of 
taunts1 conformed her life in every     
respect to the ,cynic pattern4#ac  ,zeno
 had more delicacy or less fortitude    
than ,hipparchia2 and the very meagre   
intellectual fare provided by ,crates   
must have left his inquisitive mind     
unsatisfied4 ,accordingly we find him   
leaving this rather disappointing       
substitute for ,socrates1 to study      
philosophy under ,stilpo the ,megarian  
dialectician and ,polemo the head of the
 ,academy2#ad while we know that he must
 have gone back to ,heracleitus for the 
physical basis from which contemporary  
speculation had by this time cut itself 
completely free4 ,at length1 about the  
beginning of the third century ,b4,c41  
,zeno1 after having been a learner for  
twenty years1 opened a school on his own

 account4 ,as if to mark the practical  
bearing of his doctrine he chose one of 
the most frequented resorts in the city 
for its promulgation4 ,there was at     
,athens a portico called the ,poecile   
,stoa1 adorned with frescoes by         
,polygntus1 the greatest painter of the 
,cimonian period4 ,it was among the     
monuments of that wonderful city1 at    
once what the ,loggia dei ,lanzi is to  
,florence1 and what ,raphael's ,stanze  
are to ,rome2 while1 like the ,place de 
la ,concorde in ,paris1 it was darkened 
by the terrible associations of a       
revolutionary epoch4 ,a century before  
,zeno's time fourteen hundred ,athenian 
citizens had been slaughtered under its 
colonnades by order of the ,thirty4 #8,i
 will purify the ,stoa1' said the       
,cypriote stranger2#ae and the feelings 
still associated with the word ,stoicism
 prove how nobly his promise was        
fulfilled4  ,how much of the complete   
system known in later times under this  
name was due to ,zeno himself1 we do not

 know2 for nothing but a few fragments  
of his and of his immediate successors' 
writings is left4 ,the idea of combining
 ,antisthenes with ,heracleitus1 and    
both with ,socrates1 probably belongs to
 the founder of the school4 ,his        
successor1 ,cleanthes1 a man of         
character rather than of intellect1 was 
content to hand on what the master had  
taught4 ,then came another ,cypriote1   
,chrysippus1 of whom we are told that   
without him the ,stoa would not have    
existed2#af so thoroughly did he work   
out the system in all its details1 and  
so strongly did he fortify its positions
 against hostile criticism by a         
framework of elaborate dialectic4       
#8,give me the propositions1 and ,i will
 find the proofs6' he used to say to    
,cleanthes4#ag ,after him1 nothing of   
importance was added to the doctrines of
 the school2 although the spirit by     
which they were animated seems to have  
undergone profound modifications in the 
lapse of ages4  ,in reality1 ,stoicism  

was not1 like the older ,greek          
philosophies1 a creation of individual  
genius4 ,it bears the character of a    
compilation both on its first exposition
 and on its final completion4 ,polemo1  
who had been a fine gentleman before he 
became a philosopher1 taunted ,zeno with
 filching his opinions from every       
quarter1 like the cunning little        
,phoenician trader that he was4#ah ,and 
it was said that the seven hundred      
treatises of ,chrysippus would be       
reduced to a blank if everything that he
 had borrowed from others were to be    
erased4 ,he seems1 indeed1 to have been 
the father of review-writers1 and to    
have used the reviewer's right of       
transcription with more than modern     
license4 ,nearly a whole tragedy of     
,euripides reappeared in one of his     
#8articles1' and a wit on being asked   
what he was reading1 replied1 #8the     
,medea of ,chrysippus4'#ai  ,in this    
respect ,stoicism betrays its descent   
from the encyclopaedic lectures of the  

earlier ,sophists1 particularly         
,hippias4 ,while professedly            
subordinating every other study to the  
art of virtuous living1 its expositors  
seem to have either put a very wide     
interpretation on virtue1 or else to    
have raised its foundation to a most    
unnecessary height4 ,they protested     
against ,aristotle's glorification of   
knowledge as the supreme end1 and       
declared its exclusive pursuit to be    
merely a more refined form of           
self-indulgence2#bj but1 being ,greeks1 
they shared the speculative passion with
 him1 and seized on any pretext that    
enabled them to gratify it4 ,and this   
inquisitiveness was apparently much     
stronger in ,asiatic ,hellas1 whence the
 ,stoics were almost entirely recruited1
 than in the old country1 where         
centuries of intellectual activity had  
issued in a scepticism from which their 
fresher minds revolted4#ba ,it is       
mentioned by ,zeller as a proof of      
exhaustion and comparative indifference 

to such enquiries1 that the ,stoics     
should have fallen back on the          
,heracleitean philosophy for their      
physics4#bb ,but all the ideas          
respecting the constitution of ,nature  
that were then possible had already been
 put forward4 ,the ,greek capacity for  
discovery was perhaps greater in the    
third century than at any former time2  
but from the very progress of science it
 was necessarily confined to            
specialists1 such as ,aristarchus of    
,samos or ,archimedes4 ,and if the      
,stoics made no original contributions  
to physical science1 they at least      
accepted what seemed at that time to be 
its established results2 here1 as in    
other respects1 offering a marked       
contrast to the ,epicurean school4 ,if a
 ,cleanthes assailed the heliocentric   
hypothesis of ,aristarchus on religious 
grounds1 he was treading in the         
footsteps of ,aristotle4 ,it is far more
 important that he or his successors    
should have taught the true theory of   

the earth's shape1 of the moon's phases1
 of eclipses1 and of the relative size  
and distance of the heavenly bodies4#bc 
,on this last subject1 indeed1 one of   
the later ,stoics1 ,posidonius1 arrived 
at or accepted conclusions which1       
although falling far short of the       
reality1 approximated to it in a very   
remarkable manner1 when we consider what
 imperfect means of measurement the     
,greek astronomers had at their         
disposition4#bd  ,in returning to one of
 the older cosmologies1 the ,stoics     
placed themselves in opposition to the  
system of ,aristotle as a whole1        
although on questions of detail they    
frequently adopted his conclusions4 ,the
 object of ,heracleitus1 as against the 
,pythagoreans1 had been to dissolve away
 every antithesis in a pervading unity  
of contradictories2 and1 as against the 
,eleatics1 to substitute an eternal     
series of transformations for the       
changeless unity of absolute existence4 
,the ,stoics now applied the same method

 on a scale proportionate to the        
subsequent development of thought4      
,aristotle had carefully distinguished  
,god from the world1 even to the extent 
of isolating him from all share in its  
creation and interest in its affairs4   
,the ,stoics declared that ,god and the 
world were one4 ,so far1 it is allowable
 to call them pantheists4 ,yet their    
pantheism was very different from what  
we are accustomed to denote by that     
name2 from the system of ,spinoza1 for  
example4 ,their strong faith in final   
causes and in ,providence--a faith in   
which they closely followed             
,socrates--would be hardly consistent   
with anything but the ascription of a   
distinct and individual consciousness to
 the ,supreme ,being1 which is just what
 modern pantheists refuse to admit4     
,their ,god was sometimes described as  
the soul of the world1 the fiery element
 surrounding and penetrating every other
 kind of matter4 ,what remained was the 
body of ,god2 but it was a body which he

 had originally created out of his own  
substance1 and would1 in the fulness of 
time1 absorb into that substance        
again4#be ,thus they kept the future    
conflagration foretold by ,heracleitus1 
but gave it a more religious colouring4 
,the process of creation was then to    
begin over again1 and all things were to
 run the same course as before down to  
the minutest particulars1 human history 
repeating itself1 and the same persons  
returning to live the same lives once   
more4#bf ,such a belief evidently       
involved the most rigid fatalism3 and   
here again their doctrine offers a      
pointed contrast to that of ,aristotle4 
,the ,stagirite1 differing1 as it would 
seem1 in this respect from all the older
 physicists1 maintained that there was  
an element of chance and spontaneity in 
the sublunary sphere2 and without going 
very deeply into the mechanism of       
motives or the theory of moral          
responsibility1 he had claimed a similar
 indeterminateness for the human will4  

,stoicism would hear of neither2 with   
it1 as with modern science1 the chain of
 causation is unbroken from first to    
last1 and extends to all phenomena      
alike4 ,the old theological notion of an
 omnipotent divine will1 or of a destiny
 superior even to that will1 was at once
 confirmed and continued by the new     
theory of natural law2 just as the      
predestination of the ,reformers        
reappeared in the metaphysical          
rationalism of ,spinoza4#bg  ,this dogma
 of universal determinism was combined  
in the ,stoical system with an equally  
outspoken materialism4 ,the capacity for
 either acting or being acted on was1   
according to ,plato1 the one convincing 
evidence of real existence2 and he had  
endeavoured to prove that there is such 
a thing as mind apart from matter by its
 possession of this characteristic      
mark4#bh ,the ,stoics simply reversed   
his argument4 ,whatever acts or is acted
 on1 they said1 must be corporeal2      
therefore the soul is a kind of body4#bi

 ,here they only followed the common    
opinion of all philosophers who believed
 in an external world1 except ,plato and
 ,aristotle1 while to a certain extent  
anticipating the scientific automatism  
first taught in modern times by         
,spinoza1 and simultaneously revived by 
various thinkers in our own day4 ,to a  
certain extent only2 for they did not   
recognise the independent reality of a  
consciousness in which the mechanical   
processes are either reflected1 or      
represented under a different aspect4   
,and they further gave their theory a   
somewhat grotesque expression by        
interpreting those qualities and        
attributes of things1 which other       
materialists have been content to       
consider as belonging to matter1 as     
themselves actual bodies4 ,for instance1
 the virtues and vices were1 according  
to them1 so many gaseous currents by    
which the soul is penetrated and        
shaped--a materialistic rendering of    
,plato's theory that qualities are      

distinct and independent substances4#cj 
,we must mention as an additional point 
of contrast between the ,stoics and the 
subsequent schools which they most      
resembled1 that while these look on the 
soul as inseparable from the body1 and  
sharing its fortunes from first to last1
 although perfectly distinct from it in 
idea1 they emphasised the antithesis    
between the two just as strongly as     
,plato1 giving the soul an absolutely   
infinite power of self-assertion during 
our mortal life1 and allowing it a      
continued1 though not an immortal1      
existence after death4#ca  ,what has    
been said of the human soul applies     
equally to ,god1 who is the soul of the 
world4 ,he also is conceived under the  
form of a material but very subtle and  
all-penetrating element to which our    
souls are much more closely akin than to
 the coarse clay with which they are    
temporarily associated4 ,and it was     
natural that the heavenly bodies1 in    
whose composition the ethereal element  

seemed so visibly to predominate1 should
 pass with the ,stoics1 as with ,plato  
and ,aristotle1 for conscious beings    
inferior only in sacredness and majesty 
to the ,supreme ,ruler of all4#cb ,thus1
 the philosophy which we are studying   
helps to prove the strength and         
endurance of the religious reaction to  
which ,socrates first gave an           
argumentative expression1 and by which  
he was ultimately hurried to his doom4  
,we may even trace its increasing       
ascendency through the successive stages
 of the ,naturalistic school4 ,prodicus 
simply identified the gods of polytheism
 with unconscious physical forces2#cc   
,antisthenes1 while discarding local    
worship1 believed1 like ,rousseau1 in   
the existence of a single deity2#cd     
,zeno1 or his successors1 revived the   
whole pantheon1 but associated it with a
 pure morality1 and explained away its  
more offensive features by an elaborate 
system of allegorical interpretation4#ce
  ,it was not1 however1 by its legendary

 beliefs that the living power of       
ancient religion was displayed1 but by  
the study and practice of divination4   
,this was to the ,greeks and ,romans    
what priestly direction is to a         
,catholic1 or the interpretation of     
,scripture texts to a ,protestant       
believer4 ,and the ,stoics1 in their    
anxiety to uphold religion as a bulwark 
of morality1 went entirely along with   
the popular superstition2 while at the  
same time they endeavoured to reconcile 
it with the universality of natural law 
by the same clumsily rationalistic      
methods that have found favour with some
 modern scientific defenders of the     
miraculous4 ,the signs by which we are  
enabled to predict an event entered1    
they said1 equally with the event       
itself1 into the order of ,nature1 being
 either connected with it by direct     
causation1 as is the configuration of   
the heavenly bodies at a man's birth    
with his after fortunes1 or determined  
from the beginning of the world to      

precede it according to an invariable   
rule1 as with the indications derived   
from inspecting the entrails of         
sacrificial victims4 ,and when sceptics 
asked of what use was the premonitory   
sign when everything was predestined1   
they replied that our behaviour in view 
of the warning was predestined as       
well4#cf  ,to us the religion of the    
,stoics is interesting chiefly as a part
 of the machinery by which they         
attempted to make good the connexion    
between natural and moral law1 assumed  
rather than proved by their ,sophistic  
and ,cynic precursors4 ,but before      
proceeding to this branch of the subject
 we must glance at their mode of        
conceiving another side of the          
fundamental relationship between man and
 the universe4 ,this is logic in its    
widest sense1 so understood as to       
include the theory of the process by    
which we get our knowledge and of the   
ultimate evidence on which it rests1 no 
less than the theory of formal          

ratiocination4   ,,iii4  ,in their      
theory of cognition the ,stoics chiefly 
followed ,aristotle2 only with them the 
doctrine of empiricism is enunciated so 
distinctly as to be placed beyond the   
reach of misinterpretation4 ,the mind is
 at first a tabula rasa1 and all our    
ideas are derived exclusively from the  
senses4#cg ,but while knowledge as a    
whole rests on sense1 the validity of   
each particular sense-perception must be
 determined by an appeal to reason1 in  
other words1 to the totality of our     
acquired experience4#ch ,so also the    
first principles of reasoning are not to
 be postulated1 with ,aristotle1 as     
immediately and unconditionally certain2
 they are to be assumed as              
hypothetically true and gradually tested
 by the consequences deducible from     
them4#ci ,both principles well          
illustrate the synthetic method of the  
,stoics--their habit of bringing into   
close connexion whatever ,aristotle had 
studiously held apart4 ,and we must     

maintain1 in opposition to the ,german  
critics1 that their method marks a real 
advance on his4 ,it ought at any rate to
 find more favour with the experiential 
school of modern science1 with those who
 hold that the highest mathematical and 
physical laws are proved1 not by the    
impossibility of conceiving their       
contradictories1 but by their close     
agreement with all the facts accessible 
to our observation4  ,it was a          
consequence of the principle just stated
 that in formal logic the ,stoics should
 give precedence to the hypothetical    
over the categorical syllogism4#dj ,from
 one point of view their preference for 
this mode of stating an argument was an 
advance on the method of ,aristotle1    
whose reasonings1 if explicitly set out1
 would have assumed the form of         
disjunctive syllogisms4 ,from another   
point of view it was a return to the    
older dialectics of ,socrates and       
,plato1 who always looked on their major
 premises as possessing only a          

conditional validity--conditional1 that 
is to say1 on the consent of their      
interlocutor4 ,we have further to note  
that both the disjunctive and the       
hypothetical syllogism were first       
recognised as such by the ,stoics2 a    
discovery connected with the feature    
which most profoundly distinguishes     
their logic from ,aristotle's logic4 ,we
 showed1 in dealing with the latter1    
that it is based on an analysis of the  
concept1 and that all its imperfections 
are due to that single circumstance4 ,it
 was the ,stoics who first brought      
judgment1 so fatally neglected by the   
author of the ,analytics1 into proper   
prominence4 ,having once grasped        
propositions as the beginning and end of
 reasoning1 they naturally and under the
 guidance of common language1 passed    
from simple to complex assertions1 and  
immediately detected the arguments to   
which these latter serve as a           
foundation4 ,and if we proceed to ask   
why they were more interested in        

judgment than in conception1 we shall   
probably find the explanation to be that
 their philosophy had its root in the   
ethical and practical interests which   
involve a continual process of          
injunction and belief1 that is to say1 a
 continual association of such disparate
 notions as an impression and an action2
 while the ,aristotelian philosophy1    
being ultimately derived from early     
,greek thought1 had for its leading     
principle the circumscription of        
external objects and their              
representation under the form of a      
classified series4 ,thus the            
naturalistic system1 starting with the  
application of scientific ideas to human
 life1 ultimately carried back into     
science the vital idea of ,law2 that is1
 of fixed relations subsisting between  
disparate phenomena4 ,and this in turn  
led to the reinterpretation of knowledge
 as the subsumption of less general     
under more general relations4  ,under   
the guidance of a somewhat similar      

principle the ,stoic logicians attempted
 a reform of ,aristotle's categories4   
,these they reduced to four3 ,substance1
 ,quality1 ,disposition1 and ,relation 7
 1  1   1 and     #da72 and the change  
was an improvement in so far as it      
introduced a certain method and         
subordination where none existed before2
 for each category implies1 and is      
contained in1 its predecessor2 whereas  
the only order traceable in ,aristotle's
 categories refers to the comparative   
frequency of the questions to which they
 correspond4  ,with the idea of         
subsumption and subordination to law1 we
 pass at once to the ,stoic ethics4 ,for
 ,zeno1 the end of life was             
self-consistency2 for ,cleanthes1       
consistency with ,nature2 for           
,chrysippus1 both the one and the       
other4#db ,the still surviving          
individualism of the ,cynics is         
represented in the first of these       
principles2 the religious inspiration of
 the ,stoa in the second2 and the       

comprehensiveness of its great          
systematising intellect in the last4 ,on
 the other hand1 there is a vagueness   
about the idea of self-consistency which
 seems to date from a time when         
,stoicism was less a new and exclusive  
school than an endeavour to appropriate 
whatever was best in the older schools4 
,for to be consistent is the common     
ideal of all philosophy1 and is just    
what distinguishes it from the          
uncalculating impulsiveness of ordinary 
life1 the chance inspirations of        
ordinary thought4 ,but the ,peripatetic 
who chose knowledge as his highest good 
differed widely from the ,hedonist who  
made pleasure or painlessness his end2  
and even if they agreed in thinking that
 the highest pleasure is yielded by     
knowledge1 the ,stoic himself would     
assert that the object of their common  
pursuit was with both alike essentially 
unmoral4 ,he would1 no doubt1 maintain  
that the self-consistency of any theory 
but his own was a delusion1 and that all

 false moralities would1 if consistently
 acted out1 inevitably land their       
professors in a contradiction4#dc ,yet  
the absence of contradiction1 although a
 valuable verification1 is too negative 
a mark to serve for the sole test of    
rightness2 and thus we are led on to the
 more specific standard of              
conformability to ,nature1 whether our  
own or that of the universe as a whole4 
,here again a difficulty presents       
itself4 ,the idea of ,nature had taken  
such a powerful hold on the ,greek mind 
that it was employed by every school in 
turn--except perhaps by the extreme     
sceptics1 still faithful to the         
traditions of ,protagoras and           
,gorgias--and was confidently appealed  
to in support of the most divergent     
ethical systems4 ,we find it occupying a
 prominent place both in ,plato's ,laws 
and in ,aristotle's ,politics2 while the
 maxim1 ,follow ,nature1 was borrowed by
 ,zeno himself from ,polemo1 the head of
 the ,academy1 or perhaps from ,polemo's

 predecessor1 ,xenocrates4 ,and         
,epicurus1 the great opponent of        
,stoicism1 maintained1 not without      
plausibility1 that every animal is led  
by ,nature to pursue its own pleasure in
 preference to any other end4#dd ,thus1 
when ,cleanthes declared that pleasure  
was unnatural1#de he and the ,epicureans
 could not have been talking about the  
same thing4 ,they must have meant       
something different by pleasure or by   
nature or by both4  ,the last           
alternative seems the most probable4    
,nature with the ,stoics was a fixed    
objective order whereby all things work 
together as co-operant parts of a single
 system4 ,each has a certain office to  
perform1 and the perfect performance of 
it is the creature's virtue1 or reason1 
or highest good3 these three expressions
 being always used as strictly          
synonymous terms4 ,here we have the     
teleology1 the dialectics1 and the      
utilitarianism of ,socrates1 so worked  
out and assimilated that they differ    

only as various aspects of a single     
truth4 ,the three lines of ,socratic    
teaching had also been drawn to a single
 point by ,plato2 but his idealism had  
necessitated the creation of a new world
 for their development and              
concentration4 ,the idea of ,nature as  
it had grown up under the hands of      
,heracleitus1 the ,sophists1 and        
,antisthenes1 supplied ,zeno with a     
ready-made mould into which his         
reforming aspirations could be run4 ,the
 true ,republic was not a pattern laid  
up in heaven1 nor was it restricted to  
the narrow dimensions of a single       
,hellenic state4 ,it was the whole real 
universe1 in every part of which except 
in the works of wicked men a divine law 
was recognised and obeyed4#df ,nay1     
according to ,cleanthes1 ,god's law is  
obeyed even by the wicked1 and the      
essence of morality consists only in its
 voluntary fulfilment4 ,as others very  
vividly put it1 we are like a dog tied  
under a cart2 if we do not choose to run

 we shall be dragged along4#dg  ,it will
 now be better understood whence arose  
the hostility of the ,stoics to         
pleasure1 and how they could speak of it
 in what seems such a paradoxical style4
 ,it was subjective feeling as opposed  
to objective law2 it was relative1      
particular1 and individual1 as opposed  
to their formal standard of right2 and  
it was continually drawing men away from
 their true nature by acting as a       
temptation to vice4 ,thus1 probably for 
the last reason1 ,cleanthes could speak 
of pleasure as contrary to ,nature2     
while less rigorous authorities regarded
 it as absolutely indifferent1 being a  
consequence of natural actions1 not an  
essential element in their performance4 
,and when their opponents pointed to the
 universal desire for pleasure as a     
proof that it was the natural end of    
animated beings1 the ,stoics answered   
that what ,nature had in view was not   
pleasure at all1 but the preservation of
 life itself4#dh  ,such an              

interpretation of instinct introduces us
 to a new principle--self-interest2 and 
this was1 in fact1 recognised on all    
hands as the foundation of right        
conduct2 it was about the question1     
,what is our interest8 that the ancient 
moralists were disagreed4 ,the ,cynics  
apparently held that1 for every being1  
simple existence is the only good1 and  
therefore with them virtue meant        
limiting oneself to the bare necessaries
 of life2 while by following ,nature    
they meant reducing existence to its    
lowest terms1 and assimilating our      
actions1 so far as possible1 to those of
 the lower animals1 plants1 or even     
stones1 all of which require no more    
than to maintain the integrity of their 
proper nature4  ,where the ,cynics left 
off the ,stoics began4 ,recognising     
simple self-preservation as the earliest
 interest and duty of man1 they held    
that his ultimate and highest good was  
complete self-realisation1 the          
development of that rational1 social1   

and beneficent nature which             
distinguishes him from the lower        
animals4#di ,here their teleological    
religion came in as a valuable sanction 
for their ethics4 ,epicttus1 probably   
following older authorities1 argues that
 self-love has purposely been made      
identical with sociability4 #8,the      
nature of an animal is to do all things 
for its own sake4 ,accordingly ,god has 
so ordered the nature of the rational   
animal that it cannot obtain any        
particular good without at the same time
 contributing to the common good4       
,because it is self-seeking it is not   
therefore unsocial4'#ej ,but if our     
happiness depends on external goods1    
then we shall begin to fight with one   
another for their possession3#ea        
friends1 father1 country1 the gods      
themselves1 everything will1 with good  
reason1 be sacrificed to their          
attainment4 ,and1 regarding this as a   
self-evident absurdity1 ,epicttus       
concludes that our happiness must       

consist solely in a righteous will1     
which we know to have been the doctrine 
of his whole school4  ,we have now      
reached the great point on which the    
,stoic ethics differed from that of     
,plato and ,aristotle4 ,the two latter1 
while upholding virtue as the highest   
good1 allowed external advantages like  
pleasure and exemption from pain to     
enter into their definition of perfect  
happiness2 nor did they demand the      
entire suppression of passion1 but1 on  
the contrary1 assigned it to a certain  
part in the formation of character4 ,we 
must add1 although it was not a point   
insisted on by the ancient critics1 that
 they did not bring out the socially    
beneficent character of virtue with     
anything like the distinctness of their 
successors4 ,the ,stoics1 on the other  
hand1 refused to admit that there was   
any good but a virtuous will1 or that   
any useful purpose could be served by   
irrational feeling4 ,if the passions    
agree with virtue they are superfluous1 

if they are opposed to it they are      
mischievous2 and once we give them the  
rein they are more likely to disagree   
with than to obey it4#eb ,the severer   
school had more reason on their side    
than is commonly admitted4 ,either there
 is no such thing as duty at all1 or    
duty must be paramount over every other 
motive--that is to say1 a perfect man   
will discharge his obligations at the   
sacrifice of every personal advantage4  
,there is no pleasure that he will not  
renounce1 no pain that he will not      
endure1 rather than leave them          
unfulfilled4 ,but to assume this        
supremacy over his will1 duty must be   
incommensurable with any other motive2  
if it is a good at all1 it must be the  
only good4 ,to identify virtue with     
happiness seems to us absurd1 because we
 are accustomed to associate it         
exclusively with those dispositions     
which are the cause of happiness in     
others1 or altruism2 and happiness      
itself with pleasure or the absence of  

pain1 which are states of feeling       
necessarily conceived as egoistic4 ,but 
neither the ,stoics nor any other       
ancient moralists recognised such a     
distinction4 ,all agreed that public and
 private interest must somehow be       
identified2 the only question being1    
should one be merged in the other1 and  
if so1 which8 or should there be an     
illogical compromise between the two4   
,the alternative chosen by ,zeno was    
incomparably nobler than the method of  
,epicurus1 while it was more consistent 
than the methods of ,plato and          
,aristotle4 ,he regarded right conduct  
exclusively in the light of those       
universal interests with which alone it 
is properly concerned2 and if he        
appealed to the motives supplied by     
personal happiness1 this was a confusion
 of phraseology rather than of thought4 
,the treatment of the passions by the   
,stoic school presents greater          
difficulties1 due partly to their own   
vacillation1 partly to the very         

indefinite nature of the feelings in    
question4 ,it will be admitted that here
 also the claims of duty are supreme4   
,to follow the promptings of fear or of 
anger1 of pity or of love1 without      
considering the ulterior consequences of
 our action1 is1 of course1 wrong4 ,for 
even if1 in any particular instance1 no 
harm comes of the concession1 we cannot 
be sure that such will always be the    
case2 and meanwhile the passion is      
strengthened by indulgence4 ,and we have
 also to consider the bad effect        
produced on the character of those who1 
finding themselves the object of        
passion1 learn to address themselves to 
it instead of to reason4 ,difficulties  
arise when we begin to consider how far 
education should aim at the systematic  
discouragement of strong emotion4 ,here 
the ,stoics seem to have taken up a     
position not very consistent either with
 their appeals to ,nature or with their 
teleological assumptions4 ,nothing      
strikes one as more unnatural than the  

complete absence of human feeling2 and a
 believer in design might plausibly     
maintain that every emotion conduced to 
the preservation either of the          
individual or of the race4 ,we find1    
however1 that the ,stoics1 here as      
elsewhere reversing the ,aristotelian   
method1 would not admit the existence of
 a psychological distinction between    
reason and passion4 ,according to their 
analysis1 the emotions are so many      
different forms of judgment4 ,joy and   
sorrow are false opinions respecting    
good and evil in the present3 desire and
 fear1 false opinions respecting good   
and evil in the future4#ec ,but1        
granting a righteous will to be the only
 good1 and its absence the only evil1   
there can be no room for any of these   
feelings in the mind of a truly virtuous
 man1 since his opinions on the subject 
of good are correct1 and its possession 
depends entirely on himself4 ,everything
 else arises from an external necessity1
 to strive with which would be useless  

because it is inevitable1 foolish       
because it is beneficent1 and impious   
because it is supremely wise4  ,it will 
be seen that the ,stoics condemned      
passion not as the cause of immoral     
actions but as intrinsically vicious in 
itself4 ,hence their censure extended to
 the rapturous delight and passionate   
grief which seem entirely out of        
relation to conduct properly so called4 
,this was equivalent to saying that the 
will has complete control over emotion2 
a doctrine which our philosophers did   
not shrink from maintaining4 ,it might  
have been supposed that a position which
 the most extreme supporters of         
free-will would hardly accept1 would    
find still less favour with an avowedly 
necessarian school4 ,and to regard the  
emotions as either themselves beliefs1  
or as inevitably caused by beliefs1     
would seem to remove them even farther  
from the sphere of moral responsibility4
 ,the ,stoics1 however1 having arrived  
at the perfectly true doctrine that     

judgment is a form of volition1 seem to 
have immediately invested it as such    
with the old associations of free choice
 which they were at the same time busily
 engaged in stripping off from other    
exercises of the same faculty4 ,they    
took up the ,socratic paradox that      
virtue is knowledge2 but they would not 
agree with ,socrates that it could be   
instilled by force of argument4 ,to them
 vice was not so much ignorance as the  
obstinate refusal to be convinced4#ed   
,the ,stoic arguments are1 indeed1 when 
we come to analyse them1 appeal to      
authority rather than to the logical    
understanding4 ,we are told again and   
again that the common objects of desire 
and dread cannot really be good or evil1
 because they are not altogether under  
our control4#ee ,and if we ask why this 
necessarily excludes them from the class
 of things to be pursued or avoided1 the
 answer is that man1 having been created
 for perfect happiness1 must also have  
been created with the power to secure it

 by his own unaided exertions4 ,but1    
even granting the very doubtful thesis  
that there is any ascertainable purpose 
in creation at all1 it is hard to see   
how the ,stoics could have answered any 
one who chose to maintain that man is   
created for enjoyment2 since1 judging by
 experience1 he has secured a larger    
share of it than of virtue1 and is just 
as capable of gaining it by a mere      
exercise of volition4 ,for the          
professors of the ,porch fully admitted 
that their ideal sage had never been    
realised2 which1 with their opinions    
about the indivisibility of virtue1 was 
equivalent to saying that there never   
had been such a thing as a good man at  
all4 ,or1 putting the same paradox into 
other words1 since the two classes of   
wise and foolish divide humanity between
 them1 and since the former class has   
only an ideal existence1 they were      
obliged to admit that mankind are not   
merely most of them fools1 but all      
fools4 ,and this1 as ,plutarch has      

pointed out in his very clever attack on
 ,stoicism1 is equivalent to saying that
 the scheme of creation is a complete   
failure4#ef   ,,iv4  ,the               
inconsistencies of a great philosophical
 system are best explained by examining 
its historical antecedents4 ,we have    
already attempted to disentangle the    
roots from which ,stoicism was          
nourished1 but one of the most important
 has not yet been taken into account4   
,this was the still continued influence 
of ,parmenides1 derived1 if not from his
 original teaching1 then from some one  
or more of the altered shapes through   
which it had passed4 ,it has been shown 
how ,zeno used the ,heracleitean method 
to break down all the demarcations      
laboriously built up by ,plato and      
,aristotle4 ,spirit was identified with 
matter2 ideas with aerial currents2 ,god
 with the world2 rational with sensible 
evidence2 volition with judgment2 and   
emotion with thought4 ,but the idea of a
 fundamental antithesis1 expelled from  

every other department of enquiry1 took 
hold with all the more energy on what1  
to ,stoicism1 was the most vital of all 
distinctions--that between right and    
wrong4#eg ,once grasp this              
transformation of a metaphysical into a 
moral principle1 and every paradox of   
the system will be seen to follow from  
it with logical necessity4 ,what the    
supreme ,idea had been to ,plato and    
self-thinking thought to ,aristotle1    
that virtue became to the new school1   
simple1 unchangeable1 and               
self-sufficient4 ,it must not only be   
independent of pleasure and pain1 but   
absolutely incommensurable with them2   
therefore there can be no happiness     
except what it gives4 ,as an indivisible
 unity1 it must be possessed entirely or
 not at all2 and being eternal1 once    
possessed it can never be lost4         
,further1 since the same action may be  
either right or wrong1 according to the 
motive of its performance1 virtue is    
nothing external1 but a subjective      

disposition1 a state of the will and the
 affections2 or1 if these are to be     
considered as judgments1 a state of the 
reason4 ,finally1 since the universe is 
organised reason1 virtue must be        
natural1 and especially consonant to the
 nature of man as a rational animal2    
while1 at the same time1 its existence  
in absolute purity being inconsistent   
with experience1 it must remain an      
unattainable ideal4  ,it has been shown 
in former parts of this work how ,greek 
philosophy1 after straining an          
antithesis to the utmost1 was driven by 
the very law of its being to close or   
bridge over the chasm by a series of    
accommodations and transitions4 ,to this
 rule ,stoicism was no exception2 and   
perhaps its extraordinary vitality may  
have been partly due to the necessity   
imposed on its professors of continually
 revising their ethics1 with a view to  
softening down its most repellent       
features4 ,we proceed to sketch in rapid
 outline the chief artifices employed   

for this purpose4  ,the doctrine1 in its
 very earliest form1 had left a large   
neutral ground between good and evil1   
comprehending almost all the common     
objects of desire and avoidance4 ,these 
the ,stoics now proceeded to divide     
according to a similar principle of     
arrangement4 ,whatever1 without being   
morally good in the strictest sense1 was
 either conducive to morality1 or       
conformable to human nature1 or both1   
they called preferable4 ,under this head
 came personal advantages1 such as      
mental accomplishments1 beauty1 health1 
strength1 and life itself2 together with
 external advantages1 such as wealth1   
honour1 and high connexions4 ,the       
opposite to preferable things they      
called objectionable2 and what lay      
between the two1 such as the particular 
coin selected to make a payment with1   
absolutely indifferent4#eh  ,the        
thorough-going condemnation of passion  
was explained away to a certain extent  
by allowing the sage himself to feel a  

slight touch of the feelings which fail 
to shake his determination1 like a scar 
remaining after the wound is healed2 and
 by admitting the desirability of sundry
 emotions1 which1 though carefully      
distinguished from the passions1 seem to
 have differed from them in degree      
rather than in kind4#ei  ,in like       
manner1 the peremptory alternative      
between consummate wisdom and utter     
folly was softened down by admitting the
 possibility of a gradual progress from 
one to the other1 itself subdivided into
 a number of more or less advanced      
grades1 recalling ,aristotle's idea of  
motion as a link between ,privation and 
,form4#fj  ,if there be a class of      
persons who although not perfectly      
virtuous are on the road to virtue1 it  
follows that there are moral actions    
which they are capable of performing4   
,these the ,stoics called intermediate  
or imperfect duties2 and1 in accordance 
with their intellectual view of conduct1
 they defined them as actions for which 

a probable reason might be given2       
apparently in contradistinction to those
 which were deduced from a single       
principle with the extreme rigour of    
scientific demonstration4 ,such         
intermediate duties would have for their
 appropriate object the ends which1     
without being absolutely good1 were     
still relatively worth seeking1 or the  
avoidance of what1 without being an     
absolute evil1 was allowed to be        
relatively objectionable4 ,they stood   
midway between virtue and vice1 just as 
the progressive characters stood between
 the wise and the foolish1 and          
preferable objects between what was     
really good and what was really evil4   
,the idea of such a provisional code    
seems to have originated with ,zeno2#fa 
but the form under which we now know it 
is the result of at least two successive
 revisions4 ,the first and most         
important is due to ,panaetius1 a ,stoic
 philosopher of the second century      
,b4,c41 on whose views the study of     

,plato and ,aristotle exercised a       
considerable influence4 ,a work of this 
teacher on the ,duties of ,man furnished
 ,cicero with the materials for his     
celebrated ,de ,officiis1 under which   
form its lessons have passed into the   
educational literature of modern        
,europe4 ,the ,latin treatise is written
 in a somewhat frigid and uninteresting 
style1 whether through the fault of     
,cicero or of his guide we cannot tell4 
,the principles laid down are excellent1
 but there is no vital bond of union    
holding them together4 ,we can hardly   
imagine that the author's son1 for whom 
the work was originally designed1 or    
anyone else since his time1 felt himself
 much benefited by its perusal4 ,taken1 
however1 as a register of the height    
reached by ordinary educated sentiment  
under the influence of speculative      
ideas1 and of the limits imposed by it  
in turn on their vagaries1 after four   
centuries of continual interaction1 the 
,de ,officiis presents us with very     

satisfactory results4 ,the old          
quadripartite division of the virtues is
 reproduced2 but each is treated in a   
large and liberal spirit1 marking an    
immense advance on ,aristotle's         
definitions1 wherever the two can be    
compared4 ,wisdom is identified with the
 investigation of truth2 and there is a 
caution against believing on            
insufficient evidence1 which            
advantageously contrasts with what were 
soon to be the lessons of theology on   
the same subject4 ,the other great      
intellectual duty inculcated is to      
refrain from wasting our energies on    
difficult and useless enquiries4#fb     
,this injunction has been taken up and  
very impressively repeated by some      
philosophers in our own time2 but in the
 mouth of ,cicero it probably involved  
much greater restrictions on the study  
of science than they would be disposed  
to admit4 ,and the limits now prescribed
 to speculation by ,positivism will     
perhaps seem not less injudicious1 when 

viewed in the light of future           
discoveries1 than those fixed by the    
ancient moralists seem to us who know   
what would have been lost had they      
always been treated with respect4  ,the 
obligations of justice come next4 ,they 
are summed up in two precepts that leave
 nothing to be desired3 the first is to 
do no harm except in self-defence2 the  
second1 to bear our share in a perpetual
 exchange of good offices4 ,and the     
foundation of justice is rightly placed 
in the faithful fulfilment of           
contracts--an idea perhaps suggested by 
,epicurus4#fc ,the virtue of fortitude  
is treated with similar breadth1 and so 
interpreted as to cover the whole field 
of conduct1 being identified not only   
with fearlessness in the face of danger1
 but with the energetic performance of  
every duty4 ,in a word1 it is opposed   
quite as much to slothfulness and       
irresolution as to physical timidity4#fd
 ,temperance preserves its old meaning  
of a reasonable restraint exercised over

 the animal passions and desires2 and   
furthermore1 it receives a very rich    
significance as the quality by which we 
are enabled to discern and act up to the
 part assigned to us in life by natural 
endowment1 social position1 and         
individual choice4 ,but this1 as one of 
the most important ideas contributed by 
,stoicism to subsequent thought1 must be
 reserved for separate discussion in the
 following section4  ,in addition to its
 system of intermediate duties1 the     
,stoic ethics included a code of        
casuistry which1 to judge by some       
recorded specimens1 allowed a very      
startling latitude both to the ideal    
sage and to the ordinary citizen4 ,thus1
 if ,sextus ,empiricus is to be         
believed1 the ,stoics saw nothing       
objectionable about the trade of a      
courtesan4#fe ,chrysippus1 like         
,socrates and ,plato1 denied that there 
was any harm in falsehoods if they were 
told with a good intention4 ,diogenes of
 ,seleucia thought it permissible to    

pass bad money1#ff and to sell defective
 articles without mentioning their      
faults2#fg he was1 however1 contradicted
 on both points by another ,stoic1      
,antipater4 ,still more discreditable   
were the opinions of ,hecato1 a disciple
 of ,panaetius4 ,he discussed the       
question whether a good man need or need
 not feed his slaves in a time of great 
scarcity1 with an evident leaning       
towards the latter alternative2 and also
 made it a matter of deliberation       
whether in case part of a ship's cargo  
had to be thrown overboard1 a valuable  
horse or a worthless slave should be the
 more readily sacrificed4 ,his answer is
 not given2 but that the point should   
ever have been mooted does not say much 
for the rigour of his principles or for 
the benevolence of his disposition4#fh  
,most outrageous of all1 from the ,stoic
 point of view1 is the declaration of   
,chrysippus that ,heracleitus and       
,pherecydes would have done well to give
 up their wisdom1 had they been able by 

so doing to get rid of their bodily     
infirmities at the same time4#fi ,that  
overstrained theoretical severity should
 be accompanied by a corresponding      
laxity in practice is a phenomenon of   
frequent occurrence2 but that this      
laxity should be exhibited so           
undisguisedly in the details of the     
theory itself1 goes beyond anything     
quoted against the ,jesuits by ,pascal1 
and bears witness1 after a fashion1 to  
the extraordinary sincerity of ,greek   
thought4#gj  ,it was not1 however1 in   
any of these concessions that the       
,stoics found from first to last their  
most efficient solution for the         
difficulties of practical experience1   
but in the countenance they extended to 
an act which1 more than any other1 might
 have seemed fatally inconsistent both  
in spirit and in letter with their whole
 system1 whether we choose to call it a 
defiance of divine law1 a reversal of   
natural instinct1 a selfish abandonment 
of duty1 or a cowardly shrinking from   

pain4 ,we allude1 of course1 to their   
habitual recommendation of suicide4     
#8,if you are not satisfied with life1' 
they said1 #8you have only got to rise  
and depart2 the door is always open4'   
,various circumstances were specified in
 which the sage would exercise the      
privilege of #8taking himself off1' as  
they euphemistically expressed it4      
,severe pain1 mutilation1 incurable     
disease1 advanced old age1 the          
hopelessness of escaping from tyranny1  
and in general any hindrance to leading 
a #8natural' life1 were held to be a    
sufficient justification for such a     
step4#ga ,the first founders of the     
school set an example afterwards        
frequently followed4 ,zeno is said to   
have hanged himself for no better reason
 than that he fell and broke his finger 
through the weakness of old age2 and    
,cleanthes1 having been ordered to      
abstain temporarily from food1 resolved1
 as he expressed it1 not to turn back   
after going half-way to death4#gb ,this 

side of the ,stoic doctrine found       
particular favour in ,rome1 and the     
voluntary death of ,cato was always     
spoken of as his chief title to fame4   
,many noble spirits were sustained in   
their defiance of the imperial despotism
 by the thought that there was one last 
liberty of which not even ,caesar could 
deprive them4 ,objections were silenced 
by the argument that1 life not being an 
absolute good1 its loss might fairly be 
preferred to some relatively greater    
inconvenience4#gc ,but why the sage     
should renounce an existence where      
perfect happiness depends entirely on   
his own will1 neither was1 nor could it 
be1 explained4   ,v4  ,if now1          
abandoning all technicalities1 we       
endeavour to estimate the significance  
and value of the most general ideas     
contributed by ,stoicism to ethical     
speculation1 we shall find that they may
 be most conveniently considered under  
the following heads4 ,first of all1 the 
,stoics made morality completely inward4

 ,they declared that the intention was  
equivalent to the deed1 and that the    
wish was equivalent to the intention--a 
view which has been made familiar to all
 by the teaching of the ,gospel1 but the
 origin of which in ,greek philosophy   
has been strangely ignored even by      
rationalistic writers4#gd ,from the     
inaccessibility of motives and feelings 
to direct external observation1 it      
follows that each man must be1 in the   
last resort1 his own judge4 ,hence the  
notion of conscience is equally a ,stoic
 creation4 ,that we have a mystical     
intuition informing us1 prior to        
experience1 of the difference between   
right and wrong is1 indeed1 a theory    
quite alien to their empirical          
derivation of knowledge4 ,but that the  
educated wrong-doer carries in his bosom
 a perpetual witness and avenger of his 
guilt1 they most distinctly asserted4#ge
 ,the difference between ancient and    
modern tragedy is alone sufficient to   
prove the novelty and power of this     

idea2 for that the ,eumenides do not    
represent even the germ of a conscience 
is as certain as anything in mythology  
can be4#gf ,on the other hand1 the      
fallibility of conscience and the extent
 to which it may be sophisticated were  
topics not embraced within the limits of
 ,stoicism1 and perhaps never adequately
 illustrated by any writer1 even in     
modern times1 except the great ,english 
novelist whose loss we still deplore4   
,the second ,stoic idea to which we     
would invite attention is that1 in the  
economy of life1 every one has a certain
 function to fulfil1 a certain part to  
play1 which is marked out for him by    
circumstances beyond his control1 but in
 the adequate performance of which his  
duty and dignity are peculiarly         
involved4 ,it is true that this idea    
finds no assignable place in the        
teaching of the earliest ,stoics1 or    
rather in the few fragments of their    
teaching which alone have been          
preserved2 but it is touched upon by    

,cicero under the head of ,temperance1  
in the adaptation from ,panaetius       
already referred to2 it frequently      
recurs in the lectures of ,epicttus2 and
 it is enunciated with energetic        
concision in the solitary meditations of
 ,marcus ,aurelius4#gg ,the belief      
spoken of is1 indeed1 closely connected 
with the ,stoic teleology1 and only     
applies to the sphere of free           
intelligence a principle like that      
supposed to regulate the activity of    
inanimate or irrational beings4 ,if     
every mineral1 every plant1 and every   
animal has its special use and office1  
so also must we1 according to the       
capacity of our individual and          
determinate existence4 ,by accomplishing
 the work thus imposed on us1 we fulfil 
the purpose of our vocation1 we have    
done all that the highest morality      
demands1 and may with a clear conscience
 leave the rest to fate4 ,to put the    
same idea into somewhat different terms3
 we are born into certain relationships1

 domestic1 social1 and political1 by    
which the lines of our daily duties are 
prescribed with little latitude for     
personal choice4 ,what does depend upon 
ourselves is to make the most of these  
conditions and to perform the tasks     
arising out of them in as thorough a    
manner as possible4 #8,it was not only  
out of ivory1' says ,seneca1 #8that     
,pheidias could make statues1 but out of
 bronze as well2 had you offered him    
marble or some cheaper material still1  
he would have carved the best that could
 be made out of that4 ,so the sage will 
exhibit his virtue in wealth1 if he be  
permitted2 if not1 in poverty2 if       
possible1 in his own country2 if not1 in
 exile2 if possible1 as a general2 if   
not1 as a soldier2 if possible1 in      
bodily vigour2 if not1 in weakness4     
,whatever fortune be granted him1 he    
will make it the means for some         
memorable achievement4' ,or1 to take the
 more homely comparisons of ,epicttus3  
#8,the weaver does not manufacture his  

wool1 but works up what is given him4'  
#8,remember that you are to act in      
whatever drama the manager may choose1 a
 long or short one according to his     
pleasure4 ,should he give you the part  
of a beggar1 take care to act that      
becomingly2 and the same should it be a 
lame man1 or a magistrate1 or a private 
citizen4 ,for your business is to act   
well the character that is given to you1
 but to choose it is the business of    
another4#8,so spoke the humble freedman2
 but the master of the world had also to
 recognise what fateful limits were     
imposed on his beneficent activity4     
#8,why wait1 ,o man6' exclaims ,marcus  
,aurelius4 #8,do what ,nature now       
demands2 make haste and look not round  
to see if any know it2 nor hope for     
,plato's ,republic1 but be content with 
the smallest progress1 and consider that
 the result even of this will be no     
little thing4'#gh ,carlyle was not a    
,stoic2 but in this respect his teaching
 breathes the best spirit of ,stoicism2 

and1 to the same extent also1 through   
his whole life he practised what he     
taught4  ,the implications of such an   
ethical standard are1 on the whole1     
conservative2 it is assumed that social 
institutions are1 taking them           
altogether1 nearly the best possible at 
any moment2 and that our truest wisdom  
is to make the most of them1 instead of 
sighing for some other sphere where our 
grand aspirations or volcanic passions  
might find a readier outlet for their   
feverish activity4 ,and if the teaching 
of the first ,stoics did not take the   
direction here indicated1 it was because
 they1 with the communistic theories    
inherited from their ,cynic             
predecessors1 began by condemning all   
existing social distinctions as         
irrational4 ,they wished to abolish     
local religion1 property1 the family1   
and the ,state1 as a substitute for     
which the whole human race was to be    
united under a single government1       
without private possessions or slaves1  

and with a complete community of women  
and children4#gi ,it must1 however1 have
 gradually dawned on them that such a   
radical subversion of the present system
 was hardly compatible with their belief
 in the providential origin of all      
things2 and that1 besides this1 the     
virtues which they made it so much their
 object to recommend1 would be1 for the 
most part1 superfluous in a communistic 
society4 ,at the same time1 the old     
notion of ,sphrosyn as a virtue which   
consisted in minding one's own business1
 or1 stated more generally1 in          
discerning and doing whatever work one  
is best fitted for1 would continue to   
influence ethical teaching1 with the    
effect of giving more and more          
individuality to the definition of duty4
 ,and the ,stoic idea of a perfect sage1
 including as it did the possession of  
every accomplishment and an exclusive   
fitness for discharging every honourable
 function1 would seem much less         
chimerical if interpreted to mean that a

 noble character1 while everywhere      
intrinsically the same1 might be        
realised under as many divergent forms  
as there are opportunities for          
continuous usefulness in life4#hj  ,we  
can understand1 then1 why the philosophy
 which1 when first promulgated1 had     
tended to withdraw its adherents from   
participation in public life1 should1   
when transplanted to ,roman soil1 have  
become associated with an energetic     
interest in politics2 why it was so     
eagerly embraced by those noble         
statesmen who fought to the death in    
defence of their ancient liberties2 how 
it could become the cement of a         
senatorial opposition under the worst   
,caesars2 how it could be the           
inspiration and support of ,rome's      
,prime ,minister during that            
quinquennium ,neronis which was the one 
bright episode in more than half a      
century of shame and terror2 how1       
finally1 it could mount the throne with 
,marcus ,aurelius1 and prove1 through   

his example1 that the world's work might
 be most faithfully performed by one in 
whose meditations mere worldly interests
 occupied the smallest space4 ,nor can  
we agree with ,zeller in thinking that  
it was the nationality1 and not the     
philosophy1 of these disciples which    
made them such efficient statesmen4#ha  
,on the contrary1 it seems to us that   
the #8,romanism' of these men was       
inseparable from their philosophy1 and  
that they were all the more ,roman      
because they were ,stoics as well4  ,the
 third great idea of ,stoicism was its  
doctrine of humanity4 ,men are all      
children of one ,father1 and citizens of
 one ,state2 the highest moral law is1  
,follow ,nature1 and ,nature has made   
them to be social and to love one       
another2 the private interest of each   
is1 or should be1 identified with the   
universal interest2 we should live for  
others that we may live for ourselves2  
even to our enemies we should show love 
and not anger2 the unnaturalness of     

passion is proved by nothing more       
clearly than by its anti-social and     
destructive tendencies4 ,here1 also1 the
 three great ,stoics of the ,roman      
empire--,seneca1 ,epicttus1 and ,marcus 
,aurelius--rather than the founders of  
the school1 must be our authorities2#hb 
whether it be because their lessons     
correspond to a more developed state of 
thought1 or simply because they have    
been more perfectly preserved4 ,the     
former explanation is1 perhaps1 the more
 generally accepted4 ,there seems1      
however1 good reason for believing that 
the idea of universal love--the highest 
of all philosophical ideas next to that 
of the universe itself--dates further   
back than is commonly supposed4 ,it can 
hardly be due to ,seneca1 who had       
evidently far more capacity for         
popularising and applying the thoughts  
of others than for original speculation1
 and who on this subject expresses      
himself with a rhetorical fluency not   
usually characterising the exposition of

 new discoveries4 ,the same remark      
applies to his illustrious successors1  
who1 while agreeing with him in tone1 do
 not seem to have drawn on his writings 
for their philosophy4 ,it is also clear 
that the idea in question springs from  
two essentially ,stoic conceptions3 the 
objective conception of a unified world1
 a cosmos to which all men belong2 and  
the subjective conception of a rational 
nature common to them all4 ,these1      
again1 are rooted in early ,greek       
thought1 and were already emerging into 
distinctness at the time of ,socrates4  
,accordingly we find that ,plato1 having
 to compose a characteristic speech for 
the ,sophist ,hippias1 makes him say    
that like-minded men are by nature      
kinsmen and friends to one another4#hc  
,nature1 however1 soon came to be viewed
 under a different aspect1 and it was   
maintained1 just as by some living      
philosophers1 that her true law is the  
universal oppression of the weak by the 
strong4 ,then the idea of mind came in  

as a salutary corrective4 ,it had       
supplied a basis for the ethics of      
,protagoras1 and still more for the     
ethics of ,socrates2 it was now combined
 with its old rival by the ,stoics1 and 
from their union arose the conception of
 human nature as something allied with  
and illustrated by all other forms of   
animal life1 yet capable1 if fully      
developed1 of rising infinitely above   
them4 ,nevertheless1 the individual and 
the universal element were never quite  
reconciled in the ,stoic ethics4 ,the   
altruistic quality of justice was       
clearly perceived2 but no attempt was   
made to show that all virtue is         
essentially social1 and has come to be  
recognised as obligatory on the         
individual mainly because it conduces to
 the safety of the whole community4 ,the
 learner was told to conquer his        
passions for his own sake rather than   
for the sake of others2 and indulgence  
in violent anger1 though more           
energetically denounced1 was1 in theory1

 placed on a par with immoderate delight
 or uncontrollable distress4 ,so also1  
vices of impurity were classed with     
comparatively harmless forms of         
sensuality1 and considered in reference1
 not to the social degradation of their 
victims1 but to the spiritual defilement
 of their perpetrators4  ,yet1 while the
 ,stoics were far from anticipating the 
methods of modern ,utilitarianism1 they 
were1 in a certain sense1 strict        
,utilitarians--that is to say1 they     
measured the goodness or badness of     
actions by their consequences2 in other 
words1 by their bearing on the supposed 
interest of the individual or of the    
community4 ,they did not1 it is true1   
identify interest with pleasure or the  
absence of pain2 but although1 in our   
time1 ,hedonism and ,utilitarianism are1
 for convenience1 treated as            
interchangeable terms1 they need not    
necessarily be so4 ,if any one choose to
 regard bodily strength1 health1 wealth1
 beauty1 intellect1 knowledge1 or even  

simple existence1 as the highest good   
and the end conduciveness to which      
determines the morality of actions1 he  
is a ,utilitarian2 and1 even if it could
 be shown that a maximum of happiness   
would be ensured by the attainment of   
his end1 he would not on that account   
become a ,hedonist4 ,now it is certain  
that the early ,stoics1 at least1       
regarded the preservation of the human  
race as an end which rightfully took    
precedence of every other consideration2
 and1 like ,charles ,austin1 they       
sometimes pushed their principles to    
paradoxical or offensive extremes1      
apparently for no other purpose than    
that of affronting the common feelings  
of mankind1#hd without remembering that 
such feelings were likely to represent  
embodied experiences of utility4        
,thus--apart from their communistic     
theories--they were fond of specifying  
the circumstances in which incest would 
become legitimate2 and they are said not
 only to have sanctioned cannibalism in 

cases of extreme necessity1 but even to 
have recommended its introduction as a  
substitute for burial or cremation2     
although this1 we may hope1 was rather a
 grim illustration of what they meant by
 moral indifference than a serious      
practical suggestion4#he  ,besides the  
encouragement which it gave to kind     
offices between friends and neighbours1 
the ,stoic doctrine of humanity and     
mutual love was honourably exemplified  
in ,seneca's emphatic condemnation of   
the gladiatorial games and of the       
horrible abuses connected with domestic 
slavery in ,rome4#hf ,but we miss a     
clear perception that such abuses are   
always and everywhere the consequences  
of slavery2 and the outspoken           
abolitionism of the naturalists alluded 
to by ,aristotle does not seem to have  
been imitated by their successors in    
later ages4#hg ,the most one can say is 
that the fiction of original liberty was
 imported into ,roman jurisprudence     
through the agency of ,stoic lawyers1   

and helped to familiarise men's minds   
with the idea of universal emancipation 
before political and economical         
conditions permitted it to be made a    
reality4   ,,vi4  ,it is probable that  
the philanthropic tendencies of the     
,stoics were1 to a great extent1        
neutralised by the extreme individualism
 which formed the reverse side of their 
philosophical character2 and also by    
what may be called the subjective       
idealism of their ethics4 ,according to 
their principles1 no one can really do  
good to any one else1 since what does   
not depend on my will is not a good to  
me4 ,the altruistic virtues are         
valuable1 not as sources of beneficent  
action1 but as manifestations of        
benevolent sentiment4 ,thus1 to set on  
foot comprehensive schemes for the      
relief of human suffering seemed no part
 of the ,stoic's business4 ,and the     
abolition of slavery1 even had it been  
practicable1 would have seemed rather   
superfluous to one who held that true   

freedom is a mental condition within the
 reach of all who desire it1#hh while   
the richest and most powerful may be1   
and for the most part actually are1     
without it4 ,moreover1 at the time when 
philosophy gained its greatest          
ascendency1 the one paramount object of 
practical statesmen must have been to   
save civilisation from the barbarians1 a
 work to which ,marcus ,aurelius devoted
 his life4 ,hence we learn without      
surprise that the legislative efforts of
 the imperial ,stoic were directed to   
the strengthening1 rather than to the   
renovation1 of ancient institutions4#hi 
,certain enactments were1 indeed1 framed
 for the protection of those who took   
part in the public games4 ,it was       
provided1 with a humanity from which    
even our own age might learn something1 
that performers on the high rope should 
be ensured against the consequences of  
an accidental fall by having the ground 
beneath them covered with feather beds2 
and the gladiators were only allowed to 

fight with blunted weapons4#ij ,it must1
 however1 be noted that in speaking of  
the combats with wild beasts which were 
still allowed to continue under his     
reign1 ,marcus ,aurelius dwells only on 
the monotonous character which made them
 exceedingly wearisome to a cultivated  
mind2 just as a philosophic sportsman   
may sometimes be heard to observe that  
shooting one grouse is very like        
shooting another2 while elsewhere he    
refers with simple contempt to the poor 
wretches who1 when already half-devoured
 by the wild beasts1 begged to be spared
 for another day's amusement4#ia        
,whether he knew the whole extent of the
 judicial atrocities practised on his   
,christian subjects may well be doubted2
 but it maybe equally doubted whether1  
had he known it1 he would have          
interfered to save them4 ,pain and death
 were no evils2 but it was an evil that 
the law should be defied4#ib  ,those    
manifestations of sympathy which are    
often so much more precious than        

material assistance were also repugnant 
to ,stoic principles4 ,on this subject1 
,epicttus expresses himself with        
singular harshness4 #8,do not1' he says1
 #8let yourself be put out by the       
sufferings of your friends4 ,if they are
 unhappy1 it is their own fault4 ,god   
made them for happiness1 not for misery4
 ,they are grieved at parting from you1 
are they8 ,why1 then1 did they set their
 affections on things outside           
themselves8 ,if they suffer for their   
folly it serves them right4'#ic  ,on the
 other hand1 if ,stoicism did not make  
men pitiful1 it made them infinitely    
forgiving4 ,various causes conspired to 
bring about this result4 ,if all are    
sinners1 and if all sins are equal1 no  
one has a right1 under pretence of      
superior virtue1 to cast a stone at his 
fellows4 ,such is the point of view     
insisted on with especial emphasis by   
,seneca1 who1 more perhaps than other   
philosophers1 had reason to be conscious
 how far his practice fell short of his 

professions4#id ,but1 speaking          
generally1 pride was the very last fault
 with which the ,stoics could be        
charged4 ,both in ancient and modern    
times1 satirists have been prone to     
assume that every disciple of the       
,porch1 in describing his ideal of a    
wise man1 was actually describing       
himself4 ,no misconception could be more
 complete4 ,it is like supposing that1  
because ,christ commanded his followers 
to be perfect even as their heavenly    
,father is perfect1 every ,christian for
 that reason thinks himself equal to    
,god4 ,the wise man of the ,stoics had1 
by their own acknowledgment1 never been 
realised at all2 he had only been       
approached by three characters1         
,socrates1 ,antisthenes1 and            
,diogenes4#ie #8,may the sage fall in   
love8' asked a young man of ,panaetius4 
#8,what the sage may do1' replied the   
master1 #8is a question to be considered
 at some future time4 ,meanwhile1 you   
and ,i1 who are very far from being     

sages1 had better take care not to let  
ourselves become the slaves of a        
degrading passion4'#if  ,in the next    
place1 if it is not in the power of     
others to injure us1 we have no right to
 resent anything that they can do to us4
 ,so argues ,epicttus1 who began to     
learn philosophy when still a slave1 and
 was carefully prepared by his          
instructor1 ,musonius1 to bear without  
repining whatever outrages his master   
might choose to inflict on him4         
,finally1 to those who urged that they  
might justly blame the evil intentions  
of their assailants1 ,marcus ,aurelius  
could reply that even this was too      
presumptuous1 that all men did what they
 thought right1 and that the motives of 
none could be adequately judged except  
by himself4#ig ,and all the ,stoics     
found a common ground for patience in   
their optimistic fatalism1 in the       
doctrine that whatever happens is both  
necessarily determined1 and determined  
by absolute goodness combined with      

infallible wisdom4#ih  ,doctrines like  
these1 if consistently carried out1     
would have utterly destroyed so much of 
morality as depends on the social       
sanction2 while1 by inculcating the     
absolute indifference of external       
actions1 they might ultimately have     
paralysed the individual conscience     
itself4 ,but the ,stoics were not       
consistent4 ,unlike some modern         
moralists1 who are ready to forgive     
every injury so long as they are not    
themselves the victims1 our philosophers
 were unsparing in their denunciations  
of wrong-doing2 and it is very largely  
to their indignant protests that we are 
indebted for our knowledge of the       
corruption prevalent in ,roman society  
under the ,empire4 ,it may even be      
contended that1 in this respect1 our    
judgment has been unfairly biassed4 ,the
 picture drawn by the ,stoics1 or by    
writers trained under their influence1  
seems to have been too heavily charged  
with shadow2 and but for the            

archaeological evidence we should not   
have known how much genuine human       
affection lay concealed in those lower  
social strata whose records can only be 
studied on their tombs4#ii ,it was among
 these classes that ,christianity found 
the readiest acceptance1 simply because 
it gave a supernatural sanction to      
habits and sentiments already made      
familiar by the spontaneous tendencies  
of an unwarlike rgime4   ,,vii4  ,before
 parting with ,stoicism we have to say a
 few words on the metaphysical          
foundation of the whole system--the     
theory of ,nature considered as a moral 
guide and support4 ,it has been shown   
that the ultimate object of this1 as of 
many other ethical theories1 both       
ancient and modern1 was to reconcile the
 instincts of individual                
self-preservation with virtue1 which is 
the instinct of self-preservation in an 
entire community4 ,the ,stoics          
identified both impulses by declaring   
that virtue is the sole good of the     

individual no less than the supreme     
interest of the whole2 thus involving   
themselves in an insoluble              
contradiction4 ,for1 from their         
nominalistic point of view1 the good of 
the whole can be nothing but an         
aggregate of particular goods1 or else a
 means for their attainment2 and in     
either case the happiness of the        
individual has to be accounted for apart
 from his duty4 ,and an analysis of the 
special virtues and vices would equally 
have forced them back on the assumption1
 which they persistently repudiated1    
that individual existence and pleasure  
are intrinsically good1 and their       
opposites intrinsically evil4 ,to prove 
their fundamental paradox--the          
non-existence of individual as          
distinguished from social interest--the 
,stoics employed the analogy of an      
organised body where the good of the    
parts unquestionably subserves the good 
of the whole2#ajj and the object of     
their teleology was to show that the    

universe and1 by implication1 the human 
race1 were properly to be viewed in that
 light4 ,the acknowledged adaptation of 
life to its environment furnished some  
plausible arguments in support of their 
thesis2 and the deficiencies were made  
good by a revival of the ,heracleitean  
theory in which the unity of ,nature was
 conceived partly as a necessary        
interdependence of opposing forces1     
partly as a perpetual transformation of 
every substance into every other4       
,universal history also tended to       
confirm the same principle in its       
application to the human race4 ,the     
,macedonian1 and still more the ,roman  
empire1 brought the idea of a world-wide
 community living under the same laws   
ever nearer to its realisation2 the     
decay of the old religion and the old   
civic patriotism set free a vast fund of
 altruism which now took the form of    
simple philanthropy2 while a rank growth
 of immorality offered ever new         
opportunities for an indignant protest  

against senseless luxury and inhuman    
vice4 ,this last circumstance1 however1 
was not allowed to prejudice the        
optimism of the system2 for the fertile 
physics of ,heracleitus suggested a     
method by which moral evil could be     
interpreted as a necessary concomitant  
of good1 a material for the perpetual   
exercise and illustration of virtuous   
deeds4#aja  ,yet1 if the conception of  
unity was gaining ground1 the           
conceptions of purpose and vitality must
 have been growing weaker as the triumph
 of brute force prolonged itself without
 limit or hope of redress4 ,hence       
,stoicism in its later form shows a     
tendency to dissociate the dynamism of  
,heracleitus from the teleology of      
,socrates1 and to lean on the former    
rather than on the latter for support4  
,one symptom of this changed attitude is
 a blind worship of power for its own   
sake4 ,we find the renunciation of      
pleasure and the defiance of pain       
appreciated more from an aesthetic than 

from an ethical point of view2 they are 
exalted almost in the spirit of a ,red  
,indian1 not as means to higher ends1   
but as manifestations of unconquerable  
strength2 and sometimes the highest     
sanction of duty takes the form of a    
morbid craving for applause1 as if the  
universe were an amphitheatre and life a
 gladiatorial game4#ajb  ,the noble     
spirit of ,marcus ,aurelius was1 indeed1
 proof against such temptations3 and he 
had far more to dread than to hope from 
the unlightened voice of public opinion2
 but to him also1 #8standing between two
 eternities1' ,nature presented herself 
chiefly under the aspect of an          
overwhelming and absorbing ,power4      
,pleasure is not so much dangerous as   
worthless1 weak1 and evanescent4        
,selfishness1 pride1 anger1 and         
discontent will soon be swept into      
abysmal gulfs of oblivion by the roaring
 cataract of change4 ,universal history 
is one long monotonous procession of    
phantasms passing over the scene into   

death and utter night4 ,in one short    
life we may see all that ever was1 or   
is1 or is to be2 the same pageant has   
already been and shall be repeated an   
infinite number of times4 ,nothing      
endures but the process of unending     
renovation3 we must die that the world  
may be ever young4 ,death itself only   
reunites us with the absolute ,all      
whence we come1 in which we move1 and   
whither we return4#ajc ,but the imperial
 sage makes no attempt to explain why we
 should ever have separated ourselves   
from it in thought2 or why one life     
should be better worth living than      
another in the universal vanity of      
things4  ,the physics of ,stoicism was1 
in truth1 the scaffolding rather than   
the foundation of its ethical           
superstructure4 ,the real foundation was
 the necessity of social existence1     
formulated under the influence of a     
logical exclusiveness first introduced  
by ,parmenides1 and inherited from his  
teaching by every system of philosophy  

in turn4 ,yet there is no doubt that    
,stoic morality was considerably        
strengthened and steadied by the support
 it found in conceptions derived from a 
different order of speculations2 so much
 so that at last it grew to conscious   
independence of that support4  ,marcus  
,aurelius1 a constant student of        
,lucretius1 seems to have had occasional
 misgivings with respect to the         
certainty of his own creed2 but they    
never extended to his practical beliefs4
 ,he was determined that1 whatever might
 be the origin of this world1 his       
relation to it should be still the same4
 #8,though things be purposeless1 act   
not thou without a purpose4' #8,if the  
universe is an ungoverned chaos1 be     
content that in that wild torrent thou  
hast a governing reason within          
thyself4'#ajd  ,there seems1 then1 good 
reason for believing that the law of    
duty1 after being divorced from         
mythology1 and seriously compromised by 
its association1 even among the ,stoics 

themselves1 with our egoistic instincts1
 gained an entirely new authority when  
placed1 at least in appearance1 under   
the sanction of a power whose commands  
did not even admit of being disobeyed4  
,and the question spontaneously presents
 itself whether we1 after getting rid of
 the old errors and confusions1 may     
profitably employ the same method in    
defence of the same convictions1 whether
 the ancient alliance between fact and  
right can be reorganised on a basis of  
scientific proof4  ,a great reformer of 
the last generation1 finding that the   
idea of ,nature was constantly put      
forward to thwart his most cherished    
schemes1 prepared a mine for its        
destruction which was only exploded     
after his death4 ,seldom has so powerful
 a charge of logical dynamite been      
collected within so small a space as in 
,mill's famous ,essay on ,nature4 ,but  
the immediate effect was less than might
 have been anticipated1 because the     
attack was supposed to be directed      

against religion1 whereas it was only   
aimed at an abstract metaphysical dogma1
 not necessarily connected with any     
theological beliefs1 and held by many   
who have discarded all such beliefs4 ,a 
stronger impression was1 perhaps1       
produced by the nearly simultaneous     
declaration of ,sir ,w4 ,gull--in       
reference to the supposed vis medicatrix
 naturae--that1 in cases of disease1    
#8what ,nature wants is to put the man  
in his coffin4' ,the new school of      
political economists have also done much
 to show that legislative interference  
with the #8natural laws' of wealth need 
by no means be so generally mischievous 
as was once supposed4 ,and the doctrine 
of ,evolution1 besides breaking down the
 old distinctions between ,nature and   
,man1 has represented the former as     
essentially variable1 and therefore1 to 
that extent1 incapable of affording a   
fixed standard for moral action4 ,it is1
 however1 from this school that a new   
attempt to rehabilitate the old physical

 ethics has lately proceeded4 ,the      
object of ,mr4 ,herbert ,spencer's ,data
 of ,ethics is1 among other points1 to  
prove that a true morality represents   
the ultimate stage of evolution1 and    
reproduces in social life that permanent
 equilibration towards which every form 
of evolution constantly tends4 ,and ,mr4
 ,spencer also shows how evolution is   
bringing about a state of things in     
which the self-regarding shall be       
finally harmonised with the social      
impulses4 ,now1 it will be readily      
admitted that morality is a product of  
evolution in this sense that it is a    
gradual formation1 that it is the       
product of many converging conditions1  
and that it progresses according to a   
certain method4 ,but that the same      
method is observed through all orders of
 evolution seems less evident4 ,for     
instance1 in the formation1 first of the
 solar system1 and then of the earth's  
crust1 there is a continual loss of     
force1 while in the development of      

organic life there is as continual a    
gain2 and on arriving at subjective     
phenomena1 we are met by facts which1 in
 the present state of our knowledge1    
cannot advantageously be expressed in   
terms of force and matter at all4 ,even 
if we do not agree with ,george ,sand in
 thinking that self-sacrifice is the    
only virtue1 we must admit that the     
possibility1 at least1 of its being     
sometimes demanded is inseparable from  
the idea of duty4 ,but self-sacrifice   
cannot be conceived without             
consciousness2 which is equivalent to   
saying that it involves other than      
mechanical notions4 ,thus we are        
confronted by the standing difficulty of
 all evolutionary theories1 and on a    
point where that difficulty is          
peculiarly sensible4 ,nor is this an    
objection to be got rid of by the       
argument that it applies to all         
philosophical systems alike4 ,to an     
idealist1 the dependence of morality on 
consciousness is a practical            

confirmation of his professed           
principles4 ,holding that the universal 
forms of experience are the conditions  
under which an object is apprehended1   
rather than modifications imposed by an 
unknowable object on an unknowable      
subject1 and that these forms are common
 to all intelligent beings1 he holds    
also that the perception of duty is the 
widening of our individual selves into  
that universal self which is the        
subjective side of all experience4      
,again1 whatever harmony evolution may  
introduce into our conceptions1 whatever
 hopes it may encourage with regard to  
the future of our race1 one does not see
 precisely what sanction it gives to    
morality at present--that is to say1 how
 it makes self-sacrifice easier than    
before4 ,because certain forces have    
been unconsciously working towards a    
certain end through ages past1 why      
should ,i consciously work towards the  
same end8 ,if the perfection of humanity
 is predetermined1 my conduct cannot    

prevent its consummation2 if it in any  
way depends on me1 the question returns1
 why should my particular interests be  
sacrificed to it8 ,the man who does not 
already love his contemporaries whom he 
has seen is unlikely to love them the   
more for the sake of a remote posterity 
whom he will never see at all4 ,finally1
 it must be remembered that evolution is
 only half the cosmic process2 it is    
partially conditioned at every stage by 
dissolution1 to which in the long run it
 must entirely give way2 and if1 as ,mr4
 ,spencer observes1 evolution is the    
more interesting of the two1#aje this   
preference is itself due to the lifeward
 tendency of our thoughts2 in other     
words1 to those moral sentiments which  
it is sought to base on what1           
abstractedly considered1 has all along  
been a creation of their own4  ,the idea
 of ,nature1 or of the universe1 or of  
human history as a whole--but for its   
evil associations with fanaticism and   
superstition1 we should gladly say the  

belief in ,god--is one the ethical value
 of which can be more easily felt than  
analysed4 ,we do not agree with the most
 brilliant of the ,english ,positivists 
in restricting its influence to the     
aesthetic emotions4#ajf ,the elevating  
influence of these should be fully      
recognised2 but the place due to more   
severely intellectual pursuits in moral 
training is greater far4 ,whatever      
studies tend to withdraw us from the    
petty circle of our personal interests  
and pleasures1 are indirectly favourable
 to the preponderance of social over    
selfish impulses2 and the service thus  
rendered is amply repaid1 since these   
very studies necessitate for their      
continuance a large expenditure of moral
 energy4 ,it might even be contended    
that the influence of speculation on    
practice is determined by the previous  
influence of practice on speculation4   
,physical laws act as an armature to the
 law of duty1 extending and perpetuating
 its grasp on the minds of men2 but it  

was through the magnetism of duty that  
their confused currents were first drawn
 into parallelism and harmony with its  
attraction4 ,we have just seen how1 from
 this point of view1 the interpretation 
of evolution by conscience might be     
substituted for the interpretation of   
conscience by evolution4 ,yet those who 
base morality on religion1 or give faith
 precedence over works1 have discerned  
with a sure though dim instinct the     
dependence of noble and far-sighted     
action on some paramount intellectual   
initiative and control2 in other words1 
the highest ethical ideals are          
conditioned by the highest philosophical
 generalisations4 ,before the ,greeks   
could think of each man as a citizen of 
the world1 and as bound to all other    
rational beings by virtue of a common   
origin and a common abode1 it was first 
necessary that they should think of the 
world itself as an orderly and          
comprehensive whole4 ,and what was once 
a creative1 still continues to work as  

an educating force4 ,our aspirations    
towards agreement with ourselves and    
with humanity as a whole are            
strengthened by the contemplation of    
that supreme unity which1 even if it be 
but the glorified reflection of our     
individual or generic identity1 still   
remains the idea in and through which   
those lesser unities were first         
completely realised--the idea which has 
originated all man's most fruitful      
faiths1 and will at last absorb them    
all4 ,meanwhile our highest devotion can
 hardly find more fitting utterance than
 in the prayer which once rose to a     
,stoic's lips3--      ,but ,jove        
all-bounteous6 who1 in clouds           
enwrapt1 the lightning wieldest2        
,may'st ,thou from baneful ,ignorance   
the race of men deliver6     ,this1     
,father6 scatter from the soul1         
and grant that we the wisdom     ,may   
reach1 in confidence of which1          
,thou justly guidest all things2        
,that we1 by ,thee in honour set1       

with honour may repay ,thee1            
,raising to all thy works a hymn        
perpetual2 as beseemeth     ,a mortal   
soul3 since neither man       nor god   
has higher glory     ,than rightfully to
 celebrate       ,eternal ,law          
all-ruling4#ajg     ,,chapter ,,ii4     
,,epicurus ,,and ,,lucretius4   ,i4     
,among the systems of ancient           
philosophy1 ,epicureanism is remarkable 
for the completeness with which its     
doctrines were worked out by their first
 author1 and for the fidelity with which
 they were handed down to the latest    
generation of his disciples4 ,for a     
period of more than five hundred years1 
nothing was added to1 and nothing was   
taken away from1 the original teaching  
of ,epicurus4 ,in this1 as in other     
respects1 it offers a striking contrast 
to the system which we last reviewed4   
,in our sketch of the ,stoic philosophy1
 we had to notice the continual process 
of development through which it passed1 
from its commencement to its close4     

,there is a marked difference between   
the earlier and the later heads of the  
school at ,athens--between these1 as a  
class1 and the ,stoics of the ,roman    
empire--and1 finally1 even between two  
,stoics who stood so near to one another
 as ,epicttus and ,marcus ,aurelius4    
,this contrast cannot be due to external
 circumstances1 for the two systems were
 exactly coeval1 and were exposed1      
during their whole lifetime1 to the     
action of precisely the same            
environment4 ,the cause must be sought  
for in the character of the philosophies
 themselves1 and of the minds which were
 naturally most amenable to their       
respective influence4 ,stoicism retained
 enough of the ,socratic spirit to      
foster a love of enquiry for its own    
sake1 and an indisposition to accept any
 authority without a searching          
examination of its claims to obedience  
or respect4 ,the learner was submitted  
to a thorough training in dialectics2   
while the ideal of life set before him  

was not a state of rest1 but of intense 
and unremitting toil4 ,whatever         
particular conclusions he might carry   
away with him from the class-room were  
insignificant in comparison with the    
principle that he must be prepared to   
demonstrate them for himself with that  
self-assurance happily likened by ,zeno 
to the feeling experienced when the     
clenched fist is held within the grasp  
of the other hand4 ,epicurus1 on the    
contrary1 did not encourage independent 
thought among his disciples2 nor1 with  
one exception hereafter to be noticed1  
did his teaching ever attract any very  
original or powerful intellect4 ,from   
the first a standard of orthodoxy was   
erected2 and1 to facilitate their       
retention1 the leading tenets of the    
school were drawn up in a series of     
articles which its adherents were       
advised to learn by heart4 ,hence1 as   
,mr4 ,wallace observes1#ajh while the   
other chief sects among which philosophy
 was divided--the ,academicians1 the    

,peripatetics1 and the ,stoics--drew    
their appellation1 not from their first 
founder1 but from the locality where his
 lectures had been delivered1 the       
,epicureans alone continued to bear the 
name of a master whom they regarded with
 religious veneration4 ,hence1 also1 we 
must add with ,zeller1#aji and          
notwithstanding the doubt expressed by  
,mr4 ,wallace1#aaj on the subject1 that 
our acquaintance with the system so     
faithfully adhered to may be regarded as
 exceptionally full and accurate4 ,the  
excerpts from ,epicurus himself1        
preserved by ,diogenes ,laertius1 the   
poem of ,lucretius1 the criticisms of   
,cicero1 ,plutarch1 and others1 and the 
fragments of ,epicurean literature      
recovered from the ,herculanean papyri1 
agree so well where they cover the same 
ground1 that they may be fairly trusted 
to supplement each other's deficiencies2
 and a further confirmation1 if any was 
needed1 is obtained by consulting the   
older sources1 whence ,epicurus borrowed

 most of his philosophy4  ,it may safely
 be assumed that the prejudices once    
entertained against ,epicureanism are   
now extinct4 ,whatever may have been the
 speculative opinions of its founder1 he
 had as good a right to them as the     
,apostles had to theirs2 nor did he     
stand further aloof from the popular    
religion of any age than ,aristotle1 who
 has generally been in high favour with 
theologians4 ,his practical teaching was
 directed towards the constant          
inculcation of virtue2 nor was it belied
 by the conduct either of himself or of 
his disciples1 even judged by the       
standard of the schools to which they   
were most opposed4 ,and some of his     
physical theories1 once rejected as     
self-evidently absurd1 are now proved to
 be in harmony with the sober           
conclusions of modern science4 ,at any  
rate1 it is not in this quarter1 as our 
readers will doubtless have already     
perceived1 that the old prejudices1 if  
they still exist1 are likely to find an 

echo4 ,just now1 indeed1 the danger is  
not that ,epicurus should be            
depreciated1 but that his merits should 
obtain far more than their proper meed  
of recognition4 ,it seems to be         
forgotten that what was best in his     
physics he borrowed from others1 and    
that what he added was of less than no  
value2 that he was ignorant or careless 
of demonstrated truths2 that his avowed 
principles of belief were inconsistent  
with any truth rising above the level of
 vulgar apprehension2 and finally1 that 
in his system scientific interests were 
utterly subordinated to practical       
interests4  ,in the face of such facts1 
to say1 as ,mr4 ,froude does1 that      
,epicureanism was #8the creed of the men
 of science' in the time of ,julius     
,caesar#aaa--;an assertion directly     
contradicted by ,lange#aab--;is perhaps 
only of a piece with ,mr4 ,froude's     
usual inaccuracy when writing about     
ancient history2 but such declarations  
as that of ,mr4 ,frederic ,pollock1 that

 the ,epicurean system #8was a genuine  
attempt at a scientific explanation of  
the world2 and was in its day the       
solitary protest against the contempt of
 physics which prevailed in the other   
post-,aristotelian schools2'#aac of     
,prof4 ,trezza1 that the ,epicurean     
school #8summed up in itself the most   
scientific elements of ,greek           
antiquity2'#aad of ,dr4 ,woltjer1 that  
#8with respect to the laws and          
principles of science1 the ,epicureans  
came nearest of all the ancients to the 
science of our own time2'#aae and       
finally1 of ,m4 ,ernest ,renan1 that    
,epicureanism was #8the great scientific
 school of antiquity1'#aaf are          
absolutely amazing4 ,the eminent ,french
 critic just quoted has elsewhere       
observed1 with perfect justice1 that the
 scientific spirit is the negation of   
the supernatural2 and perhaps he argues 
that the negation of the supernatural   
must1 reciprocally1 be the scientific   
spirit4 ,but this is only true when such

 a negation is arrived at inductively1  
after a disinterested survey of the     
facts4 ,epicurus started with the denial
 of supernatural interference as a      
practical postulate1 and then hunted    
about for whatever explanations of      
natural phenomena would suit his        
foregone conclusion4 ,moreover1 an      
enquirer really animated by the         
scientific spirit studies the facts for 
their own sake2 he studies them as they 
actually are1 not resting content with  
alternative explanations2 and he studies
 them to the fullest extent of which his
 powers are capable4 ,epicurus1 on the  
contrary1 declares that physics would   
not be worth attending to if the mind   
could be set free from religious terrors
 in any other manner2#aag he will not   
let himself be tied down to any one     
theory if there are others equally      
inconsistent with divine agency to be   
had2#aah and when his demands in this   
respect are satisfied1 that is1 when the
 appearances vulgarly ascribed to       

supernatural causation have been        
provided with natural causes1 he leaves 
off4  ,to get rid of superstitious      
beliefs was1 no doubt1 a highly         
meritorious achievement1 but it had been
 far more effectually performed by the  
great pre-,socratic thinkers1           
,heracleitus1 ,empedocles1 ,anaxagoras1 
and ,democritus4 ,these men or their    
followers had1 besides1 got hold of a   
most important principle--the vital     
principle of all science--which was the 
reign of law1 the universality and      
indefeasibility of physical causation4  
,now1 ,epicurus expressly refused to    
accept such a doctrine1 declaring that  
it was even worse than believing in the 
gods1 since they could be propitiated1  
whereas fate could not4#aai ,again1     
,greek physical philosophy1 under the   
guidance of ,plato1 had been tending    
more and more to seek for its foundation
 in mathematics4 ,mathematical reasoning
 was seen to be the type of all         
demonstration2 and the best hopes of    

progress were staked on the extension of
 mathematical methods to every field of 
enquiry in turn4 ,how much might be done
 by following up this clue was quickly  
seen not only in the triumphs of        
geometry1 but in the brilliant          
astronomical discoveries by which the   
shape of the earth1 the phases of the   
moon1 and the cause of eclipses were    
finally cleared up and placed altogether
 outside the sphere of conjecture4 ,nor 
was a knowledge of these truths confined
 to specialists3 they were familiar     
alike to the older ,academy1 to the     
,peripatetic1 and to the ,stoic schools2
 so that1 with the exception of those   
who doubted every proposition1 we may   
assume them to have been then1 as now1  
the common property of all educated men4
 ,epicurus1 on the other hand1 seems to 
have known nothing of mathematics1 or   
only enough to dispute their validity1  
for we are told that his disciple       
,polyaenus1 who had previously been     
eminent in that department1 was         

persuaded1 on joining the school1 to    
reject the whole of geometry as         
untrue2#abj while1 in astronomy1 he     
pronounced the heavenly bodies to be no 
larger than they appear to our senses1  
denied the existence of ,antipodes1 and 
put the crudest guesses of early        
philosophy on the same footing with the 
best-authenticated results of later     
observation4 ,it is no wonder1 then1    
that during the whole continuance of his
 school no man of science ever accepted 
its teaching1 with the single exception 
of ,asclepiades1 who was perhaps a      
,democritean rather than a disciple of  
the ,garden1 and who1 at any rate1 as a 
physiologist1 would not be brought into 
contact with its more flagrant          
absurdities4  ,in order to understand   
how so vigorous an intellect could go so
 wildly astray1 we must glance at his   
personal history1 and at the manner in  
which his system seems to have been     
gradually built up4   ,,ii4  ,epicurus  
was born #cda ,b4,c41 about the same    

time as ,zeno the ,stoic4 ,unlike all   
the other philosophers of his age1 he   
was of ,athenian parentage2 that is to  
say1 he belonged to a race of           
exclusively practical tendencies1 and   
marked by a singular inaptitude or      
distaste for physical enquiries4 ,his   
father1 a poor colonist in ,samos1 was1 
apparently1 not able to give him a very 
regular education4 ,at eighteen he was  
sent to ,athens1 but was shortly        
afterwards obliged to rejoin his family1
 who were driven from ,samos in #cbb1   
along with the other ,athenian settlers1
 by a political revolution1 and had     
taken refuge in ,colophon1 on the       
,asiatic coast4 ,in the course of his   
wanderings1 the future philosopher came 
across some public lecturers1 who seem  
to have instructed him in the physics of
 ,democritus1 and perhaps also in the   
scepticism of ,pyrrho2 but of such a    
steady discipline as ,plato passed      
through during his ten years'           
intercourse with ,socrates1 ,aristotle  

during his twenty years' studies under  
,plato1 and ,zeno during his similarly  
protracted attendance at the various    
schools of ,athens1 there is no trace   
whatever4 ,epicurus always described    
himself as self-taught1 meaning that his
 knowledge had been acquired by reading 
instead of by listening2 and we find in 
him the advantages as well as the       
defects common to self-taught men in all
 ages--considerable freshness and       
freedom from scholastic prejudices1     
along with a certain narrowness of      
sympathies1 incompleteness of           
information1 inaptitude for abstract    
reasoning1 and last1 but not least1 an  
enormous opinion of his own abilities1  
joined to an overweening contempt for   
those with whose opinions he did not    
agree4 ,after teaching for some time in 
,mityln1 ,epicurus established himself  
as the head of a school in ,athens1     
where he bought a house and garden4 ,in 
the latter he lectured and gathered     
round him a band of devoted friends1    

among whom women were included1 and who 
were wont to assemble for purposes of   
social recreation not less than of      
philosophic discipline4 ,just before his
 death1 which occurred in the year #bgj1
 he declared in a letter to his friend  
and destined successor ,hermarchus1 that
 the recollection of his philosophical  
achievements had been such a source of  
pleasure as to overcome the agonies of  
disease1 and to make the last day the   
happiest of his life4#aba ,for the rest1
 ,epicurus secluded himself1 on         
principle1 from the world1 and few      
echoes of his teaching seem to have     
passed beyond the circle of his         
immediate adherents4 ,thus1 whatever    
opportunities might otherwise have      
offered themselves of profiting by      
adverse criticism were completely       
lost4#abb  ,epicureanism was essentially
 a practical philosophy4 ,the physical1 
theological1 and logical portions of the
 system were reasoned out with exclusive
 reference to its ethical end1 and their

 absolute subordination to it was never 
allowed to be forgotten4 ,it is         
therefore with the moral theory of      
,epicurus that we must begin4  ,from the
 time of ,socrates on1 the majority of  
,greeks1 had they been asked what was   
the ultimate object of endeavour1 or    
what made life worth living1 would have 
answered1 pleasure4 ,but among          
professional philosophers such a        
definition of the supreme good met with 
little favour4 ,seeing very clearly that
 the standard of conduct must be social1
 and convinced that it must at the same 
time include the highest good of the    
individual1 they found it impossible to 
believe that the two could be reconciled
 by encouraging each citizen in the     
unrestricted pursuit of his own private 
gratifications4 ,nor had such an idea as
 the greatest happiness of the greatest 
number ever risen above their horizon2  
although1 from the necessities of life  
itself1 they unconsciously assumed it in
 all their political discussions4 ,the  

desire for pleasure was1 however1 too   
powerful a motive to be safely          
disregarded4 ,accordingly we find       
,socrates frequently appealing to it    
when no other argument was likely to be 
equally efficacious1 ,plato striving to 
make the private satisfaction of his    
citizens coincide with the demands of   
public duty1 and ,aristotle maintaining 
that this coincidence must spontaneously
 result from the consolidation of moral 
habits2 the true test of a virtuous     
disposition being1 in his opinion1 the  
pleasure which accompanies its exercise4
 ,one of the companions of ,socrates1   
,aristippus the ,cyrenaean1 a man who   
had cut himself loose from every        
political and domestic obligation1 and  
who was remarkable for the versatility  
with which he adapted himself to the    
most varying circumstances1 went still  
further4 ,he boldly declared that       
pleasure was the sole end worth seeking1
 and on the strength of this doctrine   
came forward as the founder of a new    

philosophical school4 ,according to his 
system1 the summum bonum was not the    
total amount of enjoyment secured in a  
lifetime1 but the greatest single       
enjoyment that could be secured at any  
moment2 and this principle was          
associated with an idealistic theory of 
perception1 apparently suggested by     
,protagoras1 but carrying his views much
 further4 ,our knowledge1 said          
,aristippus1 is strictly limited to     
phenomena2 we are conscious of nothing  
beyond our own feelings2 and we have no 
right to assume the existence of any    
objects by which they are caused4 ,the  
study of natural science is therefore   
waste of time2 our whole energies should
 be devoted to the interests of         
practical life4#abc ,thus ,greek        
humanism seemed to have found its       
appropriate sequel in hedonism1 which1  
as an ethical theory1 might quote in its
 favour both the dictates of immediate  
feeling and the sanction of public      
opinion4  ,the ,cyrenaic school ended1  

curiously enough1 in pessimism4 ,the    
doctrine that pleasure is the only good1
 and the doctrine that life yields a    
preponderance of painful over           
pleasurable feelings1 are severally     
compatible with a preference of         
existence to non-existence2 when united1
 as they were by ,hgsias1 a ,cyrenaic   
professor1 they logically lead to       
suicide2 and we are told that the public
 authorities of ,alexandria were obliged
 to order the discontinuance of his     
lectures1 so great was their effect in  
promoting self-destruction4#abd         
,meanwhile1 hedonism had been           
temporarily taken up by ,plato1 and     
developed into the earliest known form  
of utilitarianism4 ,in his ,protagoras1 
he endeavours to show that every virtue 
has for its object either to secure a   
greater pleasure by the sacrifice of a  
lesser pleasure1 or to avoid a greater  
pain by the endurance of a lesser pain2 
nothing being taken into account but the
 interests of the individual agent      

concerned4 ,plato afterwards discarded  
the theory sketched in the ,protagoras  
for a higher and more generous1 if less 
distinctly formulated morality2 but     
while ceasing to be a hedonist he       
remained a utilitarian2 that is to say1 
he insisted on judging actions by their 
tendency to promote the general welfare1
 not by the sentiments which they excite
 in the mind of a conventional          
spectator4  ,the idea of virtue as a    
hedonistic calculus1 abandoned by its   
first originator1 and apparently        
neglected by his immediate successors1  
was taken up by ,epicurus2 for that the 
latter borrowed it from ,plato seems to 
be proved by the exact resemblance of   
their language2#abe and ,m4 ,guyau is   
quite mistaken when he represents his   
hero as the founder of utilitarian      
morality4#abf ,it was not enough1       
however1 to appropriate the cast-off    
ideas of ,plato2 it was necessary to    
meet the arguments by which ,plato had  
been led to think that pleasure was not 

the supreme good1 and to doubt whether  
it was1 as such1 a good at all4 ,the    
most natural course would have been to  
begin by exhibiting the hedonistic ideal
 in a more favourable light4 ,sensual   
gratifications1 from their remarkable   
intensity1 had long been the accepted   
types of pleasurable feeling1 and from  
their animal character1 as well as from 
other obvious reasons1 had frequently   
been used to excite a prejudice against 
it4 ,on the other hand1 ,plato himself1 
and ,aristotle still more1 had brought  
into prominence the superiority1 simply 
as pleasures1 of those intellectual     
activities which they considered to be1 
even apart from all pleasure1 the       
highest good4 ,but ,epicurus refused to 
avail himself of this opportunity for   
effecting a compromise with the opposite
 school1 boldly declaring that he for   
his part could not conceive any         
pleasures apart from those received     
through the five senses1 among which he1
 characteristically enough1 included    

aesthetic enjoyments4 ,the obvious      
significance of his words has been      
explained away1 and they have been      
asserted to contain only the very       
harmless proposition that our animal    
nature is the basis1 the condition1 of  
our spiritual nature4#abg ,but1 if this 
were the true explanation1 it would be  
possible to point out what other        
pleasures were recognised by ,epicurus4 
,these1 if they existed at all1 must    
have belonged to the mind as such4 ,now1
 we have it on ,cicero's authority that1
 while admitting the existence of mental
 feelings1 both pleasurable and painful1
 he reduced them to an extension and    
reflection of bodily feelings1 mental   
happiness properly consisting in the    
assurance of prolonged and painless     
sensual gratification4 ,this is         
something very different from saying    
that the highest spiritual enjoyments   
are conditioned by the healthy activity 
of the bodily organs1 or that they      
cannot be appreciated if the animal     

appetites are starved4 ,it amounts to   
saying that there are no specific and   
positive pleasures apart from the five  
senses as exercised either in reality or
 in imagination4#abh ,and even without  
the evidence of ,cicero1 we can see that
 some such conclusion necessarily       
followed from the principles elsewhere  
laid down by ,epicurus4 ,to a ,greek1   
the mental pleasures1 par excellence1   
were those derived from friendship and  
from intellectual activity4 ,but our    
philosopher1 while warmly panegyrising  
friendship1 recommends it not for the   
direct pleasure which it affords1 but   
for the pain and danger which it        
prevents2#abi while his restriction of  
scientific studies to the office of     
dispelling superstitious fears seems    
meant for a direct protest against      
,aristotle's opinion1 that the highest  
pleasure is derived from those studies4 
,equally significant is his outspoken   
contempt for literary culture4#acj ,in  
this respect1 he offers a marked        

contrast to ,aristippus1 who1 when asked
 by some one what good his son would get
 by education1 answered1 #8,this much1  
at least1 that when he is at the play he
 will not sit like a stone upon a       
stone1'#aca the customary attitude1 it  
would seem1 of an ordinary ,athenian    
auditor4  ,it appears1 then1 that the   
popular identification of an ,epicurean 
with a sensualist has something to say  
in its favour4 ,nevertheless1 we have no
 reason to think that ,epicurus was     
anything but perfectly sincere when he  
repudiated the charge of being a mere   
sensualist4#acb ,but the impulse which  
lifted him above sensualism was not     
derived from his own original           
philosophy4 ,it was due to the          
inspiration of ,plato2 and nothing      
testifies more to ,plato's moral        
greatness than that the doctrine most   
opposed to his own idealism should have 
been raised from the dust by the example
 of its flight4 ,we proceed to show how 
the peculiar form assumed by            

