,transcriber's note3 ,text enclosed by underscores is in italics 7italics74 99 99 99 99 99 ,plutarch's ,romane ,questions4 ,translated ,a4,d4 #afjc by ,philemon ,holland1 ,m4,a41 ,fellow of ,trinity ,college1 ,cambridge4 ,now again edited by ,frank ,byron ,jebons1 ,m4,a41 ,classical ,tutor to the ,university of ,durham ,with ,dissertations on ,italian ,cults1 ,myths1 ,taboos1 ,man- ,worship1 ,aryan ,marriage ,sympathetic ,magic and the ,eating of ,beans ---- ,,london4 ,,mdcccxcii4 ,,published ,,by ,,david ,,nutt ,,in ,,the ,,strand ,,preface4 ,on the whole1 with the proper qualifications1 ,plutarch's ,romane ,questions may fairly be said to be the earliest formal treatise written on the subject of folk-lore4 ,the problems which ,plutarch proposes for solution are mainly such as the modern science of folk-lore undertakes to solve2 and though ,plutarch was not the first to propound them1 he was the first to make a collection and selection of them and give them a place of their own in literature4 ,on the other hand1 though ,plutarch's questions are in the spirit of modern scientific inquiry1 his answers--or rather the answers which he sets forth1 for they are not always or usually his own--are conceived in a different strain4 ,they are all built on the assumption that the customs which they are intended to explain were consciously and deliberately instituted by men who possessed at least as much culture and wisdom as ,plutarch himself1 or the other philosophers who busied themselves with this branch of antiquities4 ,this assumption1 however1 that the primitive ,italians or the pro-ethnic ,aryans shared the same 7erroneous7 scientific and philosophical views as the savants of ,plutarch's day1 is an unverified and improbable hypothesis4 ,the ,aryans were in the ,stone ,age1 and had advanced only to such rudimentary agriculture as is possible for a nomad people4 ,if1 therefore1 we are to explain their customs1 we must keep within the narrow circle which bounds the thought and imagination of other peoples in the same stage of development4 ,plutarch1 however1 in effect asks himself1 ,if ,i had instituted these customs1 what would my motives have been8 and in reply to his own question he shows what very learned reasons might have moved him2 and also1 quite unconsciously1 what very amiable feelings would in reality have governed him2 for1 if he ascribes to the authors of these customs the learning of all the many books which he had read1 he also credits them with a kindliness of character which belonged to himself alone4 ,thus1 to go no further than the first of the ,romane ,questions1 viz41 ,what is the reason that new-wedded wives are bidden to touch fire and water8 ,plutarch first gives four high philosophical reasons1 which he may have borrowed1 but concludes with one which we may be sure is his own3 ,or last of all is it because man and wife ought not to forsake and abandon one another1 but to take part of all fortunes2 though they had no other good in the world common between them1 but fire and water only8 ,that this1 like the rest of ,plutarch's reasons1 is fanciful1 may not be denied1 but would not be worth mentioning1 were it not that here we have1 implicit1 the reason why no modern translation could ever vie with ,philemon ,holland's version of the ,romane ,questions4 ,it is not merely because ,philemon's antiquated ,english harmonises with ,plutarch's antiquated speculation1 and by that harmony disposes the reader's mind favourably towards it2 but in ,philemon's day1 ,england1 like the other countries of ,western ,europe1 was discovering that all that is worth knowing is in ,greek4 ,the universal respect felt for ,greek in those days1 even by schoolmasters 7,holland was himself ,head-master of ,coventry ,free ,school71 is still apparent to those who read this translation4 ,but things are now so changed that the ,english language of to-day cannot provide a seemly garb for ,plutarch's ancient reasonings4 ,to say in modern ,english that five is the odd number most connected with marriage1 is to expose the ,pythagorean doctrine of numbers to modern ridicule4 ,but when ,philemon says1 ,now among al odde numbers it seemeth that ,cinque is most nuptial1 even the irreverent modern cannot fail to feel that ,cinque was an eminently respectable character1 whose views were strictly honourable and a bright example to other odde numbers4 ,again1 ,philemon's insertion of the words it seemeth makes for reverence4 ,the insertion is not apologetic2 nor does it intimate that the translator hesitates to subscribe to so strange a statement4 ,rather1 it summons the reader to give closer attention to the words which are about to follow--words of wisdom such as is to be found nowhere else but only in the fountain of all knowledge1 ,greek4 ,insertions and amplifications are indeed characteristic of ,philemon as a translator4 ,but1 though his style is florid1 it is lucid2 his amplifications make the meaning clearer to the ,english reader1 and1 as a rule1 only state explicitly what is really implied in the original4 ,sometimes 7e4g41 towards the end of ,r4 ,q4 #f7 he does enlarge on the text beyond all measure2 sometimes1 again1 defective scholarship leads him to ascribe things to ,plutarch which ,plutarch never said 7e4g41 in ,r4 ,q4 #e1 does not mean this may seeme in some sort to have beene derived from the ,greeks72 and sometimes he is mistaken as to the meaning of a word 7e4g41 in ,r4 ,q4 #e74 ,on the other hand1 where the text is corrupt1 he sees and says what the meaning really is2 and ,hearne's verdict that ,holland had an admirable knack in translating books does not go beyond the mark4 ,indeed1 it does not do justice to ,philemon1 for it hardly prepares us to learn that1 in the infancy of the study of ,greek in ,england1 ,philemon threw off1 among other trifles1 translations of all the ,moralia of ,plutarch1 the whole of ,livy1 the enormous ,natural ,history of ,pliny1 ,suetonius1 ,ammianus ,marcellinus1 the ,cyropdia of ,xenophon1 and ,camden's ,britannia4 ,southey is more just to the assiduous labours of a life of study carried to the age of eighty-five1 when he calls ,philemon the best of the ,hollands4 ,but the most discerning criticism of ,holland1 as translator generall in his age 7,fuller71 is contained in ,owen's epigram on ,holland's translation of the ,natural ,history1 that he was both plenior and planior than ,plinius4 ,to judge from the ,romane ,questions1 ,philemon must have used as his text the edition of #aefj-gj1 ,venet41 for he evidently avails himself of ,xylander's emendations of the ,aldine editio princeps1 #aeji-ai4 ,one cannot1 however1 be quite certain on this point1 for the title-page of ,holland's translation of the ,moralia runs3 ,the ,philosophie1 commonly called the ,morals1 written by the learned philosopher ,plutarch of ,chaeronea1 translated out of ,greek into ,english1 and conferred with ,latin and ,french4 ,now the ,latin translation must have been ,xylander's2 and the only edition of the text used by ,holland may have been that of ,h4 ,stephens1 with which ,xylander's ,latin translation and notes were published4 ,the ,french with which ,philemon conferred was of course that of ,jacques ,amyot1 who had already translated ,plutarch's ,lives in #aeei1 and followed up that translation with one of the ,moralia in #aegd4 ,philemon's translation of the ,morals appeared in #afjc 7revised and corrected in #afeg74 ,the ,morals in general and the ,romane ,questions in particular have received little attention from commentators4 ,the only notes ,i have succeeded in getting hold of1 besides those of ,xylander and ,reiske 7complete edition of ,plutarch1 ,lips41 #aggd-hb71 are some by ,boxhorn 7in the fifth volume of the ,thesaurus of ,grvius1 #afif71 which includes one sensible remark 7quoted p4 xxxii4 below71 and those by ,wyttenbach 7,oxford1 #ahba71 which1 if ,i had looked at them before instead of after writing my ,introduction1 would have provided me with a good many classical references that1 as it is1 ,i have had to put together myself4 ,,introduction4 ,i4 ,,the ,,subject ,,of ,,the ,,romane ,,questions ,,and ,,of ,,this ,,introduction4 ,the fashions and customes of ,rome1 which prompted ,plutarch's questions1 are directly or indirectly associated with the worship of the gods1 while the solutions which he suggests contain occasionally myths4 ,it is not1 however1 all ,roman gods1 cults1 and myths that are discussed by ,plutarch3 he limits himself1 on the whole1 to those which are purely ,roman1 or rather purely ,italian4 ,this limitation is not accidental1 and it is significant4 ,it does not indeed appear that ,plutarch designed to confine himself thus3 the fact seems rather to be that1 long before his time1 the ,romans had borrowed the myths1 the ritual1 and the gods of ,greece1 and that ,plutarch1 as a ,greek1 found nothing strange or unintelligible in the resemblances which the ,roman ritual of his day bore to the religion of his native land4 ,it was the points of difference which caught his attention4 ,and here we must note a further limitation of the subject of the ,romane ,questions and of this ,introduction4 ,surprise and inquiry are excited not by the familiar1 but by the unusual2 so ,plutarch's attention was arrested not by customs which1 though purely ,italian1 were universal in ,italy1 e4g41 the practice of covering the head during worship1 but by fashions for which he could find no analogy or parallel in the stage of religion with which alone he was acquainted4 ,in such isolated customs1 out of harmony with their surroundings1 modern science sees survivals from an earlier stage of culture2 and it is as survivals that they will be treated in this ,introduction4 ,now1 the stage of religion with which ,plutarch was familiar1 and in which he could find no analogies for those fashions and customes1 was polytheism2 and if those practices are survivals1 they must be survivals from a stage of religion earlier than polytheism4 ,here1 however1 a difficulty meets us4 ,if the teaching of the ,solar ,mythologists be true1 the ,aryans1 having a mythology1 were already polytheists3 much more1 therefore1 must the ,italians have been polytheists from the beginning4 ,i am sorry to say that ,i cannot meet this difficulty3 ,i can only frankly warn the reader that it exists4 ,but in an ,introduction which professes to confine itself to myths and cults which are purely ,italian1 it is impossible to discuss ,solar ,mythology1 for the simple reason that there is no such thing in existence as an ,italian solar myth1 or indeed ,nature-myth of any kind4 ,the only story which is seriously claimed as a ,nature-myth is that of ,hercules and ,cacus4 ,cacus1 a monster or giant1 stole some cows from ,hercules1 and hid them in his cave4 ,hercules discovered them1 according to some accounts1 by the aid of ,caca1 the sister of ,cacus1 according to other accounts1 by the lowing which the cows in the cave set up when ,hercules went by with the rest of his oxen4 ,hercules forced his way into the cave1 and1 in spite of the fire and flames which ,cacus spat at him1 killed the monster with his club4 ,then ,hercules1 in commemoration of the discovery of his cattle1 erected an altar to ,jupiter the ,discoverer 7,jupiter ,inventor74 ,now a similar story1 it would appear1 is to be found in the ,vedas4 ,vritra1 a three-headed snake1 steals cows from ,indra1 who discovers them in a cave by their lowing1 and kills ,vritra with a club4 ,and the ,vaidic story must be a ,nature-myth1 because the ,vedas expressly explain that the cows are clouds1 the lowing is thunder1 the club is the lightning1 and ,indra1 on this occasion1 the blue sky4 ,but why is the interpretation given by the ,vaidic philosophers to be accepted without examination1 when we reject the teaching of the ,stoics1 who interpreted ,rhea as matter1 and ,zeus1 ,posidon1 and ,hades as fire1 water1 and air respectively1 in accordance with the ,stoic philosophy of the universe8 ,i submit it as a possibility1 worth consideration at least1 that we have here an ordinary folk-tale3 the trick of using the bulls to make the cows reveal their hiding-place is like the trick in the folk-tale about the groom of ,darius who caused his master's horse to neigh and so secured the ,persian empire to ,darius4 ,the story may have been told of some clever fellow 7not necessarily or probably of a god7 in pro-ethnic ,aryan times1 or it may have been hit on by ,hindoo and ,italian story-tellers independently4 ,once invented1 however1 it was used by each of these two peoples in a characteristic manner4 ,the learned ,roman1 whose object was to explain the origin of the customs1 cults1 institutions1 c41 of ,rome1 seized on it as the obvious explanation of two facts which required explanation1 viz41 first1 how the altar to ,jupiter ,inventor came into existence2 and second1 why the offering made in gratitude for the recovery of lost property1 was an ox4 ,the learned ,hindoo1 on the other hand1 had the satisfaction of showing that even the stories with which 7alone or chiefly7 the common people were acquainted bore unsuspected witness to the truth of the religion he taught4 ,but to return to our interpretation of the fashions and customes of ,rome as survivals of a stage of religion earlier than polytheism4 ,a second difficulty remains4 ,distinguished writers on the philosophy of religion hold that polytheism is not developed out of fetichism or animism1 but is primitive and underived from any earlier stage4 ,the survivals1 then1 which ,plutarch records1 could not point to the existence of an earlier stage4 ,here1 again1 