,epicureanism was determined by the     
pressure brought to bear on its original
 germ two generations before4  ,it had  
been urged against hedonism that        
pleasure is a process1 a movement2      
whereas the supreme good must be a      
completed product--an end in which we   
can rest4 ,against sensual enjoyments in
 particular1 it had been urged that they
 are caused by the satisfaction of      
appetite1 and1 as such1 must result in a
 mere negative condition1 marking the   
zero point of pleasurable sentiency4    
,finally1 much stress had been laid on  
the anti-social and suicidal            
consequences of that selfish grasping at
 power to which habits of unlimited     
self-indulgence must infallibly lead4   
,the form given to hedonism by ,epicurus
 is a reaction against these criticisms1
 a modification imposed on it for the   
purpose of evading their force4 ,he     
seems to admit that bodily satisfaction 
is rather the removal of a want1 and    
consequently of a pain1 than a source of

 positive pleasure4 ,but the resulting  
condition of liberation from uneasiness 
is1 according to him1 all that we can   
desire2 and by extending the same       
principle to every other good1 he       
indirectly brings back the mental       
felicity which at first sight his system
 threatened either to exclude or to     
reduce to a mere shadow of sensual      
enjoyment4 ,for1 in calculating the     
elements of unhappiness1 we have to     
deal1 not only with present discomfort1 
but also1 and to a far greater extent1  
with the apprehension of future evil4   
,we dread the loss of worldly goods1 of 
friends1 of reputation1 of life itself4 
,we are continually exposed to pain1    
both from violence and from disease4 ,we
 are haunted by visions of divine       
vengeance1 both here and hereafter4 ,to 
get rid of all such terrors1 to possess 
our souls in peace1 is the highest      
good--a permanent1 as distinguished from
 a transient state of consciousness--and
 the proper business of philosophy is to

 show us how that consummation may be   
attained4 ,thus we are brought back to  
that blissful self-contemplation of mind
 which ,aristotle had already declared  
to be the goal of all endeavour and the 
sole happiness of ,god4  ,but ,epicurus 
could only borrow the leading principle 
of his opponents at the expense of an   
enormous inconsistency4 ,it was long ago
 pointed out by the ,academicians--and  
the objection has never been            
answered--that pleasure and mere        
painlessness cannot both be the highest 
good1 although the one may be an        
indispensable condition of the other4   
,to confound the means with the end was1
 indeed1 a common fault of ,greek       
philosophy2 and the ,stoics also were   
guilty of it when they defined          
self-preservation to be the natural     
object of every creature1 and yet       
attached a higher value to the          
instruments than to the aims of that    
activity4 ,in ,epicureanism1 however1   
the change of front was more open1 and  

was attempted under the eyes of acute   
and vigilant enemies4 ,if the total     
absence of pain involves a pleasurable  
state of consciousness1 we have a right 
to ask for a definition or description  
of it1 and this1 so far as can be made  
out1 our philosopher never pretended to 
supply4 ,of course1 a modern            
psychologist can point out that the     
functions of respiration1 circulation1  
secretion1 and absorption are constantly
 going on1 and that1 in their normal    
activity1 they give rise to a vast sum  
of pleasurable consciousness1 which far 
more than makes up in volume for what it
 wants in acuteness4 ,but1 whatever his 
recent interpreters may say1#acc        
,epicurus nowhere alludes to this       
diffused feeling of vitality2 had he    
recognised it1 his enumeration of the   
positive sensations1 apart from which   
the good is inconceivable1 would have   
seemed as incomplete to him as it does  
to us4 ,if1 on the other hand1 the      
complete removal of pain introduces us  

to a state of consciousness1 which1     
without being positively pleasurable1   
has a positive value of some kind1 we   
ought to be told wherein it differs from
 the ideals of the spiritualist school2 
while1 if it has no positive value at   
all1 we ought equally to be told wherein
 it differs from the unconsciousness of 
sleep or of death4   ,,iii4  ,we have   
now to see how1 granting ,epicurus his  
conception of painlessness as the       
supreme good1 he proceeds to evolve from
 it a whole ethical1 theological1 and   
physical system4 ,for reasons already   
mentioned1 the ethical development must 
be studied first4 ,we shall therefore   
begin with an analysis of the particular
 virtues4 ,temperance1 as the great     
self-regarding duty1 obviously takes    
precedence of the others4 ,in dealing   
with this branch of his subject1 there  
was nothing to prevent ,epicurus from   
profiting by the labours of his         
predecessors1 and more especially of the
 naturalistic school from ,prodicus     

down4 ,so far as moderation is          
concerned1 there need be little         
difference between a theory of conduct  
based exclusively on the interests of   
the individual1 and a theory which      
regards him chiefly as a portion of some
 larger whole4 ,accordingly1 we find    
that our philosopher1 in his praises of 
frugality1 closely approximated to the  
,cynic and ,stoic standards--so much so1
 indeed1 that his expressions on the    
subject are repeatedly quoted by ,seneca
 as the best that could be found4       
,perhaps the ,roman moralist valued them
 less for their own sake than as being1 
to some extent1 the admissions of an    
opponent4 ,but1 in truth1 he was only   
reclaiming what the principles of his   
own sect had originally inspired4 ,to be
 content with the barest necessaries was
 a part of that ,nature-worship against 
which ,greek humanism1 with its         
hedonistic and idealistic offshoots1 had
 begun by vigorously protesting4 ,hence 
many passages in ,lucretius express     

exactly the same sentiments as those    
which are most characteristic of ,latin 
literature at a time when it is         
completely dominated by ,stoic          
influences4  ,it is another ,cynic trait
 in ,epicurus that he should address    
himself to a much wider audience than   
the ,sophists1 or even than ,socrates   
and his spiritualistic successors4 ,this
 circumstance suggested a new argument  
in favour of temperance4 ,his philosophy
 being intended for the use of all      
mankind without exception1 was bound to 
show that happiness is within the reach 
of the poor as well as of the rich2 and 
this could not be did it depend1 to any 
appreciable extent1 on indulgences which
 wealth alone can purchase4 ,and even   
the rich will not enjoy complete        
tranquillity unless they are taught that
 the loss of fortune is not to be       
feared1 since their appetites can be    
easily satisfied without it4 ,thus the  
pains arising from excess1 though       
doubtless not forgotten1 seem to have   

been the least important motive to      
restraint in his teaching4 ,the precepts
 of ,epicurus are only too faithfully   
followed in the southern countries for  
whose benefit they were first framed4   
,it is a matter of common observation1  
that the extreme frugality of the       
,italians1 by leaving them satisfied    
with the barest sufficiency1 deprives   
them of a most valuable spur to         
exertion1 and allows a vast fund of     
possible energy to moulder away in      
listless apathy1 or to consume itself   
more rapidly in sordid vice4 ,moreover1 
as economists have long since pointed   
out1 where the standard of comfort is   
high1 there will be a large available   
margin to fall back upon in periods of  
distress2 while where it is low1 the    
limit of subsistence will be always     
dangerously near4  ,the enemies of      
hedonism had taken a malicious          
satisfaction in identifying it with     
voluptuous indulgence1 and had          
scornfully asked if that could be the   

supreme good and proper object of       
virtuous endeavour1 the enjoyment of    
which was habitually associated with    
secresy and shame4 ,it was1 perhaps1 to 
screen his system from such reproaches  
that ,epicurus went a long way towards  
the extreme limit of asceticism1 and    
hinted at the advisability of complete  
abstinence from that which1 although    
natural1 is not necessary to            
self-preservation1 and involves a       
serious drain on the vital energies4#acd
 ,in this respect1 he was not followed  
by ,lucretius1 who has no objection to  
the satisfaction of animal instinct1 so 
long as it is not accompanied by        
personal passion4#ace ,neither the      
,greek moralist nor the ,roman poet     
could foresee what a great part in the  
history of civilisation chivalrous      
devotion to a beloved object was        
destined to play1 although the uses of  
idealised desire had already revealed   
themselves to ,plato's penetrating gaze4
  ,with regard to those more refined    

aspects of temperance1 in which it      
appears as a restraint exercised by     
reason over anger1 pity1 and grief1     
,epicurus and his followers refused to  
go all lengths with the ,stoics in their
 effort to extirpate emotion altogether4
 ,but here they seem not to have        
proceeded on any fixed principle1 except
 that of contradicting the opposite     
school4 ,that the sage will feel pity1  
and sometimes shed tears1#acf is a      
sentiment from which few are now likely 
to dissent2 yet the absolute impassivity
 at which ,stoicism aimed seems still   
more consistent with a philosophy whose 
ideal was complete exemption from pain2 
while in practice it would be rather    
easier to attain than the power of      
feeling quite happy on the rack1 which  
the accomplished ,epicurean was expected
 to possess4#acg  ,next to ,temperance  
comes ,fortitude2 and with it the       
difficulties of reconciling             
,epicureanism with the ordinary morality
 are considerably increased4 ,the old   

conception of this virtue was           
willingness to face pain and death on   
behalf of a noble cause1#ach which would
 be generally understood to mean the    
salvation of family1 friends1 and       
fatherland2 and the ultimate sanction of
 such self-devotion was found in the    
pressure of public opinion4 ,idealistic 
philosophy1 taking still higher ground1 
not only refused to balance the fear of 
pain and death against the fear of      
infamy or the hope of applause1 but     
added public opinion to the             
considerations which a good man in the  
discharge of his duty would1 if         
necessary1 despise4 ,epicurus also      
inculcated disregard for reputation1    
except when it might lead to            
inconveniences of a tangible            
description2#aci but he had nothing     
beyond the calculations of self-interest
 to put in its place4 ,a modern         
utilitarian is bound to undergo loss and
 suffering in his own person for the    
prevention of greater loss and suffering

 elsewhere2 an egoistic hedonist cannot 
consistently be brave1 except for the   
sake of his own future security4 ,the   
method by which ,epicurus reconciled    
interest with courage was to minimise   
the importance of whatever injuries     
could be inflicted by external          
circumstances2 just as in his theory of 
,temperance he had minimised the        
importance of bodily pleasures4 ,how he 
disposed of death will best be seen in  
connexion with his physical philosophy4 
,pain he encountered by emphasising1 or 
rather immensely exaggerating1 the      
mind's power of annulling external      
sensation by concentrating its whole    
attention on remembered or anticipated  
pleasures1 or else on the certainty that
 present suffering must come to an end1 
and to a more speedy end in proportion  
to its greater severity4 ,we are to hold
 a fire in our hand1 partly by thinking 
of the frosty ,caucasus1 partly by the  
comforting reflection that the pain of a
 burn1 being intense1 will not be of    

long duration2 while1 at worst1 like the
 ,stoics1 we have the resource of       
suicide as a last refuge from           
intolerable suffering4#adj  ,with the   
,epicurean theory of ,justice1 the      
distortion1 already sufficiently        
obvious1 is carried still further2      
although we must frankly admit that it  
includes some aperus strikingly in      
advance of all that had hitherto been   
written on the subject4 ,justice1       
according to our philosopher1 is neither
 an internal balance of the soul's      
faculties1 nor a rule imposed by the    
will of the stronger1 but a mutual      
agreement to abstain from aggressions1  
varying from time to time with the      
varying interests of society1 and always
 determined by considerations of general
 utility4#ada ,this is excellent3 we    
miss1 indeed1 the ,stoic idea of a      
common humanity1 embracing1 underlying1 
and transcending all particular         
contracts2 but we have1 in exchange1 the
 idea of a general interest equivalent  

to the sum of private interests1        
together with the means necessary for   
their joint preservation2 and we have   
also the form under which the notion of 
justice originates1 though not the      
measure of its ultimate expansion1 which
 is regard for the general interest1    
even when we are not bound by any       
contract to observe it4 ,but when we go 
on to ask why contracts should be       
adhered to1 ,epicurus has no reason to  
offer beyond dread of punishment4 ,his  
words1 as translated by ,mr4 ,wallace1  
are3--#8,injustice is not in itself a   
bad thing1 but only in the fear arising 
from anxiety on the part of the         
wrong-doer that he will not always      
escape punishment4'#adb ,this was       
evidently meant for a direct            
contradiction of ,plato's assertion1    
that1 apart from its penal consequences1
 injustice is a disease of the soul1    
involving more mischief to the          
perpetrator than to the victim4 ,mr4    
,wallace1 however1 takes a different    

view of his author's meaning4 ,according
 to him1   ,if we interpret this        
doctrine1 after the example of some of  
the  ancients1 to mean that any         
wrong-doing would be innocent and good1 
supposing it escaped detection1 we shall
 probably be misconstruing  ,epicurus4  
,what he seems to allude to is rather   
the case of strictly  legal enactments1 
where1 previously to law1 the action    
need not  have been particularly moral  
or immoral2 where1 in fact1 the common  
agreement has established a rule which  
is not completely in harmony  with the  
#8justice of nature4' ,in short1        
,epicurus is protesting against  the    
conception of injustice1 which makes it 
consist in disobedience  to political   
and social rules1 imposed and enforced  
by public and  authoritative sanctions4 
,he is protesting1 in other words1      
against the  claims of the ,state upon  
the citizens for their complete         
obedience2  against the old ideas of the
 divine sanctity and majesty of law as  

law2 against theories like that         
maintained by contemporaries of         
,socrates1 that there could be no such  
thing as an unjust law4#adc  ,epicurus  
was assuredly not a master of language1 
but had he meant all that is here put   
into his mouth1 he would hardly have    
been at a loss for words to say it4     
,remembering that the   constituted a   
sort of creed drawn up by the master    
himself for his disciples to learn by   
heart1#add and that the incriminated    
passage is one of the articles in that  
creed1 we need only look at the context 
to make certain that it has been        
entirely misread by his apologist4#ade  
,in the three preceding articles1 we are
 told that justice is by nature a       
contract for the prevention of          
aggressions1 that it does not exist     
among animals which are unable1 nor     
among tribes of men which are either    
unable or unwilling to enter into such  
an agreement1 and--with reiterated      
emphasis--that1 apart from contracts1 it

 has no original existence 7o   '  74   
,there is nothing at all about a true as
 distinguished from a false justice2    
there is no allusion whatever to the    
theories of any #8contemporaries of     
,socrates2' the polemic reference1 if   
any1 is to ,plato1 and to ,plato alone4 
,then comes the declaration quoted      
above1 to the effect that injustice is  
not an evil in itself1 but only an evil 
through the dread of punishment which it
 produces4 ,now1 by injustice1 ,epicurus
 must simply mean the opposite of what  
he defined justice to be in the         
preceding paragraph--that is1 a breach  
of the agreement not to hurt one another
 7  74 ,the authority of the ,state is  
evidently conceived1 not as superseding1
 but as enforcing agreements4 ,the      
succeeding article still further        
confirms the view rejected by ,mr4      
,wallace4 ,epicurus tells us that no man
 who stealthily evades the contract to  
abstain from mutual aggressions can be  
sure of escaping detection4 ,this is    

evidently added to show that1 apart from
 any mystical sanctions1 fear of        
punishment is quite enough to deter a   
prudent man from committing crimes4 ,and
 we can see that no other deterrent was 
recognised by ,lucretius1 when1 in      
evident reference to his master's words1
 he mentions the fears of those who     
offend--not against mere conventional   
rules1 but against human rights in      
general--as the great safeguard of      
justice4#adf  ,we may1 indeed1 fairly   
ask what guarantee against wrong-doing  
of any kind could be supplied by a      
system which made the supreme good of   
each individual consist in his immunity 
from pain and fear1 except that very    
pain or fear which he was above all     
things to avoid8 ,the wise man might    
reasonably give his assent to enactments
 intended for the common good of all    
men1 including himself among the number2
 but when his concrete interest as a    
private citizen came into collision with
 his abstract interests as a social     

unit1 one does not see how the quarrel  
was to be decided on ,epicurean         
principles1 except by striking a balance
 between the pains respectively         
resulting from justice and injustice4   
,here1 ,epicurus1 in his anxiety to show
 that hedonism1 rightly understood1 led 
to the same results as the accepted     
systems of morality1 over-estimated the 
policy of honesty4 ,there are cases in  
which the wrong-doer may count on       
immunity from danger with more          
confidence than when entering on such   
ordinary enterprises as a sea-voyage or 
a commercial speculation2 there are even
 cases where a single crime might free  
him from what else would be a lifelong  
dread4 ,and1 at worst1 he can fall back 
on the ,epicurean arguments proving that
 neither physical pain nor death is to  
be feared1 while the threats of divine  
vengeance are a baseless dream4#adg     
,the radical selfishness of             
,epicureanism comes out still more      
distinctly in its attitude towards      

political activity4 ,not only does it   
systematically discourage mere personal 
ambition--the desire of possessing      
political power for the furtherance of  
one's own ends--but it passes a like    
condemnation on disinterested efforts to
 improve the condition of the people by 
legislation2 while the general rule laid
 down for the wise man in his capacity  
of citizen is passive obedience to the  
established authorities1 to be departed 
from only when the exigencies of        
self-defence require it4 ,on this ,mr4  
,wallace observes that #8political life1
 which in all ages has been impossible  
for those who had not wealth1 and who   
were unwilling to mix themselves with   
vile and impure associates1 was not to  
the mind of ,epicurus4'#adh ,no         
authority is quoted to prove that the   
abstention recommended by ,epicurus was 
dictated by purist sentiments of any    
kind2 nor can we readily admit that it  
is impossible to record a vote1 to      
canvass at an election1 or even to      

address a public meeting1 without       
fulfilling one or other of the          
conditions specified by ,mr4 ,wallace2  
and we know by the example of ,littr    
that it is possible for a poor man to   
take a rather prominent part in public  
life1 without the slightest sacrifice of
 personal dignity4#adi ,it must also be 
remembered that ,epicurus was not       
speaking for himself alone2 he was      
giving practical advice to all whom it  
might concern--advice of which he       
thought1 aeque pauperibus prodest1      
locupletibus aeque2 so that when ,mr4   
,wallace adds that1 #8above all1 it is  
not the business of a philosopher to    
become a political partisan1 and spend  
his life in an atmosphere of avaricious 
and malignant passions1'#aej we must    
observe that ,epicureanism was not      
designed to make philosophers1 but      
perfect men4 ,the real question is      
whether it would serve the public       
interest were all who endeavour to shape
 their lives by the precepts of         

philosophy to withdraw themselves       
entirely from participation in the      
affairs of their country4 ,and1 having  
regard to the general character of the  
system now under consideration1 we may  
not uncharitably surmise that the motive
 for abstention which it supplied was   
selfish love of ease far more than      
unwillingness to be mixed up with the   
dirty work of politics4  ,epicureanism  
allotted a far larger place to          
friendship than to all the other social 
virtues put together2 and the disciple  
was taught to look to it not only for   
the satisfaction of his altruistic      
impulses1 but for the crowning happiness
 of his life4 ,the egoistic basis of the
 system was1 indeed1 made sufficiently  
prominent even here2 utility and        
pleasure1 which ,aristotle had excluded 
from the notion of true friendship1     
being declared its proper ends4 ,all the
 conditions of a disinterested          
attachment were1 however1 brought back  
by a circuitous process4 ,it was argued 

that the full value of friendship could 
not be reaped except by those whose     
affection for each other went to the    
extent of complete self-devotion2 but   
the ,epicureans were less successful in 
showing how this happy condition could  
be realised consistently with the study 
of his own interest by each individual4 
,as a matter of fact1 it was realised2  
and the members of this school became   
remarkable1 above all others1 for the   
tenderness and fidelity of their        
personal attachments4 ,but we may       
suspect that formal precepts had little 
to do with the result4 ,estrangement    
from the popular creed1 when still      
uncommon1 has always a tendency to draw 
the dissidents together2#aea and where  
other ties1 whether religious1 domestic1
 or patriotic1 are neglected1 the       
ordinary instincts of human nature are  
likely to show themselves with all the  
more energy in the only remaining form  
of union4 ,moreover1 the cheerful1      
contented1 abstemious1 unambitious      

characters who would be the most readily
 attracted to the ,epicurean brotherhood
 supplied the very materials that most  
readily unite in placid and enduring    
attachments4 ,a tolerably strict        
standard of orthodoxy provided against  
theoretical dissensions3 nor were the   
new converts likely to possess either   
daring or originality enough to excite  
controversies where they did not already
 exist4   ,,iv4  ,after eliminating all 
the sources of misery due to folly and  
vice1 ,epicurus had still to deal with  
what1 in his opinion1 were the most     
formidable obstacles to human happiness1
 dread of the divine anger and dread of 
death1 either in itself1 or as the      
entrance on another life4 ,to meet      
these1 he compiled1 for we can hardly   
say constructed1 an elaborate system of 
physical philosophy1 having for its     
object to show that ,nature is entirely 
governed by mechanical causes1 and that 
the soul perishes with the body4 ,we    
have already mentioned that for science 

as such and apart from its ethical      
applications he neither cared nor       
pretended to care in the least4 ,it     
seems1 therefore1 rather surprising that
 he could not manage1 like the ,sceptics
 before him1 to get rid of              
supernaturalism by a somewhat more      
expeditious method4 ,the explanation    
seems to be that to give some account of
 natural phenomena had become1 in his   
time1 a necessity for every one aspiring
 to found a philosophical system4 ,a    
brilliant example had been set by ,plato
 and ,aristotle1 of whom the former1    
too1 had apparently yielded to the      
popular demand rather than followed the 
bent of his own genius1 in turning aside
 from ethics to physics2 and ,zeno had  
similarly included the whole of         
knowledge in his teaching4 ,the old     
,greek curiosity respecting the causes  
of things was still alive2 and a similar
 curiosity was doubtless awakening among
 those populations to whom ,greek       
civilisation had been carried by        

colonisation1 commerce1 and conquest4   
,now1 those scientific speculations are 
always the most popular which can be    
shown to have some bearing on religious 
belief1 either in the way of            
confirmation or of opposition1 according
 as faith or doubt happens to be most in
 the ascendent4 ,fifty years ago1 among 
ourselves1 no work on natural philosophy
 could hope for a large circulation     
unless it was filled with teleological  
applications4 ,at present1 liberal      
opinions are gaining ground2 and those  
treatises are most eagerly studied which
 tend to prove that everything in       
,nature can be best explained through   
the agency of mechanical causation4 ,at 
neither period is it the facts          
themselves which have excited most      
attention1 but their possible bearing on
 our own interests4 ,among the          
contemporaries of ,epicurus1 the two    
currents of thought that in more recent 
times have enjoyed an alternate triumph1
 seem to have co-existed as forces of   

about equal strength4 ,the old          
superstitions were rejected by all      
thinking men2 and the only question was 
by what new faith they should be        
replaced4 ,poets and philosophers had   
alike laboured to bring about a         
religious reformation by exhibiting the 
popular mythology in its grotesque      
deformity1 and by constructing systems  
in which pure monotheism was more or    
less distinctly proclaimed4 ,but it     
suited the purpose1 perhaps it gratified
 the vanity of ,epicurus to talk as if  
the work of deliverance still remained  
to be done1 as if men were still        
groaning under the incubus of           
superstitions which he alone could teach
 them to shake off4 ,he seems1 indeed1  
to have confounded the old and the new  
faiths under a common opprobrium1 and to
 have assumed that the popular religion 
was mainly supported by ,stoic          
arguments1 or that the ,stoic optimism  
was not less productive of superstitious
 terrors than the gloomy polytheism     

which it was designed to supersede4#aeb 
,again1 while attacking the belief in   
human immortality1 ,epicurus seems to   
direct his blows against the            
metaphysical reasonings of ,plato1#aec  
as well as against the indistinct       
forebodings of primitive imagination4   
,the consequences of this two-edged     
polemic are very remarkable4 ,in reading
 ,lucretius1 we are surprised at the    
total absence of criticisms like those  
brought to bear on ,greek mythology with
 such formidable effect1 first by ,plato
 and1 long afterwards1 by ,lucian4      
,there is a much more modern tone about 
his invectives1 and they seem aimed at  
an enemy familiar to ourselves4 ,one    
would suppose that the advent of        
,catholicism had been revealed in a     
prophetic vision to the poet1 and that  
this1 rather than the religion of his   
own times1 was the object of his wrath  
and dread2 or else that some child of   
the ,renaissance was seeking for a freer
 utterance of his own revolt against all

 theology1 under the disguise of a dead 
language and of a warfare with          
long-discredited gods4 ,for this reason1
 ,christians have always regarded him1  
with perfect justice1 as a dangerous    
enemy2 while rationalists of the fiercer
 type have accepted his splendid        
denunciations as the appropriate        
expression of their own most cherished  
feelings4  ,the explanation of this     
anomaly is1 we believe1 to be found in  
the fact that ,catholicism did1 to a    
great extent1 actually spring from a    
continuation of those widely different  
tendencies which ,epicurus confounded in
 a common assault4 ,it had an           
intellectual basis in the ,platonic and 
,stoic philosophies1 and a popular basis
 in the revival of those manifold       
superstitions which1 underlying the     
brilliant civilisations of ,greece and  
,rome1 were always ready to break out   
with renewed violence when their        
restraining pressure was removed4 ,the  
revival of which we speak was powerfully

 aided from without4 ,the same movement 
that was carrying ,hellenic culture into
 ,asia was bringing ,oriental delusions 
by a sort of back current into the      
,western world4 ,nor was this all4 ,the 
relaxation of all political bonds1      
together with the indifference of the   
educated classes1 besides allowing a    
rank undergrowth of popular beliefs to  
spring up unchecked1 surrendered the    
regulation of those beliefs into the    
hands of a profession which it had      
hitherto been the policy of every       
ancient republic to keep under rigid    
restraint--the accredited or informal   
ministers of religion4#aed ,now1 the    
chief characteristic of a priestly order
 has always and everywhere been         
insatiable avarice4 ,when forbidden to  
acquire wealth in their individual      
capacity1 they grasp at it all the more 
eagerly in their corporate capacity4    
,and1 as the ,epicureans probably       
perceived1 there is no engine which they
 can use so effectually for the         

gratification of this passion as the    
belief in a future life4 ,what they have
 to tell about this is often described  
by themselves and their supporters as a 
message of joy to the weary and         
afflicted4 ,but under their treatment it
 is very far from being a consolatory   
belief4 ,dark shades and lurid lights   
predominate considerably in their       
pictures of the world beyond the grave2 
and here1 as we shall presently show1   
they are aided by an irresistible       
instinct of human nature4 ,on this      
subject1 also1 they can speak with      
unlimited confidence2 for1 while their  
other statements about the supernatural 
are liable to be contradicted by        
experience1 the abode of souls is a     
bourne from which no traveller returns  
to disprove the accuracy of their       
statements4  ,that such a tendency was  
at work some time before the age of     
,epicurus is shown by the following     
passage from ,plato's ,republic3--      
,mendicant prophets go to rich men's    

doors and persuade them that they  have 
a power committed to them of making     
atonement for their sins or  those of   
their fathers by sacrifices or          
charms4444 ,and they produce a  host of 
books 444 according to which they       
perform their ritual1 and  persuade not 
only individuals but whole cities1 that 
expiations and  atonements for sin may  
be made by sacrifices and amusements    
which fill  a vacant hour1#aee and are  
equally at the service of the living and
  the dead2 the latter sort they call   
mysteries1 and they redeem us from  the 
pains of hell1 but if we neglect them no
 one knows what awaits  us4#aef  ,let us
 now pass over fourteen centuries and   
see to what results the doctrine taught 
by ,plato himself led when it had       
entered into an alliance with the       
superstitions which he denounced4 ,our  
illustration shall be taken from a      
sainted hero of the ,catholic ,church4  
,in a sermon preached before ,pope      
,nicholas ,,ii4 at ,arezzo1 the famous  

,hildebrand1 afterwards ,gregory ,,vii41
 relates the following story3--   ,in   
one of the provinces of ,germany there  
died1 about ten years  ago1 a certain   
count1 who had been rich and powerful1  
and1 what is  astonishing for one of    
that class1 he was1 according to the    
judgment  of man1 pure in faith and     
innocent in his life4 ,some time after  
his  death1 a holy man descended in     
spirit to hell1 and beheld the count    
standing on the topmost rung of a       
ladder4 ,he tells us that this ladder   
stood unconsumed amid the crackling     
flames around2 and that it had  been    
placed there to receive the family of   
the aforesaid count4 ,there  was1       
moreover1 the black and frightful abyss 
out of which rose the  fatal ladder4 ,it
 was so ordered that the last comer took
 his stand at  the top of the ladder1   
and when the rest of the family arrived 
he went  down one step1 and all below   
him did likewise4   ,as the last of the 
same family who died came and took his  

place1  age after age1 on this ladder1  
it followed inevitably that they all    
successively reached the depth of hell4 
,the holy man who beheld this  thing1   
asked the reason of this terrible       
damnation1 and especially how  it was   
that the seigneur whom he had known and 
who had lived a life of  justice and    
well-doing should be thus punished4 ,and
 he heard a voice  saying1 #8,it is     
because of certain lands belonging to   
the church of  ,metz1 which were taken  
from the blessed ,stephen by one of this
 man's  ancestors1 from whom he was the 
tenth in descent1 and for this cause    
all these men have sinned by the same   
avarice and are subjected to the  same  
punishment in eternal fire4'#aeg  ,in   
view of such facts as these1 we cannot  
blame the ,epicureans if they regarded  
the doctrine of future retribution as   
anything but a consolatory or ennobling 
belief1 and if they deemed that to      
extirpate it was to cut out a           
mischievous delusion by the roots3--    

,et merito3 nam si certain finem esse   
viderent     ,aerumnarum homines aliqua 
ratione valerent     ,relligionibus1    
atque minis obsistere vatum3     ,nunc  
ratio nulla #8st restandi1 nulla        
facultas1     ,aeternas quoniam poenas  
in morte timendum4'#aeh  ,and it is no  
wonder that the words of their great    
poet should read like a prophetic       
exposure of the terrors with which the  
religious revival1 based on a coalition 
of philosophy and superstition1 was     
shortly to overspread the whole horizon 
of human life4  ,so strong1 however1 was
 the theological reaction against ,greek
 rationalism that ,epicurus himself came
 under its influence4 ,instead of       
denying the existence of the gods       
altogether1 or leaving it uncertain like
 ,protagoras1 he asserted it in the most
 emphatic manner4 ,their interference   
with ,nature was all that he cared to   
dispute4 ,the egoistic character of his 
whole system comes out once more in his 
conception of them as beings too much   

absorbed in their own placid enjoyments 
to be troubled with the work of creation
 and providence4 ,he was1 indeed1 only  
repeating aloud what had long been      
whispered in the free-thinking circles  
of ,athenian society4 ,that the gods    
were indifferent to human interests was 
a heresy indignantly denounced by       
,aeschylus1#aei maintained by           
,aristodmus1 the friend of ,socrates1   
and singled out as a fit subject for    
punishment by ,plato4 ,nor was the      
theology of ,aristotle's ,metaphysics   
practically distinguishable from such a 
doctrine4 ,although essential to the    
continued existence of the cosmos1      
considered as a system of movements1 the
 ,prime ,mover communicates the required
 impulse by the mere fact of his        
existence1 and apparently without any   
consciousness of the effect he is       
producing4 ,active beneficence had1 in  
truth1 even less to do with the ideal of
 ,aristotle than with the ideal of      
,epicurus1 and each philosopher         

constructed a god after his own image2  
the one absorbed in perpetual thought1  
the other1 or more properly the others1 
in perpetual enjoyment2 for the         
,epicurean deities were necessarily     
conceived as a plurality1 that they     
might not be without the pleasure of    
friendly conversation4 ,nevertheless1   
the part assigned by ,aristotle to his  
god permitted him to offer a much       
stronger proof of the divine existence  
and attributes than was possible to     
,epicurus1 who had nothing better to    
adduce than the universal belief of     
mankind1--an argument obviously proving 
too much1 since it told1 if anything1   
more powerfully for the interference    
than for the bare reality of            
supernatural agents4  ,our philosopher  
appears to more advantage as a critic   
than as a religious dogmatist4 ,he meets
 the ,stoic belief in ,providence by    
pointing out the undeniable prevalence  
of evils which omnipotent benevolence   
could not be supposed to tolerate2 the  

,stoic optimism1 with its doctrine1     
still a popular one1 that all things    
were created for the good of man1 by a  
reference to the glaring defects which1 
on that hypothesis1 would vitiate the   
arrangements of ,nature2 the ,stoic     
appeal to omens and prophecies by       
showing the purely accidental character 
of their fulfilment4#afj ,but he trusts 
most of all to a radically different    
explanation of the world1 an explanation
 which everywhere substitutes mechanical
 causation for design4 ,only one among  
the older systems--the atomism of       
,democritus--had consistently carried   
out such a conception of ,nature1 and   
this1 accordingly1 ,epicurus adopts in  
its main outlines4   ,v4  ,it is        
generally assumed by the ,german critics
 that the atomic theory was peculiarly  
fitted to serve as a basis for the      
individualistic ethics of ,epicureanism4
 ,to this we can hardly agree4 ,the     
insignificance and powerlessness of the 
atoms1 except when aggregated together  

in enormous numbers1 would seem to be   
naturally more favourable to a system   
where the community went for everything 
and the individual for nothing2 nor does
 the general acceptance of atomism by   
modern science seem to be accompanied by
 any relaxation of the social sentiment 
in its professors4 ,had the ,stoics     
followed ,democritus and ,epicurus      
,heracleitus--at least a conceivable    
hypothesis--some equally cogent reason  
would doubtless have been forthcoming to
 indicate the appropriateness of their  
choice4#afa ,as it is1 we have no       
evidence that ,epicurus saw anything    
more in the atomic theory than a        
convenient explanation of the world on  
purely mechanical principles4  ,the     
division of matter into minute and      
indestructible particles served         
admirably to account for the gradual    
formation and disappearance of bodies   
without necessitating the help of a     
creator4 ,but the infinities assumed as 
a condition of atomism were of even     

greater importance4 ,where time and     
space are unlimited1 the quantity of    
matter must be equally unlimited1       
otherwise1 being composed of loose      
particles1 it would long since have been
 dissipated and lost in the surrounding 
void4 ,now1 given infinite time and     
space1 and infinite atoms capable of    
combining with one another in various   
ways1 all possible combinations must    
already have been tried1 not once or    
twice1 but infinitely often4 ,of such   
combinations1 that which best fulfils   
the conditions of mechanical stability  
will last the longest1 and1 without     
being designed1 will present all the    
characters of design4 ,and this1        
according to ,epicurus1 is how the      
actual frame of things comes to be what 
it is4 ,nor was it only the world as a  
whole that he explained by the theory of
 a single happy accident occurring after
 a multitude of fortuitous experiments4 
,the same process repeats itself on a   
smaller scale in the production of      

particular compounds4 ,all sorts of     
living bodies were originally throw up  
from the earth's bosom1 but many of them
 instantly perished1 not being provided 
with the means of nutrition1            
propagation1 or self-defence4 ,in like  
manner we are enabled to recall a       
particular thought at pleasure1 because 
innumerable images are continually      
passing through the mind1 none of which 
comes into the foreground of            
consciousness until attention is fixed  
on it2 though how we come to distinguish
 it from the rest is not explained4 ,so 
also1 only those societies survived and 
became civilised where contracts were   
faithfully observed4 ,all kinds of wild 
beasts have at different times been     
employed in war1 just as horses and     
elephants are now1 but on trial were    
found unmanageable and given up4#afb    
,it will be seen that what has been     
singled out as an anticipation of the   
,darwinian theory was only one          
application of a very comprehensive     

method for eliminating design from the  
universe4 ,but of what is most original 
and essential in ,darwinism1 that is1   
the modifiability of specific forms by  
the summing up of spontaneous variations
 in a given direction1 the ,epicureans  
had not the slightest suspicion4 ,and   
wherever they or their master have1 in  
other respects1 made some approach to   
the truths of modern science1 it may    
fairly be explained on their own        
principle as a single lucky guess out of
 many false guesses4  ,the modern       
doctrine of evolution1 while relying    
largely on the fertility of multiplied  
chances1 is not obliged to assume such  
an enormous number of simultaneous      
coincidences as ,epicurus4 ,the         
ascription of certain definite          
attractions and repulsions to the       
ultimate particles of matter would alone
 restrict their possible modes of       
aggregation within comparatively narrow 
limits4 ,then1 again1 the world seems to
 have been built up by successive       

stages1 at each of which some new force 
or combination of forces came into play1
 a firm basis having been already       
secured for whatever variations they    
were capable of producing4 ,thus the    
solar system is a state of equilibrium  
resulting from the action of two very   
simple forces1 gravitation and heat4 ,on
 the surface of the earth1 cohesion and 
chemical affinity have been superadded4 
,when a fresh equilibrium had resulted  
from their joint energy1 the more       
complex conditions of life found free   
scope for their exercise4 ,the          
transformations of living species were  
similarly effected by variation on      
variation4 ,and1 finally1 in one        
species1 the satisfaction of its animal 
wants set free those more refined       
impulses by which1 after many           
experiments1 civilisation has been built
 up4 ,obviously the total sum of        
adaptations necessary to constitute our 
actual world will have the probabilities
 of its occurrence enormously increased 

if we suppose the more general          
conditions to be established prior to1  
and in complete independence of1 the    
less general1 instead of limiting       
ourselves1 like the ancient atomists1 to
 one vast simultaneous shuffle of all   
the material and dynamical elements     
involved4  ,returning to ,epicurus1 we  
have next to consider how he obtained   
the various motions required to bring   
his atoms into those infinite           
combinations of which our world is only 
the most recent4 ,the conception of     
matter naturally endowed with capacities
 for moving in all directions           
indifferently was unknown to ancient    
physics1 as was also that of mutual     
attraction and repulsion4 ,democritus   
supposed that the atoms all gravitated  
downward through infinite space1 but    
with different velocities1 so that the  
lighter were perpetually overtaken and  
driven upwards by the heavier1 the      
result of these collisions and pressures
 being a vortex whence the world as we  

see it has proceeded4#afc ,while the    
atomism of ,democritus was1 as a theory 
of matter1 the greatest contribution    
ever made to physical science by pure   
speculation1 as a theory of motion it   
was open to at least three insuperable  
objections4 ,passing over the difficulty
 of a perpetual movement through space  
in one direction only1 there remained   
the self-contradictory assumption that  
an infinite number of atoms all moving  
together in that one direction could    
find any unoccupied space to fall       
into4#afd ,secondly1 astronomical       
discoveries1 establishing as they did   
the sphericity of the earth1 had for    
ever disproved the crude theory that    
unsupported bodies fall downward in     
parallel straight lines4 ,even granting 
that the astronomers1 in the absence of 
complete empirical verification1 could  
not prove their whole contention1 they  
could at any rate prove enough of it to 
destroy the notion of parallel descent2 
for the varying elevation of the        

pole-star demonstrated the curvature of 
the earth's surface so far as it was    
accessible to observation1 thus showing 
that1 within the limits of experience1  
gravitation acted along convergent      
lines4 ,finally1 ,aristotle had pointed 
out that the observed differences in the
 velocity of falling bodies were due to 
the atmospheric resistance1 and that1   
consequently1 they would all move at the
 same rate in such an absolute vacuum as
 atomism assumed4#afe ,of these         
objections ,epicurus ignored the first  
two1 except1 apparently1 to the extent  
of refusing to believe in the antipodes4
 ,the third he acknowledged1 and set    
himself to evade it by a hypothesis     
striking at the root of all scientific  
reasoning4 ,the atoms1 he tells us1     
suffer a slight deflection from the line
 of perpendicular descent1 sufficient to
 bring them into collision with one     
another2 and from this collision        
proceeds the variety of movement        
necessary to throw them into all sorts  

of accidental combinations4 ,our own    
free will1 says ,lucretius1 furnishes an
 example of such a deflection whenever  
we swerve aside from the direction in   
which an original impulse is carrying   
us4#aff ,that the irregularity thus     
introduced into ,nature interfered with 
the law of universal causation was an   
additional recommendation of it in the  
eyes of ,epicurus1 who1 as we have      
already mentioned1 hated the physical   
necessity of the philosophers even more 
than he hated the watchful interfering  
providence of the theologians4 ,but1    
apparently1 neither he nor his disciples
 saw that in discarding the invariable  
sequence of phenomena1 they annulled1 to
 the same extent1 the possibility of    
human foresight and adaptation of means 
to ends4 ,there was no reason why the   
deflection1 having once occurred1 should
 not be repeated infinitely often1 each 
time producing effects of incalculable  
extent4 ,and a further inconsequence of 
the system is that it afterwards        

accounts for human choice by a mechanism
 which has nothing to do with           
free-will4#afg  ,the ,epicurean         
cosmology need not delay us long4 ,it is
 completely independent of the atomic   
theory1 which had only been introduced  
to explain the indestructibility of     
matter1 and1 later on1 the mechanism of 
sensation4 ,in describing how the world 
was first formed1 ,epicurus falls back  
on the old ,ionian meteorology4 ,he     
assumes the existence of matter in      
different states of diffusion1 and      
segregates fluid from solid1 light from 
heavy1 hot from cold1 by the familiar   
device of a rapid vortical movement4#afh
 ,for the rest1 as we have already      
noticed1 ,epicurus gives an impartial   
welcome to the most conflicting theories
 of his predecessors1 provided only that
 they dispense with the aid of          
supernatural intervention2 as will be   
seen by the following summary1 which we 
quote from ,zeller3--   ,possibly the   
world may move1 and possibly it may be  

at rest4 ,possibly  it may be round1 or 
else it may be triangular1 or have any  
other  shape4 ,possibly the sun and the 
stars may be extinguished at setting1   
and be lighted afresh at their rising3  
it is1 however1 equally  possible that  
they may only disappear under the earth 
and reappear  again1 or that their      
rising and setting is due to yet other  
causes4  ,possibly the waxing and waning
 of the moon may be caused by the moon's
  revolving2 or it may be due to the    
atmospheric change1 or to an actual     
increase or decrease in the moon's size1
 or to some other cause4  ,possibly the 
moon may shine with borrowed light1 or  
it may shine with  its own1 experience  
supplying us with instances of bodies   
which give  their own light1 and of     
others which have their light borrowed4 
,from  these and such like statements it
 appears that questions of natural      
science in themselves have no value for 
,epicurus4 ,whilst granting that  only  
one natural explanation of phenomena is 

generally possible1 yet  in any         
particular case it is perfectly         
indifferent which explanation  is       
adopted4#afi  ,this was the creed       
professed by #8the great scientific     
school of antiquity1' and this was its  
way of protesting #8against the contempt
 of physics which prevailed' among the  
,stoics6  ,so far as he can be said to  
have studied science at all1 the motive 
of ,epicurus was hatred for religion far
 more than love for natural law4 ,he    
seems1 indeed1 to have preserved that   
aversion for ,nature which is so        
characteristic of the earlier ,greek    
,humanists4 ,he seems to have imagined  
that by refusing to tie himself down to 
any one explanation of external         
phenomena1 he could diminish their hold 
over the mind of man4 ,for when he      
departs from his usual attitude of      
suspense and reserve1 it is to declare  
dogmatically that the heavenly bodies   
are no larger than they appear to our   
senses1 and perhaps smaller than they   

sometimes appear4#agj ,the only         
arguments adduced on behalf of this     
outrageous assertion were that if their 
superficial extension was altered by    
transmission1 their colour would be     
altered to a still greater degree2 and  
the alleged fact that flames look the   
same size at all distances4#aga ,it is  
evident that neither ,epicurus nor      
,lucretius1 who1 as usual1 transcribes  
him with perfect good faith1 could ever 
have looked at one lamp-flame through   
another1 or they would have seen that   
the laws of linear perspective are not  
suspended in the case of self-luminous  
bodies--a fact which does not tell much 
for that accurate observation supposed  
to have been fostered by their          
philosophy4#agb ,the truth is1 that     
,epicurus disliked the oppressive notion
 of a sun several times larger than the 
earth1 and was determined not to        
tolerate it1 be the consequences to fact
 and logic what they might4   ,,vi4     
,the ,epicurean philosophy of external  

,nature was used as an instrument for   
destroying the uncomfortable belief in  
,divine ,providence4 ,the ,epicurean    
philosophy of mind was used to destroy  
the still more uncomfortable belief in  
man's immortality4 ,as opinions then    
stood1 the task was a comparatively easy
 one4 ,in our discussion of ,stoicism1  
we observed that the spiritualism of    
,plato and ,aristotle was far before    
their age1 and was not accepted or even 
understood by their countrymen for a    
long time to come4 ,moreover1 ,aristotle
 did not agree with his master in       
thinking that the personal eternity of  
the soul followed from its              
immateriality4 ,the belief of the       
,stoics in a prolongation of individual 
existence until the destruction of all  
created things by fire1 was1 even in    
that very limited form1 inconsistent    
with their avowed materialism1 and had  
absolutely no influence on their        
practical convictions4 ,thus ,plato's   
arguments were alone worth considering4 

,for ,epicurus1 the whole question was  
virtually settled by the principle1     
which he held in common with the        
,stoics1 that nothing exists but matter1
 its attributes1 and its relations4 ,he 
accepted1 it is true1 the duality of    
soul and body1 agreeing1 in this respect
 also1 with the ,stoics and the earlier 
physicists2 and the familiar antithesis 
of flesh and spirit is a survival of his
 favourite phraseology2#agc but this    
very term #8flesh' was employed to cover
 the assumption that the body to which  
he applied it differed not in substance 
but in composition from its animating   
principle4 ,the latter1 a rather complex
 aggregate1 consists proximately of four
 distinct elements1 imagined1           
apparently1 for the purpose of          
explaining its various functions1 and1  
in the last analysis1 of very fine and  
mobile atoms4#agd ,when so much had been
 granted1 it naturally followed that the
 soul was only held together by the     
body1 and was immediately dissolved on  

being separated from it--a conclusion   
still further strengthened by the       
manifest dependence of psychic on       
corporeal activities throughout the     
period of their joint existence4 ,thus  
all terrors arising from the            
apprehension of future torments were    
summarily dispelled4  ,the simple dread 
of death1 considered as a final         
annihilation of our existence1 remained 
to be dealt with4 ,there was no part of 
his philosophy on which ,epicurus laid  
so much stress2 he regarded it as       
setting the seal on those convictions1 a
 firm grasp of which was essential to   
the security of human happiness4        
,nothing else seemed difficult1 if once 
the worst enemy of our tranquillity had 
been overcome4 ,his argument is summed  
up in the concise formula3 when we are1 
death is not2 when death is1 we are not2
 therefore death is nothing to us4#age  
,the pleasures of life will be no loss1 
for we shall not feel the want of them4 
,the sorrow of our dearest friends will 

be indifferent to us in the absence of  
all consciousness whatever4 ,to the     
consideration that1 however calmly we   
may face our own annihilation1 the loss 
of those whom we love remains as        
terrible as ever1 ,lucretius replies    
that we need not mourn for them1 since  
they do not feel any pain at their own  
extinction4#agf  ,there must1 one would 
suppose1 be some force in the ,epicurean
 philosophy of death1 for it has been   
endorsed by no less a thinker and       
observer than ,shakspeare4 ,to make the 
great dramatist responsible for every   
opinion uttered by one or other of his  
characters would1 of course1 be absurd2 
but when we find personages so different
 in other respects as ,claudio1 ,hamlet1
 and ,macbeth1 agreeing in the sentiment
 that1 apart from the prospect of a     
future judgment1 there is nothing to    
appal us in the thought of death1 we    
cannot avoid the inference that he is   
here making them the mouthpiece of his  
own convictions1 even1 as in ,hamlet's  

famous soliloquy1 at the expense of     
every dramatic propriety4 ,nevertheless1
 the answer of humanity to such sophisms
 will always be that of ,homer's        
,achilles1 #8     '--#8,talk me not fair
 of death6' ,a very simple process of   
reasoning will make this clear4 ,the    
love of life necessarily involves a     
constant use of precautions against its 
loss4 ,the certainty of death means the 
certainty that these precautions shall  
one day prove unavailing2 the           
consciousness of its near approach means
 the consciousness that they have       
actually failed4 ,in both cases the     
result must be a sense of baffled or    
arrested effort1 more or less feeble    
when it is imagined1 more or less acute 
when it it is realised4 ,but this       
diversion of the conscious energies from
 their accustomed channel1 this turning 
back of the feelings on themselves1     
constitutes the essence of all emotion2 
and where the object of the arrested    
energies was to avert a danger1 it      

constitutes the emotion of fear4 ,thus1 
by an inevitable law1 the love of life  
has for its reverse side the dread of   
death4 ,now the love of life is         
guaranteed by the survival of the       
fittest2 it must last as long as the    
human race1 for without it the race     
could not last at all4 ,if1 as ,epicurus
 urged1 the supreme desirability of     
pleasure is proved by its being the     
universal object of pursuit among all   
species of animals1#agg the supreme     
hatefulness of death is proved by an    
analogous experience2 and we may be sure
 that1 even if pessimism became the     
accepted faith1 the darkened prospect   
would lead to no relaxation of our grasp
 on life4 ,a similar mode of reasoning  
applies to the sorrow and anguish1      
mortis comites et funeris atri1 from    
which the benevolent ,roman poet would  
fain relieve us4 ,for1 among a social   
species1 the instinct for preserving    
others is second only to the instinct of
 self-preservation1 and frequently rises

 superior to it4 ,accordingly1 the loss 
of those whom we love causes1 and must  
always cause us1 a double distress4     
,there is1 first1 the simple pain due to
 the eternal loss of their society1 a   
pain of which ,lucretius takes no       
account4 ,and1 secondly1 there is the   
arrest of all helpful activity on their 
behalf1 the continual impulse to do     
something for them1 coupled with the    
chilling consciousness that it is too   
late1 that nothing more can be done4 ,so
 strong1 indeed1 is this latter feeling 
that it often causes the loss of those  
whose existence was a burden to         
themselves and others1 to be keenly     
felt1 if only the survivors were        
accustomed1 as a matter of duty1 to care
 for them and to struggle against the   
disease from which they suffered4       
,philosophy may help to fill up the     
blanks thus created1 by directing our   
thoughts to objects of perennial        
interest1 and she may legitimately      
discourage the affectation or the       

fostering of affliction2 but the blanks 
themselves she cannot explain away1     
without forfeiting all claim on our     
allegiance as the ultimate and          
incorruptible arbitress of truth4  ,we  
are now in a position to understand how 
far ,epicurus was justified in regarding
 the expectation of immortality as a    
source of dread rather than of          
consolation4 ,in this respect also1 the 
survival of the fittest has determined  
that human nature shall not look forward
 with satisfaction to the termination of
 its earthly existence4 ,were any race  
of men once persuaded that death is the 
passage to a happier world1 it would    
speedily be replaced by competitors     
holding a belief better adapted to the  
conditions of terrestrial duration4     
,hence1 practically speaking1 the effect
 of religious dogmas has been to make   
death rather more dreaded than it would 
have been without their aid2 and1 as    
already observed1 their natural tendency
 has been powerfully stimulated by the  

cupidity of their professional          
expositors4 ,the hope of heaven1 to     
exist at all1 must be checked by a      
considerably stronger apprehension of   
hell4 ,there is a saying in ,america    
that the immortality of the soul is too 
good to be true4 ,we suspect that the   
immortality in which most religious     
,americans still believe hardly deserves
 such a compliment2 but it accurately   
expresses the incredulity with which a  
genuine message of salvation would be   
received by most men2 and this explains 
why ,universalism1 with the few who have
 accepted it1 is but the transition     
stage to a total rejection of any life  
beyond the grave4 ,no doubt1 in the     
first flush of fanaticism1 the assurance
 of an easy admission to paradise may do
 much to win acceptance for the religion
 which offers it2 but when such a       
religion ceases to make new conquests1  
its followers must either modify their  
convictions1 or die out under the       
competition of others by whom mortal    

life is not held so cheap4  ,we must    
add1 that while ,epicurus was right in  
regarding the beliefs entertained about 
a future life as a source of painful    
anxiety1 he was only justified in this  
opinion by the deeper truth1 which he   
ignored1 that they are simply the       
natural dread of death under another    
form4#agh ,the most appalling pictures  
of damnation would1 taken by themselves1
 probably add but little to human       
misery4 ,the alarming effect even of    
earthly punishments is found to depend  
on their certainty much more than on    
their severity2 and the certainty of    
suffering what nobody has ever          
experienced must be small indeed4       
,besides1 the class most interested in  
enlarging on the dark side of           
immortality are also interested in      
showing that its dangers may be bought  
off at a comparatively trifling cost4   
,what ,epicurus said about the          
inexorable fate of the physicists might 
here be turned against himself4 ,he     

removed terrors which there was a       
possibility of exorcising1 and          
substituted a prospect of annihilation  
whence there was no escape4#agi  ,it is1
 after all1 very questionable whether   
human happiness would be increased by   
suppressing the thought of death as     
something to be feared4 ,george ,eliot1 
in her ,legend of ,jubal1 certainly     
expresses the contrary opinion4#ahj ,the
 finest edge of enjoyment would be taken
 off if we forgot its essentially       
transitory character4 ,the free man may1
 in ,spinoza's words1 think of nothing  
less than of death2 but he cannot       
prevent the sunken shadow from throwing 
all his thoughts of life into higher and
 more luminous relief4 ,the ideal       
enjoyment afforded by literature would  
lose much of its zest were we to discard
 all sympathy with the fears and sorrows
 on which our mortal condition has      
enabled it so largely to draw--the      
lacrimae rerum1 which ,lucretius himself
 has turned to such admirable account4  

,and the whole treasure of happiness due
 to mutual affection must gain by our   
remembrance that the time granted for   
its exercise is always limited1 and may 
at any moment be brought to an end--or  
rather1 such an effect might be looked  
for were this remembrance more          
constantly present to our minds4        
,lucretius dwells much on the dread of  
death as a source of vice and crime4 ,he
 tells us that men plunge into all sorts
 of mad distractions or unscrupulous    
schemes of avarice and ambition in their
 anxiety to escape either from its      
haunting presence1 or from the poverty  
and disrepute which they have learned to
 associate with it4#aha ,critics are    
disposed to think that the poet1 in his 
anxiety to make a point1 is putting a   
wrong interpretation on the facts4 ,yet 
it should be remembered that ,lucretius 
was a profound observer1 and that his   
teaching1 in this respect1 may be heard 
repeated from ,london pulpits at the    
present day4 ,the truth seems to be1 not

 that he went too far1 but that he did  
not go far enough4 ,what he decries as a
 spur to vicious energy is1 in reality1 
a spur to all energy4 ,every passion1   
good or bad1 is compressed and          
intensified by the contracting limits of
 mortality2 and the thought of death    
impels men either to wring the last drop
 of enjoyment from their lives1 or to   
take refuge from their perishing        
individualities in the relative         
endurance of collective enterprises and 
impersonal aims4  ,let none suppose that
 the foregoing remarks are meant either 
to express any sympathy with a cowardly 
shrinking from death1 or to intimate    
that the doctrine of evolution tends to 
reverse the noblest lessons of ancient  
wisdom4 ,in holding that death is       
rightly regarded as an evil1 and that it
 must always continue to be so regarded1
 we do not imply that it is necessarily 
the greatest of all evils for any given 
individual4 ,it is not1 as ,spinoza has 
shown1 by arguing away our emotions1 but

 by confronting them with still stronger
 emotions1 that they are1 if necessary1 
to be overcome4#ahb ,the social feelings
 may be trusted to conquer the instinct 
of self-preservation1 and1 by a         
self-acting adjustment1 to work with    
more intensity in proportion to the     
strength of its resistance4 ,the dearer 
our lives are to us1 the greater will be
 the glory of renouncing them1 that     
others may be better secured in the     
enjoyment of theirs4 ,aristotle is much 
truer1 as well as more human1 than      
,epicurus1 when he observes that #8the  
more completely virtuous and happy a man
 is1 the more will he be grieved to die2
 for to such a one life is worth most1  
and he will consciously be renouncing   
the greatest goods1 and that is         
grievous4 ,nevertheless1 he remains     
brave1 nay1 even the braver for that    
very reason1 because he prefers the     
glory of a warrior to every other       
good4'#ahc ,nor need we fear that a race
 of cowards will be the fittest to      

survive1 when we remember what an       
advantage that state has in the struggle
 for existence1 the lives of whose      
citizens are most unrestrictedly held at
 its disposal4 ,but their devotion would
 be without merit and without meaning1  
were not the loss of existence felt to  
be an evil1 and its prolongation        
cherished as a gain4   ,,vii4  ,next to 
its bearing on the question of          
immortality1 the ,epicurean psychology  
is most interesting as a contribution to
 the theory of cognition4 ,epicurus     
holds that all our knowledge is derived 
from experience1 and all our experience1
 directly or indirectly1 from the       
presentations of sense4 ,so far he says 
no more than would be admitted by the   
,stoics1 by ,aristotle1 and indeed by   
every ,greek philosopher except ,plato4 
,there is1 therefore1 no necessary      
connexion between his views in this     
respect and his theory of ethics1 since 
others had combined the same views with 
a very different standard of action4 ,it

 is in discussing the vexed question of 
what constitutes the ultimate criterion 
of truth that he shows to most          
disadvantage in comparison with the more
 intellectual schools4 ,he seems to have
 considered that sensation supplies not 
only the matter but the form of         
knowledge2 or rather1 he seems to have  
missed the distinction between matter   
and form altogether4 ,what the senses   
tell us1 he says1 is always true1       
although we may draw erroneous          
inferences from their statements4#ahd   
,but this only amounts to the identical 
proposition that we feel what we feel2  
for it cannot be pretended that the     
order of our sensations invariably      
corresponds to the actual order of      
things in themselves4 ,even confining   
ourselves to individual sensations1 or  
single groups of sensations1 there are  
some that do not always correspond to   
the same objective reality1 and others  
that do not correspond to any reality at
 all2 while1 conversely1 the same object

 produces a multitude of different      
sensations according to the subjective  
conditions under which it affects us4   
,to escape from this difficulty1        
,epicurus has recourse to a singularly  
crude theory of perception1 borrowed    
from ,empedocles and the older atomists4
 ,what we are conscious of is1 in each  
instance1 not the object itself1 but an 
image composed of fine atoms thrown off 
from the surfaces of bodies and brought 
into contact with the organs of sense4  
,our perception corresponds accurately  
to an external image1 but the image     
itself is often very unlike the object  
whence it originally proceeded4         
,sometimes it suffers a considerable    
change in travelling through the        
atmosphere4 ,for instance1 when a square
 tower1 seen at a great distance1       
produces the impression of roundness1   
this is because the sharp angles of its 
image have been rubbed off on the way to
 our eyes4 ,sometimes the image         
continues to wander about after its     

original has ceased to exist1 and that  
is why the dead seem to revisit us in   
our dreams4 ,and sometimes the images of
 different objects coalesce as they are 
floating about1 thus producing the      
appearance of impossible monsters1 such 
as centaurs and chimaeras4#ahe  ,it was 
with the help of this theory that       
,epicurus explained and defended the    
current belief in the existence of gods4
 ,the divine inhabitants of the         
intermundia1 or empty spaces separating 
world from world1 are1 like all other   
beings1 composed of atoms1 and are      
continually throwing off fine images1   
some of which make their way unaltered  
to our earth and reveal themselves to   
the senses1 particularly during sleep1  
when we are most alive to the subtlest  
impressions on our perceptive organs4   
,with the usual irrationality of a      
theologian1 ,epicurus remained blind to 
the fact that gods who were constantly  
throwing off even the very thinnest     
films could not possibly survive through

 all eternity4 ,neither did he explain  
how images larger than the pupil of the 
eye could pass through its aperture     
while preserving their original         
proportions unaltered4  ,we have seen   
how ,epicurus erected the senses into   
ultimate arbiters of truth4 ,by so      
doing1 however1 he only pushed the old  
difficulty a step further back4         
,granting that our perceptions          
faithfully correspond to certain        
external images1 how can we be sure that
 these images are themselves copies of a
 solid and permanent reality8 ,and how  
are we to determine the validity of     
general notions representing not some   
single object but entire classes of     
objects8 ,the second question may be    
most conveniently answered first4       
,epicurus holds that perception is only 
a finer sort of sensation4 ,general     
notions are material images of a very   
delicate texture formed1 apparently1 on 
the principle of composition-photographs
 by the coalescence of many individual  

images thrown off from objects          
possessing a greater or less degree of  
resemblance to one another4#ahf ,thought
 is produced by the contact of such     
images with the soul1 itself1 it will be
 remembered1 a material substance4  ,the
 rules for distinguishing between truth 
and falsehood are given in the famous   
,epicurean ,canon4 ,on receiving an     
image into the mind1 we associate it    
with similar images formerly impressed  
on us by some real object4 ,if the      
association or anticipation 77 is       
confirmed or not contradicted by        
subsequent experience1 it is true2      
false1 if contradicted or not           
confirmed4#ahg ,the stress laid on      
absence of contradictory evidence       
illustrates the great part played by    
such notions as possibility1 negation1  
and freedom in the ,epicurean system4   
,in ethics this class of conceptions is 
represented by painlessness1 conceived  
first as the condition1 and finally as  
the essence of happiness2 in physics by 

the infinite void1 the inane profundum  
of which ,lucretius speaks with almost  
religious unction2 and in logic by the  
absence of contradiction considered as a
 proof of reality4 ,here1 perhaps1 we   
may detect the ,parmenidean absolute    
under a new form2 only1 by a curious    
reversal1 what ,parmenides himself      
strove altogether to expel from thought 
has become its supreme object and       
content4#ahh  ,the ,epicurean philosophy
 of life and mind is completed by a     
sketch of human progress from its       
earliest beginnings to the complete     
establishment of civilisation4 ,here our
 principal authority is ,lucretius2 and 
no part of his great poem has attracted 
so much attention and admiration in     
recent times as that in which he so     
vividly places before us the condition  
of primitive men with all its miseries1 
and the slow steps whereby family life1 
civil society1 religion1 industry1 and  
science arose out of the original chaos 
and war of all against each4 ,but it    

seems likely that here1 as elsewhere1   
,lucretius did no more than copy and    
colour the outlines already traced by   
his master's hand4#ahi ,how far         
,epicurus himself is to be credited with
 this brilliant forecast of modern      
researches into the history of          
civilisation1 is a more difficult       
question4 ,when we consider that the    
most important parts of his philosophy  
were compiled from older systems1 and   
that the additions made by himself do   
not indicate any great capacity for     
original research1 we are forced to     
conclude that1 here also1 he is indebted
 to some authority whose name has not   
been preserved4 ,the development of     
civilisation out of barbarism seems1    
indeed1 to have been a standing doctrine
 of ,greek ,humanism1 just as the       
opposite doctrine of degeneracy was     
characteristic of the naturalistic      
school4 ,it is implied in the discourse 
of ,protagoras reported by ,plato1 and  
also1 although less fully1 in the       

introduction to the ,history of         
,thucydides4 ,plato and ,aristotle trace
 back the intellectual and social       
progress of mankind to very rude        
beginnings2 while both writers assume   
that it was effected without any        
supernatural aid--a point marked to the 
exclusive credit of ,epicurus by ,m4    
,guyau4#aij ,the old notion of a golden 
age1 accepted as it was by so powerful a
 school as ,stoicism1 must have been the
 chief obstacle to a belief in progress2
 but the ,prometheus of ,aeschylus1 with
 its vivid picture of the miseries      
suffered by primitive men through their 
ignorance of the useful arts1 shows that
 a truer conception had already gained  
ground quite independently of           
philosophic theories4 ,that the         
primitive state was one of lawless      
violence was declared by another        
dramatic poet1 ,critias1 who has also   
much to say about the civilising        
function of religion2#aia and shortly   
before the time of ,epicurus the same   

view was put forward by ,euphorion1 in a
 passage of which1 as it will probably  
be new to many of our readers1 we       
subjoin a translation3--      ,there was
 a time when mortals lived like brutes  
,in caves and unsunned hollows of the   
earth1     ,for neither house nor city  
flanked with towers     ,had then been  
reared3 no ploughshare cut the clod     
,to make it yield a bounteous harvest1  
nor     ,were the vines ranked and      
trimmed with pruning-knives1     ,but   
fruitless births the sterile earth did  
bear4     ,men on each other fed with   
mutual slaughter1     ,for ,law was     
feeble1 ,violence enthroned1     ,and to
 the strong the weaker fell a prey4     
,but soon as ,time that bears and       
nurtures all     ,wrought out another   
change in human life1--     ,whether    
some rapt ,promethean utterance1     ,or
 strong ,necessity1 or ,nature's        
teaching     ,through long experience1  
their deliverance brought1--     ,holy  
,dmter's fruit it gave them2 the sweet  

spring     ,of ,bacchus they discovered1
 and the earth1     ,unsown before1 was 
ploughed with oxen2 cities then         
,they girt with towers and sheltering   
houses raised1     ,and turned their    
savage life to civil ways2     ,and     
after that ,law bade entomb the dead    
,and measure out to each his share of   
dust1     ,nor leave unburied and       
exposed to sight     ,ghastly reminders 
of their former feasts4#aib  ,the merit 
of having worked up these loose         
materials into a connected sketch was1  
no doubt1 considerable2 but1 according  
to ,zeller1 there is reason for         
attributing it to ,theophrastus or even 
to ,democritus rather than to           
,epicurus4#aic ,on the other hand1 the  
purely mechanical manner in which       
,lucretius supposes every invention to  
have been suggested by some accidental  
occurrence or natural phenomenon1 is    
quite in the style of ,epicurus1 and    
reminds us of the method by which he is 
known to have explained every operation 

of the human mind4#aid   ,,viii4  ,we   
have already repeatedly alluded to the  
only man of genius whom ,epicureanism   
ever counted among its disciples4 ,it is
 time that we should determine with more
 precision the actual relation in which 
he stood to the master whom1 with a     
touching survival of religious          
sentiment1 he revered as a saviour and a
 god4  ,lucretius has been called       
,rome's only great speculative genius4  
,this is1 of course1 absurd4 ,a talent  
for lucid exposition does not constitute
 speculative genius1 especially when it 
is unaccompanied by any ability to      
criticise the opinions expounded4 ,the  
author of the ,de ,rerum ,natur probably
 had a lawyer's education4 ,he certainly
 exhibits great forensic skill in       
speaking from his brief4 ,but ,cicero   
and ,seneca showed the same skill on a  
much more extensive scale2 and the      
former in particular was immensely      
superior to ,lucretius in knowledge and 
argumentative power4 ,besides1 the poet1

 who was certainly not disposed to hide 
his light under a bushel1 and who exalts
 his own artistic excellences in no     
measured terms1 never professes to be   
anything but a humble interpreter of    
truths first revealed to his ,greek     
instructor's vivid intellect4 ,it has1  
indeed1 been claimed for ,lucretius that
 he teaches a higher wisdom than his    
acknowledged guide4#aie ,this assertion 
is1 however1 not borne out by a careful 
comparison between the two4#aif ,in both
 there is the same theory of the        
universe1 of man1 and of the relations  
connecting them with one another4 ,the  
idea of ,nature in ,lucretius shows no  
advance over the same idea in ,epicurus4
 ,to each it expresses1 not1 as with the
 ,stoics1 a unifying power1 a design by 
which all things work together for the  
best1 but simply the conditions of a    
permanent mechanical aggregation4 ,when 
,lucretius speaks of foedera ,naturai1  
he means1 not what we understand by laws
 of nature1 that is1 uniformities of    

causation underlying all phenomenal     
differences1 to understand which is an  
exaltation of human dignity through the 
added power of prevision and control    
which it bestows1 but rather the        
limiting possibilities of existence1 the
 barriers against which human hopes and 
aspirations dash themselves in vain--an 
objective logic which guards us against 
fallacies instead of enabling us to     
arrive at positive conclusions4 ,we have
 here the pervadingly negative character
 of ,epicureanism1 though probably      
presented with something of ,roman      
solemnity and sternness4 ,the idea of   
individuality1 with which ,lucretius has
 also been credited1 occupies but a     
small place in his exposition1 and seems
 to have interested him only as a       
particular aspect of the atomic theory4 
,the ultimate particles of matter must  
be divided into unlike groups of units1 
for otherwise we could not explain the  
unlikenesses exhibited by sensible      
objects4 ,this is neither the original  

,greek idea1 that every man has his own 
life to lead1 irrespective of public    
opinion or arbitrary convention2 nor is 
it the modern delight in ,nature's      
inexhaustible variety as opposed to the 
poverty of human invention1 or to the   
restrictions of fashionable taste4 ,nor 
can we admit that ,lucretius developed  
,epicurean philosophy in the direction  
of increased attention to the external  
world4 ,the poet was1 no doubt1 a       
consummate observer1 and he used his    
observations with wonderful felicity for
 the elucidation and enforcement of his 
philosophical reasoning2 but in this    
respect he has been equalled or         
surpassed by other poets who either knew
 nothing of systematic philosophy1 or1  
like ,dante1 were educated in a system  
as unlike as possible to that of        
,epicurus4 ,there is1 therefore1 every  
reason for assuming that he saw and     
described phenomena not by virtue of his
 scientific training1 but by virtue of  
his artistic endowment4 ,and the same   

may be said of the other points in which
 he is credited with improvements on his
 master's doctrine4 ,there is1 no doubt1
 a strong consciousness of unity1 of    
individuality1 and of law running       
through his poem4 ,but it is under the  
form of intuitions or contemplations1   
not under the form of speculative ideas 
that they are to be found4 ,and1 as will
 be presently shown1 it is not as       
attributes of ,nature but as attributes 
of life that they present themselves to 
his imagination4  ,in ethics1 the       
dependence of ,lucretius on his master  
is not less close than in physics4      
,there is the same inconsistent         
presentation of pleasure conceived under
 its intensest aspect1 and then of mere 
relief from pain1 as the highest        
good2#aig the same dissuasion from      
sensuality1 not as in itself degrading1 
but as involving disagreeable           
consequences2#aih the same inculcation  
of frugal and simple living as a source 
of happiness2 the same association of   

justice with the dread of detection and 
punishment2#aii the same                
preference--particularly surprising in a
 ,roman--of quiet obedience to political
 power2#bjj finally1 the same rejection1
 for the same reason1 of divine         
providence and of human immortality1    
along with the same attempt to prove    
that death is a matter of indifference  
to us1 enforced with greater passion and
 wealth of illustration1 but with no    
real addition to the philosophy of the  
subject4#bja  ,nevertheless1 after all  
has been said1 we are conscious of a    
great change in passing from the ,greek 
moralist to the ,roman poet4 ,we seem to
 be breathing a new atmosphere1 to find 
the old ideas informed with an unwonted 
life1 to feel ourselves in the presence 
of one who has a power of stamping his  
convictions on us not ordinarily        
possessed by the mere imitative         
disciple4 ,the explanation of this      
difference1 we think1 lies in the fact  
that ,lucretius has so manipulated the  

,epicurean doctrines as to convert them 
from a system into a picture2 and that  
he has saturated this picture with an   
emotional tone entirely wanting to the  
spirit of ,epicureanism as it was       
originally designed4 ,it is with the    
latter element that we may most         
conveniently begin4  ,attention has     
already been called to the fact that    
,epicurus1 although himself indifferent 
to physical science1 was obliged1 by the
 demands of the age1 to give it a place1
 and a very large place1 in his         
philosophy4 ,now it was to this very    
side of ,epicureanism that the fresh    
intellect of ,rome most eagerly attached
 itself4 ,it is a great mistake to      
suppose that the ,romans1 or rather the 
ancient ,italians1 were indifferent to  
speculations about the nature of things4
 ,no one has given more eloquent        
expression to the enthusiasm excited by 
such enquiries than ,virgil4 ,seneca    
devoted a volume to physical questions1 
and regretted that worldly distractions 

should prevent them from being studied  
with the assiduity they deserved4 ,the  
elder ,pliny lost his life in observing 
the eruption of ,vesuvius4 ,it was      
probably the imperial despotism1 with   
its repeated persecutions of the        
#8,mathematicians1' which alone         
prevented ,italy from entering on the   
great scientific career for which she   
was predestined in after ages4 ,at any  
rate1 a spirit of active curiosity was  
displaying itself during the last days  
of the republic1 and we are told that   
nearly all the ,roman ,epicureans       
applied themselves particularly to the  
physical side of their master's         
doctrine4#bjb ,most of all was          
,lucretius distinguished by a veritable 
passion for science1 which haunted him  
even in his dreams4#bjc ,hence1 while   
,epicurus regarded the knowledge of     
,nature simply as a means for           
overthrowing religion1 with his disciple
 the speculative interest seems to      
precede every other consideration1 and  

religion is only introduced afterwards  
as an obstacle to be removed from the   
enquirer's path4 ,how far his natural   
genius might have carried the poet in   
this direction1 had he fallen into      
better hands1 we cannot tell4 ,as it    
was1 the gift of what seemed a complete 
and infallible interpretation of        
physical phenomena relieved him from the
 necessity of independent investigation1
 and induced him to accept the most     
preposterous conclusions as demonstrated
 truths4 ,but we can see how he is drawn
 by an elective affinity to that early  
,greek thought whence ,epicurus derived 
whatever was of any real value in his   
philosophy4  ,it has been doubted1 we   
think with insufficient reason1 that    
,lucretius was acquainted at first hand 
with ,empedocles4#bjd ,but1 by whatever 
channel it reached him1 the enthusiasm  
of ,empedocles and the ,eleates lives in
 his verse no less truly than the       
inspiration of ,aeolian music in the    
song of his younger contemporary1       

,catullus4 ,the atomic theory1 with its 
wonderful revelations of invisible      
activity and unbroken continuity        
underlying the abrupt revolutions of    
phenomenal existence1 had been the      
direct product of those earliest        
struggles towards a deeper vision into  
the mysteries of cosmic life2 and so    
,lucretius was enabled through his grasp
 of the theory itself to recover the    
very spirit and passion from which it   
sprang4#bje  ,but the enthusiasm for    
science1 however noble in itself1 would 
not alone have sufficed to mould the    
,epicurean philosophy into a true work  
of art4 ,the ,de ,rerum ,natur is the   
greatest of all didactic poems1 because 
it is something more than didactic4 ,far
 more truly than any of its ,latin      
successors1 it may claim comparison with
 the epic and dramatic masterpieces of  
,greece and ,christian ,europe2 and that
 too not by virtue of any detached      
passages1 however splendid1 but by      
virtue of its composition as a whole4   

,the explanation of this extraordinary  
success is to be sought in the          
circumstance that the central interest  
whence ,lucretius works out in all      
directions is vital rather than merely  
scientific4 ,the true heroine of his    
epic is not ,nature but universal       
life--human life in the first instance1 
then the life of all the lower animals1 
and even of plants as well4 ,not only   
does he bring before us every stage of  
man's existence from its first to its   
last hour with a comprehensiveness1 a   
fidelity1 and a daring unparalleled in  
literature2 but he exhibits with equal  
power of portrayal the towered elephants
 carrying confusion into the ranks of   
war1 or girdling their own native ,india
 with a rampart of ivory tusks2 the     
horse with an eagerness for the race    
that outruns even the impulse of his own
 swift limbs1 or fiercely neighing with 
distended nostrils on the battlefield2  
the dog snuffing an imaginary scent1 or 
barking at strange faces in his dreams2 

the cow sorrowing after her lost heifer2
 the placid and laborious ox2 the flock 
of pasturing sheep seen far off1 like a 
white spot on some green hill2 the      
tremulous kids and sportive lambs2 the  
new-fledged birds filling all the grove 
with their fresh songs2 the dove with   
her neck-feathers shifting from ruby-red
 to sky-blue and emerald-green2 the     
rookery clamouring for wind or rain2 the
 sea birds screaming over the salt waves
 in search of prey2 the snake sloughing 
its skin2 the scaly fishes cleaving     
their way through the yielding stream2  
the bee winging its flight from flower  
to flower2 the gnat whose light touch on
 our faces passes unperceived2 the grass
 refreshed with dew2 the trees bursting 
into sudden life from the young earth1  
or growing1 flourishing1 and covering   
themselves with fruit1 dependent1 like  
animals1 on heat and moisture for their 
increase1 and glad like them3--all these
 helping to illustrate with unequalled  
variety1 movement1 and picturesqueness  

the central idea which ,lucretius       
carries always in his mind4  ,the       
keynote of the whole poem is struck in  
its opening lines4 ,when ,venus is      
addressed as ,nature's sole guide and   
ruler1 this1 from the poet's own point  
of view1 is not true of ,nature as a    
whole1 but it is eminently true of life1
 whether we identify ,venus with the    
passion through which living things are 
continually regenerated1 or with the    
pleasure which is their perpetual motive
 and their only good4 ,and it is equally
 appropriate1 equally characteristic of 
a consummate artist1 that the interest  
of the work should culminate in a       
description of this same passion1 no    
longer as the source of life1 but as its
 last outcome and full flower1 yet also1
 when pushed to excess1 the illusion by 
which it is most utterly disappointed   
and undone2 and that the whole should   
conclude with a description of death1   
not as exemplified in any individual    
tragedy1 but in such havoc as was       

wrought by the famous plague at ,athens 
on man and beast alike4 ,again1 it is by
 the orderly sequence of vital phenomena
 that ,lucretius proves his first great 
principle1 the everlasting duration and 
changelessness of matter4 ,if something 
can come out of nothing1 he asks us1 why
 is the production of all living things 
attached to certain conditions of place 
and season and parentage1 according to  
their several kinds8 ,or if a decrease  
in the total sum of existence be        
possible1 whence comes the inexhaustible
 supply of materials needed for the     
continual regeneration1 growth1 and     
nourishment of animal life8 ,it is      
because our senses cannot detect the    
particles of matter by whose withdrawal 
visible objects gradually waste away    
that the existence of extremely minute  
atoms is assumed2 and1 so far1 there is 
also a reference to inorganic bodies2   
but the porosity of matter is proved by 
the interstitial absorption of food and 
the searching penetration of cold2 while

 the necessity of a vacuum is           
established by the ability of fish to   
move through the opposing stream4 ,the  
generic differences supposed to exist   
among the atoms are inferred from the   
distinctions separating not only one    
animal species from another1 but each   
individual from all others of the same  
species4 ,the deflection of the atoms   
from the line of perpendicular descent  
is established by the existence of human
 free-will4 ,so also1 the analysis which
 distinguishes three determinate        
elements in the composition of the soul 
finds its justification in the diverse  
characters of animals--the fierceness of
 the lion1 the placidity of the ox1 and 
the timorousness of the deer--qualities 
arising from the preponderance of a     
fiery1 an arial1 and a windy ingredient 
in the animating principle of each      
respectively4 ,finally1 by another      
organic illustration1 the atoms in      
general are spoken of as semina         
rerum--seeds of things4  ,at the same   

time ,lucretius is resolved that no     
false analogy shall obscure the         
distinction between life and the        
conditions of life4 ,it is for          
attempting1 as he supposes1 to efface   
this distinction that he so sharply     
criticises the earlier ,greek thinkers4 
,he scoffs at ,heracleitus for imagining
 that all forms of existence can be     
deduced from the single element of fire4
 ,the idea of evolution and             
transformation seems1 under some of its 
aspects1 utterly alien to our poet4 ,his
 intimacy with the world of living forms
 had accustomed him to view ,nature as a
 vast assemblage of fixed types which   
might be broken up and reconstructed1   
but which by no possibility could pass  
into one another4 ,yet this rigid       
retention of characteristic differences 
in form permits a certain play and      
variety of movement1 an individual      
spontaneity for which no law can be     
prescribed4 ,the foedera ,naturai1 as   
,prof4 ,sellar aptly observes1 are      

opposed to the foedera fati4#bjf ,and   
this is just what might be expected from
 a philosophy based on the contemplation
 of life4 ,for1 while there is no       
capriciousness at all about the         
structure of animals1 there is          
apparently a great deal of              
capriciousness about their actions4 ,on 
the other hand1 the ,stoics1 who derived
 their physics in great part from       
,heracleitus1 came nearer than          
,lucretius to the standpoint of modern  
science4 ,with them1 as with the most   
advanced thinkers now1 it is the foedera
 ,naturai--the uniformities of          
co-existence--which are liable to       
exception and modification1 while the   
foedera fati--the laws of causation--are
 necessary and absolute4  ,in like      
manner1 ,lucretius rejects the theory   
that living bodies are made up of the   
four elements1 much as he admires its   
author1 ,empedocles4 ,it seemed to him a
 blind confusion of the inorganic with  
the organic1 the complex harmonies of   

life needing a much more subtle         
explanation than was afforded by such a 
crude intermixture of warring           
principles4 ,if the theory of           
,anaxagoras fares no better in his      
hands1 it is for the converse reason4   
,he looks on it as an attempt to carry  
back purely vital phenomena into the    
inorganic world1 to read into the       
ultimate molecules of matter what no    
analysis can make them yield--that is1  
something with properties like those of 
the tissues out of which animal bodies  
are composed4  ,thus1 while the atomic  
theory enables ,lucretius to account for
 the dependent and perishable nature of 
life1 the same theory enables him to    
bring out by contrast its positive and  
distinguishing characteristics4 ,the    
bulk1 the flexibility1 the complexity1  
and the sensibility of animal bodies are
 opposed to the extreme minuteness1 the 
absolute hardness1 the simplicity1 and  
the unconsciousness of the primordial   
substances which build them up4  ,on    

passing from the ultimate elements of   
matter to those immense aggregates which
 surpass man in size and complexity as  
much as the atoms fall below him1 but on
 whose energies his dependence is no    
less helpless and complete--the infinite
 worlds typified for us by this one     
system wherein we dwell1 with its solid 
earthly nucleus surrounded by rolling   
orbs of light--,lucretius still carries 
with him the analogies of life2 but in  
proportion to the magnitude and         
remoteness of the objects examined1 his 
grasp seems to grow less firm and his   
touch less sure4 ,in marked contrast to 
,plato1 ,aristotle1 and the ,stoics1 he 
argues passionately against the         
ascription of a beneficent purpose to   
the constitution of the world2 but his  
reasonings are based solely on its      
imperfect adaptation to the necessities 
of human existence4 ,with equal vigour  
he maintains1 apparently against        
,aristotle1 that the present system has 
had a beginning2 against both ,aristotle

 and ,plato that1 in common with all    
systems1 it will have an end--a         
perfectly true conclusion1 but evidently
 based on nothing stronger than the     
analogies of vital phenomena4 ,and      
everywhere the subjective standpoint1   
making man the universal measure1 is    
equally marked4 ,because our knowledge  
of history does not go far back1 we     
cannot be far removed from its absolute 
beginning2 and the history of the human 
race must measure the duration of the   
visible world4 ,the earth is conceived  
as a mother bringing forth every species
 of living creature from her teeming    
bosom2 and not only that1 but a nursing 
mother feeding her young offspring with 
abundant streams of milk--an unexpected 
adaptation from the myth of a golden    
age4 ,if we no longer witness such      
wonderful displays of fertility1 the    
same elastic method is invoked to       
explain their cessation4 ,the world1    
like other animals1 is growing old and  
effete4 ,the exhaustion of ,italian     

agriculture is adduced as a sign of the 
world's decrepitude with no less        
confidence than the freshness of        
,italian poetry as a sign of its youth4 
,the vast process of cosmic change1 with
 its infinite cycles of aggregation and 
dissolution1 does but repeat on an      
overwhelming scale the familiar         
sequences of birth and death in animal  
species4 ,even the rising and setting of
 the heavenly bodies and the phases of  
the moon may1 it is argued1 result from 
a similar succession of perishing       
individuals1 although we take them for  
different appearances of a single       
unalterable sphere4#bjg  ,a similar vein
 of thought runs through the moral and  
religious philosophy of ,lucretius4 ,if 
we look on him as a reformer1 we shall  
say that his object was to free life    
from the delusions with which it had    
been disfigured by ignorance and        
passion4 ,if we look on him as an       
artist1 we shall say that he            
instinctively sought to represent life  

in the pure and perfect beauty of its   
naked form4 ,if we look on him as a     
poet1 we shall say that he exhibits all 
the objects of false belief no longer in
 the independence of their fancied      
reality1 but in their place among other 
vital phenomena1 and in due             
subordination to the human consciousness
 whose power1 even when it is bound by  
them1 they reveal4 ,but while the first 
alternative leaves him in the position  
of a mere imitator or expositor who     
brings home no lessons that ,epicurus   
had not already enforced with far       
greater success1 the other two1 and     
above all the last1 restore him to the  
position of an original genius1 who1    
instead of deriving his intuitions from 
the ,epicurean system1 adopts just so   
much of that system as is necessary to  
give them coherence and shape4 ,it may1 
no doubt1 be urged1 that were life      
reduced to the simple expression1 the   
state of almost vegetative repose1      
demanded by ,lucretius1 denuded of love1

 of ambition1 of artistic luxury1 of    
that aspiration towards belief in and   
union with some central soul of things1 
which all religions1 more or less       
distinctly embody1 its value for        
imaginative purposes would be destroyed2
 and that the deepest lesson taught by  
his poem would not be how to enjoy      
existence with the greatest intensity1  
but how to abandon it with the least    
regret4 ,now it is just here that the   
wonderful power of poetry comes in1 and 
does for once1 under the form of a      
general exposition1 what it has to do   
again and again under the easier        
conditions of individual presentation4  
,for poetry is essentially tragic1 and  
almost always excites the activity of   
our imagination1 not by giving it the   
assured possession of realities1 but by 
the strain resulting from their actual  
or their expected eclipse4 ,if ,homer   
and the ,attic tragedians show us what  
is life1 and what are the goods of life1
 it is not through experience of the    

things themselves1 but through the form 
of the void and the outline of the      
shadow which their removal or           
obscuration has produced4 ,so also in   
the universal tragedy of the ,roman     
poet1 where the actors are not persons1 
but ideas4 ,every belief is felt with   
more poignant intensity at the moment of
 its overthrow1 and the world of        
illusion is compensated for intellectual
 extinction by imaginative persistence  
as a conscious creation1 a memory1 or a 
dream4 ,there is no mythological picture
 so splendidly painted as those in which
 ,lucretius has shown us ,mavors        
pillowed on the lap of ,venus1 or led   
before us the ,idaean mother in her     
triumphal car4 ,no redeemer1 credited   
with supernatural powers1 has ever      
enjoyed such an apotheosis as that      
bestowed by his worshipper on the       
apostle of unbelief4 ,nowhere have the  
terrible and mysterious suggestions of  
mortality been marshalled with such     
effect as in the argument showing that  

death no more admits of experience than 
of escape4 ,what love-inspired poet has 
ever followed the storm and stress of   
passion with such tenderness of sympathy
 or such audacity of disclosure1 as he  
to whom its objects were disrobed of    
their divinity1 for whom its fancied    
satisfaction was but the kindling to    
insaner effort of a fatally unquenchable
 desire8 ,instead of being #8compelled  
to teach a truth he would not learn1'   
,lucretius was enabled by the spirit of 
his own incomparable art to seize and   
fix for ever1 in bold reversal of light 
and shade1 those visions on which the   
killing light of truth had long before  
him already dawned4  ,the ,de ,rerum    
,natur is the greatest of ,roman poems1 
because it is just the one work where   
the abstract genius of ,rome met with a 
subject combining an abstract form with 
the interest and inspiration of concrete
 reality2 where negation works with a   
greater power than assertion2 where the 
satire is directed against follies more 

wide-spread and enduring than any       
others2 where the teaching in some most 
essential points can never be           
superseded2 and where dependence on a   
,greek model left the poet free to      
contribute from his own imagination     
those elements to which the poetic value
 of his work is entirely due4 ,by a     
curious coincidence1 the great poet of  
mediaeval ,italy attained success by the
 employment of a somewhat similar       
method4 ,dante represented1 it is true1 
in their victorious combination1 three  
influences against which ,lucretius     
waged an unrelenting warfare--religion1 
the idealising love of woman1 and the   
spiritualistic philosophy of ,greece4   
,nevertheless1 they resemble each other 
in this important particular1 that both 
have taken an abstract theory of the    
world as the mould into which the       
burning metal of their imaginative      
conceptions is poured4 ,dante1 however1 
had a power of individual presentation  
which ,lucretius either lacked or had no

 opportunity of exercising2 and         
therefore he approaches nearer to that  
supreme creativeness which only two     
races1 the ,greek and the ,english1 have
 hitherto displayed on a very extended  
scale4   ,,ix4  ,returning once more to 
,epicurus1 we have now to sum up the    
characteristic excellences and defects  
of his philosophy4 ,the revival of the  
atomic theory showed unquestionable     
courage and insight4 ,outside the school
 of ,democritus1 it was1 so far as we   
know1 accepted by no other thinker4     
,plato never mentions it4 ,aristotle    
examined and rejected it4 ,the opponents
 of ,epicurus himself treated it as a   
self-evident absurdity4#bjh ,only       
,marcus ,aurelius seems to have         
contemplated the possibility of its     
truth4#bji4 ,but while to have          
maintained the right theory in the face 
of such universal opposition was a proof
 of no common discernment1 we must      
remember that appropriating the         
discoveries of others1 even when those  

discoveries are in danger of being lost 
through neglect1 is a very different    
thing from making discoveries for one's 
self4 ,no portion of the glory due to   
,leucippus and ,democritus should be    
diverted to their arrogant successor4   
,and it must also be remembered that the
 ,athenian philosopher1 by his theory of
 deflection1 not only spoiled the       
original hypothesis1 but even made it a 
little ridiculous4  ,the second service 
of ,epicurus was entirely to banish the 
idea of supernatural interference from  
the study of natural phenomena4 ,this   
also was a difficult enterprise in the  
face of that overwhelming theological   
reaction begun by ,socrates1 continued  
by ,plato1 and carried to grotesque     
consequences by the ,stoics2 but1 here  
again1 there can be no question of      
attributing any originality to the      
philosopher of the ,garden4 ,that there 
either were no gods at all1 or that if  
there were they never meddled with the  
world1 was a common enough opinion in   

,plato's time2 and even ,aristotle's    
doctrine of a ,prime ,mover excludes the
 notion of creation1 providence1 and    
miracles altogether4 ,on the other hand1
 the ,epicurean theory of idle gods was 
irrational in itself1 and kept the door 
open for a return of superstitious      
beliefs4  ,the next and perhaps the most
 important point in favour of           
,epicureanism is its theory of pleasure 
as the end of action4 ,plato had left   
his idea of the good undefined2         
,aristotle had defined his in such a    
manner as to shut out the vast majority 
of mankind from its pursuit2 the ,stoics
 had revolted every instinct by         
altogether discarding pleasure as an    
end1 and putting a purely formal and    
hollow perfection in its place4 ,it must
 further be admitted that ,epicurus1 in 
tracing back justice to the two ideas of
 interest and contract1 had hold of a   
true and fertile principle4             
,nevertheless1 although ethics is his   
strongest ground1 his usual ill-luck    

pursues him even here4 ,it is where he  
is most original that he goes most      
astray4 ,by reducing pleasure1 as an end
 of action1 to the mere removal of pain1
 he alters earlier systems of hedonism  
for the worse2 and plays the game of    
pessimism by making it appear that1 on  
the whole1 death must be preferable to  
life1 since it is what life can never   
be--a state of absolute repose4 ,and by 
making self-interest1 in the sense of   
seeking nothing but one's own pleasure  
or the means to it1 the only rule of    
action1 he endangers the very           
foundations of society4 ,at best1 the   
selfish system1 as ,coleridge has       
beautifully observed1 #8stands in a     
similar relation to the law of          
conscience or universal selfless reason1
 as the dial to the sun which indicates 
its path by intercepting its            
radiance4'#baj ,nor is the indication so
 certain as ,coleridge admitted4 ,a time
 may come when self-sacrifice shall be  
unnecessary for the public welfare1 but 

we are not within a measurable distance 
of it as yet4  ,no word of commendation 
can be pronounced on the ,epicurean     
psychology and logic4 ,they are both bad
 in themselves1 and inconsistent with   
the rest of the system4 ,were all       
knowledge derived from                  
sense-impressions--especially if those  
impressions were what ,epicurus imagined
 them to be--the atomic theory could    
never have been discovered or even      
conceived1 nor could an ideal of        
happiness have been thought out4 ,in its
 theory of human progress1 ,epicureanism
 once more shows to advantage2 although 
in denying all inventiveness to man1 and
 making him the passive recipient of    
external impressions1 it differs widely 
from the modern school which it is      
commonly supposed to have anticipated4  
,and we may reasonably suspect that1    
here as elsewhere1 earlier systems      
embodied sounder views on the same      
subject4  ,the qualities which enabled  
,epicurus to compete successfully with  

much greater thinkers than himself as   
the founder of a lasting sect1 were     
practical rather than theoretical4      
,others before him had taught that      
happiness was the end of life2 none1    
like him1 had cultivated the art of     
happiness1 and pointed out the fittest  
methods for attaining it4 ,the idea of  
such an art was a real and important    
addition to the resources of            
civilisation4 ,no mistake is greater    
than to suppose that pleasure is lost by
 being made an object of pursuit4 ,to   
single out the most agreeable course    
among many alternatives1 and1 when once 
found1 steadily to pursue it1 is an     
aptitude like any other1 and is capable 
of being brought to a high degree of    
perfection by assiduous attention and   
self-discipline4#baa ,no doubt the      
capacity for enjoyment is impaired by   
excessive self-consciousness1 but the   
same is true of every other             
accomplishment during the earlier stages
 of its acquisition4 ,it is only the    

beginner who is troubled by taking too  
much thought about his own proficiency2 
when practice has become a second       
nature1 the professor of hedonism reaps 
his harvest of delight without wasting a
 thought on his own efforts1 or allowing
 the phantom of pleasure in the abstract
 to allure him away from its particular 
and present realisation4 ,and1 granting 
that happiness as such can be made an   
object of cultivation1 ,epicurus was    
perfectly right in teaching that the    
removal of pain is its most essential   
condition1 faulty as was 7from a        
speculative point of view7 his confusion
 of the condition with the thing itself4
 ,if the professed pleasure-seekers of  
modern society often fail in the        
business of their lives1 it is from     
neglecting this salutary principle1     
especially where it takes the form of   
attention to the requirements of health4
 ,in assigning a high importance to     
friendship1 he was equally well         
inspired4 ,congenial society is not only

 the most satisfying of enjoyments in   
itself1 but also that which can be most 
easily combined with every other        
enjoyment4 ,it is also true1 although a 
truth felt rather than perceived by our 
philosopher1 that speculative agreement1
 especially when speculation takes the  
form of dissent from received opinions1 
greatly increases the affection of      
friends for one another4 ,and as        
theology is the subject on which        
unforced agreement seems most difficult1
 to eliminate its influence altogether  
was a valuable though purely negative   
contribution to unanimity of thought and
 feeling in the hedonistic sect4  ,an   
attempt has recently been made by ,m4   
,guyau to trace the influence of        
,epicurus on modern philosophy4 ,we     
cannot but think the method of this able
 and lucid writer a thoroughly mistaken 
one4 ,assuming the recognition of       
self-interest as the sole or paramount  
instinct in human nature1 to be the     
essence of what ,epicurus taught1 ,m4   

,guyau1 without more ado1 sets down     
every modern thinker who agrees with him
 on this one point as his disciple1 and 
then adds to the number all who hold    
that pleasure is the end of action2 thus
 making out a pretty long list of famous
 names among the more recent            
continuators of his tradition4 ,a more  
extended study of ancient philosophy    
would have shown the ,french critic that
 moralists who1 in other respects1 were 
most opposed to ,epicurus1 agreed with  
him in holding that every man naturally 
and necessarily makes his own interest  
the supreme test of right conduct2 and  
that only with the definition of welfare
 did their divergence begin4 ,on the    
other hand1 the selfish systems of      
modern times differ entirely from       
,epicureanism in their conception of    
happiness4 ,with ,hobbes1 for instance1 
whom ,m4 ,guyau classes as an           
,epicurean1 the ideal is not            
painlessness but power2 the desires are1
 according to his view1 naturally       

infinite1 and are held in check1 not by 
philosophical precepts but by mutual    
restraint2 while1 in deducing the       
special virtues1 his standard is not the
 good of each individual1 but the good  
of the whole--in other words1 he is1 to 
that extent1 a ,stoic rather than an    
,epicurean4 ,la ,rochefoucauld1 who is  
offered as another example of the same  
tendency1 was not a moralist at all2 and
 as a psychologist he differs           
essentially from ,epicurus in regarding 
vanity as always and everywhere the     
great motive to virtue4 ,had the        
,athenian sage believed this he would   
have despaired of making men happy2 for 
disregard of public opinion1 within the 
limits of personal safety1 was1 with    
him1 one of the first conditions of a   
tranquil existence4 ,nor would he have  
been less averse from the system of     
,helvtius1 another of his supposed      
disciples4 ,the principal originality of
 ,helvtius was to insist that the       
passions1 instead of being              

discouraged--as all previous moralists1 
,epicurus among the number1 had         
advised--should be deliberately         
stimulated by the promise of unlimited  
indulgence to those who distinguished   
themselves by important public services4
 ,of ,spinoza we need say nothing1 for  
,m4 ,guyau admits that he was quite as  
much inspired by ,stoic as by ,epicurean
 ideas4 ,at the same time1 the          
combination of these two ethical systems
 would have been much better illustrated
 by modern ,english utilitarianism1     
which ,m4 ,guyau regards as a           
development of ,epicureanism alone4 ,the
 greatest happiness of the greatest     
number is not an individual or          
self-interested1 but a universal end1   
having1 as ,mill has shown1 for its     
ultimate sanction the love of humanity  
as a whole1 which is an essentially     
,stoic sentiment4 ,it may be added that 
utilitarianism has no sympathy with the 
particular theory of pleasure1 whether  
sensual or negative1 adopted by         

,epicurus4 ,in giving a high1 or even   
the highest place to intellectual       
enjoyments1 it agrees with the estimate 
of ,plato and ,aristotle1 to which he   
was so steadily opposed4 ,and in duly   
appreciating the positive side of all   
enjoyments1 it returns to the earlier   
hedonism from which he stood so far     
apart4  ,the distinctive features of    
,epicureanism have1 in truth1 never been
 copied1 nor are they ever likely to be 
copied1 by any modern system4 ,it arose1
 as we have seen1 from a combination of 
circumstances which will hardly be      
repeated in the future history of       
thought4 ,as the heat and pressure of   
molten granite turn sandstone into      
slate1 so also the mighty systems of    
,plato and ,aristotle1 coming into      
contact with the irreligious1 sensual1  
empirical1 and sceptical side of ,attic 
thought1 forced it to assume that sort  
of laminated texture which characterises
 the theoretical philosophy of          
,epicurus4 ,and1 at the very same       

moment1 the disappearance of all        
patriotism and public spirit from       
,athenian life allowed the older        
elements of ,athenian character1 its    
amiable egoism1 its love of frugal      
gratifications1 its aversion from purely
 speculative interests1 to create a new 
and looser bond of social union among   
those who were indifferent to the vulgar
 objects of ambition1 but whom the      
austerer doctrines of ,stoicism had     
failed to attract4     ,,chapter ,,iii4 
,,the ,,sceptics ,,and ,,eclectics3     
,,greek ,,philosophy ,,in ,,rome4   ,i4 
,the year #aee ,b4,c4 was signalised by 
an important event1 if not in the       
history of ideas1 at least in the       
history of their diffusion4 ,this was   
the despatch of an embassy from the     
,athenian people to the ,roman ,senate1 
consisting of three philosophers1 the   
heads of their respective               
schools--,carneades the ,academician1   
,critolaus the ,peripatetic1 and        
,diogenes the ,stoic4 ,philosophic      

teaching1 once proscribed at ,athens1   
had1 at the time of which we are        
speaking1 become her chief distinction1 
and the most honourable profession      
pursued within her precincts4 ,it was1  
then1 as natural that an important      
mission should be confided to the most  
eminent representatives of the calling  
in question as that high ecclesiastics  
should be similarly employed by ,rome in
 later ages1 or that ,german university 
towns should send professors to         
represent their interests in the        
imperial ,diet4 ,but the same fate that 
befalls an established religion had     
befallen an established philosophy4 ,an 
attempt to impose restrictions on the   
liberty of teaching had1 indeed1 been   
successfully resisted1 and the          
experiment was never repeated4#bab      
,nevertheless1 the teachers themselves  
lost as much in true dignity as they    
gained in affluence and popular         
estimation4 ,in all probability1 the    
threat of death would not have induced  

,socrates to undertake the task which   
was1 apparently1 accepted without       
compulsion and as an honourable duty by 
his successors4 ,the ,athenians had made
 an unprovoked raid on the town of      
,oropus2 the affair had been referred to
 arbitration2 and the aggressors had    
been sentenced to pay a fine of #ejj    
talents4 ,it was to obtain a remission  
of this sentence that the three         
,scholarchs were sent on an embassy to  
the ,roman ,senate4  ,if the nature of  
their errand was not precisely          
calculated to win respect for the       
profession of the ,athenian envoys1 the 
subsequent proceedings of one among     
their number proved still less likely to
 raise it in the estimation of those    
whose favour they sought to win4        
,hellenic culture was1 at that time1    
rapidly gaining ground among the ,roman 
aristocracy2 ,carneades1 who already    
enjoyed an immense reputation for       
eloquence and ingenuity among his own   
countrymen1 used the opportunity offered

 by his temporary residence in the      
imperial city to deliver public lectures
 on morality2 and such was the eagerness
 to listen that for a time the young    
nobles could think and talk of nothing  
else4 ,the subject chosen was justice4  
,the first lecture recapitulated        
whatever had been said in praise of that
 virtue by ,plato and ,aristotle4 ,but  
it was a principle of the sect to which 
,carneades belonged that every          
affirmative proposition1 however        
strongly supported1 might be denied with
 equal plausibility4 ,accordingly1 his  
second discourse was entirely devoted to
 upsetting the conclusions advocated in 
the first4 ,transporting the whole      
question1 as would seem1 from a private 
to a public point of view1 he attempted 
to show1 from the different standards   
prevailing in different countries1 that 
there was no such thing as an immutable 
rule of right2 and also that the        
greatest and most successful ,states had
 profited most by unscrupulous          

aggressions on their weaker             
neighbours--his most telling            
illustrations being drawn from the      
history of the ,romans themselves4      
,then1 descending once more to private  
life1 the sceptical lecturer expatiated 
on the frequency of those cases in which
 justice is opposed to self-interest1   
and the folly of sacrificing one's own  
advantage to that of another4 #8,suppose
 a good man has a runaway slave or an   
unhealthy house to sell1 will he inform 
the buyer of their deficiencies1 or will
 he conceal them8 ,in the one case he   
will be a fool1 in the other case he    
will be unjust4 ,again1 justice forbids 
us to take away the life or property of 
another4 ,but in a shipwreck1 will not  
the just man try to save his life at    
another's expense by seizing the plank  
of which some weaker person than himself
 has got hold--especially if they are   
alone on the sea together8 ,if he is    
wise he will do so1 for to act otherwise
 would be to sacrifice his life4 ,so    

also1 in flying before the enemy1 will  
he not dispossess a wounded comrade of  
his horse1 in order to mount and escape 
on it himself8 ,here1 again1 justice is 
incompatible with                       
self-preservation--that is to say1 with 
wisdom6#8#bac  ,at the time when        
,carneades delivered his lectures1 the  
morality of ,rome resembled that of     
,sparta during her great conflict with  
,athens1 as characterised by one of the 
speakers in the ,melian ,dialogue4      
,scrupulously honourable in their       
dealings with one another1 in their     
dealings with foreign nations her       
citizens notoriously identified justice 
with what was agreeable or advantageous 
to themselves4 ,the arguments of the    
,academic philosopher must1 therefore1  
have been doubly annoying to the leaders
 of the ,state1 as a satire on its      
public policy and as a source of danger 
to the integrity of its private life4   
,in this respect1 old ,cato was a type  
of the whole race4 ,in all transactions 

with his fellow-citizens1 and in every  
office undertaken on behalf of the      
community1 his honesty was such that it 
became proverbial4 ,but his absolute    
disregard of international justice has  
become equally proverbial through the   
famous advice1 reiterated on every      
possible occasion1 that an unoffending  
and unwarlike city should be destroyed1 
lest its existence should at some future
 time become a source of uneasiness to  
the mistress of the world4 ,perhaps it  
was a secret consciousness of his own   
inconsistency which prevented him from  
directly proposing that ,carneades      
should not be allowed to continue his   
lectures4 ,at any rate1 the ex-,censor  
contented himself with moving that the  
business on which the ,athenian envoys  
had come should be at once concluded1   
that they might return to their classes 
at ,athens1 leaving the youth of ,rome  
to seek instruction as before from the  
wise conversation and example of her    
public men4#bad ,we are not told whether

 his speech on this occasion wound up   
with the usual formula1 caeterum1       
,patres ,conscripti1 sententia mea est  
,carthaginem esse delendam2 but as it is
 stated that from the year #age to the  
end of his life1 he never made a motion 
in the ,senate that was not terminated  
by those words1 we are entitled to      
assume that he did not omit them in the 
present instance4 ,if so1 the effect    
must have been singularly grotesque2    
although1 perhaps1 less so than if      
attention had been drawn to the         
customary phrase by its unexpected      
absence4 ,at any rate1 ,carneades had an
 opportunity of carrying back one more  
illustration of ethical inconsistency   
wherewith to enliven his lectures on the
 #8vanity of dogmatising' and the       
absolute equilibrium of contradictory   
opinions4  ,it has been mentioned that  
,carneades was the head of the ,academic
 school4 ,in that capacity1 he was the  
lineal inheritor of ,plato's teaching4  
,yet a public apology for injustice1    

even when balanced by a previous        
panegyric on its opposite1 might seem to
 be of all lessons the most alien from  
,platonism2 and in a ,state governed by 
,plato's own laws1 it would certainly   
have been punishable with death4 ,to    
explain this anomaly is to relate the   
history of ,greek scepticism1 which is  
what we shall now attempt to do4   ,,ii4
  ,in modern parlance1 the word         
scepticism is often used to denote      
absolute unbelief4 ,this1 however1 is a 
misapplication2 and1 properly speaking1 
it should be reserved1 as it was by the 
,greeks1 for those cases in which belief
 is simply withheld1 or in which1 as its
 etymology implies1 the mental state    
connoted is a desire to consider of the 
matter before coming to a decision4     
,but1 of course1 there are occasions    
when1 either from prudence or           
politeness1 absolute rejection of a     
proposition is veiled under the         
appearance of simple indecision or of a 
demand for further evidence2 and at a   

time when to believe in certain         
theological dogmas was either dangerous 
or discreditable1 the name sceptic may  
have been accepted on all hands as a    
convenient euphemism in speaking about  
persons who did not doubt1 but denied   
them altogether4 ,again1 taken in its   
original sense1 the name sceptic is     
applicable to two entirely different1 or
 rather diametrically opposite classes4 
,the true philosopher is more slow to   
believe than other men1 because he is   
better acquainted than they are with the
 rules of evidence1 and with the        
apparently strong claims on our belief  
often possessed by propositions known to
 be false4 ,to that extent1 all         
philosophers are sceptics1 and are      
rightly regarded as such by the vulgar2 
although their acceptance of many       
conclusions which the unlearned reject  
without examination1 has the contrary   
effect of giving them a reputation for  
extraordinary credulity or even         
insanity4 ,and this leads us to another 

aspect of scepticism--an aspect under   
which1 so far from being an element of  
philosophy1 it is one of the most       
dangerous enemies that philosophy has to
 face4 ,instead of regarding the        
difficulties which beset the path of    
enquiry as a warning against premature  
conclusions1 and a stimulus to more     
careful research1 it is possible to make
 them a pretext for abandoning enquiry  
altogether4 ,and it is also possible to 
regard the divergent answers given by   
different thinkers to the same problem1 
not as materials for comparison1        
selection or combination1 nor even as   
indications of the various directions in
 which a solution is not to be sought1  
but as a proof that the problem         
altogether passes the power of human    
reason to solve4  ,were this            
intellectual despondency to issue in a  
permanent suspense of judgment1 it would
 be bad enough2 but practically its     
consequences are of a much more         
mischievous character4 ,the human mind  

is so constituted that it must either go
 forward or fall back2 in no case can it
 stand still4 ,accordingly1 the lazy    
sceptic almost always ends by conforming
 to the established creeds and customs  
of his age or of the society in which he
 lives2 thus strengthening the hands of 
authority in its conflict with the more 
energetic or courageous enquirers1 whose
 object is to discover1 by the unaided  
efforts of reason1 some new and positive
 principle either of action or of       
belief4 ,and the guardians of orthodoxy 
are so well aware of the profit to be   
reaped from this alliance that1 when    
debarred from putting down their        
opponents by law or by public opinion1  
they anxiously foster false scepticism  
where it is already rampant1 and        
endeavour to create it where it does not
 exist4 ,sometimes disinterested        
morality is the object of their attack1 
and at other times the foundations of   
inductive science4 ,their favourite     
formula is that whatever objections may 

be urged against their own doctrines1   
others equally strong may be urged      
against the results of free thought2    
whereas the truth is that such          
objections1 being applicable to all     
systems alike1 exactly balance one      
another1 leaving the special arguments  
against irrationalism to tell with as   
much force as before4 ,and they also lay
 great stress on the internal           
dissensions of their                    
assailants--dissensions which only bring
 out into more vivid relief the one     
point on which all are agreed1 that1    
whatever else may be true1 the          
traditional opinions are demonstrably   
false4  ,as might be expected from the  
immense exuberance of their intellectual
 life1 we find every kind of scepticism 
represented among the ,greeks2 and1 as  
with their other philosophical          
tendencies1 there is evidence of its    
existence previous to or independent of 
scientific speculation4 ,their very     
religion1 though burdened with an       

enormous mass of fictitious legends1    
shows a certain unwillingness to        
transgress the more obvious laws of     
nature1 not noticeable in the traditions
 of kindred or neighbouring races4 ,its 
tendency is rather to imagine           
supernatural causes for natural events1 
or to read a divine meaning into        
accidental occurrences1 than to         
introduce impossibilities into the      
ordinary course of history4 ,and some of
 its most marvellous stories are told in
 such a manner that the incredulous     
satire with which they were originally  
received is1 by a beautiful play of     
irony1 worked into the very texture of  
the narrative itself4 ,for example1 the 
,greeks were especially disinclined to  
believe that one of the lower animals   
could speak with a human voice1 or that 
a dead man could be brought back to     
life--contradicted as both suppositions 
were by the facts of universal          
experience4 ,so when the horse ,xanthus 
replies to his master's reproaches1     

,homer adds that his voice was arrested 
by the ,erinyes--that is to say1 by the 
laws of nature2 and we may suspect that 
nothing more is intended by his speech  
than the interpretation which ,achilles 
would spontaneously put on the mute and 
pathetic gaze of the faithful steed4    
,and when1 to illustrate the wondrous   
medical skill of ,asclpius1 it is       
related that at last he succeeded in    
restoring a dead man to life1 the story 
adds that for this impious deed both the
 healer and his patient were immediately
 transfixed by a thunderbolt from       
heaven4#bae ,another impossibility is to
 predict with any certainty the future  
fate of individuals1 and here also--as  
has been already observed in a different
 connexion#baf--the ,greeks showed their
 extreme scepticism with regard to any  
alleged contravention of a natural law1 
under the transparent disguise of       
stories about persons whom ambiguous    
predictions had lured to their fall4    
,it is even doubtful how far the ,greek 

poets believed in the personality of    
their gods1 or1 what comes to the same  
thing1 in their detachment from the     
natural objects in which a divine power 
was supposed to be embodied4 ,such a    
detachment is most completely realised  
when they are assembled in an ,olympian 
council2 but1 as ,hegel has somewhere   
observed1 ,homer never brings his gods  
together in this manner without         
presenting them in a ridiculous         
light--that is to say1 without hinting  
that their existence must not be taken  
quite in earnest4 ,and the existence of 
disembodied spirits seems to be         
similarly conceived by the great epic   
master4 ,the life of the souls in ,hades
 is not a continuance but a memory and a
 reflection of their life on earth4 ,the
 scornful reply of ,achilles to the     
congratulations of ,odysseus implies1 as
 it were1 the consciousness of his own  
nonentity4 ,by no other device could the
 irony of the whole situation1 the      
worthlessness of a merely subjective    

immortality1 be made so poignantly      
apparent4#bag  ,the characters in ,homer
 are marked by this incredulous         
disposition in direct proportion to     
their general wisdom4 ,when ,agamemnon  
relates his dream to the assembled      
chiefs1 ,nestor dryly observes that if  
anyone of less authority had told them  
such a story they would have immediately
 rejected it as untrue4 ,hector's       
outspoken contempt for augury is well   
known2 and his indifference to the dying
 words of ,patroclus is equally         
characteristic4 ,in the ,odyssey1       
,alcinous pointedly distinguishes his   
guest from the common run of travellers1
 whose words deserve no credit4 ,that   
,telemachus should tell who is his      
father1 with the uncomplimentary        
reservation that he has only his        
mother's word for it1 is evidently meant
 as a proof of the young man's          
precocious shrewdness2 and it is with   
the utmost difficulty that ,penelope    
herself is persuaded of her husband's   

identity4 ,so in the ,agamemnon of      
,aeschylus1 nothing less than the report
 of an eye-witness will convince the    
,chorus of old men that ,troy has really
 fallen4#bah ,finally1 to complete the  
list of examples afforded independently 
of philosophical reflection1 ,herodotus 
repeatedly expresses disbelief in the   
stories told him1 or1 what is more      
remarkable1 holds his judgment in       
suspense with regard to their veracity4 
,scepticism1 as a philosophical         
principle1 is alien from early ,greek   
thought2 but it is pervaded by a        
negative tendency exhibited in four     
different directions1 all converging    
towards the later attitude of suspensive
 doubt4 ,there are sharp criticisms on  
the popular mythology2 there are        
protests against the ascription of      
reality to sensible appearances2 there  
are contemptuous references on the part 
of some philosophers to the opinions    
held by others2 and there are occasional
 lamentations over the difficulty of    

getting at any truth at all4 ,the       
importance1 however1 of these last      
utterances has been considerably        
exaggerated both in ancient and modern  
times4 ,for1 in some instances1 they are
 attributable solely to the distrust of 
sense-perception1 and in others they    
seem to express nothing more than a     
passing mood against which we must set  
the dogmatic conclusions elsewhere      
enunciated with perfect confidence by   
the same thinkers4#bai ,at the same     
time1 we have to note1 as an            
illustration of the standing connexion  
between theological belief and that kind
 of scepticism which is shown by        
distrust in man's power of discovering  
the truth for himself1 that the         
strongest expressions of such a distrust
 are to be found in the two most        
religious of the pre-,socratic thinkers1
 ,xenophanes and ,empedocles4   ,,iii4  
,a new period begins with the ,greek    
,humanists4 ,we use this term in        
preference to that of ,sophists1        

because1 as has been shown1 in specially
 dealing with the subject1 half the     
teachers known under the latter         
denomination made it their business to  
popularise physical science and to apply
 it to morality1 while the other half   
struck out an entirely different line1  
and founded their educational system on 
the express rejection of such           
investigations2 their method being1 in  
this respect1 foreshadowed by the       
greatest poet of the age1 who           
concentrates all his attention on the   
workings of the human mind1 and followed
 by its greatest historian1 with whom a 
similar study takes the place occupied  
by geography and natural history in the 
work of ,herodotus4 ,this absorption in 
human interests was unfavourable alike  
to the objects and to the methods of    
previous enquiry3 to the former1 as a   
diversion from the new studies2 to the  
latter1 as inconsistent with the        
flexibility and many-sidedness of       
conscious mind4 ,hence the true father  

of philosophical scepticism was         
,protagoras4 ,with him1 for the first   
time1 we find full expression given to  
the proper sceptical attitude1 which is 
one of suspense and indifference as     
opposed to absolute denial4 ,he does not
 undertake to say whether the gods exist
 or not4 ,he regards the real essence of
 ,nature as unknowable1 on account of   
the relativity which characterises all  
sensible impressions4 ,and wherever     
opinions are divided1 he undertakes to  
provide equally strong arguments for    
both sides of the question4 ,he also    
anticipates the two principal tendencies
 exhibited by all future scepticism in  
its relation to practice4 ,one is its   
devotion to humanity1 under the double  
form of exclusive attention to human    
interests1 and great mildness in the    
treatment of human beings4 ,the other is
 a disposition to take custom and public
 opinion1 rather than any physical or   
metaphysical law1 for the standard and  
sanction of morality4 ,such scepticism  

might for the moment be hostile to      
religion2 but a reconciliation was      
likely to be soon effected between them4
  ,the famous theses of ,gorgias were   
quoted in a former chapter as an        
illustration of the tactics pursued by  
,greek ,humanism in its controversy with
 physical science4 ,they must be noticed
 again in the present connexion1 on     
account of their bearing on the         
development of scepticism1 and as having
 inaugurated a method of reasoning often
 employed in subsequent attacks1        
directed1 not against the whole of      
knowledge1 but against particular parts 
of it4 ,the scepticism of ,protagoras   
rested on the assumption that there is  
an external reality from the reaction of
 which with mind all our perceptions    
proceed4 ,neither of these two factors  
can be known apart from the other1 and  
as both are in a constant flux1 our     
knowledge of the resulting compound at  
one time does not show what it has been 
or will be at another time4 ,but        