it is not for me to handle such high themes as the philosophy of religion4 ,i am bound down to the humbler task of noting the simple fact that1 until borrowed from ,hellas1 polytheism was unknown in ,italy4 ,this is a very bare statement--so naked as almost to amount to a literary impropriety4 ,i must1 therefore1 take three sections to clothe it4 ,,ii4 ,,italian ,,gods4 ,that some of the great gods of ,rome were but ,greek gods borrowed is universally admitted 7see e4g4 ,mommsen's ,history of ,rome1 i4 #ahf ff41 or ,ihne1 i4 #aai74 ,even so strong a supporter of the theory of a ,grco-,italian period as ,roscher admits unreservedly that the mythology1 worship1 and the very name of ,apollo were borrowed in early but still historic times 7,lexikon1 i4 #ddf74 ,when1 then1 we find ,plutarch putting the question why the temples of sculapius and ,vulcan were built outside ,rome 7,romane ,questions1 #id and #dg71 we at once surmise that these were imported gods1 whose worship was indeed sanctioned and ordained by the ,roman ,state but was not admitted within the sacred circle of the pomrium1 reserved for the temples of indigenous ,roman gods4 ,in the case of sculapius we have historical proof that his was an imported worship2 in consequence of a pestilence in ,rome in ,b4,c4 #bic the god was fetched from ,epidaurus1 and the temple in question was erected two years afterwards4#a ,we do not happen to have any similar historical record of the introduction of ,vulcan's worship1 but the name of the god1 be it ,cretan or ,etruscan1 is foreign4#b ,having eliminated these and other loan-gods1 we find that the genuine ,italian deities which remain fall into two classes4 ,the one class consists of such abstractions as ,forculus1 the spirit of doors2 ,cardea1 that of hinges2 ,limentinus1 that of the threshold1 c41 which can scarcely be dignified by the name of gods1 but are rather spirits1 and amply warrant ,chantepie de la ,saussaye's remark that ,roman religion was still steeped in animism4#c ,the other class includes such gods as ,janus1 ,jupiter1 ,mars1 ,diana1 ,venus1 ,hercules1 c4 ,it is necessary to note1 however1 that the worship even of these gods can be proved to have been considerably ,hellenised in historic times3#d some of their ritual and all their mythology was borrowed from ,greece1 as we shall subsequently see4 ,and when the loan-myths and loan-cults have been removed1 the genuine ,italian gods stand forth essentially and fundamentally different from those of ,greece4#e ,here1 too1 we may note that if comparative mythologists adhere to their principle of not identifying the gods of different nations1 unless their names can be shown by comparative philology to be identical1 they must admit that ,mars and ,ares1 ,venus and ,aphrodite1 ,diana and ,artemis1 ,juno and ,hera1 and all the other pairs of deities which the ancients identified1 are1 with the sole exception of ,jupiter and ,zeus and of ,vesta and ,hestia1 not of cognate but of diverse origin4 ,in fine1 the differences between ,greek and ,italian gods are fundamental and original3 the resemblances can be shown to be due to borrowing in historic times4 ,there is1 however1 one of the great ,roman gods who was never identified with any ,hellenic deity1 ,janus4 ,now1 although ,janus ranks with ,jupiter and ,mars in the ,roman system as an indubitable god1 yet in origin and function he is not to be distinguished from those inferior1 animistic powers to whom the title of spirit is the highest that can be assigned4 ,janus is the spirit that resides in or presides over door-openings 7ianus1 ianua71 just as ,forculus has to do with doors 7fores71 ,limentinus with the threshold 7limen71 and ,cardea with the hinges 7cardo74 ,he is also the spirit of opening1#f who was to be invoked at the commencement of every act4 ,plutarch's questions why he should be represented with two heads1 and why the year should begin with the month named after him1 ,january 7,r4 ,q41 #bb and #ai71 are thus at once explained3 ,the double-head looking both ways was connected with the gate that opened both ways2 and in ,january1 after the rest of the middle of winter1 the cycle of the labours of the field began afresh4#g ,that the door or the threshold is the seat of a tutelary spirit or genius is a belief familiar enough in folk-lore3 the door must not be banged1#h nor wood chopped on the threshold1#i for fear of disturbing him4 ,he is apt to disappear1 taking the luck of the house with him1 if a cat is maliciously buried under the door-sill1#aj or if human hair is so buried4#aa ,the importance of the door as a possible entrance for evil spirits1 or exit for lucky ones1 is manifest in many customs1 e4g41 nailing a horse-shoe on the door or sticking a knife into the door1 and in such beliefs as that when a door opens 7apparently7 of itself1 a spirit is entering4 ,whether the ,italian spirit of the doorway1 who in origin is indistinguishable from the similar though nameless spirits to be found elsewhere1 was capable by his own unaided efforts of raising himself to the rank of a god1 is matter for speculation4 ,what is clear is that he had not the chance3 the introduction of ,greek polytheism into ,italy promoted him without exertion on his part4 ,as1 thus far1 ,i have assumed a distinction between gods and spirits1 and have also assumed that a belief in the latter may exist without polytheism and precede it1 it will be well here to state explicitly the distinction4 ,and that ,i may not be suspected of drawing the distinction so as to suit my own ends1 ,i shall here borrow from a standard work1 ,chantepie de la ,saussaye's ,religionsgeschichte 7i4 #ij74 ,de la ,saussaye notes five characteristics involved in the conception of gods4 ,first1 they are related to one another as members of a family or community1 and as subject to one god1 who is either lord of all1 or at any rate primus inter pares4 ,second1 with the growth of art1 they are represented plastically and are made in the image of man4 ,third1 as ethics advance1 moral benefits are associated with their worship4 ,hence1 in the fourth place1 the gods are conceived as personal1 individual beings1 ideally good and beautiful4 ,finally1 the human intellect demands that the relations of the gods to one another and to ,nature should be co-ordinated into a system1 and so theogonies and cosmogonies are invented4 ,now1 if these be the marks whereby gods are distinguished from spirits1 ,i submit that1 before the introduction of ,greek gods and cults1 the ,romans had not advanced as far as polytheism1 but were still in the purely animistic stage4 ,here again1 to avoid the temptation of interpreting the evidence unduly in favour of the conclusion to which it seems to me to point1 ,i will confine myself to quotations4 ,ihne 7,hist4 of ,rome1 i4 #aah7 says