,gorgias altogether denied the existence
 of any objective reality2 and he       
attempted to disprove it by an          
analytical instead of a synthetic       
argument1 laying down a series of       
disjunctive propositions1 and upsetting 
the different alternatives in           
succession4 ,existence must be either   
something or nothing1 or both together2 
and if something1 it must be either     
finite or infinite1 or both1 and either 
one or many1 or both4 ,his argument     
against an infinite existence is        
altogether futile2 but it serves to     
illustrate the undeveloped state of     
reflection at that period4 ,the eternity
 of the world is confounded with its    
unlimited extension in space3 and this  
hypothesis1 again1 is met by the        
transparent quibble that the world1 not 
being in any one place1 must be nowhere 
or not at all4 ,and the alternative that
 the world has not always existed is    
refuted by the unproved assumption1     
which1 apparently1 no ,greek philosopher

 ever thought of disputing1 that nothing
 can begin without being caused by      
something else4 ,still1 however         
contemptible such reasonings may seem1  
it is obvious that in them we have the  
first crude form of the famous          
antinomies by which ,kant long          
afterwards sought to prove the          
impossibility of a world existing in    
space and time apart from a percipient  
subject1 and which have since been used 
to establish in a more general way the  
unknowability of existence as such4 ,it 
will also be observed that the sceptical
 arguments respectively derived from the
 relativity of thought and from the     
contradictions inherent in its ultimate 
products are run together by modern     
agnostics4 ,but no reason that we can   
remember has ever been given to show    
that an idea is necessarily subjective  
because it is self-contradictory4  ,the 
second thesis of ,gorgias was that1 even
 granting the world to exist1 it could  
not possibly be known4 ,here the        

reasoning is unexpectedly weak4 ,because
 all thoughts do not represent          
facts1--as1 for example1 our ideas of   
impossible combinations1 like chariots  
running over the sea1--it is assumed    
that none do4 ,but the problem how to   
distinguish between true and false ideas
 was raised1 and it was round this that 
the fiercest battle between dogmatists  
and sceptics subsequently raged4 ,and in
 the complete convertibility of         
consciousness and reality postulated by 
,gorgias1 we may find the suggestion of 
a point sometimes overlooked in the     
automatist controversy--namely1 that the
 impossibility1 if any1 of our acting on
 the material world reciprocally        
involves the impossibility of its acting
 on us1 in so far as we are conscious   
beings4 ,if thought cannot be translated
 into movement1 neither can movement be 
translated into thought4  ,the third    
thesis maintains that1 granting the     
world to exist and to be knowable1 one  
man cannot communicate his knowledge to 

another2 for1 the different classes of  
sensations being heterogeneous1 a visual
 or tactual impression on our           
consciousness cannot be conveyed by an  
auditory impression on the consciousness
 of someone else4 ,this difficulty has  
been completely overcome by the         
subsequent progress of thought4 ,we     
cannot1 it is true1 directly communicate
 more than a few sensations to one      
another2 but by producing one we may    
call up others with which it has become 
associated through previous experience4 
,and the great bulk of our knowledge has
 been analysed into relations of        
co-existence1 succession1 and           
resemblance1 which are quite independent
 of the particular symbols employed to  
transmit them from one mind to          
another4#bbj  ,the scepticism of        
,aristippus and the ,cyrenaics mediated 
between the views of ,protagoras and    
those of ,gorgias1 while marking an     
advance on both4 ,according to this     
school1 we know nothing beyond our own  

feelings1 and it must be left undecided 
whether they are caused by an external  
reality or not4 ,nor can the feelings of
 one individual justify us in reasoning 
to the existence of similar feelings in 
the mind of another individual4#bba ,it 
might be objected that the arguments    
advanced in support of the latter       
assertion are suicidal1 for they are    
derived from the abnormal states of     
consciousness accompanying particular   
diseases1 or else from the divergences  
of taste exhibited by different         
individuals even when in good           
health1--an apparent admission that we  
are sufficiently well acquainted with   
the phenomena in question to institute a
 comparison between them1 which1 by     
hypothesis1 is impossible4 ,and this is1
 in fact1 the method by which ,mr4      
,herbert ,spencer has endeavoured to    
upset the whole theory of subjective    
idealism1 as involving at every step an 
assumption of the very realities that it
 professes to deny4 ,but the ,cyrenaic  

and the modern idealist have a perfect  
right to show that the assumptions of   
their adversaries are                   
self-contradictory2 and the readiest way
 of so doing is to reason from them as  
if they were true4 ,the real answer to  
that extreme form of idealism which     
denies the possibility of making known  
our feelings to each other is that1 our 
bodies being similarly constructed and  
responding to similar impressions by    
similar manifestations1 ,i have the same
 sort of warrant for assuming that your 
states of consciousness are like mine   
that ,i have for assuming you to exist  
at all4 ,the inference must1 of course1 
be surrounded by proper precautions1    
such as are seldom used by unscientific 
reasoners4 ,we must make sure that the  
structure is the same and that the      
excitement is the same1 or that their   
differences1 if any1 are insignificant1 
before we can attribute the same value  
to the same manifestations of feeling on
 the part of different persons2 but that

 this can be done1 at least in the case 
of the elementary sensations1 is shown  
by the easy detection of such anomalies 
as colour-blindness where they exist4   
,with ,socrates and ,plato1 scepticism  
exhibits itself under two new aspects3  
as an accompaniment of religious belief1
 and as an element of constructive      
thought4 ,thus they represent both the  
good and the bad side of this tendency3 
the aspect under which it is a help1 and
 the aspect under which it is a         
hindrance to scientific investigation4  
,with both philosophers1 however1 the   
restriction or negation of human        
knowledge was a consequence rather than 
a cause of their theological            
convictions2 nor do they seem to have   
appreciated its value as a weapon in the
 controversy with religious unbelief4   
,when ,socrates represented the         
irreconcilable divergence in the        
explanations of ,nature offered by      
previous thinkers as a sufficient       
condemnation of their several           

pretensions1 he did not set this fact   
against the arguments by which a        
,xenophanes had similarly endeavoured to
 overthrow the popular mythology2 but he
 looked on it as a fatal consequence of 
their insane presumption in meddling    
with the secrets of the gods4 ,on one   
occasion only1 when explaining to       
,euthydmus that the invisibility of the 
gods is no reason for doubting their    
existence1 he argues1 somewhat in       
,butler's style1 that our own minds1    
whose existence we cannot doubt1 are    
equally invisible4#bbb ,and the         
,platonic ,socrates makes it his        
business to demonstrate the universality
 of human ignorance1 not as a caution   
against dogmatic unbelief1 but as a     
glorification of the divine knowledge2  
though how we come to know that there is
 any such knowledge he leaves utterly   
unexplained4  ,in ,plato's ,parmenides  
we have to note the germ of a new       
dialectic4 ,there it is suggested that  
we may overcome the difficulties        

attending a particular theory--in this  
instance the theory of self-existing    
ideas--by considering how much greater  
are the difficulties which would ensue  
on its rejection4 ,the arguments        
advanced by ,zeno the ,eleatic against  
the reality of motion are mentioned as a
 case in point2 and ,plato proceeds to  
illustrate his proposed method by       
showing what consequences respectively  
follow if we first assume the existence1
 and then the non-existence of the ,one2
 but the whole analysis seems valueless 
for its immediate purpose1 since the    
resulting impossibilities on either side
 are left exactly balanced2 and ,plato  
does not1 like some modern              
metaphysicians1 call in our affections  
to decide the controversy4  ,the method 
by which ,plato eventually found his way
 out of the sceptical difficulty1 was to
 transform it from a subjective law of  
thought into an objective law of things4
 ,adopting the ,heracleitean physics as 
a sufficient explanation of the material

 world1 he conceived1 at a comparatively
 early period of his mental evolution1  
that the fallaciousness of              
sense-impressions is due1 not to the    
senses themselves1 but to the           
instability of the phenomena with which 
they deal2 and afterwards1 on           
discovering that the interpretation of  
ideal relations was subject to similar  
perplexities1 he assumed that1 in their 
case also1 the contradiction arises from
 a combination of ,being with not-,being
 determining whatever differences       
prevail among the ultimate elements of  
things4 ,and1 finally1 like ,empedocles1
 he solved the problem of cognition by  
establishing a parallel between the     
human soul and the universe as a whole2 
the circles of the ,same and the ,other 
being united in the celestial orbits and
 also in the mechanism of the brain4#bbc
  ,it was by an analogous1 though1 of   
course1 far more complicated and        
ingenious adjustment1 that ,hegel sought
 to overcome the agnosticism which ,kant

 professed to have founded on a basis of
 irrefragable proof4 ,with both         
philosophers1 however1 the sceptical    
principle was celebrating its supreme   
triumph at the moment of its fancied    
overthrow4 ,the dogmatism of doubt could
 go no further than to resolve the whole
 chain of existence into a succession of
 mutually contradictory ideas4  ,if the 
synthesis of affirmation and negation   
cannot profitably be used to explain the
 origin of things in themselves1 it has 
a real and very important function when 
limited to the subjective sphere1 to the
 philosophy of practice and of belief4  
,it was so employed by ,socrates1 and1  
on a much greater scale1 by ,plato      
himself4 ,to consider every proposition 
from opposite points of view1 and to    
challenge the claim of every existing   
custom on our respect1 was a proceeding 
first instituted by the master1 and     
carried out by the disciple in a manner 
which has made his investigations a     
model for every future enquirer4        

,something of their spirit was inherited
 by ,aristotle2 but1 except in his      
logical treatises1 it was overborne by  
the demands of a pre-eminently dogmatic 
and systematising genius4 ,in           
criticising the theories of his         
predecessors1 he has abundantly         
illustrated the power of dialectic1 and 
he has enumerated its resources with    
conscientious completeness2 but he has  
not verified his own conclusions by     
subjecting them to this formidable      
testing apparatus4  ,meanwhile the      
scepticism of ,protagoras had not been  
entirely absorbed into the systems of   
his rivals1 but continued to exist as an
 independent tradition1 or in           
association with a simpler philosophy4  
,the famous school of ,megara1 about    
which1 unfortunately1 we have received  
very little direct information1 was     
nominally a development of the ,socratic
 teaching on its logical side1 as the   
,cynic and ,cyrenaic schools were on its
 ethical side1 but like them also1 it   

seems to have a more real connexion with
 the great impulse previously given to  
speculation by the ,sophists4 ,at any   
rate1 we chiefly hear of the ,megarians 
as having denied the possibility of     
definition1 to which ,socrates attached 
so much importance1 and as framing      
questions not susceptible of a          
categorical answer1--an evident satire  
on the ,socratic method of eliciting the
 truth by cross-examination4#bbd ,what  
they really derived from ,socrates seems
 to have been his mental concentration  
and independence of external            
circumstances4 ,here they closely       
resembled the ,cynics1 as also in their 
contempt for formal logic2 but while    
,antisthenes found a sanction for his   
indifference and impassivity in the     
order of nature1 their chief            
representative1 ,stilpo1 achieved the   
same result by pushing the sceptical    
principle to consequences from which    
even the ,cyrenaics would have shrunk4  
,denying the possibility of attaching a 

predicate to a subject1 he seems1 in    
like manner1 to have isolated the mind  
from what are called its affections1 or1
 at least1 to have made this isolation  
his ideal of the good4 ,even the ,stoics
 did not go to such a length2 and       
,seneca distinguishes himself from the  
followers of ,stilpo by saying1 #8,our  
sage feels trouble while he overcomes   
it1 whereas theirs does not feel it at  
all4'#bbe   ,,iv4  ,so far1 the         
sceptical theory had been put forward   
after a somewhat fragmentary fashion1   
and in strict dependence on the previous
 development of dogmatic philosophy4    
,with the ,humanists it had taken the   
form of an attack on physical science2  
with the ,megarians1 of a criticism on  
the ,socratic dialectic2 with both1 it  
had been pushed to the length of an     
absolute negation1 logically not more   
defensible than the affirmations to     
which it was opposed4 ,what remained was
 that1 after being consistently         
formulated1 its results should be       

exhibited in their systematic bearing on
 the practical interests of mankind4    
,the twofold task was accomplished by   
,pyrrho1 whose name has accordingly     
continued to be associated1 even in     
modern times1 with the profession of    
universal doubt4 ,this remarkable man   
was a native of ,elis1 where a branch of
 the ,megarian school had at one time   
established itself2 and it seems likely 
that the determining impulse of his life
 was1 directly or indirectly1 derived   
from ,stilpo's teaching4 ,a contemporary
 of ,alexander the ,great1 he           
accompanied the ,macedonian army on its 
march to ,india1 subsequently returning 
to his native city1 where he died at an 
advanced age1 about #bge ,b4,c4 ,the    
absurd stories about his indifference to
 material obstacles when out walking    
have been already mentioned in a former 
chapter1 and are sufficiently refuted by
 the circumstances just related4 ,the   
citizens of ,elis are said to have shown
 their respect for the philosopher by   

exempting him from taxation1 appointing 
him their chief priest--no inappropriate
 office for a sceptic of the true       
type--and honouring his memory with a   
statue1 which was still pointed out to  
sightseers in the time of               
,pausanias4#bbf  ,pyrrho1 who probably  
no more believed in books than in       
anything else1 never committed his      
opinions to writing2 and what we know of
 them is derived from the reports of his
 disciples1 which1 again1 are only      
preserved in a very incomplete form by  
the compilers of the empire4 ,according 
to these1 ,pyrrho began by declaring    
that the philosophic problem might be   
summed up in the three following        
questions3 #8,what is the nature of     
things8 ,what should be our relation to 
them8 ,what is the practical consequence
 of this determination8' ,of its kind1  
this statement is probably the best ever
 framed1 and might be accepted with     
equal readiness by every school of      
thought4 ,but the scepticism of ,pyrrho 

at once reveals itself in his answer to 
the first question4 ,we know nothing    
about things in themselves4 ,every      
assertion made respecting them is liable
 to be contradicted1 and neither of the 
two opposing propositions deserves more 
credence than the other4 ,the           
considerations by which ,pyrrho attempts
 to establish this proposition were     
probably suggested by the systems of    
,plato and ,aristotle4 ,the only        
possible avenues of communication with  
the external world are1 he tells us1    
sense and reason4 ,of these the former  
was so universally discredited that he  
seems to have regarded any elaborate    
refutation of its claims as superfluous4
 ,what we perceive by our senses is the 
appearance1 not the reality of things4  
,this is exactly what the ,cyrenaics had
 already maintained4 ,the inadequacy of 
reason is proved by a more original     
method4 ,had men any settled principles 
of judgment1 they would agree on        
questions of conduct1 for it is with    

regard to these that they are best      
informed1 whereas the great variety of  
laws and customs shows that the exact   
opposite is true4 ,they are more        
hopelessly divided on points of morality
 than on any other4#bbg ,it will be     
remembered that ,pyrrho's               
fellow-townsman1 ,hippias1 had1 about a 
hundred years earlier1 founded his      
theory of ,natural ,law on the arbitrary
 and variable character of custom4 ,the 
result of combining his principles with 
those professed by ,protagoras and      
,gorgias was to establish complete moral
 scepticism2 but it would be a mistake  
to suppose that moral distinctions had  
no value for him personally1 or that    
they were neglected in his public       
teaching4  ,timon1 a celebrated disciple
 of ,pyrrho1 added another and1 from the
 speculative point of view1 a much more 
powerful argument1 which1 however1 may  
equally have been borrowed from the     
master's lectures4 ,readers of the      
,posterior ,analytics will remember how 

strongly ,aristotle dwells on the       
necessity of starting with first        
principles which are self-evidently     
true4 ,the chain of demonstration must  
have something to hang on1 it cannot be 
carried back ad infinitum4 ,now1 ,timon 
would not admit of such a thing as first
 principles4 ,every assumption1 he says1
 must rest on some previous assumption1 
and as this process cannot be continued 
for ever1 there can be no demonstration 
at all4 ,this became a very favourite   
weapon with the later ,sceptics1 and1   
still at the suggestion of ,aristotle1  
they added the further #8trope' of      
compelling their adversaries to choose  
between going back ad infinitum and     
reasoning in a circle--in other words1  
proving the premises by means of the    
conclusion4 ,modern science would not   
feel much appalled by the sceptical     
dilemma4 ,its actual first principles   
are only provisionally assumed as       
ultimate1 and it is impossible for us to
 tell how much farther their analysis   

may be pursued2 while1 again1 their     
validity is guaranteed by the circular  
process of showing that the consequences
 deduced from them agree with the facts 
of experience4 ,but as against those    
modern philosophers who1 in adherence to
 the ,aristotelian tradition1 still seek
 to base their systems on first         
principles independent of any individual
 experience1 the sceptical argument is  
unanswerable1 and has even been         
strengthened by the progress of         
knowledge4 ,to this day1 thinkers of    
different schools cannot agree about the
 foundations of belief1 and what to one 
seems self-evidently true1 is to another
 either conceivably or actually false4  
,to ,mr4 ,herbert ,spencer the          
persistence of force is a necessary     
truth2 to ,prof4 ,stanley ,jevons its   
creation is a perfectly possible        
contingency2 while to others1 again1 the
 whole conception of force1 as          
understood by ,mr4 ,spencer1 is so      
absolutely unmeaning that they would    

decline to entertain any proposition    
about the invariability of the objective
 reality which it is supposed to        
represent4 ,and when the  priori        
dogmatist affects to treat the negations
 of his opponents as something that they
 do not think1 but only think they      
think1 they may1 with perfect fairness1 
attribute his rejection of their        
beliefs--as1 for example1 free-will--to 
a similar subjective illusion4          
,moreover1 the pure experimentalists can
 point to a circumstance not foreseen by
 the ancient sceptics1 which is that    
propositions once generally regarded as 
incontrovertible by thinking men1 are   
now as generally abandoned by them4     
,having proved1 to his satisfaction1    
that the nature of things is unknowable1
 ,pyrrho proceeds to deal with the two  
remaining heads of the philosophic      
problem4 ,to the question what should be
 our relation to a universe which we    
cannot reach1 the answer is1 naturally1 
one of total indifference4 ,and the     

advantage to be derived from this       
attitude is1 he tells us1 that we shall 
secure the complete imperturbability    
wherein true happiness consists4 ,the   
sceptical philosophy does not agree with
 ,stilpo in denying the reality of      
actual and immediate annoyances1 for it 
denies nothing2 but it professes to     
dispel that very large amount of        
unhappiness which arises from the       
pursuit of fancied goods and the        
expectation of future calamities4 ,in   
respect to the latter1 what ,pyrrho     
sought was to arrive by the exercise of 
reasoning at the tranquillity which     
unreasoning animals naturally enjoy4    
,thus1 we are told that1 when out at sea
 in a storm1 he called the attention of 
the terrified passengers to a little pig
 which was quietly feeding in spite of  
the danger1 and taught them that the    
wise man should attain to a similar kind
 of composure4  ,various other anecdotes
 of more or less doubtful authenticity  
are related1 showing that the           

philosopher could generally1 though not 
always1 act up to his own ideal of      
indifference4 ,he lived with his sister1
 who was a midwife by profession1 and   
patiently submitted to the household    
drudgery which she unsparingly imposed  
on him4 ,once1 however1 she succeeded in
 goading him into a passion2 and on     
being rather inopportunely reminded of  
his professed principles by a bystander1
 the sceptic tartly replied that a      
wretched woman like that was no fit     
subject for a display of philosophical  
indifference4 ,on another occasion1 when
 taunted for losing his self-possession 
at the attack of a furious dog1 he      
observed1 with truth1 that1 after all1  
philosophers are human beings4#bbh      
,thus we find ,pyrrho competing with the
 dogmatists as a practical moralist1 and
 offering to secure the inward          
tranquillity at which they too aimed by 
an easier method than theirs4 ,the last 
eminent representative of the sceptical 
school1 ,sextus ,empiricus1 illustrates 

its pretensions in this respect by the  
well-known story of ,apelles1 who1 after
 vainly endeavouring to paint the foam  
on a horse's mouth1 took the sponge     
which he used to wipe his easel1 and    
threw it at the picture in vexation4    
,the mixture of colours thus            
accidentally applied produced the exact 
effect which he desired1 but at which no
 calculation could arrive4 ,in like     
manner1 says ,sextus1 the confusion of  
universal doubt accidentally resulted in
 the imperturbability which accompanies 
suspense of judgment as surely as a body
 is followed by its shadow4#bbi ,there  
was1 however1 no accident about the     
matter at all4 ,the abandonment of those
 studies which related to the external  
world was a consequence of the          
ever-increasing attention paid to human 
interests1 and that these could be best 
consulted by complete detachment from   
outward circumstances1 was a conclusion 
inevitably suggested by the negative or 
antithetical moment of ,greek thought4  

,hence1 while the individualistic and   
apathetic tendencies of the age were    
shared by every philosophical school1   
they had a closer logical connexion with
 the idealistic than with the           
naturalistic method2 and so it is among 
the successors of ,protagoras that we   
find them developed with the greatest   
distinctness2 while their incorporation 
with ,stoicism imposed a                
self-contradictory strain on that system
 which it never succeeded in shaking    
off4 ,epicureanism occupied a position  
midway between the two extremes2 and    
from this point of view1 we shall be    
better able to understand both its      
inherent weakness as compared with the  
other ancient philosophies1 and the     
admiration which it has attracted from  
opposite quarters in recent years4 ,to  
some it is most interesting as a        
revelation of law in ,nature1 to others 
as a message of deliverance to man--not 
merely a deliverance from ignorance and 
passion1 such as its rivals had         

promised1 but from all established      
systems1 whether religious1 political1  
or scientific4 ,and unquestionably      
,epicurus did endeavour to combine both 
points of view in his theory of life4   
,in seeking to base morality on a       
knowledge of natural law he resembles   
the ,stoics4 ,in his attacks on         
fatalism1 in his refusal to be bound    
down by a rigorously scientific         
explanation of phenomena1 in his failure
 to recognise the unity and power of    
,nature1 and in his preference of sense 
to reason1 he partially reproduces the  
negative side of ,scepticism2 in his    
identification of happiness with the    
tranquil and imperturbable              
self-possession of mind1 in his mild    
humanism1 and in his compliance with the
 established religion of the land1 he   
entirely reproduces its positive ethical
 teaching4 ,on the other hand1 the two  
sides of his philosophy1 so far from    
completing1 interfere with and mar one  
another4 ,emancipation from the outward 

world would have been far more          
effectually obtained by a total         
rejection of physical science than by   
the construction of a theory whose      
details were1 on any scientific         
principles1 demonstrably untrue4 ,the   
appeal to natural instinct as an        
argument for hedonism would1            
consistently followed out1 have led to  
one of two conclusions1 either of which 
is incompatible with the principle that 
imperturbability is the highest good4   
,if natural instinct1 as manifested by  
brutes1 by children1 and by savages1 be 
the one sure guide of action1 then      
,callicles was right1 and the habitual  
indulgence of passion is wiser than its 
systematic restraint4 ,but if ,nature is
 to be studied on a more specific and   
discriminating plan1 if there are human 
as distinguished from merely animal     
impulses1 and if the higher development 
of these should be our rule of life1    
then ,plato and ,aristotle and the      
,stoics were right1 and the rational    

faculties should be cultivated for their
 own sake1 not because of the immunity  
from superstitious terrors which they   
secure4 ,and we may add that the        
attendance on public worship practised  
by ,epicurus agreed much better with the
 sceptical suspense of judgment touching
 divine providence than with its        
absolute negation1 whether accompanied  
or not by a belief in gods who are      
indifferent to sacrifice and prayer4    
,it was1 no doubt1 for these and similar
 reasons that all the most vigorous     
intellects of ,hellas ranged themselves 
either on the ,stoic or on the ,sceptic 
side1 leaving the halfhearted compromise
 of ,epicurus to those who could not    
think out any one theory consistently1  
or who1 like the ,romans at first1 were 
not acquainted with any system but his4 
,henceforth1 during a period of some    
centuries1 the whole philosophic        
movement is determined by the           
interaction of these two fundamental    
forces4 ,the first effect of their      

conflict was to impose on ,scepticism an
 important modification1 illustrating   
its essentially parasitic character4 ,we
 have seen it1 as a general tendency of 
the ,greek mind1 clinging to the very   
texture of mythology1 accompanying the  
earliest systematic compilation of      
facts1 aiding the humanistic attacks on 
physical science1 associated with the   
first great religious reaction1         
operating as the dialectic of dialectic 
itself1 and finally assuming the form of
 a shadowy morality1 in rivalry with and
 imitation of ethical systems based on a
 positive and substantial doctrine4 ,we 
have now to trace its metamorphosis into
 a critical system extending its        
ramifications in parallelism with the   
immense dogmatic structure of ,stoicism1
 and simultaneously endeavouring to     
reach the same practical results by a   
more elastic adaptation to the          
infirmities of human reason and the     
uncertainties of sensible experience4   
,as such1 we shall also have to study   

its influence over the most plastic of  
,roman intellects1 the great orator in  
whose writings ,greek philosophy was    
reclothed with something of its ancient 
charm1 so that many who were debarred   
from admission to the groves and        
porticoes of ,athens have caught an echo
 of the high debates which once stirred 
their recesses1 as they trod the shady  
slopes of ,tusculum under his visionary 
guidance1 or followed his searching eyes
 over the blue waters to ,pompeii1 while
 he reasoned on mind and its object1 on 
sense and knowledge1 on doubt and       
certainty1 with ,lucullus and           
,hortensius1 on the sunlight ,baian     
shore4 ,it is the history of the ,new   
,academy that we shall now proceed to   
trace4   ,v4  ,when we last had occasion
 to speak of the ,platonic school1 it   
was represented by ,polemo1 one of the  
teachers from whose lessons ,zeno the   
,stoic seems to have compiled his       
system4 ,under his superintendence1     
,platonism had completely abandoned the 

metaphysical traditions of its founder4 
,physics and dialectics had already been
 absorbed by ,aristotelianism4          
,mathematics had passed into the hands  
of experts4 ,nothing remained but the   
theory of ethics2 and1 as an ethical    
teacher1 ,polemo was only distinguished 
from the ,cynics by the elegance and    
moderation of his tone4 ,even this      
narrow standing-ground became untenable 
when exposed to the formidable          
competition of ,stoicism4 ,the precept1 
,follow ,nature1 borrowed by the new    
philosophy from ,polemo1 acquired a far 
deeper significance than he could give  
it1 when viewed in the light of an      
elaborate physical system showing what  
,nature was1 and whither her guidance   
led4 ,but stone after stone had been    
removed from the ,platonic              
superstructure and built into the walls 
of other edifices1 only to bring its    
original foundation the more prominently
 into sight4 ,this was the initial doubt
 of ,socrates1 widened into the         

confession of universal ignorance       
attributed to him by ,plato in the      
,apologia4 ,only by returning to the    
exclusively critical attitude with which
 its founder had begun could the        
,academy hope to exercise any influence 
on the subsequent course of ,greek      
speculation4 ,and it was also necessary 
that the agnostic standpoint should be  
taken much more in earnest by its new   
representatives than by ,socrates or    
,plato4 ,with them it had been merely   
the preparation for a dogmatism even    
more self-confident than that of the    
masters against whom they fought2 but if
 in their time such a change of front   
might seem compatible with the retention
 of their old strongholds1 matters now  
stood on a widely different footing4    
,experience had shown that the purely   
critical position could not be abandoned
 without falling back on some one or    
other of the old philosophies1 or       
advancing pretensions inconsistent with 
the dialectic which had been illustrated

 by their overthrow4 ,the course marked 
out for ,plato's successors by the      
necessities of thought might have been  
less evident had not ,pyrrhonism        
suddenly revealed to them where their   
opportunities lay1 and at the same time1
 by its extinction as an independent    
school1 allowed them to step into the   
vacant place4  ,it was at this juncture 
that the voluntary withdrawal of an     
older fellow-pupil placed ,arcesilaus at
 the head of the ,academy4 ,the date of 
his accession is not given1 but we are  
told that he died #bda or #bdj ,b4,c4 in
 the seventy-fifth year of his age4 ,he 
must1 therefore1 have flourished a      
generation later than ,zeno and         
,epicurus4 ,accomplished1 witty1 and    
generous1 his life is described by some 
as considerably less austere than that  
of the excellent nonentities whom he    
succeeded4 ,yet its general goodness was
 testified to by no less an authority   
than his contemporary1 the noble ,stoic1
 ,cleanthes4 #8,do not blame            

,arcesilaus1' exclaimed the latter to an
 unfriendly critic2 #8if he denies duty 
in his words1 he affirms it in his      
deeds4' #8,you don't flatter me1#8      
observed ,arcesilaus4 #8,it is          
flattering you1' rejoined ,cleanthes1   
#8to say that your actions belie your   
words4'#bcj ,it might be inferred from  
this anecdote that the scepticism of the
 new teacher1 like that of ,carneades   
after him1 was occasionally exercised on
 moral distinctions1 which1 as then     
defined and deduced1 were assuredly open
 to very serious criticism4 ,even so1 in
 following the conventional standard of 
the age1 he would have been acting in   
perfect consistency with the principles 
of his school4 ,but1 as a matter of     
fact1 his attacks seem to have been     
exclusively aimed at the ,stoic         
criterion of certainty4 ,we have touched
 on this difficult subject in a former  
chapter1 but the present seems a more   
favourable opportunity for setting it   
forth in proper detail4  ,the ,stoics   

held1 as ,mr4 ,herbert ,spencer1 who    
resembles them in so many respects1 now 
holds1 that all knowledge is ultimately 
produced by the action of the object on 
the subject4 ,being convinced1 however1 
that each single perception1 as such1 is
 fallible1 they sought for the criterion
 of certainty in the repetition and     
combination of individual impressions2  
and1 again like ,mr4 ,spencer1 but also 
in complete accordance with their       
dynamic theory of ,nature1 they         
estimated the validity of a belief by   
the degree of tenacity with which it is 
held4 ,the various stages of assurance  
were carefully distinguished and        
arranged in an ascending series4 ,first 
came simple perception1 then simple     
assent1 thirdly1 comprehension1 and     
finally demonstrative science4 ,these   
mental acts were respectively typified  
by extending the forefinger1 by bending 
it as in the gesture of beckoning1 by   
clenching the fist1 and by placing it1  
thus clenched1 in the grasp of the other

 hand4 ,from another point of view1 they
 defined a true conviction as that which
 can only be produced by the action of a
 corresponding real object on the mind4 
,this theory was complicated still      
further by the ,stoic interpretation of 
judgment as a voluntary act2 by the     
ethical significance which it           
consequently received2 and by the       
concentration of all wisdom in the      
person of an ideal sage4 ,the unreserved
 bestowal of belief is a practical      
postulate dictated by the necessities of
 life2 but only he who knows what those 
necessities are1 in other words only the
 wise man1 knows when the postulate is  
to be enforced4 ,in short1 the criterion
 of your being right is your conviction 
that you are right1 and this conviction1
 if you really possess it1 is a         
sufficient witness to its own veracity4 
,or again1 it is the nature of man to   
act rightly1 and he cannot do so unless 
he has right beliefs1 confirmed and     
clinched by the consciousness that they 

are right4  ,arcesilaus left no         
writings1 and his criticisms on the     
,stoic theory1 as reported by ,cicero   
and ,sextus ,empiricus1 have a somewhat 
unsatisfactory appearance4 ,by what we  
can make out1 he seems to have insisted 
on the infallibility of the wise man to 
a much greater extent than the ,stoics  
themselves1 not allowing that there was 
any class of judgments in which he was  
liable to be mistaken4 ,but just as the 
,stoics were obliged to accept suicide  
as an indispensable safeguard for the   
inviolability of their personal dignity 
and happiness1 so also ,arcesilaus had  
recourse to a kind of intellectual      
suicide for the purpose of securing     
immunity from error4 ,the only way1     
according to him1 in which the sage can 
make sure of never being mistaken is    
never to be certain about anything4     
,for1 granting that every mental        
representation is produced by a         
corresponding object in the external    
world1 still different objects are      

connected by such a number of insensible
 gradations that the impressions        
produced by them are virtually          
indistinguishable from one another2     
while a fertile source of illusions also
 exists in the diversity of impressions 
produced by the same object acting on   
different senses and at different times4
 ,moreover1 the ,stoics themselves      
admitted that the sage might form a     
mistaken opinion2 it was only for his   
convictions that they claimed unerring  
accuracy1 each of the two--opinion and  
conviction--being the product of a      
distinct intellectual energy4 ,here     
again1 ,arcesilaus employed his method  
of infinitesimal transitions1 refusing  
to admit that the various cognitive     
faculties could be separated by any hard
 and fast line2 especially as1 according
 to the theory then held by all parties1
 and by none more strongly than the     
,stoics1 intellectual conceptions are   
derived exclusively from the data of    
sense and imagination4 ,we can see that 

the logic of ,scepticism is1 equally    
with that of the other ,greek systems1  
determined by the three fundamental     
moments of ,greek thought4 ,there is    
first the careful circumscription of    
certainty2 then there is the mediating  
process by which it is insensibly       
connected with error2 and1 lastly1 as a 
result of this process1 there is the    
antithetical opposition of a negative to
 an affirmative proposition on every    
possible subject of mental              
representation4#bca  ,to the objection  
that his suspensive attitude would      
render action impossible1 ,arcesilaus   
replied that any mental representation  
was sufficient to set the will in       
motion2 and that1 in choosing between   
different courses1 probability was the  
most rational means of determination4   
,but the task of reducing probable      
evidence to a system was reserved for a 
still abler dialectician1 who did not   
appear on the scene until a century     
after his time4 ,arcesilaus is commonly 

called the founder of the ,middle1      
,carneades the founder of the ,new      
,academy4 ,the distinction is1 however1 
purely nominal4 ,carneades founded      
nothing4 ,his principles were identical 
with those of his predecessor2 and his  
claim to be considered the greatest of  
the ,greek sceptics is due to his having
 given those principles a wider         
application and a more systematic       
development4 ,the ,stoics regarded it as
 a special dispensation of providence   
that ,chrysippus1 the organising genius 
of their school1 should have come       
between its two most formidable         
opponents1 being thus placed in a       
position to answer the objections of the
 one and to refute by anticipation those
 of the other4#bcb ,it might seem to    
less prejudiced observers that the      
thinker whose cause benefited most by   
this arrangement was ,carneades4        
,parodying a well-known iambic1 he used 
to say3    #8,without ,chrysippus ,i    
should not have been4'#bcc  ,and1 in    

fact1 it was by a close study of that   
writer's voluminous treatises that he   
was able to cover the immense extent of 
ground which ,scepticism thenceforward  
disputed with the dogmatic schools4 ,nor
 were his attacks directed against      
,stoicism only1 but against all other   
positive systems past and present as    
well4 ,what he says about the supposed  
foundation of knowledge is even now an  
unanswerable objection to the           
transcendental realism of ,mr ,herbert  
,spencer4 ,states of consciousness speak
 for themselves alone1 they do not      
include the consciousness of an external
 cause4#bcd ,but the grounds on which he
 rests his negation of all certainty are
 still superficial enough1 being merely 
those sensible illusions which the      
modern science of observation has been  
able either to eliminate altogether or  
to restrict within narrow and definable 
limits4 ,that phenomena1 so far from    
being necessarily referred to a cause   
which is not phenomenal1 cannot be      

thought of at all except in relation to 
one another1 and that knowledge means   
nothing more than a consciousness of    
this relation1 was hardly perceived     
before the time of ,hume4  ,turning from
 sense to reason1 ,carneades attacks the
 syllogistic process on grounds already 
specified in connexion with the earlier 
,sceptics2 and also on the plea that to 
prove the possibility of syllogism is   
itself to syllogise1 and thus involves  
either a petitio principii or a regress 
ad infinitum4#bce ,such a method is1 of 
course1 suicidal1 for it disproves the  
possibility of the alleged disproof1 a  
consideration which the ,stoics did not 
fail to urge1 and which the later       
,sceptics could only meet by extending  
the rule of suspense to their own       
arguments against argument4#bcf         
,nevertheless the sceptical analysis    
detected some difficulties in the       
ordinary theory of logic1 which have    
been revived in modern times1 and have  
not yet received any satisfactory       

solution4 ,sextus ,empiricus1 probably  
copying an earlier authority1 it may be 
,carneades himself1 observes that1 as   
the major premise of every syllogism    
virtually contains the minor1 it is     
either superfluous1 or assumes the      
proposition to be proved4 ,thus we argue
 that ,socrates is an animal because he 
is a man1 and all men are animals4 ,but 
if we do not know this latter           
proposition to be true in the case of   
,socrates1 we cannot be sure that it is 
true in any case2 while if we know it to
 be true in his case1 we do not need to 
begin by stating it in general terms4   
,and he also attempts to show the       
impossibility of a valid induction by   
the consideration1 since so often urged1
 that to generalise from a limited      
number of instances to a whole class is 
unsafe1 for some of the unknown         
instances may be contradictory1 while   
the infinite1 or at least indefinite    
multiplicity of individuals precludes   
the possibility of their exhaustive     

enumeration4#bcg  ,when the             
,academicians pass from the form to the 
matter of dogmatic philosophy1 their    
criticisms acquire greater interest and 
greater weight4 ,on this ground1 their  
assaults are principally directed       
against the theology of their ,stoic and
 ,epicurean rivals4 ,it is here in      
particular that ,carneades reveals      
himself to us as the ,hume of antiquity4
 ,never has the case for agnosticism    
been more powerfully made out than by   
him or by the disciples whom he         
inspired4 ,to the argument for the      
existence of supernatural beings derived
 from universal consent1 he replies1    
first1 that the opinion of the vulgar is
 worthless1 and secondly1 that men's    
beliefs about the gods are hopelessly at
 variance with one another1 even the    
same divinity being made the subject of 
numberless discordant legends4#bch ,he  
reduces the polytheistic deification of 
natural objects to an absurdity by      
forcing it back through a series of     

insensible gradations into absolute     
fetichism4#bci ,the personification of  
mental qualities is similarly treated1  
until an hypothesis is provided for     
every passing mood4#bdj ,then1 turning  
to the more philosophical deism of the  
,stoics1 he assails their theory of the 
divine benevolence with instance after  
instance of the apparent malevolence and
 iniquity to be found in ,nature2       
vividly reminding one of the facts      
adduced by ,mr4 ,herbert ,spencer in    
confutation of the similar views held by
 modern ,english theologians4#bda ,as   
against the whole theory of final       
causes1 ,carneades argues after a method
 which1 though logically sound1 could   
not then present itself with the        
authority which advancing science has   
more recently shown it to possess4      
#8,what you ,stoics1' he says1 #8explain
 as the result of conscious purpose1    
other philosophers1 like ,strato for    
instance1 explain with equal            
plausibility as the result of natural   

causation4 ,and such is our ignorance of
 the forces at work in ,nature that even
 where no mechanical cause can be       
assigned1 it would be presumptuous to   
maintain that none can exist4#bdb ,the  
reign of law does not necessarily prove 
the presence of intelligence2 it is     
merely the evidence of a uniform        
movement quite consistent with all that 
we know about the working of unconscious
 forces4#bdc ,to contend1 with          
,socrates1 that the human mind must be  
derived from a ,universal ,mind         
pervading all ,nature would logically   
involve the transfer of every human     
attribute to its original source4#bdd   
,and to say that the ,supreme ,being1   
because it surpasses man1 must possess  
an intelligence like his1 is no more    
rational than to make the same          
assumption with regard to a great city  
because it is superior to an ant4'#bde  
,the materialism of his dogmatic        
contemporaries placed them at a terrible
 disadvantage when the sceptical        

successor of ,plato went on to show that
 eternal duration is incompatible with  
whatever we know about the constitution 
of corporeal substance2 and this part of
 his argument applied as much to the    
,epicurean as to the ,stoic             
religion4#bdf ,but even a spiritualistic
 monotheism is not safe from his        
dissolving criticism4 ,according to     
,carneades1 a god without senses has no 
experience of whatever pleasurable or   
painful feelings accompany sensation1   
and is therefore1 to that extent1 more  
ignorant than a man2 while to suppose   
that he experiences painful sensations  
is the same as making him obnoxious to  
the diminished vitality and eventual    
death with which they are naturally     
associated4 ,and1 generally speaking1   
all sensation involves a modification of
 the sentient subject by an external    
object1 a condition necessarily implying
 the destructibility of the former by   
the latter4#bdg ,so also1 moral goodness
 is an essentially relative quality1    

inconceivable without the possibility of
 succumbing to temptation1 which we     
cannot attribute to a perfect           
,being4#bdh ,in a word1 whatever belongs
 to conscious life being relative and   
conditioned1 personality is excluded    
from the absolute by its very           
definition4  ,as to the proofs of divine
 agency derived from divination1 they   
are both irrational and weak4 ,if all   
things are predetermined by ,god's      
providence1 knowledge of the future is  
useless1 and1 therefore1 cannot have    
been given to us4 ,moreover1 no         
confidence can be placed in the alleged 
fulfilments of prophecy2 probably most  
of them are fictitious and the remainder
 accidental4 ,for the rest1 good luck is
 distributed without regard to merit2   
and the general corruption of mankind   
shows that1 from the ,stoic point of    
view1 human nature is a complete        
failure4#bdi  ,well may ,m4 ,havet say  
of the ,academicians3 #8ce sont eux et  
non les partisans d',epicure qui sont   

les libres penseurs de l'antiquit ou qui
 l'auraient voulu tre2 mais ils ne le   
pouvaient pas4'#bej ,they could not1 for
 their principles were as inconsistent  
with an absolute negation as with an    
absolute affirmation2 while in practice 
their rule was1 as we have said1        
conformity to the custom of the country2
 the consequence of which was that      
,sceptics and ,epicureans were equally  
assiduous in their attendance at public 
worship4 ,it is1 therefore1 with perfect
 dramatic appropriateness that ,cicero  
puts the arguments of ,carneades into   
the mouth of ,cotta1 the ,pontifex      
,maximus2 and1 although himself an      
augur1 takes the negative side in a     
discussion on divination with his       
brother ,quintus4 ,and our other great  
authority on the sceptical side1 ,sextus
 ,empiricus1 is not less emphatic than  
,cotta in protesting his devotion to the
 traditional religion of the land4#bea  
,we have seen with what freedom         
,carneades discussed the foundations of 

morality4 ,it is now evident that in so 
doing he did not exceed the legitimate  
functions of criticism4 ,no one at the  
present day looks on ,prof4 ,bain and   
,mr4 ,henry ,sidgwick as dangerous      
teachers because they have made it clear
 that to pursue the greatest happiness  
of the greatest number is not always the
 way to secure a maximum of happiness   
for oneself4 ,the really dangerous      
method1 as we now see1 is to foster     
illusions in early life which subsequent
 experience must dispel4  ,with the     
introduction of practical questions1 we 
pass to the great positive achievement  
of ,carneades1 his theory of probable   
evidence4 ,intended as an account of the
 process by which belief is adjusted to 
safe action rather than of the process  
by which it is brought into agreement   
with reality1 his logic is a            
systematisation of the principles by    
which prudent men are unconsciously     
guided in common life4 ,carneades       
distinguishes three degrees of          

probability4 ,the lowest is attached to 
simple perception4 ,this arises when we 
receive the impression of an object     
without taking the attendant            
circumstances into account4 ,the next   
step is reached when our first          
impression is confirmed by the similar  
impressions received from its attendant 
circumstances2 and when each of these1  
again1 bears the test of a similar      
examination our assurance is complete4  
,the first belief is simply probable2   
the second is probable and              
uncontradicted2 the third probable1     
uncontradicted1 and methodically        
established4 ,the example given by      
,sextus is that of a person who on      
seeing a coil of rope in a dark passage 
thinks that it may be a snake1 and jumps
 over it1 but on turning round and      
observing that it remains motionless    
feels inclined to form a different      
opinion4 ,remembering1 however1 that    
snakes are sometimes congealed by cold  
in winter1 he touches the coil with his 

stick1 and finally satisfies himself by 
means of this test that the image       
present to his mind does not really     
represent a snake4 ,the circumstances to
 be examined before arriving at a       
definite judgment include such          
considerations as whether our senses are
 in a healthy condition1 whether we are 
wide awake1 whether the air is clear1   
whether the object is steady1 and       
whether we have taken time enough to be 
sure that the conditions here specified 
are fulfilled4 ,each degree of          
probability is1 again1 divisible into   
several gradations according to the     
strength of the impressions received and
 the greater or less consilience of all 
the circumstances involved4#beb  ,the   
,academic theory of probability bears   
some resemblance to the ,canonic of     
,epicurus1 and may have been partially  
suggested by it4 ,both are distinguished
 from the ,aristotelian and ,stoic logic
 by the care with which they provide for
 the absence of contradictory evidence4 

,in this point1 however1 the superiority
 of ,carneades to ,epicurus is very     
marked4 ,it is not enough for him that a
 present impression should suggest a    
belief not inconsistent with past       
experience2 in the true inductive       
spirit1 he expressly searches for       
negative instances1 and recommends the  
employment of experiment for this       
purpose4 ,still more philosophical is   
the careful and repeated analysis of    
attendant circumstances1 a precaution   
not paralleled by anything in the       
slovenly method of his predecessor4     
,here the great value of scepticism as  
an element in mental training becomes at
 once apparent4 ,the extreme fallibility
 of the intellectus sibi permissus had  
to be established before precautions    
could be adopted for its restraint4 ,but
 the evidence accepted in proof of this 
fallibility has been very different at  
different times1 and has itself given   
rise to more than one fallacious        
interpretation4 ,with us it is1 for the 

most part1 furnished by experience4 ,the
 circumstance that many demonstrable    
errors were formerly received as truths 
is quite sufficient to put us on our    
guard against untested opinions4 ,with  
,bacon1 it was not the erroneousness of 
previous systems1 but their barrenness  
and immobility1 which led him to        
question the soundness of their logic2  
and his doubts were confirmed by an     
analysis of the disturbing influences   
under which men's judgments are formed4 
,the ancient ,sceptics were governed    
entirely by  priori considerations4     
,finding themselves confronted by an    
immense mass of contradictory opinions1 
they argued that some of these must be  
false as all could not possibly be true4
 ,and an analysis of the human faculties
 led them1 equally on  priori grounds1  
to the conclusion that these            
irreconcilable divergences were but the 
result and the reproduction of an       
interminable conflict carried on within 
the mind itself4 ,they could not foresee

 how much time would do towards reducing
 the disagreement of educated opinion   
within a narrower compass4 ,they did not
 know what the experience of experience 
itself would teach4 ,and their          
criticisms on the logic and metaphysics 
of their opponents were rendered        
inconclusive1 as against all certainty1 
by the extent to which they shared that 
logic and metaphysics themselves4       
,carneades1 at least1 seems to assume   
throughout that all existence is        
material1 that there is a sharp         
distinction between subject and object  
in knowledge1 and that there is an      
equally sharp distinction between       
sensation and reasoning in the processes
 by which knowledge is obtained4 ,in    
like manner1 his ethical scepticism all 
turns on the axiom1 also shared by him  
with the ,stoics1 that for a man to be  
actuated by any motive but his own      
interest is mere folly4  ,modern        
agnosticism occupies the same position  
with regard to the present foundation   

and possible future extension of human  
knowledge as was occupied by the ancient
 ,sceptics with regard to the           
possibility of all knowledge4 ,its      
conclusions also are based on a very    
insufficient experience of what can be  
effected by experience1 and on an       
analysis of cognition largely adopted   
from the system which it seeks to       
overthrow4 ,like ,scepticism also1 when 
logically thought out1 it tends to issue
 in a self-contradiction1 at one time   
affirming the consciousness of what is1 
by definition1 beyond consciousness2 and
 at another time dogmatically           
determining the points on which we must 
remain for ever ignorant4 ,it may be    
that some problems1 as stated by modern 
thinkers1 are insoluble2 but perhaps we 
may find our way our of them by         
transforming the question to be solved4 
,if1 in the domain of pure speculation1 
contemporary agnosticism exaggerates the
 existing divergences1 in ethics its    
whole effort is1 contrariwise1 to reduce

 and reconcile them4 ,such was also the 
tendency of ,carneades4 ,he declared    
that1 in their controversy about the    
highest good1 the difference between the
 ,stoics and the ,peripatetics was      
purely verbal4 ,both held that we are   
naturally framed for the pursuit of     
certain objects1 and that virtuous      
living is the only means by which they  
can be attained4 ,but while the         
disciples of ,aristotle held that the   
satisfaction of our natural impulses    
remains from first to last the only end1
 the disciples of ,zeno insisted that at
 some point--not1 as would seem very    
particularly specified--virtuous        
conduct1 which was originally the means 
towards this satisfaction1 becomes      
substituted for it as the supreme and   
ultimate good4#bec ,that the point at   
issue was more important than it seemed 
is evident from its reproduction under  
another form in modern ethical          
philosophy4 ,for1 among ourselves1 the  
controversy between utilitarianism and  

what1 for want of a better name1 we must
 call intuitionism1 is gradually        
narrowing itself to the question whether
 the pursuit of another's good has or   
has not a higher value than the quantity
 of pleasure which accrues to him from  
it1 plus the effects of a good example  
and the benefits that society at large  
is likely to gain from the strength     
which exercise gives to the altruistic  
dispositions of one of its members4     
,those who attribute an absolute value  
to altruism1 as such1 connect this value
 in some way or other with the spiritual
 welfare of the agent2 and they hold    
that without such a gain to himself he  
would gradually fall back on a life of  
calculating selfishness or of           
unregulated impulse4 ,here we have the  
return from a social to an individual   
morality4 ,the ,stoics1 conversely1 were
 feeling their way from the good of the 
individual to that of the community2 and
 they could only bridge the chasm by    
converting what had originally been a   

means towards self-preservation into an 
end in itself4 ,this ,carneades could   
not see4 ,convinced that happiness was  
both necessary and attainable1 but      
convinced also that the systems which   
had hitherto offered it as their reward 
were logically untenable1 he wished to  
place morality on the broad basis of    
what was held in common by all schools1 
and this seemed to be the rule of       
obedience to ,nature's dictates1--a rule
 which had also the great merit of      
bidding men do in the name of philosophy
 what they already felt inclined to do  
without any philosophy at all4 ,we are  
told1 indeed1 that he would not commit  
himself to any particular system of     
ethics2 the inference1 however1 is not  
that he ignored the necessity of a moral
 law1 but that he wished to extricate it
 from a compromising alliance with      
untenable speculative dogmas4           
,nevertheless his acceptance of ,nature 
as a real entity was a survival of      
metaphysics2 and his morality was1 so   

far as it went1 an incipient return to  
the traditions of the ,old ,academy4    
,,vi4  ,we have now reached a point     
where ,greek philosophy seems to have   
swung back into the position which it   
occupied three hundred years before1    
towards the close of the ,peloponnesian 
,war4 ,the ground is again divided      
between naturalists and humanists1 the  
one school offering an encyclopaedic    
training in physical science and exact  
philology1 the other literary1          
sceptical1 and limiting its attention to
 the more immediate interests of life2  
but both agreeing in the supreme        
importance of conduct1 and differing    
chiefly as to whether its basis should  
or should not be sought in a knowledge  
of the external world4 ,materialism is  
again in the ascendant1 to this extent  
at least1 that no other theory is       
contemplated by the students of physical
 science2 while the promise of a        
spiritualistic creed is to be found1 if 
at all1 in the school whose scepticism  

throws it back on the subjective sphere1
 the invisible and impalpable world of  
mind4 ,the attitude of philosophy       
towards religion has1 indeed1 undergone 
a marked change2 for the ,stoic         
naturalists count themselves among the  
most strenuous supporters of beliefs and
 practices which their ,sophistic       
predecessors had contemned1 while the   
humanist criticism is cautiously guarded
 by at least an external conformity to  
established usage2 but the ,platonic    
doctrine of immortality has disappeared 
with the dogmatic spiritualism on which 
it rested2 and faith in superior beings 
tends to dissociate itself from         
morality1 or to become identified with a
 simple belief in the fixity of natural 
law4  ,whenever naturalism and          
scepticism have thus stood opposed1 the 
result has been their transformation or 
absorption into a new philosophy1       
combining the systematic formalism of   
the one with the introspective idealism 
of the other4 ,in ,greece such a        

revolution had already been effected    
once before by ,plato2 and a restoration
 of his system seemed the most obvious  
solution that could offer itself on the 
present occasion4 ,such was1 in fact1   
the solution eventually adopted2 what we
 have to explain is why its adoption was
 delayed so long4 ,for this various     
reasons may be offered4 ,to begin with1 
the speculative languor of the age was  
unfavourable to the rise of a new       
school4 ,greece was almost depopulated  
by the demands of foreign service2 and  
at ,alexandria1 where a new centre of   
,hellenism had been created1 its best   
energies were absorbed by the           
cultivation of positive science4 ,it    
was1 no doubt1 in great part owing to   
the dearth of ability that ideas which1 
at an earlier period1 would have been   
immediately taken up and developed1 were
 allowed to remain stationary for a     
hundred years--the interval separating a
 ,carneades from an ,arcesilaus4 ,the   
regular organisation of philosophical   

teaching was another hindrance to       
progress4 ,a certain amount of property 
was annexed to the headships of the     
different schools1 and served as an     
endowment1 not of research but of       
contented acquiescence in the received  
traditions4 ,moreover1 the jealousy with
 which the professors of rival doctrines
 would naturally regard one another1 was
 likely to prevent their mutual         
approximation from going beyond certain 
not very close limits1 and might even   
lead to a still severer definition of   
the characteristic tenets which still   
kept them apart4 ,another and deeper    
disturbing force lay in the dissensions 
which1 at a very early stage of its     
development1 had split the              
spiritualistic philosophy into two      
opposing tendencies respectively        
represented by ,plato and ,aristotle4   
,any thinker who wandered away from the 
principles either of ,stoicism or of    
,scepticism was more likely to find     
himself bewildered by the conflicting   

claims of these two illustrious masters1
 than to discern the common ground on   
which they stood1 or to bring them      
within the grasp of a single reconciling
 system4 ,finally1 an enormous          
perturbation in the normal course of    
speculation was produced by the entrance
 of ,rome on the philosophical scene4   
,but before estimating the influence of 
this new force1 we must follow events to
 the point at which it first becomes of 
calculable importance4  ,we have seen   
how ,carneades1 alike in his theory of  
probability and in his ethical          
eclecticism1 had departed from the      
extreme sceptical standpoint4 ,his      
successor1 ,clitomachus1 was content    
with committing the doctrines of the    
master to writing4 ,a further step was  
taken by the next ,scholarch1 ,philo1   
who is known as the ,larissaean1 in     
order to distinguish him from his more  
celebrated namesake1 the ,alexandrian   
,jew4 ,this philosopher asserted that   
the negations of the ,new ,academy were 

not to be taken as a profession of      
absolute scepticism1 but merely as a    
criticism on the untenable pretensions  
of the ,stoa4 ,his own position was     
that1 as a matter of fact1 we have some 
certain knowledge of the external world1
 but that no logical account can be     
given of the process by which it is     
obtained--we can only say that such an  
assurance has been naturally stamped on 
our minds4#bed ,this is the theory of   
intuitions or innate ideas1 still held  
by many persons2 and1 as such1 it marks 
a return to pure ,platonism1 having been
 evidently suggested by the             
semi-mythological fancies of the ,meno  
and the ,phaedrus4 ,with ,philo as with 
those ,scotch professors who long       
afterwards took up substantially the    
same position1 the leading motive was a 
practical one1 the necessity of placing 
morality on some stronger ground than   
that of mere probability4 ,neither he   
nor his imitators saw that if ethical   
principles are self-evident1 they need  

no objective support2 if they are       
derivative and contingent1 they cannot  
impart to metaphysics a certainty which 
they do not independently possess4 ,the 
return to the old ,academic standpoint  
was completed by a much more vigorous   
thinker than ,philo1 his pupil1         
opponent1 and eventual successor1       
,antiochus4 ,so far from attempting any 
compromise with the ,sceptics1 this     
philosopher openly declared that they   
had led the school away from its true   
traditions2 and claimed for his own     
teaching the merit of reproducing the   
original doctrine of ,plato4#bee ,in    
reality1 he was1 as ,zeller has shown1  
an eclectic4#bef ,it is by arguments    
borrowed from ,stoicism that he         
vindicates the certainty of human       
knowledge4 ,pushing the practical       
postulate to its logical conclusion1 he 
maintains1 not only that we are in      
possession of the truth1 but also--what 
,philo had denied--that true beliefs    
bear on their face the evidence by which

 they are distinguished from illusions4 
,admitting that the senses are liable to
 error1 he asserts the possibility of   
rectifying their mistakes1 and of       
reasoning from a subjective impression  
to its objective cause4 ,the ,sceptical 
negation of truth he meets with the     
familiar argument that it is suicidal1  
for to be convinced that there can be no
 conviction is a contradiction in terms2
 while to argue that truth is           
indistinguishable from falsehood implies
 an illogical confidence in the validity
 of logical processes2 besides involving
 the assumption that there are false    
appearances and that they are known to  
us as such1 which would be impossible   
unless we were in a position to compare 
them with the corresponding truths4#beg 
,for his own part1 ,antiochus adopted   
without alteration the empirical theory 
of ,chrysippus1 according to which      
knowledge is elaborated by reflection   
out of the materials supplied by sense4 
,his physics were also those of         

,stoicism with a slight ,peripatetic    
admixture1 but without any modification 
of their purely materialistic character4
 ,in ethics he remained truer to the    
,academic tradition1 refusing to follow 
the ,stoics in their absolute isolation 
of virtue from vice1 and of happiness   
from external circumstances1 involving  
as it did the equality of all           
transgressions and the worthlessness of 
worldly goods4 ,but the disciples of the
 ,porch had made such large concessions 
to common sense by their theories of    
preference and of progress1 that even   
here there was very little left to      
distinguish his teaching from           
theirs4#beh  ,meanwhile a series of     
,stoic thinkers had also been feeling   
their way towards a compromise with     
,plato and ,aristotle1 which1 so far as 
it went1 was a step in the direction of 
spiritualism4 ,we have seen1 in a former
 chapter1 how one of the great          
distinguishing marks of ,stoicism1 as   
compared with the systems immediately   

preceding it1 was the substitution of a 
pervading monism for their antithesis   
between ,god and the world1 between     
heaven and earth1 between reason and    
sense4 ,it will be remembered also that 
this monistic creed was associated with 
a return to the ,heracleitean theory    
that the world is periodically destroyed
 by fire4 ,now1 with reference to three 
out of these four points1 ,bothus1 a    
,stoic contemporary of ,carneades1      
returned to the ,aristotelian doctrine4 
,while still holding to the materialism 
of his own school1 including a belief in
 the corporeal nature of the divinity1  
he separated ,god from the world1 and   
represented him as governing its        
movements from without2 the world itself
 he maintained to be eternal2 and in the
 mind of man he recognised reason or    
nous as an independent source of        
conviction4 ,in his cosmology1 ,bothus  
was followed by a more celebrated       
master1 ,panaetius1 who also adopted the
 ,aristotelian rationalism so far as to 

deny the continued existence of the soul
 after death1 and to repudiate the      
belief in divination which ,stoicism had
 borrowed from popular superstition2    
while in psychology he partially        
restored the distinction between life   
and mind which had been obliterated by  
his predecessors4#bei ,the dualistic    
theory of mind was carried still further
 by ,posidonius1 the most eminent ,stoic
 of the first century ,b4,c4 ,this very 
learned and accomplished master1 while  
returning in other points to a stricter 
orthodoxy1 was led to admit the         
,platonic distinction between reason and
 passion1 and to make it the basis of   
his ethical system4#bfj ,but the        
,platonising tendencies of ,posidonius  
had no more power than those of         
,antiochus to effect a true             
spiritualistic revival1 since neither   
they nor any of their contemporaries had
 any genius for metaphysical            
speculation2 while the increased        
attention paid to ,aristotle did not    

extend to the fundamental principles of 
his system1 which1 even within the      
,peripatetic school1 were so            
misconceived as to be interpreted in a  
thoroughly materialistic sense4#bfa  ,a 
distinct parallelism may be traced in   
the lines of evolution along which we   
have accompanied our two opposing       
schools4 ,while the ,academicians were  
coming over to the ,stoic theory of     
cognition1 the ,stoics themselves were  
moving in the same general direction1   
and seeking for an external reality more
 in consonance with their notions of    
certainty than the philosophy of their  
first teachers could supply4 ,for1 as   
originally constituted1 ,stoicism       
included a large element of scepticism1 
which must often have laid its advocates
 open to the charge of inconsistency    
from those who accepted the same        
principle in a more undiluted form4 ,the
 ,heracleitean flux adopted by ,zeno as 
the physical basis of his system1 was   
much better suited to a sceptical than  

to a dogmatic philosophy1 as the use to 
which it was put by ,protagoras and     
,plato sufficiently proved2 and this was
 probably the reason why ,bothus and    
,panaetius partially discarded it in    
favour of a more stable cosmology4 ,the 
dialectical studies of the school also  
tended to suggest more difficulties than
 they could remove4 ,the comprehensive  
systematisation of ,chrysippus1 like    
that of ,plato and ,aristotle1 had for  
its object the illustration of each     
topic from every point of view1 and     
especially from the negative as well as 
from the positive side4 ,the consequence
 was that his indefatigable erudition   
had collected a great number of logical 
puzzles which he had either neglected or
 found himself unable to solve4 ,there  
would1 therefore1 be a growing          
inclination to substitute a literary and
 rhetorical for a logical training3 and 
as we shall presently see1 there was an 
extraneous influence acting in the same 
direction4 ,finally1 the rigour of      

,stoic morality had been strained to    
such a pitch that its professors were   
driven to admit the complete ideality of
 virtue4 ,their sage had never shown    
himself on earth1 at least within the   
historical period2 and the whole world  
of human interests being1 from the      
rational point of view1 either a        
delusion or a failure1 stood in         
permanent contradiction to their        
optimistic theory of ,nature4 ,the      
,sceptics were quite aware of this      
practical approximation to their own    
views1 and sometimes took advantage of  
it to turn the tables on their opponents
 with telling effect4 ,thus1 on the     
occasion of that philosophical embassy  
with an account of which the present    
chapter began1 when a noble ,roman      
playfully observed to ,carneades1 #8,you
 must think that ,i am not a ,praetor as
 ,i am not a sage1 and that ,rome is    
neither a city nor a state1' the great  
,sceptic replied1 turning to his        
colleague ,diogenes1 #8,that is what my 

,stoic friend here would say4'#bfb ,and 
,plutarch1 in two sharp attacks on the  
,stoics1 written from the ,academic     
point of view1 and probably compiled    
from documents of a much earlier        
period1#bfc charges them with outraging 
common sense by their wholesale         
practical negations1 to at least as     
great an extent as the ,sceptics        
outraged it by their suspense of        
judgment4 ,how the ethical system of    
,stoicism was modified so as to meet    
these criticisms has been related in a  
former chapter2 and we have just seen   
how ,posidonius1 by his partial return  
to the ,platonic psychology1 with its   
division between reason and impulse1    
contributed to a still further change in
 the same conciliatory sense4   ,,vii4  
,we have now reached a point in history 
where the ,greek intellect seems to be  
struck with a partial paralysis1        
continuing for a century and a half4    
,during that period1 its activity--what 
there is of it--is shown only in        

criticism and erudition4 ,there is      
learning1 there is research1 there is   
acuteness1 there is even good taste1 but
 originality and eloquence are extinct4 
,is it a coincidence1 or is it something
 more1 that this interval of sterility  
should occur simultaneously with the    
most splendid period of ,latin          
literature1 and that the new birth of   
,greek culture should be followed by the
 decrepitude and death of the ,latin    
muse8 ,it is certain that in modern     
,europe1 possessing as it does so many  
independent sources of vitality1 the    
flowering-times of different countries  
rarely coincide2 ,england and ,spain1   
from the middle of the sixteenth to the 
middle of the seventeenth century1 being
 the only instances that we can recall  
of two countries almost simultaneously  
reaching the highest point of their     
literary development4 ,possibly1 during 
the great age of ,latin literature1 all 
the most aspiring ,greeks found         
employment as tutors in ,roman families2

 while the reading public of the ,west  
were too much absorbed by the           
masterpieces composed in their own      
language1 or too elated with the        
consciousness of a new superiority1 to  
encourage the rivalry of those from whom
 they had wrested not only poetical     
independence1 but also1 what till then  
had never been disputed with the        
,greeks1 supreme dominion in the world  
of mind4 ,it is1 at any rate1           
significant that while ,greek was the   
favourite language of ,roman lovers in  
the time of ,lucretius and again in the 
time of ,juvenal1 there are no allusions
 to its having been employed by them    
during the intermediate period4#bfd ,be 
this as it may1 from the fall of the    
,republic to the time of ,trajan1       
philosophy1 like poetry and             
eloquence--or at least all philosophy   
that was positive and practical--became 
domiciled in ,rome1 and received the    
stamp of the ,roman character4 ,how     
,stoicism was affected by the change has

 been pointed out in a former chapter4  
,what we have now to study is chiefly   
the reaction of ,rome on the ,greek     
mind1 and its bearing on the subsequent 
development of thought4  ,this reaction 
had begun to make itself felt long      
before the birth of a philosophical     
literature in the ,latin language4 ,it  
may be traced to the time when the      
lecture-halls at ,athens were first     
visited by ,roman students1 and ,greek  
professors first received on terms of   
intimate companionship into the houses  
of ,roman nobles4 ,in each instance1 but
 more especially in the latter1 not only
 would the pupil imbibe new ideas from  
the master1 but the master would suit   
his teaching to the tastes and          
capacities of the pupil4 ,the result    
would be an intellectual condition      
somewhat resembling that which attended 
the popularisation of philosophy in     
,athens during the latter half of the   
fifth century ,b4,c42 and all the more  
so as speculation had already           

spontaneously reverted to the ,sophistic
 standpoint4 ,the parallel will be still
 more complete if we take the word      
,sophist in its original and            
comprehensive sense4 ,we may then say   
that while ,carneades1 with his         
entrancing eloquence and his readiness  
to argue both sides of a question1 was  
the ,protagoras of the new movement2    
,panaetius1 the dignified rationalist   
and honoured friend of ,laelius and the 
younger ,scipio1 its ,prodicus2 and     
,posidonius1 the astronomer and         
encyclopaedic scholar1 its ,hippias1    
,phaedrus the ,epicurean was its        
,anaxagoras or ,democritus4  ,the       
,epicurean philosophy was1 in fact1 the 
first to gain a footing in ,rome2 and it
 thereby acquired a position of         
comparative equality with the other     
schools1 to which it was not really     
entitled1 but which it has ever since   
succeeded in maintaining4 ,the new      
doctrine fell like a spark on a mass of 
combustible material4 ,the ,romans were 

full of curiosity about ,nature and her 
workings2 full of contempt for the      
degrading ,etruscan superstitions which 
hampered them at every turn1 and the    
falsity of which was proving too much   
even for the official gravity of their  
state-appointed interpreters2 full of   
impatience at the ,greek mythology which
 was beginning to substitute itself for 
the severe abstractions of their own    
more spiritual faith2#bfe full of       
loathing for the ,asiatic orgies which  
were being introduced into the highest  
society of their own city4 ,epicureanism
 offered them a complete and easily     
intelligible theory of the world1 which 
at the same time came as a deliverance  
from supernatural terrors4 ,the         
consequence was that its different parts
 were thrown out of perspective1 and    
their relative importance almost        
reversed4 ,originally framed as an      
ethical system with certain physical and
 theological implications1 it was       
interpreted by ,lucretius1 and          

apparently also by his ,roman           
predecessors1#bff as a scientific and   
anti-religious system1 with certain     
references to conduct neither very      
prominently brought forward nor very    
distinctly conceived4 ,and we know from 
the contents of the papyrus rolls       
discovered at ,herculaneum1 that those  
who studied the system in its original  
sources paid particular attention to the
 voluminous physical treatises of       
,epicurus1 as well as to the theological
 works of his successors4 ,nor was this 
change of front limited to              
,epicureanism1 if1 as we may suspect1   
the rationalistic direction taken by    
,panaetius was due1 at least in part1 to
 a similar demand on the side of his    
,roman admirers4  ,but what had happened
 once before when philosophy was taken  
up by men of the world1 repeated itself 
on this occasion4 ,attention was        
diverted from speculative to ethical    
problems1 or at least to issues lying on
 the borderland between speculation and 

practice1 such as those relating to the 
criterion of truth and the nature of the
 highest good4 ,on neither of these     
topics had ,epicureanism a consistent   
answer to give1 especially when         
subjected to the cross-examination of   
rival schools eager to secure ,roman    
favour for their own doctrines4 ,stated 
under any form1 the ,epicurean morality 
could not long satisfy the conquerors of
 the world4 ,to some of them it would   
seem a shameful dereliction of duty1 to 
others an irksome restraint on          
self-indulgence1 while all would be     
alienated by its declared contempt for  
the general interests of culture and    
ambition4 ,add to this that the         
slightest acquaintance with astronomy1  
as it was then taught in ,hellenic      
countries1 would be fatal to a belief in
 the ,epicurean physics1 and we shall   
understand that the cause for which     
,lucretius contended was already lost   
before his great poem saw the light4    
,the requirements which ,epicureanism   

failed to meet1 were1 to a great extent1
 satisfied by ,stoicism4 ,this          
philosophy had1 from a comparatively    
early period1 won the favour of a select
 class1 but had been temporarily        
overshadowed by the popularity of its   
hedonistic and anti-religious rival1    
when a knowledge of the ,greek systems  
first became diffused through ,italy4   
,the uncouth language of the early      
,stoics and the apparently unpractical  
character of their theories doubtless   
exercised a repellent effect on many who
 were not out of sympathy with their    
general spirit4 ,these difficulties were
 overcome first by ,panaetius1 and then1
 to a still greater extent1 by          
,posidonius1 the elder contemporary and 
friend of ,pompeius and ,cicero1 who was
 remarkable not only for his enormous   
learning but also for his oratorical    
talent4#bfg ,it seems probable that the 
lessons of this distinguished man marked
 the beginning of that religious        
reaction which eventually carried all   

before it4 ,we have already seen how he 
abandoned the rationalistic direction   
struck out by his predecessor1          
,panaetius2 and his return to the old   
,stoic orthodoxy may very well have     
responded to a revival of religious     
feeling among the educated ,roman       
public1 who by this time must have      
discovered that there were other ways of
 escaping from superstition besides a   
complete rejection of the supernatural4 
,the triumph of ,stoicism was1 however1 
retarded by the combined influence of   
the ,academic and ,peripatetic schools4 
,both claimed the theory of a morality  
founded on natural law as a doctrine of 
their own1 borrowed from them without   
acknowledgment by the ,porch1 and       
restated under an offensively           
paradoxical form4 ,to a ,roman1 the     
,academy would offer the further        
attraction of complete immunity from the
 bondage of a speculative system1       
freedom of enquiry limited only by the  
exigencies of practical life1 and a     

conveniently elastic interpretation of  
the extent to which popular faiths might
 be accepted as true4 ,if absolute      
suspense of judgment jarred on his moral
 convictions1 it was ready with         
accommodations and concessions4 ,we have
 seen how the scepticism of ,carneades  
was first modified by ,philo1 and then  
openly renounced by ,philo's successor1 
,antiochus4 ,roman influence may have   
been at work with both2 for ,philo spent
 some time in the capital of the empire1
 whither he was driven by the events of 
the first ,mithridatic ,war2 while      
,antiochus was the friend of ,lucullus  
and the teacher of ,cicero4#bfh         
,,viii4  ,the greatest of ,roman orators
 and writers was also the first ,roman  
that held opinions of his own in        
philosophy4 ,how much original thought  
occurs in his voluminous contributions  
to the literature of the subject is more
 than we can determine1 the ,greek      
authorities on which he drew being known
 almost exclusively through the         

references to them contained in his     
disquisitions4 ,but1 judging from the   
evidence before us1 carefully sifted as 
it has been by ,german scholars1 we     
should feel disposed to assign him a    
foremost rank among the thinkers of an  
age certainly not distinguished either  
for fertility or for depth of thought4  
,it seems clear that he gave a new basis
 to the eclectic tendencies of his      
contemporaries1 and that this basis was 
subsequently accepted by other          
philosophers whose speculative capacity 
has never been questioned4 ,cicero      
describes himself as an adherent of the 
,new ,academy1 and expressly claims to  
have reasserted its principles after    
they had fallen into neglect among the  
,greeks1 more particularly as against   
his own old master ,antiochus1 whose    
,stoicising theory of cognition he      
agrees with ,philo in repudiating4#bfi  
,like ,philo also1 he bases certainty on
 the twofold ground of a moral necessity
 for acting on our beliefs1#bgj and the 

existence of moral intuitions1 or       
natural tendencies to believe in the    
mind itself2#bga or1 perhaps1 more      
properly speaking1 on the single ground 
of a moral sense4 ,this1 as already     
stated1 was unquestionably a            
reproduction of the ,platonic ideas     
under their subjective aspect4 ,but in  
his general views about the nature and  
limits of human knowledge1 ,cicero      
leaves the ,academy behind him1 and goes
 back to ,socrates4 ,perhaps no two men 
of great genius could be more unlike    
than these two1--for us the most living 
figures in ancient history if not in all
 history1--the ,roman being as much a   
type of time-servingness and vacillation
 as the ,athenian was of consistency and
 resolute independence4 ,yet1 in its    
mere external results1 the philosophy of
 ,socrates is perhaps more faithfully   
reproduced by ,cicero than by any       
subsequent enquirer2 and the differences
 between them are easily accounted for  
by the long interval separating their   

ages from one another4 ,each set out    
with the same eager desire to collect   
knowledge from every quarter2 each      
sought above all things for that kind of
 knowledge which seemed to be of the    
greatest practical importance2 and each 
was led to believe that this did not    
include speculations relating to the    
physical world2 one great motive to the 
partial scepticism professed by both    
being the irreconcilable disagreement of
 those who had attempted an explanation 
of its mysteries4 ,the deeper ground of 
man's ignorance in this respect was     
stated somewhat differently by each2 or 
perhaps we should say that the same     
reason is expressed in a mythical form  
by the one and in a scientific form by  
the other4 ,socrates held that the      
nature of things is a secret which the  
gods have reserved for themselves2      
while1 in ,cicero's opinion1 the heavens
 are so remote1 the interior of the     
earth so dark1 the mechanism of our own 
bodies so complicated and subtle1 as to 

be placed beyond the reach of fruitful  
observation4#bgb ,nor did this          
deprivation seem any great hardship to  
either1 since1 as citizens of great and 
free states1 both were pre-eminently    
interested in the study of social life2 
and it is characteristic of their common
 tendency that both should have been not
 only great talkers and observers but   
also great readers of ancient           
literature4#bgc  ,with regard to ethics1
 there is1 of course1 a great difference
 between the innovating1 creative genius
 of the ,greek and the receptive but    
timid intelligence of the ,roman4 ,yet  
the uncertainty which1 in the one case1 
was due to the absence of any fixed     
system1 is equally present in the other1
 owing to the embarrassment of having so
 many systems among which to choose4    
,three ethical motives were constantly  
present to the thoughts of ,socrates3   
the utility of virtue1 from a material  
point of view1 to the individual2 its   
social necessity2 and its connexion with

 the dual constitution of man as a being
 composed of two elements whereof the   
one is infinitely superior to the other2
 but he never was able1 or never        
attempted to co-ordinate them under a   
single principle4 ,his successors tried 
to discover such a principle in the idea
 of natural law1 but could neither      
establish nor apply it in a satisfactory
 manner4 ,cicero reproduces the         
,socratic elements1 sometimes in their  
original dispersion and confusion1      
sometimes with the additional           
complication and perplexity introduced  
by the idea through which it had been   
hoped to systematise and reconcile them4
 ,to him1 indeed1 that idea was even    
more important than to the ,greek       
moralists2 for he looked on ,nature as  
the common ground where philosophy and  
untrained experience might meet for     
mutual confirmation and support4#bgd ,we
 have seen how he adopted the theory--as
 yet not very clearly formulated--of a  
moral sense1 or general faculty of      

intuition1 from ,philo4 ,to study and   
obey the dictates of this faculty1 as   
distinguished from the depraving        
influence of custom1 was his method of  
arriving at truth and right4 ,but if1   
when properly consulted1 it always gave 
the same response1 a similar unanimity  
might be expected in the doctrines of   
the various philosophical schools2 and  
the adhesion of ,academicians1          
,peripatetics1 and ,stoics to the       
precept1 ,follow ,nature1 seemed to     
demonstrate that such an agreement      
actually existed4 ,hence ,cicero over   
and over again labours to prove that    
their disputes were merely verbal1 and  
that ,stoicism in particular had        
borrowed its ethics wholesale from his  
own favourite sect4 ,yet from time to   
time their discrepancies would force    
themselves on his notice2 and by none   
have the differences separating         
,stoicism from its rivals been stated   
with more clearness1 concision1 and     
point4#bge ,these relate to the absolute

 self-sufficingness of virtue1 its      
unity1 and the incompatibility of       
emotion with its exercise4 ,but ,cicero 
seems to have regarded the theory of    
preference and rejection as a concession
 to common sense amounting to a         
surrender of whatever was parodoxical   
and exclusive in the ,stoic             
standpoint4#bgf ,and with respect to the
 question round which controversy raged 
most fiercely1 namely1 whether virtue   
was the sole or merely the chief        
condition of happiness1 ,cicero1 as a   
man of the world1 considered that it was
 practically of no consequence which    
side prevailed4#bgg ,it would be unfair 
to blame him for not seeing1 what the   
stricter school felt rather than saw1   
that the happiness associated with      
goodness was not of an individual but of
 a social character1 and therefore could
 not properly be compared with objects  
of purely individual desire1 such as    
health1 wealth1 friends1 and worldly    
fame4  ,but even taken in its mildest   

form1 there were difficulties about     
,greek idealism which still remained    
unsolved4 ,they may be summed up in one 
word1 the necessity of subordinating all
 personal and passionate feelings to a  
higher law1 whatever the dictates of    
that law may be4 ,of such               
self-suppression few men were less      
capable than ,cicero4 ,whether virtue   
meant the extirpation or merely the     
moderation of desire and emotion1 it was
 equally impossible to one of whom      
,macaulay has said1 with not more       
severity than truth1 that his whole soul
 was under the dominion of a girlish    
vanity and a craven fear4#bgh ,such weak
 and well-intentioned natures almost    
always take refuge from their sorrows   
and self-reproaches in religion2 and    
probably the religious sentiment was    
more highly developed in ,cicero than in
 any other thinker of the age4 ,here    
also a parallel with ,socrates naturally
 suggests itself4 ,the relation between 
the two amounts to more than a mere     

analogy2 for not only was the           
intellectual condition of old ,athens   
repeating itself in ,rome1 but the      
religious opinions of all cultivated    
,romans who still retained their belief 
in a providential ,god1 were1 to an even
 greater extent than their ethics1      
derived through ,stoicism from the great
 founder of rational theology4 ,cicero1 
like ,socrates1 views ,god under the    
threefold aspect of a creator1 a        
providence1 and an informing            
spirit3--identical in his nature with   
the soul of man1 and having man for his 
peculiar care4 ,with regard to the      
evidence of his existence1 the          
teleological argument derived from the  
structure of organised beings is common 
to both2 the argument from universal    
belief1 doubtless a powerful motive with
 ,socrates1 is more distinctly put      
forward by ,cicero2 and while both      
regard the heavenly luminaries as       
manifest embodiments of the divine      
essence1 ,cicero is led by the          

traditions of ,plato1 ,aristotle1 and   
the ,stoics1 to present the regularity  
of their movements as the most          
convincing revelation of a superhuman   
intelligence1 and to identify the       
outermost starry sphere with the highest
 ,god of all4#bgi ,intimately associated
 with this view is his belief in the    
immortality of the soul1 which he       
supposes will return after death to the 
eternal and unchangeable sphere whence  
it originally proceeded4#bhj ,but his   
familiarity with the sceptical arguments
 of ,carneades prevented ,cicero from   
putting forward his theological beliefs 
with the same confidence as ,socrates2  
while1 at the same time1 it enabled him 
to take up a much more decided attitude 
of hostility towards the popular        
superstitions from which he was anxious1
 so far as possible1 to purify true     
religion4#bha ,to sum up3 ,cicero1 like 
,kant1 seems to have been chiefly       
impressed by two phenomena1 the starry  
heavens without and the moral law       

within2 each in its own way giving him  
the idea of unchanging and everlasting  
continuance1 and both testifying to the 
existence of a power by which all things
 are regulated for the best4 ,but the   
materialism of his age naturally        
prevented him from regarding the        
external order as a mere reflex or lower
 manifestation of the inward law by     
which all spirits feel themselves to be 
members of the same intelligible        
community4  ,we have illustrated the    
position of ,cicero by reference to the 
master who1 more than any other ,greek  
philosopher1 seems to have satisfied his
 ideal of perfect wisdom4 ,we must now  
observe that nothing is better          
calculated to show how inadequate was   
the view once universally taken of      
,socrates1 and still1 perhaps1 taken by 
all who are not scholars1 than that it  
should be applicable in so many points  
to ,cicero as well4 ,for1 while the     
influence of the one on human thought   
was the greatest ever exercised by a    

single individual1 the influence of the 
other was limited to the acceleration of
 a movement already in full activity1   
and moreover tending on the whole in a  
retrograde direction4 ,the immeasurable 
superiority of the ,athenian lies in his
 dialectical method4 ,it was not by a   
mere elimination of differences that he 
hoped to establish a general agreement1 
but by reasoning down from admitted     
principles1 which were themselves to be 
the result of scientific induction      
brought to bear on a comprehensive and  
ever-widening area of experience4 ,hence
 his scepticism1 which was directed     
against authority1 tended as much to    
stimulate enquiry as that of the ,roman 
declaimer1 which was directed against   
reason1 tended to deaden or to depress  
it4 ,hence1 also1 the political         
philosophy of ,socrates was as          
revolutionary as that of his imitator   
was conservative4 ,both were1 in a      
certain sense1 aristocrats2 but while   
the aristocracy of the elegant          

rhetorician meant a clique of indolent  
and incapable nobles1 that of the sturdy
 craftsman meant a band of              
highly-trained specialists maintained in
 power by the choice1 the confidence1   
and the willing obedience of an         
intelligent people4 ,and while the      
religion of ,cicero was a blind reliance
 on providence supplemented by          
priestcraft in this world1 with the     
hope1 if things came to the worst1 of a 
safe retreat from trouble in the next2  
the religion of ,socrates was an active 
co-operation with the universal mind1 an
 attempt to make reason and the will of 
,god prevail on earth1 with the hope1 if
 there was any future state1 of carrying
 on in it the intellectual warfare which
 alone had made life worth living here4 
,no less a contrast could be expected   
between the orator who turned to        
philosophy only for the occupation of a 
leisure hour1 or for relief from the    
pangs of disappointed ambition1 and the 
thinker who gave her his whole existence

 as the elect apostle and martyr of her 
creed4   ,,ix4  ,we have seen what was  
the guiding principle of ,cicero's      
philosophical method4 ,by interrogating 
all the systems of his time1 he hoped to
 elicit their points of agreement1 and  
to utilise the result for the practical 
purposes of life4 ,as actually applied1 
the effect of this method was not to    
reconcile the current theories with one 
another1 nor yet to lay the foundation  
of a more comprehensive philosophy1 but 
to throw back thought on an order of    
ideas which1 from their great           
popularity1 had been incorporated with  
every system in turn1 and1 for that very
 reason1 seemed to embody the precise   
points on which all were agreed4 ,these 
were the idea of ,nature1 the idea of   
mind or reason1 and the idea of utility4
 ,we have frequently come across them in
 the course of the present work4 ,here  
it will suffice to recall the fact that 
they had been first raised to distinct  
consciousness when the results of early 

,greek thought were brought into contact
 with the experiences of ,greek life1   
and more especially of ,athenian life1  
in the age of ,pericles4 ,as originally 
understood1 they gave rise to many      
complications and cross divisions1      
arising from what was considered to be  
their mutual incompatibility or         
equivalence4 ,thus ,nature was openly   
rejected by the sceptical ,sophists1    
ignored by ,socrates1 and1 during a long
 period of his career1 treated with very
 little respect by ,plato2 reason1 in   
its more elaborate forms1 was slighted  
by the ,cynics1 and employed for its own
 destruction by the ,megarians1 in both 
cases as an enemy to utility2 while to  
,aristotle the pure exercise of reason  
was the highest utility of any1 and     
,nature only a lower manifestation of   
the same idealising process4 ,at a later
 period1 we find ,nature accepted as a  
watchword by ,stoics1 ,epicureans1 and  
,sceptics alike1 although1 of course1   
each attached a widely different meaning

 to the term2 the supremacy of reason1  
without whose aid1 indeed1 their        
controversies could not have been       
carried on1 is recognised with similar  
unanimity2 and each sect lays exclusive 
stress on the connexion of its          
principles with human happiness1 thus   
making utility the foremost             
consideration in philosophy4            
,consequently1 to whatever system a     
,roman turned1 he would recognise the   
three great regulative conceptions of   
,greek thought1 although frequently     
enveloped in a network of fine-spun     
distinctions and inferences which to him
 must have seemed neither natural nor   
reasonable nor useful4 ,on the other    
hand1 apart from such subtleties1 he    
could readily translate all three into  
terms which seemed to show that1 so far 
from being divided by any essential     
incompatibility1 they did but represent 
different aspects of a single harmonious
 ideal4 ,nature meant simplicity1       
orderliness1 universality1 and the      

spontaneous consentience of             
unsophisticated minds4 ,reason meant    
human dignity1 especially as manifested 
in the conquest of fear and of desire4  
,and whatever was natural and reasonable
 seemed to satisfy the requirements of  
utility as well4 ,it might seem also    
that these very principles were embodied
 in the facts of old ,roman life and of 
,rome's imperial destiny4 ,the only     
question was which school of ,greek     
philosophy gave them their clearest and 
completest interpretation4 ,lucretius   
would have said that it was the system  
of ,epicurus2 but such a misconception  
was only rendered possible by the poet's
 seclusion from imperial interests1 and1
 apparently1 by his unacquaintance with 
the more refined forms of ,hellenic     
thought4 ,rome could not find in        
,epicureanism the comprehensiveness1 the
 cohesion1 and the power which marked   
her own character1 and which she only   
required to have expressed under a      
speculative form4 ,then came ,cicero1   

with his modernised rhetorical version  
of what he conceived to be the ,socratic
 philosophy4 ,his teaching was far      
better suited than that of his great    
contemporary to the tastes of his       
countrymen1 and probably contributed in 
no small degree to the subsequent       
discredit of ,epicureanism2 yet1 by a   
strange irony1 it told1 to the same     
extent1 in favour of a philosophy from  
which ,cicero himself was probably even 
more averse than from the morality of   
the ,garden4 ,in his hands1 the         
,academic criticism had simply the      
effect of dissolving away those elements
 which distinguished ,stoicism from     
,cynicism2 while his eclecticism brought
 into view certain principles more      
characteristic of the ,cynics than of   
any other sect4 ,the ,nature to whose   
guidance he constantly appeals was1     
properly speaking1 not a ,socratic but a
 ,sophistic or ,cynic idea2 and when the
 ,stoics appropriated it1 they were only
 reclaiming an ancestral possession4    

,the exclusion of theoretical studies   
and dialectical subtleties from         
philosophy was also ,cynic2 the ,stoic  
theology when purified1 as ,cicero      
desired that it should be purified1 from
 its superstitious ingredients1 was no  
other than the naturalistic monotheism  
of ,antisthenes2 and the ,stoic morality
 without its paradoxes was little more  
than an ennobled ,cynicism4 ,the curve  
described by thought was determined by  
forces of almost mechanical simplicity4 
,the ,greek ,eclectics1 seeking a middle
 term between the ,academy and the      
,porch1 had fallen back on ,plato2      
,cicero1 pursuing the same direction1   
receded to ,socrates2 but the continued 
attraction of ,stoicism drew him to a   
point where the two were linked together
 by their historical intermediary1 the  
,cynic school4 ,and1 by a singular      
coincidence1 the primal forms of ,roman 
life1 half godlike and half brutal1 were
 found1 better than anything in         
,hellenic experience1 to realise the    

ideal of a sect which had taken         
,heracles for its patron saint4 ,had    
,diogenes searched the ,roman ,forum1 he
 would have met with a man at every     
step4  ,meanwhile the morality of       
,stoicism had enlisted a force of       
incalculable importance on its behalf4  
,this was the life and death of the     
younger ,cato4 ,however narrow his      
intellect1 however impracticable his    
principles1 however hopeless his        
resistance to the course of history1    
,cato had merits which in the eyes of   
his countrymen placed him even higher   
than ,caesar2 and this impression was   
probably strengthened by the            
extraordinary want of tact which the    
great conqueror showed when he insulted 
the memory of his noblest foe4 ,pure in 
an age of corruption1 disinterested in  
an age of greed1 devotedly patriotic in 
an age of selfish ambition1 faithful    
unto death in an age of shameless       
tergiversation1 and withal of singularly
 mild and gentle character1 ,cato lived 

and died for the law of conscience1     
proving by his example that if a revival
 of old ,roman virtue were still        
possible1 only through the lessons of   
,greek philosophy could this miracle be 
wrought4 ,and it was equally clear that 
,rome could only accept philosophy under
 a form harmonising with her ancient    
traditions1 and embodying doctrines like
 those which the martyred saint of her  
republican liberties had professed4     
,the ,roman reformers were satisfied to 
call themselves ,stoics2 and1 in        
reviewing the ,stoic system1 we saw to  
what an extent they welcomed and        
developed some of its fundamental       
thoughts4 ,but we have now to add that  
the current which bore them on had its  
source deeper down than the elaborate   
combinations of ,zeno and ,chrysippus1  
and entered into the composition of     
every other system that acted on the    
,roman intellect simultaneously with    
theirs4 ,thus whatever forces           
co-operated with ,stoicism had the      

effect not of complicating but of       
simplifying its tendencies1 by bringing 
into exclusive prominence the original  
impulse whence they sprang1 which was   
the idea of ,natural ,law4 ,hence the   
form ultimately assumed by ,roman       
thought was a philosophy of ,nature1    
sometimes appearing more under a ,stoic1
 and sometimes more under a ,cynic      
guise4 ,everything in ,roman poetry that
 is not copied from ,greek models or    
inspired by ,italian passion--in other  
words1 its didactic1 descriptive1 and   
satiric elements--may be traced to this 
philosophy4 ,doubtless the inculcation  
of useful arts1 the delight in beautiful
 scenery1 the praises of rustic         
simplicity1 the fierce protests against 
vice under all its forms1 and the       
celebration of an imperial destiny1     
which form the staple of ,rome's        
national literature1 spring from her own
 deepest life2 but the quickening power 
of ,greek thought was needed to develope
 them into articulate expression4       

,there is1 indeed1 nothing more nobly   
characteristic of the ,hellenic spirit1 
especially as organised by ,socrates1   
than its capacity not only for          
communicating1 but for awakening ideas2 
thus enabling all the nations among     
which it spread to realise the whole    
potential treasure of theoretical and   
practical energy with which they were   
endowed4 ,and1 from this point of view1 
we may say that what seems most         
distinctively proper to ,rome--the      
triumphant consciousness of herself as a
 world-conquering and world-ruling      
power--came to her from ,greece1 and    
under the form of a ,greek idea1 the    
idea of providential destiny4 ,it was to
 make his countrymen understand the     
fateful character and inevitable march  
of her empire that ,polybius composed   
his great history2 it was also by a     
,greek that the most successful of her  
early national epics was sung2 and when 
at last her language was wrought into an
 adequate instrument of literary        

expression--thanks also to ,greek       
rhetorical teaching1--and the culture of
 her children had advanced so far that  
they could venture to compete with the  
,greeks on their own ground1 it was     
still only under forms suggested by     
,stoicism that ,virgil could rewrite the
 story of his country's dedication to   
her predestined task4  ,that ,virgil was
 acquainted with this philosophy and had
 accepted some of its principal         
conclusions is evident from a famous    
passage in the ,sixth ,aeneid1#bhb      
setting forth the theory of a universal 
and all-penetrating soul composed of    
fiery matter1 whence the particular     
souls of men and animals are derived1 by
 a process likened to the scattering and
 germination of seeds2 from another     
equally famous passage in the ,fourth   
,eclogue1#bhc describing the periodical 
recurrence of events in the same order  
as before2 and also1 although to a less 
extent1 from his acceptance of the      
,stoic astronomy in the ,georgics2#bhd a

 circumstance which1 by the way1 renders
 it most unlikely that he looked up to  
,lucretius as an authority in physical  
science4#bhe ,but even apart from this  
collateral evidence1 one can see that   
the ,aeneid is a ,stoic poem4 ,it is    
filled with the ideas of mutation and   
vicissitude overruled by a divinely     
appointed order2 of the prophetic       
intimations by which that order is      
revealed2 of the obedience to reason by 
which passion is subdued2 and of the    
faith in divine goodness by which       
suffering is made easy to be borne4 ,and
 there are also gleams of that universal
 humanity familiar to ,stoicism1 which  
read to some like an anticipation of the
 ,christian or the modern spirit1 but   
which really resemble them only as      
earlier manifestations of the same great
 philosophical movement4  ,this analogy 
with subsequent developments is aided1  
so far as it goes1 by the admixture of a
 certain ,platonic element with         
,virgil's ,stoicism1 shown chiefly by   

the references to an antenatal existence
 of the soul1 introduced for the purpose
 of bringing ,rome's future heroes on   
the scene4 ,this1 however1 is the last  
example of an attempt on the part of a  
,roman writer to combine ,plato's       
teaching with ,stoicism4#bhf ,at a time 
when the ,romans were more conscious of 
their literary dependence on ,greece    
than was the case after the ,augustan   
age had reached its zenith1 they were   
probably drawn by the beauty of its     
literary form to study a system which   
could otherwise interest them but       
little4 ,thus1 not only is ,cicero full 
of admiration for ,plato--as1 indeed1   
might be expected with so highly        
cultivated a disciple of the            
,academy--but ,cato1 according to the   
well-known story1 spent his last hours  
reading and re-reading the ,phaedo2 and 
his nephew ,brutus also occupied an     
intermediate position between the ,old  
,academy and the ,porch4 ,the ,roman    
love of simplification and archaism     

induced subsequent thinkers either to   
let ,platonism drop altogether1 or to   
study those elements in which it        
differed from the pure naturalistic     
doctrine under their ,pythagorean form4 
,it may even be doubted whether         
,virgil's psychology is not derived from
 ,pythagoras rather than from ,plato2   
,ovid1 so far as he philosophises at    
all1 is unquestionably a follower of the
 former2#bhg and in the moral teaching  
of the ,sextii1 who flourished under    
,augustus1 ,pythagorean principles are  
blended with ,stoicism4#bhh ,it is      
another manifestation of the same effort
 to grasp every ,greek doctrine by its  
roots1 that ,horace should proclaim     
himself the disciple of ,aristippus     
rather than of ,epicurus4#bhi ,even he1 
however1 feels himself drawn with       
advancing years towards the nobler faith
 which was now carrying all before      
it4#bij  ,with ,seneca and his          
contemporaries1 ,stoicism has shaken    
itself free from alien ingredients1 and 

has become the accepted creed of the    
whole republican opposition1 being      
especially pronounced in the writings of
 the two young poets1 ,persius and      
,lucan4 ,but in proportion as           
naturalistic philosophy assumed the form
 of a protest against vice1 luxury1     
inhumanity1 despotism1 and degradation1 
or of an exhortation to welcome death as
 a deliverance from those evils1 in the 
same proportion did it tend to fall back
 into simple ,cynicism2 and on this side
 also it found a ready response1 not    
only in the heroic fortitude1 but also  
in the brutal coarseness and scurrility 
of the ,roman character4 ,hence the     
,satires of the last great ,roman poet1 
,juvenal1 are an even more distinct     
expression of ,cynic than the epic of   
,virgil had been of ,stoic sentiment4   
,along with whatever was good and       
wholesome in ,cynicism there is the     
shameless indecency of the ,cynics1 and 
their unquestioning acceptance of       
mendicancy and prostitution as          

convenient helps to leading a natural   
and easily contented life4 ,and it may  
be noticed that the free-thinking       
tendencies which distinguished the      
,cynics from the ,stoics are also       
displayed in ,juvenal's occasional      
denunciations of superstition4   ,x4    
,thus the final effect of its communion 
with the ,roman mind was not so much to 
develope ,greek philosophy any further1 
or to reconcile its warring sects with  
one another1 as to aid in their         
decomposition by throwing them back on  
the earlier forms whence they had       
sprung4 ,accordingly we find that the   
philosophic activity of ,hellas         
immediately before and after the        
,christian era--so far as there was any 
at all--consisted in a revival of the   
,pythagorean and ,cynic schools1        
accompanied by a corresponding          
resuscitation of primitive ,scepticism4 
,this last takes the shape of a very    
distinct protest against the fashionable
 naturalism of the age1 just as the     

scepticism of ,protagoras and           
,gorgias--if our view be correct--had   
once been called forth by the naturalism
 of ,prodicus and ,hippias4 ,the        
principal representative1 if not the    
founder1 of ,neo-,scepticism was        
,aenesidmus1 who taught in ,alexandria1 
when we are not informed1 but probably  
after the middle of the first century   
,a4,d4#bia ,an avowed disciple of       
,pyrrho1 his object was to reassert the 
sceptical principle in its original     
purity1 especially as against the       
,academicians1 whom he charged with     
having first perverted and then         
completely abandoned it4#bib ,aenesidmus
 would hear nothing of probabilities nor
 of moral certainties4 ,he also claimed 
to distinguish himself from the         
,academicians by refusing to assert even
 so much as that nothing can be         
asserted2 but it appears that1 in this  
point1 he had been fully anticipated by 
,arcesilaus and ,carneades4#bic ,for the
 rest1 his own ,scepticism recalls the  

method of ,gorgias and ,protagoras much 
more distinctly than the method of the  
,new ,academy--a fresh illustration of  
the archaic and revivalist tendencies   
displayed by philosophy at this period4 
,in other words1 it is not against the  
reasoning processes that his criticisms 
are directed1 but against the theory of 
causation on the objective side1 and    
against the credibility of our immediate
 perceptions on the subjective side4#bid
 ,but1 in both directions1 he has worked
 out the difficulties of the old        
,sophists with a minuteness and a       
precision unknown to them2 and some of  
his points have been found worth        
repeating in a different connexion by   
modern critics4 ,thus1 in analysing the 
theory of causation1 he draws attention 
to the plurality of causes as an        
obstacle to connecting any given        
consequent with one antecedent more than
 with another2 to the illegitimate      
assumption that the laws inferred from  
experience hold good under unknown      

conditions2 to the arbitrary assumption 
of hypothetical causes not evinced by   
experience2 and to the absurdity of     
introducing a new difficulty for the    
purpose of explaining an old one4#bie   
,with regard to causation itself1       
,aenesidmus seems to have resolved it   
into action and reaction1 thus          
eliminating the condition of antecedence
 and consequence1 without which it      
becomes unintelligible4#bif  ,the       
,alexandrian ,sceptic's general         
arguments against the possibility of    
knowledge resolve themselves into a     
criticism of what ,sir ,w4 ,hamilton    
called ,natural ,realism1 somewhat      
complicated and confused by a           
simultaneous attack on the theory of    
natural morality conceived as something 
eternal and immutable4 ,they are summed 
up in the famous ten ,tropes4 ,of these 
the first three are founded on the      
conflicting sensations produced by the  
same object when acting on different    
animals--as is inferred from the marked 

contrast presented by their several     
varieties of origin and structure1--on  
different men1 and on the different     
senses of the same individual4 ,the     
fourth1 which has evidently an ethical  
bearing1 enlarges on the changes in     
men's views caused by mental and bodily 
changes1 according to their health1 age1
 disposition1 and so forth4 ,the next   
five ,tropes relate to circumstances    
connected with the objects themselves3  
their distance and position as regards  
the spectator1 the disturbance produced 
in their proper action by external      
influences such as air and light1       
together with the various membranes and 
humours composing the organs of sense   
through which they are apprehended2     
their quantitative variation1 involving 
as it does opposite effects on the      
senses1 or as with medicines1 on the    
health2 the law of relativity1 according
 to which many things are only known    
when taken in company with others1 such 
as double and half1 right and left1     

whole and part2 comparative frequency or
 rarity of occurrence1 as with comets1  
which1 while really of much less        
importance than the sun1 excite much    
more interest from their being so seldom
 seen4 ,finally1 the tenth ,trope is    
purely ethical1 and infers the          
non-existence of a fixed moral standard 
from the divergent and even opposite    
customs prevailing among different      
nations4#big  ,in his attacks on the    
prevalent theories of ethics1           
,aenesidmus again reminds us both of    
,protagoras and of modern agnosticism4  
,according to him1 the general          
disagreement of mankind proves1 among   
other things1 that there is no definable
 highest good--it is neither virtue1 nor
 pleasure1 nor knowledge4#bih ,in the   
absence of any dogmatic teaching on the 
subject at the time when he lived1      
,protagoras could not give an opinion   
with regard to the summum bonum2 but    
,plato's famous dialogue represents him 
as one who1 from his point of view1     

would be unwilling to admit the         
possibility of introducing fixed        
principles into conduct2 and in like    
manner1 ,mr4 ,herbert ,spencer1 while   
accepting the hedonistic principle1     
gives it such an extremely general      
signification that he is thrown back on 
the sceptical principle of leaving      
everyone free to follow his own         
inclinations1 provided that1 in so      
doing1 he does not interfere with the   
liberty of others4  ,the parallel       
between ,aenesidmus and ,protagoras     
would become still more complete were it
 true that the ,alexandrian philosopher 
also sought to base his ,scepticism on  
the ,heracleitean theory of ,nature1    
arguing that contradictory assertions   
are necessitated by the presence of     
contradictory properties in every       
object4  ,that ,aenesidmus held this    
view is stated as a fact by ,sextus1    
whose testimony is here corroborated by 
,tertullian1 or rather by ,tertullian's 
informant1 ,soranus4 ,we find1 however1 

that ,zeller1 who formerly accepted the 
statement in question as true1 has      
latterly seen reason to reject it4      
,aenesidmus cannot1 he thinks1 have been
 guilty of so great an inconsistency as 
to base his ,scepticism on the dogmatic 
physics of ,heracleitus4 ,and he        
explains the agreement of the ancient   
authorities by supposing that the       
original work of ,aenesidmus contained a
 critical account of the ,heracleitean  
theory1 that this was misinterpreted    
into an expression of his adhesion to it
 by ,soranus1 and that the blunder was  
adopted at second-hand by both ,sextus  
and ,tertullian4#bii  ,it is1 at any    
rate1 certain that the successors of    
,aenesidmus adhered to the standpoint of
 ,pyrrho4 ,one of them1 ,agrippa1 both  
simplified and strengthened the         
arguments of the school by reducing the 
ten ,tropes to five4 ,the earlier       
objections to human certainty were      
summed up under two heads3 the          
irreconcilable conflict of opinions on  

all subjects2 and the essential         
relativity of consciousness1 in which   
the percipient and the perceived are so 
intimately united that what things in   
themselves are cannot possibly be       
discovered4 ,the other three ,tropes    
relate to the baselessness of reasoning4
 ,they were evidently suggested by      
,aristotle's remarks on the subject4    
,the process of proof cannot be carried 
backwards ad infinitum1 nor can it      
legitimately revolve in a circle4 ,thus 
much had already been admitted1 or      
rather insisted on by the great founder 
of logic4 ,but the ,sceptics could not  
agree to ,aristotle's contention1 that  
demonstration may be based on first     
principles of self-evident certainty4   
,they here fell back on their main      
argument2 that the absence of general   
agreement on every point is fatal to the
 existence of such pretended axioms4 ,a 
still further simplification was        
effected by the reduction of the five   
,tropes to two--that all reasoning rests

 on intuition1 and that men's intuitions
 are irreconcilably at variance with one
 another4#cjj ,as against true science1 
the sceptical ,tropes are powerless1 for
 the validity of its principles has     
nothing to do with their general        
acceptance4 ,they are laid before the   
learner for his instruction1 and if he  
chooses to regard them as either false  
or doubtful1 the misfortune will be his 
and not theirs4 ,but as against all     
attempts to constrain belief by an      
appeal to authority1 the ,tropes still  
remain invincible4 ,whether the         
testimony invoked be that of ancient    
traditions or of a supposed inward      
witness1 there is always the same fatal 
objection that other traditions and     
other inward witnesses tell quite a     
different story4 ,the task of deciding  
between them must1 after all1 be handed 
over to an impersonal reason4 ,in other 
words1 each individual must judge for   
himself and at his own risk1 just as he 
does in questions of physical science4  