that to the ,romans1 before the period of ,hellenic influence1 the gods were only mysterious spiritual beings1 without human forms1 without human feelings and impulses1 without human virtues or weaknesses4444 ,though the divine beings were conceived as male or female1 they did not join in marriage or beget children4444 ,no genuine ,roman legend tells of any race of nobles sprung from gods4 ,again1 ,the original ,roman worship had no images of the gods or houses set apart for them 7,mommsen1 i4 #ahc74 ,a simple spear1 even a rough stone1 sufficed as a symbol 7,ihne1 #aai74 ,roman religion had nothing to do with morality3 it was designed for use in practical life 7,ibid4 #abj74 ,the religion of ,rome had nothing of its own peculiar growth even remotely parallel to the religion of ,apollo investing earthly morality with its halo of glory 7,mommsen1 #agb74 ,mommsen's observation that the hero-worship of the ,greeks was wholly foreign to the ,romans 7#agd7 is explained by the fact that a hero is a being of human origin raised by good deeds to the rank of a god1 and the ,romans had no gods4 ,myths about the love-adventures of the gods and theogonies were unknown to early ,rome4#ab ,an ,italian cosmogony has not yet been discovered1 and even the wide-spread belief in the union of ,father ,sky and ,mother ,earth had not been evolved in ,italy4 ,in fine the beings which the ,romans worshipped were rather numina than personal gods4#ac ,even the spirits whom we can trace back under definite names to the purely ,italian period1 such as ,jupiter1 ,juno1 ,vesta1 ,mars1 are not individual1 personal beings4 ,each of these names is the name of a class of spirits4 ,each community of course had its own ,mars1 and deemed him to be the strongest and holiest of all 7,mommsen1 i4 #age74 ,each household had its own ,vesta4 ,there were many ,jupiters1 many ,junos4 ,in ,england1 in the same way1 the name of ,puck1 who is a definite individual personality in one stage of our fairy mythology1 was originally a class-name of the spirits whom1 as ,burton says in his ,anatomy1 we commonly call poukes4 ,i will conclude this section with quotations from two distinguished authorities on ,mythology1 who would both dissent from the views which have been advanced above1 but whose words seem to me to bear unintentional testimony in favour of those views4 ,e4 ,h4 ,meyer1 in his ,indogermanische ,mythen 7ii4 #fab71 says1 ,roman religion seldom displays more than the elementary rudiments1 or rather let us say the last remnants of mythology1 and whereas the cult of the greater gods is known to us in a form greatly affected by ,hellenism1 444 the local gods usually scarcely rise above the rank of spirits 7sich meistens kaum ber daemonischen ,rang erheben74 ,preller1 in his ,rmische ,mythologie 7i4 #dh71 says1 ,the ,romans' belief in gods would be termed more rightly pandmonism than polytheism4444 ,one is involuntarily reminded of those ,pelasgians of ,dodona who1 according to ,herodotus1 assigned neither names nor epithets to their gods4444 ,indeed1 most of the names of the oldest ,roman gods have such a shifting1 indefinite meaning1 that they can scarcely be regarded as proper names1 as the names of persons4 ,,iii4 ,,italian ,,cults4 ,the ,italians borrowed cults as well as gods from ,greece1 but these external additions gathered round the kernel of the ,roman religion without affecting or transforming its inmost core 7,ihne1 i4 #aai74 ,the distinguishing characteristic of the religion of ,rome is that it was designed for use in practical life 7,ibid4 #abj71 ,the god of the ,italian was above all things an instrument for helping him to the attainment of very solid earthly objects 7,mommsen1 i4 #aha74 ,in fact1 the ,italian god was a fetich1 i4e41 a magical implement2 and in this sense of the word it is true that the ,romans saw everywhere and in all things the agency and the direction of the gods 7,ihne1 i4 #aah74 ,every act of life was entangled in a complicated network of ritual4#ad ,every part of the house1 the door1 doorway1 threshold1 hinges1 every process of farming1 sowing1 manuring1 c41 every act of life from birth to burial1 had its own particular spirit2 and the object of the ,roman with reference to each particular spirit was to manage1 and even in case of need to over-reach or to constrain him 7,mommsen1 i4 #agg74 ,preller in his ,rmische ,mythologie characterises the religion of ,rome as1 above all things1 a cultus-religion4 ,we may add that in ,rome1 as in ,china1 ,assyria1 and ,babylonia1 the cult was nothing but organised magic1#ae the superstitious customs1 charms1 and incantations familiar to the folk-lorist in all countries were organised by the practical ,roman and were state-established by him4 ,in fine1 the ,romans in their gods worshipped the abstract natural forces1 to whose power man is conscious that he is subject every instant1 but which he can win over and render subservient to his purposes by scrupulously obeying the external injunctions which the ,state issues for the worship of the gods4#af ,a fundamental difference between the ,greek and ,roman religions manifests itself in the matter of magic4 ,magic was foreign to the ,greeks1 and was disliked by them3 when it appears in their mythology1 it is practised by foreigners--e4g41 ,medea1 ,circe1 ,hecate--and is barbarous4 ,in fact1 magic belongs to the animistic stage1 and is opposed to the higher tendencies of polytheism4 ,the forces of ,nature1 conceived as numina rather than as moral ideals1 may well be influenced by magic to the advantage of the savage2 but to control a deity by means other than prayer and good life is antitheistic4 ,finally1 it is not accidental or unmeaning that1 on the one hand1 the ,greeks had oracles while the ,italians had none2 and on the other hand1 that in ,china and ,babylon 7which resemble ,rome in other pertinent points7 divination played as large and as official a part as at ,rome4 ,an oracle is the voice of a god2 whereas divination is simply sympathetic magic inverted4#ag ,,iv4 ,,italian ,,myths4 ,in sect4 #a it has been said that the ,italians had no ,nature-myths4 ,the reason why they had none should now be clear3 the ,italians had no ,nature-gods4 ,the sky-spirit1 ,jupiter1 was undoubtedly distinguished from the vault of heaven by the primitive ,italians1 but he was not generically different from the spirits of vegetation1 of sowing1 of manuring1 c41 and he seems to have been even of inferior dignity to the spirit of doorways4#ah ,the earth1 on the other hand1 does not seem to have been conceived of as a spirit even1 much less as a goddess2 but1 if worshipped at all1 was worshipped as a fetich4#ai ,hence1 the absence from ,italy of any trace of the myth of the origin of all living creatures from a union between the earth and the sky4 ,indeed1 