,we have already observed that          
,scepticism among the ancients was often
 cultivated in connexion with some      
positive doctrine which it indirectly   
served to recommend4 ,in the case of its
 last supporters1 this was the study of 
medicine on an empirical as opposed to a
 deductive method4 ,the ,sceptical      
contention is that we cannot go beyond  
appearances2 the empirical contention   
is1 that all knowledge comes to us from 
experience1 and that this only shows us 
how phenomena are related to one        
another1 not how they are related to    
their underlying causes1 whether        
efficient or final4 ,these allied points
 of view have been brought into still   
more intimate association by modern     
thought1 which1 as will be shown in the 
concluding chapter1 has sprung from a   
modified form of the ancient            
,scepticism1 powerfully aided by a      
simultaneous development of physical    
science4 ,at the same time1 the new     
school have succeeded in shaking off the

 narrowness and timidity of their       
predecessors1 who were still so far     
under the influence of the old          
dogmatists as to believe that there was 
an inherent opposition between          
observation and reasoning in the methods
 of discovery1 between facts and        
explanations in the truths of science1  
and between antecedence and causation in
 the realities of ,nature4 ,in this     
respect1 astronomy has done more for the
 right adjustment of our conceptions    
than any other branch of knowledge2 and 
it is remarkable that ,sextus           
,empiricus1 the last eminent            
representative of ancient ,scepticism1  
and the only one 7unless ,cicero is to  
be called a ,sceptic7 whose writings are
 still extant1 should expressly except  
astronomy from the destructive criticism
 to which he subjects the whole range of
 studies included in what we should call
 the university curriculum of his       
time4#cja ,we need not enter into an    
analysis of the ponderous compilation   

referred to2 for nearly every point of  
interest which it comprises has already 
been touched on in the course of our    
investigation2 and ,sextus differs only 
from his predecessors by adding the     
arguments of the ,new ,academy to those 
of ,protagoras and ,pyrrho1 thus        
completing the ,sceptical cycle4 ,it    
will be enough to notice the singular   
circumstance that so copious and careful
 an enumeration of the grounds which it 
was possible to urge against            
dogmatism--including1 as we have seen1  
many still employed for the same or     
other purposes1--should have omitted the
 two most powerful solvents of any4     
,these were left for the exquisite      
critical acumen of ,hume to discover4   
,they relate to the conception of       
causation1 and to the conception of our 
own personality as an indivisible1      
continuously existing substance1 being  
attempts to show that both involve      
assumptions of an illegitimate          
character4 ,sextus comes up to the very 

verge of ,hume's objection to the former
 when he observes that causation implies
 relation1 which can only exist in      
thought2#cjb but he does not ask how we 
come to think such a relation1 still    
less does he connect it with the        
perception of phenomenal antecedence2   
and his attacks on the various mental   
faculties assumed by psychologists pass 
over the fundamental postulate of       
personal identity1 thus leaving         
,descartes what seemed a safe foundation
 whereon to rebuild the edifice of      
metaphysical philosophy4   ,,xi4  ,the  
effect aimed at by ancient ,scepticism  
under its last form was to throw back   
reflection on its original              
starting-point4 ,life was once more     
handed over to the guidance of sense1   
appetite1 custom1 and art4#cjc ,we may  
call this residuum the philosophy of the
 dinner-bell4 ,that institution implies 
the feeling of hunger1 the directing    
sensation of sound1 the habit of eating 
together at a fixed time1 and the art of

 determining time by observing the      
celestial revolutions4 ,even so limited 
a view contains indefinite possibilities
 of expansion4 ,it involves the three   
fundamental relations that other        
philosophies have for their object to   
work out with greater distinctness and  
in fuller detail3 the relation between  
feeling and action1 binding together    
past1 present1 and future in the        
consciousness of personal identity2 the 
relation of ourselves to a collective   
society of similarly constituted beings1
 our intercourse with whom is subject   
from the very first to laws of morality 
and of logic2 and1 finally1 the relation
 in which we stand1 both singly and     
combined1 to that universal order by    
which all alike are enveloped and borne 
along1 with its suggestions of a still  
larger logic and an auguster morality   
springing from the essential dependence 
of our individual and social selves on  
an even deeper identity than that which 
they immediately reveal4 ,we have       

already had occasion to observe how the 
noble teaching of ,plato and the ,stoics
 resumes itself in a confession of this 
threefold synthesis2 and we now see how1
 putting them at their very lowest1     
nothing less than this will content the 
claims of thought4 ,thus1 in less time  
than it took ,berkeley to pass from     
tar-water to the ,trinity1 we have led  
our ,sceptics from their philosophy of  
the dinner-bell to a philosophy which   
the ,catholic symbols1 with their       
mythologising tendencies1 can but       
imperfectly represent4 ,and to carry    
them with us thus far1 nothing more than
 one of their own favourite methods is  
needed4 ,wherever they attempt to arrest
 the progress of enquiry and            
generalisation1 we can show them that no
 real line of demarcation exists4 ,let  
them once admit the idea of a relation  
connecting the elements of              
consciousness1 and it will carry them   
over every limit except that which is   
reached when the universe becomes       

conscious of itself4 ,let them deny the 
idea of a relation1 and we may safely   
leave them to the endless task of       
analysing consciousness into elements   
which are feelings and nothing more4    
,the magician in the story got rid of a 
too importunate familiar by setting him 
to spin ropes of sand4 ,the spirit of   
,scepticism is exorcised by setting it  
to divide the strands of reason into    
breadthless lines and unextended points4
  ,what influence ,scepticism exercised 
on the subsequent course of ,greek      
thought is difficult to determine4 ,if  
we are to believe ,diogenes ,laertius1  
who flourished in the second quarter of 
the third century ,a4,d41 every school  
except ,epicureanism had at that time   
sunk into utter neglect2#cjd and it is  
natural to connect this catastrophe with
 the activity of the ,sceptics1 and     
especially of ,sextus ,empiricus1 whose 
critical compilation had appeared not   
long before4 ,such a conclusion would be
 supported by the circumstance that     

,lucian1 writing more than fifty years  
earlier1 directs his attacks on         
contemporary philosophy chiefly from the
 ,sceptical standpoint2 his ,hermotimus 
in particular being a popularised       
version of the chief difficulties raised
 from that quarter4 ,still it remains to
 be shown why the criticism of the      
,greek ,humanists1 of ,pyrrho1 and of   
the ,new ,academy should have produced  
so much more powerful an effect under   
their revived form than when they were  
first promulgated2 and it may be asked  
whether the decline of philosophy should
 not rather be attributed to the general
 barbarisation of the ,roman empire at  
that period4  ,we have also to consider 
in what relation the new ,scepticism    
stood to the new ,platonism by which1 in
 common with every other school1 it was 
eventually either displaced or absorbed4
 ,the answer usually given to this      
question is that the one was a reaction 
from the other4 ,it is said that        
philosophy1 in despair of being able to 

discover truth by reason1 took refuge in
 the doctrine that it could be attained 
by supernatural revelation2 and that    
this doctrine is the characteristic mark
 distinguishing the system of ,plotinus 
from its predecessors4 ,that a belief in
 the possibility of receiving divine    
communications was widely diffused      
during the last centuries of polytheism 
is1 no doubt1 established1 but that it  
ever formed more than an adjunct to     
,neo-,platonism seems questionable2 and 
there is no evidence that we are aware  
of to show that it was occasioned by a  
reaction from ,scepticism4 ,as a defence
 against the arguments of ,pyrrho and   
his successors1 it would1 in truth1 have
 been quite unavailing2 for whatever    
objections applied to men's natural     
perceptions1 would have applied with    
still greater force to the alleged      
supernatural revelation4 ,moreover1 the 
mystical element of ,neo-,platonism     
appears only in its consummation--in the
 ultimate union of the individual soul  

with the absolute ,one2 the rest of the 
system being reasoned out in accordance 
with the ordinary laws of logic1 and in 
apparent disregard of the ,sceptical    
attacks on their validity4  ,the truth  
is that critics seem to have been misled
 by a superficial analogy between the   
spiritualistic revival accomplished by  
,plotinus1 and the ,romantic revival    
which marked the beginning of the       
present century4 ,the two movements     
have1 no doubt1 several traits in       
common2 but there is this great         
difference between them1 that the latter
 was1 what the former was not1 a        
reaction against individualism1         
agnosticism1 and religious unbelief4    
,the right analogy will be found not by 
looking forward but by looking back4 ,it
 will then be seen that the             
,neo-,platonists were what their        
traditional name implies1 disciples of  
,plato1 and not only of ,plato but of   
,aristotle as well4 ,they stood in the  
same relation to the systems which they 

opposed as that in which the two great  
founders of spiritualism had stood to   
the naturalistic and humanist schools of
 their time--of course with whatever    
modifications of a common standpoint    
were necessitated by the substitution of
 a declining for a progressive          
civilisation4 ,like ,plato also1 they   
were profoundly influenced by the       
,pythagorean philosophy1 with its       
curious combination of mystical         
asceticism and mathematics4 ,and1 to    
complete the analogy1 they too found    
themselves in presence of a powerful    
religious reaction1 against the excesses
 of which1 like him1 they at first      
protested1 although with less than his  
authority1 and only1 like him1 to be at 
last carried away by its resistless     
torrent4 ,it is to the study of this    
religious movement that we must now     
address ourselves1 before entering on an
 examination of the latest form assumed 
by ,greek philosophy among the ,greeks  
themselves4   ,note4--,it does not enter

 into the plan of this work to study the
  educational and social aspects of     
,greek philosophy under the ,roman      
,empire4 ,those who wish for information
 on the subject should consult  ,capes's
 ,stoicism1 ,martha's ,moralistes sous  
l',empire ,romain1  ,renan's            
,marc-,aurle1 chap1 iii41 ,aubertin's   
,snque et ,saint  ,paul1 ,havet's       
,christianisme et ses ,origines1 ,vol4  
,,ii41 ,gaston  ,boissier's ,religion   
,romaine1 ,duruy's ,histoire ,romaine1  
chap1 lxi41  ,friedlnder's              
,darstellungen aus der ,sittengeschichte
 ,rom's1 ,vol4  ,,iii41 chap4 v4 7#eth  
ed471 and ,bruno ,bauer's ,christus und 
die ,csaren4     ,,chapter ,,iv4  ,,the 
,,religious ,,revival4#cje   ,i4  ,the  
result of recent enquiries into the     
state of civilisation under the ,roman  
,empire during the first two centuries  
of its existence1 has been to suggest   
conclusions in many respects at variance
 with those formerly entertained4       
,instead of the intellectual stagnation1

 the moral turpitude1 and the religious 
indifference which were once supposed to
 have been the most marked              
characteristics of that period1 modern  
scholars discern symptoms of active and 
fruitful thought1 of purity and         
disinterestedness both in public and    
private life1 but above all of a        
religious feeling which erred far more  
on the side of excess than on the side  
of defect4 ,this change of view may be  
traced to various causes4 ,a new class  
of investigators have made ancient      
history an object of special study4     
,fresh evidence has been brought to     
light1 and a more discriminating as well
 as a more extended use has been made of
 the sources already available4 ,and1   
perhaps1 even greater importance is     
attributable to the principle now so    
generally accepted1 that historical     
phenomena1 like all other phenomena1 are
 essentially continuous in their        
movement4 ,the old theories assumed that
 the substitution of ,christian for what

 is called ,pagan civilisation was      
accompanied by a sudden break in men's  
habits and ideas4 ,but the whole spirit 
of modern philosophy has prepared us to 
believe that such a break is not likely 
to have ever occurred4 ,and a new survey
 of the period in question is leading us
 to the conviction that1 as a matter of 
fact1 it did not occur4  ,for a long    
time the history of the ,roman ,empire  
was written by the descendants of its   
most deadly enemies--by ,christian      
ecclesiastics or by scholars trained    
under their influence1 and by the       
inheritors of the northern races who    
overran and destroyed it4 ,the natural  
tendency of both classes was to paint   
the vices of the old society in the most
 glaring colours1 that by so doing they 
might exhibit the virtues of its        
conquerors and the necessity of their   
mission in stronger relief4 ,in this    
respect1 their task was greatly         
facilitated by the character of the     
authorities from whom their information 

was principally derived4 ,horace and    
,petronius1 ,seneca and ,juvenal1       
,tacitus and ,suetonius1 furnished them 
with pictures of depravity which it was 
impossible to exaggerate1 which had even
 to be toned down before they could be  
reproduced in a modern language4 ,no    
allowance was made for the influence of 
a rhetorical training in fostering the  
cultivation of effect at the expense of 
truth1 nor for the influence of         
aristocratic prejudice in securing a    
ready acceptance for whatever tended to 
the discredit of a monarchical          
government4 ,it was also forgotten that 
the court and society of ,rome could    
give no idea of the life led in the rest
 of ,italy and in the provinces4        
,moreover1 the contrast continually     
instituted or implied by these          
historians was not between the ancient  
civilisation and the state of things    
which immediately succeeded it1 nor yet 
between the society of a great capital  
as it was then1 and as it was in the    

historian's own time4 ,the points       
selected for contrast were what was     
worst in ,paganism and what is best in  
,christianity4 ,the one was judged from 
the standpoint of courtiers and men of  
the world1 embittered by disappointment 
and familiar with every form of         
depravity1 the other was judged from the
 standpoint of experience acquired in a 
college quadrangle1 a country parsonage1
 or a cathedral close4 ,the modern      
writer knew little enough even about his
 own country1 he knew next to nothing   
about what morality was in the ,middle  
,ages1 and nothing at all about what it 
still continues to be in modern ,italy4 
,even the very imperfect means of       
information supplied by the literature  
of the empire were not utilised to the  
fullest extent4 ,it was naturally the   
writers of most brilliant genius who    
received most attention1 and these1 as  
it happened1 were the most prejudiced   
against their contemporaries4 ,their    
observations1 too1 were put on record   

under the form of sweeping              
generalisations2 while the facts from   
which a different conclusion might be   
gathered lay scattered through the pages
 of more obscure authorities1 needing to
 be carefully sifted out and brought    
together by those who wished to arrive  
at a more impartial view of the age to  
which they relate4  ,another noteworthy 
circumstance is that the last centuries 
of ,paganism were on the whole marked by
 a steady literary decline4 ,to a       
literary man1 this meant that           
civilisation as a whole was             
retrograding1 that it was an effete     
organism which could only be regenerated
 by the infusion of new life from       
without2 while1 conversely1 the fresh   
literary productivity of mediaeval and  
modern ,europe was credited to the      
complete renovation which ,christianity 
and the ,barbarians were supposed to    
have wrought4 ,a closer study of ,roman 
law has done much to correct this       
superficial impression4 ,it has revealed

 the existence1 in at least one most    
important domain1 of a vast intellectual
 and moral advance continued down to the
 death of ,marcus ,aurelius4 ,and the   
retrograde movement which set in with   
,commodus may be fairly attributed to   
the increased militarism necessitated by
 the encroachments of barbarism1 and    
more directly to the infusion of        
barbarian elements into the territory of
 the empire1 rather than to any         
spontaneous decay of ,roman             
civilisation4 ,the subsequent           
resuscitation of art and letters is     
another testimony to the permanent value
 and vitality of ancient culture4 ,it   
was in those provinces which had        
remained least affected by the northern 
invasion1 such as ,venetia and ,tuscany1
 that the free activity of the human    
intellect was first or most fruitfully  
resumed1 and it was from the irradiation
 of still unconquered ,byzantium that   
the light which re-awakened them was    
derived4  ,another science which has    

only been cultivated on a large scale   
within comparatively recent years has   
confirmed the views suggested by        
jurisprudence4 ,an enormous mass of     
inscriptions has been brought to light1 
deciphered1 collated1 and made available
 by transcription for the purposes of   
sedentary scholars4 ,with the help of   
these records1 fragmentary though they  
be1 we have obtained an insight into the
 sentiments1 beliefs1 and social        
institutions of ,pagan antiquity as it  
was just before the conversion of the   
,roman world to ,christianity1 such as  
literature alone could not supply4      
,literature and history1 too1 have told 
a somewhat different story when read    
over again in the light of these new    
discoveries4 ,finally1 the whole mine of
 materials1 new and old1 has been worked
 by a class of enquirers who bring to   
their task qualities nearly unknown     
among the scholars of a former          
generation4 ,these men are familiar with
 an immense range of studies lying      

outside their special subject1 but often
 capable of affording it unexpected     
illustrations2 they are free from       
theological prejudices2 they are        
sometimes versed in the practical       
conduct of state affairs2 and habits of 
wide social intercourse have emancipated
 them from the narrowing associations   
incident to a learned profession4       
,perhaps no subject has gained so much  
from the application of the new         
historical method as that which we have 
now to study in its connexion with the  
progress of ,greek philosophy4 ,this is 
the religion of the ,roman empire4 ,on  
former occasions1 we have had to observe
 how fruitful was the interaction       
between faith and reason in the early   
stages of ,greek thought4 ,we have now  
to show how the same process was        
continued on a greater scale during its 
later development and diffusion4 ,the   
conditions and results of this conflict 
have sometimes been gravely             
misconceived4 ,we have said that in more

 than one direction important advances  
were made under the empire4 ,in the     
direction of pure rationalism1 however1 
there was no advance at all1 but1 on the
 contrary1 a continual loss of the      
ground formerly won4 ,the polytheism    
which ,christianity displaced turns out 
to have been far more vigorous and      
fertile than was once supposed1 and in  
particular to have been supported by a  
much stronger body not only of popular  
sentiment1 but1 what at first seems very
 surprising1 of educated conviction4 ,we
 were formerly taught to believe that   
the faith of ,homer and ,aeschylus1 of  
,pythagoras and ,pheidias1 was in the   
last stage of decrepitude when its      
destined successor appeared1 that it had
 long been abandoned by the             
philosophers1 and was giving place in   
the minds of the vulgar to more exciting
 forms of superstition newly imported   
from the ,east4 ,the undue preponderance
 given to purely literary sources of    
information is largely responsible for  

an opinion which now appears to have    
been mistaken4 ,among the great ,roman  
writers1 ,lucretius proclaims himself a 
mortal enemy to religion2 ,ennius and   
,horace are disbelievers in providence2 
the attitude of ,juvenal towards the    
gods and towards a future life is at    
least ambiguous1 and that of ,tacitus   
undecided2 ,cicero attacks the current  
superstitions with a vigour which has   
diverted attention from the essentially 
religious character of his convictions2 
,lucian1 by far the most popular ,greek 
writer of the empire1 is notorious for  
his hostility to every form of theology4
 ,among less known authors1 the elder   
,pliny passionately denounces the belief
 in a divine guidance of life and in the
 immortality of the soul4#cjf ,taken    
alone1 these instances would tend to    
prove that sceptical ideas were very    
widely diffused through ,roman society1 
both before and after the establishment 
of the empire4 ,side by side1 however1  
with the authorities just cited there   

are others breathing a very different   
spirit2 and what we have especially to  
notice is that with the progress of time
 the latter party are continually       
gaining in weight and numbers4 ,and     
this1 as we shall now proceed to show1  
is precisely what might have been       
expected from the altered circumstances 
which ensued when the civilised world   
was subjected to a single city1 and that
 city herself to a single chief4   ,,ii4
  ,in the world of thought no less than 
in the world of action1 the boundless   
license which characterised the last    
days of ,roman republicanism was        
followed by a period of tranquillity and
 restraint4 ,augustus endeavoured to    
associate his system of imperialism with
 a revival of religious authority4 ,by  
his orders a great number of ruinous    
temples were restored1 and the old      
ceremonies were celebrated once more    
with all their former pomp4 ,his efforts
 in this direction were ably seconded by
 the greatest poet and the greatest     

historian of the age4 ,both ,virgil and 
,livy were animated by a warm religious 
feeling1 associated1 at least in the    
case of the latter1 with a credulity    
which knew no bounds4 ,with both1       
religion took an antiquarian form4 ,they
 were convinced that ,rome had grown    
great through faith in the gods1 that   
she had a divine mandate to conquer the 
world1 and that this supernatural       
mission might be most clearly perceived 
in the circumstances of her first       
origin4#cjg ,it is also characteristic  
that both should have been provincials1 
educated in the traditions of a reverent
 conservatism1 and sympathising chiefly 
with those elements in the constitution 
of ,rome which brought her nearest to   
primitive ,italian habits and ideas4    
,now it was not merely the policy1 it   
was the inevitable consequence of       
imperialism to favour the provinces#cjh 
at the expense of the capital1 by       
depriving the urban population and the  
senatorial aristocracy of the political 

preponderance which they had formerly   
enjoyed4 ,here1 as in most other        
instances1 what we call a reaction did  
not mean a change in the opinions or    
sentiments of any particular persons or 
classes1 but the advent of a new class  
whose ways of thinking now determined   
the general tone of the public mind4    
,one symptom of this reaction was the   
fashionable archaism of the ,augustan   
age1 the tendency to despise whatever   
was new in literature1 and to exalt     
whatever was old4 ,it is well known how 
feelingly ,horace complains of a        
movement which was used to damage his   
own reputation as a poet2#cji but what  
seems to have escaped observation is1   
that this protest against the literary  
archaism of his contemporaries is only  
one symptom of a much profounder        
division between his philosophy and     
theirs4 ,he was just as good a patriot  
as they were1 but his sympathies were   
with the ,hellenising aristocracy to    
which ,lucretius and ,cicero had        

belonged1 not with the narrow-minded    
conservatism of the middle classes and  
the country people4 ,he was a man of    
progress and free-thought1 who accepted 
the empire for what it might be worth1 a
 ,roman ,prosper ,merime or             
,sainte-,beuve1 whose preference of     
order to anarchy did not involve any    
respect for superstitious beliefs simply
 because they were supported by         
authority4 ,and this healthy common     
sense is so much a part of his          
character1 that he sometimes gives his  
mistresses the benefit of it1 warning   
,leuconoe against the ,babylonian       
soothsayers1 and telling ,phidyle that  
the gods should be approached not only  
with sacrifices but with clean          
hands4#caj ,yet so strong was the spirit
 of the age1 that the sceptical poet    
occasionally feels himself obliged to   
second or to applaud the work of        
restoration undertaken by ,augustus1 and
 to augur from it1 with more or less    
sincerity1 a reformation in private     

life4#caa ,and even the frivolous ,ovid 
may be supposed to have had the same    
object in view when composing his       
,fasti4  ,the religious revival         
initiated by ,augustus for his own      
purposes was soon absorbed and lost in a
 much wider movement1 following         
independent lines and determined by     
forces whose existence neither he nor   
any of his contemporaries could suspect4
 ,even for his own purposes1 something  
more was needed than a mere return to   
the past4 ,the old ,roman faith and     
worship were too dry and meagre to      
satisfy the cravings of the ,romans     
themselves in the altered conditions    
created for them by the possession of a 
world-wide empire2 still less could they
 furnish a meeting-ground for all the   
populations which that empire was       
rapidly fusing into a single mass4 ,but 
what was wanted might be trusted to     
evolve itself without any assistance    
from without1 once free scope was given 
to the religious instincts of mankind4  

,these had long been kept in abeyance by
 the creeds which they had originally   
called into existence1 and by the rigid 
political organisation of the ancient   
city-state4 ,local patriotism was       
adverse to the introduction of new      
beliefs either from within or from      
without4 ,once the general interests of 
a community had been placed under the   
guardianship of certain deities with    
definite names and jurisdictions1 it was
 understood that they would feel        
offended at the prospect of seeing their
 privileges invaded by a rival power2   
and were that rival the patron of       
another community1 his introduction     
might seem like a surrender of national 
independence at the feet of an alien    
conqueror4 ,so1 also1 no very active    
proselytism was likely to be carried on 
when the adherents of each particular   
religion believed that its adoption by  
an alien community would enable         
strangers and possible enemies to secure
 a share of the favour which had        

hitherto been reserved for themselves   
exclusively4 ,and to allure away the    
gods of a hostile town by the promise of
 a new establishment was1 in fact1 one  
of the stratagems commonly employed by  
the general of the besieging army4#cab  
,if the ,roman conquest did not         
altogether put an end to these          
sentiments1 it considerably mitigated   
their intensity4 ,the imperial city was 
too strong to feel endangered by the    
introduction of alien deities within its
 precincts4 ,the subject states were    
relieved from anxiety with regard to a  
political independence which they had   
irrecoverably lost4 ,moreover1 since the
 conquests of ,alexander1 vast          
aggregations of human beings had come   
into existence1 to which the ancient    
exclusiveness was unknown1 because they 
never had been cities at all in the     
ancient sense of the word4 ,such were   
,alexandria and ,antioch1 and these     
speedily became centres of religious    
syncretism4 ,rome herself1 in becoming  

the capital of an immense empire1       
acquired the same cosmopolitan          
character4 ,her population consisted for
 the most part of emancipated slaves1   
and of adventurers from all parts of the
 world1 many of whom had brought their  
national faiths with them1 while all    
were ready to embrace any new faith     
which had superior attractions to offer4
 ,another important agent in the        
diffusion and propagation of new        
religions was the army4 ,the legions    
constituted a sort of migratory city1   
recruited from all parts of the empire1 
and moving over its whole extent4 ,the  
dangers of a military life combined with
 its authoritative ideas are highly     
favourable to devotion2 and the soldiers
 could readily adopt new modes for the  
expression of this feeling both from    
each other and from the inhabitants of  
the countries where they were stationed1
 and would in turn become missionaries  
for their dissemination over the most   
distant regions4 ,that such was actually

 the case is proved by numerous         
religious inscriptions found in the     
neighbourhood of ,roman camps4#cac      
,after considering by what agencies the 
seeds of religious belief were carried  
from place to place1 we have to examine1
 what was even more important1 the      
quality of the soil on which they fell4 
,and here1 to continue the metaphor1 we 
shall find that the ,roman plough had   
not only broken through the crust of    
particularist prejudice1 but had turned 
up new social strata eminently fitted to
 receive and nourish the germs scattered
 over their surface by every breeze and 
every bird of passage1 or planted and   
watered by a spiritual sower's hand4    
,along with the positive check of an    
established worship1 the negative check 
of dissolving criticism had1 to a great 
extent1 disappeared with the destruction
 of the rgime which had been most       
favourable to its exercise during the   
early stages of progress4 ,the old city 
aristocracies were not merely opposed on

 patriotic grounds to free-trade in     
religion1 but1 as the most educated and 
independent class in the community1 they
 were the first to shake off            
supernatural beliefs of every kind4 ,we 
have grown so accustomed to seeing those
 beliefs upheld by the partisans of     
political privilege and attacked in the 
name of democratic principles1 that we  
are apt to forget how very modern is the
 association of free-thought with the   
supremacy of numbers4 ,it only dates    
from the ,french ,revolution1 and even  
now it is far from obtaining everywhere4
 ,athens was the most perfectly         
organised democracy of antiquity1 and in
 the course of this work we have        
repeatedly had occasion to observe how  
strong was the spirit of religious      
bigotry among the ,athenian people4 ,if 
we want rationalistic opinions we must  
go to the great nobles and their        
friends1 to a ,pericles1 a ,critias1 or 
a ,protagoras4 ,there must also have    
been perfect intellectual liberty among 

the ,roman nobles who took up ,hellenic 
culture with such eagerness towards the 
middle of the second century ,b4,c41 and
 among those who1 at a later period1    
listened with equanimity or approval to 
,caesar's profession of ,epicureanism in
 a crowded senatorial debate4 ,it was as
 much in order that the ,de ,rerum      
,natur should have been written by a    
member of this class as that the ,aeneid
 should proceed from the pen of a modest
 provincial farmer4 ,in positive        
knowledge1 ,virgil greatly excelled     
,lucretius1 but his beliefs were        
inevitably determined by the traditions 
of his ignorant neighbours4 ,when civil 
war1 proscription1 delation1 and1       
perhaps more than any other cause1 their
 own delirious extravagance1 had wrought
 the ruin of the ,roman aristocracy1    
their places were taken by respectable  
provincials who brought with them the   
convictions without the genius of the   
,mantuan poet2 and thenceforward the    
tide of religious reaction never ceased 

rising until the ,crusades1 which were  
its supreme expression1 unexpectedly    
brought about a first revival of        
,hellenic culture4 ,on that occasion1   
also1 the first symptoms of revolt      
manifested themselves among the nobles2 
taking the form of ,gnosticism in the   
brilliant courts of ,languedoc1 and1 at 
a later period1 of ,epicureanism in the 
,ghibelline circles of ,florentine      
society2 while1 conversely1 when the    
,ciompi or poorer artisans of ,florence 
rose in revolt against the rich traders1
 one of the first demands made by the   
successful insurgents was1 that a       
preaching friar should be sent to give  
them religious instruction4 ,at a still 
later period1 the same opposition of    
intellectual interests continues to be  
defined by the same social divisions4   
,two distinct currents of thought       
co-operated to bring about the          
,protestant ,reformation4 ,one1 which   
was religious and reactionary1 proceeded
 from the people4 ,the other1 which was 

secularising1 scholarly1 and scientific1
 represented the tendencies of the upper
 classes and of those who looked to them
 for encouragement and support4         
,throughout the sixteenth and           
seventeenth centuries1 many noble names 
are to be found among the champions of  
reason2 and while speculative liberty is
 associated with the ascendency of the  
aristocratic party1 superstition and    
intolerance are associated with the     
triumph of the people1 whether under the
 form of a democracy or of a levelling  
despotism4 ,so1 also1 the great         
emancipating movement of the eighteenth 
century was fostered by the descendants 
of the ,crusaders1 and1 until after the 
,revolution1 met with no response among 
the bourgeoisie or the people2 indeed   
the reaction in favour of               
supernaturalism was begun by a child of 
the people1 ,rousseau4 ,all this1 as we 
have already observed1 has been reversed
 in more recent times2 but the facts    
quoted are enough to prove how natural  

it was that in the ancient world decay  
of class privileges should be equivalent
 to a strengthening of the influences   
which made for supernaturalism and      
against enlightened criticism4   ,,iii4 
,after the revolution which destroyed   
the political power of the old          
aristocracy1 there came a further       
revolution the effect of which was to   
diminish largely its social             
predominance4 ,we learn from the bitter 
sarcasms of ,horace and ,juvenal that   
under the empire wealth took the place  
of birth1 if not1 as those satirists    
pretend1 of merit1 as a passport to     
distinction and respect4 ,merely to     
possess a certain amount of money       
procured admission to the equestrian and
 senatorial orders2 while a smaller     
pecuniary qualification entitled any    
,roman citizen to rank among the        
,honestiores as opposed to the          
,humiliores1 the latter only being      
liable1 if found guilty of certain      
offences1 to the more atrocious forms of

 capital punishment1 such as death by   
the wild beasts or by fire4#cad ,even a 
reputation for learning was supposed to 
be a marketable commodity2 and when     
supreme power was held by a philosopher1
 the vulgar rich could still hope to    
attract his favourable notice by filling
 their houses with books4#cae ,we also  
know from ,juvenal1 what indeed the     
analogy of modern times would readily   
suggest1 that large fortunes were often 
rapidly made1 and made by the           
cultivation of very sordid arts4 ,thus  
members of the most ignorant and        
superstitious classes were constantly   
rising to positions where they could set
 the tone of public opinion1 or at least
 help to determine its direction4  ,the 
military organisation of the empire had 
the further effect of giving a high     
social status to retired centurions--men
 probably recruited from the most       
barbarous provincial populations1 and   
certainly more remarkable for their huge
 size than for their mental gifts4#caf  

,when one of these heroes heard a       
philosopher state that nothing can be   
made out of nothing1 he would ask with a
 horse-laugh whether that was any reason
 for going without one's dinner4#cag ,on
 the other hand1 when it came to be a   
question of supernatural agency1 a man  
of this type would astonish the ,jews   
themselves by his credulity4 ,imbued    
with the idea of personal authority1 he 
readily fancied that anyone standing    
high in the favour of ,god could cure   
diseases from a distance by simply      
giving them the word of command to      
depart4#cah  ,a much more important     
factor in the social movement than those
 already mentioned was the              
ever-increasing influence of women4     
,this probably stood at the lowest point
 to which it has ever fallen1 during the
 classic age of ,greek life and thought4
 ,in the history of ,thucydides1 so far 
as it forms a connected series of       
events1 four times only during a period 
of nearly seventy years does a woman    

cross the scene4 ,in each instance her  
apparition only lasts for a moment4 ,in 
three of the four instances she is a    
queen or a princess1 and belongs either 
to the half-barbarous kingdoms of       
northern ,hellas or to wholly barbarous 
,thrace4 ,in the one remaining          
instance-- that of the woman who helps  
some of the trapped ,thebans to make    
their escape from ,plataea--while her   
deed of mercy will live for ever1 her   
name is for ever lost4#cai ,but no      
sooner did philosophy abandon physics   
for ethics and religion than the        
importance of those subjects to women   
was perceived1 first by ,socrates1 and  
after him by ,xenophon and ,plato4      
,women are said to have attended        
,plato's lectures disguised as men4     
,women formed part of the circle which  
gathered round ,epicurus in his suburban
 retreat4 ,others aspired not only to   
learn but to teach4 ,art1 the daughter  
of ,aristippus1 handed on the ,cyrenaic 
doctrine to her son1 the younger        

,aristippus4 ,hipparchia1 the wife of   
,crates the ,cynic1 earned a place among
 the representatives of his school4 ,but
 all these were exceptions2 some of them
 belonged to the class of ,hetaerae2 and
 philosophy1 although it might address  
itself to them1 remained unaffected by  
their influence4 ,the case was widely   
different in ,rome1 where women were far
 more highly honoured than in           
,greece2#cbj and even if the prominent  
part assigned to them in the legendary  
history of the city be a proof1 among   
others1 of its untrustworthiness1 still 
that such stories should be thought     
worth inventing and preserving is an    
indirect proof of the extent to which   
feminine influence prevailed4 ,with the 
loss of political liberty1 their        
importance1 as always happens at such a 
conjuncture1 was considerably increased4
 ,under a personal government there is  
far more scope for intrigue than where  
law is king2 and as intriguers women are
 at least the equals of men4 ,moreover1 

they profited fully by the levelling    
tendencies of the age4 ,one great       
service of the imperial jurisconsults   
was to remove some of the disabilities  
under which women formerly suffered4    
,according to the old law1 they were    
placed under male guardianship through  
their whole life1 but this restraint was
 first reduced to a legal fiction by    
compelling the guardian to do what they 
wished1 and at last it was entirely     
abolished4 ,their powers both of        
inheritance and bequest were extended2  
they frequently possessed immense       
wealth2 and their wealth was sometimes  
expended for purposes of public         
munificence4 ,their social freedom seems
 to have been unlimited1 and they formed
 combinations among themselves which    
probably served to increase their       
general influence4#cba  ,all these      
circumstances taken together would      
permit the ,roman women to have opinions
 of their own if they liked1 and would  
ensure a respectful hearing for whatever

 they had to say2 while the men who had 
opinions to propagate would1 for the    
same reason1 be deeply interested in    
securing their adhesion4 ,on the other  
hand1 they received a good literary     
education1 being sent apparently to the 
same schools as their brothers1 and     
there made acquainted with1 at least1   
the ,latin poets4#cbb ,thus they would  
possess the degree of culture necessary 
for readily receiving and transmitting  
new impressions4 ,and we know1 as a     
matter of fact1 that many ,roman ladies 
entered eagerly into the literary       
movement of the age1 sharing the studies
 of their husbands1 discoursing on      
questions of grammar1 freely expressing 
their opinion on the relative merits of 
different poets1 and even attempting    
authorship on their own account4#cbc    
,philosophy1 as it was then taught1     
attracted a considerable share of their 
attention2 and some great ladies were   
constantly attended by a ,stoic         
professor1 to whose lectures they       

listened seemingly with more patience   
than profit4#cbd ,one of their favourite
 studies was ,plato's ,republic1        
according to ,epicttus1 because it      
advocated a community of wives2#cbe or1 
as we may more charitably suggest1      
because it admitted women to an equality
 with men4 ,but there is no evidence to 
prove that their inquisitiveness ever   
went to the length of questioning the   
foundations of religious faith2 and we  
may fairly reckon their increasing      
influence among the forces which were   
tending to bring about an overwhelming  
religious revival among the educated    
classes4  ,in this connexion1 some      
importance must also be attributed to   
the more indirect influence exercised by
 children2 ,these did not form a        
particularly numerous class in the upper
 ranks of ,roman society2 but1 to judge 
by what we see in modern ,france1 the   
fewer there were of them the more       
attention were they likely to receive2  
and their interests1 which like those of

 the other defenceless classes had been 
depressed or neglected under the        
aristocratic rgime1 were favoured by the
 reforming and levelling movement of the
 empire4 ,one of ,juvenal's most popular
 satires is entirely devoted to the     
question of their education2 and1 in    
reference to this1 the point of view    
most prominently put forward is the     
importance of the examples which are    
offered to them by their parents4       
,juvenal1 himself a free-thinker1 is    
exceedingly anxious that they should not
 be indoctrinated with superstitious    
opinions2 but we may be sure that a     
different order of considerations would 
equally induce others to give their     
children a careful religious training1  
and to keep them at a distance from     
sceptical influences2 while the         
spontaneous tendency of children to     
believe in the supernatural would render
 it easier to give them moral           
instruction under a religious form4  ,to
 complete our enumeration of the forces 

by which a new public opinion was being 
created1 we must mention the slaves4    
,though still liable to be treated with 
great barbarity1 the condition of this  
class was considerably ameliorated under
 the empire4 ,their lives and1 in the   
case of women1 their chastity1 were     
protected by law2 they were allowed by  
custom to accumulate property2 they had 
always the hope of liberty before their 
eyes1 for emancipations were frequent   
and were encouraged by the new          
legislation2 they often lived on terms  
of the closest intimacy with their      
masters1 and were sometimes educated    
enough to converse with them on subjects
 of general interest4 ,now a servile    
condition is more favourable than any   
other to religious ideas4 ,it inculcates
 habits of unquestioning submission to  
authority2 and by the miseries with     
which it is attended immensely enhances 
the value of consolatory beliefs1       
whether they take the form of faith in  
divine protection during this life1 or  

of a compensation for its afflictions in
 the next4 ,moreover1 a great majority  
of the ,roman slaves came from those    
,eastern countries which were the native
 land of superstition1 and thus served  
as missionaries of ,oriental cults and  
creeds in the ,west1 besides furnishing 
apt disciples to the teachers who came  
from ,asia with the express object of   
securing converts to their religion in  
,rome4 ,the part played by slaves in the
 diffusion of ,christianity is well     
known2 what we have to observe at       
present is that their influence must    
equally have told in favour of every    
other supernaturalist belief1 and1 to   
the same extent1 against the rationalism
 of writers like ,horace and ,lucian4   
,thus ,roman civilisation1 even when    
considered on its liberal1 progressive1 
democratic side1 seems to have          
necessarily favoured the growth and     
spread of superstition1 because the new 
social strata which it turned up were   
less on their guard against unwarranted 

beliefs than the old governing          
aristocracies with their mingled        
conservatism and culture4 ,but this was 
not all2 and on viewing the empire from 
another side we shall find that under it
 all classes alike were exposed to      
conditions eminently inconsistent with  
that individual independence and        
capacity for forming a private judgment 
which had so honourably distinguished at
 least one class under the republican   
rgime4 ,if imperialism was in one sense 
a levelling and democratic system1 in   
another sense it was intensely          
aristocratic1 or rather timocratic4     
,superiorities of birth1 race1 age1 and 
sex were everywhere tending to          
disappear1 only that they might be      
replaced by the more ignoble            
superiorities of brute-force1 of        
court-favour1 and of wealth4 ,the       
,palace set an example of caprice on the
 one side and of servility on the other 
which was faithfully followed through   
all grades of ,roman society1 less from 

a spirit of imitation than because      
circumstances were at work which made   
every rich man or woman the centre of a 
petty court consisting of voluntary     
dependents whose obsequiousness was     
rewarded by daily doles of food and     
money1 by the occasional gift of a toga 
or even of a small farm1 or by the hope 
of a handsome legacy4 ,before daybreak  
the doors of a wealthy house were       
surrounded by a motley crowd1 including 
not only famished clients but praetors1 
tribunes1 opulent freedmen1 and even    
ladies in their litters2 all come       
nominally for the purpose of paying     
their respects to the master1 but in    
reality to receive a small present of   
money4 ,at a later hour1 when the great 
man went abroad1 he was attended by a   
troop of poor hangers-on1 who1 after    
trudging about for hours in his train   
and accompanying him home in the        
afternoon1 often missed the place at his
 table which their assiduities were     
intended to secure4 ,even when it came1 

the invitation brought small comfort1 as
 only the poorest food and the worst    
wine were set before the client1 while  
he had the additional vexation of seeing
 his patron feasting on the choicest    
dishes and the most delicious vintages2 
and this was also the lot of the        
domestic philosopher whom some rich men 
regarded as an indispensable member of  
their retinue4#cbf ,of course those who 
wished for a larger share of the        
patron's favours could only hope to win 
it by unstinted tokens of admiration1   
deference1 or assent2 and probably many 
besides the master of thirty legions in 
the well-known story were invariably    
allowed to be right by the scholars with
 whom they condescended to dispute4     
,besides the attentions lavished on     
every wealthy individual1 those who had 
no children were especially courted1 and
 that too by others who were as well off
 as themselves with the object of being 
remembered in their wills4 ,so          
advantageous a position1 indeed1 did    

these orbi1 as they were called1 occupy1
 that among the higher classes there was
 extreme unwillingness to marry2        
although1 as an encouragement to        
population1 the father of three children
 enjoyed several substantial privileges4
 ,this circumstance1 again1 by          
preventing the perpetuation of wealthy  
families1 and allowing their property to
 pass into the hands of degraded        
fortune-hunters1 rendered impossible the
 consolidation of a new aristocracy     
which might have reorganised the        
traditions of liberal culture1 and      
formed an effectual barrier against the 
downward pressure of despotism on the   
one side and the inroads of popular     
superstition on the other4  ,as a last  
illustration of the extent to which     
authority and subordination were pushed 
in ,roman society1 it may be mentioned  
that the better class of slaves were    
permitted to keep slaves for their own  
service4 ,but whether the institution of
 slavery as a whole should be reckoned  

among the conditions favourable to      
authoritative beliefs is doubtful1 as it
 was an element common to every period  
of antiquity4 ,perhaps1 however         
paradoxical such an assertion may seem1 
the very frequency of emancipation gave 
increased strength to the feeling of    
dependence on an overruling personal    
power4 ,a freedman could not forget that
 the most important event in his life   
was due1 not to any natural law1 but to 
the will or the caprice of a master2 and
 this reflection must have confirmed his
 faith in the divine beings of whom he  
and his master were fellow-slaves4      
,,iv4  ,we have now to show what new    
beliefs gained most ground1 and what old
 beliefs were most successfully revived1
 through the combination of favourable  
conditions1 an analysis of which has    
been attempted in the preceding pages4  
,among the host of creeds which at this 
period competed with one another for the
 favour of the rich or for the suffrages
 of the poor1 there were some that      

possessed a marked advantage over their 
rivals in the struggle for existence4   
,the worship of ,nature considered as   
imaging the vicissitudes of human life1 
could not fail to be the most popular of
 any4 ,all who desired a bond of        
sympathy uniting them with their        
fellow-subjects over the whole empire1  
and even with the tribes beyond its     
frontiers1 might meet on this most      
universal ground4 ,all who wished to    
combine excitement with devotion were   
attracted by the dramatic representation
 of birth and death1 of bereavement and 
sorrow and searching1 of purification   
through suffering1 and triumphant       
reunion with the lost objects of        
affection in this or in another world4  
,inquisitive or innovating minds were   
gratified by admission to secrets a     
knowledge of which was believed to      
possess inestimable value4 ,and the most
 conservative could see in such         
celebrations an acknowledgment1 under   
other forms1 of some divinity which had 

always been reverenced in their own     
home1 perhaps even the more authentic   
reproduction of adventures already      
related to them as dim and uncertain    
traditions of the past4 ,more than one  
such cultus1 representing under the     
traits of personal love and loss and    
recovery1 the death of vegetation in    
winter and its return to life in spring1
 was introduced from the ,east1 and     
obtained a wide popularity through the  
empire4 ,long before the close of the   
republic1 the worship of ,cybele was    
established in ,rome with the sanction  
of the ,senate4 ,other ,asiatic deities 
of a much less respectable character1   
,astarte and the so-called ,syrian      
goddess1 though not officially          
recognised1 enjoyed a celebrity         
extending to the remotest corners of the
 western world4#cbg ,still greater and  
more universal was the veneration       
bestowed on ,isis and ,serapis4 ,from   
the prince to the peasant1 from the     
philosopher to the ignorant girl1 all   

classes united in doing homage to their 
power4 ,their mysteries were celebrated 
in the mountain valleys of the ,tyrol1  
and probably created as much excitement 
among the people of that neighbourhood  
as the ,ammergau passion-play does at   
present4#cbh ,an inscription has been   
discovered describing in minute detail  
an offering made to ,isis by a ,spanish 
matron in honour of her little daughter4
 ,it was a silver statue richly         
ornamented with precious stones1        
resembling1 as our authority observes1  
what would now be presented to the      
,madonna1#cbi who indeed is probably no 
more than a ,christian adaptation of the
 ,egyptian goddess4 ,and ,plutarch1 or  
another learned and ingenious writer    
whose work has come down to us under his
 name1 devotes a long treatise to ,isis 
and ,osiris1 in which the mythical      
history of the goddess is as thickly    
covered with allegorical interpretations
 as the statue dedicated to her by the  
,spanish lady was with emeralds and     

pearls4  ,another form of naturalistic  
religion1 fitted for universal          
acceptance by its appeals to common     
experience1 was the worship of the ,sun4
 ,it was probably as such that ,mithras1
 a ,syro-,persian deity1 obtained a     
success throughout the ,roman empire    
which at one time seemed to balance the 
rising fortunes of ,christianity4       
,adoration of the heavenly bodies was1  
indeed1 very common during this period1 
and was probably connected with the     
extreme prevalence of astrological      
superstition4 ,it would also harmonise  
perfectly with the still surviving      
,olympian religion of the old ,hellenic 
aristocracy1 and would profit by the    
support which philosophy since the time 
of ,socrates had extended to this form  
of supernaturalist belief4 ,but1        
perhaps1 for that very reason the       
classes which had now become the        
ultimate arbiters of opinion1 felt less 
sympathy with ,mithras-worship and other
 kindred cults than with the ,egyptian  

mysteries4 ,these had a more            
recognisable bearing on their own daily 
life1 and1 like the ,chthonian religions
 of old ,greece1 they included a        
reference to the immortality of the     
soul4 ,moreover1 the climate of ,europe1
 especially of western ,europe1 does not
 permit the sun to become an object of  
such excessive adoration as in southern 
,asia4 ,mithras-worship1 then1 is an    
example of the expansive force exhibited
 by ,oriental ideas rather than of a    
faith which really satisfied the wants  
of the ,roman world4  ,a far higher     
place must be assigned to ,judaism among
 the competitors for the allegiance of  
,europe4 ,the cosmopolitan importance at
 one time assumed by this religion has  
been considerably obscured1 owing to the
 subsequent devolution of its part to   
,christianity4 ,it is1 however1 by no   
means impossible that1 but for the      
diversion created by the ,gospel1 and   
the disastrous consequences of their    
revolt against ,rome1 the ,jews might   

have won the world to a purified form of
 their own monotheism4 ,a few           
significant circumstances are recorded  
showing how much influence they had     
acquired1 even in ,rome1 before the     
first preaching of ,christianity4 ,the  
first of these is to be found in        
,cicero's defence of ,flaccus4 ,the     
latter was accused of appropriating part
 of the annual contributions sent to the
 temple at ,jerusalem2 and1 in dealing  
with this charge1 ,cicero speaks of the 
,jews1 who were naturally prejudiced    
against his client1 as a powerful       
faction the hostility of which he is    
anxious not to provoke4#ccj ,some twenty
 years later1 a great advance has been  
made4 ,not only must the material       
interests of the ,jews be respected1 but
 a certain conformity to their religious
 prescriptions is considered a mark of  
good breeding1 ,in one of his most      
amusing satires1 ,horace tells us how1  
being anxious to shake off a bore1 he   
appeals for help to his friend ,aristius

 ,fuscus1 and reminds him of some       
private business which they had to      
discuss together4 ,fuscus sees his      
object1 and being mischievously         
determined to defeat it1 answers3       
#8,yes1 ,i remember perfectly1 but we   
must wait for some better opportunity2  
this is the thirtieth ,sabbath1 do you  
wish to insult the circumcised ,jews8'  
#8,i have no scruples on that point1#8  
replies the impatient poet4 #8,but ,i   
have1' rejoins ,fuscus1--#8a little     
weak-minded1 one of the many1 you       
know--excuse me1 another time4#8#cca    
,nor were the ,jews content with the    
countenance thus freely accorded them4  
,the same poet elsewhere intimates that 
whenever they found themselves in a     
majority1 they took advantage of their  
superior strength to make proselytes by 
force4'#ccb ,and they pursued the good  
work to such purpose that a couple of   
generations later we find ,seneca       
bitterly complaining that the vanquished
 had given laws to the victors1 and that

 the customs of this abominable race    
were established over the whole         
earth4#ccc ,evidence to the same effect 
is given by ,philo ,judaeus and         
,josephus1 who inform us that the       
,jewish laws and customs were admired1  
imitated1 and obeyed over the whole     
earth4#ccd ,such assertions might be    
suspected of exaggeration1 were they    
not1 to a certain extent1 confirmed by  
the references already quoted1 to which 
others of the same kind may be added    
from later writers showing that it was a
 common practice among the ,romans to   
abstain from work on the ,sabbath1 and  
even to celebrate it by praying1        
fasting1 and lighting lamps1 to visit   
the synagogues1 to study the law of     
,moses1 and to pay the yearly           
contribution of two drachmas to the     
temple at ,jerusalem4#cce  ,then as now1
 ,judaism seems to have had a much      
greater attraction for women than for   
men2 and this may be accounted for not  
only by the greater credulity of the    

female sex1 which would equally         
predispose them in favour of every other
 new religion1 but also by their natural
 sympathy with the domestic virtues     
which are such an amiable and           
interesting feature in the ,jewish      
character4 ,josephus tells us that      
towards the beginning of ,nero's reign  
nearly all the women of ,damascus were  
attached to ,judaism2#ccf and he also   
mentions that ,poppaea1 the mistress and
 afterwards the wife of ,nero1 used her 
powerful influence for the protection of
 his compatriots1 though whether she    
actually became a proselyte1 as some    
have supposed1 is doubtful4#ccg         
,according to ,ovid1 the synagogues were
 much visited by ,roman women1 among    
others1 apparently1 by those of easy    
virtue1 for he alludes to them as       
resorts which the man of pleasure in    
search of a conquest will find it       
advantageous to frequent4#cch  ,the     
monotheism of the ,jehovist religion    
would seem to have marked it out as the 

natural faith of a universal empire4    
,yet1 strange to say1 it was not by this
 element of ,judaism that proselytes    
were most attracted4 ,our authorities   
are unanimous in speaking of the        
sabbath-observance as the most          
distinguishing trait of the ,jews       
themselves1 and the point in which they 
were most scrupulously imitated by their
 adherents2 while the duty of           
contributing to the maintenance of the  
temple apparently stood next in popular 
estimation4 ,but if this be true1 it    
follows that the liberation of the      
spiritualistic element in ,judaism from 
its ceremonial husk was a less essential
 condition to the success of            
,christianity than some have supposed4  
,what the world objected to in ,judaism 
was not its concrete1 historical1       
practical side1 but its exclusiveness1  
and the hatred for other nations which  
it was supposed to breed4 ,what the new 
converts wished was to take the place of
 the ,jews1 to supersede them in the    

divine favour1 not to improve on their  
law4 ,it was useless to tell them that  
they were under no obligation to observe
 the sabbath1 when the institution of a 
day of rest was precisely what most     
fascinated them in the history of ,god's
 relations with his chosen people4 ,and 
it was equally useless to tell them that
 the hour had come when the ,father     
should not be worshipped any more at    
,jerusalem but everywhere in spirit and 
in truth1 when ,jerusalem had become    
irrevocably associated in their minds   
with the establishment of a divine      
kingdom on this earth4 ,thus1 while the 
religion of the ,middle ,ages reached   
its intensest expression in armed       
pilgrimages to ,palestine1 the religion 
of modern ,puritanism has embodied      
itself by preference in the observance  
of what it still delights to call the   
sabbath4  ,it must not be supposed that 
the influx of ,asiatic religions into   
,europe was attended by any loss of     
faith in the old gods of ,greece and    

,italy1 or by any neglect of their      
worship4 ,the researches of ,friedlnder 
have proved the absolute erroneousness  
of such an idea1 widely entertained as  
it has been4 ,innumerable monuments are 
in existence testifying to the continued
 authority of the ,olympian divinities1 
and particularly of ,jupiter1 over the  
whole extent of the ,roman empire4      
,ample endowments were still devoted to 
the maintenance of their service2 their 
temples still smoked with sacrifices2   
their litanies were still repeated as a 
duty which it would have been scandalous
 to neglect2 in all hours of public and 
private danger their help was still     
implored1 and acknowledged by the       
dedication of votive offerings when the 
danger was overcome2 it was still       
believed1 as in the days of ,homer1 that
 they occasionally manifested themselves
 on earth1 signalising their presence by
 works of superhuman power4#cci ,nor was
 there anything anomalous in this       
peaceable co-existence of the old with  

the new faiths4 ,so far back as we can  
trace the records both of ,greek and    
,roman polytheism1 they are remarkable  
for their receptive and assimilative    
capacity4 ,apollo and ,artemis were     
imported into ,greece from ,lycia1      
,heracles and ,aphrodite from           
,phoenicia1 ,dionysus and ,ares probably
 from ,thrace4 ,roman religion under its
 oldest form included both a ,latin or  
,sabine and an ,etruscan element2 at a  
subsequent period it became ,hellenised 
without losing anything of its grave and
 decorous character4 ,in ,greece1 the   
elastic system of divine relationships  
was stretched a little further so as to 
make room for the new comers4 ,the same 
system1 when introduced into ,roman     
mythology1 served to connect and enliven
 what previously had been so many rigid 
and isolated abstractions4 ,with both1  
the supreme religious conception        
continued to be what it had been with   
their ,aryan ancestors1 that of a       
heavenly ,father ,jove2 and the         

fashionable deities of the empire were  
received into the pantheon of ,homer and
 ,hesiod as recovered or adopted        
children of the same ,olympian sire4    
,the danger to ,hellenistic polytheism  
was not from another form of the same   
type1 but from a faith which should     
refuse to amalgamate with it on any     
terms2 and in the environment created by
 ,roman imperialism with its unifying   
and cosmopolitan character1 such a      
faith1 if it existed anywhere1 could not
 fail in the long-run to supersede and  
extinguish its more tolerant rivals4    
,but the immediate effect produced by   
giving free play to men's religious     
instincts was not the concentration of  
their belief on a single object1 or on  
new to the exclusion of old objects1 but
 an extraordinary abundance and         
complexity of supernaturalism under all 
its forms4 ,this general tendency1      
again1 admits of being decomposed into  
two distinct currents1 according as it  
was determined by the introduction of   

alien superstitions from without1 or by 
the development of native and popular   
superstition from within4 ,but1 in each 
case1 the retrogressive movement        
resulted from the same political        
revolution4 ,at once critical and       
conservative1 the city-aristocracies    
prevented the perennial germs of        
religious life from multiplying to any  
serious extent within the limits of     
their jurisdiction1 no less vigilantly  
than they prohibited the importation of 
its completed products from abroad4 ,we 
have now to study the behaviour of these
 germs when the restraint to which they 
had formerly been subjected was         
lightened or withdrawn4   ,v4  ,the old 
religions of ,greece and ,italy were    
essentially oracular4 ,while inculcating
 the existence of supernatural beings1  
and prescribing the modes according to  
which such beings were to be worshipped1
 they paid most attention to the        
interpretation of the signs by which    
either future events in general1 or the 

consequences of particular actions1 were
 supposed to be divinely revealed4 ,of  
these intimations1 some were given to   
the whole world1 so that he who ran     
might read1 others were reserved for    
certain favoured localities1 and only   
communicated through the appointed      
ministers of the god4 ,the ,delphic     
oracle in particular enjoyed an enormous
 reputation both among ,greeks and      
barbarians for guidance afforded under  
the latter conditions2 and during a     
considerable period it may even be said 
to have directed the course of ,hellenic
 civilisation4 ,it was also under this  
form that supernatural religion suffered
 most injury from the great intellectual
 movement which followed the ,persian   
wars4 ,men who had learned to study the 
constant sequences of ,nature for       
themselves1 and to shape their conduct  
according to fixed principles of        
prudence or of justice1 either thought  
it irreverent to trouble the god about  
questions on which they were competent  

to form an opinion for themselves1 or   
did not choose to place a               
well-considered scheme at the mercy of  
his possibly interested responses4 ,that
 such a revolution occurred about the   
middle of the fifth century ,b4,c41     
seems proved by the great change of tone
 in reference to this subject which one 
perceives on passing from ,aeschylus to 
,sophocles4 ,that anyone should question
 the veracity of an oracle is a         
supposition which never crosses the mind
 of the elder dramatist4 ,a knowledge of
 augury counts among the greatest       
benefits conferred by ,prometheus on    
mankind1 and the ,titan brings ,zeus    
himself to terms by his acquaintance    
with the secrets of destiny4 ,sophocles1
 on the other hand1 evidently has to    
deal with a sceptical generation1       
despising prophecies and needing to be  
warned of the fearful consequences      
brought about by neglecting their       
injunctions4  ,probably few contributed 
so much to the change as ,socrates1     

notwithstanding his general piety and   
the credulity which he exhibited on this
 particular point4 ,for his ethical and 
dialectical training1 combined with that
 careful study of facts which he so     
earnestly recommended1 went very far    
towards making a consultation of the    
oracle superfluous2 and he did actually 
impress on his auditors the duty of     
dispensing with its assistance in all   
cases except those where a knowledge of 
the future was necessary and could not  
be otherwise obtained4#cdj ,even so     
superstitious a believer as ,xenophon   
improved on his master's lessons in this
 respect1 and instead of asking the     
,pythia whether he should take service  
with the younger ,cyrus--as ,socrates   
had advised--simply asked to what god he
 should sacrifice before starting on the
 expedition4 ,towards the beginning of  
our era1 as is well known1 the ,greek   
oracles had fallen into complete neglect
 and silence4  ,but all this time the   
popular belief in omens had continued   

unaffected1 and had apparently even     
increased4 ,the peculiar ,greek feeling 
known as ,deisidaimonia is first        
satirised by ,theophrastus1 who defines 
it as cowardice with regard to the gods1
 and gives several amusing instances of 
the anxiety occasioned by its           
presence--all connected with the        
interpretation of omens--such as        
,aristophanes could hardly have failed  
to notice had they been usual in his    
time4 ,nor were such fancies confined to
 the ignorant classes4 ,although the    
,stoics cannot be accused of            
,deisidaimonia1 they gave their powerful
 sanction to the belief in divination1  
as has been already mentioned in our    
account of their philosophy4 ,it would  
seem that whatever authority the great  
oracular centres had lost was simply    
handed over to lower and more popular   
forms of the same superstition4  ,in    
,rome1 as well as in ,greece1           
rationalism took the form of disbelief  
in divination4 ,here at least the       

,epicurean1 the ,academician1 and1 among
 the ,stoics1 the disciple of           
,panaetius1 were all agreed4 ,but as the
 sceptical movement began at a much     
later period in ,rome than in the       
country where it first originated1 so   
also did the supernaturalist reaction   
come later1 the age of ,augustus in the 
one corresponding very nearly with the  
age of ,alexander in the other4 ,virgil 
and ,livy are remarkable for their faith
 in omens2 and although the latter      
complains of the general incredulity    
with which narratives of such events    
were received1 his statements are to be 
taken rather as an index of what people 
thought in the age immediately preceding
 his own1 than as an accurate           
description of contemporary opinion4    
,certainly nothing could be farther from
 the truth than to say that signs and   
prodigies were disregarded by the       
,romans under the empire4 ,even the cool
 and cautious ,tacitus feels himself    
obliged to relate sundry marvellous     

incidents which seemed to accompany or  
to prefigure great historical           
catastrophes2 and the more credulous    
,suetonius has transcribed an immense   
number of such incidents from the pages 
of older chroniclers1 besides informing 
us of the extreme attention paid even to
 trifling omens by ,augustus4#cda       
,meanwhile the recognised methods for   
looking into futurity continued to enjoy
 their old popularity1 and that which   
relied on indications afforded by the   
entrails of sacrifices was practised    
with unabated confidence down to the    
time of ,julian4#cdb ,even faith in     
natural law1 where it existed1          
accommodated itself to the prevalent    
superstition by taking the form of      
astrology2 and it is well known what    
reliance the emperor ,tiberius1 for his 
time a singularly enlightened man1      
placed on predictions derived from      
observation of the starry heavens4      
,subsequently1 with the revival of      
,hellenism1 the ,greek oracles broke    

silence1 and regained even more than    
their ancient reputation1 as the        
increased facilities for locomotion now 
rendered them accessible from the       
remotest regions4#cdc ,sometimes the    
miraculous character of their responses 
resulted in the conversion of hardened  
infidels4 ,in this connexion1 the       
following anecdote is related by        
,plutarch4 ,a certain governor of       
,cilicia entertained serious doubts     
about the gods1 and was still further   
confirmed in his impiety by the         
,epicureans who surrounded him4 ,this   
man1 for the purpose of throwing        
discredit on the famous oracle of       
,mopsus1 sent a freedman to consult it1 
bearing a sealed letter containing a    
question with whose purport neither he  
nor any one else except the sender was  
acquainted4 ,on arriving at the oracle1 
the messenger was admitted to pass a    
night within the temple1 which was the  
method of consultation usually practised
 there4 ,in his sleep a beautiful figure

 appeared to him1 and after uttering the
 words #8a black one1' immediately      
vanished4 ,on hearing this answer the   
governor fell on his knees in           
consternation1 and1 opening the sealed  
tablet1 showed his friends the question 
which it contained1 #8,shall ,i         
sacrifice a white or a black bull to    
thee8' ,the ,epicureans were confounded2
 while the governor offered up the      
prescribed sacrifice1 and became        
thenceforward a constant adorer of      
,mopsus4#cdd  ,nothing1 as ,friedlnder  
observes1 shows so well what intense    
credulity prevailed at this time1 with  
reference to phenomena of a marvellous  
description1 as the success obtained by 
a celebrated impostor1 ,alexander of    
,abonuteichus1 whose adventurous career 
may still be studied in one of ,lucian's
 liveliest pieces4 ,here it will be     
enough to mention that ,alexander was a 
clever charlatan of imposing figure1    
winning manners1 and boundless          
effrontery1 who established himself in  

,abonuteichus1 a small town in          
,paphlagonia1 on the southern shore of  
the ,black ,sea1 where he made a trade  
of giving oracles in the name of        
,asclpius4 ,the god of healing was      
represented for the occasion by a large 
tame serpent fitted with a human head   
made of painted canvas and worked by    
horsehair strings4 ,sometimes the       
oracular responses were delivered by the
 mouth of the god himself4 ,this was    
managed with the help of a confederate  
who spoke through a tube connected with 
the false head4 ,such direct            
communications were1 however1 only      
granted as an exceptional favour and for
 a high price4 ,in most instances the   
answer was given in writing1 and the fee
 charged for it only amounted to a      
shilling of our money4 ,alexander had   
originally fixed on ,abonuteichus1 which
 was his native place and therefore well
 known to him1 as the seat of his       
operations1 on account of the           
extraordinary superstition of its       

inhabitants2 but the people of the      
adjacent provinces soon showed          
themselves to be nowise behind his      
fellow-townsmen in their credulity4 ,the
 fame of the new oracle spread over all 
,asia ,minor and ,thrace2 and visitors  
thronged to it in such numbers as       
sometimes to produce a scarcity of      
provisions4 ,the prophet's gross        
receipts rose to an average of #c1jjjl4 
a year1 and the office of interpreting  
his more ambiguous responses became so  
lucrative that the two exegtes employed 
for this purpose paid each a talent a   
year 7#bdjl47 for the privilege of      
exercising it4  ,it was from the        
,epicureans1 of whom we are told that   
there were a considerable number in     
these parts1 that the most serious      
opposition to the impostor proceeded2   
but he contrived to silence their       
criticisms by denouncing them to the    
fanatical multitude as #8atheists and   
,christians4' ,towards ,epicurus himself
 ,alexander nourished an undying hatred2

 and when the oracle was consulted with 
regard to that philosopher's fate1 it   
made answer that he was #8bound in      
leaden chains and seated in a morass4'  
,the  1 or summary of the ,epicurean    
creed1 he publicly burned and threw its 
ashes into the sea2 and one unfortunate 
town which contained a large school of  
,epicureans he punished by refusing its 
inhabitants access to the oracle4 ,on   
the other hand1 according to ,lucian1 he
 was on the best of terms with the      
disciples of ,plato1 ,chrysippus1 and   
,pythagoras4#cde  ,at last tidings of   
the oracle made their way to ,italy and 
,rome1 where they created intense       
excitement1 particularly among the      
leading men of the state4 ,one of these1
 ,rutilianus1 a man of consular dignity 
and well known for his abject           
superstition1 threw himself             
head-foremost into the fashionable      
delusion4 ,he sent off messenger after  
messenger in hot haste to the shrine of 
,asclpius2 and the wily ,paphlagonian   

easily contrived that the reports which 
they carried back should still further  
inflame the curiosity and wonder of his 
noble devotee4 ,but1 in truth1 no great 
refinement of imposture was needed to   
complete the capture of such a willing  
dupe4 ,one of his questions was1 what   
teacher should he employ to direct the  
studies of his son8 ,pythagoras and     
,homer were recommended in the oracular 
response4 ,a few days afterwards1 the   
boy died1 much to the discomfiture of   
,alexander1 whose enemies took the      
opportunity of triumphing over what     
seemed an irretrievable mistake4 ,but   
,rutilianus himself came to the rescue4 
,the oracle1 he said1 clearly           
foreshadowed his son's death1 by naming 
teachers who could only be found in the 
world below4 ,finally1 on being         
consulted with regard to the choice of a
 wife1 the oracle promptly recommended  
the daughter of ,alexander and the      
,moon2 for the prophet professed to have
 enjoyed the favours of that goddess in 

the same circumstances as ,endymion4    
,rutilianus1 who was at this time sixty 
years old1 at once complied with the    
divine injunction1 and celebrated his   
marriage by sacrificing whole hecatombs 
to his celestial mother-in-law4  ,with  
so powerful a protector1 ,alexander     
might safely bid his enemies defiance4  
,the governor of ,bithynia had to       
entreat ,lucian1 whose life had been    
threatened by the impostor1 to keep out 
of harm's way4 #8,should anything happen
 to you1' he said1 #8,i could not afford
 to offend ,rutilianus by bringing his  
father-in-law to justice4' ,even the    
best and wisest man then living yielded 
to the prevalent delusion4 ,marcus      
,aurelius1 who was at that time fighting
 with the ,marcomanni1 was induced to   
act on an oracle from ,abonuteichus1    
promising that if two lions were thrown 
into the ,danube a great victory would  
be the result4 ,the animals made their  
way safely to the opposite bank2 but    
were beaten to death with clubs by the  

barbarians1 who mistook them for some   
outlandish kind of wolf or dog2 and the 
imperial army was shortly afterwards    
defeated with a loss of #bj1jjj men4#cdf
 ,alexander helped himself out of the   
difficulty with the stale excuse that he
 had only foretold a victory1 without   
saying which side should win4 ,he was   
not more successful in determining the  
duration of his own life1 which came to 
an end before he had completed seventy  
years1 instead of lasting1 as he had    
prophesied1 for a hundred and fifty4    
,this miscalculation1 however1 seems not
 to have impaired his reputation1 for   
even after his death it was believed    
that a statue of him in the market-place
 of ,parium in ,mysia had the power of  
giving oracles4#cdg   ,,vi4  ,another   
wide-spread superstition was the belief 
in prophetic or premonitory dreams4     
,this was shared by some even among     
those who rejected supernatural         
religion1--a phenomenon not unparalleled
 at the present day4 ,thus the elder    

,pliny tells us how a soldier of the    
,praetorian ,guard in ,rome was cured of
 hydrophobia by a remedy revealed in a  
dream to his mother in ,spain1 and      
communicated by her to him4 ,the letter 
describing it was written without any   
knowledge of his mishap1 and arrived    
just in time to save his life4#cdh ,and 
,pliny was himself induced by a dream to
 undertake the history of the ,roman    
campaigns in ,germany4#cdi ,religious   
believers naturally put at least equal  
confidence in what they imagined to be  
revelations of the divine will4 ,galen1 
the great physician1 often allowed      
himself to be guided by dreams in the   
treatment of his patients1 and had every
 reason to congratulate himself on the  
result4 ,the younger ,pliny1 ,suetonius1
 ,dion ,cassius1 and the emperors       
,augustus and ,marcus ,aurelius1 were   
all influenced in a similar manner2 and 
among these ,dion1 who stands last in   
point of time1 shows by his repeated    
allusions to the subject that           

superstition1 so far from diminishing1  
was continually on the increase4#cej    
,it was natural that the best methods of
 interpreting so useful a source of     
information should be greatly sought    
after1 and that they should be          
systematised in treatises expressly     
devoted to the subject4 ,one such work1 
the ,oneirocritica of ,artemidrus1 is   
still extant4 ,it was composed towards  
the end of the second century1 as its   
author tells us1 at the direct and      
repeated command of ,apollo4 ,according 
to ,artemidrus1 the general belief in   
prophecy and in the existence of        
providence must stand or fall with the  
belief in prophetic dreams4 ,he looked  
on the compilation of his work as the   
fulfilment of a religious mission1 and  
his whole life was devoted to collecting
 the materials for it4 ,his good faith  
is1 we are told1 beyond question1 his   
industry is enormous1 and he even       
exercises considerable discrimination in
 selecting and elucidating the phenomena

 which are represented to us as         
manifestations of a supernatural        
interest in human affairs4 ,thus his    
beliefs may be taken as a fair gauge of 
the extent to which educated opinion had
 at that time become infected with      
vulgar superstition4#cea  ,dreams1 like 
oracles1 were occasionally employed for 
the conversion of infidels4 ,an incident
 of the kind is related by ,aelian1 a   
writer who flourished early in the third
 century1 and who is remarkable1 even in
 that age1 for his bigoted orthodoxy4 ,a
 certain man named ,euphronius1 he tells
 us1 whose delight was to study the     
blasphemous nonsense of ,epicurus1 fell 
very ill of consumption1 and sought in  
vain for help from the skill of the     
physicians4 ,he was already at death's  
door1 when1 as a last resource1 his     
friends placed him in the temple of     
,asclpius4 ,there he dreamed that a     
priest came to him and said1 #8,this    
man's only chance of salvation is to    
burn the impious books of ,epicurus1    

knead the ashes up with wax1 and use the
 mixture as a poultice for his chest and
 stomach4' ,on awakening1 he followed   
the divine prescription1 was restored to
 health1 and became a model of piety for
 the rest of his life4 ,the same author 
gives us a striking instance of prayer  
answered1 also redounding to the credit 
of ,asclpius1 the object of whose favour
 is1 however1 on this occasion not a    
human being but a fighting-cock4 ,the   
scene is laid at ,tanagra1 where the    
bird in question1 having had his foot   
hurt1 and evidently acting under the    
influence of divine inspiration1 joins a
 choir who are singing the praises of   
,asclpius1 contributing his share to the
 sacred concert1 and1 to the best of his
 ability1 keeping time with the other   
performers4 #8,this he did1 standing on 
one leg and stretching out the other1 as
 if to show its pitiable condition4 ,so 
he sang to his saviour as far as the    
strength of his voice would permit1 and 
prayed that he might recover the use of 

his limb4' ,the petition is granted1    
whereupon our hero claps his wings and  
struts about #8with outstretched neck   
and nodding crest like a proud warrior1 
thus proclaiming the power of providence
 over irrational animals4'#ceb  ,aelian 
mentions other remarkable examples of   
the piety displayed by brutes4          
#8,elephants worship the sun1 stretching
 out their trunks to it like hands when 
it rises while men doubt the existence  
of the gods1 or at least their care for 
us4' #8,there is an island in the ,black
 ,sea1 sacred to ,heracles1 where the   
mice touch nothing that belongs to the  
god4 ,when the grapes which are intended
 to be used for his sacrifices begin to 
ripen1 they quit the island in order to 
escape the temptation of nibbling at    
them1 coming back when the vintage is   
over4 ,hippo1 ,diagoras1 ,herostratus1  
and other enemies of the gods would1 no 
doubt1 spare these grapes just as little
 as anything else that was consecrated  
to their use4'#cec  ,it is1 perhaps1    

characteristic of the times that        
,aelian's stories should redound more   
especially to the credit of ,asclpius   
and ,heracles1 who were not gods of the 
first order1 but demi-gods or deified   
mortals4 ,their worship1 like that of   
the ,nature-powers connected with earth 
rather than with heaven1 belongs        
particularly to the popular religion1   
and seems to have been repressed or     
restrained in societies organised on    
aristocratic principles4 ,and as more   
immediate products of the forces by     
which supernaturalist beliefs are       
created and maintained1 such divinities 
would profit by the free scope now given
 to popular predilections4 ,in their    
case also1 as with the earth-goddesses  
,dmtr and ,isis1 a more immediate and   
affectionate relation might be          
established between the believer and the
 object of his worship than had been    
possible in reference to the chief      
,olympian gods4 ,heracles had lived the 
life of a man1 his activity had been    

almost uniformly beneficent1 and so he  
was universally invoked1 as a helper and
 healer1 in the sick-chamber no less    
than on the storm-tost ship4#ced        
,asclpius was still more obviously the  
natural refuge of those who were        
afflicted with any bodily disease1 and1 
in a time of profound peace1 this was of
 all calamities the most likely to turn 
men's thoughts towards a supernatural   
protector4 ,hence we find that where1   
apart from ,christianity1 the religious 
enthusiasm of the second century reaches
 its intensest expression1 which is in  
the writings of the celebrated rhetor   
,aristeides1 ,asclpius comes in for the 
largest share of devotional feeling4    
,during an illness which continued      
through thirteen years1 ,aristeides     
sought day and night for help and       
inspiration from the god4 ,it came at   
last in the usual form of a prescription
 communicated through a dream4 ,both on 
this and on other occasions1 the        
excitement of an overwrought imagination

 combined with an exorbitant vanity made
 the sophist believe himself to be      
preferred above all other men as an     
object of the divine favour4 ,at one    
time he would see himself admitted in   
his dreams to an exchange of compliments
 with ,asclpius2 at other times he would
 convert the most ordinary incidents    
into signs of supernatural protection4  
,thus his foster-sister having died on  
the day of his own recovery from a      
dangerous epidemic1 it was revealed to  
him in a dream that her life had been   
accepted as a ransom for his4 ,we are   
told that the monks of the ,middle ,ages
 could not refrain from expressing their
 indignant contempt for the insane      
credulity of ,aristeides1 in marginal   
notes on his orations2 but the          
last-mentioned incident1 at least1 is   
closely paralleled by the well-known    
story that a devout lady was once       
permitted to redeem the life of ,pius   
,,ix4 by the sacrifice of her own4#cee  
,besides this increasing reverence paid 

to the deified mortals of ancient       
mythology1 the custom of bestowing      
divine honours on illustrious men after 
or even before their death1 found new   
scope for its exercise under the empire4
 ,among the manifestations of this      
tendency1 the apotheosis of the emperors
 themselves1 of course1 ranks first4 ,we
 are accustomed to think of it as part  
of the machinery of despotism1          
surrounded by official ceremonies and   
enforced by cruel punishments2 but1 in  
fact1 it first originated in a          
spontaneous movement of popular feeling2
 and in the case of ,marcus ,aurelius at
 least1 it was maintained for a whole   
century1 if not longer1 by the mere     
force of public opinion4 ,and many      
prophecies 7which1 as usual1 came true7 
were made on the strength of revelations
 received from him in dreams4#cef ,but a
 much stronger proof of the prevalent   
tendency is furnished by the apotheosis 
of ,antinous4 ,in its origin this may be
 attributed to the caprice of a         

voluptuous despot2 but its perpetuation 
long after the motives of flattery or of
 fear had ceased to act1 shows that the 
worship of a beautiful youth1 who was   
believed to have given his life for     
another1 satisfied a deep-seated craving
 of the age4 ,it is possible that1 in   
this and other instances1 the deified   
mortal may have passed for the          
representative or incarnation of some   
god who was already believed to have led
 an earthly existence1 and might        
therefore readily revisit the scene of  
his former activity4 ,thus ,antinous    
constantly appears with the attributes  
of ,dionysus2 and ,apollonius of ,tyana1
 the celebrated ,pythagorean prophet of 
the first century1 was worshipped at    
,ephesus in the time of ,lactantius     
under the name of ,heracles ,alexicacus1
 that is1 ,heracles the defender from   
evil4#ceg   ,,vii4  ,we now pass to a   
form of supernaturalism more            
characteristic than any other of the    
direction which men's thoughts were     

taking under the ,roman empire1 and more
 or less profoundly connected with all  
the other religious manifestations which
 have hitherto engaged our attention4   
,this is the doctrine of immortality1 a 
doctrine far more generally accepted in 
the first centuries of the ,christian   
era1 but quite apart from ,christian    
influence1 than is supposed by most     
persons4 ,here our most trustworthy     
information is derived from the         
epigraphic monuments4 ,but for them1 we 
might have continued to believe that    
public opinion on this subject was      
faithfully reflected by a few sceptical 
writers1 who were1 in truth1 speaking   
only for themselves and for the         
numerically insignificant class to which
 they belonged4 ,not that the           
inscriptions all point one way and the  
books another way4 ,on the contrary1    
there are epitaphs most distinctly      
repudiating the notion of a life beyond 
the grave1 just as there are expressions
 let fall by men of learning which show 

that they accepted it as true4 ,as much 
might be expected from the divisions    
then prevailing in the speculative      
world4 ,of all philosophical systems1   
,epicureanism was1 at this time1 the    
most widely diffused3 its adherents     
rejected the belief in another world as 
a mischievous delusion2 and many of them
 seem to have carefully provided that   
their convictions should be recorded on 
their tombs4 ,the monument of one such  
philosopher1 dedicated to eternal sleep1
 is still extant2 others are dedicated  
to safe repose2 others1 again1 speak of 
the opposite belief as a vain           
imagination4 ,a favourite epitaph with  
persons of this school runs as          
follows3--#8,i was nothing and became1  
,i was and am no more1 so much is true4 
,to speak otherwise is to lie1 for ,i   
shall be no more4'#ceh ,sometimes1 from 
the depths of their unconsciousness1 the
 dead are made to express indifference  
to the loss of existence4 ,sometimes1 in
 what was popularly believed to be the  

spirit of ,epicureanism1 but was1 in    
reality1 most alien to it1 they exhort  
the passer-by to indulge his appetites  
freely1 since death is the end of all4  
,it must further be noted that disbelief
 in a future life1 as a philosophical   
principle1 was not confined to the      
,epicureans4 ,all philosophers except   
the ,platonists and ,pythagoreans were  
materialists2 and no logical thinker who
 had once applied his mind to the       
subject could accept such an absurdity  
as the everlasting duration of a complex
 corporeal substance1 whether consisting
 of gaseous or of fiery matter4 ,a      
majority of the ,stoics allowed the soul
 to continue its individual existence   
until1 in common with the whole world1  
it should be reabsorbed into the        
elemental fire2 but others looked       
forward to a more speedy extinction1    
without ceasing on that account to      
consider themselves orthodox members of 
the school4 ,of these the most          
remarkable instance is ,marcus          

,aurelius4 ,the great emperor was not   
blind to what seemed the enormous       
injustice of death1 and did not quite   
see his way to reconciling it with the  
,stoic belief in a beneficent           
providence2 but the difficulty of       
finding room for so many ghosts1 and    
perhaps also the ,heracleitean dogma of 
perpetual transformation1 led him to    
renounce whatever hope he may at one    
time have cherished of entering on a new
 existence in some better world4#cei ,a 
similar consequence was involved in the 
principles of the ,peripatetic          
philosophy2 and ,alexander of           
,aphrodisias1 the famous ,aristotelian  
commentator1 who flourished about #bjj  
,a4,d41 affirms the perishable nature of
 the soul on his own account1 and1 with 
perfect justice1 attributes the same    
belief to ,aristotle himself4#cfj       
,among the scientific and literary men  
who were not pledged to any particular  
school1 we find the elder ,pliny        
rejecting the belief in immortality1 not

 only as irrational but as the reverse  
of consolatory4 ,it robs us1 he         
declares1 of ,nature's most especial    
boon1 which is death1 and doubles the   
pangs of dissolution by the prospect of 
continued existence elsewhere4#cfa      
,quintilian leaves the question         
undecided2#cfb ,tacitus expresses       
himself doubtfully2#cfc and ,galen1     
whose great physiological knowledge     
enabled him to see how fallacious were  
,plato's arguments1 while his           
philosophical training equally separated
 him from the materialists1 also refuses
 to pronounce in favour of either       
side4#cfd ,what ,juvenal thought is     
uncertain2 but1 from his general tone1  
we may conjecture that he leant to the  
negative side4#cfe  ,against these we   
have to set the confident expressions of
 belief in a future life employed by all
 the ,platonists and ,pythagoreans1 and 
by some of the ,stoic school4 ,but their
 doctrines on the subject will be most  
advantageously explained when we come to

 deal with the religious philosophy of  
the age as a whole4 ,what we have now to
 examine is the general condition of    
popular belief as evinced by the        
character of the funereal monuments     
erected in the time of the empire4 ,our 
authorities are agreed in stating that  
the majority of these bear witness to a 
wide-spread and ever-growing faith in   
immortality1 sometimes conveyed under   
the form of inscriptions1 sometimes     
under that of figured reliefs1 sometimes
 more navely signified by articles      
placed in the tomb for use in another   
world4 #8,i am waiting for my husband1' 
is the inscription placed over his dead 
wife by one who was1 like her1 an       
enfranchised slave4 ,elsewhere a widow  
#8commends her departed husband to the  
gods of the underworld1 and prays that  
they will allow his spirit to revisit   
her in the hours of the night4'#cff     
#8,in death thou art not dead1' are the 
words deciphered on one mouldering      
stone4 #8,no1' says a father to a son   

whom he had lost in ,numidia1 #8thou    
hast not gone down to the abode of the  
,manes but risen to the stars of        
heaven4' ,at ,doxato1 near ,philippi in 
,macedonia1 #8a mother has graven on the
 tomb of her child3 8,we are crushed by 
a cruel blow1 but thou hast renewed thy 
being and art dwelling in the ,elysian  
fields40'#cfg ,this conception of the   
future world as a heavenly and happy    
abode where human souls are received    
into the society of the gods1 recurs    
with especial frequency in the ,greek   
epitaphs1 but is also met with in       
,latin-speaking countries4 ,and1        
considering how great a part the worship
 of departed spirits plays in all       
primitive religions1 just such a        
tendency might be expected to show      
itself at such a time1 if1 as we have   
contended1 the conditions of society    
under the empire were calculated to set 
free the original forces by which       
popular faith is created4 ,it seems1    
therefore1 rather arbitrary to assume1  

as ,friedlnder does1#cfh that the       
movement in question was entirely due to
 ,platonic influence1--especially       
considering that there are distinct     
traces of it to be found in             
,pindar2--although at the same time we  
may grant that it was powerfully        
fostered by ,plato's teaching1 and      
received a fresh impulse from the       
reconstitution of his philosophy in the 
third century of our era4  ,side by     
side1 however1 with these exalted       
aspirations1 the old popular belief in a
 subterranean abode of souls survived   
under its very crudest forms2 and here  
also modern explorations have brought to
 light very surprising evidence of the  
strength with which the grotesque idea  
of ,charon the ,stygian ferryman still  
kept its hold on the imagination of     
uneducated people4 ,originally peculiar 
to ,greece1 where it still exists under 
a slightly altered form1 this           
superstition penetrated into the ,west  
at a comparatively early period4 ,thus  

in the tombs of ,campania alone many    
hundred skeletons have been found with  
bronze coins in their mouths1 placed    
there to pay their passage across the   
,styx2 and explorations at ,praeneste   
show that this custom reaches back to   
the middle of the fourth century ,b4,c4 
,we also learn from ,lucian that1 in his
 time1 the old animistic beliefs were   
entertained to the extent of burning or 
burying the clothes1 ornaments1 and     
other appurtenances of deceased persons 
along with their bodies1 under the idea 
that the owners required them for use in
 the other world2 and it is to such     
deposits that our museums of classical  
antiquity owe the greater part of their 
contents4#cfi  ,when the belief in a    
future life assumes the form last       
mentioned1 it is1 as we have said1      
simply a survival of the most primitive 
animism1 not testifying to any religious
 reaction at the time when it can be    
proved to have flourished4 ,it is       
introduced in the present connexion     

merely to show what ideas were current  
among those classes to whose opinions   
,roman civilisation was gradually giving
 irresistible weight4 ,how the minds of 
the richer and more educated classes    
were affected by this underlying        
stratum1 is shown by the nature of the  
figured representations with which their
 last abodes were ornamented4 ,everyone 
has been made tolerably familiar with   
these through the sculptured sarcophagi 
preserved in our museums2 but1 from     
their symbolical character1 the         
significance of the reliefs with which  
they are decorated is not obvious at    
first sight2 and some of the mythical   
adventures thus embodied may have been  
wrought without any reference to the    
destination of the dark and narrow      
chamber which they enclosed1 or may even
 have been intended to divert the       
imagination from sad thoughts by the    
luxuriance of rushing life and joy and  
victory which they displayed2 but after 
making every possible deduction on this 

score1 there remain many others offering
 a deeper source of consolation to the  
bereaved survivor by the pictured       
promise of future reunion with those    
whom he had loved and lost4 ,one        
favourite subject is the visit of ,diana
 to the sleeping ,endymion1 by which is 
clearly foreshadowed an awakening to    
divine felicity from the sleep of death4
 ,the rape of ,proserpine1 followed by  
her restoration to the upper world1     
conveys a similar intention2 as also    
does the fate of ,adonis1 since he too  
was believed to have risen from the     
dead4 ,the marriage of ,bacchus and     
,ariadne unquestionably symbolises the  
exchange of an earthly for a heavenly   
life2 and the scenes of ,bacchic revelry
 with which the interior of some tombs  
is decorated1 were1 to the imagination  
of those who designed them1 no          
unbecoming image of the joys awaiting a 
blessed soul in its celestial abode4 ,an
 inscription of which we have already   
quoted the opening words expresses in   

terms that hope of companionship with   
the joyous band of ,dionysus at which   
the plastic representations can but     
mutely hint4 #8,now in a flowery        
meadow1' says the mourning mother of    
,doxato to her child1 #8the priestess   
marked with a sacred seal is enrolling  
thee in the troop of ,bacchus1 where the
 ,naiads that bear the sacred baskets   
claim thee as their fellow to lead the  
solemn procession by the light of       
torches4' ,at the same time1 a tenderer 
or graver note is often struck4 ,the    
stories of ,admtus and ,alcestis1 of    
,protesilaus and ,laodameia1 point to a 
renewal of conjugal love beyond the     
grave4 ,what were formerly supposed to  
be scenes representing the eternal      
farewell of husband and wife are1 in the
 opinion of modern archaeologists1      
pictures of their restoration to each   
other's arms4 ,rising higher still1     
,achilles among the daughters of        
,lycomdes probably typifies the         
liberation of an immortal spirit from   

the seductions of sense4 ,the labours of
 ,heracles recall his apotheosis1 and   
seem to show that a life of noble effort
 shall be rewarded hereafter4 ,the      
battle of the ,amazons is an allegory of
 strife with and triumph over the       
temptations of earthly delight4 ,another
 often-recurring theme1 the hunting of  
the ,calydonian boar1 may mean the      
soul's victory over death2 but this     
explanation is offered only as a        
conjecture of the present writer's4  ,a 
remarkable circumstance connected with  
the evidence afforded by the figured    
monuments is its progressive character4 
,according to ,m4 ,ravaisson1 #8,as time
 goes on1 the indications of belief in a
 future life1 instead of becoming       
fainter1 grow clearer and more distinct4
 ,more and more exalted ideas are formed
 of the soul's destiny1 and ever        
increasing honours are paid to the dead4
 ,moreover1 these ideas and practices   
are extended so as to cover a greater   
number of individuals4 ,at first it     

would seem that the only persons whose  
fate excites any interest are kings and 
heroes1 the children or the descendants 
of the gods2 in the course of time many 
others1 and at last all1 or nearly all1 
are admitted to a share in the same     
regard4 ,the ancient principle that     
happiness is reserved for those who     
resemble the gods remains unchanged2 but
 the notion of what constitutes         
resemblance to the gods1 or in other    
words perfection1 gradually becomes so  
modified1 that all men may aspire to    
reach it4'#cgj  ,we are here in presence
 of a phenomenon like that to which     
attention was invited in an early       
chapter of this work4#cga ,the belief in
 immortality1 entertained under a gloomy
 and repulsive form by the uneducated1  
is taken up by the higher classes1      
brought into contact with their more    
generous ideas1 broadened1 deepened1    
purified1 and finally made the basis of 
a new religion4 ,nevertheless1 in the   
present instance at least1 all was not  

clear gain2 and the faith which smiles  
on us from storied sarcophagus and mural
 relief1 or pleads for our sympathy in  
epitaphs more enduring than the hope    
which they enshrine1 had also its       
grotesque and hideous side1 for an      
expression of which we must turn to     
literature again4  ,once credited with a
 continued existence1 the departed      
spirit would not remain in the ,hades or
 the ,elysium provided for it by the    
justice or the piety1 of the survivor1  
but persisted in returning to this world
 and manifesting a most uncomfortable   
interest in its affairs2 or1 even if    
willing to remain at rest1 it was liable
 to be dragged back by incantations1 and
 compelled to reveal the secrets of     
futurity at the bidding of an           
unprincipled magician4 ,what science and
 good feeling combined have proved      
unable to keep down among ourselves1    
naturally raged with unmitigated        
virulence at a time when the primitive  
barbarism and superstition were only    

covered over by a crust of culture which
 at many points was growing thinner     
every day4 ,among ,latin writers1 the   
younger ,pliny1 ,suetonius1 and         
,apuleius1 among ,greek writers1        
,plutarch1 ,pausanias1 ,maximus ,tyrius1
 ,philostratus1 and ,dion ,cassius1     
afford unequivocal evidence of their    
belief and the belief of their          
contemporaries in ghostly apparitions2  
and ,lucian1 while rejecting            
ghost-stories on his own account1 speaks
 as if they were implicitly accepted    
even in philosophical circles4#cgb      
,still more abundant is the evidence    
proving the frequency of attempts made  
to evoke spirits by means of magical    
incantations4 ,horace's ,canidia boasts 
that she can raise the dead even after  
their bodies have been burned4#cgc      
,lucan describes the process of         
conjuring up a ghost at length2 and it  
is thought that he inserted the whole   
scene in his poem as a satire on the    
emperor ,nero1 who is known to have been

 addicted to such practices1 as were    
also his successors1 ,didius ,julianus1 
,caracalla1 and ,elagabalus4 ,and that  
the same art was cultivated by private  
persons is clear from the allusions made
 to it by ,quintilian1 ,apuleius1       
,tertullian1 and ,heliodrus4#cgd        
,,viii4  ,we have now to consider how   
the philosophy of the empire was        
affected by the atmosphere of           
supernaturalism which surrounded it on  
every side4 ,of the ,epicureans it need 
only be said that they were true to     
their trust1 and upheld the principles  
of their founder so long as the sect    
itself continued to exist4 ,but we may  
reckon it as a first consequence of the 
religious reaction1 that1 after         
,lucretius1 ,epicureanism failed to     
secure the adhesion of a single eminent 
man1 and that1 even as a popular        
philosophy1 it suffered by the          
competition of other systems1 among     
which ,stoicism long maintained the     
foremost place4 ,we showed in a former  

chapter how strong a religious colouring
 was given to their teaching by the     
earlier ,stoics1 especially ,cleanthes4 
,it would appear1 however1 that         
,panaetius discarded many of the        
superstitions accepted by his           
predecessors1 possibly as a concession  
to that revived ,scepticism which was so
 vigorously advocated just before his   
time2 and it was under the form imposed 
on it by this philosopher that ,stoicism
 first gained acceptance in ,roman      
society2 if indeed the rationalism of   
,panaetius was not itself partly        
determined by his intercourse with such 
liberal minds as ,laelius and the       
younger ,scipio4 ,but ,posidonius1 his  
successor1 already marks the beginning  
of a reactionary movement2 and1 in      
,virgil1 ,stoical opinions are closely  
associated with an unquestioning        
acceptance of the ancient ,roman faith4 
,the attitude of ,seneca is much more   
independent2 he is full of contempt for 
popular superstition1 and his god is not

 very distinguishable from the order of 
,nature4 ,yet his tendency towards      
clothing philosophical instruction in   
religious terms deserves notice1 as a   
symptom of the superior facility with   
which such terms lent themselves to     
didactic purposes4 ,acceptance of the   
universal order became more intelligible
 under the name of obedience to a divine
 decree2 the unity of the human race and
 the obligations resulting therefrom    
impressed themselves more deeply on the 
imaginations of those who heard that men
 are all members of one body2 the       
supremacy of reason over appetite became
 more assured when its dictates were    
interpreted as the voice of a god within
 the soul4#cge  ,the religious tendency 
of ,seneca's philosophy appears rather  
in his psychology than in his           
metaphysics1 in the stress which he lays
 on human immortality rather than in his
 discussions on creation and divine     
providence4 ,his statements on this     
subject are not1 indeed1 very           

consistent1 death being sometimes spoken
 of as the end of consciousness1 and at 
other times1 as the beginning of a new  
life1 the #8birthday of eternity1' to   
quote a phrase afterwards adopted by    
,christian preachers4 ,nor can we be    
absolutely certain that the promised    
eternity is not merely another way of   
expressing the soul's absorption into   
and identification with the fiery       
element whence it was originally        
derived4 ,this1 however1 is an ambiguity
 to be met with in other doctrines of a 
spiritual existence after death1 nor is 
it entirely absent from the language    
even of ,christian theologians4 ,what   
deserves attention is that1 whether the 
future life spoken of by ,seneca be     
taken in a literal or in a figurative   
sense1 it is equally intended to lead   
our thoughts away from the world of     
sensible experience to a more ideal     
order of things2 and1 to that extent1 it
 falls in with the more general         
religious movement of the age4 ,whether 

,zeller is1 for that reason1 justified  
in speaking of him as a ,platonising    
,stoic seems more questionable2 for the 
,stoics always agreed with ,plato in    
holding that the soul is distinct from  
and superior to the body1 and that it is
 consubstantial with the animating      
principle of ,nature4 ,the same         
circumstances which were elsewhere      
leading to a revival of ,platonism1     
equally tended to develope this side of 
,stoicism1 but it seems needless to seek
 for a closer connexion between the two 
phenomena4#cgf  ,on passing from ,seneca
 to ,epicttus1 we find that the         
religious element has received a        
considerable accession of strength1 so  
considerable1 indeed1 that the simple   
progress of time will not altogether    
account for it4 ,something is due to the
 superior devoutness of the ,eastern    
mind--,epicttus was a ,phrygian1--and   
still more to the difference in station 
between the two philosophers4 ,as a     
noble1 ,seneca belonged to the class    

which was naturally most inclined to    
adopt an independent attitude towards   
the popular beliefs2 as a slave1        
,epicttus belonged to the class which   
was naturally most amenable to their    
authority4 ,it was1 however1 no accident
 that philosophy should1 at a distance  
of only a generation1 be represented by 
two such widely contrasted individuals2 
for the whole tendency of ,roman        
civilisation was1 as we have seen1 to   
bring the ,oriental element and the     
servile element of society into         
ever-increasing prominence4 ,nothing    
proves the ascendency of religious      
considerations in the mind of ,epicttus 
more strongly than his aversion from the
 physical enquiries which were eagerly  
prosecuted by ,seneca4 ,nature interests
 him solely as a manifestation of divine
 wisdom and goodness4 ,as a consequence 
of this intensified religious feeling1  
the ,stoic theory of natural law is     
transformed1 with ,epicttus1 into an    
expression of filial submission to the  

divine will1 while the ,stoic teleology 
becomes an enumeration of the blessings 
showered by providence on man4 ,in the  
latter respect1 his standpoint          
approaches very near to that of         
,socrates1 who1 although a free-born    
,athenian citizen1 belonged1 like him1  
to the poorer classes1 and sympathised  
deeply with their feeling of dependence 
on supernatural protection1--a remark   
which also applies to the humble        
day-labourer ,cleanthes4 ,epicttus also 
shares the idea1 characteristic of the  
,platonic rather than of the            
,xenophontic ,socrates1 that the        
philosopher is entrusted with a mission 
from ,god1 without which it would be    
perilous for him to undertake the office
 of a teacher1 and which1 in the        
discharge of that office1 he should keep
 constantly before his eyes4 ,but the   
dialectical element which with ,socrates
 had furnished so strong a counterpoise 
to the authoritative and traditional    
side of his philosophy1 is almost       

entirely wanting in the discourses of   
his imitator1 and the little of it which
 he admits is valued only as a means of 
silencing the ,sceptics4 ,on the other  
hand1 the weakness and insignificance of
 human nature1 considered on the        
individual side1 are abundantly         
illustrated1 and contemptuous           
diminutives are habitually used in      
speaking of its component parts4#cgh ,it
 would seem that the attitude of        
prostration before an overwhelming      
external authority prevented ,epicttus  
from looking very favourably on the     
doctrine of individual immortality2 and 
even if he accepted that doctrine1 which
 seems in the highest degree improbable1
 it held a much less important place in 
his thoughts than in those of ,cicero   
and ,seneca4 ,it would seem1 also1 that 
the ,stoic materialism was betraying its
 fundamental incompatibility with a hope
 originally borrowed from the idealism  
of ,plato4 ,nor was this renunciation   
inconsistent with the ethical dualism   

which drew a sharp line of distinction  
between flesh and spirit in the         
constitution of man1 for the superiority
 of the spirit arose from its identity  
with the divine substance into which it 
was destined to be reabsorbed after     
death4#cgi  ,if1 in the philosophy of   
,epicttus1 physics and morality become  
entirely identified with religion1      
religion1 on the other hand1 remains    
entirely natural and moral4 ,it is an   
offering not of prayer but of praise1 a 
service less of ceremonies and          
sacrifices than of virtuous deeds1 a    
study of conscience rather than of      
prophecy1 a faith not so much in        
supernatural portents as in providential
 law4#chj ,but in arriving at ,marcus   
,aurelius1 we have overstepped the line 
which divides rational religion from    
superstition4 ,instances of the good    
emperor's astonishing credulity have    
already been given and need not be      
repeated4 ,they are enough to show that 
his lavish expenditure on public worship

 was dictated by something more than a  
regard for established customs4 ,we     
know1 indeed1 that the hecatombs with   
which his victories were celebrated gave
 occasion to profane merriment even in  
the society of that period4 ,on one     
occasion1 a petition was passed from    
hand to hand1 purporting to be addressed
 to the emperor by the white oxen1 and  
deprecating his success on the ground   
that if he won they were lost4#cha ,yet 
the same ,marcus ,aurelius1 in speaking 
of his predecessor ,antoninus1 expressly
 specifies piety without superstition as
 one of the traits in his character     
which were most deserving of            
imitation4#chb ,and1 undoubtedly1 the   
mental condition of those who were      
continually in an agony of fear lest    
they should incur the divine displeasure
 by some purely arbitrary act or        
omission1 or who supposed that the gods 
might be bribed into furthering their   
iniquitous enterprises1 was beyond all  
comparison further removed from true    

wisdom than the condition of those who  
believed themselves to be favoured by   
particular manifestations of the divine 
beneficence1 perhaps as a recompense for
 their earnest attempts to lead a just  
and holy life4 ,we may conclude1 then1  
that philosophy1 while injuriously      
affected by the supernaturalist         
movement1 still protected its disciples 
against the more virulent forms of      
superstition1 and by entering into      
combination with the popular belief1    
raised it to a higher level of feeling  
and of thought4 ,it was not1 however1 by
 ,stoicism that the final reconciliation
 of ancient religion with philosophy    
could be accomplished1 but by certain   
older forms of speculation which we now 
proceed to study4  ,in the preceding    
chapter we attempted to show that the   
tendency of ,roman thought1 when brought
 into contact with the ,greek systems1  
was to resolve them into their component
 elements1 or to throw them back on     
their historical antecedents4 ,as a     

result of this dissolving process1 the  
,stoicism of the second century split up
 into a number of more or less          
conflicting principles1 each of which   
received exclusive prominence according 
to the changeful mood of the thinker who
 resorted to philosophy for consolation 
or for help4 ,stoicism had originally   
embraced the dynamism of ,heracleitus1  
the teleology of ,socrates1 the physical
 morality of ,prodicus and his ,cynic   
successors1 the systematising dialectic 
of ,aristotle1 the psychism of ,plato   
and the ,pythagoreans1 and1 to a certain
 extent1 the superstitions of popular   
mythology4 ,with ,epicttus1 we find the 
,cynic and the ,socratic elements most  
clearly developed1 with ,marcus         
,aurelius1 the ,socratic and the        
,heracleitean1 the latter being         
especially strong in the meditations    
written shortly before his death4 ,in   
the eastern provinces of the empire1    
,cynicism was preached as an independent
 system of morality1 and obtained great 

success by its popular and propagandist 
character4 ,dion ,chrysostom1 a         
much-admired lecturer of the second     
century1 speaks with enthusiasm of its  
most famous representative ,diogenes1   
and recounts1 with evident gusto1 some  
of the most shameless actions           
attributed1 perhaps falsely1 to that    
eccentric philosopher4#chc ,and the     
popular rhetorician ,maximus ,tyrius1   
although a professed ,platonist1 places 
the ,cynic life above every other4#chd  
,but the traditions of ,cynicism were   
thoroughly opposed to the prevalent     
polytheism2 and its whole attitude was  
calculated to repel rather than to      
attract minds penetrated with the       
enthusiastic spirit of the age4 ,to all 
such the ,neo-,pythagorean doctrine came
 as a welcome revelation4  ,after its   
temporary adoption by the ,academy1     
,pythagoreanism had ceased to exist as  
an independent system1 but continued to 
lead a sort of underground life in      
connexion with the ,orphic and          

,dionysiac mysteries4 ,when or where it 
reappeared under a philosophical form   
cannot be certainly determined4 ,zeller 
fixes on the beginning of the first     
century ,b4,c4 as the most probable     
date1 and on ,alexandria as the most    
probable scene of its renewed           
speculative activity4#che ,some fifty   
years later1 we find ,pythagorean       
teachers in ,rome1 and traces of their  
influence are plainly discernible in the
 ,augustan literature4 ,under its       
earliest form1 the new system was an    
attempt to combine mathematical         
mysticism with principles borrowed from 
the ,stoic and other philosophies2 or   
perhaps it was simply a return to the   
poetical syncretism of ,empedocles4     
,although composed of fire and air1 the 
soul is declared to be immortal2 and    
lessons of holiness are accompanied by  
an elaborate code of rules for          
ceremonial purification4 ,the elder     
,sextius1 from whom ,seneca derived much
 of his ethical enthusiasm1 probably    

belonged to this school4 ,he taught a   
morality apparently identical with that 
of ,stoicism in every point except the  
inculcation of abstinence from animal   
food4#chf ,to this might be added the   
practice of nightly self-confession--an 
examination from the moral point of view
 of how one's whole day has been        
spent1--were we certain that the ,stoics
 did not originate it for               
themselves4#chg  ,the alliance between  
,neo-,pythagoreanism and ,stoicism did  
not last long4 ,their fundamental       
principles were too radically opposed to
 admit of any reconciliation1 except    
what could be effected by the absorption
 of both into a more comprehensive      
system4 ,and ,roman ,stoicism1 at least1
 was too practical1 too scientific1 too 
sane1 to assimilate what must have      
seemed a curious amalgam of mathematical
 jugglery and dreamy asceticism2 while  
the reputation of belonging to what     
passed for a secret society would be    
regarded with particular dread in the   

vicinity of the imperial court1--it was1
 in fact1 for this particular reason    
that the elder ,seneca persuaded his son
 to renounce the vegetarian diet which  
,sotion had induced him to adopt1--and  
the suspicious hostility of the public  
authorities may have had something to do
 with the speedy disappearance of       
,neo-,pythagoreanism from ,rome4#chh ,on
 the other hand1 so coarsely            
materialistic and utilitarian a doctrine
 as that of the ,porch1 must have been  
equally repulsive to the spiritualism   
which1 while it discerned a deep kinship
 permeating all forms of animal         
existence1 saw in the outward conditions
 of that existence only the prison or   
the tomb where a heaven-born exile lay  
immured in expiation of the guilt that  
had driven him from his former and      
well-nigh forgotten abode4 ,hence1 after
 ,seneca1 we find the two schools       
pursuing divergent directions1 the      
naturalism of the one becoming more and 
more contrasted with the spiritualism of

 the other4 ,it has been mentioned how  
emphatically ,marcus ,aurelius rejected 
the doctrine of a future life1 which1   
perhaps1 had been brought under his     
notice as a tenet of the                
,neo-,pythagoreans4 ,the latter1 on     
their side1 abandoned the ,stoic        
cosmology for the more congenial        
metaphysics of ,plato1 which they       
enriched with some elements from        
,aristotle's system1 but without in the 
least acknowledging their obligations to
 those two illustrious masters4 ,on the 
contrary1 they professed to derive their
 hidden wisdom from certain alleged     
writings of ,pythagoras and his earlier 
disciples1 which1 with the disregard for
 veracity not uncommon among mystics1   
they did not scruple to forge wholesale4
 ,as a consequence of their unfortunate 
activity1 literature was encumbered with
 a mass of worthless productions1 of    
which many fragments still survive1     
mixed1 perhaps1 with some genuine relics
 of old ,italiote speculation1 the      

extrication of which is1 however1 a task
 of almost insuperable difficulty4  ,it 
is only as a religious philosophy that  
,neo-,pythagoreanism can interest us    
here4 ,considered in this light1 the    
principles of its adherents may be      
summed up under two heads4 ,first1 they 
taught the separate existence of spirit 
as opposed to matter4 ,unlike the       
,stoics1 they distinguished between ,god
 and ,nature1 although they were not    
agreed as to whether their ,supreme     
,being transcended the world or was     
immanent in it4 ,this1 however1 did not 
interfere with their fundamental        
contention1 for either alternative is   
consistent with his absolute            
immateriality4 ,in like manner1 the     
human soul is absolutely independent of 
the body which it animates2 it has      
existed and will continue to exist for  
ever4 ,the whole object of ethics1 or   
rather of religion1 is to enforce and   
illustrate this independence1 to prevent
 the soul from becoming attached to its 

prison-house by indulgence in sensual   
pleasures1 to guard its habitation      
against defiling contact with the more  
offensive forms of material impurity4   
,hence their recommendation of          
abstinence from wine1 from animal food1 
and from marriage1 their provisions for 
personal cleanliness1 their use of linen
 instead of woollen garments1 under the 
idea that a vegetable is purer than an  
animal tissue4 ,the second article of   
the ,pythagorean creed is that spirit1  
being superior to matter1 has the power 
of interfering with and controlling its 
movements1 that1 being above space and  
time1 it can be made manifest without   
any regard to the conditions which they 
ordinarily impose4 ,to what an extent   
this belief was carried1 is shown by the
 stories told of ,pythagoras1 the       
supposed founder of the school1 and     
,apollonius of ,tyana1 its still greater
 representative in the first century of 
our era4 ,both were credited with an    
extraordinary power of working miracles 

and of predicting future events2 but1   
contrary to the usual custom of         
mythologers1 a larger measure of this   
power was ascribed to the one who lived 
in a more advanced stage of             
civilisation1 and the composition of    
whose biography was separated by a      
comparatively short interval from the   
events which it professes to relate4#chi
   ,,ix4  ,the most important result of 
the old ,pythagorean teaching was1 that 
it contributed a large element--somewhat
 too large1 indeed1--to ,plato's        
philosophy4 ,neo-,pythagoreanism bears  
precisely the same relation to that     
revived ,platonism which was the last   
outcome of ancient thought4 ,it will be 
remembered that the great controversy   
between ,stoicism and ,scepticism1 which
 for centuries divided the schools of   
,athens1 and was passed on by them to   
,cicero and his contemporaries1 seemed  
tending towards a reconciliation based  
on a return to the founder of the       
,academy1 when1 from whatever cause1    