if by a myth we mean a tale told about gods or heroes1 there are no ,italian myths4#bj ,myths attached to ,greek loan-gods were borrowed with the gods from ,greece4 ,myths in which ,italian gods figure were borrowed or invented when the ,italian gods were identified with ,greek gods4 ,thus the ,golden ,age myth1 for instance1 can be referred to the time 7,a4,u4,c4 #beg7 when ,saturnus was identified with ,kronos4#ba ,and of course1 all the myths in which neas appears1 and the whole mythical connection between ,rome and ,greece or ,troy1 are late4#bb ,evander1#bc again1 who figures in various passages of the ,romane ,questions1 owes his existence wholly and solely to the attempt to connect ,rome with ,greece4 ,if1 on the other hand1 under the head of myth we include the popular explanation of observed facts1 then early ,roman history1 as ,ihne says 7i4 #ag71 is really nothing more than a string of tales1 in which an attempt is made to explain old names1 religious ceremonies and monuments1 political institutions and antiquities1 and to account for their origin4 ,some examples of this may be drawn from the ,romane ,questions4 ,marriage by capture has left traces behind it in the wedding customs of many countries1 and the meaning of these survivals is usually wholly forgotten4 ,but the historic consciousness of the ,romans was so far alive to the actual facts of the case that the mock capture was explained as the commemoration of an actual historical rape--the ,rape of the ,sabines4 ,thus were explained the lifting of the bride over the threshold 7,q4 ,r4 #ai71 the use of a javelin point to divide the bride's hair 7,ibid4 #hg71 the hymeneal cry ,talassio 7,ibid4 #ca71 and the fact that maids might not 7though widows might7 marry on festival days 7,ibid4 #aje74 ,the first of these customs is probably a survival from marriage by capture1 and the last is indirectly connected with it4 ,in ,rome1#bd as in many other places1#be the lamentations of the bride who was actually captured survived in the formal1 extravagant lamentations of the bride who1 in quieter times1 was more peacefully won2 and these cries would have been of bad omen on a day dedicated to the worship of the gods4 ,lamentation seems not to have been required of widows4 ,the use of an iron javelin point is probably due to the dangers which1 in the opinion of primitive man1 attend on those about to marry1 and require to be averted by the use of iron1#bf from the head#bg especially4 ,the origin of the cry ,talassio is beyond recovery4#bh ,but though the chief branch of ,italian folk-tales consisted of popular explanations of observed facts1 we can detect traces of those other folk-tales which from the beginning must have been designed simply and solely to gratify man's inherent desire for tales of adventure and the marvellous4 ,here it must suffice to point to two of the ,romane ,questions4 ,in the fourth question we have a tale told of successful trickery on the part of ,servius ,tullius1 which may well have formed part of some story of a ,master ,thief2 and in ,romane ,questions #cf1 the nightly visits of ,fortuna through the window to her lover1 ,servius ,tullius1 at once remind us of the soul-maidens and swan-maidens1 who visit1 and eventually desert1 their human lover through the window or the keyhole#bi--the orthodox means of entrance and exit for spirits from the time of ,homer at least4 ,,iv4 ,,the ,,soul4 ,the customs and beliefs1 the superstitious practices and supernatural beings1 of modern ,european folk-lore are sometimes explained as the wrecks and remnants of the ,pagan polytheism which preceded ,christianity4 ,and if the ,aryan peoples were from the very beginning polytheists2 if the ,hellenes and the ,hindoos1 the ,teutons and the ,scandinavians1 brought their myths and their cults with them from the original ,aryan home1 then this explanation seems more reasonable than that which proceeds on a mere conjecture1 a pure assumption that the ,aryan religion was animistic ere it was polytheistic2 for then we are obliged to relegate ,aryan animism almost to the on of chaos and eternal night1--at any rate1 to an abysm of time which is such that neither linguistic palontology nor any other science has dared to venture down ,the dark descent and up to reascend4 ,but if the proposition submitted in the previous sections be sound1 if in early but still historic times ,italian religion was still in a stage anterior to polytheism1 then ,aryan animism is no longer a mere assumption1 and need no longer be thrust back into pro-ethnic times4 ,early ,italian customs and beliefs will not be the dbris of a previous polytheism1 and it will therefore be unreasonable to explain their counterparts in modern folk-lore as mutilated myths or as the cult of gods degraded but worshipped still4 ,plutarch1 in the fifth of his ,romane ,questions 7p4 #h below71 propounds an interesting problem3 ,why are they who have beene falsly reported dead in a strange countrey1 although they returne home alive1 not received nor suffred to enter directly at the dores1 but forced to climbe up to the tiles of the house1 and so to get down from the roufe into the house8 ,this remarkable custom continued to be practised long after its origin and object had been forgotten2 for ,plutarch relates a tale which is obviously a popular explanation1 invented to account for a practice the rationale of which had become unintelligible4#cj ,hard1 however1 as ,plutarch's question appears at first sight1 it may by the aid of modern folk-lore and savage custom be explained4 ,we have to note1 in the first place1 that the mode of entry prescribed for the returned traveller is not spontaneously adopted by him2 and presumably1 therefore1 is not prescribed in his interest3 it is enforced by his relatives1 and probably for their own protection4 ,in the next place1 though the traveller himself knows1 of course1 that he has not returned from that bourne from which no traveller returns1 his relatives have no such assurance3 it may be1 indeed1 that he did not die whilst away1 as they were informed or led to believe2 but1 on the other hand1 he may be the ghost of their dear friend dead1 seeking to obtain an entrance into his old home4 ,the reasonable course for them to pursue1 therefore1 is to treat him as though he were a ghost3 if he is no ghost1 it will do him no harm2 if he is1 they will have protected themselves4 ,thus far our explanation is hypothetical3 to verify the hypothesis it is necessary to show that the dead are or were as a matter of fact treated as the ,roman custom prescribes that the soi disant living man shall be treated4 ,that the spirits of the dead are considered unwelcome visitors both in modern folk-lore and by savage man1 has been insisted on most recently by ,mr4 ,g4 ,l4 ,gomme4#ca ,i will1 