,greek speculation came to a halt1 which
 continued until the last third of the  
first century after ,christ4 ,at that   
epoch1 we find a great revival of       
philosophical interest1 and this revival
 seems to have been maintained for at   
least a hundred years1 that is to say1  
through the whole of what is called the 
age of the ,antonines4 ,in the struggle 
for existence among the rival sects     
which ensued1 ,platonism started with   
all the advantages that a great         
inheritance and a great name could      
bestow4 ,at the commencement of this    
period1 we find the ,academy once more  
professing to hold the doctrines of its 
founder in their original purity and    
completeness4 ,evidently the sober      
common-sense view of ,antiochus had been
 discarded1 and ,plato's own writings   
were taken as an authoritative standard 
of truth4 ,a series of industrious      
commentators undertook the task of      
elucidating their contents4 ,nor was it 
only in the schools that their influence

 was felt4 ,the beauty of their style   
must have strongly recommended the      
,dialogues to the attention of literary 
men4 ,plutarch1 the most considerable   
,greek writer of his time1 was a        
declared ,platonist4 ,so also was the   
brilliant ,african novelist1 ,apuleius1 
who flourished under ,marcus ,aurelius4 
,celsus1 the celebrated anti-,christian 
controversialist1 and ,maximus1 the     
,tyrian rhetorician1 professed the same 
allegiance2 and the illustrious         
physiologist ,galen shows traces of     
,platonic influence4 ,platonism1 as     
first constituted1 had been an eminently
 religious philosophy1 and its natural  
tendencies were still further           
strengthened at the period of its       
revival by the great religious reaction 
which we have been studying in the      
present chapter2 while1 conversely1 in  
the struggle for supremacy among rival  
systems1 its affinities with the spirit 
of the age gave it an immense advantage 
over the sceptical and materialistic    

philosophies1 which brought it into     
still closer sympathy with the currents 
of popular opinion4 ,and its partisans  
were drawn even further in the same     
direction by the influence of           
,neo-,pythagoreanism1 representing1 as  
this did1 one among the three or four   
leading principles which ,plato had     
attempted to combine4  ,the chief       
theological doctrines held in common by 
the two schools1 were the immortality of
 the soul and the existence of daemons4 
,these were supposed to form a class of 
spiritual beings1 intermediate between  
gods and men1 and sharing to some extent
 in the nature of both4 ,according to   
,plutarch1 though very long-lived1 they 
are not immortal2 and he quotes the     
famous story about the death of ,pan in 
proof of his assertion2#cij but1 in this
 respect1 his opinion is not shared by  
,maximus ,tyrius#cia1 who expressly     
declares them to be immortal2 and1      
indeed1 one hardly sees how the contrary
 could have been maintained consistently

 with ,platonic principles2 for1 if the 
human soul never dies1 much less can    
spirits of a higher rank be doomed to   
extinction4 ,as a class1 the daemons are
 morally imperfect beings1 subject to   
human passions1 and capable of          
wrong-doing4 ,like men also1 they are   
divided into good and bad4 ,the former  
kind perform providential and           
retributive offices on behalf of the    
higher gods1 inspiring oracles1         
punishing crime1 and succouring         
distress4 ,those who permit themselves  
to be influenced by improper motives in 
the discharge of their appointed        
functions1 are degraded to the condition
 of human beings4 ,the bad and morose   
sort are propitiated by a gloomy and    
self-tormenting worship4#cib ,by means  
of the imperfect character thus ascribed
 to the daemons1 a way was found for    
reconciling the purified theology of    
,platonism with the old ,greek religion4
 ,to each of the higher deities there is
 attached1 we are told1 a daemon who    

bears his name and is frequently        
confounded with him4 ,the immoral or    
unworthy actions narrated of the old    
gods were1 in reality1 the work of their
 inferior namesakes4 ,this theory was   
adopted by the ,fathers of the ,church1 
with the difference1 however1 that they 
altogether suppressed the higher class  
of ,platonic powers1 and identified the 
daemons with the fallen angels of their 
own mythology4 ,this is the reason why a
 word which was not originally used in a
 bad sense has come to be synonymous    
with devil4  ,it was in perfect         
accordance with the spirit of ,greek    
philosophy1 and more particularly of    
,platonism1 that a connecting link      
should be interposed between earth and  
heaven1 the human and the divine1       
especially when1 as at this time1 the   
supreme creator had come to be isolated 
in solitary splendour from the rest of  
existence2 but it would be a mistake to 
suppose that the daemons were invented  
for the purpose to which they were      

applied4 ,we find them mentioned by     
,hesiod2#cic and they probably represent
 an even older phase of religious       
thought than the ,olympian gods1 being1 
in fact1 a survival of that primitive   
psychism which peopled the whole        
universe with life and animation4 ,this 
becomes still clearer when we consider  
that they are described1 both under     
their earliest and their latest ,greek  
form1 as being1 in part at least1 human 
souls raised after death to a higher    
sphere of activity4 ,among these1       
,maximus ,tyrius includes the demi-gods 
of mythology1 such as ,asclpius and     
,heracles1 who1 as we have seen1 were   
objects of particular veneration under  
the empire4#cid ,thus daemon-worship    
combined three different elements or    
aspects of the supernaturalist          
movement3--the free play given to       
popular imagination by the decay or     
destruction of the aristocratic         
organisation of society and religion1   
the increasing tendency to look for a   

perpetuation and elevation of human     
existence1 and the convergence of       
philosophical speculation with popular  
faith4  ,daemonism1 however1 does not   
fill a very great place in the creed of 
,plutarch2 and a comparison of him with 
his successors shows that the saner     
traditions of ,greek thought only       
gradually gave way to the rising flood  
of ignorance and unreason4 ,it is true  
that1 as a moralist1 the philosopher of 
,chaeronea considered religion of       
inestimable importance to human virtue  
and human happiness2 while1 as a        
historian1 he accepted stories of       
supernatural occurrences with a         
credulity recalling that of ,livy and   
falling little short of ,dion ,cassius4 
,nor did his own ,platonistic monotheism
 prevent him from extending a very      
generous intellectual toleration to the 
different forms of polytheism which he  
found everywhere prevailing4#cie ,in    
this respect1 he and probably all the   
philosophers of that and the succeeding 

age1 the ,epicureans1 the ,sceptics1 and
 some of the ,cynics alone excepted1    
offer a striking contradiction to one of
 ,gibbon's most celebrated epigrams4 ,to
 them the popular religions were not    
equally false but equally true1 and1 to 
a certain extent1 equally useful4 ,where
 ,plutarch drew the line was at what he 
called ,deisidaimonia1 the frightful    
mental malady which1 as already         
mentioned1 began to afflict ,greece soon
 after the conquests of ,alexander4 ,it 
is generally translated superstition1   
but has a much narrower meaning4 ,it    
expresses the beliefs and feelings of   
one who lives in perpetual dread of     
provoking supernatural vengeance1 not by
 wrongful behaviour towards his         
fellow-men1 nor even by intentional     
disrespect towards a higher power1 but  
by the neglect of certain ceremonial    
observances2 and who is constantly on   
the look-out for heaven-sent            
prognostications of calamities1 which1  
when they come1 will apparently be      

inflicted from sheer ill-will1 ,plutarch
 has devoted one of his most famous     
essays to the castigation of this       
weakness4 ,he deliberately prefers      
atheism to it1 showing by an elaborate  
comparison of instances that the        
former--with which1 however1 he has no  
sympathy at all--is much less injurious 
to human happiness1 and involves much   
less real impiety1 than such a constant 
attribution of meaningless malice to the
 gods4 ,one example of ,deisidaimonia   
adduced by ,plutarch is ,sabbatarianism1
 especially when carried1 as it had     
recently been by the ,jews during the   
siege of ,jerusalem1 to the point of    
entirely suspending military operations 
on the day of rest4#cif ,that the belief
 in daemons1 some of whom passed for    
being malevolent powers1 might yield a  
fruitful crop of new superstitions1 does
 not seem to have occurred to ,plutarch2
 still less that the doctrine of future 
torments of which1 following ,plato's   
example1 he was a firm upholder1 might  

prove a terror to others besides        
offenders against the moral             
law1--especially when manipulated by a  
class whose interest it was to stimulate
 the feeling in question to the utmost  
possible intensity4  ,when we pass from 
,plutarch to ,maximus ,tyrius and       
,apuleius1 the darkness grows           
perceptibly thicker1 and is no longer   
broken by the lucida tela diei with     
which the ,theban thinker had combated  
at least one class of mistaken beliefs4 
,these writers are so occupied with     
developing the positive aspects of      
supernaturalism--daemonology1           
divination1 and thaumaturgy--that they  
can find no place for a protest against 
its extravagances and perversions2 nor  
is their mysticism balanced by those    
extensive applications of philosophy to 
real life1 whether under the form of    
biography or of discourses on practical 
morality1 which enabled ,plutarch's mind
 to preserve an attitude of comparative 
sobriety and calmness4 ,hence while     

,maximus is absolutely forgotten1 and   
,apuleius remembered only as an amusing 
story-teller1 ,plutarch has been perhaps
 the most successful interpreter between
 ,greek humanity and modern thought4    
,his popularity is now rapidly          
declining1 but the influence exercised  
by his writings on characters differing 
so much from one another and from his   
own as those of ,montaigne1 ,rousseau1  
and ,wordsworth1 suffices to prove1 if  
any proof be needed1 how deep and wide  
were the sympathies which they once     
evoked4  ,what progress devotional      
feeling had made during the interval    
which separated ,apuleius from ,plutarch
 and his school1 may be illustrated by a
 comparison of the terms which they     
respectively employ in reference to the 
,egyptian ,isis4 ,the author of the     
treatise on ,isis and ,osiris identifies
 the goddess with the female or         
material1 as distinguished from the     
formative principle in ,nature2 which1  
to say the least of it1 is not giving   

her a very exalted rank in the scheme of
 creation4 ,apuleius1 on the other hand1
 addresses her1 or makes his hero       
address her1 in the following           
enthusiastic language3--   ,holy        
everlasting ,saviour of the human race6 
,bounteous nurse of  mortals6 ,tender   
mother of the afflicted6 ,not for a day 
or night nor  even for one little moment
 dost thou relax thy care for men1      
driving  away the storms of life and    
stretching forth to them the right hand 
of  deliverance1 wherewith thou dost    
unravel even the tangled threads of     
fate1 soothe the storms of fortune1 and 
restrain the hurtful courses  of the    
stars4 ,the gods above adore thee1 the  
gods below respect2 thou  dost cause the
 heavens to roll1 the sun to shine2 the 
world thou  rulest1 and treadest        
,tartarus under foot4 ,to thee the stars
 reply1  for thee the seasons come      
again2 in thee the deities rejoice1 and 
thee the elements obey4 ,at thy nod the 
breezes blow1 the clouds drop  fatness1 

the seeds germinate and seedlings       
spring4 ,but my wit is small  to        
celebrate thy praises1 my fortune poor  
to pay thee sacrifices1 the  abundance  
of my voice does not suffice to tell    
what ,i think of thy  majesty1 nor would
 a thousand tongues nor an unwearied and
 everlasting  flow of speech4 ,therefore
 what alone religion joined to poverty  
can  achieve1 ,i will provide3 an image 
of thy divine countenance and most  holy
 godhead1 guarded for perpetual         
contemplation within the recesses  of my
 heart4#cig  ,doubtless the cool        
intellect of a ,greek and the fervid    
temperament of an ,african would always 
have expressed themselves in widely     
different accents4 ,what we have to note
 is that the one was now taking the     
place of the other because the          
atmosphere had been heated up to a point
 as favourable to passion as it was     
fatal to thought4  ,after ,apuleius1    
,platonism1 outside the lecture rooms of
 ,athens1 becomes identified with       

,pythagoreanism1 and both with dogmatic 
theology4 ,in this direction1 philosophy
 was feeling its way towards a          
reconciliation with two great ,oriental 
religions1 ,hebrew monotheism and       
,medo-,persian dualism4 ,the first      
advances had come from religion4        
,aristobulus1 an ,alexandrian ,jew      
7,b4,c4 #afj71 was apparently the first 
to detect an analogy between the later  
speculations of ,plato and his own      
hereditary faith4 ,both taught that the 
world had been created by a single      
supreme ,god4 ,both were penetrated with
 the purest ethical ideas4 ,both        
associated sensuality and idolatry in   
the same vehement denunciations4 ,the   
conclusion was obvious4 ,what had been  
supernaturally revealed to the chosen   
people could not have been discovered   
elsewhere by a simple exercise of human 
reason4 ,plato must have borrowed his   
wisdom from ,moses4#cih ,at a later     
period1 the celebrated ,philo1 following
 up the clue thus furnished1 proceeded  

to evolve the whole of ,greek philosophy
 from the ,pentateuch4 ,an elaborate    
system of allegorical interpretation1   
borrowed from the ,stoics1 was the      
instrument with which he effected his   
enterprise4 ,the result was what might  
have been foreseen--a complete          
,hellenisation of ,hebrew religion4     
,circumscription1 antithesis1 and       
mediation were1 as we know1 the chief   
moments of ,greek thought4 ,philo       
rearranged his monotheistic system      
according to the scheme which they      
supplied4 ,he first determined the      
divine unity with such logical precision
 as to place ,god out of relation to the
 world4 ,then1 in the true ,greek       
spirit1 he placed at the other end of   
his metaphysical scale matter--the      
shifting1 formless1 shadowy residuum    
left behind when every ideal element has
 been thought away from the world4 ,so  
conceived1 matter became1 what it had   
been to ,plato1 the principle of all    
evil1 and therefore something with which

 ,god could not possibly be brought into
 contact4 ,accordingly1 the process of  
creation is made intelligible by the    
interposition of a connecting link in   
the shape of certain hypostasised divine
 attributes or forces1 represented as at
 the same time belonging to and distinct
 from the divine personality4 ,of these 
the most important are the goodness to  
which the world owes its origin1 and the
 power by which it is governed4 ,both   
are united in the ,logos or ,word4 ,this
 last idea--which1 by the way1 was      
derived not from ,plato but from the    
,stoics--sums up in itself the totality 
of mediatorial functions by which ,god  
and the world are put into communication
 with one another4 ,in like manner1     
,plato had interposed a universal soul  
between his ,ideas and the world of     
sensible appearances1 and had pointed to
 an arrangement of the ,ideas themselves
 by which we could ascend in thought to 
a contemplation of the absolute good4   
,there seems1 however1 to be a          

difference between the original         
,hellenic conception and the same       
conception as adapted to ,oriental ways 
of thinking4 ,with ,plato1 as with every
 other ,greek philosopher1 a mediator is
 introduced not for the purpose of      
representing the supreme ideal to us nor
 of transmitting our aspirations to it1 
but of guiding and facilitating our     
approach to it1 of helping us to a      
perfect apprehension and realisation of 
its meaning4 ,with ,philo1 on the       
contrary1 the relation of the ,logos to 
,god is much the same as that of a      
,grand ,vizier to an ,oriental ,sultan4 
,and1 from this point of view1 it is    
very significant that he should compare 
it to the high-priest who lays the      
prayers of the people before the eternal
 throne1 especially when we couple this 
with his declaration that the ,logos is 
the ,god of us imperfect beings1 the    
first ,god being reserved for the       
contemplation of those who are wise and 
perfect4#cii  ,such a system was likely 

to result1 and before long actually did 
result1 in the realisation of the ,logos
 on earth1 in the creation of an        
inspired and infallible ,church1        
mediating between ,god and man2 while it
 gave increased authority and expansive 
power to another superstition which     
already existed in ,philo's time1 and of
 which his ,logos doctrine was perhaps  
only the metaphysical sublimation1--the 
superstition that the divine ,word has  
been given to mankind under the form of 
an infallible book4 ,from another point 
of view1 we may discern a certain       
connexion between the idea that ,god    
would be defiled by any immediate       
contact with the material world1 and the
 ,sabbatarianism which was so rife among
 ,gentiles as well as among ,jews at    
that period4 ,for such a theory of the  
divine character readily associates     
itself with the notion that holiness    
excludes not only material industry but 
any interest the scope of which is      
limited to our present life4  ,that     

,philo's interpretation of ,platonism   
ultimately reacted on ,greek thought    
seems certain1 but at what date his     
influence began to tell1 and how far it 
reached1 must remain undecided4         
,plutarch speaks of ,god's purity and of
 his transcendent elevation above the   
universe in language closely resembling 
that of the ,alexandrian ,jew1 with     
whose opinions he may have been         
indirectly acquainted4#djj ,we have     
already seen how the daemons were       
employed to fill up the interval thus   
created1 and what serious concessions to
 popular superstition the belief in     
their activity involved4 ,still         
,plutarch does not go so far as to say  
that the world was not created by ,god4 
,this step was taken by ,numenius1 a    
philosopher who flourished about the    
middle of the second century1 and who   
represents the complete identification  
of ,platonism with ,pythagoreanism1     
already mentioned as characteristic of  
the period following that date4         

,numenius is acquainted with ,philo's   
speculations1 and accepts his derivation
 of ,platonism from the ,pentateuch4    
#8,what1' he asks1 #8is ,plato but a    
,moses writing in the ,attic            
dialect8'#dja ,he also accepts the      
theory that the world was created by a  
single intermediate agent1 whom1        
however1 he credits with a much more    
distinct and independent personality    
than ,philo could see his way to        
admitting4 ,and he regards the human    
soul as a fallen spirit whose life on   
earth is the consequence of its own     
sinful desires4 ,from such fancies there
 was but a single step to the more      
thorough-going dualism which looks on   
the material world as entirely evil1 and
 as the creation of a blind or          
malevolent power4 ,this step had already
 been taken by ,gnosticism4 ,the system 
so called summed up in itself1 more     
completely1 perhaps1 than any other1 all
 the convergent or conflicting ideas of 
the age4 ,greek mythology and ,greek    

philosophy1 ,zoroastrianism1 ,judaism1  
and ,christianity each contributed an   
element to the fantastic and complicated
 scheme propounded by its last great    
representative1 ,valentinus4 ,this      
teacher pitches his conception of the   
supreme ,god even higher than ,philo1   
and places him1 like ,plato's absolute  
,good1 outside the sphere of being4     
,from him--or it--as from a bottomless  
gulf proceed a vast series of emanations
 ending in the ,demiurgus or creator of 
the visible world1 whose action is      
described1 in language vividly recalling
 the speculations of certain modern     
metaphysicians1 as an enormous blunder4 
,for1 according to ,gnosticism1 the     
world is not merely infected with evil  
by participation in a material          
principle1 it is evil altogether1 and a 
special intervention of the higher      
powers is needed in order to undo the   
work of its delirious author4#djb ,here 
we have a particular side of ,plato's   
philosophy exaggerated and distorted by 

contact with ,zoroastrian dualism4 ,in  
the ,statesman there is a mythical      
description of two alternate cycles1 in 
one of which the world is governed by a 
wise providence1 while in the other     
things are abandoned to themselves1 and 
move in a direction the reverse of that 
originally imposed on them4 ,it is in   
the latter cycle that ,plato supposes us
 to be moving at present4#djc ,again1   
after having been long content to       
explain the origin of evil by the       
resistance of inert matter to the       
informing power of ideal goodness1      
,plato goes a step further in his latest
 work1 the ,laws1 and hazards the       
hypothesis of an evil soul actively     
counterworking the beneficent designs of
 ,god4#djd ,and we find the same idea   
subsequently taken up by ,plutarch1 who 
sees in it the most efficient means for 
exonerating ,god from all share in the  
responsibility for physical disorder and
 moral wrong4#dje ,but both master and  
disciple restricted the influence of    

their supposed evil soul within very    
narrow limits1 and they would have      
repudiated with horror such a notion as 
that the whole visible world is a       
product of folly or of sin4  ,gnostic   
pessimism marks the extreme point of    
aberration to which ,greek thought was  
drawn by the attraction of ,oriental    
superstition4 ,how it was rescued from  
destruction by a new systematisation of 
its ancient methods and results will be 
explained in another chapter4   ,x4  ,in
 conclusion1 a few words may profitably 
be devoted to the question whether the  
rationalistic movement of our own age is
 likely to be followed by such another  
supernaturalist reaction as that which  
made itself so powerfully felt during   
the first centuries of ,roman           
imperialism4 ,there is1 no doubt1 a     
certain superficial resemblance between 
the world of the ,caesars and the world 
in which we live4 ,everywhere we see    
aristocracies giving way to more        
centralised and equitable forms of      

government1 the authority of which is   
sometimes concentrated in the hands of a
 single absolute ruler4 ,not only are   
the interests and wishes of the poorer  
and less educated classes consulted with
 increasing anxiety1 but the welfare of 
women is engrossing the attention of    
modern legislators to an even greater   
extent than was the case with the       
imperial jurists4 ,facilities for       
travelling1 joined to the far-reaching  
combinations of modern statesmanship and
 modern strategy1 are every day bringing
 ,europe into closer contact with the   
religious life of ,asia4 ,the decay of  
traditional and organised theology is   
permitting certain forms of spontaneous 
and unorganised superstition to develope
 themselves once more1 as witness the   
wide diffusion of spiritism1 which is   
probably akin to the demonology and     
witchcraft of earlier ages1 and would1  
no doubt1 be similarly persecuted by the
 priests1--who1 as it is1 attribute     
spiritualistic manifestations to        

diabolical agency1--had they sufficient 
power for the purpose4 ,lastly1         
corresponding to the syncretism of the  
,roman empire1 we may observe a certain 
mixture and combination of religious    
principles1 ,catholic ideas being       
avowedly adopted by even the most       
latitudinarian ,protestants1 and        
,protestant influences entering into    
,catholicism1 much more imperceptibly it
 is true1 but probably to an equal      
extent4  ,the analogy between modern    
,europe and the ,roman empire is1       
however1 as we have already hinted1     
merely superficial4 ,it has been shown  
in the course of our analysis that to   
ensure the triumph of superstition in   
the old world something more was        
necessary than the destruction of       
aristocratic government4 ,every feeling 
of liberty--except the liberty to       
die--and almost every feeling of        
self-respect had to be crushed out by   
the establishment of an authoritative   
hierarchy extending from the ,emperor   

down to the meanest slaves1 before the  
voice of ,hellenic reason could be      
hushed4 ,but among ourselves it is      
rather of the opposite fault--of too    
great independence and                  
individualism--that complaints are      
heard4 ,if we occasionally see a        
hereditary monarch or a popular minister
 invested with despotic power1 this     
phenomenon is probably due to the       
circumstances of a revolutionary period1
 and will in course of time become more 
and more exceptional4 ,flatterers1      
parasites1 and will-hunters are not an  
increasing but a diminishing class4     
,modern officers1 as a body1 show none  
of that contempt for reasoning and      
amenability to superstition which       
characterised the ,roman centurions2 in 
,france1 military men are even          
distinguished for their deadly hatred of
 priests4 ,and1 what is more important  
than any other element in our           
comparison1 the reserves which modern   
civilisation is bringing to the front   

are of a widely different intellectual  
stature and equipment from their        
predecessors under ,augustus and the    
,antonines4 ,since the reorganisation of
 industry by science1 millions of       
working-men have received an education  
which prepares them to understand the   
universality of law much better than the
 literary education given to their      
social superiors1 which1 indeed1 bears a
 remarkable resemblance to the          
rhetorical and sophistical training     
enjoyed by the contemporaries of        
,maximus ,tyrius and ,apuleius4 ,if as  
much cannot be said of the middle       
classes1 they are at any rate far more  
enlightened than ,roman provincials1 and
 are likely to improve still further    
with the spread of education--another   
peculiarly modern phenomenon4 ,on this  
point we have1 indeed1 something better 
to argue from than  priori              
probabilities4 ,we see before our eyes  
the rationalistic movement advancing    
pari passu with the democratic movement1

 and1 in some countries1 overtly aided  
by it4 ,to say that this alliance has   
been provoked by an accidental and      
temporary association of monarchy and   
aristocracy with ,church establishments1
 is a superficial explanation4 ,the paid
 advocates of delusion know well where  
their interest lies4 ,they have learned 
by experience that democracy means the  
education of the people1 and that the   
education of the people means the loss  
of their own prestige4 ,and they know   
also that1 in many cases1 the people are
 already sufficiently educated to use   
political power1 once they have obtained
 it1 for the summary destruction of     
organised and endowed superstition4     
,what has been said of popular influence
 applies equally to the influence of    
women4 ,when they were either not       
educated at all or only received a      
literary education1 every improvement in
 their position was simply so much      
ground gained for superstition4 ,the    
prospect is very different now4 ,women  

are beginning to receive a training like
 that of men1 or rather a training      
superior to what all but a very few men 
have hitherto enjoyed4 ,and the result  
is that1 wherever this experiment has   
been tried1 they have flung aside       
traditional beliefs once supposed to be 
a necessity of their nature even more   
decisively and disdainfully than have   
the professors by whom they are taught4 
,once more1 there was a cause of        
intellectual degeneration at work in the
 ancient world1 which for us has almost 
ceased to exist4 ,this was the flood of 
barbarism which enveloped and corrupted1
 long before it overwhelmed1 the        
,hellenised civilisation of ,rome4 ,but 
if the danger of such an inundation is  
for ever removed1 are we equally secure 
against the contagion of that           
intellectual miasma which broods over   
the multitudinous barbarian populations 
among whom we in turn are settling as   
conquerors and colonists8 ,anyone       
choosing to maintain the negative might 

point to the example of a famous        
naturalist who1 besides contributing    
largely to the advancement of his own   
special science1 is also distinguished  
for high general culture1 but whom long 
residence in the ,east ,indies has      
fitted to be the dupe of impostures     
which it is a disgrace even for men and 
women of fashion to accept4 ,experience1
 however1 teaches us that1 so far at    
least1 there is little danger to be     
dreaded from this quarter4 ,instead of  
being prone to superstition1            
,anglo-,indian society is described as  
prevailingly sceptical or even agnostic2
 and1 in fact1 the study of theology in 
its lowest forms is apt to start a train
 of reflection not entirely conducive to
 veneration for its more modern         
developments4 ,for the rest1 ,european  
enlightenment seems likely to spread    
faster and farther among the conquered1 
than ,oriental darkness among the       
conquering race4  ,so far1 we have only 
considered belief in its relation to the

 re-distribution of political1 social1  
and national forces4 ,but behind all    
such forces there is a deeper and more  
perennial cause of intellectual         
revolution at work4 ,there is now in the
 world an organised and ever-growing    
mass of scientific truths1 at least a   
thousand times greater and a thousand   
times more diffused than the amount of  
positive knowledge possessed by mankind 
in the age of the ,antonines4 ,what     
those truths can do in the future may be
 inferred from what they have already   
done in the past4 ,even the elementary  
science of ,alexandria1 though it could 
not cope with the supernaturalist       
reaction of the empire1 proved strong   
enough1 some centuries later1 to check  
the flood of ,mahometan fanaticism1 and 
for a time to lead captivity captive in 
the very strongholds of militant        
theological belief4 ,when1 long         
afterwards1 ,jesuitism and ,puritanism  
between them threatened to reconquer all
 that the humanism of the ,renaissance  

had won from superstition1 when all     
,europe from end to end was red with the
 blood or blackened with the death-fires
 of heretics and witches1 science1 which
 had meanwhile been silently laying the 
foundations of a new kingdom1 had but to
 appear before the eyes of men1 and they
 left the powers of darkness to follow  
where she led4 ,when the follies and    
excesses of the ,revolution provoked    
another intellectual reaction1 her      
authority reduced it to a mere mimicry  
and shadow of the terrible revenges by  
which analogous epochs in the past      
history of opinion had been signalised4 
,and this was at a time when the        
materials of reaction existed in        
abundance1 because the rationalistic    
movement of the eighteenth century had  
left the middle and lower classes       
untouched4 ,at the present moment1      
,catholicism has no allies but a        
dispirited1 half-sceptical aristocracy2 
and any appeal to other quarters would  
show that her former reserves have      

irrevocably passed over to the foe4     
,what is more1 she has unconsciously    
been playing the game of rationalism for
 fifteen centuries4 ,by waging a        
merciless warfare on every other form of
 superstition1 she has done her best to 
dry up the sources of religious belief4 
,those whom she calls heathens and      
pagans lived in an atmosphere of        
supernaturalism which rendered them far 
less apt pupils of philosophy than her  
own children are to-day4 ,it was harder 
to renounce what she took away than it  
will be to renounce what she has left1  
when the truths of science are seen by  
all1 as they are now seen by a few1 to  
involve the admission that there is no  
object for our devotion but the welfare 
of sentient beings like ourselves2 that 
there are no changes in ,nature for     
which natural forces will not account2  
and that the unity of all existence has1
 for us1 no individualisation beyond the
 finite and perishable consciousness of 
man4     ,,chapter ,v4  ,,the           

,,spiritualism ,,of ,,plotinus4   ,i4   
,among the most interesting of          
,plutarch's religious writings is one   
entitled ,on the ,delays in the ,divine 
,vengeance4 ,as might be expected from  
the name1 it deals with a problem       
closely akin to that which ages before  
had been made the subject of such       
sublime imagery and such inconclusive   
reasoning by the author of the ,book of 
,job4 ,what troubled the ,hebrew poet   
was the apparently undeserved suffering 
of the just4 ,what the ,greek moralist  
feels himself called on to explain is   
the apparent prosperity and impunity of 
the wicked4 ,he will not for a moment   
admit that crime remains unavengeful2   
his object is to show why the           
retribution does not follow directly on 
the deed4 ,and1 in order to account for 
this1 he adduces a number of very       
ingenious reasons4 ,by acting           
deliberately rather than in blind anger1
 the gods wish to read us a useful      
lesson in patience and forbearance4     

,sometimes their object is to give the  
sinner an opportunity for repentance and
 amendment2 or else they may be holding 
him in reserve for the performance of   
some beneficial work4 ,at other times1  
their justice is delayed only that it   
may be manifested by some signal and    
striking form of retribution4 ,in many  
cases1 the final stroke has been        
preceded by long years of secret        
torment2 and even where no suffering    
seems to be inflicted1 the pangs of     
remorse may furnish a sufficient        
expiation4 ,or again1 vengeance may be  
reserved for a future generation4 ,some 
persons hold that to visit the sins of  
the fathers on the children is unjust1  
but in this they are profoundly         
mistaken4 ,members of the same family   
and citizens of the same state are      
connected as parts of one organic whole2
 sharing in the benefits which accrue   
from the good deeds of their            
predecessors1 it is right that they     
should also share in the responsibility 

for their crimes4 ,moreover1 the        
posterity of the wicked inherit a sinful
 disposition which1 as the gods can     
clearly foresee1 would betray itself in 
overt acts were they not cut off in     
their youth4 ,and it is equally an error
 to suppose that the original wrongdoers
 remain unaffected by the retribution   
which befalls their descendants4 ,on the
 contrary1 they witness it from the next
 world1 where it adds poignancy to their
 remorse1 and entails on them fresh     
penalties over and above those which    
they have already been doomed to suffer4
  ,thus with ,plutarch1 as with his     
master ,plato1 a future world is the    
grand court of appeal from the anomalies
 and inequalities of this world2 and1   
following the example of the ,gorgias   
and the ,republic1 he reserves to the   
last a terrible picture of the torments 
held in store for those who have not    
expiated their transgressions on earth1 
describing them as they are supposed to 
have been witnessed by a human soul     

temporarily separated from the body for 
the purpose of viewing and reporting on 
this final manifestation of divine      
justice4 ,it would appear1 however1 from
 the narrative in question that future  
punishments are not eternal4 ,after a   
more or less protracted period of       
expiation1 the immortal soul is restored
 to the upper world1 under whatever     
embodiment seems most appropriate to its
 former career4 ,among those whose turn 
has arrived for entering on a new       
existence at the moment when ,plutarch's
 visitor makes his descent to hell1 is  
the soul of ,nero4 ,the wicked ,emperor 
has just been condemned to assume the   
form of a viper1 when a great light     
shines forth1 and from the midst of the 
light a voice is heard crying3 #8,let   
him reappear under the guise of a       
song-bird haunting the neighbourhood of 
marshes and meres2 for he has already   
paid the penalty of his guilt1 and the  
gods owe him some kindness for having   
liberated ,greece1 the best and most    

beloved by them of all the nations that 
he ruled4'  ,it would seem from this    
singular and touching expression of     
gratitude that the deathless idealism of
 ,hellas found in ,nero's gift of a     
nominal liberty ample compensation for  
the very real and precious works of art 
of which she was despoiled on the       
occasion of his visit to her shores4 ,at
 first sight1 that visit looks like     
nothing better than a display of        
triumphant buffoonery on the one side   
and of servile adulation on the other4  
,but1 in reality1 it was a turning-point
 in the history of civilisation1 the    
awakening to new glories of a race in   
whom life had become1 to all outward    
appearance1 extinct4 ,for more than a   
whole century the seat of intellectual  
supremacy had been established in ,rome2
 and during the same period ,rome       
herself had turned to the ,west rather  
than to the ,east for renovation and    
support4 ,caesar's conquests were like  
the revelation of a new world2 and three

 times over1 when the two halves of the 
divided empire came into collision1 the 
champion who commanded the resources of 
that world had won4 ,henceforth it was  
to her western provinces and to her     
western frontiers that ,rome looked for 
danger1 for aggrandisement1 or for      
renown4 ,in ,horace's time1 men asked   
each other what the warlike ,cantabrians
 were planning2 and the personal        
presence of ,augustus himself was needed
 before those unruly ,iberians could be 
subdued4 ,his adopted sons earned their 
first laurels at the expense of ,alpine 
mountaineers4 ,his later years are      
filled with ,german campaigns2 and the  
great disaster of ,varus must have      
riveted attention more closely than any 
victory to what was passing between the 
,rhine and the ,elbe4 ,under ,claudius1 
the conquest of ,britain opened a new   
source of interest in the ,west1 and1   
like ,germany before1 supplied a new    
title of triumph to the imperial family4
 ,half the literary talent in ,rome1 the

 two ,senecas1 ,lucan1 and at a later   
period ,martial and ,quintilian1 came   
from ,spain1 as also did ,trajan1 whose 
youth fall in this period4  ,with       
,nero's visit to ,greece in #ff the     
reaction begins4 ,when1 a few years     
later1 the empire was disputed between a
 general from ,gaul and a general from  
,syria1 it was the candidate of the     
,eastern legions who prevailed2 the     
revolt of ,judaea drew attention to     
,eastern affairs2 and the great         
campaigns of ,trajan must have          
definitely turned the tide of public    
interest in that direction1             
notwithstanding the far-sighted protest 
of ,tacitus4 ,on more peaceful ground1  
,hadrian's ,asiatic tours and his       
protracted residence in ,athens         
completed the work inaugurated by ,nero4
 ,in his reign1 the intellectual centre 
of gravity is definitely transferred to 
,greece2 and ,roman literature1 after   
its last blaze of splendour under       
,trajan1 becomes extinct1 or survives   

only in forms borrowed from the         
sophistical rhetoric of the ,east4      
,plutarch1 who was twenty-one when ,nero
 declared his country free1 was the     
first leader in the great ,hellenist    
revival1 without1 at the same time1     
entirely belonging to it4 ,he cared more
 for the matter than for the form of    
antiquity1 for the great deeds and      
greater thoughts of the past than for   
the words in which they were related and
 explained4 ,hence1 by the awkwardness  
and heaviness of his style1 he is more  
akin to the writers of the ,alexandrian 
period than to his immediate successors4
 ,on the one side1 he opens the era of  
classical idealism2 on the other1 he    
closes that of encyclopaedic erudition4 
,the next generation bore much the same 
relation to ,plutarch that the first    
,sophists bore to ,hecataeus and        
,herodotus4 ,addressing themselves to   
popular audiences1 they were obliged to 
study perspicuity and elegance of       
expression1 at the risk1 it is true1 of 

verbosity and platitude4 ,such men were 
,dion ,chrysostom1 ,herdes ,atticus1    
,maximus ,tyrius1 and ,aristeides4 ,but 
the old models were imitated with more  
success by writers who lived more       
entirely in the past4 ,arrian reproduced
 the graceful simplicity of ,xenophon in
 his narrative of the campaigns of      
,alexander and his reports of the       
lectures of ,epicttus4 ,lucian composed 
dialogues ranking with the greatest     
masterpieces of lighter ,attic          
literature4 ,the felicity of his style  
and his complete emancipation from      
superstition may probably be traced to  
the same source--a diligent study of the
 ancient classics4 ,it is certain that  
neither as a writer nor as a critic does
 he represent the average educated taste
 of his own times4 ,so far from giving  
polytheism its deathblow1 as he was     
formerly imagined to have done1 he only 
protested unavailingly against its      
restoration4  ,not only oratory and     
literature1 but philosophy and science  

were cultivated with renewed vigour4    
,the line between philosophy and        
sophisticism was not1 indeed1 very      
distinctly drawn4 ,epicttus severely    
censures the moral teachers of his time 
for ornamenting their lectures with     
claptrap rhetoric about the battle of   
,thermopylae or flowery descriptions of 
,pan and the ,nymphs4#djf ,and the      
professed declaimers similarly drew on a
 store of philosophical commonplaces4   
,this sort of popular treatment led to  
the cultivation of ethics and theology  
in preference to logic and metaphysics1 
and to an eclectic blending of the chief
 systems with one another4 ,a severer   
method was inculcated in the schools of 
,athens1 especially after the endowment 
of their professors by ,marcus          
,aurelius2 but1 in practice1 this came  
to mean what it means in modern         
universities1 the substitution of       
philology for independent enquiry4 ,the 
question was not so much what is true as
 what did ,plato or ,aristotle really   

think4 ,alexandrian science showed      
something of the same learned and       
traditional character in the works of   
,ptolemy2 but the great name of ,galen  
marks a real progress in physiology1 as 
well as a return to the principles of   
,hippocrates4  ,thus1 so far as was     
possible in such altered circumstances1 
did the ,renaissance of the second      
century reproduce the intellectual      
environment from which ,plato's         
philosophy had sprung4 ,in literature1  
there was the same attention to words   
rather than to things2 sometimes taking 
the form of exact scholarship1 after the
 manner of ,prodicus2 sometimes of loose
 and superficial declamation1 after the 
manner of ,gorgias4 ,there was the      
naturalism of ,hippias1 elaborated into 
a system by the ,stoics1 and practised  
as a life by the new ,cynics4 ,there was
 the hedonism of ,aristippus1 inculcated
 under a diluted form by the            
,epicureans4 ,there was the old ,ionian 
materialism1 professed by ,stoics and   

,epicureans alike4 ,there was the       
scepticism of ,protagoras1 revived by   
,aenesidmus and his followers4 ,there   
was the mathematical mysticism of the   
,pythagoreans1 flourishing in ,egypt    
instead of in southern ,italy4 ,there   
was the purer geometry of the           
,alexandrian ,museum1 corresponding to  
the school of ,cyrn4 ,on all sides1     
there was a mass of vague moral         
preaching1 without any attempt to       
exhibit the moral truths which we       
empirically know as part of a           
comprehensive metaphysical philosophy4  
,and1 lastly1 there was an immense      
undefined religious movement1 ranging   
from theologies which taught the        
spirituality of ,god and of the human   
soul1 down to the most irrational and   
abject superstition4 ,we saw in the last
 chapter how1 corresponding to this     
environment1 there was a revived        
,platonism1 that ,platonism was in fact 
the fashionable philosophy of that age1 
just as it afterwards became the        

fashionable philosophy of another       
,renaissance thirteen centuries later4  
,but it was a ,platonism with the       
backbone of the system taken out4       
,plato's thoughts all centred in a      
carefully considered scheme for the     
moral and political regeneration of     
society4 ,now1 with the destruction of  
,greek independence1 and the absorption 
everywhere of free city-states into a   
vast military empire1 it might seem as  
if the realisation of such a scheme had 
become altogether impracticable4 ,the   
,republic was1 indeed1 at that moment   
realising itself under a form adapted to
 the altered exigencies of the time2 but
 no ,platonist could as yet recognise in
 the ,christian ,church even an         
approximate fulfilment of his master's  
dream4 ,failing any practical issue1    
there remained the speculative side of  
,plato's teaching4 ,his writings did not
 embody a complete system1 but they     
offered the materials whence a system   
could be framed4 ,here the choice lay   

between two possible lines of           
construction2 and each had1 in fact1    
been already attempted by his own       
immediate disciples4 ,one was the       
,pythagorean method of the ,old         
,academy1 what ,aristotle contemptuously
 called the conversion of philosophy    
into mathematics4 ,we saw in the last   
chapter how the revived ,platonism of   
the first and second centuries entered  
once more on the same perilous path1 a  
path which led farther and farther away 
from the true principles of ,greek      
thought1 and of ,plato himself when his 
intellect stood at its highest point of 
splendour4 ,neo-,pythagorean mysticism  
meant an unreconciled dualism of spirit 
and matter2 and as the ultimate         
consequence of that dualism1 it meant   
the substitution of magical incantations
 and ceremonial observances for the     
study of reason and virtue4 ,moreover1  
it readily allied itself with ,oriental 
beliefs1 which meant a negation of      
natural law that the ,greeks could      

hardly tolerate1 and1 under the form of 
,gnostic pessimism1 a belief in the     
inherent depravity of ,nature that they 
could not tolerate at all4  ,the other  
alternative was to combine the          
dialectical idealism of ,plato with the 
cosmology of early ,greek thought1      
interpreting the two worlds of spirit   
and ,nature as gradations of a single   
series and manifestations of a single   
principle4 ,this was what ,aristotle had
 attempted to do1 but had not done so   
thoroughly as to satisfy the moral wants
 of his own age1 or the religious wants 
of the age when a revived ,platonism was
 seeking to organise itself into a      
system which should be the              
reconciliation of reason and faith4 ,yet
 the better sort of ,platonists felt    
that this work could not be accomplished
 without the assistance of ,aristotle1  
whose essential agreement with their    
master1 as against ,stoicism1 they fully
 recognised4 ,their mistake was to      
assume that this agreement extended to  

every point of his teaching4 ,taken in  
this sense1 their attempted harmonies   
were speedily demolished by scholars    
whose professional familiarity with the 
original sources showed them how        
strongly ,aristotle himself had insisted
 on the differences which separated him 
from the ,academy and its founder4#djg  
,to identify the two great spiritualist 
philosophers being impossible1 it       
remained to show how they could be      
combined4 ,the solution of such a       
problem demanded more genius than was   
likely to be developed in the schools of
 ,athens4 ,an intenser intellectual life
 prevailed in ,alexandria1 where the    
materials of erudition were more        
abundantly supplied1 and where contact  
with the ,oriental religions gave       
,hellenism a fuller consciousness of its
 distinction from and superiority to    
every other form of speculative         
activity4 ,and here1 accordingly1 the   
fundamental idea of ,neo-,platonism was 
conceived4   ,,ii4  ,plotinus is not    

only the greatest and most celebrated of
 the ,neo-,platonists1 he is also the   
first respecting whose opinions we have 
any authentic information1 and therefore
 the one who for all practical purposes 
must be regarded as the founder of the  
school4 ,what we know about his life is 
derived from a biography written by his 
disciple ,porphyry4 ,this is a rather   
foolish performance2 but it possesses   
considerable interest1 both on account  
of the information which it was intended
 to supply1 and also as affording       
indirect evidence of the height to which
 superstition had risen during the third
 century of our era4 ,plotinus gave his 
friends to understand that he was born  
in ,egypt about #bje ,a4,d42 but so     
reluctant was he to mention any         
circumstance connected with his physical
 existence1 that his race and parentage 
always remained a mystery4 ,he showed   
somewhat more communicativeness in      
speaking of his mental history1 and used
 to relate in after-life that at the age

 of twenty-eight he had felt strongly   
attracted to the study of philosophy1   
but remained utterly dissatisfied with  
what the most famous teachers of        
,alexandria had to tell him on the      
subject4 ,at last he found in ,ammonius 
,saccas the ideal sage for whom he had  
been seeking1 and continued to attend   
his lectures for eleven years4 ,at the  
end of that period1 he joined an eastern
 expedition under the ,emperor ,gordian1
 for the purpose of making himself      
acquainted with the wisdom of the       
,persians and ,indians1 concerning which
 his curiosity seems to have been       
excited by ,ammonius4 ,but his hopes of 
further enlightenment in that quarter   
were not fulfilled4 ,the campaign       
terminated disastrously2 the emperor    
himself fell at the head of his troops  
in ,mesopotamia1 and ,plotinus had great
 difficulty in escaping with his life to
 ,antioch4 ,soon afterwards he settled  
in ,rome1 and remained there until near 
the end of his life1 when ill-health    

obliged him to retire to a country seat 
in ,campania1 the property of a deceased
 friend1 ,zthus4 ,here the philosopher  
died1 in the sixty-sixth year of his    
age4  ,plotinus seems to have begun his 
career as a public teacher soon after   
taking up his residence in ,rome4 ,his  
lectures at first assumed the form of   
conversations with his private friends4 
,apparently by way of reviving the      
traditions of ,socrates and ,plato1 he  
encouraged them to take an active part  
in the discussion3 but either he did not
 possess the authority of his great     
exemplars1 or the rules of ,greek       
dialogue were not very strictly observed
 in ,rome2 for we learn from the report 
of an eye-witness that interruptions    
were far too frequent1 and that a vast  
amount of nonsense was talked4#djh      
,afterwards a more regular system of    
lecturing was established1 and papers   
were read aloud by those who had any    
observations to offer1 as in our own    
philosophical societies4  ,the new      

teacher gathered round him a            
distinguished society1 comprising not   
only professional philosophers1 but also
 physicians1 rhetors1 senators1 and     
statesmen4 ,among the last-mentioned    
class1 ,rogatianus1 who filled the      
office of praetor1 showed the sincerity 
of his conversion by renouncing the     
dignities of his position1 surrendering 
his worldly possessions1 limiting       
himself to the barest necessaries of    
life1 and allowing himself to be        
dependent even for these on the         
hospitality of his friends4 ,thanks to  
this asceticism1 he recovered the use of
 his hands and feet1 which had before   
been completely crippled with gout4#dji 
,the fascination exercised by ,plotinus 
was not only intellectual1 but personal4
 ,singularly affable1 obliging1 and     
patient1 he was always ready to answer  
the questions of his friends1 even      
laying aside his work in order to       
discuss the difficulties which they     
brought to him for solution4 ,his       

lectures were given in ,greek2 and      
although this always remained to him a  
foreign language1 the pronunciation and 
grammar of which he never completely    
mastered1 his expressions frequently won
 admiration by their felicity and force2
 and the effect of his eloquence was    
still further heightened by the glowing 
enthusiasm which irradiated his whole   
countenance1 naturally a very pleasing  
one1 during the delivery of the more    
impressive passages4#daj  ,as might be  
expected1 the circle of admirers which  
surrounded ,plotinus included several   
women1 beginning with his hostess       
,gemina and her daughter4 ,he also stood
 high in the favour of the ,emperor     
,galienus and his consort ,salonina2 so 
much so1 indeed1 that they were nearly  
persuaded to let him try the experiment 
of restoring a ruined city in ,campania1
 and governing it according to ,plato's 
laws4#daa ,porphyry attributes the      
failure of this project to the envy of  
the courtiers2 ,hegel1 with probably    

quite as much reason1 to the sound      
judgment of the imperial ministers4#dab 
,our philosopher had1 however1 abundant 
opportunity for showing on a more modest
 scale that he was not destitute of     
practical ability4 ,so high did his     
character stand1 that many persons of   
distinction1 when they felt their end   
approaching1 brought their children to  
him to be taken care of1 and entrusted  
their property to his keeping4 ,as a    
result of the confidence thus reposed in
 him1 his house was always filled with  
young people of both sexes1 to whose    
education and material interests he paid
 the most scrupulous attention1         
observing that as long as his wards did 
not make a profession of philosophy1    
their estates and incomes ought to be   
preserved unimpaired4 ,it is also       
mentioned that1 although frequently     
chosen to arbitrate in disputes1 he     
never made a single enemy among the     
,roman citizens--a piece of good fortune
 which is more than one could safely    

promise to anyone similarly             
circumstanced in an ,italian city at the
 present day4#dac  ,plotinus possessed a
 remarkable power of reading the        
characters and even the thoughts of     
those about him4 ,it is said1 probably  
with some exaggeration1 that he         
predicted the future fate of all the    
boys placed under his care4 ,thus he    
foretold that a certain ,polemo1 in whom
 he took particular interest1 would     
devote himself to love and die young2   
which proved only too true1 and may well
 have been anticipated by a good        
observer without the exercise of any    
supernatural prescience4 ,as another    
instance of his penetration1 we are told
 that a valuable necklace having been   
stolen from a widow named ,chione1 who  
lived in his house with her family1 the 
slaves were all led into the presence of
 ,plotinus that he might single out the 
thief4 ,after a careful scrutiny1 the   
philosopher put his finger on the guilty
 individual4 ,the man at first protested

 his innocence1 but was soon induced by 
an application of the whip to confess1  
and1 what was a much more valuable      
verification of his accuser's insight1  
to restore the missing article4         
,porphyry himself could testify from    
personal experience to his friend's     
remarkable power of penetration4 ,being 
once about to commit suicide1 ,plotinus 
divined his intention1 and told him that
 it proceeded1 not from a rational      
resolution1 but from a fit of the blues1
 as a remedy for which he prescribed    
change of scene1 and this did in fact   
have the desired effect4#dad  ,previous 
to his forty-ninth year1 ,plotinus wrote
 nothing4 ,at that age he began to      
compose short essays on subjects which  
suggested themselves in the course of   
his oral teaching4 ,during the next ten 
years1 he produced twenty-one such      
papers1 some of them only a page or two 
in length4 ,at the end of that period1  
he made the acquaintance of his future  
editor and biographer1 ,porphyry1 a     

young student of ,semitic extraction1   
whose original name was ,malchus4 ,the  
two soon became fast friends2 and       
whatever speculative differences at     
first divided them were quickly removed 
by an amicable controversy between      
,porphyry and another disciple named    
,amelius1 which resulted in the         
unreserved adhesion of the former to the
 doctrine of their common master4#dae   
,the literary activity of ,plotinus     
seems to have been powerfully stimulated
 by association with the more methodical
 mind of ,porphyry4 ,during the five    
years#daf of their personal intercourse 
he produced nineteen essays1 amounting  
altogether to three times the bulk of   
the former series4 ,eight shorter pieces
 followed during the period of failing  
health which preceded his death1        
,porphyry being at that time absent in  
,sicily1 whither he had retired when    
suffering from the fit of depression    
already mentioned4  ,porphyry observes  
that the first series of essays show the

 immaturity of youth--a period which he 
extends to what is generally considered 
the sufficiently ripe age of            
fifty-nine2--the second series the      
full-grown power of manhood2 and the    
last the weakness of declining years4   
,the truth is that his method of        
criticism1 at least in this instance1   
was to judge of compositions as if their
 merit depended on their length1 and    
perhaps also with reference to the      
circumstance whether their subject had  
or had not been previously talked over  
with himself4 ,in point of fact1 the    
earlier pieces include some of the very 
best things that ,plotinus ever wrote2  
and1 taking them in the order of their  
composition1 they form a connected      
exposition of ,neo-,platonic principles1
 to which nothing of importance was ever
 added4 ,this we shall attempt to show  
in the most effectual manner possible by
 basing our own account of              
,neo-,platonism on an analysis of their 
contents2 and we strongly recommend them

 to the attention of all ,greek scholars
 who wish to make themselves acquainted 
with ,plotinus at first hand1 but have  
not leisure to wade through the whole of
 his works4 ,it may also be mentioned   
that the last series of essays are      
distinguished by the popular character  
of their subjects rather than by any    
evidence of failing powers1 one of them1
 that on ,providence1#dag being         
remarkable for the vigour and eloquence 
of its style4  ,by cutting up some of   
the longer essays into parts1 ,porphyry 
succeeded1 much to his delight1 in      
bringing the whole number up to         
fifty-four1 which is a product of the   
two perfect numbers six and nine4 ,he   
then divided them into six volumes1 each
 containing nine books--the famous      
,enneads of ,plotinus4 ,his principle of
 arrangement was to bring together the  
books in which similar subjects were    
discussed1 placing the easier           
disquisitions first4 ,this disposition  
has been adhered to by subsequent       

editors1 with the single exception of   
,kirchhoff1 who has printed the works of
 ,plotinus according to the order in    
which they were written4#dah ,porphyry's
 scrupulous information has saved modern
 scholars an incalculable amount of     
trouble1 but has not1 apparently1 earned
 all the gratitude it deserved1 to judge
 by ,zeller's intimation that the       
chronological order of the separate     
pieces cannot even now be precisely     
determined4#dai ,unfortunately1 what    
could have been of priceless value in   
the case of ,plato and ,aristotle1 is of
 comparatively small value in the case  
of ,plotinus4 ,his system must have been
 fully formed when he began to write1   
and the dates in our possession give no 
clue to the manner in which its leading 
principles were evolved4#dbj  ,such1 so 
far as they can be ascertained1 are the 
most important facts in the life of     
,plotinus4 ,interwoven with these1 we   
find some legendary details which       
vividly illustrate the superstition and 

credulity of the age4 ,it is evident    
from his childish talk about the numbers
 six and nine that ,porphyry was imbued 
with ,pythagorean ideas4 ,accordingly1  
his whole account of ,plotinus is       
dominated by the wish to represent that 
philosopher under the guise of a        
,pythagorean saint4 ,we have already    
alluded to the manner in which he exalts
 his hero's remarkable sagacity into a  
power of supernatural prescience and    
divination4 ,he also tells us1 with the 
most unsuspecting good faith1 how a     
certain ,alexandrian philosopher whose  
jealousy had been excited by the success
 of his illustrious countryman1         
endeavoured to draw down the malignant  
influences of the stars on the head of  
,plotinus1 but was obliged to desist on 
finding that the attack recoiled on     
himself4#dba ,on another occasion1 an   
,egyptian priest1 by way of exhibiting  
his skill in magic1 offered to conjure  
up the daemon or guardian spirit of     
,plotinus4 ,the latter readily          

consented1 and the ,temple of ,isis was 
chosen for the scene of the operations1 
as1 according to the ,egyptian1 no other
 spot sufficiently pure for the purpose 
could be found in ,rome4 ,the           
incantations were duly pronounced1 when1
 much to the admiration of those        
present1 a god made his appearance      
instead of the expected daemon4 ,by what
 particular marks the divinity of the   
apparition was determined1 ,porphyry    
omits to mention4 ,the philosopher was  
congratulated by his countryman on the  
possession of such a distinguished      
patron1 but the celestial visitor       
vanished before any questions could be  
put to him4 ,this mishap was attributed 
to a friend #8who1 either from envy or  
fear1 choked the birds which had been   
given him to hold1' and which seem to   
have played a very important part in the
 incantation1 though what it was1 we do 
not find more particularly              
specified4#dbb  ,another distinguished  
compliment was paid to ,plotinus after  

his death by no less an authority than  
the ,pythian ,apollo1 who at this period
 had fully recovered the use of his     
voice4 ,on being consulted respecting   
the fate of the philosopher's soul1 the 
god replied by a flood of bombastic     
twaddle1 in which the glorified spirit  
of ,plotinus is described as released   
from the chain of human necessity and   
the surging uproar of the body1 swimming
 stoutly to the storm-beaten shore1 and 
mounting the heaven-illumined path1 not 
unknown to him even in life1 that leads 
to the blissful abodes of the           
immortals4#dbc  ,in view of such        
tendencies1 one hardly knows how much   
confidence is to be placed in           
,porphyry's well-known picture of his   
master as one who lived so entirely for 
spiritual interests that he seemed      
ashamed of having a body at all4 ,we are
 told that1 as a consequence of this    
feeling1 he avoided the subject of his  
past life1 refused to let his portrait  
be painted1 neglected the care of his   

health1 and rigorously abstained from   
animal food1 even when it was prescribed
 for him under the form of medicine4#dbd
 ,all this may be true1 but it is not   
very consistent with the special        
doctrines of ,plotinus as recorded in   
his writings1 nor should it be allowed  
to influence our interpretation of them4
 ,in his personal character and conduct 
he may have allowed himself to be       
carried away by the prevalent asceticism
 and superstition of the age2 in his    
philosophy he is guided by the healthier
 traditions of ,plato and ,aristotle1   
and stands in declared opposition to the
 mysticism which was a negation of      
,nature and of life4  ,how far ,plotinus
 was indebted to ,ammonius ,saccas for  
his speculative ideas is another        
question with respect to which the      
,pythagoreanising tendencies of his     
biographer may possibly have contributed
 to the diffusion of a serious          
misconception4 ,what ,porphyry tells us 
is this4 ,before leaving ,alexandria1   

,plotinus had bound himself by a mutual 
agreement with two of his fellow-pupils1
 ,herennius and ,origines 7not the      
,christian ,father1 but a pagan         
philosopher of the same age and name71  
to keep secret what they had learned by 
listening to the lectures of ,ammonius4 
,herennius1 however1 soon broke the     
compact1 and ,origines followed his     
example4 ,plotinus then considered that 
the engagement was at an end1 and used  
the results of his studies under        
,ammonius as the basis of his           
conversational lectures in ,rome1 the   
substance of which1 we are left to      
suppose1 was subsequently embodied in   
his published writings4 ,but1 as ,zeller
 has pointed out1 this whole story bears
 a suspicious resemblance to what is    
related of the early ,pythagorean       
school4 ,there also the doctrines of the
 master were regarded by his disciples  
as a mystery which they pledged         
themselves to keep secret1 and were only
 divulged through the infidelity of one 

among their number1 ,philolaus4 ,and the
 same critic proves by a careful        
examination of what are known to have   
been the opinions of ,origines and      
,longinus1 both fellow-pupils of        
,plotinus1 that they differed from him  
on some points of essential importance  
to his system4 ,we cannot1 therefore1   
suppose that these points were included 
in the teaching of their common master1 
,ammonius4#dbe ,but if this be so1 it   
follows that ,plotinus was the real     
founder of the ,neo-,platonic school2   
and1 in all cases1 his writings remain  
the great source whence our knowledge of
 its first principles is derived4       
,,iii4  ,in point of style1 ,plotinus is
 much the most difficult of the ancient 
philosophers1 and1 in this respect1 is  
only surpassed by a very few of the     
moderns4 ,even ,longinus1 who was one of
 the most intelligent critics then      
living1 and who1 besides1 had been      
educated in the same school with our    
philosopher1 could not make head or tail

 of his books when copies of them were  
sent to him by ,porphyry1 and supposed1 
after the manner of philologists1 that  
the text must be corrupt1 much to the   
disgust of ,porphyry1 who assures us    
that its accuracy was unimpeachable4#dbf
 ,probably politeness prevented         
,longinus from saying1 what he must have
 seen at a glance1 that ,plotinus was a 
total stranger to the art of literary   
composition4 ,we are told that he wrote 
as fast as if he were copying from a    
book2 but he had never mastered even the
 elements of the ,greek language2 and   
the weakness of his eyesight prevented  
him from reading over what he had       
written4 ,the mistakes in spelling and  
grammar ,porphyry corrected1 but it is  
evident that he has made no alterations 
in the general style of the ,enneads2   
and this is nearly as bad as bad can    
be--disjointed1 elliptical1 redundant1  
and awkward4 ,chapter follows chapter   
and paragraph succeeds to paragraph     
without any fixed principle of          

arrangement2 the connexion of the       
sentences is by no means clear2 some    
sentences are almost unintelligible from
 their extreme brevity1 others from     
their inordinate length and complexity4 
,the unpractised hand of a foreigner    
constantly reveals itself in the choice 
and collocation of words and grammatical
 inflections4 ,predicates and subjects  
are huddled together without any regard 
to the harmonies of number and gender1  
so that even if false concords do not   
occur1 we are continually annoyed by the
 suggestion of their presence4#dbg  ,but
 even the most perfect mastery of ,greek
 would not have made ,plotinus a        
successful writer4 ,we are told that    
before taking up the pen he had         
thoroughly thought out his whole        
subject2 but this is not the impression 
produced by a perusal of the ,enneads4  
,on the contrary1 he seems to be        
thinking as he goes along1 and to be    
continually beset by difficulties which 
he has not foreseen4 ,the frequent and  

disorderly interruptions by which his   
lectures were at one time disturbed seem
 to have made their way into his        
solitary meditations1 breaking or       
tangling the thread of systematic       
exposition at every turn4 ,irrelevant   
questions are constantly intruding      
themselves1 to be met by equally        
irrelevant answers4 ,the first mode of  
expressing an idea is frequently        
withdrawn1 and another put in its place1
 which is1 in most cases1 the less      
intelligible of the two2 while1 as a    
general rule1 when we want to know what 
a thing is1 ,plotinus informs us with   
indefatigable prolixity what it is not4 
,nevertheless1 by dint of pertinacious  
repetition1 the founder of              
,neo-,platonism has succeeded in making 
the main outlines1 and to a great extent
 the details1 of his system so perfectly
 clear that probably no philosophy is   
now better understood than his4 ,in this
 respect1 ,plotinus offers a remarkable 
contrast to the two great thinkers from 

whom his ideas are principally derived4 
,while ,plato and ,aristotle construct  
each particular sentence with masterly  
clearness1 the general drift of their   
speculations is by no means easy to     
ascertain2 and1 even now1 critics take  
diametrically opposite views of the     
interpretation which is to be put on    
their teaching with regard to several   
most important points4 ,the expositors  
of ,neo-,platonism1 on the contrary1    
show a rare unanimity in their accounts 
of its constitutive principles4 ,what   
they differ about is its origin and its 
historical significance4 ,and these are 
points on which we too shall have to    
enter1 since all the ancient systems are
 interesting to us chiefly as historical
 phenomena1 and ,neo-,platonism more so 
than any other4 ,plotinus effected a    
vast revolution in speculative opinion1 
but he effected it by seizing on the    
thoughts of others rather than by any   
new thoughts or even new developments or
 applications of his own4  ,whether     

,plotinus was or was not the disciple of
 ,ammonius1 it is beyond all doubt that 
he considered himself the disciple of   
,plato4 ,there are more than a hundred  
references to that philosopher in the   
,enneads1 against less than thirty      
references to all the other ancient     
thinkers put together2#dbh and1 what is 
more remarkable1 in only about half of  
them is he mentioned by name4 ,the      
reader is expected to know that #8he'   
always means ,plato4 ,and it is an      
article of faith with ,plotinus that his
 master cannot be mistaken2 when the    
words of oracular wisdom seem to        
contradict one another1 there must be   
some way of harmonising them4 ,when they
 contradict what he teaches himself1 the
 difficulty must be removed by skilful  
interpretation2 or1 better still1 it    
must be discreetly ignored4#dbi ,on the 
other hand1 when a principle is palpably
 borrowed from ,aristotle1 not only is  
its derivation unacknowledged1 but we   
are given to understand by implication  

that it belongs to the system which     
,aristotle was at most pains to         
controvert4#dcj  ,but numerous as are   
the obligations1 whether real or        
imaginary1 of the ,alexandrian to the   
,athenian teacher1 they range over a    
comparatively limited field4 ,what most 
interests a modern student in           
,platonism--its critical preparation1   
its conversational dialectic1 its       
personal episodes1 its moral enthusiasm1
 its political superstructure--had      
apparently no interest for ,plotinus as 
a writer4 ,he goes straight to the      
metaphysical core of the system1 and    
occupies himself with re-thinking it in 
its minutest details4 ,now this was just
 the part which had either not been     
discussed at all1 or had been very      
insufficiently discussed by his         
predecessors4 ,it would seem that the   
revival of ,platonic studies had        
followed an order somewhat similar to   
the order in which ,plato's own ideas   
were evolved4 ,the scepticism of the    

,apologia had been taken up and worked  
out to its last consequences by the ,new
 ,academy4 ,the theory of intuitive     
knowledge1 the ethical antithesis       
between reason and passion1 and the     
doctrine of immortality under its more  
popular form1 had been resumed by the   
,greek and ,roman ,eclectics4 ,plutarch 
busied himself with the erotic          
philosophy of the ,phaedrus and the     
,symposium1 as also did his successor1  
,maximus ,tyrius4 ,in addition to this1 
he and the other ,platonists of the     
second century paid great attention to  
the theology adumbrated in those        
dialogues1 and in the earlier books of  
the ,republic4 ,but meanwhile           
,neo-,pythagoreanism had intervened to  
break the normal line of development1   
and1 under its influence1 ,plutarch     
passed at once to the mathematical      
puzzles of the ,timaeus4 ,with ,plato   
himself the next step had been to found 
a state for the application of his new  
principles2 and such was the logic of   

his system1 that the whole stress of    
adverse circumstances could not prevent 
the realisation of a similar scheme from
 being mooted in the third century2     
while1 as we have seen1 something more  
remotely analogous to it was at that    
very time being carried out by the      
,christian ,church4 ,plato's own        
disappointed hopes had found relief in  
the profoundest metaphysical            
speculations2 and now the time has come 
when his labours in this direction were 
to engage the attention hitherto        
absorbed by the more popular or literary
 aspects of his teaching4  ,now it was  
by this side of ,platonism that         
,aristotle also had been most deeply    
fascinated4 ,while constantly           
criticising the ideal theory1 he had1 in
 truth1 accepted it under a modified    
form4 ,his universal classification is  
derived from the dialectic method4 ,his 
psychology and theology are constructed 
on the spiritualistic basis of the      
,academy1 and out of materials which the

 founder of the ,academy had supplied4  
,it was therefore natural that ,plotinus
 should avail himself largely of the    
,stagirite's help in endeavouring to    
reproduce what a tradition of six       
centuries had obscured or confused4 ,to 
reconcile the two ,attic masters was1 as
 we know1 a common school exercise4     
,learned commentators had1 indeed1      
placed their disagreement beyond all    
dispute4 ,but there remained the simpler
 course of bringing their common        
standpoint into greater prominence1 and 
combining their theories where this     
seemed possible without too openly      
renouncing the respect due to what      
almost all considered the superior      
authority of ,plato4 ,to which of the   
two masters ,neo-,platonism really owed 
most is a question that must be         
postponed until we have made ourselves  
acquainted with the outlines of the     
system as they appear in the works of   
,plotinus4   ,,iv4  ,it has been already
 mentioned how large a place was given  

to erotic questions by the literary     
,platonists of the second century4 ,even
 in the school of ,plotinus1 ,platonic  
love continued to be discussed1         
sometimes with a freedom which pained   
and disgusted the master beyond         
measure4#dca ,his first essay was       
apparently suggested by a question put  
to him in the course of some such       
debate4#dcb ,the subject is beauty4 ,in 
his treatment of it1 we find our        
philosopher at once rising superior to  
the indecorous frivolities of his       
predecessors4 ,physical beauty he       
declares to be the ideal element in     
objects1 that which they have received  
from the creative soul1 and which the   
perceptive soul recognises as akin to   
her own essence4 ,love is nothing but   
the excitement and joy occasioned by    
this discovery4 ,but to understand the  
truer and higher forms of beauty1 we    
must turn away from sensible            
perceptions1 and study it as manifested 
in wise institutions1 virtuous habits1  

and scientific theories4 ,the passionate
 enthusiasm excited by the contemplation
 of such qualities as magnanimity1 or   
justice1 or wisdom1 or valour can only  
be explained by assuming that they      
reveal our inmost nature1 showing us    
what we were destined for1 what we      
originally were1 and what we have ceased
 to be4 ,for we need only enumerate the 
vices which make a soul                 
hideous--injustice1 sensuality1         
cowardice1 and the like--to perceive    
that they are foreign to her real       
nature1 and are imposed on her by       
contamination with the principle of all 
evil1 which is matter4 ,to be brave     
means not to dread death1 because death 
is the separation of the soul from the  
body4 ,magnanimity means the neglect of 
earthly interests4 ,wisdom means the    
elevation of our thoughts to a higher   
world4 ,the soul that virtue has thus   
released becomes pure reason1 and reason
 is just what constitutes her intrinsic 
beauty4 ,it is also what alone really   

exists2 without it all the rest of      
,nature is nothing4 ,thus foul is       
opposed to fair1 as evil to good and    
false to true4 ,once more1 as the soul  
is beautiful by participation in reason1
 so reason in its turn depends on a     
still higher principle1 the absolute    
good to which all things aspire1 and    
from which they are derived--the one    
source of life1 of reason1 and of       
existence4 ,behind all other loves is   
the longing for this ultimate good2 and 
in proportion to its superiority over   
their objects is the intensity of the   
passion which it inspires1 the happiness
 which its attainment and fruition must 
bestow4 ,he who would behold this       
supreme beauty must not seek for it in  
the fair forms of the external world1   
for these are but the images and shadows
 of its glory4 ,it can only be seen with
 the inward eye1 only found in the      
recesses of our own soul4 ,to comprehend
 the good we must be good ourselves2 or1
 what is the same thing1 we must be     

ourselves and nothing else4 ,in this    
process of abstraction1 we first arrive 
at pure reason1 and then we say that the
 ideas of reason are what constitutes   
beauty4 ,but beyond reason is that      
highest good of which beauty is merely  
the outward vesture1 the source and     
principle from which beauty springs4    
,it is evident that what ,plotinus says 
about beauty and love was suggested by  
the well-known passages on the same     
subject in the ,phaedrus and the        
,symposium4 ,his analysis of aesthetic  
emotion has1 however1 a much more       
abstract and metaphysical character than
 that of his great model4 ,the whole    
fiction of an antenatal existence is    
quietly let drop4 ,what the sight of    
sensible beauty awakens in a philosophic
 soul is not the memory of an ideal     
beauty beheld in some other world1 but  
the consciousness of its own idealising 
activity1 the dominion which it         
exercises over unformed and fluctuating 
matter4 ,and1 in all probability1 ,plato

 meant no more than this--in fact he    
hints as much elsewhere1#dcc--;but he   
was not able or did not choose to       
express himself with such unmistakable  
clearness4  ,again1 this preference for 
mythological imagery on the part of the 
more original and poetical thinker seems
 to be closely connected with a more    
vivid interest in the practical duties  
of life4 ,with ,plotinus1 the primal    
beauty or supreme good is something that
 can be isolated from all other beauty  
and goodness1 something to be perceived 
and enjoyed in absolute seclusion from  
one's fellow-men4 ,god is1 indeed1      
described as the source and cause of all
 other good4 ,but neither here nor      
elsewhere is there a hint that we should
 strive to resemble him by becoming1 in 
our turn1 the cause of good to others4  
,platonic love1 on the contrary1 first  
finds its reality and truth in          
unremitting efforts for the             
enlightenment and elevation of others1  
being related to the transmission of    

spiritual life just as the love inspired
 by visible beauty is related to the    
perpetuation and physical ennoblement of
 the race4  ,this preference of pure    
abstract speculation to beneficent      
action may be traced to the influence of
 ,aristotle4 ,some of the most          
enthusiastic expressions used by        
,plotinus in speaking of his supreme    
principle seem to have been suggested by
 the ,metaphysics and the last book of  
the ,nicomachean ,ethics4 ,the          
self-thinking thought of the ,stagirite 
does not1 indeed1 take the highest rank 
with him4 ,but it is retained in his    
system1 and is only relegated to a      
secondary place because1 for reasons    
which we shall explain hereafter1 it    
does not fulfil equally well with       
,plato's ,idea of ,good1 the condition  
of absolute and indivisible unity1      
without which a first principle could   
not be conceived by any ,greek          
philosopher4 ,but this apparent return  
to the standpoint of the ,republic      

really involves a still wider departure 
from its animating spirit4 ,in other    
words1 ,plotinus differs from ,aristotle
 as ,aristotle himself had differed from
 ,plato2 he shares the same speculative 
tendency1 and carries it to a greater   
extreme4  ,we have also to note that    
,plotinus arrives at his ,absolute by a 
method apparently very different from   
that pursued by either of his teachers4 
,plato's primal beauty is1 on the face  
of it1 an abstraction and generalisation
 from all the scattered and imperfect   
manifestations of beauty to be met with 
in our objective experience4 ,and       
,aristotle is led to his conception of  
an eternal immaterial thought by two    
lines of analysis1 both starting from   
the phenomena of external ,nature4 ,the 
problem of his ,physics is to account   
for the perpetuity of motion4 ,the      
problem of his ,metaphysics is to       
explain the transformation of potential 
into actual existence4 ,plotinus1 on the
 other hand1 is always bidding us look  

within4 ,what we admire in the objective
 world is but a reflex of ourselves4    
,mind is the sole reality2 and to grasp 
this reality under its highest form1 we 
must become like it4 ,thus the more we  
isolate our own personality and         
self-identity from the other interests  
and experiences of life1 the more nearly
 do we approach to consciousness of and 
coalescence with the supreme identity   
wherein all things have their source4   
,but on looking at the matter a little  
more closely1 we shall find that        
,plotinus only set in a clearer light   
what had all along been the leading     
motive of his predecessors4 ,we have    
already observed that ,plato's whole    
mythological machinery is only a        
fanciful way of expressing that         
independent experience which the mind   
derives from the study of its own       
spontaneous activity4 ,and the process  
of generalisation described in the      
,symposium is really limited to moral   
phenomena4 ,plato's standpoint is less  

individualistic than that of ,plotinus  
in so far as it involves a continual    
reference to the beliefs1 experiences1  
and wants of other men2 but it is       
equally subjective1 in the sense of     
interpreting all ,nature by the         
analogies of human life4 ,there are even
 occasions when his spiritualism goes   
the length of inculcating complete      
withdrawal from the world of common life
 into an ideal sphere1 when he seems to 
identify evil with matter1 when he      
reduces all virtue to contempt for the  
interests of the body1 in language which
 his ,alexandrian successor could adopt 
without any modification of its obvious 
meaning4#dcd  ,so also with ,aristotle4 
,as a naturalist1 he is1 indeed1 purely 
objective2 but when he offers a general 
explanation of the world1 the subjective
 element introduced by ,protagoras and  
,socrates at once reappears4 ,simple    
absolute self-consciousness is for him  
the highest good1 the animating         
principle of ,nature1 the most complete 

reality1 and the only one that would    
remain1 were the element of nonentity to
 disappear from this world4 ,the utter  
misconception of dynamic phenomena which
 marks his physics and astronomy can    
only be accounted for by his desire to  
give life the priority over mechanical  
motion1 and reason the priority over    
life4 ,thus his metaphysical method is  
essentially identical with the          
introspective method recommended by     
,plotinus1 and1 if fully worked out1    
might have led to the same results4  ,we
 cannot1 then1 agree with ,zeller1 when 
he groups the ,neo-,platonists together 
with the other post-,aristotelian       
schools1 on the ground that they are all
 alike distinguished from ,plato and    
,aristotle by the exclusive attention   
which they pay to subjective and        
practical1 as opposed to scientific and 
theoretical interests4 ,it seems to us  
that such distinctions are out of       
relation to the historical order in     
which the different systems of ,greek   

philosophy were evolved4 ,it is not in  
the substance of their teaching1 but in 
their diminished power of original      
speculation1 that the thinkers who came 
after ,aristotle offer the strongest    
contrast to their predecessors4 ,in so  
far as they are exclusively practical   
and subjective1 they follow the         
,humanists and ,socrates4 ,in so far as 
they combine ,socratic tendencies with  
physical studies1 they imitate the      
method of ,plato and ,aristotle4 ,their 
cosmopolitan naturalism is inherited    
from the ,cynics in the first instance1 
more remotely from the physiocratic     
,sophists1 and1 perhaps1 in the last    
resort1 from ,heracleitus4 ,their       
religion is traceable either to         
,pythagoras1 to ,socrates1 or to ,plato4
 ,their scepticism is only a little more
 developed than that of ,protagoras and 
the ,cyrenaics4 ,but if we seek for some
 one principle held in common by all    
these later schools1 and held by none of
 the earlier schools1 we shall seek for 

it in vain4 ,the imitative systems are  
separated from one another by the same  
fundamental differences as those which  
divide the original systems4 ,now1 in   
both periods1 the deepest of all        
differences is that which divides the   
spiritualists from the materialists4 ,in
 both periods1 also1 it is materialism  
that comes first4 ,and in both1 the     
transition from one doctrine to the     
other is marked by the exclusive        
prominence given to subjective1         
practical1 sceptical1 or theological    
interests in philosophy2 by the         
enthusiastic culture of rhetoric in     
general education2 and by a strong      
religious reaction in the upper ranks of
 society4  ,thus we can quite agree with
 ,zeller when he observes#dce that      
,neo-,platonism only carried out a      
tendency towards spiritualism which had 
been already manifesting itself among   
the later ,stoics1 and had been still   
further developed by the                
,neo-,pythagoreans4 ,but what does this 

prove8 ,not what ,zeller contends for1  
which is that ,neo-,platonism stands on 
the same ground with the other          
post-,aristotelian systems1 but simply  
that a recurrence of the same           
intellectual conditions was being       
followed by a recurrence of the same    
results4 ,now1 as before1 materialism   
was proving its inadequacy to account   
for the facts of mental experience4     
,now1 as before1 morality1 after being  
cut off from physical laws1 was seeking 
a basis in religious or metaphysical    
ideas4 ,now1 as before1 the study of    
thoughts was succeeding to the study of 
words1 and the methods of popular       
persuasion were giving place to the     
methods of dialectical demonstration4   
,of course1 the age of ,plotinus was far
 inferior to the age of ,plato in       
vitality1 in genius1 and in general     
enlightenment1 notwithstanding the      
enormous extension which ,roman conquest
 had given to the superficial area of   
civilisation1 as the difference between 

the ,enneads and the ,dialogues would   
alone suffice to prove4 ,but this does  
not alter the fact that the general     
direction of their movement proceeds in 
parallel lines4  ,in saying that the    
post-,aristotelian philosophers were not
 original thinkers1 we must guard       
against the supposition that they       
contributed nothing of value to thought4
 ,on the contrary1 while not putting    
forward any new theories1 they          
generalised some of the principles      
borrowed from their predecessors1 worked
 out others in minute detail1 and stated
 the arguments on both sides of every   
controverted point with superior        
dialectic precision4 ,thus1 while       
materialism had been assumed as         
self-evidently true by the pre-,socratic
 schools1 it was maintained by the      
,stoics and ,epicureans on what seemed  
to be grounds of experience and reason4 
,and1 similarly1 we find that ,plotinus1
 having arrived at the consciousness    
that spiritualism is the common ground  

on which ,plato and ,aristotle stand1   
the connecting trait which most         
completely distinguishes them from their
 successors1 proceeds in his second     
essay#dcf to argue the case against     
materialism more powerfully than it had 
ever been argued before1 and with nearly
 as much effect as it has ever been     
argued since4   ,v4  ,our personality1  
says the ,alexandrian philosopher1      
cannot be a property of the body1 for   
this is composed of parts1 and is in a  
state of perpetual flux4 ,a man's self1 
then1 is his soul2 and the soul cannot  
be material1 for the ultimate elements  
of matter are inanimate1 and it is      
inconceivable that animation and reason 
should result from the aggregation of   
particles which1 taken singly1 are      
destitute of both2 while1 even were it  
possible1 their disposition in a certain
 order would argue the presence of an   
intelligence controlling them from      
without4 ,the ,stoics themselves admit  
the force of these considerations1 when 

they attribute reason to the fiery      
element or vital breath by which1       
according to them1 all things are       
shaped4 ,they do1 indeed1 talk about a  
certain elementary disposition as the   
principle of animation1 but this        
disposition is either identical with the
 matter possessing it1 in which case the
 difficulties already mentioned recur1  
or distinct from it1 in which case the  
animating principle still remains to be 
accounted for4  ,again1 to suppose that 
the soul shares in the changes of the   
body is incompatible with the           
self-identity which memory reveals4 ,to 
suppose that it is an extended substance
 is incompatible with its simultaneous  
presence1 as an indivisible whole1 at   
every point to which its activity       
reaches2 as well as with the            
circumstance that all our sensations1   
though received through different       
organs1 are referred to a common centre 
of consciousness4 ,if the sensorium is a
 fluid body it will have no more power  

of retaining impressions than water2    
while1 if it is a solid1 new impressions
 will either not be received at all1 or 
only when the old impressions are       
effaced4  ,passing from sensation to    
thought1 it is admitted that abstract   
conceptions are incorporeal3 how1 then1 
can they be received and entertained by 
a corporeal substance8 ,or what possible
 connexion can there be between         
different arrangements of material      
particles and such notions as temperance
 and justice8 ,this is already a        
sufficiently near approach to the       
language of modern philosophy4 ,in      
another essay1 which according to the   
original arrangement stands third1 and  
must have been composed immediately     
after that whence the foregoing         
arguments are transcribed1 there is more
 than an approach1 there is complete    
coincidence4#dcg ,to deduce mind from   
atoms is1 says ,plotinus1 if we may so  
speak1 still more impossible than to    
deduce it from the elementary bodies4   

,granting that the atoms have a natural 
movement downwards1 granting that they  
suffer a lateral deflection and so      
impinge on one another1 still this could
 do no more than produce a disturbance  
in the bodies against which they strike4
 ,but to what atomic movement can one   
attribute psychic energies and          
affections8 ,what sort of collision in  
the vertical line of descent1 or in the 
oblique line of deflection1 or in any   
direction you please1 will account for  
the appearance of a particular kind of  
reasoning or mental impulse or thought1 
or how can it account for the existence 
of such processes at all8 ,here1 of     
course1 ,plotinus is alluding to the    
,epicureans2 but it is with the ,stoic  
and other schools that he is principally
 concerned1 and we return to his attack 
on their psychology4  ,the activities of
 the soul are thought1 sensation1       
reasoning1 desire1 attention1 and so    
forth3 the activities of body are heat1 
cold1 impact1 and gravitation2 if to    

these we add the characteristics of     
mind1 the latter will have no special   
properties by which it can be known4    
,and even in body we distinguish between
 quantity and quality2 the former1 at   
most1 being corporeal1 and the latter   
not corporeal at all4 ,here ,plotinus   
just touches the idealistic method of   
modern spiritualism1 but fails to follow
 it any further4 ,he seems to have      
adopted ,aristotle's natural realism as 
a sufficient theory of external         
perception1 and to have remained        
uninfluenced by ,plato's distrust of    
sensible appearances4  ,after disposing 
of the ,stoic materialism1 according to 
which the soul1 though distinct from the
 body1 is1 equally with it1 an extended 
and resisting substance1 our philosopher
 proceeds to discuss the theories which 
make it a property or function of the   
body4 ,the ,pythagorean notion of the   
soul as a harmony of the body is met by 
a reproduction of the well-known        
arguments used against it in ,plato's   

,phaedo4 ,then comes the ,aristotelian  
doctrine that the soul is the           
entelechy--that is to say1 the realised 
purpose and perfection--of the physical 
organism to which it belongs4 ,this is  
an idea which ,aristotle himself had    
failed to make very clear1 and the      
inadequacy of which he had virtually    
acknowledged by ascribing a different   
origin to reason1 although this is      
counted as one of the psychic faculties4
 ,plotinus1 at any rate1 could not      
appreciate an explanation which1        
whatever else it implied1 certainly     
involved a considerable departure from  
his own dualistic interpretation of the 
difference between spirit and matter4   
,he could not enter into ,aristotle's   
view of the one as a lower and less     
concentrated form of the other4 ,the    
same arguments which had already been   
employed against ,stoicism are now      
turned against the ,peripatetic         
psychology4 ,the soul as a principle1   
not only of memory and desire1 but even 

of nutrition1 is declared to be         
independent of and separable from the   
body4 ,and1 finally1 as a result of the 
whole controversy1 its immortality is   
affirmed4 ,but how far this immortality 
involves the belief in a prolongation of
 personal existence after death1 is a   
point which still remains uncertain4 ,we
 shall return to the question in dealing
 with the religious opinions of         
,plotinus4  ,closely connected with the 
materialism of the ,stoics1 and equally 
adverse to the principles of ,plato and 
,aristotle1 was their fatalism4 ,in     
opposition to this1 ,plotinus proceeds  
to develop the spiritualistic doctrine  
of free-will4#dch ,in the previous      
discussion1 we had to notice how closely
 his arguments resemble those employed  
by more modern controversialists4 ,we   
have here to point out no less wide a   
difference between the two4 ,instead of 
presenting free-will as a fact of       
consciousness which is itself           
irreconcilable with the dependence of   

mental on material changes1 our         
philosopher1 conversely1 infers that the
 soul must be free both from the        
conditions of mechanical causation and  
from the general interdependence of     
natural forces1 because it is an        
individual substance4#dci ,in truth1 the
 phenomena of volition were handled by  
the ancient philosophers with a         
vagueness and a feebleness offering the 
most singular contrast to their powerful
 and discriminating grasp of other      
psychological problems4 ,of             
necessarianism1 in the modern sense1    
they had no idea4 ,aristotle failed to  
see that1 quite apart from external     
restraints1 our choice may conceivably  
be determined with the utmost rigour by 
an internal motive2 nor could he        
understand that the circumstances which 
make a man responsible for his actions  
do not amount to a release of his       
conduct from the law of universal       
causation4 ,in this respect1 ,plato saw 
somewhat deeper than his disciple1 but  

created fresh confusion by identifying  
freedom with the supremacy of reason    
over irrational desire4#ddj ,plotinus   
generally adopts the ,platonist point of
 view4 ,according to this1 the soul is  
free when she is extricated from the    
bonds of matter1 and determined solely  
by the conditions of her spiritual      
existence4 ,thus virtue is not so much  
free as identical with freedom2 while1  
contrariwise1 vice means enslavement to 
the affections of the body1 and         
therefore comes under the domain of     
material causation4#dda ,yet1 again1 in 
criticising the fatalistic theories     
which represent human actions as        
entirely predetermined by divine        
providence1 he protests against the     
ascription of so much that is evil to so
 good a source1 and insists that at     
least the bad actions of men are due to 
their own free choice4#ddb  ,in         
vindicating human freedom1 ,plotinus had
 to encounter a difficulty exceedingly  
characteristic of his age4 ,this was the

 astrological superstition that         
everything depended on the stars1 and   
that the future fate of every person    
might be predicted by observing their   
movements and configurations at the time
 of his birth4 ,philosophers found it   
much easier to demolish the pretensions 
of astrology by an abstract             
demonstration of their absurdity1 than  
to get rid of the supposed facts which  
were currently quoted in their favour4  
,that fortunes could be foretold on the 
strength of astronomical calculations   
with as much certainty as eclipses1     
seems to have been an accepted article  
of belief in the time of ,plotinus1 and 
one which he does not venture to        
dispute4 ,he is therefore obliged to    
satisfy himself with maintaining that   
the stars do not cause1 but merely      
foreshow the future1 in the same manner 
as the flight of birds1 to the prophetic
 virtue of which he also attaches       
implicit credence4 ,all parts of ,nature
 are connected by such an intimate      

sympathy1 that each serves as a clue to 
the rest2 and1 on this principle1 the   
stars may be regarded as the letters of 
a scripture in which the secrets of     
futurity are revealed4#ddc  ,how much   
originality there may be in the         
anti-materialistic arguments of         
,plotinus we cannot tell4 ,he certainly 
marks a great advance on ,plato and     
,aristotle1 approximating1 in this      
respect1 much more closely than they do 
to the modern standpoint4 ,the          
indivisibility and permanence of mind   
had1 no doubt1 been strongly insisted on
 by those teachers1 in contrast with the
 extended and fluctuating nature of     
body4 ,but they did not1 like him1      
deduce these characteristics from a     
direct analysis of consciousness as     
such4 ,plato inferred the simplicity and
 self-identity of mind from the         
simplicity and self-identity of the     
ideas which it contemplates4 ,aristotle 
went a step further1 or perhaps only    
expressed the same meaning more clearly1

 when he associated immateriality with  
the identity of subject and object in   
thought4#ddd ,moreover1 both ,plato and 
,aristotle seem to have rested the whole
 spiritualistic case on objective rather
 than on subjective considerations2     
although1 as we have seen1 the          
subjective interest was what dominated  
all the while in their thoughts4        
,starting with the analogy of a living  
body1 ,plato argues1 both in the        
,phaedrus and in the ,laws1 that soul   
must everywhere be the first cause of   
motion1 and therefore must exist prior  
to body4#dde ,the elaborate scientific  
analysis of ,aristotle's ,physics leads 
up to a similar conclusion2 and the     
ontological analysis of the ,metaphysics
 starts with the distinction between    
,form and ,matter in bodies1 to end with
 the question of their relative         
priority1 and of the objective machinery
 by which they are united4 ,plotinus1   
too1 sometimes refers to mind as the    
source of physical order2 but this is   

rather in deference to his authorities  
than because the necessity of such an   
explanation seemed to him1 as it did to 
them1 the deepest ground of a           
spiritualistic philosophy4 ,on the other
 hand1 his psychological arguments for  
the immateriality of the soul are drawn 
from a wider area of experience than    
theirs1 feeling being taken into account
 no less than thought2 instead of       
restricting himself to one particular   
kind of cognition for evidence of       
spiritual power1 he looks for it in     
every manifestation of living           
personality4  ,in criticising the ,stoic
 system as a whole1 the ,new ,academy   
and the later ,sceptics had incidentally
 dwelt on sundry absurdities which      
followed from the materialistic         
interpretation of knowledge2 and        
,plotinus evidently derived some of his 
most forcible objections from their     
writings2 but no previous philosopher   
that we know of had set forth the whole 
case for spiritualism and against       

materialism with such telling effect4   
,and what is1 perhaps1 more important   
than any originality in detail1 is the  
profound insight shown in choosing this 
whole question of spiritualism versus   
materialism for the ground whereon the  
combined forces of ,plato and ,aristotle
 were to fight their first battle       
against the naturalistic system which   
had triumphed over them five centuries  
before4 ,it was on dialectical and      
ethical grounds that the controversy    
between ,porch and ,academy1 on ethical 
and religious grounds that the          
controversy between ,epicureanism and   
all other schools of philosophy1 had    
hitherto been conducted4 ,cicero and    
,plutarch never allude to their         
opponents as materialists4 ,only once1  
in his polemic against ,coltes1 does    
,plutarch observe that neither a soul   
nor anything else could be made out of  
atoms1 but this is because they are     
discrete1 not because they are          
extended4#ddf ,for the rest1 his method 

is to trip up his opponents by pointing 
out their inconsistencies1 rather than  
to cut the ground from under their feet 
by proving that their theory of the     
universe is wrong4  ,under such guidance
 as this4 ,platonism had made but little
 way4 ,we saw1 in the concluding        
sections of the last chapter and in the 
opening section of the present chapter1 
that it profited by the religious and   
literary revival of the second century1 
just as it was to profit long afterwards
 by the greater revival of the fifteenth
 century1 so much so as to become the   
fashionable philosophy of the age4 ,yet1
 even in that period of its renewed     
splendour1 the noblest of contemporary  
thinkers was not a ,platonist but a     
,stoic2 and although it would be unfair 
to measure the moral distance between   
the ,porch and the ,academy by the      
interval which separates an ,aurelius   
from an ,apuleius1 still it would seem  
as if naturalism continued to be the    
chosen creed of strenuous and dutiful   

endeavour1 while spiritualism was       
drifting into an alliance with          
hysterical and sensuous superstition4   
,if we may judge by the points which    
,sextus ,empiricus selects for          
controversial treatment1 ,stoicism was  
still the reigning system in his time1  
that is to say1 about the beginning of  
the third century2 and if1 a generation 
later1 it had sunk into neglect1 every  
rival school1 except that of ,epicurus1 
was in exactly the same condition4 ,thus
 the only advance made was to substitute
 one form of materialism for another1   
until ,neo-,platonism came and put an   
end to their disputes by destroying the 
common foundation on which they stood2  
while1 at the same time1 it supplied a  
completely organised doctrine round     
which the nobler elements of the        
,hellenic revival could rally for a last
 stand against the foes that were       
threatening it from every side4   ,,vi4 
,we have seen how ,plotinus establishes 
the spiritualistic basis of his         

philosophy4 ,we have now to see how he  
works out from it in all directions1    
developing the results of his previous  
enquiries into a complete metaphysical  
system4 ,it will have been observed that
 the whole method of reasoning by which 
materialism was overthrown1 rested on   
the antithesis between the unity of     
consciousness and the divisibility of   
corporeal substance4 ,very much the same
 method was afterwards employed by      
,cartesianism to demonstrate the same   
conclusion4 ,but with ,descartes and his
 followers1 the opposition between soul 
and body was absolute1 the former being 
defined as pure thought1 the latter as  
pure extension4 ,hence the extreme      
difficulty which they experienced in    
accounting for the evident connexion    
between the two4 ,the spiritualism of   
,plotinus did not involve any such      
impassable chasm between consciousness  
and its object4 ,according to him1      
although the soul is contained in or    
depends on an absolutely self-identical 

unity1 she is not herself that unity1   
but in some degree shares the characters
 of divisibility and extension4#ddg ,if 
we conceive all existence as bounded at 
either extremity by two principles1 the 
one extended and the other inextended1  
then soul will still stand midway       
between them2 not divided in herself1   
but divided in respect to the bodies    
which she animates4 ,plotinus holds that
 such an assumption is necessitated by  
the facts of sensation4 ,a feeling of   
pain1 for example1 is located in a      
particular point of the body1 and is1 at
 the same time1 apprehended as my       
feeling1 not as some one else's4 ,a     
similar synthesis obtains through the   
whole of ,nature4 ,the visible universe 
consists of many heterogeneous parts1   
held together by a single animating     
principle4 ,and we can trace the same   
qualities and figures through a         
multitude of concrete individuals1 their
 essential unity remaining unbroken1    
notwithstanding the dispersion of the   

objects in which they inhere4  ,here    
,plotinus avowedly follows the teaching 
of ,plato1 who1 in the ,timaeus1        
describes ,being or ,substance as       
composed by mingling the indivisible and
 unchanging with the divisible and      
corporeal principle4#ddh ,and1 although 
there is no express reference1 we know  
that in placing soul between the two1 he
 was equally following ,plato4 ,it is   
otherwise in the next essay1 which      
undertakes to give a more explicit      
analysis of psychical phenomena4#ddi    
,the soul1 we are told1 consists1 like  
external objects1 of two elements       
related to one another as ,form and     
,matter4 ,these are reason and sense4   
,the office of the former is1 primarily1
 to enlighten and control the latter4   
,plato had already pointed to such a    
distinction2 but ,aristotle was the     
first to work it out clearly1 and to    
make it the hinge of his whole system4  
,it is1 accordingly1 under the guidance 
of ,aristotle that ,plotinus proceeds in

 what he has next to say4 ,just as there
 is a soul of the world corresponding to
 our soul1 so also1 he argues1 there    
must be a universal objective ,reason   
outside and above the world4 ,in        
speaking of this ,reason1 we shall1 for 
clearness' sake1 in general call it by  
its ,greek name1 ,nous4 ,nous1 according
 to ,aristotle1 is the faculty by which 
we apprehend abstract ideas2 it is      
self-thinking thought2 and1 as such1 it 
is the prime mover of ,nature4 ,plotinus
 adopts the first two positions         
unreservedly1 and the third to a certain
 extent2 while he brings all three into 
combination with the ,platonic theory of
 ideas4 ,it had always been an          
insuperable difficulty in the way of    
,plato's teaching that it necessitated1 
or seemed to necessitate1 the           
unintelligible notion of ideas existing 
without any mind to think them4 ,for a  
disciple of ,aristotle1 the difficulty  
ceases to exist if the archetypal       
essences assumed by ,plato are conceived

 as residing in an eternal ,nous4 ,but1 
on the other hand1 how are we to        
reconcile such an accommodation with    
,aristotle's principle1 that the        
,supreme ,intelligence can think nothing
 but itself8 ,simply by generalising    
from the same master's doctrine that the
 human ,nous is identical with the ideas
 which it contemplates4 ,thought and its
 object are everywhere one4 ,thus1      
according to ,plotinus1 the absolute    
,nous embraces the totality of          
archetypes or forms which we see        
reflected and embodied in the material  
universe4 ,in thinking them1 it thinks  
itself1 not passing from one to the     
other as in discursive reasoning1 nor   
bringing them into existence by the act 
of thought1 but apprehending them as    
simultaneously present realities4  ,to  
explain how the ,nous could be identical
 with a number of distinct ideas was a  
difficult problem4 ,we shall have to    
show at a more advanced stage of our    
exposition how ,plotinus endeavoured to 

solve it with the help of ,plato's      
,sophist4 ,in the essay where his theory
 is first put forward1 he cuts the knot 
by asserting that each idea virtually   
contains every other1 while each in its 
actual and separate existence is1 so to 
speak1 an independent ,nous4 ,but       
correlation is not identity2 and to say 
that each idea thinks itself is not to  
explain how the same subject can think1 
and in thinking be identical with all4  
,the personal identity of the thinking  
subject still stands in unreconciled    
opposition to the multitude of thoughts 
which it entertains1 whether            
successively or in a single intuition4  
,of two things one3 either the unity of 
the ,nous or the diversity of its ideas 
must be sacrificed4 ,plotinus evades the
 alternative by a kind of three-card    
trick4 ,sometimes his ideal unity is to 
be found under the notion of convergence
 to a common centre1 sometimes under the
 notion of participation in a common    
property1 sometimes under the notion of 

mutual equivalence4  ,the confusion was 
partly inherited from ,aristotle4 ,when 
discussing the psychology of that       
philosopher1 we showed that his active  
,nous is no other than the idea of which
 we are at any moment actually          
conscious4 ,our own reason is the       
passive ,nous1 whose identity is lost in
 the multiplicity of objects with which 
it becomes identified in turn4 ,but     
,aristotle was careful not to let the   
personality of ,god1 or the supreme     
,nous1 be endangered by resolving it    
into the totality of substantial forms  
which constitute ,nature4 ,god is       
self-conscious in the strictest sense4  
,he thinks nothing but himself4 ,again1 
the subjective starting-point of        
,plotinus may have affected his         
conception of the universal ,nous4 ,a   
single individual may isolate himself   
from his fellows in so far as he is a   
sentient being2 he cannot do so in so   
far as he is a rational being4 ,his     
reason always addresses itself to the   

reason of some one else--a fact nowhere 
brought out so clearly as in the        
dialectic philosophy of ,socrates and   
,plato4 ,then1 when an agreement has    
been established1 their minds1 before so
 sharply divided1 seem to be1 after all1
 only different personifications of the 
same universal spirit4 ,hence reason1 no
 less than its objects1 comes to be     
conceived as both many and one4 ,and    
this synthesis of contradictories meets 
us in modern ,german as well as in      
ancient ,greek philosophy4  ,after his  
preliminary analysis of ,nous1 we find  
,plotinus working out in two directions 
from the conception so obtained4#dej ,he
 begins by explaining in what relation  
the human soul stands to the universal  
reason4 ,to him1 personally1 it seemed  
as if the world of thought into which he
 penetrated by reflecting on his own    
inmost essence1 was so much the real    
home of his soul that her presence in a 
bodily habitation presented itself as a 
difficulty requiring to be cleared up4  

,in this connexion1 he refers to the    
opinions of the ,pythagoreans1 who      
looked on our earthly life as an unmixed
 evil1 a punishment for some sin        
committed in a former stage of          
existence4 ,their views seem to have    
been partly shared by ,plato4 ,sometimes
 he calls the body a prison and a tomb  
into which the soul has fallen from her 
original abode4 ,yet1 in his ,timaeus1  
he glorifies the visible world1 and     
tells us that the universal soul was    
divinely appointed to give it life and  
reason2 while our individual souls have 
also their part to play in perfecting   
the same providential scheme4  ,it is to
 the second theory that ,plotinus       
evidently leans4 ,however closely his   
life may have been conformed to the     
,pythagorean model--a point with respect
 to which we have nothing better than   
the very prejudiced statements of       
,porphyry to rely on--there is no trace 
of ,pythagorean asceticism in his       
writings4 ,hereafter we shall see how   

hostile he was to ,gnostic pessimism4   
,in the preceding essay1 he had already 
specified admiration for physical beauty
 as a first and necessary step in the   
soul's ascent to a contemplation of     
spiritual realities2#dea and now it is  
under the guidance of ,plato's later    
speculations that he proceeds to account
 for her descent from that higher world 
to the restraints of matter and of      
sense4  ,with regard to the universal   
soul of ,nature1 there is1 indeed1 no   
difficulty at all4 ,in giving a sensible
 realisation to the noetic ideas1 she   
suffers no degradation or pollution by  
contact with the lower elements of      
matter4 ,enthroned on the outer verge of
 the cosmos1 she governs the whole      
course of ,nature by a simple exercise  
of volition1 and in the enjoyment of a  
felicity which remains undisturbed by   
passion or desire4 ,but just as we have 
seen the supreme ,nous resolving itself 
into a multitude of individual          
intelligences1 so also does the cosmic  

soul produce many lesser or partial     
souls of which our own is one4 ,now     
these derivative souls cannot all be    
equal1 for that would be to defeat the  
purpose of creation1 which is to realise
 all the possibilities of creation from 
the highest to the lowest4 ,thus each   
has an office corresponding to her place
 in the scale of perfection4#deb ,we may
 say of the human soul that she stoops  
to conquer4 ,her mission is to cope with
 the more recalcitrant forms of matter4 
,it is to the struggle with their       
impurities that the troubles and        
passions of our life are due4 ,by       
yielding to earthly temptations1 we     
suffer a second fall1 and one much more 
real than the first2 by overcoming them1
 as is perfectly in our power to do1 we 
give scope and exercise to faculties    
which would otherwise have remained     
dormant and unknown4 ,moreover1 our soul
 retains the privilege of returning to  
her former abode1 enriched by the       
experience acquired in this world1 and  

with that clearer perception of good    
which the knowledge of its opposite     
alone can supply4 ,nay1 paradoxical as  
the assertion may seem1 she has not     
entirely descended to earth1 but remains
 in partial communication with the      
noetic world by virtue of her reasoning 
faculty2 that is to say1 when its       
intuitions are not darkened and         
disturbed by the triumph of sensuous    
impressions over the lower soul4 ,on    
this and on many other occasions1       
,plotinus betrays a glimmering          
consciousness that his philosophy is    
purely subjective1 and that its         
attempted transcendentalism is1 in      
truth1 a projection of psychological    
distinctions into the external world4   
,starting with the familiar division of 
human nature into body1 soul1 and spirit
 7or reason71 he endeavours to find an  
objective counterpart for each4 ,body is
 represented by the material universe1  
soul by the animating principle of      
,nature1 reason by the extramundane     

,nous4 ,under these three heads is      
comprised the totality of real          
existence2 but existence itself has to  
be accounted for by a principle lying   
above and beyond it1 which has still to 
be obtained by an effort of abstraction 
from the data that self-consciousness   
supplies4#dec  ,in his very first essay1
 ,plotinus had hinted at a principle    
higher and more primordial than the     
absolute ,nous1 something with which the
 soul is connected by the mediation of  
,nous1 just as she herself mediates     
between ,nous and the material world4   
,the notion of such a supreme principle 
was derived from ,plato4 ,in the sixth  
and seventh books of the ,republic1 we  
are told that at the summit of the      
dialectic series stands an idea to grasp
 which is the ultimate object of all    
reasoning4 ,plato calls this the ,idea  
of ,good1 and describes it as holding a 
place in the intellectual world         
analogous to that held by the sun in the
 physical world4 ,for1 just as the sun  

brings all visible things into being1   
and also gives the light by which they  
are seen1 so also the ,good is not only 
that by which the objects of knowledge  
are known1 but also that whence their   
existence is derived1 while at the same 
time itself transcending existence in   
dignity and power4#ded  ,in a former    
part of this work#dee we found reason to
 believe that ,plato's supreme good is  
no other than the ,idea of ,sameness    
which occurs in the ,sophist and in the 
,timaeus1 where it is correlated with   
the ,idea of ,difference2 and we also   
concluded that the divine creator of the
 last-named dialogue is intended to     
represent it under a more concrete and  
popular form4#def ,we may1 perhaps1 also
 discover it in the ,limit of the       
,philbus2 and if we are to believe what 
,aristotle tells us about the later     
teaching of ,plato1 it seems to have    
finally coalesced with the ,pythagorean 
,one1 which combines with the unlimited 
,dyad to form first number1 and then    

everything else1 just as the ,same      
combines with the ,different to form    
existence in the ,timaeus4#deg  ,for the
 ,platonic ,idea of ,good1 ,aristotle   
had substituted his own conception of   
self-thinking thought1 as the absolute  
on which all ,nature hangs3 and we have 
seen how ,plotinus follows him to the   
extent of admitting that this visible   
universe is under the immediate control 
of an incorporeal ,reason1 which also   
serves as a receptacle for the ,platonic
 ,ideas4 ,but what satisfied ,aristotle 
does not fully satisfy him4 ,the first  
principle must be one1 and ,nous fails  
to answer the conditions of absolute    
unity1 ,even self-thinking thought      
involves the elementary dualism of      
object and subject4 ,again1 as ,plotinus
 somewhat inconsistently argues1 ,nous1 
being knowledge1 must cognise something 
simpler than itself4#deh ,or1 perhaps1  
what he means is that in ,nous1 which is
 its product1 the first principle       
becomes self-conscious4 ,consciousness  

means a check on the outflow of energy  
due to the restraining action of the    
,one1 a return to and reflection on     
itself of the creative power4#dei  ,if  
the necessity of the ,one is proved by  
the inward differentiation of what      
seemed most simple1 it is also proved by
 the integration of what seems most     
divided4 ,in his next essay1 our        
philosopher wanders off from the        
investigation of what he has just begun1
 by abruptly starting the question      
whether all souls are one4#dfj ,this    
question is1 however1 most intimately   
connected with his main theme4 ,he      
answers it in the affirmative4 ,strictly
 personal as our feelings seem1 we are1 
in reality1 one with each other1 through
 our joint participation in the         
world-soul4 ,love and sympathy among    
human beings are solely due to this     
connexion4 ,plotinus mentions1 as       
another evidence of its reality1 the    
secret affinities called into play even 
at a great distance by magical          

spells--an allusion very characteristic 
of his age4#dfa ,what prevents us from  
more fully perceiving the unity of all  
souls is the separateness of the bodies 
with which they are associated4 ,matter 
is the principle of individuation4 ,but 
even within the soul there is a division
 between the rational and the irrational
 part1 concentration being the          
characteristic of the one and dispersion
 of the other4 ,the latter is fitted by 
its divided nature for presiding over   
the bodily functions of sensation and   
nutrition2 and with the dissolution of  
the body it returns to the unity of the 
higher soul4 ,there are two ways in     
which we can account for this pervading 
unity4 ,it is either as products or as  
portions of the universal soul that all 
particular souls are one4 ,plotinus     
combines both explanations4 ,the        
world-soul first gives birth to an image
 of itself1 and then this is subdivided 
into as many partial souls as there are 
bodies requiring animation4  ,on        

extending our survey still wider1 we    
find that the existence of a thing      
everywhere depends on its unity4#dfb    
,all bodies perish by dissolution1 and  
dissolution means the loss of unity4    
,health1 beauty1 and virtue are merely  
so many different kinds of harmony and  
unison4 ,shall we then say that soul1 as
 the great unifying power in ,nature1 is
 the ,one of which we are in search8    
,not so2 for preceding investigations   
have taught us that soul is only an     
agent for transmitting ideas received   
from a higher power2 and the psychic    
faculties themselves are held together  
by a unifying principle for which we    
have to account4 ,neither is the whole  
sum of existence the ,one1 for its very 
name implies a plurality of parts4 ,and 
the claims of the ,nous to that         
distinction have been already disproved4
 ,in short1 nothing that exists can be  
the ,one1 for1 as we have seen1 unity is
 the cause of existence and must        
therefore precede it4   #8,what then1'  

asks ,plotinus1 #8is the ,one8 ,no easy 
question to answer  for us whose        
knowledge is based on ideas1 and who can
 hardly tell what  ideas are1 or what is
 existence itself4 ,the farther the soul
 advances  in this formless region1     
where there is nothing for her to grasp1
  nothing whose impress she can receive1
 the more does her footing fail  her1   
the more helpless and desolate does she 
feel4 ,oftentimes she  wearies of such  
searching and is glad to leave it all   
and to descend  into the world of sense 
until she finds rest on the solid earth1
  as the eyes are relieved in turning   
from small objects to large4  ,for she  
does not know that to be one herself is 
to have gained the  object of her       
search1 for then she is no other than   
that which she  knows4 ,nevertheless it 
is only by this method that we can      
master the  philosophy of the ,one4     
,since1 then1 what we seek is one1 and  
since we  are considering the first     
principle of all things and the ,good1  

he who  enters on this quest must not   
place himself afar from the things that 
are first by descending to the things   
that are last1 but he must leave  the   
objects of sense1 and1 freed from all   
evil1 ascend to the first  principle of 
his own nature1 that by becoming one1   
instead of many1 he  may behold the     
beginning and the ,one4 ,therefore he   
must become ,reason1  trusting his soul 
to ,reason for guidance and support1    
that she may  wakefully receive what it 
sees1 and with this he must behold the  
,one1  not admitting any element of     
sense1 but gazing on the purest with    
pure  ,reason and with that which in    
,reason is first4 ,should he who        
addresses  himself to this enterprise   
imagine that the object of his vision   
possesses magnitude or form or bulk1    
then ,reason is not his guide1  for such
 perceptions do not belong to its nature
 but to sense and to  the opinion which 
follows on sense4 ,no2 we must only     
pledge ,reason to  perform what it can  

do4 ,reason sees what precedes1 or what 
contains1  or what is derived from      
itself4 ,pure are the things in it1     
purer  still those which precede1 or    
rather1 that which precedes it4 ,this is
  neither reason nor anything that is2  
for whatever is has the form of         
existence1 whereas this has none1 not   
even an ideal form4 ,for the ,one1      
whose nature is to generate all things1 
cannot be any of those things  itself4  
,therefore it is neither substance1 nor 
quality1 nor reason1  nor soul2 neither 
moving nor at rest1 not in place1 not in
 time1 but  unique of its kind1 or      
rather kindless1 being before all kind1 
before  motion and before rest1 for     
these belong to being1 and are that to  
which its multiplicity is due4 ,why1    
then1 if it does not move1 is it  not at
 rest8 ,because while one or both of    
these must be attributed  to being1 the 
very act of attribution involves a      
distinction between  subject and        
predicate1 which is impossible in the   

case of what is  absolutely simple4'#dfc
  ,the ,one cannot1 properly speaking1  
be an object of knowledge1 but is       
apprehended by something higher than    
knowledge4 ,this is why ,plato calls it 
ineffable and indescribable4 ,what we   
can describe is the way to the view1 not
 the view itself4 ,the soul which has   
never been irradiated with the light of 
that supreme splendour1 nor filled with 
the passionate joy of a lover finding   
rest in the contemplation of his        
beloved1 cannot be given that experience
 in words4 ,but the beatific vision is  
open to all4 ,he from whom it is hidden 
has only himself to blame4 ,let him     
break away from the restraints of sense 
and place himself under the guidance of 
philosophy1 that philosophy which leads 
from matter to spirit1 from soul to     
,nous1 from ,nous to the ,one4          
,plotinus himself1 we are told1 reached 
the climax of complete unification      
several times in his life1 ,porphyry    
only once1 in the sixty-eighth year of  

his age4 ,probably the condition so     
denominated was a species of hypnotic   
trance4 ,its importance in the          
,neo-,platonic system has been          
considerably exaggerated1 and on the    
strength of this single point some      
critics have summarily disposed of      
,plotinus and his whole school as       
unreasoning mystics4 ,mysticism is a    
vague word capable of very various      
applications4 ,in the present instance1 
we presume that it is used to express a 
belief in the existence of some method  
for the discovery of truth apart from   
tradition2 observation1 and reasoning4  
,and1 taken in this sense1 the          
,neo-,platonic method of arriving at a  
full apprehension of the ,one would be  
considered an extreme instance of       
mysticism4 ,we must bear in mind1       
however1 that ,plotinus arrives at an   
intellectual conception of absolute     
unity by the most strictly logical      
process4 ,it makes no difference that   
his reasoning is unsound1 for the same  

criticism applies to other philosophers 
who have never been accused of          
mysticism4 ,it may be said that after   
leading us up to a certain point1 reason
 is replaced by intuition4 ,rather1 what
 the ultimate intuition does is not to  
take the place of logic1 but to         
substitute a living realisation for an  
abstract and negative conception4       
,moreover1 the intuition is won not by  
forsaking logic1 but by straining its   
resources to the very utmost4 ,again1   
one great characteristic of mysticism1  
as ordinarily understood1 is to deny the
 truth of common observation and        
reasoning4 ,now ,plotinus never goes    
this length4 ,as we have already        
remarked1 he does not even share        
,plato's distrust of sensible           
impressions1 but rather follows the     
example of ,aristotle in recognising    
their validity within a certain sphere4 
,nor does he mention having received any
 revelations of divine truth during his 
intercourse with the absolute ,one4     

,this alone marks an immense difference 
between his ecstasies--if such they can 
be called--and those of the ,christian  
mystics with whom he is associated by   
,m4 ,barthlemy ,saint-,hilaire4#dfd  ,it
 may be said that the ,one is itself a  
mystical conception1 involving a        
reversal of all our ordinary beliefs4   
,the universe is a vast multiplicity of 
objects1 held together1 if you will1 by 
some secret bond of union possibly      
related to the personal unity of        
consciousness1 but still neither lost   
nor confused in its identity4           
,precisely2 but ,plotinus himself fully 
admits as much4 ,his ,one is the cause  
of existence1 not existence itself4 ,he 
knows just as well as we do1 that the   
abstract idea of unity has no reality   
apart from the mind4 ,but if so1 why    
should he associate it1 in the true     
mystical style1 with the transports of  
amorous passion8 ,the question is       
pertinent1 but it might be addressed to 
other ,greek systems as well4 ,we must  

remember that ,plotinus is only         
commenting and enlarging on ,plato4 ,in 
the ,republic also1 the ,idea of ,good  
is described as transcending the        
existence and the knowledge which it    
produces1#dfe and in the ,symposium1 the
 absolute self beautiful1 which seems to
 be the ,good under another name1 is    
spoken of in terms not less passionately
 enthusiastic than any applied by       
,plotinus to the vision of the ,one4#dff
 ,doubtless the practical sense of the  
great ,attic master did not desert him  
even here3 the object of all thought1 in
 its widest sweep and in its highest    
flight1 is to find room for every       
possible expansion of knowledge1 for    
every possible elevation of life4       
,plotinus was a stranger to such broad  
views2 but in departing from ,plato1 as 
usual he follows ,aristotle4 ,the       
absolute self-thinking thought of the   
,stagirite is1 when we examine it       
closely1 only one degree less chimerical
 than the ,neo-,platonic unification4   

,for it means consciousness of self     
without the correlative consciousness of
 a not-self1 and as such1 according to  
,aristotle1 it affords an eternal       
felicity equal or superior to the best  
and happiest moments of our sensitive   
human life4 ,what ,plotinus does is to  
isolate personal identity from reason   
and1 as such1 to make it at once the    
cause and the supreme ideal of          
existence4 ,this involves two errors3   
first a false abstraction of one        
subjective phenomenon from the sum total
 of conscious life2 and1 secondly1 an   
illegitimate generalisation of this     
abstraction into an objective law of    
things4 ,but in both errors1 ,aristotle 
had preceded him1 by dissociating reason
 from all other mental functions1 and by
 then attributing the whole cosmic      
movement to the love which this isolated
 faculty of reason1 in its absolute     
self-existence1 for ever inspires4 ,and 
he also set the example of associating  
happiness1 which is an emotional state1 

with an intellectual abstraction from   
which emotion is necessarily excluded4  
,again1 the ,stoics1 ,epicureans1 and   
,sceptics all pass for being absolute   
rationalists4 ,yet their common ideal of
 impassive self-possession1 when worked 
out to its logical consequences1 becomes
 nearly indistinguishable from the      
self-simplification of ,plotinus4 ,all  
alike exhibit the ,greek tendency       
towards endless abstraction--what we    
have called the analytical moment of    
,greek thought1 working together with   
the moments of antithesis and           
circumscription4 ,the sceptical         
isolation of man from ,nature1 the      
,epicurean isolation of the individual  
from the community1 the ,stoic isolation
 of will from feeling1 reached their    
highest and most abstract expression in 
the ,neo-,platonic isolation of pure    
self-identity from all other modes of   
consciousness and existence combined4   
,in estimating the intellectual         
character of ,plotinus1 we must also    

remember that the theory of the absolute
 ,one occupies a relatively small place 
in his speculations2 while1 at a rough  
computation1 the purely mystical        
portions of his writings--by which we   
understand those in which allusion is   
made to personal and incommunicable     
experiences of his own--do not amount to
 more than one per cent4 of the whole4  
,if these have attracted more attention 
than all the rest put together1 the     
reason probably is that they offer an   
agreeable relief to the arid            
scholasticism which fills so much of the
 ,enneads1 and that they are the only   
very original contribution made by      
,plotinus to ,greek literature4 ,but the
 significance of a writer must not      
always be measured by his most original 
passages1 and this is eminently true of 
our philosopher4 ,his great merit was to
 make the spiritualism of ,plato and    
,aristotle more intelligible and        
interesting than it had been before1 and
 to furnish reason with a rallying-point

 when it was threatened with utter      
destruction by the religious revival of 
the empire4   ,,vii4  ,so far our       
investigation has been analytical4 ,we  
have seen ,plotinus acquire1 one after  
another1 the elements out of which his  
system has still to be constructed4 ,the
 first step was to separate spirit from 
matter4 ,they are respectively          
distinguished as principles of union and
 of division4 ,the bodies given to us in
 experience are a combination of the    
two1 a dispersion of form over an       
infinitely extended1 infinitely         
divisible1 infinitely changeful         
substratum4 ,our own souls1 which at    
first seemed so absolutely              
self-identical1 present1 on examination1
 a similarly composite character4 ,a    
fresh analysis results in the separation
 of ,nous or ,reason from the lower     
functions of conscious life4 ,and we    
infer by analogy that the soul in       
,nature bears the same relation to a    
transcendent objective ,nous4 ,nous is  

essentially pure self-consciousness1 and
 from this self-consciousness the world 
of ,ideas is developed4 ,properly       
speaking1 ,ideas are the sole reality3  
sensible forms are an image of them     
impressed on matter through the agency  
of the world-soul4 ,but ,nous1 or the   
totality of ,ideas1 though high1 is not 
the highest4 ,all that has hitherto     
occupied us1 ,nature1 ,soul1 and        
,reason1 is pervaded by a fundamental   
unity1 without which nothing could      
exist4 ,but ,soul is not herself this   
unity1 nor is ,reason4                  
,self-consciousness1 even in its purest 
expression1 involves a duality of object
 and subject4 ,the notion of ,being is  
distinct from the notion of oneness4    
,the principle represented by the       
latter1 as the cause of all things1 must
 itself transcend existence4 ,at the    
same time1 it is revealed to us by the  
fact of our own personal identity4 ,to  
be united with oneself is to be united  
with the ,one4  ,thus we have1 in all1  

five gradations3 the ,one1 ,nous1 ,soul1
 the sensible world1 and1 lastly1       
unformed ,matter4 ,taken together1 the  
first three constitute a triad of       
spiritual principles1 and1 as such1 are 
associated in a single group by         
,plotinus4#dfg ,sometimes they are      
spoken of as the ,alexandrian ,trinity4 
,but the implied comparison with the    
,trinity of ,catholicism is misleading4 
,with ,neo-,platonism1 the supreme unity
 is1 properly speaking1 alone ,god and  
alone ,one4 ,nous is vastly inferior to 
the first principle1 and ,soul1 again1  
to ,nous4 ,possibly the second and third
 principles are personal2 the first most
 certainly is not1 since                
self-consciousness is expressly denied  
to it by ,plotinus4 ,nor is it likely   
that the idea of a supernatural triad   
was suggested to ,neo-,platonism by     
,christianity4 ,each of the three       
principles may be traced to its source  
in ,greek philosophy4 ,this has been    
already shown in the case of the ,one   

and of the ,nous4 ,the universal soul is
 to be found in ,plato's ,timaeus2 it is
 analogous1 at least in its lower1      
divided part1 to ,aristotle's ,nature2  
and it is nearly identical with the     
informing spirit of ,stoicism4 ,as to   
the number three1 it was held in high   
esteem long before the ,christian era1  
and was likely to be independently      
employed for the construction of        
different systems at a time when belief 
in the magical virtue of particular     
numbers was more widely diffused than at
 any former period of civilised history4
  ,from another point of view1 as we    
have already observed with ,kirchner1   
the fundamental triad assumed by        
,plotinus is body1 soul1 and spirit4    
,under their objective aspect of the    
sensible universe1 the world-soul1 and  
the ,nous1 these three principles       
constitute the sum of all reality4 ,take
 away plurality from ,nous and there    
remains the ,one4 ,take away soul from  
body and there remains unformed matter4 

,these are the two transcendent         
principles between which the others     
extend1 and by whose combination in     
various proportions they are explained4 
,it is true that ,plotinus himself does 
not allude to the possibility of such an
 analysis1 but it exhibits1 better than 
any other1 the natural order of his     
dialectic4  ,plotinus passes by an      
almost insensible transition from the   
more elementary and analytical to the   
more constructive portion of his        
philosophy4 ,this naturally falls into  
two great divisions1 the one speculative
 and the other practical4 ,it has to be 
shown by what necessity and in what     
order the great cosmic principles are   
evolved from their supreme source2 and  
it has also to be shown in what way this
 knowledge is connected with the supreme
 interests of the human soul4 ,the moral
 aspect of ,neo-,platonism is not at    
first very clearly distinguished from   
its metaphysical aspect2 and both find  
their most general solution in the same 

line of thought that has led us up to a 
contemplation of the ultimate ,one4 ,for
 the successive gradations of our ascent
 represent1 in an inverted order1 the   
steps of creative energy by which all   
things are evolved from their primal    
source2 while they directly correspond  
to the process of purification through  
which every soul must pass in returning 
from the exile of her separate and      
material existence to the happiness of  
identification with ,god4 ,and here we  
at once come on the fundamental         
contradiction of the system4 ,what we   
were so carefully taught to consider as 
one and nothing more1 must now be       
conceived as the first cause and the    
supreme good4 ,plotinus does1 indeed1   
try to evade the difficulty by saying   
that his absolute is only a cause in    
relation to other things1 that it is not
 so much good as the giver of good1 that
 it is only one in the sense of not     
being many4#dfh ,but after making these 
reservations1 he continues to use the   

old terms as confidently as if they     
stood for the ideas usually associated  
with them4 ,his fundamental error was to
 identify three distinct methods of     
connecting phenomena1 in thought1 with  
each other or with ourselves4 ,we may   
view things in relation to their        
generating antecedents1 in relation to  
other things with which they are        
associated by resemblance or            
juxtaposition1 or in relation to the    
satisfaction of our own wants4 ,these   
three modes of reference correspond to  
,aristotle's efficient1 formal1 and     
final causes2 but the word causation    
should be applied only to the first4    
,whether their unfortunate confusion    
both by ,aristotle and by his successors
 was in any appreciable degree due to   
their having been associated by him     
under a common denomination1 may        
reasonably be doubted4 ,it is rather    
more probable that the same name was    
given to these different conceptions in 
consequence of their having first become

 partially identified in thought4       
,social arrangements1 which have a great
 deal to do with primitive speculation1 
would naturally lead to such an         
identification4 ,the king or other chief
 magistrate stands at the head of the   
social hierarchy and forms the bond of  
union among its members2 he is the      
source of all authority2 and his        
position1 or1 failing that1 his favour1 
is regarded as the supreme good4        
,religion extends the same combination  
of attributes to her chief ,god2 and    
philosophy1 following on the lines of   
religion1 employs it to unify the       
methods of science and morality4  ,all  
existence1 according to ,plotinus1      
proceeds from the ,one1 which he also   
calls ,god4 ,but ,god does not create   
the world by a conscious exercise of    
power2 for1 as we have seen1 every form 
of consciousness is excluded from his   
definition4 ,neither does it proceed    
from him by emanation1 for this would   
imply a diminution of his substance4#dfi

 ,it is produced by an overflow of his  
infinite power4#dgj ,our philosopher    
tries to explain and defend this rather 
unintelligible mode of derivation by the
 analogy of physical substances and     
their actions4 ,light is constantly     
coming from the sun without any loss to 
the luminary itself4#dga ,and all things
 are1 in like manner1 constantly        
communicating their proper virtue to    
others while remaining unaltered        
themselves4 ,here we have a good example
 of the close connexion between science 
and abstract speculation4 ,people often 
talk as if metaphysics was something    
beyond the reach of verification4 ,but  
some metaphysical theories admit1 at any
 rate1 of disproof1 in so far as they   
are founded on false physical theories4 
,had ,plotinus known that neither the   
sun nor anything else in ,nature can    
produce force out of nothing1 he would1 
very probably1 have hesitated to credit 
the ,one with such a power4  ,in        
reasoning up from the world to its first

 cause1 we were given to understand that
 the two were related to one another as 
contradictory opposites4 ,the multiple  
must proceed from the simple1 and       
existence from that which does not      
exist4 ,but the analogies of material   
production now suggest a somewhat       
different view4 ,what every power calls 
into existence is an image of itself1   
but the effect is never more than a     
weakened and imperfect copy of its      
original4 ,thus the universe appears as 
a series of diminishing energies        
descending in a graduated scale from the
 highest to the lowest4 ,here1 again1   
bad science makes bad philosophy4       
,effects are never inferior to their    
causes1 but always exactly equal1 the   
effect being nothing else than the cause
 in another place or under another form4
 ,this would be obvious enough1 did not 
superficial observation habitually      
confound the real cause with the sum of 
its concomitants4 ,what we are          
accustomed to think of as a single cause

 is1 in truth1 a whole bundle of causes1
 which do not always converge to a      
single point1 and each of which1 taken  
singly1 is1 of course1 inferior to the  
whole sum taken together4 ,thus when we 
say that the sun heats the earth1 this  
is only a conventional way of speaking4 
,what really does the work is a         
relatively infinitesimal part of the    
solar heat separately transmitted to us 
through space4 ,once neglect this truth1
 and there is no reason why effects     
should not exceed as well as fall short 
of their causes in any assignable       
proportion4 ,such an illusion is1 in    
fact1 produced when different energies  
converge to a point4 ,here it is the    
consequent and not the antecedent which 
is confounded with the sum of its       
concomitants1 as when an explosion is   
said to be the effect of a spark4  ,of  
course we are speaking of causation as  
exercised under the conditions of time1 
space1 matter1 and motion4 ,it is then  
identical with the transmission of      

energy and obeys the laws of energy4    
,and to talk about causation under any  
other conditions than these is utter    
nonsense4 ,but ,plotinus and other      
philosophers exclude the most essential 
of the conditions specified from their  
enquiries into the ultimate origin of   
things4 ,we are expressly informed that 
the genesis of ,nous from the ,one1 and 
of ,soul from ,nous1 must not be        
conceived as taking place in time but in
 eternity4#dgb ,unfortunately those who 
make such reservations are not          
consistent4 ,they continue to talk about
 power1 causation1 priority1 and so     
forth1 as if these conceptions were     
separable from time4 ,hence they have to
 choose between making statements which 
are absolutely unintelligible and making
 statements which are absolutely untrue4
  ,perhaps the processes of logic and   
mathematics may be adduced as an        
exception4 ,it may be contended that the
 genus is prior to the species1 the     
premise to the conclusion1 the unit to  

the multiple1 the line to the figure1 in
 reason though not in time4 ,and        
,plotinus avails himself to the fullest 
extent of mathematical and logical      
analogies in his transcendental         
constructions4 ,his ,one is the         
starting-point of numeration1 the centre
 of a circle1 the identity involved in  
difference2 and under each relation it  
claims an absolute priority1 of which   
causal power is only the most general   
expression4 ,we have already seen how a 
multitude of archetypal ,ideas spring   
from the supreme ,nous as from their    
fountain-head4 ,their production is     
explained1 on the lines of ,plato's     
,sophist1 as a process of dialectical   
derivation4 ,by logically analysing the 
conception of self-consciousness1 we    
obtain1 first of all1 ,nous itself1 or  
,reason1 as the subject1 and ,existence 
as the object of thought4 ,subject and  
object1 considered as the same with one 
another1 give us ,identity2 considered  
as distinct1 they give us ,difference4  

,the passage from one to the other gives
 ,motion2 the limitation of thought to  
itself gives ,rest4 ,the plurality of   
determinations so obtained gives number 
and quantity1 their specific difference 
gives quality1 and from these principles
 everything else is derived4#dgc ,it    
might seem as if1 here at least1 we had 
something which could be called a       
process of eternal generation--a causal 
order independent of time4 ,but1 in     
reality1 the assumed sequence exists    
only in our minds1 and there it takes   
place under the form of time1 not less  
inevitably than do the external         
re-arrangements of matter and motion4   
,thus in logic and mathematics1 such    
terms as priority1 antecedence1 and     
evolution can only be used to signify   
the order in which our knowledge is     
acquired2 they do not answer to causal  
relations existing among things in      
themselves4 ,and apart from these two   
orders--the objective order of dynamical
 production in space and time1 and the  

subjective order of intelligibility in  
thought--there is no kind of succession 
that we can conceive4 ,eternal          
relations1 if they exist at all1 must be
 relations of co-existence1 of          
resemblance1 or of difference1 continued
 through infinite time4 ,wherever there 
is antecedence1 the consequent can only 
have existed for a finite time4  ,some  
may think that we have pushed this point
 at unnecessary length4 ,but the        
,neo-,platonic method is not quite so   
obsolete as they1 perhaps1 suppose4     
,whenever we repeat the ,nicene and     
,athanasian ,creeds1 we are expressing  
our religious belief in the language of 
the ,alexandrian schools1 thus pledging 
ourselves to metaphysical dogmas which  
we can neither explain nor defend4 ,such
 terms as sonship and procession have no
 meaning except when applied to         
relations conceived under the form of   
time2 and to predicate eternity of them 
is to reduce them to so much            
unintelligible jargon4  ,an energy      

continually advancing through successive
 gradations1 and diminishing as it      
advances--such1 as we have seen1 is the 
conception of existence offered by      
,plotinus4 ,we have seen1 also1 how to  
explain the genesis of one principle    
from another without the aid of         
supernatural volition or of mechanical  
causation1 he is compelled to press into
 the service every sort of relationship 
by which two objects can be connected1  
and to invest it with a dynamical       
significance which only the phenomena of
 matter and motion can possess4 ,but    
what he chiefly relies on for guidance  
in this tortuous labyrinth of timeless  
evolution1 is the old ,greek principle  
that contraries are generated from one  
another4 ,and with him1 as with the     
earlier thinkers1 all contraries reduce 
themselves1 in the last analysis1 to the
 four great antitheses of the ,one and  
the ,many1 ,being and not-,being1 the   
,same and the ,other1 ,rest and ,motion4
 ,it matters nothing that he should have

 followed ,plato to the extent of       
co-ordinating five of these terms as    
supreme archetypal ,ideas1 immediately  
resulting from the self-consciousness of
 ,nous1 and themselves producing all    
other forms of existence4 ,they are     
used1 quite independently of that       
derivation1 to explain the connexion of 
the various creative principles with one
 another4 ,nous is deduced from its     
first cause as ,being from not-,being1  
as the ,many from the ,one1 as          
,difference from ,identity1 and as      
,motion from ,rest4#dgd ,to explain the 
generation of ,soul from ,nous is a more
 difficult problem4 ,the ,one had       
originally been defined as the          
antithetical cause of ,nous1 and        
therefore the latter could easily be    
accounted for by simply reversing the   
analytical process2 whereas ,nous had   
not been defined as the cause of ,soul1 
but as the model whence her creative    
,ideas are derived4 ,soul1 in fact1 is  
not opposed to anything2 she is the     

connecting link between sense and       
spirit4 ,in this strait1 ,plotinus seems
 to think that the antithesis between   
,rest and ,motion is the best fitted to 
express the nature of her descent from  
the higher principle2 and on one        
occasion he illustrates the relation of 
his three divine substances to one      
another by the famous figure of a       
central point representing the ,one1 a  
fixed circle round that point           
representing the ,nous1 and outside     
that1 again1 a revolving circle         
representing the ,soul4#dge ,still1 the 
different parts of the system are very  
awkwardly pieced together at this       
juncture2 for the creative energy of the
 ,nous has already been invoked to      
account for the ,ideas or partial       
intelligences into which it             
spontaneously divides2 and one does not 
understand how it can be simultaneously 
applied to the production of something  
that is not an ,idea at all4  ,fresh    
difficulties arise in explaining the    

activity which the ,soul1 in her turn1  
exerts4 ,as originally conceived1 her   
function was sufficiently clear4        
,mediating between two worlds1 she      
transforms the lower one into a likeness
 of the higher1 stamping on material    
objects a visible image of the eternal  
,ideas revealed to her by a             
contemplation of the ,nous4 ,and1 as a  
further elaboration of this scheme1 we  
were told that the primary soul         
generates an inferior soul1 which1      
again1 subdivides itself into the       
multitude of partial souls required for 
the animation of different bodily       
organisms4 ,but now that our philosopher
 has entered on a synthetic construction
 of the elements furnished by his       
preliminary analysis1 he finds himself  
confronted by an entirely new problem4  
,for his implied principle is that each 
hypostasis must generate the grade which
 comes next after it in the descending  
series of manifestations1 until the     
possibilities of existence have been    

exhausted4 ,but in developing and       
applying the noetic ,ideas1 the ,soul1  
apparently1 finds a pre-existing ,matter
 ready to hand4 ,thus she has to deal   
with something lower than herself1 which
 she did not create1 and which is not   
created by the ,forms combined with it  
in sensible experience4 ,we hear of a   
descent from thought to feeling1 and    
from feeling to simple vitality1#dgf but
 in each instance the depth of the      
,soul's fall is measured by the extent  
to which she penetrates into the        
recesses of a substance not clearly     
related to her nor to anything above    
her4  ,plotinus is driven by this       
perplexity to reconsider the whole      
theory of ,matter4#dgg ,he takes        
,aristotle's doctrine as the groundwork 
of his investigation4 ,according to     
this1 all existence is divided into     
,matter and ,form4 ,what we know of     
things--in other words1 the sum of their
 differential characteristics--is their 
,form4 ,take away this1 and the         

unknowable residuum is their ,matter4   
,again1 ,matter is the vague            
indeterminate something out of which    
particular ,forms are developed4 ,the   
two are related as ,possibility to      
,actuality1 as the more generic to the  
more specific substance through every   
grade of classification and composition4
 ,thus there are two ,matters1 the one  
sensible and the other intelligible4    
,the former constitutes the common      
substratum of bodies1 the other the     
common element of ideas4#dgh ,the       
general distinction between ,matter and 
,form was originally suggested to       
,aristotle by ,plato's remarks on the   
same subject2 but he differs from his   
master in two important particulars4    
,plato1 in his ,timaeus1 seems to       
identify ,matter with space4#dgi ,so    
far1 it is a much more positive         
conception than the  of the             
,metaphysics4 ,on the other hand1 he    
constantly opposes it to reality as     
something non-existent2 and he at least 

implies that it is opposed to absolute  
good as a principle of absolute         
evil4#dhj ,thus while the ,aristotelian 
world is formed by the development of   
,power into ,actuality1 the ,platonic   
world is composed by the union of ,being
 and not-,being1 of the ,same and the   
,different1 of the ,one and the ,many1  
of the ,limit and the ,unlimited1 of    
,good and ,evil1 in varying proportions 
with each other4  ,plotinus1 as we have 
said1 starts with the ,aristotelian     
account of ,matter2 but by a process of 
dialectical manipulation1 he gradually  
brings it into almost complete agreement
 with ,plato's conception2 thus1 as     
usual1 mediating between and combining  
the views of his two great authorities4 
,in the first place1 he takes advantage 
of ,aristotle's distinction between     
intelligible and sensible ,matter1 to   
strip the latter of that positive and   
vital significance with which it had    
been clothed in the ,peripatetic system4
 ,in the world of ,ideas1 there is an   

element common to all specific forms1 a 
fundamental unity in which they meet and
 inhere1 which may without impropriety  
be called their ,matter4 ,but this      
,matter is an eternal and divine        
substance1 inseparably united with the  
fixed forms which it supports1 and1     
therefore1 something which1 equally with
 them1 receives light and life and      
thought from the central source of      
being4 ,it is otherwise with sensible   
,matter1 the common substance of the    
corporeal elements4 ,this is1 to use the
 energetic expression of our            
philosopher1 a decorated corpse4#dha ,it
 does not remain constantly combined    
with any form1 but is for ever passing  
from one to another1 without manifesting
 a particular preference for any4 ,as   
such1 it is the absolute negation of    
,form1 and can only be conceived1 if at 
all1 by thinking away every sensible    
quality4 ,neither has it any quantity1  
for quantity means magnitude1 and       
magnitude implies definite figure4      

,aristotle opposed to each particular   
form a corresponding privation1 and     
placed ,matter midway between them4     
,plotinus1 on the other hand1 identifies
 ,matter with the general privation of  
all forms4 ,it is at this point that he 
begins to work his way back to the      
,platonic notion of ,matter as simple   
extension4 ,there must1 after all1 be   
something about ,matter which enables it
 to receive every kind of quality and   
figure1--it must have some sort of mass 
or bulk1 not1 indeed1 in any definite   
sense1 but with an equal capacity for   
expansion and for contraction4 ,now1    
says ,plotinus1 the very                
indeterminateness of ,matter is         
precisely the capacity for extension in 
all directions that we require4         
#8,having no principle of stability1 but
 being borne towards every form1 and    
easily led about in all directions1 it  
acquires the nature of a mass4'#dhb     
,henceforth1 whatever our philosopher   
says about ,matter will apply to        

extension and to extension alone4 ,it   
cannot be apprehended by sight1 nor by  
hearing1 nor by smell1 nor by taste1 for
 it is neither colour1 nor sound1 nor   
odour1 nor juice4 ,neither can it be    
touched1 for it is not a body1 but it   
becomes corporeal on being blended with 
sensible qualities4 ,and1 in a later    
essay1 he describes it as receiving all 
things and letting them depart again    
without retaining the slightest trace of
 their presence4#dhc ,why then1 it may  
be asked1 if ,plotinus meant extension1 
could he not say so at once1 and save us
 all this trouble in hunting out his    
meaning8 ,there were very good reasons  
why he should not4 ,in the first place1 
he wished to express himself1 so far as 
possible1 in ,aristotelian phraseology1 
and this was incompatible with the      
reduction of ,matter to extension4 ,in  
the next place1 the idea of an infinite 
void had been already appropriated by   
the ,epicureans1 to whose system he was 
bitterly opposed4 ,and1 finally1 the    

extension of ordinary experience had not
 the absolute generality which was      
needed in order to bring ,matter into   
relation with that ultimate abstraction 
whence1 like everything else1 it has now
 to be derived4  ,as a result of the    
preceding analysis1 ,plotinus at last   
identifies ,matter with the             
,infinite--not an infinite something1   
but the ,infinite pure and simple1 apart
 from any subject of which it can be    
predicated4 ,we started with what seemed
 a broad distinction between            
intelligible and sensible ,matter4 ,that
 distinction now disappears in a new and
 more comprehensive conception2 and1 at 
the same time1 ,plotinus begins to see  
his way towards a restatement of his    
whole system in clearer terms4 #8,the   
,infinite is generated from the infinity
 or power or eternity of the ,one2 not  
that there is infinity in the ,one1 but 
that it is created by the ,one4'#dhd    
,with the first outrush of energy from  
the primal fount of things1 ,matter     

begins to exist4 ,but no sooner do      
movement and difference start into life1
 than they are restrained and bent back 
by the presence of the ,one2 and this   
reflection of power or being on itself  
constitutes the supreme                 
self-consciousness of ,nous4#dhe        
,whether the subsequent creation of     
,soul involves a fresh production of    
energy1 or whether a portion of the     
original stream1 which was called into  
existence by the ,one1 escapes from the 
restraining self-consciousness of ,nous 
and continues its onward flow--this     
,plotinus does not say4 ,what he does   
say is that ,soul stands to ,nous in the
 relation of ,matter to ,form1 and is   
raised to perfection by gazing back on  
the ,ideas contained in ,nous1 just as  
,nous itself had been perfected by      
returning to the ,one4#dhf ,but while   
the two higher principles remain        
stationary1 the ,soul1 besides giving   
birth to a fresh stream of energy1 turns
 towards her own creation and away from 

the fountain of her life4 ,and1         
apparently1 it is only by this          
condescension on her part that the      
visible world could have been           
formed4#dhg ,we can explain this by     
supposing that as the stream of ,matter 
departs more and more from the ,one1 its
 power of self-reflection continually   
diminishes1 and at length ceases        
altogether4 ,it is thus that the        
substratum of sensible objects must1 as 
we have seen1 be conceived under the    
aspect of a passive recipient for the   
forms imposed on it by the ,soul2 and   
just as those forms are a mere image of 
the noetic ,ideas1 so also1 ,plotinus   
tells us1 is their ,matter an image of  
the intelligible ,matter which exists in
 the ,nous itself2 only the image       
realises the conception of a material   
principle more completely than the      
archetype1 because of its more negative 
and indeterminate nature1 a diminution  
of good being equivalent to an increase 
of evil4#dhh  ,still ,plotinus gives no 

clear answer to the question whence     
comes this last and lowest ,matter4 ,he 
will not say that it is an emanation    
from the ,soul1 nor yet will he say that
 it is a formless residue of the element
 out of which she was shaped by a return
 to the ,nous4 ,in truth1 he could not  
make up his mind as to whether the      
,matter of sensible objects was created 
at all4 ,he oscillates between          
unwillingness to admit that absolute    
evil can come from good1 and            
unwillingness to admit that the two are 
co-ordinate principles of existence4    
,and1 as usual1 where ideas fail him1 he
 helps himself out of the difficulty    
with metaphors4 ,the ,soul must advance1
 and in order to advance she must make a
 place for herself1 and that there may  
be a place there must be body4 ,or1     
again1 while remaining fixed in herself1
 she sends out a great light1 and by the
 light she sees that there is darkness  
beyond its extreme verge1 and moulds its
 formless substance into shape4#dhi     

,the ambiguities and uncertainties which
 ,plotinus exhibits in theorising on the
 origin of ,matter1 are due not only to 
the conflicting influences of ,plato and
 ,aristotle1 but also to another        
influence quite distinct from theirs4   
,this is the ,stoic cosmology4 ,while   
utterly repudiating the materialism of  
the ,stoics1 ,plotinus evidently felt   
attracted by their severe monism1 and by
 the consistent manner in which they    
derived every form of existence from the
 divine substance4 ,they too recognised 
a distinction between ,form and ,matter1
 the active and the passive principle in
 ,nature1 but they supposed that the    
one1 besides being penetrated and       
moulded by the other1 had also been     
originally produced by it4 ,such a      
theory was well suited to the energetic 
and practical character of ,stoic       
morality1 with its aversion from mere   
contemplation1 its immediate bearing on 
the concrete interests of life4 ,man was
 conceived as an intelligent force1     

having for his proper function to bring 
order out of chaos1 #8to make reason and
 the will of ,god prevail1' and this    
ideal appeared to be reflected in the   
dynamic constitution of ,nature4 ,with  
,plotinus1 on the other hand1 as with   
,aristotle1 theory and not practice was 
the end of life1 or rather1 as he       
himself expressed it1 practice was an   
inferior kind of theorising1 an         
endeavour to set before oneself in      
outward form what should properly be    
sought in the noetic world where subject
 and object are one4#dij ,accordingly1  
while accepting the ,stoic monism1 he   
strove to bring it into close agreement 
with ,aristotle's cosmology1 by         
substituting contemplation for will as  
the creative principle in all existence1
 no less than as the ideal of happiness 
for man4  ,we have seen how1 in         
accordance with this view1 each         
principle is perfected by looking back  
on its source4#dia ,thus the activity of
 the world-soul1 so far as it is        

exercised for the benefit of what comes 
after and falls beneath her1 is an      
anomaly only to be accounted for by her 
inferior place in the system of         
graduated descent2 or else by the utter 
impotence of ,matter1 which is incapable
 of raising itself into ,form by a      
spontaneous act of reflection1 and can  
only passively receive the images       
transmitted to it from above1 without   
being able to retain even these for any 
time4 ,nay1 here also1 what looks like  
creative energy admits of being         
assimilated more or less closely to an  
exercise of idealising thought4 ,it is  
really for her own sake that the ,soul  
fills what lies beyond her with life and
 light1 not1 like ,plato's ,soul1 from  
pure disinterested joy in the           
communication and diffusion of good4 ,it
 is because she recoils with horror from
 darkness and nonentity that she shapes 
the formless substance into a residence 
for herself1 on the model of the        
imperial palace whence she came4 ,thus  

the functions of sensation1 nutrition1  
and reproduction are to be regarded as  
so many modes of contemplation4 ,in the 
first1 the ,soul dwells on the material 
images which already exist2 in the      
second and third1 she strives to        
perpetuate and multiply them still      
further4 ,and the danger is that she may
 become so enthralled by her own        
creation as to forget the divine        
original after which it is formed4#dib  
,should she yield to the snare1         
successive transmigrations will sink her
 lower and lower into the depths of     
animalism and material darkness4 ,to    
avoid this degradation1 to energise with
 the better part of our nature1 is to be
 good4 ,and with the distinction between
 good and evil1 we pass from the        
metaphysical to the ethical portion of  
the system4   ,,viii4  ,all virtue1 with
 ,plotinus1 rests on the superiority of 
the soul to the body4 ,so far1 he       
follows the common doctrine of ,plato   
and ,aristotle4 ,but in working out the 

distinction1 he is influenced by the    
individualising and theoretic philosophy
 of the latter rather than by the social
 and practical philosophy of the former4
 ,or1 again1 we may say that with him   
the intellectualism of ,aristotle is    
heightened and warmed by the religious  
aspirations of ,plato1 strengthened and 
purified by the ,stoic passionlessness1 
the ,stoic independence of external     
goods4 ,in his ethical system1 the      
virtues are arranged in an ascending    
scale4 ,each grade reproduces the old   
quadripartite division into ,wisdom1    
,courage1 ,temperance and ,justice1 but 
in each their respective significance   
receives a new interpretation4 ,as civic
 virtues1 they continue to bear the     
meaning assigned to them in ,plato's    
,republic4 ,wisdom belongs to reason1   
,courage to passionate spirit1          
,temperance to desire1 while ,justice   
implies the fulfilment of its           
appropriate function by each4#dic ,but  
all this only amounts to the restriction

 of what would otherwise be unregulated 
impulse1 the imposition of ,form on     
,matter1 the supremacy of the soul over 
the body2 whereas what we want is to get
 rid of matter altogether4 ,here also1  
,plato sets us on the right track when  
he calls the virtues purifications4     
,from this point of view1 for the soul  
to energise alone without any           
interference1 is ,wisdom2 not to be     
moved by the passions of the body is    
,temperance2 not to dread separation    
from the body is ,courage2 and to obey  
the guidance of reason is ,justice4#did 
,such a disposition of the soul is what 
,plato means by flying from the world   
and becoming like ,god4 ,is this enough8
 ,no1 it is not4 ,we have1 so far1 been 
dealing only with the negative          
conditions of good1 not with good       
itself4 ,the essential thing is not     
purification1 but what remains behind   
when the work of purification is        
accomplished4 ,so we come to the third  
and highest grade of virtue1 the truly  

divine life1 which is a complete        
conversion to reason4 ,our philosopher  
endeavours to fit this also into the    
framework of the cardinal virtues1 but  
not without imposing a serious strain on
 the ordinary meaning of words4 ,of     
,wisdom nothing need be said1 for it is 
the same as rationality4 ,justice is the
 self-possession of mind1 ,temperance   
the inward direction towards reason1    
,courage the impassivity arising from   
resemblance to that which is by nature  
impassive4#die  ,plotinus is careful to 
make us understand that his morality has
 neither an ascetic nor a suicidal      
tendency4 ,pleasures are to be tolerated
 under the form of a necessary relief   
and relaxation2 pains are to be removed1
 but if incurable1 they are to be       
patiently borne2 anger is1 if possible1 
to be suppressed1 and1 at any rate1 not 
allowed to exceed the limits of an      
involuntary movement2 fear will not be  
felt except as a salutary warning4 ,the 
bodily appetites will be restricted to  

natural wants1 and will not be felt by  
the soul1 except1 perhaps1 as a         
transient excitement of the             
imagination4#dif ,whatever abstinences  
our philosopher may have practised on   
his own account1 we find no trace of a  
tendency towards self-mortification in  
his writings1 nothing that is not       
consistent with the healthiest          
traditions of ,greek spiritualism as    
originally constituted by the great     
,athenian school4  ,while not absolutely
 condemning suicide1 ,plotinus restricts
 the right of leaving this world within 
much narrower limits than were assigned 
to it by the ,stoics4 ,in violently     
separating herself from the body1 the   
soul1 he tells us1 is acting under the  
influence of some evil passion1 and he  
intimates that the mischievous effects  
of this passion will prolong themselves 
into the new life on which she is       
destined to enter4#dig ,translated into 
more abstract language1 his meaning     
probably is that the feelings which     

ordinarily prompt to suicide1 are such  
as would not exist in a well-regulated  
mind4 ,it is remarkable that            
,schopenhauer1 whose views of life were1
 on other points1 the very reverse of   
those held by ,plotinus1 should have    
used very much the same argument against
 self-destruction4 ,according to his    
theory1 the will to life1 which it      
should be our principal business to     
conquer1 asserts itself strongly in the 
wish to escape from suffering1 and only 
delays the final moment of peaceful     
extinction by rushing from one phase of 
existence to another4 ,and in order to  
prove the possibility of such a revival1
 ,schopenhauer was obliged to graft on  
his philosophy a theory of              
metempsychosis1 which1 but for this     
necessity1 would certainly never have   
found a place in it at all4 ,in this1 as
 in many other instances1 an ethical    
doctrine is apparently deduced from a   
metaphysical doctrine which has1 in     
reality1 been manufactured for its      

support4 ,all systems do but present    
under different formulas a common fund  
of social sentiment4 ,a constantly      
growing body of public opinion teaches  
us that we do not belong to ourselves1  
but to those about us1 and that1 in     
ordinary circumstances1 it is no less   
weak and selfish to run away from life  
than to run away from death4  ,plotinus 
follows up his essay on the ,virtues by 
an essay on ,dialectic4#dih ,as a method
 for attaining perfection1 he places    
dialectic above ethics2 and1 granting   
that the apprehension of abstract ideas 
ranks higher than the performance of    
social duties1 he is quite consistent in
 so doing4 ,not much1 however1 can be   
made of his few remarks on the subject4 
,they seem to be partly meant for a     
protest against the ,stoic idea that    
logic is an instrument for acquiring    
truth rather than truth itself1 and also
 against the ,stoic use or abuse of the 
syllogistic method4 ,in modern          
phraseology1 ,plotinus seems to view    

dialectic as the immanent and eternal   
process of life itself1 rather than as a
 collection of rules for drawing correct
 inferences from true propositions1 or  
from propositions assumed to be true4   
,we have seen how he regarded existence 
in the highest sense as identical with  
the self-thinking of the absolute ,nous1
 and how he attempted to evolve the     
whole series of archetypal ,ideas       
contained therein from the simple fact  
of self-consciousness4 ,thus he would   
naturally identify dialectic with the   
subjective reproduction of this         
objective evolution2 and here he would  
always have before his eyes the splendid
 programme sketched in ,plato's         
,republic4#dii ,his preference of       
intuitive to discursive reasoning has   
been quoted by ,ritter as a symptom of  
mysticism4 ,but here1 as in so many     
instances1 he follows ,aristotle1 who   
also held that simple abstraction is a  
higher operation1 and represents a      
higher order of real existence than     

complex ratiocination4#ejj  ,the        
ultimate stage of perfection is1 of     
course1 the identification of subject   
and object1 the ascent from the ,nous to
 the ,one4 ,but1 on this point1         
,plotinus never added anything essential
 to what has already been quoted from   
the analytical portion of his enquiry1  
and the essay containing that passage is
 accordingly placed last in ,porphyry's 
arrangement of his works4  ,our account 
of ,neo-,platonism has1 with the        
exception of a few illustrations1 been  
derived exclusively from the earlier    
essays of ,plotinus4 ,his subsequent    
writings are exceedingly obscure and    
tedious1 and they add little by way     
either of development or defence to the 
outlines which he had sketched with a   
master's hand4 ,whatever materials they 
may supply for a better appreciation1   
whether of his philosophy or of his     
general character as a thinker1 will    
most profitably find their place in the 
final survey of both which we shall now 

attempt to give4   ,,ix4  ,every great  
system of philosophy may be considered  
from four distinct points of view4 ,we  
may ask what is its value as a theory of
 the world and of human life1 measured  
either by the number of new truths which
 it contains1 or by the stimulus to new 
thought which it affords4 ,or we may    
consider it from the aesthetic side1 as 
a monumental structure interesting us   
not by its utility1 but by its beauty   
and grandeur4 ,under this aspect1 a     
system may be admirable for its         
completeness1 coherence1 and symmetry1  
or for the great intellectual qualities 
exhibited by its architect1 although it 
may be open to fatal objections as a    
habitation for human beings1 and may    
fail to reproduce the plan on which we  
now know that the universe is built4    
,or1 again1 our interest in the work may
 be purely historical and psychological2
 we may look on it as the product of a  
particular age and a particular mind1 as
 summing up for us under their most     

abstract form the ideas and aspirations 
which at any given moment had gained    
possession of educated opinion4 ,or1    
finally1 we may study it as a link in   
the evolution of thought1 as a result of
 earlier tendencies1 and an antecedent  
of later developments4 ,we propose to   
make a few remarks on the philosophy of 
,plotinus1 or1 what is the same thing1  
on ,neo-,platonism in general1 from each
 of these four points of view4  ,in     
absolute value1 ,neo-,platonism stands  
lowest as well as last among the ancient
 schools of thought4 ,no reader who has 
followed us thus far will need to be    
reminded how many valuable ideas were   
first brought to light1 or reinforced   
with new arguments and illustrations by 
the early ,greek thinkers1 by the       
,sophists and ,socrates1 by ,plato and  
,aristotle1 by the ,stoics1 ,epicureans1
 and ,sceptics1 and by the moralists of 
the ,roman empire4 ,on every subject of 
speculation that can be started1 we     
continue to ask1 like ,plotinus himself1

 what the #8blessed ancients' had to say
 about it2#eja not1 of course1 because  
they lived a long time ago1 but because 
they came first1 because they said what 
they had to say with the unique charm of
 original discovery1 because they were  
in more direct contact than we are1 not1
 indeed1 with the facts1 but with the   
phenomena of ,nature and life and       
thought4 ,it is true that we have       
nothing more to learn from them1 for    
whatever was sound in their teaching has
 been entirely absorbed into modern     
thought1 and combined with ideas of     
which they did not dream4 ,but until we 
come to ,hume and his successors1 there 
is nothing in philosophical literature  
that can be compared to their writings  
for emancipating and stimulating power2 
and1 perhaps1 when the thinkers of the  
last and present centuries have become  
as obsolete as ,bacon and ,descartes are
 now1 those writings will continue to be
 studied with unabating zeal4           
,neo-,platonism1 on the other hand1 is  

dead1 and every attempt made to         
galvanise it into new life has proved a 
disastrous failure4 ,the world1 that is 
to say the world of culture1 will not   
read ,plotinus and his successors1 will 
not even read the books that are written
 about them by scholars of brilliant    
literary ability like ,,mm4 ,vacherot   
and ,jules ,simon in ,france1 ,steinhart
 and ,kirchner in ,germany4#ejb  ,we    
have not far to seek for the cause of   
this fatal condemnation4 ,neo-,platonism
 is nothing if not a system1 and as a   
system it is false1 and not only false  
but out of relation to every accepted   
belief4 ,in combining the dialectic of  
,plato with the metaphysics of          
,aristotle and the physics of ,stoicism1
 ,plotinus has contrived to rob each of 
whatever plausibility it once possessed4
 ,the ,platonic doctrine of ,ideas was  
an attempt to express something very    
real and important1 the distinction     
between laws and facts in ,nature1      
between general principles and          

particular observations in science1     
between ethical standards and everyday  
practice in life4 ,the eternal ,nous of 
,aristotle represented the upward       
struggle of ,nature through mechanical1 
chemical1 and vital movements to        
self-conscious thought4 ,the world-soul 
of ,stoicism represented a return to    
monism1 a protest against the           
unphilosophical antithesis between ,god 
and the world1 spirit and matter1       
necessity and free-will4 ,plotinus      
attempts to rationalise the ,ideas by   
shutting them up in the ,aristotelian   
,nous1 with the effect of severing them 
still more hopelessly from the real     
world1 and1 at the same time1 making    
their subjective origin still more      
flagrantly apparent than before4 ,and   
along with the ,stoic conception of a   
world-soul1 he preserves all those      
superstitious fancies about secret      
spiritual sympathies and affinities     
connecting the different parts of       
,nature with one another which the      

conception of a transcendent ,nous1 as  
originally understood by ,aristotle1 had
 at least the merit of excluding4       
,finally1 by a tremendous wrench of     
abstraction1 the unity of existence is  
torn away from existence itself1 and the
 most relative of all conceptions is put
 out of relation to the thought which1  
in the very same breath1 it is declared 
to condition1 and to the things which it
 is declared to create4  ,again1 on the 
practical side1 by combining ,plato with
 ,aristotle and both with ,stoicism1    
,plotinus contrives to eliminate what is
 most valuable in each4 ,if1 in the     
,republic1 the ,good was placed above   
all existence1 this was only that we    
might transform existence into its      
image4 ,if ,aristotle placed the        
theoretical above the ethical virtues1  
he assigned no limits but those of      
observation and reasoning to the        
energising of theoretic power4 ,if the  
,stoics rested morality on the absolute 
isolation of the human will1 they       

deduced from this principle not only the
 inwardness of virtue1 but also the     
individualisation of duty1 the          
obligation of beneficence1 and the      
forgiveness of sin4 ,but with ,plotinus1
 ,reason has no true object of          
contemplation outside its own abstract  
ideas1 and the self-realisation of      
,stoicism means a barren consciousness  
of personal identity1 from which every  
variety of interest and sympathy is     
excluded3 it is not an expansion of our 
own soul into coincidence with the      
absolute ,all1 but a concentration of   
both into a single point1 a flight of   
the alone to the alone2#ejc and only in 
this utter solitude does he suppose that
 the ,platonic ,good is finally and     
wholly possessed4  ,nor1 with a single  
exception1 is the fundamental untruth of
 the system redeemed by any just and    
original observations on points of      
detail such as lie so thickly scattered 
over the pages of other metaphysicians1 
both in ancient and modern literature4  

,the single exception is the refutation 
of materialism to which attention has   
been already directed4 ,apart from this1
 the ,enneads do not contain one single 
felicitous or suggestive idea1 nothing  
that can enlarge the horizon of our     
thoughts1 nothing that can exalt the    
purpose of our lives4  ,if1 however1 we 
pass to the second point of view1 and   
judge ,neo-,platonism according to the  
requirements1 not of truth or of        
usefulness1 but of beauty1 our first    
verdict of utter condemnation will be   
succeeded by a much more favourable     
opinion4 ,plotinus has used the         
materials inherited from his            
predecessors with unquestionable        
boldness and skill2 and the constructive
 power exhibited in the general plan of 
his vast system is fully equalled by the
 close reasoning with which every detail
 is elaborated and fitted into its      
proper place4 ,nothing can be imagined  
more imposing than this wondrous        
procession of forms defiling from the   

unknown to the unknown--from the        
self-developing consciousness of ,reason
 as it breaks and flames and multiplies 
into a whole universe of being and life 
and thought1 ever returning1 by the very
 law of their production1 to the source 
whence they have sprung--onward and     
outward on the wings of the cosmic      
,soul1 through this visible world1 where
 they reappear as images of intellectual
 beauty in the eternal revolutions of   
the starry spheres above1 in the        
everlasting reproduction of organic     
species below1 in the loveliest thoughts
 and actions of the loveliest human     
souls--till the utmost limits of their  
propagation and dispersion have been    
reached1 till the last faint rays of    
existence die out in the dark and void  
region that extends to infinity beyond4 
,nothing in the realm of abstractions   
can be more moving than this ,odyssey of
 the human soul1 wakened by visions of  
earthly loveliness to a consciousness of
 her true destiny1 a remembrance of her 

lost and forgotten home2 then abandoning
 these for the possession of a more     
spiritual beauty1 ascending by the steps
 of dialectic to a contemplation of the 
archetypal ,ideas that lie folded and   
mutually interpenetrated in the bosom of
 the eternal ,reason where thought and  
being are but the double aspect of a    
single absolute reality2 seeking farther
 and higher1 beyond the limits of       
existence itself1 for a still purer     
unity1 and finding in the awful solitude
 of that supreme elevation that the     
central source of all things does not   
lie without but within1 that only in    
returning to self-identity does she     
return to the ,one2 or1 again1          
descending to the last confines of light
 and life that she may prolong their    
radiation into the formless depths of   
matter1 projecting on its darkness an   
image of the glory whose remembrance    
still attends her in her fall4  ,still  
more impressive1 if we consider the     
writings of ,plotinus on their personal 

side1 and as a revelation of their      
author's mind1 is the high and sustained
 purity1 the absolute detachment and    
disinterestedness by which they are     
characterised throughout4 ,no trace of  
angry passion1 no dallying with images  
of evil1 interferes to mar their exalted
 spirituality from first to last4 ,while
 the western world was passing through a
 period of horror and degradation such  
as had never been known before1 the     
philosopher took refuge in an ideal     
sphere1 and looked down on it all with  
no more disturbance to his serenity than
 if he had been the spectator of a mimic
 performance on the stage4#ejd ,this1   
indeed1 is one of the reasons why the   
,enneads are so much less interesting1  
from a literary point of view1 than the 
works of the ,roman ,stoics4 ,it is not 
only that we fail to find in them any   
allusions even of the faintest kind to  
contemporary events or to contemporary  
life and manners1 such as abound in     
,seneca and ,epicttus1 but there is not 

the slightest reference to the existence
 of such a thing as the ,roman empire at
 all4 ,one or two political             
illustrations occur1 but they are drawn 
from old ,greek city life1 and were     
probably suggested by ,plato or         
,aristotle4#eje ,but this tremendous    
blank is so perfectly in keeping with   
the whole spirit of ,neo-,platonism as  
to heighten instead of lowering its     
aesthetic effect4 ,in studying the      
philosophy of the preceding centuries1  
to whatever school it may belong1 we    
have the image of death always before   
our eyes2 and to fortify us against its 
terrors1 we are continually called upon 
to remember the vanity of life4 ,this is
 the protest of thought against the     
world1 just as in ,lucian and ,sextus we
 hear the protest of the world against  
thought4 ,at last the whole bitter      
strife comes to an end1 the vision of   
sense passes away1    ,and leaves us    
with ,plotinus and pure souls4  ,here we
 need no deliverance from troubles and  

indignities which are not felt2 nor do  
we need to be prepared for death1       
knowing that we can never die4 ,the     
world will no longer look askance at us1
 for we have ceased to concern ourselves
 about its reformation4 ,no scepticism  
can shake our convictions1 for we have  
discovered the secret of all knowledge  
through the consciousness of that which 
is eternal in ourselves4 ,thus the world
 of outward experience has dropped out  
of our thoughts1 because thought has    
orbed into a world of its own4   ,x4    
,in the foregoing remarks we have       
already passed from the purely aesthetic
 to the historical or psychological view
 of ,neo-,platonism--that is1 the view  
which considers a philosophy in         
reference to the circumstances of its   
origin4 ,every speculative system       
reflects1 more or less fully1 the spirit
 of the age in which it was born2 and   
the absence of all allusion to          
contemporary events does not prove that 
the system of ,plotinus was an exception

 to this rule4 ,it only proves that the 
tendency of the age was to carry away   
men's thoughts from practical to        
theoretical interests4 ,we have already 
characterised the first centuries of    
,roman imperialism as a period of       
ever-increasing religious reaction2 and 
in this reaction we attempted to        
distinguish between the development of  
supernaturalist beliefs which were      
native to ,greece and ,italy1 and the   
importation of beliefs which had        
originated in the ,east4 ,we saw also   
how philosophy shared in the general    
tendency1 how it became theological and 
spiritualistic instead of ethical and   
naturalistic1 how its professors were   
converted from opponents into upholders 
of the popular belief4 ,now1 according  
to some critics1 ,neo-,platonism marks  
another stage in the gradual            
substitution of faith for reason1 of    
authority for independent thought2 the  
only question being whether we should   
interpret it as a product of ,oriental  

mysticism1 or as a simple sequence of   
the same movement which had previously  
led from ,cicero to ,seneca1 from       
,seneca to ,epicttus1 from ,epicttus to 
,marcus ,aurelius4  ,of these views1 the
 first is taken by ,ritter1 and adopted 
with some modifications by ,m4 ,vacherot
 in his ,histoire de l'cole             
d',alexandrie4 ,it is also unreservedly 
accepted by ,donaldson in his           
continuation of ,mller's ,history of    
,greek ,literature1 and is probably held
 at this moment by most ,englishmen who 
take any interest in the subject at all4
 ,the second view--according to which   
,neo-,platonism is1 at least in its main
 features1 a characteristic although    
degenerate product of ,greek thought--is
 that maintained by ,zeller4 ,as against
 the ,orientalising theory1 it seems to 
us that ,zeller has thoroughly proved   
his case4#ejf ,it may be doubted whether
 there is a single idea in ,plotinus    
which can be shown to have its exact    
counterpart in any of the ,hindoo or    

other ,asiatic systems whence he is     
supposed to have drawn2 and1 as our own 
analysis has abundantly shown1 he says  
nothing that cannot be derived1 either  
directly or by a simple and easy process
 of evolution1 from ,plato1 ,aristotle1 
and the ,stoics4 ,on the other hand1 has
 not ,zeller gone much too far in       
treating ,neo-,platonism as a product of
 the great religious reaction which     
unquestionably preceded and accompanied 
its appearance8 ,has he not altogether  
underrated its importance as a purely   
speculative system1 an effort towards   
the attainment of absolute truth by the 
simple exercise of human reason8 ,it    
seems to us that he has1 and we shall   
offer some grounds for venturing to     
differ from his opinion4  ,to appreciate
 the labours of ,plotinus1 we must1     
first of all1 compare his whole         
philosophic method with that of his     
predecessors4 ,now1 ,zeller himself has 
shown quite clearly that in reach of    
thought1 in power of synthesis1 in      

accuracy of reasoning1 not one of these 
can be compared to the founder of       
,neo-,platonism for a single moment4#ejg
 ,we may go still further and declare   
with confidence that no philosopher of  
equal speculative genius had appeared in
 ,hellas since ,chrysippus1 or1 very    
possibly1 since ,aristotle4 ,the only   
ground for disputing his claims to take 
rank with the great masters of ,hellenic
 thought seems to be that his system    
culminates on the objective side in     
something which lies beyond existence1  
and on the subjective side in a mystical
 ecstasy which is the negation of       
reason4 ,we have shown1 however1 that if
 the ,one is represented as transcending
 reality1 so also is the ,idea of ,good 
which corresponds to it in ,plato's     
scheme2 and that the ,one is reached if 
not grasped by a process of reasoning   
which1 although unsound1 still offers   
itself as reasoning alone1 and moves in 
complete independence of any revelation 
or intuition such as those to which the 

genuine systems of mysticism so freely  
resort4  ,it cannot be too often        
repeated that the ,one in no way        
conflicts with the world of real        
existence1 but1 on the contrary1 creates
 and completes it4 ,now1 within that    
world1 with which alone reason is       
properly concerned1 ,plotinus never     
betrays any want of confidence in its   
power to discover truth2 nor1 contrary  
to what ,zeller assumes1 does he seem to
 have been in the least affected by the 
efforts of the later ,sceptics to       
invalidate its pretensions in this      
respect4#ejh ,their criticism was1 in   
fact1 chiefly directed against          
,stoicism1 and did not touch the        
spiritualistic position at all4 ,that   
there can be no certain knowledge       
afforded by sensation1 or1 speaking more
 generally1 by the action of an outward 
object on an inward subject1 ,plotinus  
himself fully admits or rather          
contends4#eji ,but while distrusting the
 ability of external perception1 taken  

alone1 to establish the existence of an 
external object by which it is caused1  
he expressly claims such a power for    
reason or understanding4#eaj ,for him1  
as for ,aristotle1 and probably for     
,plato also1 the mind is one with its   
real object2 in every act of cognition  
the idea becomes conscious of itself4   
,we do not say that ,scepticism is      
powerless against such a theory as this1
 but1 in point of fact1 it was a theory 
which the ancient ,sceptics had not     
attacked1 and their arguments no more   
led ,plotinus to despair of reason1 than
 the similar arguments of ,protagoras   
and ,gorgias had led ,plato and         
,aristotle to despair of it six         
centuries before4 ,if ,sextus and his   
school contributed anything to the great
 philosophical revolution of the        
succeeding age1 it was by so weakening  
the materialistic systems as to render  
them less capable of opposing the       
spiritualistic revival when it came4    
,unquestionably ,plotinus was influenced

 by the supernaturalistic movement of   
his age1 but only as ,plato had been    
influenced by the similar reaction of   
his time2 and just as the ,athenian     
philosopher had protested against the   
superstitions which he saw gaining      
ground1 so also did the ,alexandrian    
philosopher protest1 with far less      
vigour it is true1 but still to some    
extent1 against the worse extravagances 
universally entertained by his          
contemporaries4 ,among these1 to judge  
by numerous allusions in his writings1  
astrology and magic held the foremost   
place4 ,that there was something in     
both1 he did not venture to deny1 but he
 constantly endeavours to extenuate     
their practical significance and to give
 a more philosophical interpretation to 
the alleged phenomena on which they were
 based4 ,towards the old polytheism1 his
 attitude1 without being hostile1 is    
perfectly independent4 ,we can see this 
even in his life1 notwithstanding the   
religious colouring thrown over it by   

,porphyry4 ,when invited by his disciple
 ,amelius to join in the public worship 
of the gods1 he proudly answered1 #8,it 
is their business to come to me1 not    
mine to go to them4'#eaa ,in            
allegorising the old myths1 he handles  
them with as much freedom as ,bacon1 and
 evidently with no more belief in their 
historical character4#eab ,in giving the
 name of ,god to his supreme principle1 
he is careful to exclude nearly every   
attribute associated with divinity even 
in the purest forms of contemporary     
theology4 ,personality1 intelligence1   
will1 and even existence1 are expressly 
denied to the ,one4 ,although the first 
cause and highest good of all things1 it
 is so not in a religious but in an     
abstract1 metaphysical sense4 ,the ,nous
 with its ideal offspring and the       
world-soul are also spoken of as gods2  
but their personality1 if they have any1
 is of the most shadowy description1 and
 there is no reason for thinking that   
,plotinus ever worshipped them himself  

or intended them to be worshipped by his
 disciples4 ,like ,aristotle1 he        
attributes animation and divinity to the
 heavenly bodies1 but with such careful 
provisions against an anthropomorphic   
conception of their nature1 that not    
much devotional feeling is likely to    
have mingled with the contemplation of  
their splendour4 ,finally1 we arrive at 
the daemons1 those intermediate spirits 
which play so great a part in the       
religion of ,plutarch and the other     
,platonists of the second century4 ,with
 regard to these1 ,plotinus repeats many
 of the current opinions as if he shared
 them2 but his adhesion is of an        
extremely tepid character2 and it may be
 doubted whether the daemons meant much 
more for him than for ,plato4#eac  ,the 
immortality of the soul is a subject on 
which idealistic philosophers habitually
 express themselves in terms of         
apparently studied ambiguity1 and this  
is especially true of ,plotinus4 ,here1 
as elsewhere1 he repeats the opinions   

and arguments of ,plato1 but with       
certain developments which make his     
adhesion to the popular belief in a     
personal duration after death           
considerably more doubtful than was that
 of his master4 ,one great difficulty in
 the way of ,plato's doctrine1 as       
commonly understood1 is that it         
attributes a permanence to individuals1 
which1 on the principles of his system1 
should belong only to general ideas4    
,now1 at first sight1 ,plotinus seems to
 evade this difficulty by admitting     
everlasting ideas of individuals no less
 than of generic types4#ead ,a closer   
examination1 however1 shows that this   
view is even more unfavourable than     
,plato's to the hope of personal        
immortality4 ,for either our real self  
is independent of our empirical         
consciousness1 which is just what we    
wish to have preserved1 or1 as seems    
more probable1 the eternal existence    
which it enjoys is of an altogether     
ideal character1 like that which        

,spinoza also attributed to the human   
soul1 and which1 in his philosophy1     
certainly had nothing to do with a      
prolongation of individual consciousness
 beyond the grave4 ,as ,madame de ,stal 
observes of a similar view held at one  
time by ,schelling1 #8cette immortalit-l
 ressemble terriblement  la mort4' ,and 
when1 in addition to his own theory of  
individual ideas1 we find ,plotinus     
adopting the theory of the ,stoics1 that
 the whole course of mundane affairs    
periodically returns to its             
starting-point and is repeated in the   
same order as before1#eae we cannot help
 concluding that human immortality in   
the popular sense must have seemed as   
impossible to him as it did to them4 ,we
 must1 therefore1 suppose that the      
doctrine of metempsychosis and future   
retributions which he unquestionably    
professes1 applies only to certain      
determinate cycles of psychic life2 or  
that it was to him1 what it had probably
 been to ,plato1 only a figurative way  

of expressing the essential unity of all
 souls1 and the transcendent character  
of ethical distinctions4#eaf  ,in this  
connexion we may deal with the question 
whether the philosophy of ,plotinus is  
properly described as a pantheistic     
system4 ,plotinus was certainly not a   
pantheist in the same sense as ,spinoza 
and ,hegel4 ,with him1 the ,one and the 
,all are not identical2 although        
impersonal and unconscious1 his supreme 
principle is not immanent in the        
universe1 but transcends and creates it3
 the totality of things are dependent on
 it1 but it is independent of them4     
,even were we to assume that the ,one is
 only ideally distinct from the         
existence which it causes1 still the    
,nous would remain separate from the    
world-soul1 the higher ,soul from       
,nature1 and1 within the sphere of      
,nature herself1 ,matter would continue 
to be perpetually breaking away from    
,form1 free-will would be left in       
unreconciled hostility to fate4 ,once1  

and once only1 if we remember rightly1  
does our philosopher rise to the modern 
conception of the universe as an        
absolute whole whose parts are not      
caused but constituted by their         
fundamental unity1 and are not really   
separated from one another in ,nature1  
but only ideally distinguished in our   
thoughts4 ,and he adds that we cannot   
keep up this effort of abstraction for  
long at a time2 things escape from us1  
and return to their original unity4#eag 
,with ,plotinus himself1 however1 the   
contrary was true3 what he could not    
keep up was his grasp on the synthetic  
unity of things4 ,and he himself        
supplies us with a ready explanation why
 it should be so1 when he points to the 
dividing tendency of thought as opposed 
to the uniting tendency of ,nature4     
,what he and the other ,hellenic        
thinkers wanted above all1 was to make  
the world clear to themselves and to    
their pupils1 and this they accomplished
 by their method of serial              

classification1 by bringing into play   
what we have often spoken of as the     
moments of antithesis1 mediation1 and   
circumscription1 ,stoicism also had just
 touched the pantheistic idea1 only to  
let it go again4 ,after being nominally 
identified with the world1 the ,stoic   
,god was represented as a designing     
intelligence1 like the ,socratic        
,god--an idea wholly alien from real    
pantheism4  ,if ,plotinus rose above the
 vulgar superstitions of the ,west1     
while1 at the same time1 using their    
language for the easier expression of   
his philosophical ideas1 there was one  
more refined superstition of mixed      
,greek and ,oriental origin which he    
denounced with the most uncompromising  
vigour4 ,this was ,gnosticism1 as taught
 by ,valentinus and his school4 ,towards
 the close of our last chapter1 we gave 
some account of the theory in question4 
,it was principally as enemies of the   
world and maligners of its perfection   
that the ,gnostics made themselves      

offensive to the founder of             
,neo-,platonism4 ,to him1 the antithesis
 of good and evil was represented1 not  
by the opposition of spirit and ,nature1
 but by the opposition between his ideal
 principle through all degrees of its   
perfection1 and unformed ,matter4 ,like 
,plato1 he looked on the existing world 
as a consummate work of art1 an         
embodiment of the archetypal ,ideas1 a  
visible presentation of reason4 ,but in 
the course of his attack on the         
,gnostics1#eah other points of great    
interest are raised1 showing how        
profoundly his philosophy differed from 
theirs1 how entirely he takes his stand 
on the fixed principles of ,hellenic    
thought4 ,thus he particularly          
reproaches his opponents for their      
systematic disparagement of ,plato1 to  
whom1 after all1 they owe whatever is   
true and valuable in their              
metaphysics4#eai ,he ridicules their    
belief in demoniacal possession1 with   
its wholly gratuitous and clumsy        

employment of supernatural agencies to  
account for what can be sufficiently    
explained by the operation of natural   
causes4#ebj ,and1 more than anything    
else1 he severely censures their        
detachment of religion from morality4   
,on this last point1 some of his remarks
 are so striking and pertinent that they
 deserve to be quoted4   ,above all1 he 
exclaims1 we must not fail to notice    
what effect this  doctrine has on the   
minds of those whom they have persuaded 
to despise  the world and all that it   
contains4 ,of the two chief methods for 
attaining the supreme good1 one has     
sensual pleasure for its end1  the other
 virtue1 the effort after which begins  
and ends with ,god4  ,epicurus1 by his  
denial of providence1 leaves us no      
choice but to  pursue the former4 ,but  
this doctrine ,gnosticism1 involving as 
it  does a still more insolent denial of
 divine order and human law1  laughs to 
scorn what has always been the accepted 
ideal of conduct1  and1 in its rage     

against beauty1 abolishes temperance and
 justice--the  justice that is          
associated with natural feeling and     
perpetuated by  discipline and          
reason--along with every other ennobling
 virtue4 ,so1  in the absence of true   
morality1 they are given over to        
pleasure and  utility and selfish       
isolation from other men--unless1       
indeed1 their  nature is better than    
their principles4 ,they have an ideal   
that  nothing here below can satisfy1   
and so they put off the effort for its  
attainment to a future life1 whereas    
they should begin at once1 and  prove   
that they are of divine race by         
fulfilling the duties of their  present 
state4 ,for virtue is the condition of  
every higher aspiration1  and only to   
those who disdain sensual enjoyment is  
it given to  understand the divine4 ,how
 far our opponents are from realising   
this  is proved by their total neglect  
of ethical science4 ,they neither  know 
what virtue is1 nor how many virtues    

there are1 nor what ancient  philosophy 
has to teach us on the subject1 nor what
 are the methods of  moral training1 nor
 how the soul is to be tended and       
cleansed4 ,they  tell us to look to     
,god2 but merely saying this is useless 
unless they  can tell us what the manner
 of the looking is to be4 ,for it might 
be  asked1 what is to prevent us from   
looking to ,god1 while at the same  time
 freely indulging our sensual appetites 
and angry passions4 ,virtue  perfected1 
enlightened1 and rooted in the soul1    
will reveal ,god to us1  but without it 
he will remain an empty name4#eba  ,even
 ,m4 ,vacherot1 with all his anxiety to 
discover an ,oriental origin for        
,neo-,platonism1 cannot help seeing that
 this attack on the ,gnostics was       
inspired by an indignant reaction of    
,greek philosophy against the inroads of
 ,oriental superstition1 and that the   
same character belongs more or less to  
the whole system of its author4 ,but1 so
 far as we are aware1 ,kirchner is the  

only critic who has fully worked out    
this idea1 and exhibited the philosophy 
of ,plotinus in its true character as a 
part of the great classical revival1    
which after producing the literature of 
the second century reached its          
consummation in a return to the idealism
 of ,plato and ,aristotle4#ebb          
,neo-,platonism may itself furnish us   
with no inapt image of the age in which 
it arose4 ,like the unformed ,matter    
about which we have been hearing so     
much1 the consciousness of that period  
was in itself dark1 indeterminate and   
unsteady1 uncreative1 unspontaneous1    
unoriginating1 but with a receptive     
capacity which enabled it to seize1     
reflect1 and transmit the power of      
living ,reason1 the splendour of eternal
 thought4   ,,xi4  ,in fixing the       
relation of ,plotinus to his own age1 we
 have gone far towards fixing his       
relation to all ages1 the place which he
 occupies in the development of         
philosophy as a connected whole4 ,we    

have seen that as an attempt to discover
 the truth of things1 his speculations  
are worthless and worse than worthless1 
since their method no less than their   
teaching is false4 ,nevertheless1       
,wisdom is justified of all her         
children4 ,without adding anything to   
the sum of positive knowledge1 ,plotinus
 produced an effect on men's thoughts   
not unworthy of the great intellect and 
pure life which he devoted to the       
service of philosophy4 ,no other thinker
 has ever accomplished a revolution so  
immediate1 so comprehensive1 and of such
 prolonged duration4 ,he was the creator
 of ,neo-,platonism1 and ,neo-,platonism
 simply annihilated every school of     
philosophy to which it was opposed4 ,for
 thirteen centuries or more1 the three  
great systems which had so long divided 
the suffrages of educated               
minds--,stoicism1 ,epicureanism1 and    
,scepticism--ceased to exist1 and were  
allowed to lapse into such complete     
oblivion that only a few fragments of   

the works in which they were originally 
embodied have been preserved4 ,and      
,plotinus was enabled to do this by the 
profound insight which led him to strike
 less at any particular doctrine held by
 his opponents than at the common       
foundation on which they all stood1 the 
materialism openly professed by the     
,stoics and ,epicureans1 and assumed by 
the ,sceptics as the necessary          
presupposition of every dogmatic        
philosophy4 ,it is true that the        
principle which he opposed to theirs was
 not of his own origination1 although he
 stated it more powerfully than it had  
ever been stated before4 ,but to have   
revived the spiritualism of ,plato and  
,aristotle in such a way as to win for  
it universal acceptance1 was precisely  
his greatest merit4 ,it is also the only
 one that he would have claimed for     
himself4 ,as we have already mentioned1 
he professed to be nothing more than the
 disciple of ,plato4 ,and although      
,aristotelian ideas abound in his       

writings1 still not only are they       
overbalanced by the ,platonic element1  
but ,plotinus might justly have         
contended that they also belong1 in a   
sense1 to ,plato1 having been originally
 acquired by a simple development from  
his teaching4  ,we have said that the   
founder of ,neo-,platonism contrived to 
blend the systems of his two great      
authorities in such a manner as to      
eliminate much of the relative truth    
which is contained in each of them taken
 by itself4 ,it has been reserved for   
modern thought to accomplish the        
profounder synthesis which has          
eliminated their errors in combining    
their truths4 ,yet1 perhaps1 no other   
system would have satisfied the want of 
the time so well as that constructed by 
,plotinus out of the materials at his   
disposal4 ,such as it was1 that system  
held its ground as the reigning         
philosophy until all independent        
thinking was suppressed by ,justinian1  
somewhat more than two and a half       

centuries after its author's death4     
,even then it did not become extinct1   
but reappeared in ,christian literature1
 in the writings attributed to          
,dionysius the ,areopagite1 and again in
 the daring speculations of ,erigena1   
the father of mediaeval philosophy1 to  
pass under more diluted forms into the  
teaching of the later ,schoolmen1 until 
the time arrived for its renewed study  
in the original sources as an element of
 the ,platonic revival in the fifteenth 
century4 ,all this popularity proves1 as
 we say1 that ,plotinus suited his own  
age and other ages which reproduced the 
same general intellectual tendencies4   
,but the important thing was that he    
made ,plato and ,aristotle more         
interesting1 and thus led men to study  
their writings more eagerly than before4
 ,the true reign of those philosophers  
does not begin until we reach the       
,middle ,ages1 and the commanding       
position which they then enjoyed was    
due1 in great measure1 to the revolution

 effected by ,plotinus4  ,but when      
,neo-,platonism1 as a literature and a  
system1 had given way to the original   
authorities from which it was derived1  
its influence did not1 on that account1 
cease to be felt4 ,in particular1       
,plotinus gave currency to a certain    
interpretation of ,plato's teaching     
which has been universally accepted     
until a comparatively recent period1    
perhaps one may say until the time of   
,schleiermacher4 ,we have seen how many 
elements of ,platonism he left out of   
sight2 and1 thanks to his example1      
followed as it naturally was by         
,catholic theologians1 the world was    
content to leave them out of sight as   
well4 ,the charming disciple of         
,socrates whom we all know and love--the
 literary and dramatic artist1 the      
brilliant parodist1 the sceptical       
railleur from the shafts of whose irony 
even his own theories are not safe1 the 
penetrating observer of human life1 the 
far-seeing critic and reformer of social

 institutions--is a discovery of modern 
scholarship4 ,not as such did the master
 of idealism appear to ,marsilio ,ficino
 and ,michael ,angelo1 to ,lady ,jane   
,grey and ,cudworth and ,henry ,more1 to
 ,berkeley and ,hume and ,thomas        
,taylor1 to all the great ,english poets
 from ,spenser to ,shelley2 not as such 
does he now appear to popular           
imagination2 but as a mystical          
enthusiast1 a dreamer of dreams which1  
whether they be realised or not in some 
far-off sphere1 are1 at any rate1 out of
 relation to the world of sensuous      
experience and everyday life4 ,so       
absolute1 indeed1 is the reaction from  
this view that we are in danger of      
rushing to the contrary extreme1 of     
forgetting what elements of truth the   
,plotinian interpretation contained1 and
 substituting for it an interpretation  
still more one-sided1 still more        
inadequate to express the scope and     
splendour of ,plato's thoughts4 ,plato  
believed in truth and right and purity1 

believed in them still more profoundly  
than ,plotinus2 and his was a more      
effectual faith precisely because he did
 not share the sterile optimism of his  
,alexandrian disciple1 but worked and   
watched for the realisation of what1 as 
yet1 had never been realised4#ebc       
,finally1 by the form which he gave to  
,platonism1 ,plotinus has had a large   
share in determining the direction of   
modern metaphysics4 ,although1 as we    
have seen1 not1 properly speaking1 a    
pantheist himself1 he showed how the    
ideal theory could be transformed into a
 pantheistic system1 and pantheism it   
immediately became when the peculiar    
limitations and subtleties of ,greek    
thought had ceased to dominate over the 
western mind1 and when the restraints of
 ,catholic orthodoxy had been removed or
 relaxed4 ,the stream of tendency in    
this direction runs all through the     
,middle ,ages1 and acquires new volume  
and momentum at the ,renaissance1 until1
 by a process which will be analysed in 

the next chapter1 it reaches its supreme
 expansion in the philosophy of         
,spinoza4 ,then1 after a long pause1 it 
is taken up by ,kant's successors1 and  
combined with the subjective idealism of
 modern psychology1 finally passing1    
through the intervention of ,victor     
,cousin and ,sir ,william ,hamilton1    
into the philosophy of ,mr4 ,herbert    
,spencer4  ,the last-named thinker      
would1 no doubt1 repudiate the title of 
pantheist2 and it is certain that1 under
 his treatment1 pantheism has reverted1 
by a curious sort of atavism1 to        
something much more nearly resembling   
the original doctrine of the            
,neo-,platonic school4 ,mr4 ,spencer    
tells us that the world is the          
manifestation of an unknowable ,power4  
,plotinus said nearly the same1 although
 not in such absolutely                 
self-contradictory terms4#ebd ,mr4      
,spencer constantly assumes1 by speaking
 of it in the singular number1 that the 
creative ,power of which we know nothing

 is one2 having1 apparently1 convinced  
himself of its unity by two methods of  
reasoning4 ,first1 he identifies the    
transcendent cause of phenomena with the
 absolute1 which is involved in our     
consciousness of relation2 leaving it to
 be inferred that as relativity implies 
plurality1 absoluteness must imply      
unity4 ,and1 secondly1 from the mutual  
convertibility of the physical forces1  
he infers the unity of that which       
underlies force4 ,plotinus also arrives 
at the same result by two lines of      
argument1 one  posteriori1 and derived  
from the unity pervading all ,nature2   
the other  priori1 and derived from the 
fancied dependence of the ,many on the  
,one4 ,even in his use of the predicate 
,unknowable without a subject1 ,mr4     
,spencer has been anticipated by        
,damascius1 one of the last             
,neo-,platonists1 who speaks of the     
supreme principle as  4#ebe ,and the    
same philosopher anticipates the late   
,father ,dalgairns in suggesting the    

very pertinent question1 how1 if we know
 nothing about the ,unknowable1 we know 
that it is unknowable4  ,nor is this    
all4 ,besides the arguments from        
relativity and causation1 ,mr4 ,spencer 
has a third method for arriving at his  
absolute4 ,he thinks away all the       
determinations imposed by consciousness 
on its objects1 and identifies the      
residual substance with the ultimate    
reality of things4 ,now1 this residue1  
as we have seen1 exactly corresponds to 
the ,matter1 whether intelligible or    
sensible1 of ,aristotle and ,plotinus4  
,as such1 it stands in extreme          
antithesis to the ,one1 and yet there is
 a near kinship between them4 ,probably1
 according to ,plotinus1 and certainly  
according to ,proclus1#ebf ,matter is a 
direct product of the ,one1 whose       
infinite power it reflects4 ,all        
existence is formed by the union1 in    
varying proportions1 of these two       
principles4 ,above all1 both are        
unknowable4 ,thus it was natural that in

 the hands of less subtle analysts than 
the ,greeks they should coalesce into a 
single substance4 ,and1 as a matter of  
fact1 they have so coalesced in the     
systems of ,giordano ,bruno1 of         
,spinoza1 and finally of ,mr4 ,spencer4 
,here we imagine an impatient reader    
exclaiming1 #8,how can ,mr4 ,herbert    
,spencer1 who knows1 if possible1 even  
less of ,greek philosophy than of his   
own ,unknowable1 have derived that      
principle from the ,greeks8' ,well1 we  
have already traced the genealogy by    
which the two systems of agnosticism are
 connected4 ,and some additional light  
will be thrown on the question if we    
consider that the form of               
,neo-,platonism was largely determined  
by the manner in which ,plotinus brought
 the spiritualistic conceptualism of    
,plato and ,aristotle into contact with 
the dynamic materialism of the ,stoics2 
and that the form of ,mr4 ,spencer's    
philosophy has been similarly determined
 by bringing the idealism of modern     

,german thought into contact with the   
mechanical evolutionism of modern       
science4 ,thus1 under the influence of  
old associations1 has pantheism been    
metamorphosed into a crude agnosticism1 
which faithfully reproduces the likeness
 of its original ancestors1 the         
,plotinian ,matter and the ,plotinian   
,one4   ,,xii4#ebg  ,the history of     
,neo-,platonism1 subsequently to the    
death of ,plotinus1 decomposes itself   
into several distinct tendencies1       
pursuing more or less divergent lines of
 direction4 ,first of all1 it was drawn 
into the supernaturalist movement       
against which it had originally been1 in
 part at least1 a reaction and a        
protest4 ,one sees from the life of its 
founder how far his two favourite       
disciples1 ,amelius and ,porphyry1 were 
from sharing his superiority to the     
superstitions of the age4 ,both had been
 educated under ,pythagorean influences1
 which were fostered rather than        
repressed by the new philosophy4 ,with  

,porphyry1 theoretical interests are1 to
 a great extent1 superseded by practical
 interests2 and1 in practice1 the       
religious and ascetic predominates over 
the purely ethical element4 ,still1     
however great may have been his         
aberrations1 they never went beyond the 
limits of ,hellenic tradition4 ,although
 of ,syrian extraction1 his attitude    
towards ,oriental superstition was one  
of uncompromising hostility2 and in     
writing against ,christianity1 his      
criticism of the ,old ,testament seems  
to have closely resembled that of modern
 rationalism4 ,but with ,porphyry's     
disciple1 ,iamblichus1 every restraint  
is thrown aside1 the wildest ,oriental  
fancies are accepted as articles of     
belief1 and the most senseless          
devotional practices are inculcated as  
means towards the attainment of a truly 
spiritual life4  ,besides the general   
religious movement which had long been  
in action1 and was daily gaining        
strength from the increasing            

barbarisation of the empire1 there was1 
at this juncture1 a particular cause    
tending to bring ,greek philosophy into 
close alliance with the mythology which 
it had formerly rejected and denounced4 
,this was the rapid rise and spread of  
,christianity4 ,st ,augustine has said  
that of all heathen philosophers none   
came nearer to the ,christian faith than
 the ,neo-,platonists4#ebh              
,nevertheless1 it was in them that the  
old religion found its only apologists  
and the new religion its most active    
assailants4 ,we have already alluded to 
the elaborate polemic of ,porphyry4     
,half a century later1 the same         
principles could boast of a still more  
illustrious champion4 ,the emperor      
,julian was imbued with the doctrines of
 ,neo-,platonism1 and was won back to   
the ancient faith by the teaching of its
 professors4  ,what seems to us the     
reactionary attitude of the spiritualist
 school was dictated by the             
circumstances of its origin4 ,a product 

of the great classical revival1 its     
cause was necessarily linked with the   
civilisation of ancient ,greece1 and of 
that civilisation the worship of the old
 gods seemed to form an integral        
element4 ,one need only think of the    
,italian ,renaissance1 with its         
predilection for the old mythology1 to  
understand how much stronger and more   
passionate this feeling must have been  
among those to whom ,greek literature   
still spoke in a living language1 whose 
eyes1 wherever they turned1 still rested
 on the monuments1 unrivalled1          
undesecrated1 unfallen1 unfaded1 of     
,greek religious art4 ,nor was          
polytheism what some have imagined it to
 have been at this period1 merely a     
tradition1 an association1 a dream1     
drawing shadowy sustenance from the     
human works and human thoughts which it 
had once inspired4 ,to ,plotinus and    
,proclus1 as formerly to ,socrates and  
,plato and ,aristotle1 the luminaries of
 day and night blazed down from heaven  

as animated and immortal witnesses of   
its truth4 ,it was not simply that the  
heavens declared the glory of ,god2 to  
the pious beholder1 they were visibly   
inhabited by glorious gods1 and their   
constellated fires were1 as ,plotinus   
said1 a scripture in which the secrets  
of destiny might be read4 ,the same     
philosopher scornfully asks the         
,gnostics1 who1 in this respect1 were   
indistinguishable from the ,christians1 
whether they were so infatuated as to   
call the worst men their brothers1 while
 refusing that title to the sun2 and at 
a much later period1 notwithstanding the
 heavy penalties attached to it1 the    
worship of the heavenly bodies continued
 to be practised by the profoundest     
thinkers and scholars of the            
,neo-,platonic school4#ebi ,moreover1   
polytheism1 by the very weakness and    
unfixity of its dogmas1 gave a much     
wider scope to independent speculation  
than could be permitted within the      
limits of the ,catholic ,church1 just   

because ,catholicism itself constituted 
a philosophical system in which all the 
great problems of existence were        
provided with definite and authoritative
 solutions4  ,the final defeat of       
polytheism proved1 in some respects1 an 
advantage to ,neo-,platonism1 by        
compelling it to exchange theological   
controversy for studies which could be  
prosecuted1 at least for a time1 without
 giving umbrage to the dominant         
religion4 ,at ,alexandria the new       
spiritualism was associated1 on         
genuinely ,platonic principles1 with the
 teaching of geometry by the noble and  
ill-fated ,hypatia4 ,in all the         
,neo-,platonic schools1 whether at      
,rome1 at ,alexandria1 at               
,constantinople1 or at ,athens1 the     
writings of ,plato and ,aristotle were  
attentively studied1 and made the       
subject of numerous commentaries1 many  
of which are still extant4 ,this return 
to the two great masters of idealism    
was1 as we have already said1 the most  

valuable result of the metaphysical     
revival1 and probably contributed more  
than any other cause to the preservation
 of their works amidst the general wreck
 of ancient philosophical literature4   
,finally1 efforts were made to present  
the doctrine of ,plotinus under a more  
popular or a more scientific form1 and  
to develope it into systematic          
completeness4  ,driven by ,christian    
intolerance from every other centre of  
civilisation1 ,greek philosophy found a 
last refuge in ,athens1 where it        
continued to be taught through the whole
 of the fifth century and the first     
quarter of the sixth4 ,during that      
period1 all the tendencies already      
indicated as characteristic of          
,neo-,platonism exhibited themselves    
once more1 and contributed in about     
equal degrees to the versatile activity 
of its last original representative1    
,proclus 7#daj-dhe74 ,this remarkable   
man offers one of the most melancholy   
examples of wasted power to be found in 

the history of thought4 ,endowed with an
 enormous faculty for acquiring         
knowledge1 a rare subtlety in the       
analysis of ideas1 and an unsurpassed   
genius for their systematic arrangement1
 he might1 under more favourable        
auspices1 have been the ,laplace or     
,cuvier of his age4 ,as it was1 his     
immense energies were devoted to the    
task of bringing a series of lifeless   
abstractions into harmony with a series 
of equally lifeless superstitions4 ,a   
commentator both on ,euclid and on      
,plato1 he aspired to present           
transcendental dialectic under the form 
of mathematical demonstration4 ,in his  
,institutes of ,theology1 he offers     
proofs equally elaborate and futile of  
much that had been taken for granted in 
the philosophy of ,plotinus4 ,again1    
where there seems to be a gap in the    
system of his master1 he fills it up by 
inserting new figments of his own4      
,thus1 between the super-essential ,one 
and the absolute ,nous1 he interposes a 

series of henads or unities1 answering  
to the multiplicity of intelligences or 
self-conscious ,ideas which ,plotinus   
had placed within the supreme ,reason1  
or to the partial souls which he had    
placed after the world-soul4 ,in this   
manner1 ,proclus1 following the usual   
method of ,greek thought1 supplies a    
transition from the creative ,one to the
 ,being which had hitherto been regarded
 as its immediate product2 while1 at the
 same time1 providing a counterpart to  
the many lesser gods with which         
polytheism had surrounded its supreme   
divinity4 ,finally1 as ,plotinus had    
arranged all things on the threefold    
scheme of a first principle1 a departure
 from that principle1 and a subsequent  
reunion with it1 ,proclus divides the   
whole series of created substances into 
a succession of triads1 each            
reproducing1 on a small scale1 the      
fundamental system of an origin1 a      
departure1 and a return4 ,and he even   
multiplies the triads still further by  

decomposing each separate moment into a 
secondary process of the same           
description4 ,for example1 ,intelligence
 as a whole is divided into ,being1     
,life1 and ,thought1 and the first of   
these1 again1 into the ,limit1 the      
,unlimited1 and the absolute ,existence 
771 which is the synthesis of both4 ,the
 ,hegelian system is1 as is well known1 
constructed on a similar plan2 but while
 with ,hegel the logical evolution is a 
progress from lower to higher and richer
 life1 with ,proclus1 as with the whole 
,neo-,platonic school1 and1 indeed1 with
 almost every school of ,greek thought1 
each step forward is also a step        
downward1 involving a proportionate loss
 of reality and power4  ,thus ,proclus  
was to ,plotinus what ,plotinus himself 
had been to ,plato and ,aristotle3 that 
is to say1 he stood one degree further  
removed from the actual truth of things 
and from the spontaneity of original    
reflection4 ,and what we have said about
 the philosophic position of the master 

may be applied1 with some modification1 
to the claims of his most eminent       
disciple4 ,from a scientific point of   
view1 the system1 of ,proclus is a mere 
mass of wearisome rubbish2 from an      
aesthetic point of view it merits our   
admiration as the most comprehensive1   
the most coherent1 and the most         
symmetrical work of the kind that       
antiquity has to show4 ,it would seem   
that just as the architectural skill of 
the ,romans survived all their other    
great gifts1 and even continued to      
improve until the very last--the        
so-called temple of ,minerva ,medica    
being the most technically perfect of   
all their monuments--so also did the    
,greek power of concatenating ideas go  
on developing itself as long as ,greece 
was permitted to have any ideas of her  
own4  ,the time arrived when this last  
liberty was to be taken away4 ,in the   
year #ebi1 ,justinian issued his famous 
decree prohibiting the public teaching  
of philosophy in ,athens1 and           

confiscating the endowments devoted to  
the maintenance of its professors4 ,it  
is probable that this measure formed    
part of a comprehensive scheme for      
completing the extirpation of paganism  
throughout the empire4 ,for some two    
centuries past1 the triumph of          
,christianity had been secured by an    
unsparing exercise of the imperial      
authority1 as the triumph of            
,catholicism over heresy was next to be 
secured with the aid of the ,frankish   
sword4 ,a few years afterwards1 the     
principal representatives of the        
,neo-,platonic school1 including the    
,damascius of whom we have already      
spoken1 and ,simplicius1 the famous     
,aristotelian commentator1 repaired to  
the court of ,khosru ,nuschirvan1 the   
,king of ,persia1 with the intention of 
settling in his country for the rest of 
their lives4 ,they were soon heartily   
sick of their adopted home4 ,khosru was 
unquestionably an enlightened monarch1  
greatly interested in ,hellenic culture1

 and sincerely desirous of diffusing it 
among his people4 ,it is also certain   
that ,agathias1 our only authority on   
this subject1 was violently prejudiced  
against him4 ,but it may very well be1  
as stated by that historian#ecj that    
,khosru by no means came up to the      
exaggerated expectations formed of him  
by the exiled professors4 ,he had been  
described to them as the ideal of a     
,platonic ruler1 and1 like inexperienced
 bookmen1 they accepted the report in   
good faith4 ,they found that he cared a 
great deal more for scientific questions
 about the cause of the tides and the   
modifications superinduced on plants and
 animals by transference to a new       
environment1 than about the metaphysics 
of the ,one4#eca ,moreover1 the         
immorality of ,oriental society and the 
corruption of ,oriental government were 
something for which they were totally   
unprepared4 ,better1 they thought1 to   
die at once1 so that it were but on     
,roman soil1 than to live on any        

conditions in such a country as ,persia4
 ,khosru was most unwilling to lose his 
guests1 but on finding that they were   
determined to leave him1 he permitted   
them to depart1 and even made it a      
matter of express stipulation with the  
imperial government that they should be 
allowed to live in their old homes      
without suffering any molestation on    
account of their religious opinions4#ecb
  ,simplicius continued to write        
commentaries on ,aristotle after his    
return1 and was even succeeded by a     
younger generation of ,platonic         
expositors2 but before the end of the   
sixth century paganism was extinct1 and 
,neo-,platonism1 as a separate school of
 philosophy1 shared its fate4 ,it will  
be the object of our next and concluding
 chapter to show that the disappearance 
of the old religion and the old methods 
of teaching did not involve any real    
break in the continuity of thought1 and 
that modern speculation has been1       
through the greater part of its history1

 a reproduction of ,greek ideas in new  
combinations and under altered names4   
,,chapter ,,vi4  ,,greek ,,philosophy   
,,and ,,modern ,,thought4   ,i4         
,adequately to exhibit the relation of  
,greek philosophy to modern thought     
would require a volume4 ,the object of  
the present discussion is merely to show
 in what ways that relation has been    
most clearly manifested1 and what       
assistance it may afford us in solving  
some important problems connected with  
the development of metaphysical and     
moral speculation4  ,historians often   
speak as if philosophy took an entirely 
fresh start at different epochs of its  
existence4 ,one such break is variously 
associated with ,descartes1 or ,bacon1  
or some one of their ,italian           
predecessors4 ,in like manner1 the      
introduction of ,christianity1 coupled  
with the closing of the ,athenian       
schools by ,justinian1 is considered1 as
 once was the suppression of the        
,west-,roman ,caesarate by ,odoacer1 to 

mark the beginning of a new rgime4 ,but 
there can be no more a real break in the
 continuity of intellectual than in the 
continuity of political history1 beyond 
what sleep or inactivity may simulate in
 the life of the organic aggregate no   
less than in the life of the organic    
individual4 ,in each instance1 the      
thread is taken up where it was dropped4
 ,if the rest of the world has been     
advancing meanwhile1 new tendencies will
 come into play1 but only by first      
attaching themselves to older lines of  
movement4 ,sometimes1 again1 what seems 
to be a revolution is1 in truth1 the    
revival or liberation of an earlier     
movement1 through the decay or          
destruction of beliefs which have       
hitherto checked its growth4 ,thus the  
systems of ,plato and ,aristotle1 after 
carrying all before them for a brief    
period1 were found unsuitable1 from     
their vast comprehension and high       
spirituality1 to the undeveloped        
consciousness of their age1 and were    

replaced by popularised versions of the 
sceptical or naturalistic philosophies  
which they had endeavoured to suppress4 
,and when these were at length left     
behind by the forward movement of the   
human mind1 speculative reformers       
spontaneously reverted to the two great 
,socratic thinkers for a better solution
 of the problems in debate4 ,after many 
abortive efforts1 a teacher appeared    
possessing sufficient genius to fuse    
their principles into a seemingly       
coherent and comprehensive whole4 ,by   
combining the ,platonic and             
,aristotelian spiritualism with a       
dynamic element borrowed from ,stoicism1
 ,plotinus did for an age of            
intellectual decadence what his models  
had done in vain for an age of          
intellectual growth4 ,the relation in   
which he stood to ,stoicism1            
,epicureanism1 and ,scepticism1         
reproduced the relation in which they   
stood to the various physical and       
sophistic schools of their time2 but the

 silent experience of six centuries won 
for him a much more enduring success4   
,neo-,platonism was the form under which
 ,greek philosophy passed into          
,christian teaching2 and the transition 
was effected with less difficulty       
because ,christianity had already       
absorbed some of its most essential     
elements from the original system of    
,plato himself4 ,meanwhile the revival  
of spiritualism had given an immense    
impulse to the study of the classic     
writings whence it was drawn2 and the   
more they were studied the more         
prominently did their antagonism on     
certain important questions come into   
view4 ,hence1 no sooner did the two     
systems between which ,plotinus had     
established a provisional compromise    
come out victorious from their struggle 
with materialism1 than they began to    
separate and draw off into opposing     
camps4 ,the principal subject of dispute
 was the form under which ideas exist4  
,the conflicting theories of ,realism   

and ,nominalism are already set forth   
with perfect clearness by ,porphyry in  
his introduction to the ,organon2 and   
his statement of the case1 as ,victor   
,cousin has pointed out1 gave the signal
 for a controversy forming the central  
interest of ,scholasticism during the   
entire period of its duration4  ,now1 it
 is a remarkable fact1 and one as yet   
not sufficiently attended to1 that a    
metaphysical issue first raised between 
the ,platonists and ,aristotle1 and     
regarded1 at least by the latter1 as of 
supreme importance for philosophy1      
should have been totally neglected at a 
time when abundant documents on both    
sides were open to consultation1 and    
taken up with passionate eagerness at a 
time when not more than one or two      
dialogues of ,plato and two or three    
tracts of ,aristotle continued to be    
read in the western world4 ,various     
explanations of this singular anomaly   
may be offered4 ,it may be said1 for    
instance1 that after every moral and    

religious question on which the schools 
of ,athens were divided had been closed 
by the authoritative ruling of          
,catholicism1 nothing remained to       
quarrel over but points too remote or   
too obscure for the ,church to interfere
 in their decision2 and that these were 
accordingly seized upon as the only     
field where human intelligence could    
exercise itself with any approach to    
freedom4 ,the truth1 however1 seems to  
be that to take any interest in the     
controversy between ,realism and        
,nominalism1 it was first necessary that
 ,european thought as a whole should    
rise to a level with the common         
standpoint of their first supporters4   
,this revolution was effected by the    
general adoption of a monotheistic      
faith4  ,moreover1 the ,platonic ideas  
were something more than figments of an 
imaginative dialectic4 ,they were now   
beginning to appear in their true light1
 and as what ,plato had always          
understood them to be--no mere          

abstractions from experience1 but       
spiritual forces by which sensuous      
reality was to be reconstituted and     
reformed4 ,the ,church herself seemed   
something more than a collection of     
individuals holding common convictions  
and obeying a common discipline2 she    
was1 like ,plato's own ,republic1 the   
visible embodiment of an archetype laid 
up in ,heaven4#ecc ,and the ,church's   
teaching seemed also to assume the      
independent reality of abstract ideas4  
,does not the ,trinity involve belief in
 a ,god distinct from any of the ,divine
 ,persons taken alone8 ,do not the      
,fall1 the ,incarnation1 and the        
,atonement become more intelligible if  
we imagine an ideal humanity sinning    
with the first ,adam and purified by    
becoming united with the second ,adam8  
,such1 at least1 seems to have been the 
dimly conceived metaphysics of ,st4     
,paul1 whatever may now be the official 
doctrine of ,rome4 ,it was1 therefore1  
in order that1 during the first half of 

the ,middle ,ages1 from ,charlemagne to 
the ,crusades1 ,realism should have been
 the prevailing doctrine2 the more so   
because ,plato's ,timaeus1 which was    
studied in the schools through that     
entire period1 furnishes its readers    
with a complete theory of the universe2 
while only the formal side of           
,aristotle's philosophy is represented  
by such of his logical treatises as were
 then known to western ,christendom4    
,yet ,realism concealed a danger to     
orthodoxy which was not long in making  
itself felt4 ,just as the substantiality
 of individuals disappeared in that of  
their containing species1 so also did   
every subordinate species tend to vanish
 in the summum genus of absolute ,being4
 ,now such a conclusion was nothing less
 than full-blown pantheism2 and         
pantheism was1 in fact1 the system of   
the first great ,schoolman1 ,john       
,scotus ,erigena2 while other ,realists 
were only prevented from reaching the   
same goal by the restraint either of    

,christian faith or of ecclesiastical   
authority4 ,but if they failed to draw  
the logical consequences of their       
premises1 it was drawn for them by      
others2 and ,ablard did not fail to twit
 his opponents with the formidable      
heresy implied in their realistic       
principles4#ecd ,as yet1 however1 the   
weight of authority inclined towards    
,plato's side2 and the persecution      
suffered by ,ablard himself1 as compared
 with the very mild treatment accorded  
to his contemporary1 ,gilbert de la     
,porre1 when each was arraigned on a    
charge of heresy1 shows that while the  
,nominalism of the one was an           
aggravation1 the ,realism of the other  
was an extenuation of his offence4#ece  
,so matters stood when the introduction 
of ,aristotle's entire system into      
western ,europe brought about a         
revolution comparable to that effected  
two centuries later by the complete     
recovery of ancient literature4 ,it was 
through ,latin translations from the    