therefore1 only add one or two instances of the precautions taken to prevent the return of the deceased to his home4#cb ,the first thing is to get the soul out of the house2 this may be effected by sweeping out the house and by flapping dusters about1 care being taken to shake and turn upside down all vessels1 meal-boxes1 c41 in which the soul might take refuge4 ,then the coffin must be carried foot foremost through the door2 for if the corpse's face be turned to the house1 the ghost can return4 ,in ,siam they run the corpse three times round the house1 apparently on the same principle as1 in the game of blind-man's buff1 the blind-man is spun round in order to make him lose his bearings4 ,in ,bohemia they turn the coffin about cross-wise1 outside the house-door1 to prevent the dead man from coming back4 ,more pertinent for our present purpose are the precautions taken to prevent the dead from obtaining access to the house through the door4 ,the safest course is to carry the corpse out1 not through the door1 for that gives the dead man the right of way which it is sought to bar1 but through some opening which is specially made for the purpose and can be permanently closed4 ,thus the ,hottentots make a breach through the wall for the purpose4 ,the ancient ,norsemen did the same4#cc ,the ,teutons1 in pre-,christian times1 dug a hole under the threshold and pulled the corpse through with a rope4 ,in ,christian times they only treated the bodies of criminals and suicides in this way1 though in the thirteenth century ,brother ,berthhold of ,regensburg recommended it in the case of heretics and usurers4 ,when circumstances make it difficult or impossible to construct a special exit of this kind for the corpse1 then some other means is found to avoid carrying the corpse through the door4 ,the ,eskimo take the body through a window2 and a window was in #aheh used in ,sonneberg in the case of a hanged man2 while even now in ,east ,prussia1 if several children have died one after another1 the corpse of the next to die is conveyed through the window4 ,eventually it comes to be considered sufficient if a special means of egress is provided1 not for the corpse1 which is not likely to walk1 but for the spirit1 which may want to return4 ,thus in ,china1 at the moment of death1 a small hole is made through the roof2 while the custom of opening the window1 to allow the soul of the dying man to depart1 is universal in ,germany and not unknown in ,england4 ,finally1 all that is considered necessary to bar the right of way to the dead man's spirit is to close the house-door immediately after the departure of the corpse1 and keep it closed until the return of the funeral party4 ,if the explanation which has now been given of ,plutarch's fifth question be correct1 we must ascribe to the early ,italians beliefs and customs similar to or identical with those quoted above from modern folk-lore2 and it will not be illegitimate to seek further parallels to ,italian religion from the same source4 ,thus1 in ,romane ,questions1 #ea1 ,plutarch inquires why the ,lares ,prstites are represented as clad in dog-skins and as having a dog by their side4#cd ,now1 it is universally admitted that the ,lar ,familiaris of the ,romans is the same as the house-spirit of the ,teutons1 and that both are the spirits of a deceased ancestor1 the founder of the family and its spirit guardian4 ,in the absence of any presumption to the contrary1 we may conclude that the ,lares ,prstites were also spirits of deceased ancestors4 ,the dog which accompanies the ,lares was explained by the ancients as a symbolic representation of the fidelity and watch-dog functions of the ,lares4#ce ,so1 too1 the priests of ancient ,egypt said that the animal forms in which their gods were represented were merely symbolical4#cf ,but it may safely be laid down as a law in the evolution of religion that beast-worship is primitive1 and that the theory of symbolism is but a via media whereby more elevated conceptions of deity are reconciled with the older and more savage worship4 ,analogy1 then1 is all in favour of the supposition that the ,lares ,prstites were originally conceived not in human shape1 but in the form of dogs4 ,what we require to confirm the analogy is evidence that the dead--if possible1 evidence that guardian spirits--sometimes appear in the shape of a dog4 ,as a matter of fact1 the belief that a dead man's spirit may manifest itself in the likeness of a black dog still survives in ,germany4#cg ,as for the guardian spirit1 ,i would suggest that the ,mauthe dog of ,peel ,castle is a house-spirit2 for as the hearth was the peculiar seat of the ,lar ,familiaris and of the ,hsing or ,herdgota1 and as the ,english house-spirit ,stretch'd out all the chimney's length ,basks at the fire2 so the ,mauthe dog1 as soon as candles were lighted1 came and lay down before the fire4#ch ,from this point of view we may consider that the black dog1 which in modern folk-lore comes and lies down or howls before a house1 in token that one of the inmates is about to die1 was originally a spirit summoning the inmate to join the dead4 ,this belief1 it may further be conjectured1 has been incorporated into ,hindoo mythology1 where a dog acts as the messenger of the death-god1 ,yama2 and probably the ,greek dog1 ,cerberus1 was taken up into the literary mythology of ,hellas from the same folk-belief4 ,finally1 we may here notice the fifty-second of ,plutarch's ,questions1 wherein he wonders why a dog was sacrificed to ,genita ,mana1 and a prayer made to her that none born in the house should become ,manes4 ,genita ,mana was1 as her name plainly indicates1 a spirit of birth and of death2 and the prayer was such as might properly be offered to her4 ,the sacrifice may be explained on the principle laid down by ,professor ,robertson ,smith1#ci that an animal sacrificed to a deity was itself originally the deity4 ,that one and the same spirit should have to do with the child from the womb and the ghost from the tomb1 points to the existence of a belief among the ,romans similar to one held by the ,algonkins4 ,algonkin women who wished to become mothers flocked to the side of a dying person1 in the hope of receiving and being impregnated by the passing soul4#dj ,let us now turn to another point in which early ,italian beliefs and modern folk-lore mutually illustrate each other4 ,on the origin of fairies various theories have been held1 and without denying that fairies are sometimes the representatives of earlier gods1 sometimes of still earlier satyrs1 fauns1 nymphs1 and wild men of the wood1 we may recognise that they are sometimes spirits of the departed4 ,in the first place1 as the ,italians called the dead the good1 manes1 so in ,england and in ,ireland fairies are the good people4#da ,next1 fairies