,arabic1 accompanied by ,arabic         
commentaries1 that the ,peripatetic     
philosophy was first revealed in its    
entirety2 and even ,albertus ,magnus1   
living in the thirteenth century1 seems 
to have derived his knowledge of the    
subject from these exclusively4 ,but a  
few years after the capture of          
,constantinople by the ,crusaders in    
#abjd1 the ,greek manuscripts of        
,aristotle were brought to ,paris2 and1 
towards the middle of the century1 a new
 ,latin version was made from these     
under the supervision of ,st4 ,thomas   
,aquinas4#ecf ,the triumph of ,aristotle
 was now1 at least for a time1 secured4 
,for1 while in the first period of the  
,middle ,ages we find only a single     
great name1 that of ,ablard1 among the  
,nominalists1 against a strong array of 
,realists1 in the second period the     
proportions are reversed1 and ,realism  
has only a single worthy champion1 ,duns
 ,scotus1 to pit against ,albertus1     
,aquinas1 and ,william of ,ockham1 each 

of them representing one of the         
principal ,european nations4#ecg ,the   
human intellect1 hitherto confined      
within the narrow bounds of logic1 now  
ranged over physics1 metaphysics1       
psychology1 and ethics2 and although all
 these subjects were studied only at    
second-hand1 and with very limited      
opportunities for criticism1 still the  
benefit received must have been immense4
 ,the priceless service of the later    
,schoolmen is to have appropriated and  
successfully upheld1 against ,platonism 
on the one hand and theological         
mysticism on the other1 a philosophy    
which1 however superficial1 took in the 
whole range of natural phenomena1       
derived all knowledge from external     
observation1 and set an example of      
admirable precision in the systematic   
exposition of its results4 ,if no       
positive addition was made to that vast 
storehouse of facts and ideas1 the blame
 does not lie with ,aristotle's method1 
but with the forcible suppression of    

free mental activity by the ,church1 or 
its diversion to more profitable fields 
by the study of ,roman jurisprudence4   
,even as it was1 ,aristotle contributed 
largely to the downfall of              
ecclesiastical authority in two ways3   
directly by accustoming men to use their
 reason1 and indirectly by throwing back
 mysticism on its proper office--the    
restoration of a purely personal        
religion4  ,but before the dissolving   
action of ,nominalism had become fully  
manifest1 its ascendency was once more  
challenged2 and this time1 also1 the    
philosophical impulse came from         
,constantinople4 ,greek scholars1       
seeking help in the ,west1 brought with 
them to ,florence the complete works of 
,plato2 and these were shortly made     
accessible to a wider public through the
 ,latin translation of ,ficino4 ,their  
influence seems at first to have told in
 favour of mysticism1 for this was the  
contemporary tendency to which they     
could be most readily affiliated2 and1  

besides1 in swinging back from          
,aristotle's philosophy to the rival    
form of spiritualism1 men's minds       
naturally reverted1 in the first        
instance1 to what had once linked them  
together--the system of ,plotinus4 ,thus
 ,platonism was studied through an      
,alexandrian medium1 and as the         
,alexandrians had looked at it1 that is 
to say1 chiefly under its theological   
and metaphysical aspects4 ,as such1 it  
became the accepted philosophy of the   
,renaissance2 and much of what we most  
admire in the literature--at least the  
,english literature--of that period1 is 
directly traceable to ,platonic         
influence4 ,that the ,utopia of ,sir    
,thomas ,more was inspired by the       
,republic and the ,critias is1 of       
course1 obvious2 and the great part     
played by the ideal theory in ,spenser's
 ,faery ,queen1 though less evident1 is 
still sufficiently clear4 ,as ,mr4      
,green observes in his ,history of the  
,english ,people 7,,ii41 p4 #dac71      

#8,spenser borrows1 in fact1 the        
delicate and refined forms of the       
,platonic philosophy to express his own 
moral enthusiasm4444 ,justice1          
,temperance1 ,truth are no mere names to
 him1 but real existences to which his  
whole nature clings with a rapturous    
affection4' ,now it deserves            
observation1 as illustrating a great    
revolution in ,european thought1 that   
the relation of ,plato to the epic of   
the ,english ,renaissance is precisely  
paralleled by the relation of ,aristotle
 to the epic of mediaeval ,italy4 ,dante
 borrows more than his cosmography from 
the ,stagirite4 ,the successive circles 
of ,hell1 the spirals of ,purgatory1 and
 the spheres of ,paradise1 are a        
framework in which the characters of the
 poem are exhibited1 not as individual  
actors whom we trace through a life's   
history1 but as types of a class and    
representatives of a single mental      
quality1 whether vicious or virtuous4   
,in other words1 the historical         

arrangement of all previous poems is    
abandoned in favour of a logical        
arrangement4 ,for the order of          
contiguity in time is substituted the   
order of resemblance and difference in  
idea4 ,how thoroughly ,aristotelian1    
indeed1 were the lines within which     
mediaeval imagination moved is proved by
 the possibility of tracing them in a   
work utterly different from             
,dante's--the ,decameron of ,boccaccio4 
,the tales constituting this collection 
are so arranged that each day           
illustrates some one special class of   
adventures2 only1 to make good          
,aristotle's principle that earthly     
affairs are not subject to invariable   
rules1 a single departure from the      
prescribed subject is allowed in each   
decade2 while during one entire day the 
story-tellers are left free to choose a 
subject at their own discretion4  ,now  
what distinguishes ,spenser from ,dante 
is that1 while he also disposes his     
inventions according to an extremely    

artificial and abstract schematism1 with
 him1 as with ,plato1 abstractions      
acquire a separate individual existence1
 being1 in fact1 embodied as so many    
persons2 while ,dante1 following        
,aristotle1 never separates his from the
 concrete data of experience4 ,and it   
may be noted that1 in this respect at   
least1 ,english literature has not      
deserted the philosophy which presided  
over its second birth4 ,it has ever     
since been more prone to realise        
abstractions than any other literature1 
whether under the form of allegories1   
parables1 or mere casual illustrations  
drawn from material objects4 ,even at   
this day1 ,english writers crowd their  
pages with dazzling metaphors1 which to 
,continental readers must have sometimes
 a rather barbaric effect4  ,another and
 profounder characteristic of ,plato1 as
 distinguished from ,aristotle1 is his  
thorough-going opposition of reality to 
appearance2 his distrust of sensuous    
perception1 imagination1 and opinion2   

his continual appeal to a hidden world  
of absolute truth and justice4 ,we find 
this profounder principle also grasped  
and applied to poetical purposes in our 
,elizabethan literature1 not only by    
,spenser1 but by a still greater        
master--,shakespeare4 ,it is by no means
 unlikely that ,shakespeare may have    
looked into a translation of the        
,dialogues2 at any rate1 the            
intellectual atmosphere he breathed was 
so saturated with their spirit that he  
could easily absorb enough of it to     
inspire him with the theory of existence
 which alone gives consistency to his   
dramatic work from first to last4 ,for  
the essence of his comedies is that they
 represent the ordinary world of        
sensible experience as a scene of       
bewilderment and delusion1 where there  
is nothing fixed1 nothing satisfying1   
nothing true2 as something which1       
because of its very unreality1 is best  
represented by the drama1 but a drama   
that is not without mysterious          

intimations of a reality behind the     
veil4 ,in them we have the              
,fallings from us1 vanishings1          
,blank misgivings of a creature         
,moving about in worlds not realised2   
while in his tragedies we have the      
realisation of those worlds--the        
workings of an eternal justice which    
alone remains faithful to one purpose   
through the infinite flux of passion and
 of sense4  ,besides the revival of     
,platonism1 three causes had conspired  
to overthrow the supremacy of           
,aristotle4 ,the literary ,renaissance  
with its adoration for beauty of form   
was alienated by the barbarous dialect  
of ,scholasticism2 the mystical theology
 of ,luther saw in it an ally both of   
ecclesiastical authority and of human   
reason2 and the new spirit of passionate
 revolt against all tradition attacked  
the accepted philosophy in common with  
every other branch of the official      
university curriculum4 ,before long1    
however1 a reaction set in4 ,the        

innovators discredited themselves by an 
extravagance1 an ignorance1 a credulity1
 and an intolerance worse than anything 
in the teaching which they decried4 ,no 
sooner was the ,reformation organised as
 a positive doctrine than it fell back  
for support on the only model of        
systematic thinking at that time to be  
found4 ,the ,humanists were conciliated 
by having the original text of          
,aristotle placed before them2 and they 
readily believed1 what was not true1    
that it contained a wisdom which had    
eluded mediaeval research4 ,but the     
great scientific movement of the        
sixteenth century contributed1 more than
 any other impulse1 to bring about an   
,aristotelian reaction4 ,after winning  
immortal triumphs in every branch of art
 and literature1 the ,italian intellect 
threw itself with equal vigour into the 
investigation of physical phenomena4    
,here ,plato could give little help1    
whereas ,aristotle supplied a methodised
 description of the whole field to be   

explored1 and contributions of          
extraordinary value towards the         
understanding of some1 at least1 among  
its infinite details4 ,and we may       
measure the renewed popularity of his   
system not only by the fact that        
,cesalpino1 the greatest naturalist of  
the age1 professed himself its adherent1
 but also by the bitterness of the      
criticisms directed against it1 and the 
involuntary homage offered by rival     
systems which were little more than     
meagre excerpts from the ,peripatetic   
ontology and logic4   ,,ii4  ,of all    
testimonies to the restored supremacy of
 ,aristotelianism1 there is none so     
remarkable as that afforded by the      
thinker who1 more than any other1 has   
enjoyed the credit of its overthrow4 ,to
 call ,francis ,bacon an ,aristotelian  
will seem to most readers a paradox4    
,such an appellation would1 however1 be 
much nearer the truth than were the     
titles formerly bestowed on the author  
of the ,novum ,organum4 ,the notion1    

indeed1 that he was in any sense the    
father of modern science is rapidly     
disappearing from the creed of educated 
persons4 ,its long continuance was due  
to a coalition of literary men who knew 
nothing about physics and of physicists 
who knew nothing about philosophy or its
 history4 ,it is certain that the great 
discoveries made both before and during 
,bacon's lifetime were the              
starting-point of all future progress in
 the same direction4 ,it is equally     
certain that ,bacon himself had either  
not heard of those discoveries or that  
he persistently rejected them4 ,but it  
might still be contended that he divined
 and formulated the only method by which
 these and all other great additions to 
human knowledge have been made1 had not 
the delusion been dispelled by recent   
investigations1 more especially those of
 his own editors1 ,messrs4 ,ellis and   
,spedding4 ,mr4 ,spedding has shown that
 ,bacon's method never was applied to   
physical science at all4 ,mr4 ,ellis has

 shown that it was incapable of         
application1 being founded on a complete
 misconception of the problem to be     
solved4 ,the facts could in truth1      
hardly have been other than what they   
are4 ,had ,bacon succeeded in laying    
down the lines of future investigation1 
it would have been a telling argument   
against his own implied belief that all 
knowledge is derived from experience4   
,for1 granting the validity of that     
belief1 a true theory of discovery can  
only be reached by an induction from the
 observed facts of scientific practice1 
and such facts did not1 at that time1   
exist in sufficient numbers to warrant  
an induction4 ,it would have been still 
more extraordinary had he furnished a   
clue to the labyrinth of ,nature without
 ever having explored its mazes on his  
own account4 ,even as it is1 from       
,bacon's own point of view the          
contradiction remains4 ,if ever any     
system was constructed  priori the      
,instauratio ,magna was4 ,but there is  

really no such thing as  priori         
speculation4 ,apart from observation1   
the keenest and boldest intellect can do
 no more than rearrange the materials   
supplied by tradition1 or give a higher 
generalisation to the principles of     
other philosophers4 ,this was precisely 
what ,bacon did4 ,the wealth of         
aphoristic wisdom and ingenious         
illustration scattered through his      
writings belongs entirely to himself2   
but his dream of using science as an    
instrument for acquiring unlimited power
 over ,nature is inherited from the     
astrologers1 alchemists1 and magicians  
of the ,middle ,ages2 and his           
philosophical system1 with which alone  
we are here concerned1 is partly a      
modification1 partly an extension1 of   
,aristotle's4 ,an examination of its    
leading features will at once make this 
clear4  ,bacon begins by demanding that 
throughout the whole range of experience
 new facts should be collected on the   
largest scale1 in order to supply       

materials for scientific generalisation4
 ,there can be no doubt that he is here 
guided by the example of ,aristotle1 and
 of ,aristotle alone4 ,such a storehouse
 of materials is still extant in the    
,history of ,animals1 which evidently   
suggested the use of the word           
#8,history' in this sense to ,bacon1 and
 which1 by the way1 is immensely        
superior to anything that he ever       
attempted in the same line4 ,the facts  
on which ,aristotle's ,politics is based
 were contained in another vast         
descriptive work of the same kind1 now  
unhappily lost4 ,even the ,stagirite's  
more systematic treatises comprise a    
multitude of observations1 catalogued   
according to a certain order1 but not   
reduced to scientific principles4 ,what 
,bacon did was to carry out1 or to bid  
others carry out1 the plan so suggested 
in every department of enquiry4 ,but if 
we ask by what method he was guided in  
his survey of the whole field to be     
explored1 how he came by a complete     

enumeration of the sciences1 arranged   
according to their logical order1--the  
answer is still that he borrowed it from
 the ,peripatetic encyclopaedia4  ,one  
need only compare the catalogue of      
particular histories subjoined to the   
,parasceve1#ech with a table of         
,aristotle's works1 to understand how   
closely ,bacon follows in the footsteps 
of his predecessor4 ,we do1 indeed1 find
 sundry subjects enumerated on which the
 elder student had not touched2 but they
 are only such as would naturally       
suggest themselves to a man of          
comprehensive intelligence1 coming      
nearly two thousand years after his     
original2 while they are mostly of no   
philosophical value whatever4 ,bacon's  
merit was to bring the distinction      
between the descriptive sciences and the
 theoretical sciences into clearer      
consciousness1 and to give a view of the
 former corresponding in completeness to
 that already obtained of the latter4   
,the methodical distinction between the 

materials for generalisation and        
generalisation itself1 is derived from  
the metaphysical distinction between    
,matter and ,form in ,nature4#eci ,this 
distinction is the next great feature of
 ,bacon's philosophy1 and it is taken1  
still more obviously than the first1    
from ,aristotle1 the most manifest blots
 of the original being faithfully       
reproduced in the copy4 ,the ,forms of  
simple substances were1 according to the
 ,stagirite1 their sensible qualities4  
,the ,forms of aggregates were the whole
 complex of their differential          
characteristics4 ,and although the      
formal cause or idea of a thing was     
carefully discriminated from its        
efficient and final causes1 it was found
 impossible1 in practice1 to keep the   
three from running into one4 ,again1 the
 distinction between single concepts and
 the judgments created by putting two   
concepts together1 although clearly     
conveyed by the logical distinction     
between terms and propositions1 was no  

sooner perceived than lost sight of1    
thanks to the unfortunate theory of     
essential predication4 ,for it was      
thought that the import of universal    
propositions consisted either in stating
 the total concept to which a given mark
 belonged1 or in annexing a new mark to 
a given concept4 ,hence1 in ,aristotle's
 system1 the study of natural law means 
nothing but the definition and          
classification of natural types2 and1 in
 harmony with this idea1 the whole      
universe is conceived as an arrangement 
of concentric spheres1 each receiving   
its impulse from that immediately above 
it4 ,precisely the same confusion of    
,form1 ,cause1 and ,law reigns          
throughout ,bacon's theory of ,nature4  
,we do1 indeed1 find mention made of    
axiomata or general propositions to a   
greater extent than in the ,organon1 but
 they are never clearly distinguished   
from ,forms1 nor ,forms from            
functions4#edj ,and although efficient  
and material causes are assigned to     

physics1 while formal and final causes  
are reserved for metaphysics--an        
apparent recognition of the wide        
difference between the forces which     
bring a thing into existence and the    
actual conditions of its                
stability1--this arrangement is a       
departure from the letter rather than   
from the spirit of ,aristotle's         
philosophy4 ,for the efficient causes of
 the ,de ,augmentis answer roughly to   
the various kinds of motion discussed in
 the ,physics and in the treatise ,on   
,generation and ,corruption2 while its  
,forms are1 as we have seen1 identified 
with natural causes or laws in the most 
general sense4  ,according to ,bacon1   
the object of science is to analyse the 
complex of ,forms making up an          
individual aggregate into its separate  
constituents2 the object of art1 to     
superinduce one or more such ,forms on a
 given material4 ,hence his manner of   
regarding them differs in one important 
respect from ,aristotle's4 ,the ,greek  

naturalist was1 before all things1 a    
biologist4 ,his interest lay with the   
distinguishing characteristics of animal
 species4 ,these are easily discovered  
by the unassisted eye2 but while they   
are comparatively superficial1 they are 
also comparatively unalterable4 ,the    
,english experimenter1 being primarily  
concerned with inorganic bodies1 whose  
properties he desired to utilise for    
industrial purposes1 was led to consider
 the attributes of an object as at once 
penetrating its inmost texture1 and yet 
capable of being separated from it1 like
 heat and colour for instance4 ,but1    
like every other thinker of the age1 if 
he escapes from the control of          
,aristotle it is only to fall under the 
dominion of another ,greek master--in   
this instance1 ,democritus4 ,bacon had a
 great admiration for the ,atomists1 and
 although his inveterate ,peripatetic   
proclivities prevented him from         
embracing their theory as a whole1 he   
went along with it so far as to admit   

the dependence of the secondary on the  
primary qualities of matter2 and on the 
strength of this he concluded that the  
way to alter the properties of an object
 was to alter the arrangement of its    
component particles4  ,the next step was
 to create a method for determining the 
particular configuration on which any   
given property of matter depends4 ,if   
such a problem could be solved at all1  
it would be by some new system of       
practical analysis4 ,bacon did not see  
this because he was a ,schoolman1       
emancipated1 indeed1 from ecclesiastical
 authority1 but retaining a blind faith 
in the power of logic4 ,aristotle's     
,organon had been the great storehouse  
of aids to verbal disputation2 it should
 now be turned into an instrument for   
the more successful prosecution of      
physical researches4 ,what definitions  
were to the one1 that ,forms should be  
to the other2 and both were to be       
determined by much the same process4    
,now ,aristotle himself had emphatically

 declared that the concepts out of which
 propositions are constructed were      
discoverable by induction and by        
induction alone4 ,with him1 induction   
meant comparing a number of instances1  
and abstracting the one circumstance1 if
 any1 in which they agreed4 ,when the   
object is to establish a proposition    
inductively1 he has recourse to a method
 of elimination1 and bids us search for 
instances which1 differing in everything
 else1 agree in the association of two  
particular marks4#eda ,in the ,topics he
 goes still further and supplies us with
 a variety of tests for ascertaining the
 relation between a given predicate and 
a given subject4 ,among these1 ,mill's  
,methods of ,difference1 ,residues1 and 
,concomitant ,variations are very       
clearly stated4#edb ,but he does not    
call such modes of reasoning ,induction4
 ,so far as he has any general name for 
them at all1 it is ,dialectic1 that is1 
,syllogism of which the premises are not
 absolutely certain2 and1 as a matter of

 nomenclature1 he seems to be right4    
,there is1 undoubtedly1 a process by    
which we arrive at general conclusions  
from the comparison of particular       
instances2 but this process in its      
purity is nothing more nor less than    
induction by simple enumeration4 ,all   
other reasoning requires the aid of     
universal propositions1 and is          
therefore1 to that extent1 deductive4   
,the methods of elimination or1 as they 
are now called1 of experiment1 involve  
at every step the assumption of general 
principles duly specified in the chapter
 of ,mill's ,logic where they are       
analysed4 ,and wherever we can rise     
immediately from1 a single instance to a
 general law1 it is because the         
examination of that single instance has 
been preceded by a chain of deductive   
reasoning4  ,the confusion of           
,induction1 properly so called1 and     
,elimination under a single name1 is    
largely due to the bad example set by   
,bacon4 ,he found it stated in the      

,analytics that all concepts and general
 propositions are established either by 
syllogism or by induction2 and he found 
some very useful rules laid down in the 
,topics1 not answering to what he       
understood by the former method2 he     
therefore summarily dubbed them with the
 name of ,induction1 which they have    
kept ever since1 to the incalculable    
confusion of thought4  ,in working out  
his theory of logic1 the point on which 
,bacon lays most stress is the use of   
negative instances4 ,he seems to think  
that their application to reasoning is  
an original discovery of his own4 ,but1 
on examination1 no more seems to be     
meant by it than that1 before accepting 
any particular theory1 we should        
consider what other explanations of the 
same fact might conceivably be offered4 
,in other words1 we should follow the   
example already set by ,aristotle and   
nearly every other ,greek philosopher   
after ,socrates4 ,but this is not       
induction2 it is reasoning down from a  

disjunctive proposition1 generally      
assumed without any close scrutiny1 with
 the help of sundry conditional         
propositions1 until we reach our        
conclusion by a sort of exhaustive      
process4 ,either this1 that1 or the     
other is the explanation of something4  
,but if it were either that or the      
other1 so and so would follow1 which is 
impossible2 therefore it must be this4  
,no other logic is possible in the      
infancy of enquiry2 but one great       
advantage of experiment and mathematical
 analysis is to relieve us from the     
necessity of employing it4  ,the value  
of experimentation as such had1 however1
 scarcely dawned on ,bacon4 ,his famous 
,prerogative ,instances are1 in the     
main1 a guide to simple observation1    
supplemented rather than replaced by    
direct interference with the phenomena  
under examination1 comparable to that   
moderate use of the rack which he would 
have countenanced in criminal procedure4
 ,there was1 perhaps1 a deeper meaning  

in ,harvey's remark that ,bacon wrote   
about ,nature like a ,lord ,chancellor  
than the great physiologist himself     
suspected4 ,to ,bacon the statesman1    
science was something to be largely     
endowed out of the public treasury in   
the sure hope that it would far more    
than repay the expenditure incurred1 by 
inventions of priceless advantage to    
human life4 ,to ,bacon the lawyer1      
,nature was a person in possession of   
important secrets to be wrested from her
 by employing every artifice of the spy1
 the detective1 the cross-examiner1 and 
the inquisitorial judge2 to ,bacon the  
courtier1 she was a sovereign whose     
policy might be discovered1 and1 if need
 be1 controlled1 by paying judicious    
attention to her humours and caprices4  
,and1 for this very reason1 he would    
feel drawn by a secret affinity to the  
,aristotelian dialectic1 derived as it  
was through ,socrates and ,plato from   
the practice of the ,athenian law-courts
 and the debates of the ,athenian       

assembly4 ,no doubt the ,topics was     
intended primarily for a manual of      
debate rather than of scientific        
enquiry2 and the ,english ,chancellor   
showed true philosophic genius in his   
attempt to utilise it for the latter    
purpose4 ,nevertheless the adaptation   
proved a mistake4 ,it was not without   
good grounds that the ,socratic         
dialectic had been reserved exclusively 
by its great founder1 and almost        
exclusively by his successors1 for those
 human interests from the discussion of 
which it was first derived4 ,and the    
discoverers1 who in ,bacon's own        
lifetime were laying the foundations of 
physical science1 employed a method     
totally different from his1 because they
 started with a totally different       
conception of the universe4 ,to them it 
was not a living whole1 a ,form of      
,forms1 but a sum of forces to be       
analysed1 isolated1 and recombined1 in  
fact or in idea1 with a sublime         
disregard for the conditions under which

 they were presented to ordinary        
experience4 ,that very extension of     
human power anticipated by ,bacon came  
in a manner of which he had never       
dreamed4 ,it was gained by studying1 not
 the ,forms to which he attached so much
 importance1 but the modes of motion    
which he had relegated to a subordinate 
place in his classification of natural  
causes4#edc  ,it has been said that1    
whatever may be the value of his logic1 
,bacon recalled men from the            
construction of baseless theories to the
 study of facts4 ,but1 here also1 he    
merely echoes ,aristotle1 who said the  
same thing long before him1 with much   
greater terseness1 and with the superior
 authority of one who teaches by example
 as well as by precept2 while the merit 
of reviving ,aristotle's advice when it 
had fallen into oblivion belongs to     
another ,bacon1 the author of the ,opus 
,majus2 the merit of acting on it1 to   
the savants of the ,renaissance1 to such
 men as ,vesalius1 ,cesalpino1 and      

,tycho ,brahe4  ,but1 towards the close 
of the sixteenth century1 the time for  
amassing observations was past1 no      
further progress being possible until   
the observations already recorded were  
interpreted aright4 ,the just instinct  
of science perceived this2 and for      
nearly a century after ,cesalpino no    
addition of any magnitude was made to   
what ,bacon called #8,history1' while   
men's conceptions of natural law were   
undergoing a radical transformation4#edd
 ,to choose such a time for developing  
the ,aristotelian philosophy was        
peculiarly unfortunate2 for that        
philosophy had become1 both on its good 
and on its bad side1 an obstacle to     
progress1 by encouraging studies which  
were not wanted1 and by fostering a     
spirit of opposition to the ,copernican 
astronomy4  ,the mere fact that         
,aristotle himself had pronounced in    
favour of the geocentric system did not 
count for much4 ,the misfortune was that
 he had constructed an entire physical  

philosophy in harmony with it2 that he  
had linked this to his metaphysics2 and 
that the sensible experience on whose   
authority he laid so much stress1 seemed
 to testify in its behalf4 ,the         
consequence was that those thinkers who1
 without being professed ,aristotelian  
partisans1 still remained profoundly    
affected by the ,peripatetic spirit1    
could not see their way to accepting a  
theory with which all the hopes of      
intellectual progress were bound up4    
,these considerations will enable us to 
understand the attitude of ,bacon       
towards the new astronomy2 while1       
conversely1 his position in this respect
 will serve to confirm the view of his  
character set forth in the preceding    
pages4 ,the theory1 shared by him with  
,aristotle1 that ,nature is throughout  
composed of ,form and ,matter reached   
its climax in the supposition that the  
great elementary bodies are massed      
together in a series of concentric      
spheres disposed according to some      

principle of graduation1 symmetry1 or   
contrast2 and this seemed incompatible  
with any but a geocentric arrangement4  
,it is true that ,bacon quarrelled with 
the particular system maintained by     
,aristotle1 and1 under the guidance of  
,telesio1 fell back on a much cruder    
form of cosmography2 but his mind still 
remained dominated by the fancied       
necessity of conceiving the universe    
under the form of a stratified sphere2  
and those who persist in looking on him 
as the apostle of experience will be    
surprised to find that he treated the   
subject entirely from an  priori point  
of view4 ,the truth is that ,bacon      
exemplified1 in his own intellectual    
character1 every one of the fundamental 
fallacies which he has so picturesquely 
described4 ,the unwillingness to analyse
 sensible appearances into their ideal  
elements was his ,idol of the ,tribe2   
the thirst for material utilities was   
his ,idol of the ,den3 the uncritical   
acceptance of ,aristotle's metaphysics1 

his ,idol of the ,theatre2 and the      
undefined notions associated with       
induction1 his ,idol of the ,market4    
,,iii4  ,we may consider it a fortunate 
circumstance that the philosophy of     
,form1--that is to say1 of description1 
definition1 classification1 and sensuous
 perception1 as distinguished from      
mathematical analysis and deductive     
reasoning1--was associated with a       
demonstrably false cosmology1 as it thus
 became much more thoroughly discredited
 than would otherwise have been         
possible4 ,at this juncture1 the first  
to perceive and point out how profoundly
 an acceptance of the ,copernican theory
 must affect men's beliefs about ,nature
 and the whole universe1 was ,giordano  
,bruno2 and this alone would entitle him
 to a great place in the history of     
philosophy4 ,the conception of a single 
finite world surrounded by a series of  
eternal and unchangeable crystal spheres
 must1 he said1 be exchanged for the    
conception of infinite worlds dispersed 

through illimitable space4 ,once grant  
that the earth has a double movement    
round its own axis and round the sun1   
and ,aristotle's whole system of finite 
existence collapses at once1 leaving the
 ground clear for an entirely different 
order of ideas4#ede ,but1 in this       
respect1 whatever was established by the
 new science had already been divined by
 a still older philosophy than          
,aristotle's1 as ,bruno himself gladly  
acknowledged1#edf and the immediate     
effect of his reasoning was to revive   
the ,atomic theory4 ,the assumption of  
infinite space1 formerly considered an  
insuperable objection to that theory1   
now became one of its chief             
recommendations2 the arguments of       
,lucretius regained their full force1   
while his fallacies were let drop2      
,atomism seemed not only possible but   
necessary2 and the materialism once     
associated with it was equally revived4 
,but ,aristotelianism1 as we have seen1 
was not alone in the field1 and on the  

first symptoms of a successful revolt1  
its old rival stood in readiness to     
seize the vacant throne4 ,the question  
was how far its claim would be          
supported1 and how far disputed by the  
new invaders4 ,it might be supposed that
 the older forms of ,greek philosophy1  
thus restored to light after an eclipse 
of more than a thousand years1 would be 
no less hostile to the poetic ,platonism
 than to the scientific ,aristotelianism
 of the ,renaissance4 ,such1 however1   
was not the case2 and we have to show   
how an alliance was established between 
these apparently opposite lines of      
thought1 eventually giving birth to the 
highest speculation of the following    
century4  ,bruno himself acted as a     
mediator between the two philosophies4  
,his sympathies with ,platonism were    
strongly pronounced1 he looked with     
admiration on its mediaeval supporters1 
especially ,david of ,dinan2 and        
regretted the time when ,oxford was a   
focus of realistic teaching1 instead of 

being what he found her1 devoted to the 
pedantic humanism of the                
,renaissance4#edg ,he fully accepted the
 pantheistic conclusions towards which  
,platonism always tended2 but in        
proclaiming an absolute principle whence
 all specific differences are evolved1  
he is careful to show that1 while it is 
neither ,form nor ,matter in the        
ordinary sense1 it may be called ,matter
 in the more refined signification      
attached to that term by ,plotinus and1 
indeed1 by ,aristotle himself4 ,there is
 a common substance underlying all      
abstract essences1 just as there is a   
common substance left behind when the   
sensible qualities of different bodies  
are stripped off2 and both are1 at      
bottom1 the same4 ,thus monism became   
the banner round which the older forms  
of ,greek speculation rallied in their  
assault on ,aristotle's philosophy1     
though what monism implied was as yet   
very imperfectly understood4  ,meanwhile
 a new and powerful agency was about to 

interpose with decisive effect in the   
doubtful struggle4 ,this was the study  
of mathematics4 ,revived by the         
,arabians and never wholly neglected    
during the ,middle ,ages1 it had        
profited by the general movement of the 
,renaissance1 and was finally applied to
 the cosmical problem by ,galileo4 ,in  
this connexion1 two points of profound  
philosophical interest must be noted4   
,the first is that1 even in its fall1   
the ,aristotelian influence survived1 to
 some extent1 both for good and for     
evil4 ,to ,aristotle belongs the merit  
of having been the first to base        
astronomy on physics4 ,he maintains the 
earth's immobility on experimental no   
less than on speculative grounds4 ,a    
stone thrown straight up in the air     
returns to its starting-point instead of
 falling to the west of it2 and the     
absence of stellar parallax seems to    
show that there is no change in our     
position relatively to the heavenly     
bodies4 ,after satisfying himself1 on   

empirical considerations1 that the      
popular astronomy is true1 he proceeds  
to show that it must be true1 by        
considerations on the nature of matter  
and motion1 which1 although mistaken1   
are conceived in a genuinely scientific 
spirit4 ,now ,galileo saw that1 to      
establish the ,copernican system1 he    
must first grapple with the ,peripatetic
 physics1 and replace it by a new       
dynamical theory4 ,this1 which he could 
hardly have effected by the ordinary    
mathematical methods1 he did by         
borrowing the analytical method of      
,atomism and applying it to the         
measurement of motion4 ,the law of      
falling bodies was ascertained by       
resolving their descent into a series of
 moments1 and determining its rate of   
velocity at successive intervals2 and   
curvilinear motions were similarly      
resolved into the combination of an     
impulsive with an accelerating force1 a 
method diametrically opposed to that of 
,bacon1 who would not even accept the   

rough analysis of the apparent celestial
 motions proposed by ,greek astronomers4
  ,it seems strange that ,galileo1      
having gone so far1 did not go a step   
further1 and perceive that the planetary
 orbits1 being curvilinear1 must result 
from the combination of a centripetal   
with a tangential force4 ,but the truth 
is that he never seems to have grasped  
his own law of inertia in its full      
generality4 ,he understood that the     
planets could not have been set in      
motion without a rectilinear impulse2   
but his idea was that this impulse      
continued only so long as was necessary 
in order to give them their present     
velocity1 instead of acting on them for 
ever as a tangential force4 ,the        
explanation of this strange             
inconsequence must be sought in a       
survival of ,aristotelian conceptions1  
in the persistent belief that           
rectilinear motion was necessarily      
limited and temporary1 while circular   
motion was natural1 perfect1 and        

eternal4#edh ,now such conceptions as   
,nature1 perfection1 and eternity always
 rebel against an analysis of the       
phenomena wherein they are supposed to  
reside4 ,the same prejudice will explain
 why ,galileo should have so            
persistently ignored ,kepler's ,laws1   
for we can hardly imagine that they were
 not brought under his notice4  ,the    
philosophical affinities of the new     
science were not exhausted by the       
atomistic analysis of ,democritus and   
the regulative method of ,aristotle4    
,platonism could hardly fail to benefit 
by the great impulse given to           
mathematical studies in the latter half 
of the sixteenth century4 ,the          
passionate love of its founder for      
geometry must have recommended him as   
much to the most advanced minds of the  
period as his religious mysticism had   
recommended him to the theologians of   
the earlier ,renaissance4 ,and the      
increasing ascendency of the            
heliocentric astronomy1 with its        

splendid defiance of sense and opinion1 
was indirectly a triumph for the        
philosophy which1 more than any other1  
had asserted the claims of pure reason  
against both4 ,we see this distinctly in
 ,galileo4 ,in express adhesion to      
,platonism1 he throws his teaching into 
a conversational form1 endeavouring to  
extract the truth from his opponents    
rather than convey it into their minds  
from without2 and the theory of         
reminiscence as the source of           
demonstrative knowledge seems to meet   
with his approval4#edi ,he is always    
ready with proofs drawn from observation
 and experiment2 but nothing can be more
 in ,plato's spirit1 nothing more unlike
 ,aristotle and ,bacon1 than his        
encomium on the sublime genius of       
,aristarchus and ,copernicus for having 
maintained a rational hypothesis against
 what seemed to be the evidence of their
 senses4#eej ,and he elsewhere observes 
how much less would have been the glory 
of ,copernicus had he known the         

experimental verification of his        
theory4#eea  ,the ,platonic influence   
told even more efficaciously on         
,galileo's still greater contemporary1  
,kepler4 ,with him as with the author of
 the ,republic1 mysticism took the      
direction of seeking everywhere for     
evidence of mathematical proportions4   
,with what brilliant success the search 
was attended1 it is needless to relate4 
,what interests us here is the fact1    
vouched for by ,arago1 that the ,german 
astronomer was guided by an idea of     
,plato's1 that the world must have been 
created on geometrical principles4#eeb  
,had ,bacon known anything about the    
work on which his adventurous           
contemporary was engaged1 we may be sure
 that it would have afforded him another
 illustration for his ,idla1 the only   
difficulty being whether it should be   
referred to the illusions of the ,tribe1
 the ,den1 or the ,theatre4  ,meanwhile 
,atomism continued to exercise a        
powerful influence on the method even   

more than on the doctrines of science4  
,the analytical mode of treatment1      
applied by ,galileo to dynamics1 was    
applied1 with equal success1 by other   
mathematicians1 to the study of discrete
 and continuous quantity4 ,it is to the 
division of numbers and figures into    
infinitesimal parts--a direct           
contravention of ,aristotle's           
teaching--that we owe logarithms1       
algebraic geometry1 and the differential
 calculus4 ,thus was established a      
connexion between spiritualism and      
materialism1 the philosophy of ,plato   
and the philosophy of ,democritus4 ,out 
of these elements1 together with what   
still survived of ,aristotelianism1 was 
constructed the system of ,descartes4   
,,iv4  ,to understand ,descartes aright1
 we must provisionally disregard the    
account given in his work on ,method of 
the process by which he arrived at a new
 theory of the world2 for1 in truth1    
there was nothing new about it except   
the proportion in which fragments taken 

from older systems were selected and    
recombined4 ,as we have already noticed1
 there is no such thing as spinning     
philosophies out of one's own head2 and1
 in the case of ,descartes1 even the    
belief that he was so doing came to him 
from ,plato2 for1 along with            
,aristotle's dogmatic errors1 his sound 
teaching with regard to the derivation  
of knowledge had fallen into oblivion4  
,the initial doubt of the ,discourse on 
,method and the ,meditations is also    
,platonic2 only it is manifested under  
an individual and subjective1 instead of
 a universal and objective form4 ,but to
 find the real starting-point of        
,descartes' enquiries we must look for  
it in his mathematical studies4 ,a      
geometrician naturally conceives the    
visible world under the aspect of       
figured extension2 and if he thinks the 
figures away1 nothing will remain but   
extension as the ultimate material out  
of which all determinate bodies are     
shaped4 ,such was the result reached by 

,plato in his ,timaeus4 ,he identified  
matter with space1 viewing this as the  
receptacle for his eternal and          
self-existent ,ideas1 or rather the     
plastic medium on which their images are
 impressed4 ,the simplest spatial       
elements are triangles2 accordingly it  
is with these that he constructs his    
solid bodies4 ,the theory of triangular 
elements was probably suggested by      
,atomism2 it is1 in fact1 a compromise  
between the purely mathematical and the 
materialistic methods4 ,like all        
,plato's fancies1 this theory of matter 
was attacked with such convincing       
arguments by ,aristotle that1 so long as
 his physics remained in the ascendent1 
it did not find a single supporter2     
although1 as we saw in the last chapter1
 ,plotinus very nearly worked his way   
back to it from the ,peripatetic        
definition4 ,even now1 at the moment of 
,aristotle's fall1 it might have failed 
to attract attention1 had not the       
conditions under which it first arose   

been almost exactly repeated4           
,geometrical demonstration had again    
become the type of all reasoning2 there 
was again a sceptical spirit abroad1    
forcing men to fall back on the most    
elementary and universal conceptions2 an
 atomistic materialism again threatened 
to claim at least the whole field of    
physical enquiry for its own4 ,that     
,descartes followed the ,timaeus in     
identifying matter with extension cannot
 be doubted2 especially when we see that
 he adopts ,plato's analysis of body    
into elementary triangles2 but the      
theory agreed so well with his          
intellectual predispositions that he may
 easily have imagined it to be a        
necessary deduction from his own  priori
 ideas4 ,moreover1 after the first two  
steps1 he parts company with ,plato1 and
 gives himself up1 so far as his        
rejection of a vacuum will permit1 to   
the mechanical physics of ,democritus4  
,much praise has recently been bestowed 
on his attempt to interpret all physical

 phenomena in terms of matter and       
motion1 and to deduce them from the     
unaided operation of natural causes2 but
 this is no more than had been done by  
the early ,greek thinkers1 from whom1 we
 may observe1 his hypothesis of an      
initial vortex was also derived4 ,his   
cosmogony is better than theirs1 only in
 so far as it is adapted to scientific  
discoveries in astronomy and physiology 
not made by ,descartes himself2 for     
where his conjectures go beyond these   
they are entirely at fault4  ,descartes'
 theory of the universe included1       
however1 something more than extension  
7or matter7 and motion4 ,this was       
,thought4 ,if we ask whence came the    
notion of ,thought1 our philosopher will
 answer that it was obtained by looking 
into himself4 ,it was1 in reality1      
obtained by looking into ,aristotle1 or 
into some text-book reproducing his     
metaphysics4 ,but the ,platonic element 
in his system enabled ,descartes to     
isolate ,thought much more completely   

than it had been isolated by ,aristotle4
 ,to understand this1 we must turn once 
more to the ,timaeus4 ,plato made up his
 universe from space and ,ideas4 ,but   
the ,ideas were too vague or too        
unintelligible for scientific purposes4 
,even mediaeval ,realists were content  
to replace them by ,aristotle's much    
clearer doctrine of ,forms4 ,on the     
other hand1 ,aristotle's ,first ,matter 
was anything but a satisfactory         
conception4 ,it was a mere abstraction2 
the unknowable residuum left behind when
 bodies were stripped1 in imagination1  
of all their sensible and cogitable     
qualities4 ,in other words1 there was no
 ,matter actually existing without      
,form2 whereas ,form was never so truly 
itself1 never so absolutely existent1 as
 when completely separated from ,matter3
 it then became simple                  
self-consciousness1 as in ,god1 or in   
the reasonable part of the human soul4  
,the revolution wrought by substituting 
space for ,aristotle's ,first ,matter   

will now become apparent4 ,corporeal    
substance could at once be conceived as 
existing without the co-operation of    
,form2 and at the same stroke1 ,form1   
liberated from its material bonds1      
sprang back into the subjective sphere1 
to live henceforward only as pure       
self-conscious thought4  ,this absolute 
separation of ,form and ,matter1 under  
their new names of ,thought and         
,extension1 once grasped1 various       
principles of ,cartesianism will follow 
from it by logical necessity4 ,first    
comes the exclusion of final causes from
 philosophy1 or rather from ,nature4    
,there was not1 as with ,epicurus1 any  
anti-theological feeling concerned in   
their rejection4 ,with ,aristotle1      
against whom ,descartes is always       
protesting1 the final cause was not a   
mark of designing intelligence imposed  
on ,matter from without2 it was only a  
particular aspect of ,form1 the         
realisation of what ,matter was always  
striving after by virtue of its inherent

 potentiality4 ,when ,form was conceived
 only as pure thought1 there could be no
 question of such a process2 the most   
highly organised bodies being only modes
 of figured extension4 ,the revival of  
,atomism had1 no doubt1 a great deal to 
do with the preference for a mechanical 
interpretation of life4 ,aristotle had  
himself shown with masterly clearness   
the difference between his view of      
,nature and that taken by ,democritus2  
thus indicating beforehand the direction
 in which an alternative to his own     
teaching might be sought2 and ,bacon    
had1 in fact1 already referred with     
approval to the example set by          
,democritus in dealing with teleological
 enquiries4  ,nevertheless ,bacon's own 
attitude towards final causes differs   
essentially from ,descartes'4 ,the      
,french mathematician1 had he spoken his
 whole mind1 would probably have denied 
their existence altogether4 ,the        
,english reformer fully admits their    
reality1 as1 with his ,aristotelian     

theory of ,forms1 he could hardly avoid 
doing2 and we find that he actually     
associates the study of final with that 
of formal causes1 assigning both to     
metaphysics as its peculiar province4   
,this being so1 his comparative neglect 
of the former is most easily explained  
by the famous comparison of teleological
 enquiries to vestal virgins1 dedicated 
to the service of ,god and bearing no   
offspring2 for ,mr4 ,ellis has made it  
perfectly clear that the barrenness     
alluded to is not scientific but        
industrial4 ,our knowledge is extended  
when we trace the workings of a divine  
purpose in ,nature2 but this is not a   
kind of knowledge which bears fruit in  
useful mechanical inventions4#eec ,bacon
 probably felt that men would not be    
very forward to improve on ,nature if   
they believed in the perfection of her  
works and in their beneficent adaptation
 to our wants4 ,the teleological spirit 
was as strong with him as with          
,aristotle1 but it took a different     

direction4 ,instead of studying the     
adaptation of means to ends where it    
already existed1 he wished men to create
 it for themselves4 ,but the utilitarian
 tendency1 which predominated with      
,bacon1 was quite exceptional with      
,descartes4 ,speaking generally1 he     
desired knowledge for its own sake1 not 
as an instrument for the gratification  
of other wants2 and this intellectual   
disinterestedness was1 perhaps1 another 
aspect of the severance effected between
 thought and matter4  ,the celebrated   
,cartesian paradox1 that animals are    
unconscious automata1 is another        
consequence of the same principle4 ,in  
,aristotle's philosophy1 the doctrine of
 potentiality developing itself into act
 through a series of ascending          
manifestations1 supplied a link         
connecting the highest rational with the
 lowest vegetal life4 ,the              
identification of ,form with pure       
thought put an end to the conception of 
any such intermediate gradations4       

,brutes must either have a mind like    
ours or none at all4 ,the former        
alternative was not even taken into     
consideration2 probably1 among other    
reasons1 because it was not easily      
reconcilable with ,christianity2 so that
 nothing remained but to deny           
sensibility where thought was believed  
not to exist4  ,finally1 in man himself1
 thought is not distinguished from      
feeling2 it is1 in fact1 the essence of 
mind1 just as extension is the essence  
of body2 and all spiritual phenomena are
 modes of thought in the same sense that
 all physical phenomena are modes of    
space4 ,it was1 then1 rather a happy    
chance than genuine physiological       
insight which led ,descartes to make    
brain the organ of feeling no less than 
of intellection2 a view1 as ,prof4      
,huxley has observed1 much in advance of
 that held by ,bichat a hundred and     
fifty years later4 ,for whoever deduced 
all the mental manifestations from a    
common essence was bound in consistency 

to locate them in the same bodily organ2
 what the metaphysician had joined the  
physiologist could not possibly put     
asunder4  ,we are now in a position to  
understand the full force of ,descartes'
 ,cogito ergo sum4 ,it expresses the    
substantiality of self-conscious ,form1 
the equal claim of thought with         
extension to be recognised as an element
 of the universe4 ,this recognition of  
self-consciousness as the surest reality
 was1 indeed1 far from being new4 ,the  
,greek ,sceptics had never gone to the  
length of doubting their own personal   
existence4 ,on the contrary1 they       
professed a sort of subjective idealism4
 ,refusing to go beyond their own       
consciousness1 they found in its        
undisturbed self-possession the only    
absolute satisfaction that life could   
afford4 ,but knowledge and reality had  
become so intimately associated with    
something independent of mind1 and mind 
itself with a mere reflection of        
reality1 that the denial of an external 

world seemed to the vulgar a denial of  
existence itself4 ,and although         
,aristotle had found the highest1 if not
 the sole absolute actuality in         
self-thinking thought1 he projected it  
to such a distance from human           
personality that its bearing on the     
sceptical controversy had passed        
unperceived4 ,descartes began his       
demonstration at the point where all the
 ancient systems had converged1 but     
failed to discover in what direction the
 conditions of the problem required that
 they should be prolonged4 ,no mistake  
can be greater than to regard him as the
 precursor of ,german philosophy4 ,the  
latter originated quite independently of
 his teaching1 though not perhaps of his
 example1 in the combination of a much  
profounder scepticism with a much wider 
knowledge of dogmatic metaphysics4 ,his 
method is the very reverse of true      
idealism4 ,the ,cogito ergo sum is not a
 taking up of existence into thought1   
but rather a conversion of thought into 

one particular type of existence4 ,now1 
as we have seen1 all other existence was
 conceived as extension1 and however    
carefully thought might be distinguished
 from this as absolutely indivisible1 it
 was speedily reduced to the same       
general pattern of inclusion1           
limitation1 and expansion4 ,whereas     
,kant1 ,fichte1 and ,hegel afterwards   
dwelt on the form of thought1 ,descartes
 attended only to its content1 or to    
that in which it was contained4 ,in     
other words1 he began by considering not
 how he thought but what he thought and 
whence it came--his ideas and their     
supposed derivation from a higher       
sphere4 ,take1 for example1 his two     
great methods for proving the existence 
of ,god4 ,we have in our minds the idea 
of a perfect being--at least ,descartes 
professed to have such an idea in his   
mind1--and we1 as imperfect beings1     
could not have originated it for        
ourselves4 ,it must1 therefore1 have    
been placed there by a perfect being    

acting on us from without4 ,it is here  
taken for granted that the mechanical   
equivalence between material effects and
 their causes must obtain in a world    
where spatial relations1 and therefore  
measurement1 are presumably unknown4    
,and1 secondly1 existence1 as a         
perfection1 is involved in the idea of a
 perfect being2 therefore such a being  
can only be conceived as existing4 ,here
 there seems to be a confused notion    
that because the properties of a        
geometrical figure can be deduced from  
its definition1 therefore the existence 
of something more than a simple idea can
 be deduced from the definition of that 
idea itself4 ,but besides the           
mathematical influence1 there was       
evidently a ,platonic influence at work2
 and one is reminded of ,plato's        
argument that the soul cannot die       
because it participates in the idea of  
life4 ,such fallacies were impossible so
 long as ,aristotle's logic continued to
 be carefully studied1 and they         

gradually disappeared with its revival4 
,meanwhile the cat was away1 and the    
mice used their opportunity4  ,that the 
absolute disjunction of thought from    
matter involved the impossibility of    
their interaction1 was a consequence not
 drawn by ,descartes himself1 but by his
 immediate followers4 ,here also1 ,greek
 philosophy played its part in hastening
 the development of modern ideas4 ,the  
fall of ,aristotle had incidentally the 
effect of reviving not only the systems 
which preceded1 but also those which    
followed his4 ,chief among these were   
,stoicism and ,epicureanism4 ,differing 
widely in most other respects1 they     
agreed in teaching that body is acted on
 by body alone4 ,the ,cartesians        
accepted this principle to the fullest  
extent so far as human perceptions and  
volitions were concerned2 and to a great
 extent in dealing with the problems of 
physical science4 ,but instead of       
arguing from the laws of mechanical     
causation to the materiality of mind1   

they argued from its immateriality to   
the total absence of communication      
between consciousness and motion4 ,there
 was1 however1 one thinker of that age  
who went all lengths with the later     
,greek materialists4 ,this was ,thomas  
,hobbes1 the founder of modern ethics1  
the first ,englishman to grasp and      
develope still further ,galileo's method
 of mathematical deduction and          
mechanical analysis4   ,v4  ,the author 
of the ,leviathan has sometimes been    
represented as one who carried the      
,baconian method into politics1 and     
prepared the way for its more thorough  
application to psychology by ,locke4    
,but this view1 which regards the three 
great leaders of ,english philosophy in 
the seventeenth century as successive   
links in a connected series1 is a       
misapprehension of history1 which could 
only have arisen through leaving out of 
account the contemporary development of 
,continental speculation1 and through   
the inveterate habit of looking on the  

modern distinction between empiricism   
and transcendentalism as a fundamental  
antithesis dividing the philosophers of 
every epoch into two opposing schools4  
,the truth is that1 if the three writers
 just mentioned agree in deriving       
knowledge solely from experience1 they  
agree in nothing else2 and that their   
unanimity on this one point does not    
amount to much1 will be evident if we   
consider what each understood by the    
notion in question4  ,with ,bacon1      
experience was the negation of mere     
authority1 whether taking the form of   
natural prejudice1 of individual        
prepossession1 of hollow phrases1 or of 
established systems4 ,the question how  
we come by that knowledge which all     
agree to be the most certain1 is left   
untouched in his logic2 either of the   
current answers would have suited his   
system equally well2 nor is there any   
reason for believing that he would have 
sided with ,mill rather than with ,kant 
respecting the origin of mathematical   

axioms4 ,with ,locke1 experience meant  
the analysis of notions and judgments   
into the simple data of sense and       
self-consciousness2 and the             
experientialists of the present day are 
beyond all doubt his disciples2 but the 
parentage of his philosophy1 so far as  
it is simply a denial of innate ideas1  
must be sought1 not in the ,novum       
,organum1 nor in any other modern work1 
but in the old ,organon of ,aristotle1  
or in the comments of the ,schoolmen who
 followed ,aristotle in protesting      
against the ,platonism of their time1   
just as ,locke protested against the    
,platonism of ,descartes and            
,malebranche4  ,the experience of       
,hobbes differs both in origin and      
application from either of these4 ,with 
him1 sensible impressions are not a     
court of appeal against traditional     
judgments1 nor yet are they the ultimate
 elements into which all ideas may be   
analysed2 they are the channels through 
which pulsating movements are conveyed  

into the mind2 and these movements1     
again1 represent the action of          
mechanical forces or the will of a      
paramount authority4 ,and he holds this 
doctrine1 partly as a logical           
consequence of his materialism1 partly  
as a safeguard against the theological  
pretensions which1 in his opinion1 are a
 constant threat to social order4 ,the  
authority of the political sovereign is 
menaced on the one hand by ,papal       
infallibility1 and on the other by      
rebellious subjects putting forward a   
claim to supernatural inspiration4 ,to  
the ,pope1 ,hobbes says3 #8,you are     
violating the law of ,nature by         
professing to derive from ,god what is  
really given only by the consent of men1
 and can only be given by them to their 
temporal head1--the right to impose a   
particular religion4#8 ,to the ,puritan1
 he says3 #8,your inward illumination is
 a superstitious dream1 and you have no 
right to use it as a pretext for        
breaking the king's peace4 ,religion has

 really nothing to do with the          
supernatural2 it is only a particular   
way of inculcating obedience to the     
natural conditions of social union4'    
,again1 ,hobbes differs wholly from     
,bacon in the deductive character of his
 method4 ,his logic is the old          
syllogistic system reorganised on the   
model of mathematical analysis4 ,like   
all the great thinkers of his time1 he  
was a geometrician and a mechanical     
physicist1 reasoning from general to    
particular propositions and descending  
from causes to effects4#eed ,his famous 
theory of a social contract is a        
rational construction1 not a historical 
narrative4 ,but though a mathematician1 
he shows no traces of ,platonic         
influence4 ,he is1 therefore1 all the   
more governed by ,atomist and ,stoic    
modes of thought4 ,he treats human      
nature1 single and associated1 as       
,galileo and ,descartes had treated     
motion and space4 ,like them1 too1 he   
finds himself in constant antagonism to 

,aristotle4 ,the description of man as a
 social animal is disdainfully rejected1
 and the political union resolved into  
an equilibrium of many opposing wills   
maintained by violent pressure from     
without4 ,in ethics1 no less than in    
physics1 we find attractive forces      
replaced by mechanical impacts4  ,while 
the analysis of ,hobbes goes much deeper
 than ,aristotle's1 the grasp of his    
reconstructive synthesis is wider and   
stronger in at least an equal           
proportion4 ,recognising the good of the
 whole as the supreme rule of           
conduct1#eee he gives a new             
interpretation to the particular        
virtues1 and disposes of the theory     
which made them a mean between two      
extremes no less effectually than his   
contemporaries had disposed of the same 
theory in its application to the        
elementary constitution of matter4 ,and 
just as they were aided in their revolt 
against ,aristotle by the revival of    
other ,greek systems1 so also was he4   

,the identification of justice with     
public interest1 though commonly        
attributed to ,epicurus alone1 was1 like
 materialism1 an idea shared by him with
 ,stoicism1 and was probably impressed  
on modern thought by the weight of their
 united authority4 ,and when we find the
 philosopher of ,malmesbury making      
public happiness consist in order and   
tranquillity1 we cannot but think that  
this was a generalisation from the      
,stoic and ,epicurean conceptions of    
individual happiness2 for it reproduces1
 under a social form1 the same ideal of 
passionless repose4  ,on the other hand1
 this substitution of the social for the
 personal integer involves a            
corresponding change in the valuation of
 individual happiness4 ,what the        
passions had been to later ,greek       
philosophy1 that the individual soul    
became to ,hobbes1 something essentially
 infinite and insatiable1 whose desires 
grow as they are gratified1 whose       
happiness1 if such it can be called1 is 

not a condition of stable repose but of 
perpetual movement and unrest4#eef      
,here1 again1 the analogy between       
physics and ethics obtains4 ,in both1   
there was an original opposition between
 the idea of a limit and the idea of    
infinite expansion4 ,just as1 among the 
earlier ,greek thinkers1 there was a    
physical philosophy of the infinite or1 
as its impugners called it1 the         
indefinite1 so also there was1          
corresponding to it1 a philosophy of the
 infinite or indefinite in ethics1      
represented1 not indeed by professional 
moralists1 but by rhetoricians and men  
of the world4 ,their ideal was not the  
contented man1 but the popular orator or
 the despot who revels in the           
consciousness of power--the ability to  
satisfy his desires1 whatever they may  
be4 ,and the extreme consequence of this
 principle is drawn by ,plato's         
,callicles when he declares that true   
happiness consists in nursing one's     
desires up to the highest point at which

 they can be freely indulged2 while his 
ideal of character is the superior      
individual who sets at naught whatever  
restraints have been devised by a weak  
and timid majority to protect themselves
 against him4  ,the ,greek love of      
balanced antithesis and circumscribing  
form triumphed over the infinite in both
 fields4 ,while the two great masters of
 idealism imprisoned the formless and   
turbulent terrestrial elements within a 
uniform and eternal sphere of crystal1  
they imposed a similar restraint on the 
desires and emotions1 confining them    
within a barrier of reason which1 when  
once erected1 could never be broken     
through4 ,and although the ground won in
 physics was lost again for a time      
through a revival of old theories1 this 
was because true ,hellenism found its   
only congenial sphere in ethics1 and    
there the philosophy of the finite      
continued to reign supreme4 ,if the     
successors of ,aristotle fell back on   
cosmologies of ampler scope than his1   

they retained his limiting method in    
their speculations on man4  ,with       
,christianity1 there came a certain     
inversion of parts4 ,the external       
universe again became subjected to      
narrow limitations1 and the flammantia  
moenia mundi beyond which ,epicurus had 
dared to penetrate1 were raised up once 
more and guarded by new terrors as an   
impassable barrier to thought4 ,but     
infinity took refuge within the soul2   
and1 while in this life a sterner       
self-control than even that of ,stoicism
 was enjoined1 perspectives of          
illimitable delight in another life were
 disclosed4 ,finally1 at the            
,renaissance1 every barrier was         
simultaneously overthrown1 and the      
accumulated energies of western         
civilisation expatiated over a field    
which1 if it was vast in reality1 was   
absolutely unbounded in imagination4    
,great as were the achievements of that 
age1 its dreams were greater still2 and 
what most excites our wonder in the     

works of its heroes is but the fragment 
of an unfinished whole4 ,the ideal of   
life set up by ,aristotle was1 like his 
conception of the world1 contradicted in
 every particular2 and the relative     
positions assigned by him to act and    
power were precisely reversed4 ,it has  
been shown how ,shakespeare reflected   
the ,platonism of his contemporaries3 he
 reflected also the fierce outburst of  
their ambition2 and in describing what  
they would dare1 to possess solely      
sovereign sway and masterdom1 or wear   
without corrival all the dignities of   
honour1 he borrowed almost the very     
words used by ,euripides to express the 
feelings encouraged by some teachers of 
his time4 ,the same spirit is exhibited 
a generation later in the dramas of     
,calderon and ,corneille1 before their  
thoughts were forced into a different   
channel by the stress of the ,catholic  
reaction2 while its last and highest    
manifestation is the sentiment of       
,milton's ruined archangel1 that to     

reign in hell is better than to serve in
 heaven4 ,thus1 when ,hobbes reduces all
 the passions to modes of the           
fundamental desire for power1#eeg he    
does but give the scientific theory of  
that which stands proclaimed in more    
thrilling accents by the noblest poetry 
of his age4  ,where no danger could     
deter from the pursuit of power1 no     
balancing of pain with pleasure availed 
to quench the ardour of desire4 ,with   
full knowledge that violent delights    
have violent ends and in their triumph  
die1 the fateful condition was accepted4
 ,not only did ,giordano ,bruno1 in     
conscious parallelism with his theory of
 matter1 declare that without mutation1 
variety1 and vicissitude nothing would  
be agreeable1 nothing good1 nothing     
delightful1 that enjoyment consists     
solely in transition and movement1 and  
that all pleasure lies midway between   
the painful longing of fresh appetite   
and the sadness of its satiation and    
extinction2#eeh but the sedater wisdom  

of ,bacon1 in touching on the           
controversy between ,callicles and      
,socrates1 seems to incline towards the 
side of the former2 and1 in all cases1  
warns men not to make too much of the   
inconveniences attendent on pleasure1   
but #8so to procure serenity as they    
destroy not magnanimity4'#eei  ,these1  
then1 were the principal elements of the
 philosophical ,renaissance4 ,first1    
there was a certain survival of         
,aristotelianism as a method of         
comprehensive and logical arrangement4  
,then there was the new ,platonism1     
bringing along with it a revival of     
either ,alexandrian or mediaeval        
pantheism1 and closely associated with  
geometrical studies4 ,thirdly1 there was
 the old ,greek ,atomism1 as originally 
set forth by ,democritus or as re-edited
 by ,epicurus1 traditionally            
unfavourable to theology1 potent alike  
for decomposition and reconstruction1   
confirmed by the new astronomy1 and     
lending its method to the reformation of

 mathematics2 next the later ,greek     
ethical systems2 and finally the        
formless idea of infinite power which   
all ,greek systems had1 as such1        
conspired to suppress1 but which1       
nevertheless1 had played a great part in
 the earlier stages of ,greek           
speculation both physical and moral4    
,on these foundations the lofty edifice 
of ,spinozism was reared2 out of these  
materials its composite structure was   
built2 and without a previous study of  
them it cannot be understood4   ,,vi4   
,whether ,spinoza ever read ,plato is   
doubtful4 ,one hardly sees why he should
 have neglected a writer whose works    
were easily accessible1 and at that time
 very popular with thinking minds4 ,but 
whether he was acquainted with the      
,dialogues at first hand or not1 ,plato 
will help us to understand ,spinoza1 for
 it was through the door of geometry    
that he entered philosophy1 and under   
the guidance of one who was saturated   
with the ,platonic spirit2 so far as    

,christianity influenced him1 it was    
through elements derived from ,plato2   
and his metaphysical method was one     
which1 more than any other1 would have  
been welcomed with delight by the author
 of the ,meno and the ,republic1 as an  
attempt to realise his own dialectical  
ideal4 ,for ,spinozism is1 on the face  
of it1 an application of geometrical    
reasoning to philosophy1 and especially 
to ethics4 ,it is also an attempt to    
prove transcendentally what             
geometricians only assume--the necessity
 of space4 ,now1 ,plato looked on       
geometrical demonstration as the great  
type of certainty1 the scientific       
completion of what ,socrates had begun  
by his interrogative method1 the one    
means of carrying irrefragable          
conviction into every department of     
knowledge1 and more particularly into   
the study of our highest good4 ,on the  
other hand1 he saw that geometricians   
assume what itself requires to be       
demonstrated2 and he confidently        

expected that the deficiency would be   
supplied by his own projected method of 
transcendent dialectics4 ,such at least 
seems to be the drift of the following  
passage3   ,when ,i speak of the        
division of the intellectual1 you will  
also  understand me to speak of that    
knowledge which reason herself  attains 
by the power of dialectic1 using the    
hypotheses not as first  principles1 but
 only as hypotheses--that is to say as  
steps and points  of departure into a   
region which is above hypotheses1 in    
order that  she may soar beyond them to 
the first principle of the whole2 and   
clinging to this and then to that which 
depends on this1 by successive  steps   
she descends again without the aid of   
any sensible object1  beginning and     
ending in ideas4#efj  ,the problem1     
then1 which ,spinoza set himself was1   
first1 to account for the fundamental   
assumptions of all science1 and more    
particularly of geometry1 by deducing   
them from a single self-evident         

principle2 and then to use that         
principle for the solution of whatever  
problems seemed to stand most in need of
 its application4 ,and1 as usually      
happens in such adventurous enterprises1
 the supposed answer of pure reason was 
obtained by combining or expanding      
conceptions borrowed without criticism  
from pre-existing systems of philosophy4
  ,descartes had already accomplished a 
great simplification of the speculative 
problem by summing up all existence     
under the two heads of extension and    
thought4 ,it remained to account for    
these1 and to reduce them to a single   
idea4 ,as we have seen1 they were       
derived from ,greek philosophy1 and the 
bond which was to unite them must be    
sought for in the same direction4 ,it   
will be remembered that the systems of  
,plato and ,aristotle were bounded at   
either extremity by a determinate and by
 an indeterminate principle4 ,with the  
one1 existence ranged between the ,idea 
of ,good at the upper end of the scale  

and empty space at the lower2 with the  
other1 between absolute ,thought and    
,first ,matter4 ,it was by combining the
 two definite terms1 space and thought1 
that ,descartes had constructed his     
system2 and after subtracting these the 
two indefinite terms remained4 ,in one  
respect they were even more opposed to  
each other than were the terms with     
which they had been respectively        
associated4 ,the ,idea of ,good         
represented unity1 identity1 and        
constancy1 as against plurality1        
difference1 and change2 while           
,aristotle's ,matter was1 by its very   
definition1 multiform1 fluctuating1 and 
indeterminate4 ,nevertheless1 there were
 equally important analogies traceable  
between them4 ,no very clear account    
could be given of either1 and both were 
customarily described by negatives4 ,if 
,matter fell short of complete          
existence1 the ,good transcended all    
existence4 ,if the one was a universal  
capacity for assuming ,forms1 the other 

was the source whence all ,forms        
proceeded4 ,when the distinctive        
characteristics of an individual were   
thought away1 the question might well be
 mooted into which principle it would   
return4 ,the ambiguous use of the word  
,power contributed still further to     
their identification1 for it was not    
less applicable to the receptive than to
 the productive faculty4 ,now we have   
just seen into what importance the idea 
of ,power suddenly sprang at the        
,renaissance3 with ,bruno it was the    
only abiding reality of ,nature2 with   
,hobbes it was the only object of human 
desire4  ,another term occupying a very 
large place in ,aristotle's philosophy  
was well adapted to mediate between and 
eventually to unite the two speculative 
extremes4 ,this was ,substance2 in logic
 the subject of predication1 in         
metaphysics the substratum of qualities1
 the  or ,being of the ,ten ,categories4
 ,now ,first ,matter might fairly claim 
the position of a universal subject or  

substance1 since it was invested with   
every sensible quality in turn1 and     
even1 as the common element of all      
,forms1 with every thinkable quality as 
well4 ,aristotle himself had finally    
pronounced for the individual compound  
of ,form and ,matter as the true        
substance4 ,yet he also speaks as if the
 essential definition of a thing        
constituted the thing itself2 in which  
case ,form alone could be the true      
subject2 and a similar claim might be   
put forward on behalf of the ,plotinian 
,one4#efa  ,such were the  priori       
elements which a historical synthesis   
had prepared to satisfy the want of a   
metaphysical ,absolute4 ,let us now see 
what result would follow when the       
newly-recovered idea of space was       
subjected to a metaphysical analysis4   
,extension is both one and infinite4 ,no
 particular area can be conceived apart 
from the whole which both contains and  
explains it4 ,again1 extension is       
absolutely homogeneous2 to whatever     

distance we may travel in imagination   
there will still be the same repetition 
of similar parts4 ,but space1 with the  
,cartesians1 meant more than a simple   
juxtaposition of parts2 having been made
 the essence of matter1 it was invested 
with mechanical as well as with         
geometrical properties4 ,the bodies into
 which it resolved itself were conceived
 as moving1 and as communicating their  
movement to one another through an      
unbroken chain of causation in which    
each constituted a single link1         
determining and determined by the rest2 
so that1 here also1 each part was       
explained by reference to an infinite   
whole1 reproducing its essence1 while   
exempt from the condition of            
circumscribed existence4 ,we can        
understand1 then1 that when the         
necessity of accounting for extension   
itself once became felt1 the natural    
solution would be to conceive it as     
holding the same relation to some       
greater whole which its own subdivisions

 held to their sum total2 in other words
 it should be at once a part1 an        
emanation1 and an image of the ultimate 
reality4 ,this is1 in fact1 very nearly 
the relation which ,matter holds to the 
,one in the ,neo-,platonic system4 ,and 
we know that with ,plotinus ,matter is  
almost the same as infinite ,extension4 
,corresponding to the universal space   
which contains all particular spaces1   
there was1 in the ,neo-,platonic system1
 a universal ,thought which contained   
all particular thoughts1--the ,nous     
about which we heard so much in studying
 ,plotinus4 ,such a conception is       
utterly strange to the modern mind1 but 
it was familiar enough to ,spinoza2 and 
we can see how it would be suggested by 
the common forms of reasoning4 ,the     
tendency of syllogism is either to      
subsume lower under higher notions until
 a summum genus is reached1 or to       
resolve all subjects into a single      
predicate1 or to connect all predicates 
with a single subject4 ,the analogies of

 space1 too1 would tell in the same     
direction1 bringing nearer the idea of a
 vast thought-sea in which all          
particular thoughts1 or what to a       
,cartesian meant the same thing1 all    
particular minds1 were contained4 ,and  
,neo-,platonism showed how this         
universal ,mind or ,thought could1 like 
the space which it so much resembled1 be
 interpreted as the product of a still  
higher principle4 ,to complete the      
parallelism1 it remained to show that   
,thought1 which before had seemed       
essentially finite1 is1 on the contrary1
 co-infinite with ,extension4 ,how this 
was done will appear a little further   
on4  ,spinoza gathered up all the       
threads of speculation thus made ready  
for his grasp1 when he defined ,god as a
 substance consisting of infinite       
attributes1 each of which expresses his 
infinite and eternal essence2           
subsequently adding that the essence    
here spoken of is ,power1 and that two  
of the infinite attributes are          

,extension and ,thought1 whereof the    
particular things known to us are modes4
 ,platonism had decomposed the world    
into two ideal principles1 and had      
re-created it by combining them over    
again in various proportions1 but they  
were not entirely reabsorbed and worked 
up into the concrete reality which      
resulted from their union2 they were1 so
 to speak1 knotted together1 but the    
ends continued to hang loose4 ,above and
 below the finite sphere of existence   
there remained as an unemployed surplus 
the infinite causal energy of the ,one  
and the infinite passive potentiality of
 ,matter4 ,spinoza combined and         
identified the two opposing elements in 
the notion of a single substance as     
infinite in actuality as they had been  
in power4 ,he thus gave its highest     
metaphysical expression to that common  
tendency which we traced through the    
prospects opened out by the ,copernican 
astronomy1 the revival of ,atomism1 the 
dynamical psychology of ,hobbes1 and the

 illimitable passion of the             
,renaissance1 while1 at the same time1  
preserving the unity of ,plato's        
idealism1 and even making it more       
concentrated than before4  ,it has been 
shown how universal space and universal 
thought at once contain and explain each
 particular space and each particular   
concept4 ,in like manner1 the infinite  
substance contains and explains space   
and thought themselves4 ,contains them1 
yes1 as attributes2 but explains them1  
how8 ,as two among an infinity of       
attributes4 ,in other words1 if we ask  
why there should be such an existence as
 space1 the answer is because existence1
 being infinite1 must necessarily       
include every conceivable thing4 ,the   
argument is strikingly like a principle 
of the ,epicurean philosophy1 and may   
well have been suggested by it4         
,according to ,lucretius1 the appearance
 of design in our world need not be     
attributed to creative intelligence1    
because infinite atoms moving in        

infinite manners through infinite time1 
must at length arrive1 after a          
comprehensive series of experiments1 at 
the present frame of things2#efb and the
 same principle is invoked on a smaller 
scale to account for the origin of      
organised beings1 of memory1 and of     
civil society4#efc ,in both systems1    
infinite space is the root-conception2  
but what ,lucretius had legitimately    
used to explain becoming1 ,spinoza      
illegitimately applies to the           
elucidation of being4 ,at one stroke all
 empirical knowledge is placed on an    
priori foundation4 ,by assuming         
unlimited credit at the bank of the     
universe we entitle ourselves to draw a 
cheque for any particular amount4 ,thus 
the idea of infinite attributes is no   
mere collateral speculation1 but forms  
an essential element of ,spinozism4 ,the
 known varieties of existence are1 so to
 speak1 surrounded1 supported1 and fixed
 in their places by the endless         
multitude of the unknown4 ,and this     

conception of being as absolutely       
infinite1 is another proof of ,spinoza's
 ,platonic tendencies1 for it involves  
the realisation of an abstract idea1    
that is to say1 of ,being1 which the    
philosopher treats as something more    
comprehensive than the facts of         
consciousness whence it is derived4     
,or1 again1 we may say that two         
principles1--the ,nominalistic as well  
as the ,realistic1--are here at work4   
,by virtue of the one1 ,spinoza makes   
,being something beyond and above the   
facts of experience4 ,by virtue of the  
other he reinvests it with concrete     
reality1 but a reality altogether       
transcending our powers of imagination4 
,very much1 also1 that ,plotinus says   
about his ,one might be applied to      
,spinoza's ,substance1 but with a new   
and positive meaning4 ,the ,first ,cause
 is above existence1 but only existence 
as restricted within the very narrow    
limits of our experience1 and only as   
infinite reality transcends the parts   

which it includes4  ,it is well known   
that ,spinoza draws a sharp line of     
demarcation between the two attributes  
of ,extension and ,thought1 which1 with 
him1 correspond to what are usually     
called body and mind4 ,neither attribute
 can act on the other4 ,mind receives no
 impressions from body1 nor does body   
receive any impulses from mind4 ,this   
proposition follows by rigorous logical 
necessity from the ,platonic principle  
that mind is independent of body1       
combined with the ,stoic principle that 
nothing but body can act on body1       
generalised into the wider principle    
that interaction implies homogeneity of 
nature4 ,according to some critics1     
,spinoza's teaching on this point       
constitutes a fatal flaw in his         
philosophy4 ,how1 it is asked1 can we   
know that there is any such thing as    
body 7or extension7 if body cannot be   
perceived1--for perceived it certainly  
cannot be without acting on our minds8  
,the idea of infinite substance suggests

 a way out of the difficulty4 #8,i find 
in myself1' ,spinoza might say1 #8the   
idea of extension4 ,in fact1 my mind is 
nothing but the idea of extension1 or   
the idea of that idea1 and so on through
 as many self-reflections as you please4
 ,at the same time1 mind1 or thought1 is
 not itself extended4 ,descartes and the
 ,platonists before him have proved thus
 much4 ,consequently ,i can conceive    
extension as existing independently of  
myself1 and1 more generally1 of all     
thought4 ,but how can ,i be sure that it
 actually does so exist8 ,in this wise4 
,an examination of thought leads me to  
the notion of something in which it     
resides--a substance whose attribute it 
is4 ,but having once conceived such a   
substance1 ,i cannot limit it to a      
single attribute1 nor to two1 nor to any
 finite number4 ,limitation implies a   
boundary1 and there can be no boundary  
assigned to existence1 for existence by 
its very definition includes everything 
that is4 ,accordingly1 whatever can be  

conceived1 in other words whatever can  
be thought without involving a          
contradiction1--an important reservation
 which ,i beg you to observe1--must     
necessarily exist4 ,now extension       
involves no contradiction1 therefore it 
exists1--exists1 that is to say1 as an  
attribute of the infinite substance4    
,and1 by parity of reasoning1 there must
 be an idea of extension2 for this also 
can exist without involving a           
contradiction1 as the simplest          
introspection suffices to show4 ,you ask
 me why then ,i do not believe in       
gorgons and chimaeras4 ,i answer that   
since1 in point of fact1 they do not    
exist1 ,i presume that their notion     
involves a contradiction1 although my   
knowledge of natural law is not         
sufficiently extended to show me where  
the contradiction lies4 ,but perhaps    
science will some day be able to point  
out in every instance of a non-existing 
thing1 where the contradiction lies1 no 
less surely than it can now be pointed  

out in the case of impossible           
geometrical figures4' ,in short1 while  
other people travel straight from their 
sensations to an external world1        
,spinoza travels round to it by the idea
 of an infinite substance4#efd  ,the    
relation of ,spinoza's ,substance to its
 attributes is ambiguous4 ,it is at once
 their cause1 their totality1 and their 
unity4 ,the highly elastic and          
indefinite term ,power helped these     
various aspects to play into and replace
 one another according to the           
requirements of the system4 ,it is      
associated with the subjective          
possibility of multiplying imaginary    
existences to any amount2 with the      
causal energy in which existence        
originates2 and with the expansiveness  
characteristic alike of ,extension and  
of ,thought4 ,for the two known         
attributes of the universal substance   
are not simply related to it as         
co-predicates of a common subject2 they 
severally express its essential ,power1 

and are1 to that extent1 identical with 
one another4 ,but when we ask1 ,how do  
they express ,power8 the same ambiguity 
recurs4 ,substance is revealed through  
its attributes1 as a cause through its  
effects2 as an aggregate through its    
constituents2 and as an abstract notion 
through its concrete embodiments4 ,thus 
,extension and ,thought are identical   
through their very differences1 since   
these illustrate the versatility of     
their common source1 and at the same    
time jointly contribute to the          
realisation of its perfection4 ,but1 for
 all practical purposes1 ,spinoza deals 
only with the parallelism and           
resemblance of the attributes4 ,we have 
to see how he establishes it1 and how   
far he was helped in so doing by the    
traditions of ,greek philosophy4        
,,vii4  ,it has been already shown how  
,extension1 having become identified    
with matter1 took on its mechanical     
qualities1 and was conceived as a       
connected series of causes or modes of  

motion4 ,the parallel found by ,spinoza 
for this series in ,thought is the chain
 of reasons and consequents forming a   
demonstrative argument2 and here he is  
obviously following ,aristotle1 who     
although ostensibly distinguishing      
between formal and efficient causes1    
hopelessly confounds them in the second 
book of his ,posterior ,analytics4#efe  
,we are said to understand a thing when 
we bring it under a general rule1 and   
also when we discover the mechanical    
agency which produces it4 ,for instance1
 we may know that a particular man will 
die1 either from the fact that all men  
are mortal1 or from the fact that he has
 received a fatal wound4 ,the general   
rule1 however1 is not the cause of what 
will happen1 but only the cause of our  
knowing that it will happen2 and        
knowledge of the rule by no means       
carries with it a knowledge of the      
efficient cause2 as we see in the case  
of gravitation and other natural forces 
whose modus operandi is still a complete

 mystery4 ,what deceived ,aristotle was 
partly his false analysis of the        
syllogism1 which he interpreted as the  
connexion of two terms by the           
interposition of a middle answering to  
the causal nexus of two phenomena2 and  
partly his conception of the universe as
 a series of concentric spheres1 through
 which movement is transmitted from     
without1 thus combining the two ideas of
 notional comprehension and mechanical  
causation4  ,be this as it may1 ,spinoza
 takes up the ,aristotelian             
identification of logical with dynamical
 connexion1 and gives it the widest     
possible development4 ,for the          
,stagirite would not1 at any rate1 have 
dreamed of attributing any but a        
subjective existence to the             
demonstrative series1 nor of extending  
it beyond the limits of our actual      
knowledge4 ,spinoza1 on the other hand1 
assumes that the whole infinite chain of
 material causes is represented by a    
corresponding chain of eternal ideas2   

and this chain he calls the infinite    
intellect of ,god4#eff ,here1 besides   
the necessities of systematisation1 the 
influence of mediaeval realism is       
plainly evident4 ,for1 when the absolute
 self-existence of ,plato's ,ideas had  
been surrendered in deference to        
,aristotle's criticism1 a home was still
 found for them by ,plotinus in the     
eternal ,nous1 and by the ,christian    
,schoolmen in the mind of ,god2 nor did 
such a belief present any difficulties  
so long as the divine personality was   
respected4 ,the pantheism of ,spinoza1  
however1 was absolute1 and excluded the 
notion of any but a finite subjectivity4
 ,thus the infinite intellect of ,god is
 an unsupported chain of ideas recalling
 the theory at one time imagined by     
,plato4#efg ,or its existence may be    
merely what ,aristotle would have called
 potential2 in other words1 ,spinoza may
 mean that reasons will go on evolving  
themselves so long as we choose to study
 the dialectic of existence1 always in  

strict parallelism with the natural     
series of material movements            
constituting the external universe2 and 
just as this is determined through all  
its parts by the totality of extension1 
or of all matter 7whether moving or     
motionless7 taken together1 so also at  
the summit of the logical series stands 
the idea of ,god1 from whose definition 
the demonstration of every lesser idea  
necessarily follows4 ,it is true that in
 a chain of connected energies the      
antecedent1 as such1 must be always     
precisely equal to the consequent2 but1 
apparently1 this difficulty did not     
present itself to ,spinoza1 nor need we 
be surprised at this2 for ,kant1 coming 
a century later1 was still so imbued    
with ,aristotelian traditions as1       
similarly1 to derive the category of    
,cause and ,effect from the relation    
between ,reason and ,consequent in      
hypothetical propositions4#efh          
,meanwhile the parallelism between      
,thought and ,extension was not         

exhausted by the identification just    
analysed4 ,extension was not only a     
series of movements2 it still remained  
an expression for co-existence and      
adjacency4 ,spinoza1 therefore1 felt    
himself obliged to supply ,thought with 
a correspondingly continuous quality4   
,it is here that his chief originality  
lies1 here that he has been most closely
 followed by the philosophy of our own  
time4 ,mind1 he declares1 is an         
attribute everywhere accompanying       
matter1 co-extensive and co-infinite    
with space4 ,our own animation is the   
sum or the resultant of an animation    
clinging to every particle that enters  
into the composition of our bodies4     
,when our thoughts are affected by an   
external impulse1 to suppose that this  
impulse proceeds from anything material 
is a delusion2 it is produced by the    
mind belonging to the body which acts on
 our body2 although in what sense this  
process is to be understood remains a   
mystery4 ,spinoza has clearly explained 

the doctrine of animal automatism1 and  
shown it to be perfectly                
conceivable2#efi but he has entirely    
omitted to explain how the parallel     
influence of one thought 7or feeling7 on
 another is to be understood2 for       
although this too is spoken of as a     
causal relation1 it seems to be quite   
different from the logical concatenation
 described as the infinite intellect of 
,god2 and to suppose that idea follows  
from idea like movement from movement   
would amount to a complete              
materialisation of mind2 while our      
philosopher would certainly have        
repudiated ,mr4 ,shadworth ,hodgson's   
theory1 that states of consciousness are
 only connected through their extended  
substratum1 as the segments of a mosaic 
picture are held together by the        
underlying surface of masonry4 ,nor can 
we admit that ,spinoza entertained the  
theory1 now so popular1 according to    
which extension and consciousness are   
merely different aspects of a single    

reality4 ,for this would imply that the 
substance which they manifest had an    
existence of its own apart from its     
attributes2 whereas ,spinoza makes it   
consist of the attributes1 that is to   
say1 identifies it with their totality4 
,we are forced1 then1 to conclude that  
the proposition declaring thought and   
extension to be the same thing#egj has  
no other meaning than that they are     
connected by the double analogy which we
 have endeavoured to explain4  ,the     
analogy between ,thought and ,extension 
under the two aspects of necessary      
connexion and mere contingent relation  
in co-existence or succession1 was1 in  
truth1 more interesting to its author as
 a basis for his ethical than as a      
development of his metaphysical         
speculations4 ,the two orders of        
relations represent1 in their           
distinction1 the opposition of science  
to opinion or imagination1 the          
opposition of dutiful conviction to     
blind or selfish impulse4 ,spinoza      

borrows from the ,stoics their          
identification of volition with belief2 
but in working out the consequences of  
this principle it is of ,plato rather   
than of the ,stoics that he reminds us4 
,the passions are in his system what    
sense1 imagination1 and opinion were in 
that of the ,athenian idealist2 and his 
ethics may almost be called the         
metaphysics of the ,republic turned     
outside in4 ,joy1 grief and desire are  
more or less imperfect perceptions of   
reality--a reality not belonging to the 
external world but to the conscious     
subject itself4#ega ,when ,spinoza      
traces them to a consciousness or       
expectation of raised or lowered power1 
we recognise the influence of ,hobbes2  
but when1 here as elsewhere1 he         
identifies power with existence1 we     
detect a return to ,greek forms of      
thought4 ,the great conflict between    
illusion and reality is fought out once 
more2 only1 this time1 it is about our  
own essence that we are first deceived  

and then enlightened4 ,if the nature and
 origin of outward things are half      
revealed1 half concealed by sense and   
imagination1 our emotions are in like   
manner the obscuring and distorting     
medium through which we apprehend our   
inmost selves1 and whatever adds to or  
takes away from the plenitude of our    
existence2 and what science is to the   
one1 morality and religion are to the   
other4  ,it is remarkable that while    
,spinoza was giving a new application to
 the ,platonic method1 another          
,cartesian1 ,malebranche1 was working it
 out more strictly on the old lines of  
speculative research4 ,the ,recherche de
 la ,vrit of this unjustly neglected    
thinker is a methodical account of the  
various subjective obstacles which      
impede our apprehension of things as    
they really exist1 and of the means by  
which it may be facilitated4 ,here also1
 attention is concentrated on the       
subjective side of philosophy2 and if   
the mental processes selected for study 

are of theoretical rather than practical
 interest1 we may probably attribute    
this to the circumstance that every     
ethical question was already decided for
 ,malebranche by the ,church whose      
orders he had assumed4  ,but it was not 
merely in the writings of professed     
philosophers that the new aspect of     
,platonism found expression4 ,all great 
art embodies in one form or another the 
leading conceptions of its age2 and the 
latter half of the seventeenth century  
found such a manifestation in the       
comedies of ,molire4 ,if these works    
stand at the head of ,french literature1
 they owe their position not more to    
their author's brilliant wit than to his
 profound philosophy of life2 or rather1
 we should say that with him wit and    
philosophy are one4 ,the comic power of 
,shakespeare was shown by resolving the 
outward appearances of this world into a
 series of dissolving illusions4 ,like  
,spinoza and ,malebranche1 ,molire turns
 the illusion in1 showing what perverted

 opinions men form of themselves and    
others1 through misconceptions and      
passions either of spontaneous growth or
 sedulously fostered by designing hands4
 ,society1 with him1 seems almost       
entirely made up of pretenders and their
 dupes1 both characters being not       
unfrequently combined in the same       
person1 who is made a victim through his
 desire to pass for what he is not and  
cannot be4 ,and this is what essentially
 distinguishes the art of ,molire from  
the ,new ,comedy of ,athens1 which he1  
like other moderns1 had at first felt   
inclined to imitate until the success of
 the ,prcieuses ,ridicules showed him   
where his true opportunities lay4 ,for  
the ,new ,comedy was ,aristotelian where
 it was not simply humanist2 that is to 
say1 it was an exhibition of types like 
those sketched by ,aristotle's disciple1
 ,theophrastus1 and already prefigured  
in the master's own ,ethics4 ,these were
 the perennial forms in a world of      
infinite and perishing individual       

existences1 not concealed behind        
phenomena1 but incorporated in them and 
constituting their essential truth4 ,the
 ,old ,comedy is something different    
again2 it is pre-philosophic1 and may be
 characterised as an attempt to describe
 great political interests and          
tendencies through the medium of myths  
and fables and familiar domesticities1  
just as the old theories of ,nature1 the
 old lessons of practical wisdom1 and   
the first great national chronicles had 
been thrown into the same homely        
form4#egb  ,the purely intellectual view
 of human nature1 the definition of mind
 in terms of cognition1 is one more     
fallacy from which ,aristotle's         
teaching1 had it not fallen into neglect
 or contempt1 might have guarded        
,spinoza4 ,nevertheless1 his parallelism
 between passion and sensuous perception
 saves him from the worst extravagances 
of his ,greek predecessors4 ,for the    
senses1 however much they might be      
maligned1 never were nor could be       

altogether rejected2 while the passions 
met with little mercy from ,plato and   
with none from the ,stoics1 who         
considered them not only unnecessary but
 even unnatural4 ,spinoza more wisely   
sees in them assertions1 however obscure
 and confused1 of the will to be and    
grow which constitutes individual       
existence4 ,and he sees that they can no
 more be removed by pointing out their  
evil consequences than sense-impressions
 can be abolished by proving their      
fallaciousness4 ,on the other hand1 when
 ,spinoza speaks as if one emotion could
 only be conquered or expelled by       
another emotion1 we must not allow his  
peculiar phraseology to conceal from us 
the purely intellectual character of his
 whole ethical system4 ,what he really  
holds is that emotion can be overcome by
 reason or better knowledge1 because it 
is itself an imperfect cognition4 ,point
 by point1 an analogy--or something more
 than an analogy--is made out between   
the errors of sensuous perception joined

 to imagination1 and the errors of our  
spontaneous efforts after happiness or  
self-realisation4 ,both are imposed on  
us from without1 and neither can be got 
rid of by a simple act of volition4     
,both are affected by illusions of      
perspective3 the nearer object of       
desire1 like the nearer object of       
perception1 assuming a disproportionate 
place in the field of view4 ,in both1   
accidental contiguity is habitually     
confounded with causation2 while in both
 the assignment of causes to effects1   
instead of being traced back through an 
infinite series of antecedents1 stops   
short with the antecedent nearest to    
ourselves4 ,if objects are classified   
according to their superficial          
resemblances or the usages of common    
language1 so also are the desires       
sustained and intensified by imitation  
and rivalry4 ,by parity of reasoning1   
moral education must be conducted on the
 same lines as intellectual education4  
,first1 it is shown how our individual  

existence1 depending as it does on      
forces infinitely exceeding our own1 is 
to be maintained4 ,this is chiefly done 
by cultivating friendly relations with  
other men2 probably1 although ,spinoza  
does not himself make the comparison1 on
 the same principle as that observed in 
the mutual assistance and rectification 
of the senses1 together with their      
preservation by means of verbal signs4  
,the misleading passions are to be      
overcome by discovering their origin2 by
 referring the pleasures and pains which
 produce them to the right causes2 by   
calling in thought to redress the       
balance of imagination2 by dividing the 
attention among an infinite number of   
causes2 finally1 by demonstrating the   
absolute necessity of whatever actions  
excite them1 and classifying them       
according to their relations1 in the    
same way that the phenomena of the      
material world are dealt with when      
subjected to scientific analysis4  ,so  
far ,spinoza1 following the example of  

,stoicism1 has only studied the means by
 which reason conquers passion4 ,he now 
proceeds to show1 in the spirit of      
,plato or of ,platonic ,christianity1   
how immensely superior to the pleasures 
of sense and opinion are those afforded 
by true religion--by the love of ,god   
and the possession of eternal life4     
,but1 here also1 as in the ,greek       
system1 logic does duty for emotion4    
,the love of ,god means no more than    
viewing ourselves as filling a place in 
the infinite framework of existence1 and
 as determined to be what we are by the 
totality of forces composing it4 ,and   
eternal life is merely the adjustment of
 our thoughts to the logical order by   
which all modes of existence are        
deducible from the idea of infinite     
power4  ,thus1 while ,spinoza draws to a
 head all the tendencies inherited from 
,greek philosophy1 borrowing from the   
early physicists their necessarianism2  
from the ,atomists1 their exclusion of  
final causes1 their denial of the       

supernatural1 and their infinite worlds2
 from the ,athenian school1 their       
distinction between mind and body and   
between reason and sense2 from          
,aristotle1 his parallelism between     
causation and syllogism2 from the       
,epicureans1 their vindication of       
pleasure2 and from the ,stoics1 their   
identification of belief with action1   
their conquest of passion and their     
devotion to humanity2--it is to the     
dominant ,platonism of the seventeenth  
century that his system owes its        
foundation1 its development1 and its    
crown2 for he begins by realising the   
abstract conception of being1 and infers
 its absolute infinity from the         
misleading analogy of space1 which is   
not an abstraction at all2 deduces his  
conclusions according to the geometrical
 method recommended by ,plato2 and ends1
 like ,plato1 by translating dialectic  
formulas into the emotional language of 
religious faith4#egc   ,,viii4  ,from   
this grand synthesis1 however1 a single 

element was omitted2 and1 like the      
uninvited guest of fairy tradition1 it  
proved strong enough singly to destroy  
what had been constructed by the united 
efforts of all the rest4 ,this was the  
sceptical principle1 the critical       
analysis of ideas1 first exercised by   
,protagoras1 made a new starting-point  
by ,socrates1 carried to perfection by  
,plato1 supplementing experience with   
,aristotle1 and finally proclaimed in   
its purity as the sole function of      
philosophy by an entire school of ,greek
 thought4  ,notwithstanding the         
sterility commonly associated with mere 
negation1 it was this which1 of all the 
later ,greek schools1 possessed the     
greatest powers of growth4 ,besides     
passing through more than one stage of  
development on its own account1         
,scepticism imposed serious             
modifications on ,stoicism1 gave birth  
to ,eclecticism1 and contributed to the 
establishment of ,neo-,platonism4 ,the  
explanation is not far to seek4 ,the    

more highly organised a system is1 the  
more resistance does it offer to change1
 the more does its transmission tend to 
assume a rigidly scholastic form4 ,to   
such dogmatism the ,sceptics were1 on   
principle1 opposed2 and by keeping the  
problems of philosophy open1 they       
facilitated the task of all who had a   
new solution to offer2 while mind and   
its activities being1 to some extent1   
safe from the universal doubt1 the      
sceptical principle spontaneously threw 
back thought on a subjective instead of 
an objective synthesis of knowledge--in 
other words1 on that psychological      
idealism the pregnancy and              
comprehensiveness of which are every day
 becoming more clearly recognised4 ,and 
we shall now see how the same           
fertilising power of criticism has been 
manifested in modern times as well4     
,the sceptical philosophy1 already      
advocated in the ,middle ,ages by ,john 
of ,salisbury1 was1 like every other    
form of ancient thought1 revived at the 

,renaissance1 but only under the very   
superficial form which infers from the  
co-existence of many divergent opinions 
that none of them can be true4 ,even so1
 however1 it led ,montaigne to sounder  
notions of toleration and humanity than 
were entertained by any of his          
contemporaries4 ,with ,bacon1 and still 
more with ,descartes1 it also appears as
 the necessary preparation for a        
remodelling of all belief2 but the great
 dogmatic systems still exercised such a
 potent influence on both those thinkers
 that their professed demand for a new  
method merely leads up to an altered    
statement of the old unproved           
assumptions4  ,meanwhile the old        
principle of universal doubt could no   
longer be maintained in presence of the 
certainties already won by modern       
science4 ,man1 in the time of ,newton1  
had1 as ,pope tersely puts it1 #8too    
much knowledge for the sceptic side4'   
,the problem was not how to establish   
the reality1 but how to ascertain the   

origin and possible extent of that      
knowledge4 ,the first to perceive this1 
the first to evolve criticism out of    
scepticism1 and therefore the real      
founder of modern philosophy1 was       
,locke4 ,nevertheless1 even with him1   
the advantage of studying the more      
recent in close connexion with the      
earlier developments of thought does not
 cease2 it only enters on a new phase4  
,if he cannot1 like his predecessors1 be
 directly affiliated to one or more of  
the ,greek schools1 his position can be 
illustrated by a parallel derived from  
the history of those schools4 ,what     
,arcesilaus and ,carneades had been to  
,socrates and his successors1 that      
,locke was1 in a large measure1 to      
,bacon and the ,cartesians4 ,he went    
back to the initial doubt which with    
them had been overborne by the dogmatic 
reaction1 and insisted on making it a   
reality4 ,the spirit of the ,apologia is
 absent from ,plato's later dialogues1  
only to reappear with even more than its

 original power in the teaching of the  
,new ,academy4 ,and1 in like manner1    
,descartes' introspective method1 with  
its demand for clear ideas1 becomes1 in 
the ,essay concerning ,human            
,understanding1 an irresistible solvent 
for the psychologyy and physics of its  
first propounder4 ,the doctrine of      
innate ideas1 the doctrine that         
extension is the essence of matter1 the 
doctrine that thought is the essence of 
mind1 the more general doctrine1 held   
also by ,bacon1 that things have a      
discoverable essence whence all their   
properties may be deduced by a process  
analogous to mathematical               
reasoning1--all collapsed when brought  
to the test of definite and concrete    
experience4  ,we have here1 indeed1     
something comparable not only to the    
scepticism of the ,new ,academy1 but    
also to the ,aristotelian criticism of  
,plato's metaphysics2 and1 at first     
sight1 it might seem as if the          
,peripatetic philosophy was destined    

once more to regain the position taken  
from it by the resuscitation of its     
ancient foe4 ,but ,locke was not        
inclined to substitute one form of      
scholasticism for another4 ,by applying 
the analytical method of ,atomism to    
knowledge itself1 he created a weapon   
equally fatal to the two competing      
systems4 ,under his dissection1 the     
concrete individual substance of the one
 vanished no less completely than the   
universal ideas of the other4 ,nothing  
remained but a bundle of qualities held 
together by a subjective bond4          
,similarly1 in political science1 the   
analytical method of assuming civil     
government to result from a concurrence 
of individual wills1 which with ,hobbes 
had served only to destroy              
ecclesiastical authority1 while leaving 
intact and even strengthening the       
authority of secular rulers1 was        
reinterpreted by ,locke as a negation of
 all absolutism whatever4  ,it is       
interesting to observe how1 here also1  

the positive science of the age had a   
large share in determining its          
philosophic character4 ,founded on the  
discovery of the earth's true shape1    
,aristotle's metaphysics had been       
overthrown by the discovery of the      
earth's motion4 ,and now the claims of  
,cartesianism to have furnished an exact
 knowledge of matter and a definition of
 it whence all the facts of observation 
could be deduced  priori1 were summarily
 refuted by the discovery of universal  
gravitation4 ,the ,cartesians complained
 that ,newton was bringing back the     
occult qualities of the ,schoolmen2 but 
the tendency of bodies to move towards  
one another proved as certain as it was 
inexplicably mysterious4 ,for a time1   
the study of causes was superseded by   
the study of laws2 and the new method of
 physical science moved in perfect      
harmony with the phenomenism of ,locke4 
,one most important consequence of this 
revolution was to place the new         
,critical philosophy on a footing quite 

different from that occupied by the     
ancient sceptics4 ,both restricted      
certain knowledge to our own states of  
consciousness2 but it now appeared that 
this might be done without impeaching   
the value of accepted scientific        
conclusions1 which was more than the    
,academic philosophy would have         
admitted4 ,in other words1 granting that
 we were limited to phenomena1 it was   
shown that science consisted in         
ascertaining the relations of these     
phenomena to one another1 instead of to 
a problematic reality lying behind them2
 while1 that such relations existed and 
were1 in fact1 part of the phenomena    
themselves1 was what no sceptic could   
easily deny4  ,nevertheless1 in each    
case1 subjective idealism had the effect
 of concentrating speculation1 properly 
so called1 on ethical and practical     
interests4 ,locke struck the keynote of 
eighteenth century philosophy when he   
pronounced morality to be #8the proper  
science and business of mankind in      

general4'#egd ,and no sooner had        
morality come to the front than the     
significance of ancient thought again   
made itself apparent4 ,whether through  
conscious imitation1 or because the same
 causes brought about the same effects1 
ethical enquiries moved along the lines 
originally laid down in the schools of  
,athens4 ,when rules of conduct were not
 directly referred to a divine          
revelation1 they were based either on a 
supposed law of ,nature1 or on the      
necessities of human happiness1 or on   
some combination of the two4 ,nothing is
 more characteristic of the eighteenth  
century than its worship of ,nature4    
,even the theology of the age is deeply 
coloured by it2 and with the majority of
 those who rejected theology it became a
 new religion4 ,but this sentiment is   
demonstrably of ,greek origin1 and found
 its most elaborate1 though not its most
 absolute1 expression in ,stoicism4 ,the
 ,stoics had inherited it from the      
,cynics1 who held the faith in greater  

purity2 and these1 again1 so far as we  
can judge1 from a certain ,sophistic    
school1 some fragments of whose teaching
 have been preserved by ,xenophon and   
,plato2 while the first who gave wide   
currency to this famous abstraction was1
 in all probability1 ,heracleitus4 ,to  
the ,stoics1 however1 is due that       
intimate association of naturalism with 
teleology which meets us again in the   
philosophy of the last century1 and even
 now wherever the doctrine of evolution 
has not been thoroughly accepted4 ,it   
was assumed1 in the teeth of all        
evidence1 that ,nature bears the marks  
of a uniformly beneficent design1 that  
evil is exclusively of human origin1 and
 that even human nature is essentially  
good when unspoiled by artificial       
restrictions4  ,yet if teleology was1 in
 some respects1 a falling-off from the  
rigid mechanicism first taught by the   
pre-,socratic schools and then again by 
the ,cartesian school1 in at least one  
respect it marked a comparative         

progress4 ,for the first attempts made  
both by ancient and modern philosophy to
 explain vital phenomena on purely      
mechanical principles were altogether   
premature2 and the immense extension of 
biological knowledge which took place   
subsequently to both1 could not but     
bring about an irresistible movement in 
the opposite direction4 ,the first to   
revive teleology was ,leibniz1 who      
furnished a transition from the         
seventeenth to the eighteenth century by
 his monadology4 ,in this1 ,atomism is  
combined with ,aristotelian ideas1 just 
as it had previously been combined with 
,platonic ideas by ,descartes4 ,the     
movement of the atoms is explained by   
their aspiration after a more perfect   
state instead of by mechanical pressure4
 ,but while ,leibniz still relies on the
 ontological argument of ,descartes to  
prove the existence of ,god1 this was   
soon abandoned1 along with the          
cosmological argument1 for the argument 
from design1 which was also that used by

 the ,stoics2 while in ethics the       
fitness of things was substituted for   
the more mechanical law of              
self-preservation1 as the rule of       
conduct2 and the subjection of all      
impulse to reason was replaced by the   
milder principle of a control exercised 
by the benevolent over the malevolent   
instincts4 ,this was a very distinct    
departure from the ,stoic method1 yet   
those who made it were more faithful to 
teleology than ,stoicism had been2 for  
to condemn human feeling altogether was 
implicitly to condemn the work of       
,nature or of ,god4  ,the other great   
ethical method of the eighteenth        
century1 its hedonism1 was closely      
connected with the sceptical movement in
 speculative philosophy1 and1 like that1
 received an entirely new significance  
by becoming associated with the idea of 
law4 ,those who isolate man from the    
universe are necessarily led to seek in 
his interests as such the sole regulator
 of his actions1 and their sole sanction

 in the opinion of his fellows4         
,protagoras went already so far1        
notwithstanding his unwillingness to    
recognise pleasure as the supreme end2  
and in the system of his true successor1
 ,aristippus1 the most extreme hedonism 
goes hand in hand with the most extreme 
idealism2 while with ,epicurus1 again1  
both are tempered by the influence of   
naturalism1 imposing on him its         
conceptions of objective law alike in   
science and in practice4 ,still his     
system leaned heavily to the side of    
self-gratification pure and simple2 and 
it was reserved for modern thought to   
establish a complete equilibrium between
 the two competing tendencies of ,greek 
ethics4 ,this has been effected in      
,utilitarianism2 and those critics are  
entirely mistaken who1 like ,m4 ,guyau1 
regard that system as a mere            
reproduction of ,epicureanism4 ,it might
 with full as much reason be called a   
modern version of ,stoicism4 ,the idea  
of humanity is essentially ,stoic2 to   

work for the good of humanity was a     
,stoic precept2 and to sacrifice one's  
own pleasure for that higher good is a  
virtue which would have satisfied the   
most rigorous demands of a ,cleanthes1  
an ,epicttus1 or an ,aurelius4          
,utilitarianism agrees with the ancient 
hedonism in holding pleasure to be the  
sole good and pain the sole evil4 ,its  
adherents also1 for the most part1 admit
 that the desire of the one and the     
dread of the other are the sole motives 
to action2 but1 while making the end    
absolutely universal and impersonal1    
they make the motive into a momentary   
impulse1 without any necessary relation 
to the future happiness of the agent    
himself4 ,the good man does his duty    
because doing it gives him pleasure1 or 
because the failure to do it would give 
him pain1 at the moment2 although he    
knows that a contrary course would save 
him from greater pain or win him greater
 pleasure hereafter4 ,no accurate       
thinker would call this acting from a   

selfish or interested motive2 nor does  
it agree with the teaching of ,epicurus4
 ,were all sensitive beings to be united
 in a single organism1 then1 on         
utilitarian principles1 self-interest1  
interpreted in the sense of seeking its 
own preservation and pleasure1 would be 
the only law that the individualised    
aggregate could rationally obey4 ,but   
the good of each part would be          
rigorously subordinated to the good of  
the whole2 and utilitarian morality     
desires that we should act as if this   
hypothesis were realised1 at least in   
reference to our own particular         
interests4 ,now1 the idea of humanity as
 forming such a consolidated whole is   
not ,epicurean4 ,it belongs to the      
philosophy which always reprobated      
pleasure1 precisely because its pursuit 
is associated with the dereliction of   
public duty and with bitter rivalry for 
the possession of what1 by its very     
nature1 exists only in limited          
quantities1 while the demand for it is  

unlimited or1 at any rate1 far exceeds  
the supply4 ,according to the ,stoics1  
there was only one way in which the     
individual could study his private      
interest without abandoning his position
 as a social being1 and this was to find
 it exclusively in the practice of      
virtue4#ege ,but virtue and public      
interest remained mere forms scantily   
supplemented by appeals to the          
traditional morality1 until the idea of 
generalised happiness1 of pleasure      
diffused through the whole community1   
came to fill them with substance and    
life4  ,it has also to be observed that 
the idea of utility as a test of moral  
goodness is quite distinct from         
hedonism4 ,plato proclaims1 in the most 
unequivocal terms1 that actions must be 
estimated by their consequences instead 
of by the feelings of sympathy or       
antipathy which they excite2 yet no one 
could object more strongly to making    
pleasure the end of action4 ,thus1 three
 distinct doctrines seem to converge in 

modern ,english ethics1 of which all are
 traceable to ,greek philosophy1 but    
only one to ,epicureanism in particular1
 and not ultimately to that but to the  
older systems whence it sprang4  ,and   
here we unexpectedly find ourselves     
confronted by a new relation between    
ancient and modern thought4 ,each acts  
as a powerful precipitant on the other1 
dissolving what might otherwise have    
passed for inseparable associations1 and
 combining elements which a less        
complete experience might have led us to
 regard as necessarily incompatible with
 one another4 ,the instance just        
analysed is highly significant2 nor does
 it stand alone4 ,modern spiritualists  
often talk as if morality was impossible
 apart from their peculiar metaphysics4 
,but the ,stoics1 confessedly the purest
 moralists of antiquity1 were           
uncompromising materialists2 while the  
spiritualist ,aristotle taught what is  
not easily distinguishable from a very  
refined sort of egoism4 ,again1 the     

doctrine of free-will is now commonly   
connected with a belief in the          
separability of consciousness from      
matter1 and1 like that1 is declared to  
be an indispensable condition of        
morality4 ,among the ,greeks1 however1  
it was held by the materialist          
,epicureans more distinctly than by any 
other school2 while the ,stoics did not 
find necessarianism inconsistent with   
self-sacrificing virtue4 ,the partial   
derivation of knowledge from an activity
 in our own minds is another supposed   
concomitant of spiritualism2 although   
,aristotle traces every idea to an      
external source1 while at the same time 
holding some cognitions to be           
necessarily true--a theory repudiated by
 modern experientialists4 ,to ,plato1   
the spirituality of the soul seemed to  
involve its pre-existence no less than  
its immortality1 a consequence not      
accepted by his modern imitators4       
,teleology is now commonly opposed to   
pantheism2 the two were closely combined

 in ,stoicism2 while ,aristotle1        
although he believed in a personal ,god1
 attributed the marks of design in      
,nature to purely unconscious agencies4 
,,ix4  ,the naturalism and              
utilitarianism of the eighteenth century
 are the last conceptions directly      
inherited from ancient philosophy by    
modern thought4 ,henceforward1 whatever 
light the study of the former can throw 
on the vicissitudes of the latter is due
 either to their partial parallelism1 or
 to an influence becoming every day     
fainter and more difficult to trace amid
 the multitude of factors involved4 ,the
 progress of analytical criticism was   
continually deflected or arrested by the
 still powerful resistance of           
scholasticism1 just as the sceptical    
tendencies of the ,new ,academy had been
 before1 though happily with less       
permanent success2 and as1 in antiquity1
 this had happened within no less than  
without the critical school1 so also do 
we find ,locke clinging to the theology 

of ,descartes2 ,berkeley lapsing into   
,platonism2 ,hume playing fast and loose
 with his own principles2 and ,kant     
leaving it doubtful to which side he    
belongs1 so evenly are the two opposing 
tendencies balanced in his mind1 so     
dexterously does he adapt the new       
criticism to the framework of scholastic
 logic and metaphysics4  ,meanwhile the 
strength of the analytical method was   
doubled by its extension to the         
phenomena of growth and change2 for1 as 
applied to these1 it became the famous  
theory of ,development or ,evolution4   
,no idea belongs so completely to modern
 philosophy2 for even the ancient       
thinkers who threw their cosmology into 
a historical form had never attempted to
 explain the present by the past4 ,if   
anything1 they explained the past by the
 present1 assuming a rough analogy to   
exist between the formation of the      
universe as a whole and the genesis of  
those natural or artificial bodies which
 were continually growing or being built

 up before their eyes4 ,their cosmology 
was1 in fact1 nothing but the old       
mythology stripped of its personal or   
conscious element2 and1 like it1 was a  
hypothesis unsupported by any external  
evidence2--a criticism not inconsistent 
with the admission that to eliminate the
 supernatural element from speculation  
was1 even in the absence of any solid   
addition to human knowledge1 an         
achievement of inestimable value4 ,the  
evolutionary method is also an          
elimination of the supernatural1 but it 
is a great deal more4 ,by tracing the   
history of compound structures to their 
first origin1 and noting the successive 
increments to which their gradual growth
 is due1 it reveals1 as no statical     
analysis ever could1 the actual order of
 synthesis1 and the meaning of the      
separate constituents by whose joint    
action their movements are determined2  
while1 conversely1 their dissolution    
supplies us with a number of ready-made 
experiments in which the influence of   

each particular factor in the sum total 
may be detected by watching the changes 
that ensue on its removal4 ,in a word1  
the method of evolution is the atomistic
 method1 extended from matter to motion1
 and viewed under the form of succession
 instead of under the form of           
co-existence4  ,as a universal          
philosophy1 the theory of ,development1 
like every other modern idea1 has only  
been permitted to manifest itself in    
combination with different forms of the 
old scholasticism4 ,the whole           
speculative movement of our century is  
made up of such hybrid systems2 and     
three1 in particular1 still divide the  
suffrages of many thinking men who have 
not been able entirely to shake off the 
influence of reactionary ideas4 ,these  
are the systems of ,hegel1 of ,comte1   
and of ,mr4 ,herbert ,spencer4 ,in each1
 the logic and metaphysics inherited    
from ,greek thought are variously       
compounded with the new science4 ,and   
each1 for that very reason1 serves to   

facilitate the transition from one to   
the other2 a part analogous to that     
played among the ,greeks themselves by  
the vast constructions of ,plato and    
,aristotle1 or1 in an age of less       
productivity1 by the ,stoic and         
,alexandrian philosophies4  ,the        
influence of ,aristotle has1 indeed1    
continued to make itself felt not only  
through the teaching of his modern      
imitators1 but more directly as a living
 tradition in literature1 or through the
 renewed study of his writings at first 
hand4 ,even in the pure sciences1 it    
survived until a comparatively recent   
period1 and1 so far as the ,french      
intellect goes1 it is not yet entirely  
extinct4 ,from ,ablard on1 ,paris was   
the headquarters of that soberer        
scholasticism which took its cue from   
the ,peripatetic logic2 and the         
resulting direction of thought1 deeply  
impressed as it became on the ,french   
character and the ,french language1 was 
interrupted rather than permanently     

altered by the ,cartesian revolution1   
and1 with the fall of ,cartesianism1    
gradually recovered its old             
predominance4 ,the ,aristotelian        
philosophy is remarkable above all      
others for clear definitions1 full      
descriptions1 comprehensive             
classifications1 lucid reasoning1       
encyclopaedic science1 and disinterested
 love of knowledge2 along with a certain
 incapacity for ethical speculation1#egf
 strong conservative leanings1 and a    
general tendency towards the rigid      
demarcation rather than the fruitful    
commingling of ideas4 ,and it will      
probably be admitted that these are also
 traits characteristic of ,french       
thinking as opposed to ,english or      
,german thinking4 ,for instance1 widely 
different as is the ,mcanique ,cleste   
from the astronomy of ,aristotle's      
treatise ,on the ,heavens1 both agree in
 being attempts to prove the eternal    
stability of the celestial system4#egg  
,the destructive deluges by which       