are small2 and the savage conceives the soul of man as a smaller man4 ,it is1 according to ,hurons1 a complete little model of the man himself1 like the man1 but smaller1 of course1 because1 as the ,australian blacks explain1 it is within the man's breast4#db ,according to ,kaffir ideas1 the world of manes is exactly like that of the living1 only much smaller1 and the dead are themselves but mannikins4#dc ,again1 the ,teutonic house-spirit on the one hand is admittedly a deceased ancestor1 and on the other is an indubitable fairy4 ,further1 fairies are sometimes explicitly stated in folk-tales to be deceased spirits4#dd ,now1 one of most marked differences between the ,greek and the ,roman modes of worship was that the ,greeks worshipped with their heads uncovered1 the ,romans with heads covered1 velato capite4 ,roman antiquaries explained the practice as due to fear lest the worshipper should see anything of evil omen during his prayer4 ,but ,i submit that we must connect it with the folk-belief that fairies resent being seen by mortals4 ,they are fairies2 he that speaks to them shall die4 ,if fairies were originally departed souls1 the fear and the danger of seeing them is at once explained4 ,on the other hand1 the ,roman custom of worshipping velato capite dates from a time before the introduction of polytheism1 and must therefore have been attached originally to the worship of some beings other than gods4 ,it is at least plausible1 therefore1 to conjecture that it was a precaution adopted in the worship of deceased ancestors and of spirits1 which1 like ,genita ,mana1 are best explained as spirits of the departed4 ,the conjecture is somewhat confirmed by the fact that the ,romans veiled their heads at the funeral of father or mother 7,r4 ,q4 #ad74 ,v4 ,,genii4 ,no form of religion is easily or at once rooted out1 even by a new religion4 ,a modus vivendi has to be found between the old faith and the new4 ,the animal1 which was once itself worshipped1 is tolerated merely as the symbol of some divine attribute4 ,the nixies continue to ply their old calling under the new name of ,old ,nick4 ,the sacrifices to the dead1 condemned by the ,indiculus ,superstitionum1 are subsequently licensed by the ,church as the ,feast of ,all ,souls4#de ,hence it comes about that what means one thing to the apostle of the new religion is long understood as something very different by the reluctant convert4 ,the devil of folk-lore has attributes quite different from those assigned to him in any scheme of ,christian theology4 ,if1 therefore1 polytheism was1 as ,i have suggested1 an importation into ,italy1 forced by the ,state on a people not yet prepared for anything higher than animism and ancestor-worship1 we should expect to find the borrowed worship of a ,greek loan-god sometimes concealing a native ,italian cult of very dissimilar nature4 ,instances of the kind are forthcoming1 and this section will be devoted to some of them4 ,the spirits which after the death of the body were termed manes by the ,romans1 were during its life called genii 7or in the case of women ,junones74 ,the belief in genii was not borrowed from ,greece4 ,how primitive it is may be seen from two facts4 ,first1 it is itself the essence of animism1 for not only had every man a genius1 but every place and every thing had1 in the belief of the ,romans1 a soul1 to which the same name1 genius1 was given4#df ,next1 the genius was1 ,i submit1 the external soul1 which1 as ,mr4 ,frazer has shown1 appears in the folk-tales of every ,aryan nation1 and in the religions of many savage peoples4 ,the genius of a man did not reside inside the man4 ,amongst the ,romans1 as amongst the ,zulus1 it resided in a serpent4 ,as1 according to the ,banks ,islanders1 the life of the man is bound up with the life of his tamanin1#dg so with the ,romans1 the man's health depended on his genius4#dh ,when the serpent which was the genius of the father of the ,gracchi was killed1 ,tiberius died2#di and1 as all ,romans were liable to the same mischance1 these snakes were carefully protected from all harm1 were reared in the house and the bed-chamber1 and consequently grew so numerous1 that ,pliny says1 had their numbers not been kept down by occasional conflagrations1 they would have crowded out the human inhabitants of ,rome4#ej ,this belief in the genius1 however etherealised and spiritualised the form in which it appears in ,horace or was held by highly-educated ,romans1 continued even in ,imperial times amongst all other classes as primitive as it was tenacious4 ,its hold over the ordinary ,italian mind was much greater than the ,hellenised gods ever secured2 for1 in order to make them even comprehensible1 the average ,italian had to suppose that these fashionable1 ,state-ordained gods were really worked by genii--just as it is self-evident to the savage that1 if a locomotive engine moves1 it is because it has horses inside4 ,this1 ,i suggest1 is the explanation1 in accord with the principle laid down at the beginning of this section1 which must be given of the remarkable fact that1 beginning from ,b4,c4 #eh1ea and in ever-increasing numbers afterwards1 inscriptions are found which ascribe a genius to ,apollo1 ,asclepius1 ,mars1 ,juno1 ,jupiter1 c4 ,in this case ,italian animism has held its own1 not unsuccessfully1 against imported polytheism4 ,our second instance1 however1 will show it less successful4 ,when polytheism was spreading from ,hellas over ,italy1 there would be no difficulty in adding the myths and cult of the ,greek god ,zeus bodily on to the worship of the ,italian sky-spirit ,jupiter4 ,nor would the process be much harder even when the ,greek god and the ,italian spirit were of totally different origin 7as e4g4 ,hermes and ,mercury1 ,kronos and ,saturn71 provided that some point of resemblance1 in attribute or function1 could be discovered between them4 ,it was only one1 and the least important of ,hermes' functions1 to protect traders1 but it was quite enough to lead to the identification of the ,greek god with the ,italian spirit of gain 7,mercurius1 from merces74 ,the case of ,heracles1 however1 presented more difficulty2 he was a hero1 and the very conception of a hero was new to the ,italians4 ,being new1 it was1 not unnaturally1 misunderstood4 ,the nearest parallel which ,italian religion offered to a being who was in a way a man and yet was also a sort of god was the genius1 who also was in a way the man himself1 and yet was worshipped like a god4 ,heracles1 therefore1 was identified with the genius1 his name was ,latinised into the form ,hercules 7cf4 sculapius1 from ,asclepios71 and the cults of the two were amalgamated4 ,this amalgamation is the source and the explanation of some of ,plutarch's ,roman ,questions4 ,plutarch was puzzled by the fact that on the one