,aristotle supposes civilisation to be  
periodically interrupted1 reappear on a 
larger scale in the theory of           
catastrophes still held by ,french      
geologists4 ,another ,aristotelian      
dogma1 the fixity of organic species1   
though vigorously assailed by eminent   
,french naturalists1 has1 on the whole1 
triumphed over the opposite doctrine of 
transformism in ,france1 and now impedes
 the acceptance of ,darwin's teaching   
even in circles where theological       
prepossessions are extinct4 ,the        
accepted classifications in botany and  
zoology are the work of ,frenchmen      
following in the footsteps of           
,aristotle1 whose genius for methodical 
arrangement was signally exemplified in 
at least one of these departments2 the  
division of animals into vertebrate and 
invertebrate being originally due to    
him4 ,bichat's distinction between the  
animal and the vegetable functions      
recalls ,aristotle's distinction between
 the sensitive and nutritive souls2     

while his method of studying the tissues
 before the organs is prefigured in the 
treatise on the ,parts of ,animals4 ,for
 a long time1 the ruling of ,aristotle's
 ,poetics was undisputed in ,french     
criticism2 and if anything could        
disentitle ,montesquieu's ,esprit des   
,lois to the proud motto1 ,prolem sine  
matre creatam1 it would be its close    
relationship to the ,politics of the    
same universal master4 ,finally1 if it  
be granted that the enthusiasm for      
knowledge1 irrespective of its          
utilitarian applications1 exists to a   
greater degree among the educated       
classes of ,france than in any other    
modern society1 we may plausibly        
attribute this honourable characteristic
 to the fostering influence of one who  
has proclaimed more eloquently than any 
other philosopher that theoretical      
activity is the highest good of human   
life1 the ideal of all ,nature1 and the 
sole beatitude of ,god4  ,it remains to 
add a few words on the position which   

ancient and modern philosophy           
respectively occupy towards theology4   
,here their relation is one of contrast 
rather than of resemblance4 ,the ,greek 
thinkers start at an immense distance   
from religious belief1 and their first  
allusions to it are marked by a scornful
 denial of its validity4 ,gradually1    
with the transition from physical to    
ethical enquiries1 an approximation     
between the two is brought about1 though
 not without occasional returns to their
 former attitude of hostility4 ,finally1
 in presence of a common danger they    
become interwoven and almost identified 
with one another2 while the new religion
 against which they make common cause1  
itself presents the same spectacle of   
metaphysical and moral ideas entering   
into combination with the spontaneous   
products of popular mythology4 ,and be  
it observed that throughout the whole of
 this process action and reaction were  
equal and contrary4 ,the decline and    
corruption of philosophy was the price  

paid for the elevation and purification 
of religion4 ,while the one was         
constantly sinking1 the other was       
constantly rising1 until they converged 
on the plane of dogmatic theology4 ,by  
the very circumstances of the case1 an  
opposite course has been imposed on the 
development of modern philosophy4       
,starting from an intimate union with   
religion1 it slowly disengages itself   
from the compromising alliance2 and1    
although1 here also1 the normal course  
of ideas has been interrupted by        
frequent reactions1 the general movement
 of ,european thought has been no less  
decidedly towards a complete            
emancipation from the popular beliefs   
than the movement of ,greek thought had 
been towards their conciliation and     
support4   ,spottiswoode  ,co41         
,printers1 ,new-street ,square1 ,london4
     ,,footnotes3  #a ,see ,vol4 ,i41   
pp4 #gh-hc4  #b ,aristotle1 ,metaph41   
,,viii41 iii41 #ajdc1 b1 #be4  #c       
,zeller1 ,phil4 d4 ,gr41 ,,ii41 a1 #bgg4

  #d ,diog4 ,l41 ,,vi41 #c4  #e         
,according to the very probable         
conjecture of ,zeller1 l4 c4  #f        
,zeller1 l4 c42 ,diog4 ,l41 ,,vi41 #ab4 
#g ,diog41 ,,vi41 #c4  #h ,for the      
authorities1 see ,zeller1 op4 cit41 p4  
#bfc4  #i ,diog41 ,,ix41 #fb4  #aj      
,metaph41 ,,iv41 iv41 #ajjh1 b1 #ab ff4 
#aa ,diss41 ,,iii41 xxii4  #ab ,diog41  
,,viii41 i4 ff4  #ac ,diog41 ,,vi41 #if4
  #ad ,zeller1 ,ph4 d4 ,gr41 ,,iii41 a1 
#bi4  #ae ,diog41 ,,vii41 #e4  #af      
,diog41 ,,vii41 #ahc4  #ag ,ibid41 #agi4
  #ah ,ibid41 #be4  #ai ,ibid41 #ahj ,l4
  #bj ,plutarch1 ,de ,stoic4 ,repug41   
iii41 #b4  #ba ,it is significant that  
the only ,stoic who fell back on pure   
,cynicism should have been ,aristo of   
,chios1 a genuine ,greek1 while the only
 one who1 like ,aristotle1 identified   
good with knowledge was ,herillus1 a    
,carthaginian4  #bb ,op4 cit41 p4 #ah1  
cf4 p4 #cfb4  #bc ,diog41 ,,vii41 #add  
ff4  #bd ,posidonius estimated the sun's
 distance from the earth at #ejj1jjj1jjj

 stades1 and the moon's distance at     
#b1jjj1jjj stades1 which1 counting the  
stade at #bjj yards1 gives about        
#eg1jjj1jjj and #bbg1jjj miles          
respectively4 ,the sun's diameter he    
reckoned1 according to one account1 at  
#ddj1jjj miles1 about half the real     
amount2 according to another account at 
a quarter less4 ,zeller1 op4 cit41 p4   
#aij1 ,note #b4  #be ,for the           
authorities1 see ,zeller1 op4 cit41 p4  
#aci1 ,note #a4  #bf ,zeller1 p4 #aee4  
#bg ,the ,stoic necessarianism gave     
occasion to a repartee which has        
remained classical ever since1 although 
its original authorship is known to few4
 ,a slave of ,zeno's1 on receiving      
chastisement for a theft1 tried to      
excuse himself by quoting his master's  
principle that he was fated to steal4   
#8,and to be flogged for it1' replied   
the philosopher1 calmly continuing his  
predestined task4 7,diog41 ,,vii41 #bc47
  #bh ,soph41 #bdg1 ,d4  #bi ,plutarch1 
,de ,comm4 ,notit41 xxx41 #b2 ,cicero1  

,acad41 ,i41 xi41 #ci2 ,diog41 ,,vii41  
#aej2 ,zeller1 p4 #aag4  #cj ,plutarch1 
,de ,stoic4 ,repug41 xliii41 #d4  #ca   
,zeller1 p4 #bja1 ff4  #cb ,cicero1 ,de 
,nat4 ,deor41 ,,ii41 xv41 #ci4  #cc     
,sextus ,empiricus1 ,adv4 ,math41 ,,ix41
 #ah4  #cd ,cicero1 ,de ,nat4 ,deor41   
,i41 xiii41 #cb4  #ce ,zeller1 p4 #cji  
ff4  #cf ,see ,cicero1 ,de ,divinatione1
 ,i41 passim4  #cg ,plutarch1 ,de       
,placit4 ,phil41 ,,iv41 xi4  #ch ,this  
seems the best explanation of the       
various statements on the subject made  
by our authorities1 for which see       
,zeller1 pp4 #ga-hf4  #ci ,sextus ,emp41
 ,adv4 ,math41 ,,viii41 #cge4  #dj      
,zeller1 p4 #aji4  #da ,zeller1 p4 #ic4 
#db ,stobaeus1 ,eclog41 ,,ii41 p4 #acb1 
quoted by ,ritter and ,preller1 p4 #cid2
 ,diog41 ,,vii41 #hi4  #dc #8,quid est  
sapientia8 ,semper idem velle atque idem
 nolle4 ,licet illam exceptiunculam non 
adicias ut rectum sit quod velis4 ,non  
potest cuiquam semper idem placere nisi 
rectum4' ,seneca1 ,epist41 xx41 #d4  #dd

 ,cicero1 ,de ,fin41 ,i41 ix41 #cj4 ,in 
this he followed the ,cyrenaics2 see    
,diog41 ,,ii41 #hg4  #de ,sextus ,emp41 
,adv4 ,math41 ,,xi41 #gc4  #df #8,das   
platonische ,gedicht vom himmlischen    
,gottesstaat hatte durch diestoische    
,auffassung der ,welt als eines vom     
,gttlichen durchdrungenen und beseelten 
,krpers einen ,leib bekommen1 in dessen 
zwingenden ,organismus der ,einzelne als
 ,glied beschlossen ist und sich fgen   
muss4' ,bruno ,bauer1 ,christus u4 d4   
,csaren1 p4 #cbh4  #dg ,zeller1 p4 #afh1
 ,note #b4  #dh ,diog41 ,,vii41 vii41   
#he4  #di ,gellius1 ,noct4 ,att41       
,,xii41 v41 #g1 quoted by ,ritter and   
,preller1 p4 #cie4  #ej ,dissert41 ,i41 
xix41 ,,ii4  #ea ,ibid41 xxii41 #i1 ff4 
#eb ,cicero1 ,tusc4 ,disput41 ,,iv41    
xix4 ff4  #ec ,cic41 ,tusc4 ,disput41   
,,iv41 vi4  #ed ,zeller1 p4 #bbi4  #ee  
,see the ,dissertations of ,epicttus    
throughout4  #ef ,plutarch1 ,de         
,communibus ,notitiis1 cap4 xxxiii41 p4 
#ajgf ,b4  #eg ,cf4 ,zeller1 p4 #ehc4   

#eh ,zeller1 pp4 #bfj-a4  #ei ,ibid41   
pp4 #bfg-h4  #fj ,ibid41 p4 #bgj4  #fa  
,cicero1 ,de ,fin41 ,,iii41 xvii41 #eh2 
,acad41 ,i41 x41 #cg2 ,de ,off41 ,i41   
iii41 #h4  #fb ,de ,off41 ,i41 vi4  #fc 
,i41 viii4  #fd ,i41 xviii-xxiii4  #fe  
,pyrrh4 ,hyp41 ,,iii41 #bja4  #ff ,cic41
 ,de ,off41 ,,iii41 xxiii41 #ia4  #fg   
,cic41 ,de ,off41 ,,iii41 xii41 #ea4    
#fh ,ibid41 xxiii41 #hi4  #fi ,plutarch1
 ,de ,comm4 ,notit41 xi41 #h4  #gj ,cf4 
,zeller1 pp4 #bfc-d1 #bgh-hd4  #ga      
,diog41 ,,vii41 #acj2 ,cic41 ,de ,fin41 
,,iii41 xviii41 #fj2 ,zeller1 pp4       
#cje-i4  #gb ,diog41 ,,vii41 #ca1 #agf4 
#gc ,plutarch1 ,de ,stoic4 ,repug41     
xviii41 #e4  #gd #8,omnia scelera1 etiam
 ante effectum operis1 quantum culpae   
satis est1 perfecta sunt4'--,seneca1 ,de
 ,const4 ,sap41 vii41 #d4 ,cf4 ,zeno    
apud ,sext4 ,emp41 ,adv4 ,math41 ,,xi41 
#aij4  #ge #8,prope est a te ,deus1     
tecum est1 intus est 444 sacer intra nos
 spiritus sedet bonorum malorumque      
nostrorum observator et                 

custos4'--,seneca1 ,epp41 xli41 #a4 ,cf4
 ,horace1 ,epp41 ,i41 i41 #fa2 ,lucan1  
,,ix41 #egc2 ,persius1 ,,iii41 #dc2     
,juvenal1 ,,xiii41 #aib-bce4  #gf ,it   
may be desirable to give some reasons in
 support of this opinion1 as the        
contrary has been stated by scholars    
writing within a comparatively recent   
period4 ,thus ,welcker says3 #8,das     
,gewissen ward bei den ,griechen als ein
 gttliches ,wesen1 ,erinys1 gescheut und
 wie wir es sonst nicht finden1 zur     
,gottheit erhoben' 7,griechische        
,gtterlehre1 ,i41 #bcc72 and again 7p4  
#fii7 #8 444 ist das ,gewissen4'        
,similarly1 ,m4 ,alfred ,maury observes 
that1 #8les remords se personnifiaient  
sous la forme de desses ,erinnyies1     
charges de punir tous les forfaits'     
7,histoire des ,religions de la ,grce   
,antique1 ,i41 #cdb74 ,and ,preller1    
while entertaining sounder views        
respecting their origin1 contents       
himself with the caution that1 #8,man   
sich hten muss die ,furien blos fur die 

subjectiven ,mchte des menschlichen     
,gewissen zu halten' 7,griechische      
,mythologie1 ,i41 #fhf1 #crd ed474 ,now1
 in the first place1 the ,erinyes did   
not punish all crime1 as they ought to  
have done had they represented          
conscience4 ,according to ,aeschylus    
7,eumen41 #fjd-e71 they considered that 
the murder of her husband by            
,clytaemnestra was no affair of theirs1 
there being no blood relationship       
between the parties concerned4 ,they did
 not persecute ,electra1 who1 short of  
striking the fatal blow1 had as much    
hand in her mother's death as ,orestes4 
,and even when a father was killed by   
his son1 they do not always seem to have
 taken up the matter2 for in the        
,odyssey it is not by the ,erinyes of   
,laius1 but by those of ,epicast that   
,oedipus is pursued--a conception very  
unlike that of ,sophocles1 who makes him
 feel as much remorse for the parricide 
as for the incest and its consequences4 
,in the next place1 the ,erinyes are let

 loose not by the action itself but by  
the curses of the injured or offended   
blood-relation1 as we see by ,homer1    
,il41 ,,ix41 #ded and #eff2 which seems 
to show that if they personified        
anything human it was the imprecations  
of the victim1 not the self-reproach of 
the aggressor4 ,thirdly1 the ,orestes of
 ,aeschylus1 so far from feeling        
conscience-smitten1 disclaims all       
responsibility for his mother's death1  
inflicted as it was in consequence of a 
direct command from the higher gods1    
accompanied by threats of heavy         
punishment in case of disobedience4     
7,eumen41 #ddc ff474 ,and1 finally1 the 
office assigned to the ,erinyes of      
seeing that the laws of nature are not  
broken 7vol4 ,i41 #fg7 shows that the   
,greeks conceived their existence as    
something altogether objective and      
physical4 ,there is a short but very    
sensible account of the ,erinyes in     
,keightley's ,mythology1 p4 #age1 #dth  
ed4  #gg ,cicero1 ,de ,off41 ,i41 xxxi42

 ,epicttus1 ,man41 #ag1 b41 #cj2 ,diss41
 ,i41 ii41 #cc2 xvi41 #bj2 xxix41 #ci2  
,,ii41 v41 #aj2 ib41 #ba2 x41 #d1 xiv41 
#h2 xxiii41 #ch2 xxv41 #bb2 ,antoninus1 
,comm41 ,,vi41 #ci1 #dc2 ,,ix41 #bi2 cf4
 ,seneca1 ,epp41 lxxxv41 #cd1 and the   
saying of ,marcus ,aurelius quoted by   
,dion ,cassius 7,epit41 ,,lxxi41 xxxiv41
 #d71 that we cannot make men what we   
wish them to be2 we can only turn what  
faculties they have to the best account 
in working for the public good4  #gh    
,for the references to these and other  
similar passages1 see the last note4    
#gi ,plutarch1 ,de ,alex4 ,virt41 ,i41  
vi42 ,diog41 ,,vii41 #cc4  #hj ,it need 
hardly be observed that here also the   
morality of natural law has attained its
 highest artistic development under the 
hand of ,george ,eliot--sometimes even  
to the neglect of purely artistic       
effect1 as in ,daniel ,deronda and the  
,spanish ,gypsy4  #ha ,zeller1 p4 #big1 
followed by ,mr4 ,capes1 in his         
excellent little work on ,stoicism 7p4  

#ea74  #hb ,seneca1 ,de ,ir1 ,i41 v41 #b
 ff42 ,,ii41 xxxi41 #g2 ,de ,clem41 ,i41
 iii41 #b2 ,de ,benef41 ,,iv41 xxvi41   
,i1 ,epp41 xcv41 #ea ff42 ,epicttus1    
,diss41 ,,iv41 v41 #aj2 ,antoninus1     
,,vii41 #ac2 together with the          
additional references given by ,zeller1 
p4 #bhf ff4 ,it is to be observed that  
the mutual love attributed to human     
beings by the ,stoic philosophers       
stands1 not for an empirical            
characteristic1 but for an unrealised   
idea of human nature4 ,the actual       
feelings of men towards one another are 
described by ,seneca in language        
recalling that of ,schopenhauer and     
,leopardi4 #8,erras1' he exclaims1 #8si 
istorum tibi qui occurrunt vultibus     
credis3 hominum effigies habent1 animos 
ferarum3 nisi quod illarum perniciosior 
est primus incursus4 ,nunquam enim illas
 ad nocendum nisi necessitas inicit3 aut
 fame aut timore coguntur ad pugnam3    
homini perdere hominem libet4'--,epp41  
ciii41 #b4  #hc ,plato1 ,protagoras1    

#ccg1 ,d4  #hd #8,he ,charles ,austin   
presented the ,benthamic doctrines in   
the most startling form of which they   
were susceptible1 exaggerating          
everything in them which tended to      
consequences offensive to any one's     
preconceived feelings4'--,mill's        
,autobiography1 p4 #gh4  #he ,zeller1 p4
 #bha4  #hf #8,homo sacra res homini jam
 per lusum et jocum occiditur 444       
satisque spectaculi ex homine mors      
est4'--,seneca1 ,epp41 xcv41 #cc4       
#8,servi sunt8 ,immo homines4 ,servi    
sunt8 ,immo contubernales4 ,servi sunt8 
,immo humiles amici4 ,servi sunt8 ,immo 
conservi4'--,ibid41 xlvii41 #a4 ,compare
 the treatise ,de ,ir1 passim4  #hg     
,seneca once lets falls the words1      
#8fortuna aequo jure genitos alium alii 
donavit4'--,consol4 ad ,marciam1 xx1 #b2
 but this is the only expression of the 
kind that we have been able to discover 
in a ,stoic writer of the empire4  #hh  
,seneca1 ,epp41 lxxx4  #hi #8,l'empereur
 avait pour principe de maintenir les   

anciennes maximes romaines dans leur    
intgrit4' 7,renan's ,marc-,aurle1 p4    
#ed47 ,the authority given by ,m4 ,renan
 is ,dion ,cass41 ,,lxxi41 xxxiv42      
where1 however1 there is nothing of the 
kind stated4 ,capitolinus says 7,anton4 
,phil41 cap4 xi473 #8,jus autem magis   
vetus restituit quam novum fecit4'  #ij 
,renan1 p4 #cj2 ,capitolinus1 ,anton4   
,phil41 xii42 ,dion ,cass41 ,epit41     
,,lxxi41 xxix41 #c4  #ia ,antoninus1    
,comm41 ,,vi41 #df2 ,x41 #h4  #ib ,the  
expressions used by ,m4 ,ernest ,renan  
when treating of this subject are       
somewhat conflicting4 ,in reference to  
the penal enactments against            
,christianity under ,marcus ,aurelius1  
he first states that1 however           
objectionable they may have been1 #8en  
tout cas dans l'application la mansutude
 du bon empereur fut  l'abri de tout    
reproche' 7,marc-,aurle1 p4 #eh47       
,further on1 however we are told that   
when the martyrs of ,lyons appealed to  
,rome1 #8la rponse impriale arriva en   

fin4 ,elle tait dure et cruelle4' 7p4   
#cbi47 ,and subsequently ,m4 ,renan     
makes the ,emperor personally           
responsible for the atrocities practised
 on that occasion by observing1 #8,si   
,marc-,aurle1 au lieu d'employer les    
lions et la chaise rougie1' c4 7p4      
#cde47 ,but perhaps such inconsistencies
 are to be expected in a writer who has 
elevated the necessity of perpetual     
self-contradiction into a principle4    
#ic ,epicttus1 ,diss41 ,,iii41 xxiv4    
#id ,seneca1 ,de ,ir1 ,i41 xiv41 #b2 ,de
 ,clement41 ,i41 vi41 #b4  #ie ,diog41  
,,vii41 #ia4 ,ziegler 7,gesch4 d4       
,ethik1 ,bonn1 #ahhb1 ,i41 #agd7 holds1 
in opposition to ,zeller1 that          
originally every ,stoic1 as such1 was   
assumed to be a perfect sage1 and that  
the question was only whether the ideal 
had ever been realised outside the      
school4 ,this1 however1 goes against the
 evidence of ,plutarch1 who tells as    
7,de ,stoic4 ,repug41 xxxi41 #e7 that   
,chrysippus neither professed to be good

 himself nor supposed that any of his   
friends or teachers or disciples was    
good4  #if ,seneca1 ,epp41 cxvi41 #d4   
,it must be borne in mind that          
,panaetius was speaking at a time when  
the object of passion would at best be  
either another man's wife or a member of
 the demi-monde4  #ig ,comm41 ,,vii41   
#bf2 ,,xii41 #af4  #ih ,see especially  
,antoninus1 ,comm41 ,,ix41 #a4  #ii     
,friedlnder1 ,rmische ,sittengeschichte1
 ,i41 #dfc2 ,duruy1 ,histoire des       
,romains1 ,v41 #cdi ff41 #cgj2 cf4      
,gaston ,boissier1 ,la ,religion        
,romaine1 ,,ii41 #aeb ff41 #bab ff4     
#ajj ,this idea is most distinctly      
expressed by ,marcus ,aurelius1 ,,ii41  
#a1 and ,,vii41 #ac4  #aja ,for the     
authorities1 see ,zeller1 p4 #agf4  #ajb
 ,see especially ,seneca1 ,epp41 lxiv41 
and the whole treatise ,de ,providenti4 
#ajc ,see1 inter alia1 ,comm41 ,,iv41   
#c2 ,,vi41 #ae1 #cg2 ,,vii41 #ba1 #di2  
,,xi41 #a2 ,,xii41 #g1 #ba1 #bc1 #bd1   
#bf1 #ca1 #cb4  #ajd ,comm41 ,,xi41 #bh1

 xii4 #ad4 ,a modern disciple of        
,aurelius has expressed himself to the  
same purpose in slightly different      
language3--          #8,long fed on     
boundless hopes1 ,o race of man1        
,how angrily thou spurn'st all simpler  
fare6         8,christ10 some one says1 
8was human as we are4         ,no judge 
eyes us from heaven our sin to scan2    
,we live no more1 when we have done our 
span40         8,well1 then1 for        
,christ10 thou answerest1 8who can care8
         ,from sin1 which ,heaven       
records not1 why forbear8         ,live 
we1 like brutes1 our life without a     
plan60         ,so answerest thou2 but  
why not rather say3         8,hath man  
no second life8--,pitch this one high6  
,sits there no judge in ,heaven1 our sin
 to see8         ,more strictly1 then1  
the inward judge obey6         ,was     
,christ a man like us8--,ah6 let us try 
,if we then1 too1 can be such men as    
he60'          --,the ,better ,part1 by 
,mr4 ,matthew ,arnold4                  

,the italics are in the original4       
#aje ,first ,principles1  #agg4         
#ajf ,see an article entitled           
#8,pantheism and ,cosmic ,emotion1' by  
,frederic ,harrison1 in the ,nineteenth 
,century for ,august1 #ahha4      #ajg  
,from the ,hymn of ,cleanthes1          
translated by ,mr4 ,francis ,newman in  
,the ,soul1 p4 #gc1 fifth edition4      
#ajh ,epicureanism1 p4 #a4      #aji    
,ph4 d4 ,gr41 ,,iii41 a1 p4 #chj4       
#aaj ,op4 cit41 p4 #gb4      #aaa ,short
 ,studies1 ,,iii41 p4 #bdf4      #aab   
,gesch4 des ,mater41 ,i41 p4 #ib4       
#aac ,pollock's ,spinoza1 p4 #fd4       
#aad ,epicuro e l',epicurismo1          
,florence1 #ahgg1 p4 #bi4      #aae     
,lucretii ,philosophia cum fontibus     
comparata1 ,groningen1 #ahgg1     p4    
#acg4      #aaf ,dialogues              
,philosophiques1 p4 #ed1 quoted by      
,woltjer1 loc4 cit4      #aag ,diog4    
,l41 ,x41 #adb4      #aah ,ibid41 #aac4 
#aai ,diog4 ,l41 ,x41 #acd4      #abj   
,cicero1 ,acad41 ,,ii41 xxxiii41 #ajf4  

#aba ,cicero1 ,de ,fin41 ,,ii41 xxx41   
#if2 ,diog41 ,x41 #bb4 ,cicero          
translates the words  1 #8memoria       
rationum inventorumque     nostrorum4'  
,they may refer merely to the pleasure  
derived from     intellectual           
conversation4      #abb ,the authorities
 for the life of ,epicurus are given by 
,zeller1     op4 cit41 p4 #cfc ff4      
#abc ,diog41 ,,ii41 #ib4      #abd      
,zeller1 ,ph4 d4 ,gr41 ,,ii41 a1 #bid4  
#abe ,cf4 ,plato1 ,protag41 #cec1 ,c1   
ff41 with ,epicurus in the letter to    
,menoeceus1 quoted by ,diog41 ,x41 #abi4
      #abf ,morale d'picure1 p4 #bj4    
#abg ,wallace's picureanism1 p4 #aed2   
,guyau1 ,morale d'picure1 p4     #cd4   
#abh ,cicero1 ,tusc4 ,disput41 ,,iii41  
xviii41 #da2 ,zeller1 ,,iii41 a1 p4     
#ddd4      #abi ,zeller1 p4 #dfj4       
#acj ,ibid41 p4 #eha4      #aca ,diog41 
,,ii41 #gb4      #acb ,diog41 ,x41 #aca4
      #acc ,guyau1 ,morale d'picure1 p4 
#ee4      #acd ,diog41 ,x41 #aah4       
#ace ,lucret41 ,,iv41 #ajeg-ff4         

#acf ,diog41 ,x41 #aag1 #aah4      #acg 
,cicero1 ,de ,fin41 ,v41 xxvii41 #hj2   
,diog41 ,x41 #aah4      #ach ,that is1  
if we assume what ,aristotle says on the
 subject to be     derived from common  
usage 7,eth4 ,nic41 ,,iii41 ix41 p4     
#aaae1 a1 #cc74      #aci ,cicero1      
,tusc4 ,disp41 ,,ii41 xii41 #bh4        
#adj ,cicero1 ,de ,fin41 ,i41 xv42      
,tusc41 ,v41 xxviii4      #ada ,diog41  
,x41 #aej ff4      #adb ,wallace1 p4    
#afb2 ,diog41 ,x41 #aej4      #adc      
,epicureanism1 pp4 #afb-c4      #add    
,cicero1 ,de ,fin41 ,,ii41 vii41 #bj2   
,de ,nat4 ,deor41 ,i41 xvii41 #de1      
xxx41 #he4      #ade ,diog41 ,x41       
#aej-a4      #adf ,v41 #aade-ei4        
#adg ,cicero1 ,de ,fin41 ,,ii41 xvii41  
#eg4      #adh ,op4 cit41 p4 #afc4      
#adi ,the lamented ,prof4 ,t4 ,h4 ,green
 may be mentioned as another     example
 of a high-minded thinker who was also  
an ardent and active     politician4    
,with regard to antiquity1 see the      
splendid roll of     public-spirited    

philosophers enumerated by ,plutarch1   
,adv4 ,col41     xxxii4      #aej ,op4  
cit41 p4 #afd4      #aea ,j4 ,s4 ,mill  
observed1 in a conversation with ,mr4   
,john ,morley1     reported by the      
latter1 that #8in his youth mere        
negation of religion     was a firm bond
 of union1 social and otherwise1 between
 men who agreed     in nothing          
else4'--,fortnightly ,review1 vol4      
,,xiii41 p4 #fge4      #aeb ,cicero1 ,de
 ,nat4 ,deor41 ,l41 #ah-bd4      #aec   
,woltjer1 ,lucret4 ,ph41 p4 #gd4        
#aed #8,das ,staatsgesetz oder das dem  
,gesetz gleichkommende vterliche        
,herkommen bildet einen ,gegensatz gegen
 ein abgeschlossenes ,priesterthum      
und dessen natrlichen ,einfluss4'       
,welcker1 ,gr4 ,gtterlehre1 ,,ii41      
p4 #de4 #8,la religion romaine1 comme   
toutes celles o domine l'esprit         
laque1 diminue le rle du prtre4' ,gaston
 ,boissier1 ,la ,religion     ,romaine1 
,i41 p4 #af4      #aee ,this reminds one
 of the #8plerinages1' which figure     

along with     #8pigeon-shooting' among 
the attractions offered by ,french      
country     hotels to idle visitors4    
#aef ,republic1 ,,ii41 #cfd1 ,c1 ff2    
,jowett's transl41 ,,iii41 #bcd-e4      
,elsewhere ,plato proposes that these   
#8bestial persons' who persuade         
others that the gods can be induced by  
magical incantations to pardon          
crime1 should be punished by            
imprisonment for life 7,legg1 ,x41 #iji1
 ,a1     f474      #aeg ,villemain1     
,life of ,gregory ,,vii41 ,engl1        
transl41 ,i41 p4 #cje4 ,as     a further
 illustration of the same subject1 it   
may be mentioned that     there is a    
cemetery near ,innsbruck 7and probably  
many more like it     throughout the    
,tyrol7 freely adorned with rude        
representations of souls     in         
purgatory1 stretching out their hands   
for help from amid the flames4     ,the 
help is of course to be obtained by     
purchase from the priesthood4      #aeh 
,lucret41 ,i41 #ajh-ab4      #aei       

,agamemnon1 #cfi 7,dindorf74      #afj  
,zeller1 pp4 #dbh-i4      #afa ,prof4   
,sellar observes1 as we think1 with     
perfect truth1     that #8there is no   
necessary connexion between the atomic  
theory     of philosophy and that view  
of the ends and objects of life which   
,lucretius derived from                 
,epicurus4'--,roman ,poets of the       
,republic1 p4     #cdh1 #bnd ed4        
#afb ,lucret41 ,i41 #ajbj ff42 ,v41 #hce
 ff2 ,,iv41 #ghj ff42 ,v41 #ajbc2 ,v41  
#acjg ff4      #afc ,that ,democritus   
attributed weight to his atoms has been 
proved1     in opposition to ,lewes and 
others1 by ,zeller1 ,ph4 d4 ,gr41 ,i41  
p4 #gac     7#crd ed47      #afd        
,woltjer1 ,lucr4 ,phil41 p4 #ch4        
#afe ,arist41 ,phys41 ,,iv41 viii41     
#baf1 a1 #bj4      #aff ,,ii41 #beg ff4 
#afg ,lucret41 ,,iv41 #hge ff4      #afh
 ,lucret41 ,v41 #dcg ff4      #afi      
,zeller1 ,ph4 d4 ,gr41 ,,iii41 a1 pp4   
#cig-h4 ,reichel's transl41 pp4         
#dab-c 7#ast ed47      #agj ,woltjer    

7,lucret4 ,ph41 p4 #abf7 charges        
,lucretius with having     misunderstood
 his master on this point4 ,as the sun  
and moon appear     larger when near the
 horizon than at other times1 ,epicurus 
thought     that we then see them either
 as they really are or a little larger4 
,this1 ,lucretius1 according to         
,woltjer1 took to mean that their       
general     apparent size may be a      
little over or under their real size4   
#aga ,zeller1 p4 #dac4      #agb ,see1  
for instance1 ,woltjer1 op4 cit41 p4    
#hh4      #agc ,zeller1 p4 #ddc1 note   
#c4      #agd ,zeller1 pp4 #dag-h4      
#age ,diog41 ,x41 #abe4      #agf       
,,iii41 #ibb4      #agg ,cicero1 ,de    
,fin41 ,i41 ix41 #cj4      #agh #8,aeque
 enim timent ne apud inferos sint1 quam 
ne     nusquam4'--,seneca1 ,epp41       
lxxxii41 #af4      #agi ,cf4 ,plutarch1 
,non posse suaviter vivi1 cap4 xxvii4   
#ahj ,among other feelings consequent on
 the first experience of death     among
 the posterity of ,cain1 the following  

are specified3--          #8,it seemed  
the light was never loved before1       
,now each man said1 8#8,twill go and    
come no more40         ,no budding      
branch1 no pebble from the brook1       
,no form1 no shadow but new dearness    
took         ,from the one thought that 
life must have an end2         ,and the 
last parting now began to send          
,diffusive dread through love and wedded
 bliss1         ,thrilling them into    
finer tenderness4#8   #aha ,,iii41 #ei  
ff4  #ahb ,ethic41 ,pars4 ,,iv41 ,prop4 
vii4  #ahc ,ethic4 ,nic41 ,,iii41 xii41 
#aaag1 b1 #aj ff4 ,sir ,alexander       
,grant1 in his note on the passage1     
appositely compares the character of    
,wordsworth's ,happy ,warrior1 who is   
#8,more brave for this that he has much 
to love4'  #ahd ,for the authorities1   
see ,zeller1 p4 #chh4  #ahe ,lucret41   
,,iv41 #ced1 #gbh1 #gfa4  #ahf ,such at 
least seems to be the theory rather     
obscurely set forth in ,diog41 ,x41 #cb4
  #ahg ,diog41 ,x41 #cc1 ,sextus ,emp41 

,adv4 ,math41 ,,vii41 #baa-af2 ,zeller1 
p4 #cia4  #ahh ,for additional          
authorities see ,zeller1 pp4 #che-ie1   
and ,wallace's ,epicureanism1 chap4 x4  
#ahi ,see ,woltjer1 ,lucr4 ,ph41 p4 #ada
 ff4  #aij ,morale d'picure1 p4 #aeg4   
#aia ,in a fragment quoted by ,sextus   
,empiricus1 ,adv4 ,math41 ,,ix41 #ed4   
#aib ,fragmenta ,tragicorum1 ,didot1 p4 
#adj4  #aic ,zeller1 p4 #daf1 note #a4  
#aid ,see the whole concluding portion  
of ,lucr41 bk4 ,v4  #aie ,chiefly by    
,ritter1 ,gesch4 d4 ,phil41 ,,iv41 p4   
#id1 on which see the clear and         
convincing reply of ,zeller1 op4 cit41  
p4 #dg4  #aif ,for details we must refer
 to the masterly treatise of ,dr4       
,woltjer1 already cited more than once  
in the course of this chapter4  #aig    
,cf4 ,,ii41 #ah1 with ,,ii41 #agb4  #aih
 ,the single exception to this rule that
 can be quoted is1 we believe1 the      
argument against impassioned love       
derived from its enslaving influence    
7quod alterius sub nutu degitur aetas1  

,v41 #aaaf74 ,but to live under         
another's nod is a condition eminently  
unfavourable to the mental tranquillity 
which an ,epicurean prized before all   
things2 nor1 in any case1 does it seem  
to have counted for so much with        
,lucretius as the #8damnation of        
expenses' which was no less formidable a
 deterrent to him than to the #8unco    
guid' of ,burns's satire4  #aii ,v41    
#aaec-d4  #bjj ,v41 #aabe4  #bja        
,ziegler 7,gesch4 a4 ,ethik1 ,i41 p4    
#bjc7 quotes ,lucret41 ,,iii41 #acf1 to 
prove that the poet recognised the      
existence of mental pleasures as such4  
,but ,lucretius only says that the mind 
has pleasures not derived from an       
immediate external stimulus4 ,this would
 apply perfectly to the imagination of  
sensual pleasure4  #bjb ,woltjer1 op4   
cit41 p4 #e4  #bjc ,,iv41 #iff4  #bjd   
,woltjer1 op4 cit41 pp4 #agh ff4  #bje  
,there is an unquestionable coincidence 
between ,lucretius1 ,,ii41 #fi ff4 and  
,plato1 ,legg41 #ggf ,b1 pointed out by 

,teichmller1 ,geschichte der ,begriffe1 
p4 #agg4 ,both may have drawn from some 
older source4  #bjf ,we think1 however1 
that ,prof4 ,sellar attributes more     
importance to this element in the       
,lucretian philosophy than it will bear4
 ,his words are3 #8,the doctrine        
proclaimed by ,lucretius was1 that      
creation was no result of a capricious  
or benevolent exercise of power1 but of 
certain processes extending through     
infinite time1 by means of which the    
atoms have at length been able to       
combine and work together in accordance 
with their ultimate conditions4 ,the    
conception of these ultimate conditions 
and of their relations to one another   
involves some more vital agency than    
that of blind chance or an iron         
fatalism4 ,the foedera ,naturai are     
opposed to the foedera fati4 ,the idea  
of law in ,nature as understood by      
,lucretius is not merely that of        
invariable sequence or concomitance of  
phenomena4 ,it implies at least the     

further idea of a 8secreta facultas0 in 
the original elements4#8 7,roman ,poets 
of the ,republic1 p4 #cce1 #bnd ed47    
,the expression secreta facultas occurs1
 we believe1 only once in the whole poem
 7,i41 #agd71 and is used on that single
 occasion without any reference to the  
atoms1 which do not appear until a later
 stage of the exposition4 ,lucretius is 
proving that whatever begins to exist   
must have a cause1 and in support of    
this principle he appeals to the fixed  
laws which govern the growth of plants4 
,each plant springs from a particular   
kind of seed1 and so1 he argues1 each   
seed must have a distinct or specific   
virtue of its own1 which virtue he      
expresses by the words secreta facultas4
 ,but1 according to his subsequent      
teaching1 this specific virtue depends  
on a particular combination of the      
atoms1 not on any spontaneous power     
which they possess of grouping          
themselves together so as to form       
organic compounds4 ,with regard to the  

properties of the atoms themselves1     
,lucretius enumerates them clearly      
enough4 ,they are extension1 figure1    
resistance1 and motion2 the last        
mentioned being divided into downward   
gravitation1 lateral deflection1 and the
 momenta produced by mutual impact4     
,here we have nothing more than the two 
elements of #8iron fatalism' and #8blind
 chance' which ,prof4 ,sellar regards as
 insufficient to account for the        
,lucretian scheme of creation2          
gravitation and mutual impact give the  
one1 lateral deflection gives the other4
 ,any faculty over and above these could
 only be conceived under the form of    
conscious impulse1 or of mutual         
attractions and repulsions exercised by 
the atoms on one another4 ,the first    
hypothesis is expressly rejected by the 
poet1 who tells us 7,i41 #ajbj7 that the
 primordial elements are destitute of   
consciousness1 and have fallen into     
their present places through the agency 
of purely mechanical causes4 ,the second

 hypothesis is nowhere alluded to in the
 most distant manner1 it is contrary to 
the whole spirit of ,epicurean physics1 
it never occurred to a single thinker of
 antiquity1 and to have conceived it at 
that time would have needed more than   
the genius of a ,newton4 ,as a last     
escape it may be urged that ,lucretius  
believed in #8a sort of a something'    
which1 like the fourth element in the   
soul1 he was not prepared to define4    
,but besides the utter want of evidence 
for such a supposition1 what necessity  
would there have been for the infinite  
chances which he postulates in order to 
explain how the actual system of things 
came to be evolved1 had the elements    
been originally endowed with the        
disposition to fall into such a system  
rather than into any other8 ,for ,prof4 
,sellar's vital agency must mean this   
disposition if it means anything at all4
  ,while on this subject we must also   
express our surprise to find ,prof4     
,sellar saying of ,lucretius that #8in  

no ancient writer' is #8the certainty   
and universality of law more            
emphatically and unmistakably expressed'
 7p4 #ccd74 ,this would1 we think1 be   
much truer of the ,stoics1 who          
recognised in its absolute universality 
that law of causation on which all other
 laws depend1 but which ,lucretius      
expressly tells us 7,,ii41 #bee7 is     
broken through by the clinamen4 ,a more 
accurate statement of the case1 we      
think1 would be to say that the         
,epicurean poet believed unreservedly in
 uniformities of co-existence1 but not1 
to the same extent1 in uniformities of  
sequence2 while apart from these two    
classes neither he nor modern science   
knows of any laws at all4  #bjg ,v41    
#fie-gc1 #gcj-di4  #bjh ,cicero1 ,de    
,nat4 ,deor41 ,i41 xxiv41 #ff4  #bji    
,comm41 ,,ix41 #bh4  #baj ,coleridge's  
,friend1 ,section ,,ii41 ,essay ,,ii41  
sub in4  #baa #8,in the higher ranks of 
,french society there are men who merit 
to be called professors of the art of   

happiness2 who have analysed its        
ingredients with careful fingers and    
scrutinising eyes2 who have consummated 
their experience of means and ends2 who1
 like able doctors1 can apply an        
immediate remedy to the daily           
difficulties of home-life2 whose        
practice is worthy of their theory1 and 
who prove it by maintaining in their    
wives' hearts and in their own a        
perennial never-weakening sentiment of  
gratitude and love4#8 7,french ,home    
,life1 p4 #cbd47 ,although ,mr4         
,marshall's observations are directly   
applicable to the happiness of married  
life only1 they tend to prove that all  
happiness may be reduced to an art4     
#bab ,wallace's ,epicureanism1 p4 #cg4  
#bac ,cicero1 ,de ,rep41 ,,iii41 vi4-xx4
  #bad ,plutarch1 ,cato ,major1 xxii4   
ff4  #bae ,pindar1 ,pyth41 ,,iii41 #if4 
#baf ,vol4 ,i41 p4 #df4  #bag ,it is    
said that the same ironical attitude    
continues to characterise the ,greeks of
 our time4 ,col4 ,leake 7quoted by      

,welcker1 ,gr4 ,gtterl41 ,,ii41 p4 #abg7
 informs us that travellers in ,greece  
are continually entertained with local  
fables which are everywhere repeated1   
but believed by nobody1 least of all by 
the inhabitants of the district where   
they first originated4 ,and ,welcker    
adds1 from his own experience1 that the 
young ,greeks who act as guides in the  
religious houses related the miraculous 
legends of the place with an enthusiasm 
and an eloquence which left him in doubt
 whether or not they themselves believed
 what they expected him to believe4     
#bah ,il41 ,,ii41 #hj2 ,,xii41 #bch2    
,,xvi41 #hei2 ,od41 ,i41 #bae2 ,,xi41   
#cfc2 ,,xxiii41 #aff2 ,agamem41 #dgg ff4
  #bai ,sextus ,empiricus1 ,adv4 ,math41
 ,,vii41 #hi ff2 ,zeller1 ,ph4 d4 ,gr41 
,i41 pp4 #dfd1 #feb1 #gdc1 #hbh4 7#crd  
ed47  #bbj ,for the theses of ,gorgias  
see ,sextus ,empiricus1 ,adv4 ,math41   
,,vii41 #fe ff4  #bba ,sext4 ,emp41     
,adv4 ,math41 ,,vii41 #agj ff4  #bbb    
,xen41 ,mem41 ,,iv41 iii41 #ad4  #bbc   

,timaeus1 #cg1 ,b1 #dc1 ,d ff4  #bbd    
,examples of these questions are3       
#8,have you lost your horns8' and1      
#8,did ,electra know that ,orestes was  
her brother8' ,stated in words1 she knew
 that he was2 but she did not recognise 
him as her brother when he came to her  
in disguise4  #bbe ,plutarch1 ,adv4     
,col41 xxii4-xxiii42 ,seneca1 ,epp41 ix4
  #bbf ,zeller1 ,ph4 d4 ,gr41 ,,iii41 a1
 #dha2 ,diog4 ,l41 ,,ix41 xi4  #bbg     
,zeller1 op4 cit41 p4 #dhd2 ,ritter and 
,preller1 ,hist4 ,ph41 p4 #ccf4  #bbh   
4 ,for this and the other stories1 see  
,diog4 ,l41 ,,ix41 #ff-h4  #bbi ,pyrrh4 
,hyp41 ,i41 #bh ff4  #bcj ,diog4 ,l41   
,,vii41 #aga4  #bca ,cicero1 ,acad41    
,,ii41 xxiv41 #gg2 ,sext4 ,emp41 ,adv4  
,math41 ,,vii41 #aej-g2 ,zeller1 ,ph4 d4
 ,gr41 ,,iii41 a1 pp4 #dib ff4  #bcb    
,plutarch1 ,de ,comm4 ,notit41 i41 #d2  
,zeller1 op4 cit41 p4 #ha 7where1       
however1 the reference to ,plutarch is  
wrongly given74  #bcc         4 7,diog4 
,l41 ,,iv41 #fb47 ,the original line    

ran1         4  #bcd ,sext4 ,emp41 ,adv4
 ,math41 ,,vii41 #aei-fe4  #bce ,that   
,carneades was the first to start this  
difficulty cannot be directly proved1   
but is conjectured with great           
probability by ,zeller 7op4 cit41 p4    
#ejd74  #bcf ,sext4 ,pyrrh4 ,hyp41      
,,ii41 #ahf4 ,adv4 ,math41 ,,viii41     
#dfc4  #bcg ,pyrrh4 ,hyp41 ,,ii41 #aie1 
#bjd4  #bch ,cicero1 ,de ,nat4 ,deor41  
,i41 xxiii41 #fb2 ,,iii41 iv41 #aa2     
xvi41 #db2 xxi41 #ec4  #bci ,sext41     
,adv4 ,math41 ,,ix41 #ahb-c4  #bdj      
,cic41 ,de ,nat4 ,deor41 ,,iii41 xviii41
 #dg4  #bda ,cic41 ,acad41 ,,ii41       
xxxviii41 #abj2 ,zeller1 op4 cit41 p4   
#ejf4  #bdb ,cic41 ,acad41 ibid41 #aba2 
,zeller1 op4 cit41 p4 #ejg4  #bdc ,cic41
 ,de ,nat4 ,deor41 ,,iii41 x41 #bd4     
#bdd ibid41 ,,iii41 xi41 #bg4  #bde     
ibid41 ix41 #ba4  #bdf ibid41 ,,iii41   
xii41 #bi2 ,i41 xxxix41 #aji4  #bdg     
,sext4 ,adv4 ,math41 ,,ix41 #aci-dg4    
#bdh ibid41 #aeb-gg4  #bdi ,cic41 ,de   
,nat4 ,deor41 ,,iii41 vi42 ,de ,divin41 

,,ii41 passim2 ,de ,nat4 ,deor41 ,,iii41
 xxvi4 ff4  #bej ,le ,christianisme et  
ses ,origines1 ,,ii41 p4 #c4  #bea      
,sext41 ,pyrrh4 ,hyp41 ,,iii41 #b4  #beb
 ,sext41 ,adv4 ,math41 ,,vii41 #aff-hi4 
#bec ,cic41 ,de ,fin41 ,,iii41 xii41    
#da2 ,zeller1 op4 cit41 p4 #eai4  #bed  
,according to ,zeller's interpretation  
of ,cicero1 ,acad41 ,,ii41 xi41 #cd4    
#bee ,zeller1 op4 cit41 p4 #fjb4  #bef  
ibid41 p4 #fjc4  #beg ,for the          
authorities see ,zeller1 op4 cit41 pp4  
#eii-fja4  #beh ,zeller1 op4 cit41 pp4  
#fjc-h4  #bei ,zeller1 op4 cit41 pp4    
#eed1 #efa ff4  #bfj ,zeller1 op4 cit41 
p4 #ege4  #bfa ,zeller1 op4 cit41 p4    
#fba4  #bfb ,cic41 ,acad41 ,,ii41 xlv4  
#bfc ,the treatises entitled ,de        
,stoicorum ,repugnanti and ,de          
,communibus ,notiliis4  #bfd ,lucret41  
,,iv41 #aaed-fd2 ,juven41 ,,vi41        
#ahf-ie4  #bfe ,varro observes that for 
#agj years the ancient ,romans          
worshipped their gods without images2   
#8quod si adhuc1' inquit1 #8mansisset   

castius ,dii observarentur4' ,and in the
 same passage1 speaking of mythology1 he
 says1 #8hoc omnia ,diis attribuuntur   
quae non modo in hominem1 sed etiam in  
contemtissimum hominem cadere possunt4' 
,augustin41 ,de ,civit4 ,dei1 ,,iv41    
iii41 and xxxi41 quoted by ,zeller1 op4 
cit41 p4 #fgd4  #bff ,ritter and        
,preller1 ,hist4 ,phil41 p4 #dbf2       
,woltjer1 ,lucretii ,philosophia1 p4 #e4
  #bfg ,the services of ,posidonius seem
 to have been overlooked by ,m4 ,gaston 
,boissier when he implies in his work on
 ,roman ,religion 7vol4 ii41 p4 #ac7    
that ,fabianus1 a ,roman declaimer under
 ,augustus1 was the first to give an    
eloquent expression to ,stoicism4  #bfh 
,zeller1 op4 cit41 pp4 #eig-h4  #bfi    
,acad41 ,,ii41 xxii41 #fi4  #bgj ibid41 
xxxi41 #ii4  #bga ,de ,fin41 ,v41 xxi41 
#ei4  #bgb ,acad41 ,,ii41 xxxix4  #bgc  
,for the literary studies of ,socrates1 
see ,xenoph41 ,mem41 ,i41 vi41 #ad2     
those of ,cicero are too manifest to    
need any special reference4  #bgd ,see  

the passages quoted by ,zeller1 op4     
cit41 pp4 #fei-fj4  #bge ,acad41 ,i41 x4
  #bgf ,de ,fin41 ,,iv41 viii4  #bgg ,de
 ,off41 ,,iii41 iii41 #aa4  #bgh ,the   
passage occurs near the beginning of his
 ,essay on ,bacon4  #bgi ,see the       
,somnium ,scipionis1 ,de ,repub41 ,,vi41
 xvii4  #bhj ibid41 xxvi4  #bha ,de     
,divin41 ,,ii41 lxxii41 #adh2 ,zeller1  
op4 cit41 p4 #ffg4  #bhb l4 #gbd ff4    
#bhc l4 #e-g1 and #cd-cf4  #bhd ,i41    
#bca-ea4  #bhe ,the very passage        
7,georg41 ,,ii41 #dge-ib7 which is      
supposed to refer to ,lucretius contains
 a line 7frigidus obstiterit circum     
praecordia sanguis7 embodying the ,stoic
 theory that the soul has its seat in   
the heart1 and is nourished by a warm   
exhalation from the blood4 ,see ,zeller1
 ,ph4 d4 ,gr41 ,,iii41 a1 p4 #aig4  #bhf
 ,zeller does indeed call ,seneca and   
,marcus ,aurelius #8,platonising        
,stoics' 7,ph4 d4 ,gr41 ,,iii41 b1 p4   
#bcf1 #crd4 ed472 but the evidence      
adduced hardly seems to justify the     

epithet4  #bhg ,metamorph41 ,,xv41 #fj4 
#bhh ,zeller1 ,ph4 d4 ,gr41 ,,iii41 a1  
p4 #fha4  #bhi ,epp41 ,i41 i41 #ah4     
#bij ,m4 ,gaston ,boissier 7,religion   
,romaine1 ,i41 p4 #bjf71 on the strength
 of a passage in one of ,horace's       
,satires 7,,ii41 iii41 #aa71 where the  
poet speaks of carrying ,plato about    
with him on his travels1 infers that the
 study of the ,dialogues had a good deal
 to do with his conversion4 ,it is1     
however1 more than probable that the    
,plato mentioned is not the philosopher1
 but the comic poet1 for we find that   
his companions in ,horace's trunk were  
,menander1 ,eupolis1 and ,archilochus4  
#bia ,zeller is inclined to place       
,aenesidmus a hundred years earlier than
 the date here assigned to him 7,ph4 d4 
,gr41 ,,iii41 b1 p4 #i72 but two pieces 
of evidence which he himself quotes seem
 to militate strongly against this view4
 ,one is a statement of ,aristocles the 
,peripatetic1 who flourished #afj-aij   
,a4,d41 that ,scepticism had been       

revived not long before his time 7  2   
apud ,euseb41 ,pr4 ,ev41 ,,xiv41 xviii41
 #bb2 ,zeller1 op4 cit41 p4 #i72 the    
other is ,seneca's question1 ,quis est  
qui tradat praecepta ,pyrrhonis8 7,nat4 
,quaest41 ,,vii41 xxxii4 #b2 ,zeller1 p4
 #aa74 ,on the other hand1 ,epicttus1   
lecturing towards the end of the first  
century1 alludes to ,scepticism as      
something then living and active4 ,the  
natural inference is that ,aenesidmus   
flourished before his time and after    
,seneca1 that is about the period       
mentioned in the text2 and we cannot    
make out that there are any satisfactory
 data pointing to a different           
conclusion4  #bib ,zeller1 ,,iii41 b1 p4
 #ah4  #bic ,zeller1 ,,iii41 a1 pp4 #die
 and #ead2 ,cic41 ,acad41 ,i41 xii41    
#de2 ibid41 ,,ii41 ix41 #bh4  #bid ,with
 all deference to so great a scholar as 
,zeller1 it seems to us that he has     
misinterpreted a passage in which       
,sextus ,empiricus observes that a      
particular argument of his own against  

the possibility of reaching truth either
 by sense or by reason1 is virtually 77 
contained in the difficulties raised by 
,aenesidmus 7,adv4 ,math41 ,,viii41     
#dj74 ,zeller 7op4 cit41 ,,iii41 b1 p4  
#bj1 note #e7 translates 1 #8dem ,sinne 
nach1' #8in substance1' a meaning which 
it will hardly bear4 ,what ,sextus says 
is that the untrustworthiness of reason 
follows on the untrustworthiness of     
sense1 for the notions supplied by the  
latter must either be common to all the 
senses--which is impossible1 owing to   
their specialised character--or limited 
to some1 and therefore equally liable   
with them to dispute and contradiction4 
,moreover1 he argues1 rational notions 7
 7 cannot all be true1 as they conflict 
both with each other and with sensation4
 ,and the reference to ,aenesidmus means
 simply that this kind of argument      
amounts to a further extension of his   
attack on the credibility of the senses2
 it does not imply that ,aenesidmus had 
ever attacked reason himself4 ,the whole

 passage is quite in the usual style of 
exhaustive alternation followed by      
,sextus1 and its extreme awkwardness    
seems to show that he is forcing his    
arguments into parallelism with those of
 his predecessor4 ,it is possible also  
that the different members of the       
argument have been transposed2 for the  
part connecting reason with sense 7#dd7 
ought logically to stand last1 and that 
relating to the discrepancy of different
 notions with one another 7#de-g71      
second4 ,cf4 ,adv4 ,math41 ,,vii41 #cej1
 where ,aenesidmus is said to have      
identified the understanding with the   
senses1 quite in the style of           
,protagoras and quite unlike the ,new   
,academy4  #bie ,sext4 ,emp41 ,pyrrh4   
,hyp41 ,i41 #ahj ff4  #bif ,adv4 ,math41
 ,,ix41 #bbh4  #big ,the ten ,tropes    
were evidently suggested by the ten     
,categories of ,aristotle4 ,the five    
grounded on differences of disposition1 
place1 quantity1 relation1 and habits1  
show at once by their names that they   

are derived from 1 1 1  1 and 4 ,the    
,trope of comparative frequency would be
 suggested by 2 the disturbing influence
 of bodies on one another combines  and 
2 the conflict of the special senses    
belongs1 although somewhat more         
remotely1 to 2 and1 in order to make up 
the number ten1 1 which answers to the  
percipient in general1 had to be divided
 into the two ,tropes taken respectively
 from the differences among animals and 
among men1--an arrangement that would   
occur all the more readily as  included 
the two notions of ,genus and ,species1 
of which the one answers1 in this       
instance1 to animals1 and the other to  
men4  #bih ,zeller1 ,,iii41 b1 p4 #bc4  
#bii ,zeller1 op4 cit4 pp4 #bi-cg4  #cjj
 ,sext4 ,emp41 ,pyrrh4 ,hyp41 ,i41 #afd 
and #agh2 ,zeller1 op4 cit41 pp4 #cg and
 #ch4  #cja ,adv4 ,math41 ,v41 #a4  #cjb
 ibid41 ,,ix41 #bjh4  #cjc ,these are   
the four principles enumerated by       
,sextus1 ,pyrrh4 ,hyp41 ,i41 #bd4  #cjd 
,diog4 ,l41 ,x41 #i4  #cje ,the         

materials and1 to a certain extent1 the 
ideas of this chapter are chiefly       
derived from ,zeller's ,philosophie der 
,griechen1 ,vol4 ,,iii41 ,duruy's       
,histoire des ,romains1 ,vol4 ,v41      
,gaston ,boissier's ,religion ,romaine1 
and above all from ,friedlnder's        
,darstellungen aus der ,sittengeschichte
 ,rom's1 ,part ,,iii41 chapters iv4 and 
vi4  #cjf ,friedlnder1 ,rmische         
,sittengeschichte1 ,,iii41 pp1 #dhc1    
#fha4  #cjg ,as a striking instance of  
the solidarity which now connects all   
forms of irrationalism1 it may be       
mentioned that ,livy's fables are       
accepted1 in avowed defiance of modern  
criticism1 by the clericalising ,english
 students of archaeology in ,rome4  #cjh
 ,using the word in its modern rather   
than in its ancient sense1 so as to     
include the whole empire outside the    
city of ,rome4  #cji ,epp41 ,,ii41 i41  
#bj ff4  #caj ,carm41 ,i41 xi41 and     
,,iii41 xxiii4  #caa ,carm41 ,,iii41    
vi41 and the ,carmen ,seculare4  #cab   

,boissier1 ,religion ,romaine1 ,i41 p4  
#ccf4  #cac ,friedlnder1 ,,iii41 p4     
#eaj4  #cad ,see the note on            
,honestiores and ,humiliores appended to
 the fifth volume of ,duruy's ,histoire 
des ,romains4  #cae ,lucian1 ,adversus  
,indoctum4  #caf ,juvenal1 ,satt41      
,,xvi41 #ad4  #cag ,persius1 ,satt41    
,,iii41 #gg42 cf4 ,v41 #ahi4  #cah      
,matth41 viii41 #i2 ,luke1 vii41 #h4    
#cai ,thucydides1 ,,ii41 iv4 ,the other 
women alluded to are1 the wife of       
,admtus1 who tells ,themistocles how he 
is to proceed in order to conciliate her
 husband 7,i41 cxxxvi472 ,stratonice1   
the sister whom ,perdiccas gives in     
marriage to ,seuthes 7,,ii41 ci472 and  
,brauro1 the ,edonian queen who murders 
her husband ,pittacus 7,,iv41 cvii474   
,the wife and daughter of ,hippias the  
,peisistratid and the sister of         
,harmodius are mentioned in bk4 ,,vi41  
lv4 ff1 but they take us back to an     
earlier period of ,greek history than   
that of which ,thucydides treats        

consecutively2 while the names of ,helen
 and ,procne1 which also occur1 belong1 
of course1 to a much remoter past 7,i41 
ix41 and ,,ii41 xxix47  #cbj ,it has    
even been maintained that the condition 
of the ,roman matron was superior to    
that of the modern ,frenchwoman4        
7,duruy1 ,histoire des ,romains1 ,v41 p4
 #da47  #cba ,boissier1 ,religion       
,romaine1 ,,ii4 p4 #bjj4  #cbb          
,boissier1 op4 cit41 ,,ii41 pp4 #bad ff4
  #cbc ,friedlnder1 ,romische           
,sittengeschichte1 ,i41 pp4 #dda ff4    
#cbd ,lucian1 ,de ,mercede ,conductis1  
xxvi42 ,friedlnder1 ,i41 p4 #ddg4  #cbe 
,epict41 ,fragm41 #ec ,dbner4  #cbf     
,juvenal1 ,v41 and ,lucian1 ,de ,mercede
 ,conductis4  #cbg ,friedlnder1 ,,iii41 
p4 #ejb4  #cbh ,friedlnder1 ibid4  #cbi 
,boissier1 op4 cit41 ,i41 p4 #cfb4  #ccj
 ,havet1 ,le ,christianisme et ses      
,origines1 ,,ii41 p4 #aej4  #cca ,hor41 
,satt41 ,i41 ix41 #fg-gb4  #ccb ,ibid41 
,i41 iv41 #adb4  #ccc ,opera1 ed4       
,tauchnitz1 ,v41 p4 #bji4  #ccd ,philo1 

,vita ,mos4 p4 #acf1 ,m42 ,joseph41     
,contr4 ,ap41 ,,ii41 xxxix42            
,friedlnder1 ,,iii41 p4 #ehc4  #cce     
,ovid41 ,ars ,am41 ,i41 #dae2 ,rem4     
,am41 #bai2 ,pers41 ,v41 #agi2 ,juv41   
,,xiv41 #ig2 ,friedlnder1 loc4 cit4     
#ccf ,havet1 ,,ii41 p4 #cbh4  #ccg      
,friedlnder1 ,i41 p4 #dea4  #cch ,ars   
,am41 ,i41 #gf4  #cci ,friedlnder1      
,,iii41 pp4 #eah1 #eci ff1 #eec ff4     
#cdj ,xenophon1 ,mem41 ,i41 i41 #i4     
#cda ,friedlnder1 ,,iii41 p4 #ebc4  #cdb
 ibid41 pp4 #ebd ff4  #cdc ,friedlnder1 
,,iii41 pp4 #ebg ff4  #cdd ,plutarch1   
,de ,defect4 ,oracul41 cap4 xlv41 p4    
#dcd4  #cde ,lucian1 ,alexander1 #be1   
#dg4  #cdf ,according to ,friedlnder    
7,,iii41 p4 #eca71 this happened between
 #afg and #afi4  #cdg ,friedlnder1 p4   
#ecb4  #cdh ,friedlnder1 ,,iii41 p4     
#ecc4  #cdi ,ibid41 p4 #ecd4  #cej ,for 
details see ,friedlnder1 loc4 cit4  #cea
 ,friedlnder1 pp4 #ece ff4 ,this form of
 superstition still flourishes in great 
force among at least the lower class of 

,italians at the present day2 and the   
continual stimulation afforded to it by 
the public lottery is not the least     
mischievous consequence of that infamous
 institution4  #ceb ,aelian1 ,fragm41   
#ih2 ,friedlnder1 p4 #did4  #cec        
,friedlnder1 loc4 cit4  #ced            
,friedlnder1 p4 #edi4  #cee ,for the    
whole subject of ,aristeides see        
,friedlnder1 pp4 #dif ff4  #cef #8,et   
parum sane fuit quod illi honores       
divinos1 omnis aetas1 omnis sexus1 omnis
 condicio ac dignitas dedit1 nisi quod  
etiam sacrilegus judicatus est qui ejus 
imaginem in suo domo non habuit qui per 
fortunam vel potuit habere vel debuit4  
,denique hodieque in multis domibus ,m4 
,aurelii statuae consistunt inter deos  
penates4 ,nec defuerunt homines qui     
somniis eum multa praedixisse augurantes
 futura et vera concinnerunt4'--,vita   
,m4 ,antonini ,phil41 cap4 xviii4  #ceg 
,friedlnder1 p4 #eac4  #ceh ,friedlnder1
 ,,iii41 p4 #fhc4 ,cp4 ,clifford's      
epitaph3 #8,i was nothing and was       

conceived2 ,i loved and did a little    
work2 ,i am nothing and grieve not4'    
#cei ,comm41 ,,iv41 #ba2 ,,xii41 #e1    
#bf4  #cfj ,zeller1 ,ph4 d4 ,gr41       
,,iii41 a1 p4 #gih4  #cfa ,quoted by    
,friedlnder1 pp4 #fha f4  #cfb ,ibid41  
p4 #fhh4  #cfc ,ibid4  #cfd ,zeller1 op4
 cit41 p4 #hbh4  #cfe ,see in           
particular1 ,satt41 ,,ii1 #adi4  #cff   
,friedlnder1 ,i41 p4 #dfe f4  #cfg      
,duruy1 ,hist4 d4 ,rom41 ,v41 p4 #dfc4  
#cfh ,,iii41 p4 #fib4  #cfi ,friedlnder1
 ,,iii41 p4 #gja4  #cgj ,a mesure que le
 temps s'avance les traits par lesquels 
se produit la croyance  une autre vie1  
d'abord vagues et confus1 loin de       
s'effacer1 se prononcent et se prcisent4
 ,on se fait de la destine des mes des  
ides de plus en plus hautes2 on rend aux
 morts des honneurs de plus en plus     
grands4 ,en outre1 ces ides1 ces        
pratiques s'tendent de plus en plus au  
grand nombre4 ,au commencement il semble
 qu'on ne s'inquite que du sort des rois
 et des hros1 enfants ou descendants    

directs des dieux2 avec le temps        
beaucoup d'autres ont part aux mmes     
proccupations1 puis tous ou presque     
tous4 ,la flicit est rserve a qui       
ressemble aux dieux2 c'est une maxime   
antique qui subsiste immuable4 ,avec le 
temps on se fait de la ressemblance avec
 les dieux ou1 ce qui revient au mme1 de
 la perfection1 des ides qui permettent 
tous d'y prtendre4' ,ravaisson1 ,le     
,monument de ,myrrhine et les           
bas-reliefs funraires1 #ahgf1 quoted by 
,duruy1 op4 cit41 p4 #dfc4  #cga ,see   
,vol4 ,i41 p4 #fh4  #cgb ,for references
 see ,friedlnder1 ,,iii41 pp4 #gjf ff4  
#cgc ,epod41 xvii41 #gi4  #cgd          
,friedlnder1 pp4 #gaj f4  #cge ,sen41   
,epp41 xvi41 #e2 xcv41 #eb2 xli41 #a and
 #b4  #cgf ,perhaps1 however1 ,zeller's 
contention amounts to no more than that 
,seneca follows ,posidonius in his      
adoption of the ,platonic distinction   
between reason and passion1 which were  
identified by the older ,stoics4 ,but   
the object of the latter was apparently 

to save the personality of man1 which   
seemed to be threatened by ,plato's     
tripartite division of mind2 and as     
,seneca achieves the same result by     
including the passions in the #cgg the  
difference between them and him is after
 all little more than verbal4 ,for the  
general attitude of ,seneca towards     
religion see ,gaston ,boissier1         
,religion ,romaine1 ,,ii41 pp4 #fc-ib4  
#cgg ,epp41 xcii41 #a41 7,zeller1 by    
mistake refers to ,epp41 xciv41 in ,ph4 
d4 ,gr41 ,,iii41 a1 p4 #gaa47  #cgh ,as 
1 1 4  #cgi ,epict41 ,fragm41 #age2     
,diss41 ,i41 xvi41 #a-h2 ,,ii41 xvi41   
#db2 ,,iii41 xxii41 #b2 xxiv41 #ia-id4  
,zeller1 ,,iii41 a1 p4 #gdb4  #chj      
,zeller1 p4 #gde4  #cha ,friedlnder1    
,,iii41 p4 #dic4  #chb ,comm41 ,,vi41   
#cj4  #chc ,oratt41 ,,vi41 p4 #bjc4     
#chd ,diss41 ,,ii41 xxxvi4  #che ,ph4 d4
 ,gr41 ,,iii41 b1 pp4 #hh ff4  #chf     
,seneca1 ,epp41 lxiv41 #b2 cviii41 #ag4 
#chg ,seneca1 ,de ,ir1 ,,iii41 xxxvi41  
#a4  #chh ,seneca1 ,epp41 cviii41 #bb4  

#chi ,for a detailed account of the     
,neo-,pythagorean school1 see ,zeller1  
op4 cit41 ,,iii41 b1 pp4 #gi-aeh1 from  
which the above summary is entirely     
derived4  #cij ,de ,defect4 ,orac41     
xvii41 p4 #dai4  #cia ,diss41 ,i41 xv41 
#b4  #cib ,plutarch1 ,de ,is4 et ,osir41
 xxv4 and xxvi2 ,de ,fac4 in ,orbe      
,lun41 xxx4  #cic ,op4 et ,d41 #abj4    
#cid ,diss41 ,i41 xv41 #g4  #cie        
,zeller1 ,,iii41 b1 pp4 #ahi ff4  #cif  
,de ,superstit41 viii41 p4 #afi4  #cig  
,metamorph41 ,,xi41 xxv4  #cih ,zeller1 
,,iii41 b1 pp4 #beg ff4  #cii ,for      
references1 see ,ritter and ,preller1   
,hist4 ,phil41 pp4 #dfg-gc4  #djj ,for  
references1 see ,zeller1 ,,iii41 b1 pp4 
#adh f4  #dja ,suidas1 quoted by ,ritter
 and ,preller1 p4 #dhe4  #djb ,vacherot1
 ,histoire de l',ecole d',alexandrie1   
pp4 #bad-ag2 ,zeller1 ,,iii41 b1 pp4    
#chg ff4 ,the original authority is     
,irenaeus4  #djc ,politicus1 p4 #bgj ff4
  #djd ,legg41 ,x41 pp4 #hif1 ,d ff1    
#hih1 ,c1 #ijd1 ,a4  #dje ,de ,isid4 et 

,osir41 xlv4 f42 ,de ,vir4 ,moral41     
iii42 ,de ,anim4 ,procr41 v41 #e4       
,plutarch supposes that the irrational  
soul in man is derived from the evil    
world-soul which he regards rather as   
senseless than as ,satanic4 ,it would   
thus very closely resemble the delirious
 ,demiurgus of ,valentinus and the      
#8absolut ,dumme' of ,eduard v4         
,hartmann4  #djf ,diss41 ,,iii41 xxiii4 
#djg ,zeller1 ,ph4 d4 ,gr41 ,,iii41 a1  
pp4 #hjg ff4  #djh ,porph41 ,vita       
,plot41 cap4 iii4  #dji ,ibid41 cap4    
vii4  #daj ,ibid41 cap4 xiii4  #daa     
,not1 as is commonly stated1 on the     
model of ,plato's ,republic1 which would
 have been a far more difficult         
enterprise1 and one little in accordance
 with the practical good sense shown on 
other occasions by ,plotinus4  #dab     
,porph41 ,vita1 cap4 xii42 ,hegel1      
,gesch4 d4 ,ph41 ,,iii41 p4 #cd4  #dac  
,porph41 ,vita1 cap4 ix4  #dad ,ibid41  
xi4 ,leopardi has taken the incident    
referred to as the subject of one of his

 dialogues2 ,plotinus1 the great        
champion of optimism1 being chosen1 with
 bitter irony1 to represent the ,italian
 poet's own pessimistic views of life4  
,the difficulty was to show how the     
,neo-,platonist philosopher could1      
consistently with the principles thus   
fathered on him1 still continue to      
dissuade his pupil from committing      
suicide4 ,leopardi voluntarily faces the
 argumentum ad hominem by which common  
sense has in all ages summarily disposed
 of pessimism3 #8,then why don't you    
kill yourself8' 7#8,your philosophy or  
your life1' so to speak47 ,the answer is
 singularly lame4 ,porphyry is to think 
of the distress which his death would   
cause to his friends4 ,he might have    
replied that if the general misery were 
so great as ,plotinus had maintained1 a 
little more or less affliction would not
 make any appreciable difference2 that1 
considering the profound selfishness of 
mankind1 an accepted article of faith   
with pessimism1 his friends would in all

 probability easily resign themselves to
 his loss2 that1 at any rate1 the       
suffering inflicted on them would be a  
mere trifle compared to what he would   
himself be getting rid of2 and that1 if 
the worst came to the worst1 they had   
but to follow his example and ease      
themselves of all their troubles at a   
single stroke4 ,a sincere pessimist     
would probably say3 #8,i do not kill    
myself because ,i am afraid3 and my very
 fear of death is a conclusive argument 
in favour of my creed4 ,nothing proves  
the deep-rooted necessity of pain more  
strongly than that we should refuse to  
profit by so obvious a means of escaping
 from it as that offered by suicide4'   
,of course where pessimism is associated
 with a belief in metempsychosis1 as    
among the ,buddhists1 there is the best 
of reasons for not seeking a violent    
death1 namely1 that it would in all     
probability transfer the suicide to     
another and inferior grade of existence2
 whereas1 by using the opportunities of 

self-mortification which this world     
offers1 he might succeed in             
extinguishing the vital principle for   
good and all4 ,and ,schopenhauer does1  
in fact1 adopt the belief in            
metempsychosis just so far as is        
necessary to exclude the desirability of
 suicide from his philosophy4 ,but the  
truth is1 that while ,asiatic pessimism 
is the logical consequence of a false   
metaphysical system1 the analogous      
systems of ,european pessimists are     
simply an excuse for not pushing their  
disgust with life to its only rational  
issue4  #dae ,porph41 ,vita1 cap4 xviii4
  #daf ,porphyry says six1 but there    
must be a mistake somewhere1 as         
,plotinus was fifty-nine when their     
friendship began1 and died in his       
sixty-sixth year2 while ,porphyry's     
departure for ,sicily took place two    
years before that event1 leaving1 at    
most1 five years during which their     
personal intercourse can have lasted1 if
 the other dates are to be trusted4     

#dag ,enn41 ,,iii41 ii4 and iii4  #dah  
,plotini ,opera recognovit ,adolphus    
,kirchhoff1 ,lipsiae1 #ahef1 in         
,teubner's series of ,greek and ,latin  
authors4 ,h4 ,f4 ,mller1 the latest     
editor of ,plotinus1 has returned to the
 original arrangement by ,enneads4 ,his 
edition is accompanied by a very useful 
,german translation1 only half of which1
 however1 has as yet appeared4 7,berlin1
 #ahgh47  #dai ,zeller1 ,ph4 d4 ,gr41   
,,iii41 b1 p4 #dgb4 7,third edition47   
#dbj ,porph41 ,vita1 iv4 ff41 xxiv4 ff4 
#dba ,ibid41 cap4 x4  #dbb ,ibid4  #dbc 
,ibid41 cap4 xxii4  #dbd ,ibid41 capp4  
i4 and ii4  #dbe ,zeller1 op4 cit41 pp4 
#dea ff4  #dbf ,porph41 ,vita1 cap4 xx4 
#dbg ,a single example will make our    
meaning clear4 ,plotinus is trying to   
prove that there can be no ,form without
 ,matter4 ,he first argues that if the  
notes of a concept can be separated from
 one another1 this proves the presence  
of ,matter1 since divisibility is an    
affection belonging only to it4 ,he then

 goes on to say1      1              4  
7,enn41 ,,ii41 iv41 #d2 ,kirchhoff1 ,i41
 p4 #aac1 ,i4 #g47 ,the meaning is1 that
 if the notes are inseparable1 the unity
 in which they inhere is related to them
 as ,matter to ,form4  #dbh ,see the    
index to ,kirchhoff's edition4  #dbi    
,for references see ,kirchner1 ,die     
,philosophie des ,plotin1 p4 #ahe2      
,steinhart1 ,meletemata ,plotiniana1 pp4
 #i-bc2 ,zeller1 ,ph4 d4 ,gr41 ,,iii41  
b1 pp4 #dcj f4  #dcj ,steinhart1 op4    
cit41 pp4 #cj ff42 ,kirchner1 op4 cit41 
pp4 #ahf ff4  #dca ,porph41 ,vita1 cap4 
xv4  #dcb ,enn41 ,i41 vi4  #dcc ,meno1  
#hf1 ,a4 ,compare ,vol4 ,i41 p4 #bab4   
#dcd ,theaettus1 #agf1 ,a4 ,phaedo1 #fg1
 ,b ff4  #dce ,op4 cit41 p4 #dbg4  #dcf 
,enn41 ,,iv41 vii4  #dcg ,enn41 ,,iii41 
i41 #c4  #dch ,enn41 ,,iii41 i4  #dci   
4 ,,iii41 i41 #d1 ,kirchh41 ,i41 p4 #ch1
 l4 #bb4 ,so utterly incapable is ,m4   
,vacherot of placing himself at this    
point of view1 that he actually reads   
into the words quoted an argument in    

favour of free-will based on the        
testimony of consciousness4 ,his version
 runs as follows3--#8,nous savons et    
nous croyons fermement par le sentiment 
de ce qui se passe en nous que les      
individus 7les mes7 vivent1 agissent1   
pensent1 d'une vie1 d'une action1 d'une 
pense qui leur est propre4'--,histoire  
,critique de l'cole d',alexandrie1 ,i41 
p4 #ead4 ,so far as our knowledge goes1 
such an appeal to consciousness is not  
to be found in any ancient writer4  #ddj
 ,see ,legg41 #hfa1 ,a ff4 for an       
attempt to prove that men may properly  
be punished for actions committed       
through ignorance of their real good4   
,this passage is one of the grounds used
 by ,teichmller1 in his ,literarische   
,fehden1 to establish the rather        
paradoxical thesis that ,aristotle      
published his ,ethics before ,plato's   
death4  #dda ,,iii41 i41 #aj4  #ddb     
,cap4 #d1 sub fin4  #ddc ,capp4 #f and  
#g4 ,cp4 ,enn41 ,,ii41 iii42 ,zeller1   
op4 cit41 pp4 #efg ff2 ,kirchner1 ,ph4  

d4 ,plot41 p4 #aie4  #ddd ,plato1       
,phaedo1 #gi1 ,a ff42 ,aristot41 ,de    
,an41 ,,iii41 iv41 sub fin4  #dde       
,phaedr41 #bde1 ,c2 ,legg41 #hib1 ,a4   
#ddf ,adv4 ,col41 ix41 #c4  #ddg ,enn41 
,,iv41 ii41 i4  #ddh ,enn41 ,,iv41 ii41 
sub fin42 ,tim41 #ce1 ,a4  #ddi ,enn41  
,v41 ix4  #dej ,enn41 ,,iv41 viii4  #dea
 ,enn41 ,v41 ix41 #b4  #deb ,readers of 
,pope's ,essay on ,man will recognise   
this argument4 ,it was1 in fact1        
borrowed from ,plotinus by ,leibnitz1   
and handed on through ,bolingbroke to   
,pope4 ,there is no better introduction 
to ,neo-,platonism than this beautiful  
poem4  #dec ,kirchner1 ,ph4 d4 ,plot41  
p4 #ce4 ,the triad of body1 soul1 and   
spirit is still to be met with in modern
 popular philosophy2 but1 contrary to   
the ,greek order of priority1 there is a
 noticeable tendency to rank soul1 as   
the seat of emotion1 higher than spirit 
or pure reason1 particularly among      
persons whose opinions receive little   
countenance from the last-mentioned     

faculty4  #ded ,rep41 ,,vi41 #ejh1 ,c   
ff42 ,,vii41 #eag1 ,c4  #dee ,vol4 ,i41 
p4 #bbi4  #def ,ibid41 p4 #bce4  #deg   
,aristot41 ,metaph41 ,i41 vi4  #deh     
,enn41 ,v41 iv41 #b2 ,kirchh41 ,i41 p4  
#gb1 l4 #h4  #dei ,this is the method of
 ,fichte's ,wissenschaftslehre1 which   
seems to show that ,fichte was          
acquainted with ,neo-,platonism1        
probably at second-hand4  #dfj ,enn41   
,,iv41 ix4  #dfa ,ibid41 #c2 ,kirchh41  
,i41 p1 #ge1 l4 #bd4  #dfb ,enn41 ,,vi41
 ix41 #a4  #dfc ,enn41 ,,vi41 ix41 #c2  
,kirchh41 ,i41 pp4 #ha ff4  #dfd ,in the
 introductory essay prefixed to his work
 ,de l'cole d',alexandrie4  #dfe     1  
1     4--,rep41 #ejh1 ,e4     1 '       
4--,ibid41 #eji1 ,b4 ,the first of these
 passages is bracketed by ,stallbaum1   
but not the second4  #dff ,symp41 #baa1 
,e f4  #dfg ,enn41 ,v41 i4  #dfh ,enn41 
,,vi41 ix41 #c1 sub fin42 ibid41 #f1 p4 
#gfd1 ,e4 7,kirchh41 ,i41 p4 #hg1 l4    
#af72 ,enn41 ,v41 v41 #f1 p4 #ebe1 ,d4  
7,kirchh41 ,,ii41 p4 #bd1 l4 #bd74  #dfi

 ,enn41 ,,vi41 ix41 #i1 sub fin4  #dgj  
,ibid41 ,v41 ii41 ,i1 p4 #did1 ,a4      
7,kirchh41 ,i41 p4 #aji1 l4 #g74  #dga  
,ibid41 ,v41 i41 #e1 p4 #dhg1 ,c4       
7,kirchh41 ,i41 p4 #aja1 l4 #cb74  #dgb 
,enn41 ,v41 i41 #f1 p4 #dhg1 ,b4        
7,kirchh41 ,i41 p4 #aja1 l4 #ba74  #dgc 
,enn41 ,v41 i41 #d1 p4 #dhe1 ,e         
7,kirchh41 ,i41 pp4 #ii f474  #dgd      
,enn41 ,v41 ii41 #a1 p4 #did1 ,a2 ,,vi41
 ix41 #b1 p4 #gei1 ,a2 ,,ii41 iv41 #e1  
p4 #afb1 ,a4  #dge ,enn41 ,,iv41 iv41   
#af1 p4 #dji1 ,c 7,kirchh41 ,i41 p4     
#bhc1 l4 #ca74  #dgf ,enn41 ,v41 ii41   
#b4  #dgg ,enn41 ,,ii41 iv4  #dgh       
,aristot41 ,metaph41 ,,vii41 x41 sub    
fin4  #dgi ,tim41 #dh1 ,e1 ff4  #dhj    
,ibid41 #dg1 ,e4  #dha ,enn41 ,,ii41    
iv41 #e1 p4 #afa1 ,e 7,kirchh41 ,i41 p4 
#aad1 l4 #a74  #dhb ,enn41 ,,ii41 iv41  
#aa1 sub fin4  #dhc ,enn41 ,,iii41 vi41 
#ad f4  #dhd ,enn41 ,,ii41 iv41 #ae1 p4 
#afi1 ,a 7,kirchh41 ,i41 p4 #abd1 l4    
#ag74  #dhe ,ibid41 #e1 p4 #afb1 ,a     
7,kirchh41 ,i41 p4 #aad1 l4 #ab74  #dhf 

,ibid41 ,,iii41 ix41 #c1 p4 #ceh1 ,a    
7,kirchh41 ,i41 p4 #abh1 l4 #bb74  #dhg 
,enn41 ,,iii41 iv41 i4  #dhh ,enn41     
,,ii41 iv41 #ae1 p4 #afi1 ,b 7,kirchh41 
,i41 p4 #abd1 l4 #bb74  #dhi ,enn41     
,,iv41 iii11 #i1 p4 #cgi1 ,a 7,kirchh41 
,i41 p4 #bdd1 l4 #ag74 ,in one of his   
latest essays 7,enn41 ,i41 viii41 #g7   
,plotinus for a moment accepts the      
,platonic theory that evil must         
necessarily coexist with good as its    
correlative opposite1 but quickly       
returns to the alternative theory that  
evil results from the gradual diminution
 and extinction of good 7cp4 ,zeller1   
,ph4 d4 ,gr41 ,,iii41 b1 p4 #edi74  #dij
 ,enn41 ,,iii41 viii41 #d and #h4  #dia 
,our own word #8paragon' is a curious   
record of the theory in question4 ,it is
 derived from the ,greek participial    
substantive  1 the producer4 ,now1      
according to ,neo-,platonism1 in the    
hierarchic series of existences1 the    
product always strives1 or should       
strive1 to model itself on the producer1

 hence  came to be used in the double   
sense of a cause and an exemplar4 ,as   
such1 it is one of the technical terms  
employed throughout the ,institutiones  
,theologicae of ,proclus4 ,but1 in time1
 the second or derivative meaning became
 so much the more important as to gain  
exclusive possession of the word on its 
adoption into modern languages4  #dib   
,enn41 ,,iii41 iv41 #b4  #dic ,enn41    
,i41 ii41 #a4  #did ,ibid41 #c4  #die   
,enn41 ,i41 ii41 #f1 sub fin4  #dif     
,ibid41 #e4  #dig ,ibid41 ix4  #dih     
,enn41 ,i41 iii4  #dii ,rep41 ,,vi41    
#eaa4  #ejj ,see the conclusion of the  
,posterior ,analytics4  #eja ,enn41     
,,iii41 vii41 #a1 p4 #cbe1 ,c 7,kirchh41
 ,,ii41 p4 #bhb1 l4 #ac74  #ejb         
,zeller's last volume1 giving a full    
account of the ,neo-,platonic school1   
has recently reached a third edition1   
but it belongs to a connected work1 and 
contains1 in addition1 a mass of        
information possessing special interest 
for theologians4 ,it has not1 however1  

been translated into ,english1 nor      
apparently is there any intention of    
translating it4 ,our own literature on  
the subject is represented by a         
worthless book of ,kingsley's1 entitled 
,alexandria and her ,schools1 and a     
novel by a lady1 called the ,wards of   
,plotinus4  #ejc ,enn41 ,,vi41 ix41 sub 
fin4  #ejd ,enn41 ,,iii41 ii41 #ae1 p4  
#bff1 ,e 7,kirchh41 ,,ii41 p4 #ccf1 l4  
#ca74 ,m4 ,renan talks of the period    
from #bce to #bhd as #8cet enfer d'un   
demi-sicle o sombre toute philosophie1  
toute civilit1 toute dlicatesse'        
7,marc-,aurle1 p4 #dih74 ,as1 however1  
this epoch produced ,neo-,platonism1 the
 expression #8toute philosophie' is     
rather misplaced4  #eje ,enn41 ,,iv41   
iv41 #ag1 p4 #daj1 ,b4 7,kirchh41 ,i41  
p4 #bhe1 l4 #a74  #ejf ,ph4 d4 ,gr41    
,,iii41 b1 pp4 #fi ff1 #dai ff4  #ejg   
,op4 cit41 pp4 #dai ff4  #ejh ,zeller1  
p4 #ddg4  #eji ,enn41 ,v41 v41 p4 #ebj1 
,a4 7,kirchh41 ,,ii41 p4 #ah1 l4 #c74   
,this is the only passage in the        

,enneads where the ,sceptics seem to be 
alluded to4  #eaj ,loc4 cit4  #eaa      
,vita1 x41 sub fin4  #eab ,for specimens
 of his treatment1 see ,zeller1 pp4 #fbb
 ff4  #eac ,for the theology of         
,plotinus see ,zeller1 pp4 #fai ff1 and 
for the daemons1 p4 #egj4 ,in our       
opinion1 ,zeller attributes a much      
stronger religious faith to ,plotinus   
than can be proved from the passages to 
which he refers4  #ead ,enn41 ,v41 vii4 
#eae ,enn41 ,v41 vii41 ,i1 p4 #eci1 ,b4 
7,kirchh41 ,i41 p4 #ade1 l4 #bc74  #eaf 
,for references1 see ,zeller1 pp4 #ehh  
ff4  #eag ,enn41 ,,vi41 ii41 #c1 p4     
#eih1 ,a4 7,kirchh41 ,,ii41 p4 #bbg74   
#eah ,enn41 ,,ii41 ix4  #eai ,ibid41    
cap4 #f4  #ebj ,ibid41 #ad4  #eba ,enn41
 ,,ii41 ix41 #ae4  #ebb ,kirchner1 ,die 
,ph4 d4 ,plot41 pp4 #a-bd1 #age-bjh4    
,cp4 ,steinhart1 ,meletemata            
,plotiniana1 p4 #d4  #ebc ,two other    
popular misconceptions may be traced    
back1 in part at least1 to the          
exclusively transcendental              

interpretation of ,plato's philosophy4  
,by drawing away attention from the     
,socratic dialogues1 it broke the       
connexion between ,socrates and his     
chief disciple1 thus leaving the former 
to be estimated exclusively from        
,xenophon's view of his character as a  
moral and religious teacher4 ,true1     
,xenophon himself supplies us with the  
data which prove that ,socrates was1    
above all things1 a dialectician1 but   
only in the reflex light of ,plato's    
subsequent developments can their real  
significance be perceived4 ,on the other
 hand1 the attempt to combine ,aristotle
 with ,plato led to a serious           
misunderstanding of the actual relation 
between the two4 ,when the whole ideal  
element of his philosophy had been drawn
 off and employed to heighten still     
further the transcendentalism of his    
master's teaching1 the ,stagirite came  
to be judged entirely by the residual   
elements1 by the logical1 physical1 and 
critical portions of his system4 ,on the

 strength of these1 he was represented  
as the type of whatever is most opposed 
to ,plato1 and1 in particular1 of a     
practical1 prosaic turn of mind1 which  
was quite alien from his true character4
  #ebd    444     '    4 7,enn41 ,,vi41 
ix41 #e1 p4 #gfc1 ,b47                  
4 7,proclus1 ,institutiones             
,theologicae1 cxxiii471 cp4 ,proclus1   
ibid41 clxii4  #ebe ,de ,princip41 ii41 
quoted by ,ritter and ,preller1 p4 #ecf 
f4  #ebf ,inst4 ,theol41 lxxii41 cp4    
,zeller1 p4 #hjh1 where it is denied1   
wrongly1 as we think1 that ,plotinus    
held the same view4  #ebg ,the following
 sketch is based on the accounts given  
of the period to which it relates in the
 works of ,zeller and ,vacherot4  #ebh  
,de ,civit4 ,dei1 ,,viii41 v41 quoted by
 ,kirchner1 p4 #bjh4  #ebi ,enn41 ,,ii41
 ix41 #ah1 p4 #bag1 ,c2 for ,syrianus   
and ,proclus1 see ,zeller1 p4 #gch4 ,the
 ,emperor ,constantine is said to have  
remained a sun-worshipper all his life  
7,vacherot1 ,,ii41 p4 #aec72 and even   

,philo ,judaeus speaks of the stars as  
visible gods 7,zeller1 p4 #cic74  #ecj  
,quoted by ,ritter and ,preller1 p4     
#eci4  #eca ,compare the report of      
,agathias with the series of questions  
put to ,priscian1 quoted in the         
,dissertation by ,m4 ,quicherat1        
prefixed to ,dbner's edition of         
,priscian's ,solutiones 7printed after  
,plotinus in ,didot's edition1 pp4 #edi 
ff74  #ecb ,m4 ,vacherot says 7,,ii41 p4
 #djj71 without giving any authority for
 his statement1 that the                
,neo-,platonists were driven from       
,persia by the persecution of the ,magi2
 and that they returned home            
#8furtivement1' which is certainly      
incorrect4 ,they returned openly1 under 
the protection of a treaty between      
,persia and ,rome4  #ecc ,repub41 ,,ix41
 sub fin4  #ecd ,haurau1 ,histoire de la
 ,philosophie ,scolastique1 ,i41 p4     
#cgb4  #ece ,for ,gilbert de la ,porre  
see ,haurau1 ,i41 chap4 xviii4  #ecf    
,jourdain1 ,recherches critiques sur les

 ,traductions latines d',aristote4  #ecg
 ,the term ,nominalist is here used in  
the wide sense given to it by ,haurau4  
,see the last chapter of his work on the
 ,scholastic ,philosophy4  #ech ,works  
,i41 p4 #dje in ,ellis and ,spedding's  
edition4  #eci #8,historia naturalis 444
 materia prima philosophiae4' ,de ,aug41
 ,,ii41 iii4  #edj ,the #8notions and   
conceptions' of the ,advancement of     
,learning 7,works1 ,,iii41 p4 #cef7 is  
rendered by #8axiomata' in the ,de      
,augmentis 7,i41 p4 #efg71 where in both
 instances the question is entirely     
about ,forms4 ,cp4  #h of ,prof4        
,fowler's ,introduction to the ,novum   
,organum4  #eda ,analyt4 ,prior41 ,,ii41
 xxx4  #edb ,prof4 ,bain1 after         
mentioning that the second book of the  
,topics #8sets forth in a crude         
condition the principal canons of       
inductive logic1' goes on to say that   
#8these statements cannot be called     
germs for they never germinated'        
7,grote's ,minor ,works1 p4 #ad74 ,may  

they not have germinated in the ,novum  
,organum8  #edc ,descartes showed a much
 deeper insight into the scientific     
conditions of industrial progress than  
,bacon4 ,his words are1 #8,on peut      
trouver une philosophie pratique par    
laquelle connoissant la force et les    
actions du feu1 de l'eau1 de l'air1 des 
astres1 des cieux1 et de tous les autres
 corps qui nous environnent1 aussi      
distinctement que nous connoissons les  
divers mestiers de nos artisans1 nous   
les pourrions employer en mme faon  tous
 les usages auxquels ils sont propres1  
et ainsi nous rendre comme maistres et  
possesseurs de la ,nature4' ,discours de
 la ,mthode1 ,sixime ,partie4 ,this     
passage has been recently quoted by ,dr4
 ,bridges 7#8,comte's ,definition of    
,life1' ,fortnightly ,review for ,june  
#ahha1 p4 #fhd7 to illustrate what seems
 a very questionable position4 ,he says 
that the ,copernican astronomy1 by      
revealing the infinitude of the         
universe1 made men despair of           

comprehending nature in her totality1   
and thus threw them back on enquiries of
 more directly human interest and       
practical applicability2 particularly   
specifying #8the lofty utilitarianism of
 the ,novum ,organum and of the         
,discours de la ,mthode1' as #8one of   
the first concomitants' #8of this       
intellectual revolution4#8 ,there seems 
to be a double misconception here3 for1 
in the first place1 ,bacon could hardly 
have been influenced by a theory which  
he persistently rejected2 and1 in the   
next place1 neither ,bacon nor          
,descartes showed a trace of the        
positivist tendency to despair of       
attaining absolute and universal        
knowledge4 ,both of them expected to    
discover the inmost essences of things2 
and neither of them imagined that a     
different set of conditions might come  
into play outside the boundaries of the 
visible universe4 ,in fact they believed
 themselves to be enlarging instead of  
restricting the field of mental vision2 

and it was from this very enlargement   
that they anticipated the most momentous
 practical results4 ,it was with ,locke1
 as we shall see hereafter1 that the    
sceptical or agnostic movement began4   
,in this same article1 ,dr4 ,bridges    
repeats1 probably on ,comte's authority1
 the incredible statement that #8,thales
 taught the ,egyptian priests those two 
or three elementary truths as to the    
laws of triangles1 which enabled them to
 tell the height of the pyramid by      
measuring its shadow4' ,comte's         
ignorance or carelessness in relating   
this story as a well-attested fact was  
long ago noticed with astonishment by   
,grote4 7,life of ,george ,grote1 p4    
#bjd47  #edd ,whewell notices this      
#8,stationary ,interval' 7,history of   
the ,inductive ,sciences1 ,bk4 ,,xvi41  
chapter iii41 sect4 #c71 but without    
determining either its just limits or   
its real cause4  #ede ,compreso che sar 
il moto di quest' astro mondano in cui  
siamo 444 s'aprir la porta de           

l'intelligenza de li principi veri di   
cose naturali4 ,de l',infinito ,universo
 e ,mondi1 p4 #ea1 ,wagner's ,ed4  #edf 
#8,sono amputate radici che germogliano1
 son cose antiche che rivegnono4 ,ibid41
 p4 #hb4  #edg ,principio ,causa et     
,uno1 p4 #bbe4 ,for ,david of ,dinan1   
whose opinions are known only through   
the reports of ,albertus and ,aquinas1  
see ,haurau1 ,,ii41 iv4  #edh ,galileo's
 words are3--#8,il moto circulare       
naturale del tutto e delle parti mentre 
sono in ottima disposizione4' ,dialoghi 
sui ,massimi ,sistemi4 ,opere1 ,vol4    
,i41 p4 #bfe2 see also p4 #ch4  #edi    
,dialoghi1 p4 #baa4  #eej #8,non posso  
trovar termine all'ammirazione mia come 
abbia possuto in ,aristarco e nel       
,copernico far la ragione tanta violenza
 al senso che contro a questo ella si   
sia fatta padrona della loro credulit4' 
,dialoghi1 p4 #ceh4  #eea ,ibid41 p4    
#cgj4  #eeb #8,kepler tait persuad de   
l'existence de ces lois en suivant cette
 pense de ,platon3 que ,dieu1 en crant  

le monde1 avait d faire de la gometrie4'
 ,arago1 uvres ,,iii41 p4 #bab4  #eec   
,de ,aug41 ,,iii41 v4 ,works1 ,i41 p4   
#ega4  #eed ,this is well brought out in
 a remarkable series of articles on the 
,philosophy of ,hobbes recently         
published by ,tnnies in the             
,vierteljahrsschrift fur                
wissenschaftliche ,philosophie4  #eee   
,leviathan1 chap4 xv41 sub fin4  #eef   
,leviathan1 chap4 xi41 sub fin4  #eeg   
,leviathan1 chap4 vi4  #eeh ,spaccio    
della ,bestia ,trionfante1 sub in4  #eei
 ,advancement of ,learning1 ,ellis and  
,spedding1 ,,iii41 p4 #dbh4  #efj       
,republic1 ,,vi41 #eaa1 ,jowett's       
,trans4 ,,iii41 p4 #cih4  #efa ,plotinus
 himself expresses a doubt as to whether
 the ,one is1 properly speaking1 all    
things or not 7,enn41 ,v41 ii41 sub     
in472 but in his essay on ,substance and
 ,quality1 he defines qualities as      
energies of the substance to which they 
belong 7,enn41 ,,ii41 vi4 #c74 ,now all 
things are1 according to his philosophy1

 energies of the ,one4 ,there would1    
therefore1 be no difficulty in          
considering it as their substance4  #efb
      ---- ,quia multimodis1 multis1    
mutata1 per omne     ,ex infinito       
vexantur percita plagis1     ,omne genus
 motus1 et coetus experiundo1           
,tandem deveniunt in taleis             
disposituras1     ,qualibus haec rebus  
consistit summa creata4    7,i41        
#ajbc-g47   #efc ,v41 #hec2 ,,iv41      
#ghj-hjj2 ,v41 #ajbe4  #efd ,just the   
same remark applies to the monads of    
,leibnitz4 ,each monad reflects all the 
others1 and infers that its reflections 
represent a reality from the infinite   
creative power of ,god4 ,descartes'     
appeal to the divine veracity represents
 the same method in a less developed    
stage4 ,the root-idea here is to be     
sought for1 not in ,greek thought but in
 the ,christian doctrine of a           
supernatural revelation4  #efe ,the     
formal cause of a thing is its species1 
the concept under which it is           

immediately subsumed2 the efficient     
cause is what brings it into existence4 
,thus the formal cause of a man is      
humanity1 the efficient cause1 his      
father4  #eff ,eth41 ,i41 prop4 xvi42   
,,ii41 prop4 iii42 prop4 v42 prop4      
xviii41 schol42 prop4 xxviii42 prop4    
xl41 schol4 ii42 ,v41 prop4 xxix41      
schol42 prop4 xl41 schol4 7,the passage 
last referred to is the clearest and    
most decisive47  #efg ,see the passage  
from the ,republic quoted above4  #efh  
,the tendency of logicians is now1      
contrariwise1 to force reasoning into   
parallelism with mathematical physics by
 interpreting the proposition as an     
equation between subject and predicate4 
#efi ,,iii41 prop4 ii41 schol4  #egj    
,,ii41 vii41 schol4  #ega ,,iii41 ix4   
and xi4  #egb ,greek tragedy is just the
 reverse--an expansion of the old       
patriarchal relations into a mould      
fitted to receive the highest thought   
and feeling of a civilised age4  #egc   
,for the whole subject of ,spinoza's    

mathematical method1 see ,windelband's  
paper on ,spinoza in the                
,vierteljahrsschrift fr                 
wissenschaftliche ,philosophie1 #ahgg4  
,some points in the last paragraph were 
suggested by ,mr4 ,pollock's ,spinoza   
7pp4 #bee1 #bfd74  #egd ,essay1 ,bk4    
iv41 ch4 #ab4  #ege ,see the references 
to ,epicttus1 supra1 p4 #ba4  #egf ,what
 ,aristotle has written on the subject  
is not ethics but natural history4  #egg
 #8,ne remarque-t-on comment chaque     
recherche analytique de ,laplace a fait 
ressortir dans notre globe et dans      
l'univers des conditions d'ordre et de  
dure8'--,arago1 uvres1 ,,iii41 p4 #dif4 
99      99      99      99      99      
99     ,transcriber's note3  ,obvious   
typographical errors have been silently 
corrected4 ,variations in hyphenation   
and ligatures have been standardised but
 all other spelling and punctuation     
remains unchanged4