hand some elements in the cult of ,hercules had counterparts in the worship of the ,greek god1 while on the other hand there were elements which received no explanation from a comparison of the cult of the ,greek ,heracles4 ,thus ,plutarch is surprised to find an altar common to ,hercules and to the ,muses 7,r4 ,q4 #ei72 but this is simply a loan from the ritual of the ,greek ,heracles1 ,musagts4 ,on the other hand1 as ,plutarch informs us 7,r4 ,q4 #fj71 there was an altar of ,hercules from which women were excluded4 ,this is a non-,greek element in the cult of ,hercules1 with which we may safely compare the fact1 that whereas a man might swear by his ,hercules1 a woman might not4 ,here the imported god has taken the place of the native genius both in the oath and at the altar2 for the reason why the oath me hercule was restricted to men is that1 until ,hercules and the genius were identified1 a man swore by his genius and a woman by her ,juno4 ,again1 in the time before ,italy was invaded by the gods of ,greece1 in the time when temples were as yet unknown1 the genius was worshipped and invoked1 like other spirits1 in the open air2 and even after the ,italians had learned from the ,greeks that the gods were shaped in the likeness of men1 and1 like men1 must have houses1 an oath was felt to be more sacred and more binding if taken in the open air in the old fashion1 than if sworn in the new way under a roof4#eb ,eventually1 however1 the old custom died out1 and in ,plutarch's day it was only children who were told that they must go out of doors if they wanted to swear by ,hercules 7,r4 ,q4 #bh74 ,plutarch's attention was also arrested by the custom of giving tithes to ,hercules 7,r4 ,q4 #ah74 ,the practice is undoubtedly purely and characteristically ,italian2 but there is no evidence to show whether it was ever the custom to offer tithes to the genius4 ,another point1 however1 which is noted by ,plutarch 7,r4 ,q4 #ij7 in the cult of ,hercules1 may be more satisfactorily explained4 ,when sacrifice was being offered to ,hercules1 no dog was suffered to be seene1 within the purprise and precinct of the place where the sacrifice is celebrated4 ,now1 if ,hercules represents the genius1 and if the dog was the shape in which a departed spirit appears1 then the danger lest the genius should be tempted away by the ,manes is great enough to account for the prohibition4 ,this identification of ,heracles with the genius shows in a striking way how far the ,italians were from having reached the belief in personal individual gods at the time when ,greek religion found its way into ,italy1 and how artificially ,greek polytheism was superimposed on native beliefs4 ,there were as many genii virorum as there were living men1 and yet they were identified with ,heracles4#ec ,to the ,italian convert1 doubtless1 it seemed nothing strange that every man should have his ,hercules2 while his ,greek teacher probably never fully realised the catechumen's point of view4 ,the case is parallel to that of ,hestia and ,vesta4 ,both before and after the appearance in ,italy of the anthropomorphised ,hestia1 every ,roman household revered its own hearth-spirit2 yet this class of spirits came to be identified with the personal individual goddess from ,greece4 ,doubtless1 also1 in course of time ,romans who shook off animism and became true polytheists explained the relation between their hearth-spirits and the ,state-goddess by regarding the former as so many manifestations of the latter4 ,but it is1 ,i submit1 a mistake on the part of modern mythologists to accept this piece of late theology as primitive--unless1 indeed1 we are also prepared to say that the ,lares were regarded as so many manifestations of one ,lar1 or all the many ,manes as manifestations of one dead man4 ,the genii virorum1 at any rate1 were not1 in the first instance1 so many manifestations of ,hercules3 on the contrary1 they existed 7in ,italy71 to begin with1 and ,heracles afforded them a collective name and a ,greek cult4 ,in the same way1 ,i submit1 the original ,italian ,juno was no ,nature-deity1 no moon-goddess--the name was that of a class of spirits1 like the correlative term genii virorum4 ,there were many ,junones1 as there were many fauns in ,italy1 many satyrs and nymphs in ,greece1 many ,pucks and fairies in ,england4 ,when the ,italians learnt that ,hera was the goddess under whose protection the ,greek women were1 they naturally thought of the ,juno who was the guardian-spirit of each ,italian woman1 and applied to ,juno the cult and myths that belonged to ,hera4 ,hence the answer to ,plutarch's question1 why were the months sacred to ,juno8 7,r4 ,q4 #gg74 ,because they were sacred to ,hera4 ,but there were other spirits whom ,italian women invoked besides their ,junones1 such as ,juga1 who yoked man and wife1 ,matrona1 ,pronuba1 ,domiduca1 ,unxia1 ,cinxia1 ,fluonia1 ,lucina1 and other departmental spirits or indigetes1 whose names appear in the ,indigitamenta4 ,these spirits1 when once ,juno had become a personal individual deity1 came to be explained as special manifestations of the goddess1 who was consequently called ,juno ,juga1 ,juno ,matrona1 c4#ed ,,vi4 ,,di ,,indigetes4 ,before ,greek gods and myths were known to them1 the ,italians worshipped not only ,lares1 ,manes1 ,genii1 and ,junones1 but also the spirits known as ,di ,indigetes4 ,these spirits were not conceived in human or in animal form4 ,they had not human parts or passions4 ,they did not form a community4 ,they had no common abode4 ,there is nothing in ,italian religion corresponding to the ,olympus of ,greek mythology4 ,they did not marry or give in marriage4 ,above all1 what distinguishes them both from ,greek gods and from the tree-spirits1 which also were worshipped by the ,italians1 is that they were rather numina or forces than beings4 ,they were the forces which regulated and controlled all human actions1 psychological and physiological1 and through which all the work of man's hands could alone be brought to a favourable issue4 ,when1 however1 we come to examine these numina1 we find that the name of the ,indiges is simply the name of the action which he controls3 the ,indiges of sowing is ,saturnus2 of remembering1 ,minerva2 of suckling1 ,rumina1 and so on4 ,it is a canon of savage logic that he who possesses the name of a person or thing has that person or thing in his power2 hence the ,roman's belief that he could control any process1 psychical or physical1 if only he could put a name to it4 ,this primitive form of magic was organised by the ,roman ,state4 ,the pontiffs were intrusted with the duty of drawing up catalogues 7indigitamenta7 of all the stages and processes of a man's life1 from his begetting and birth to his death and burial2 and as the ,state was but a community of farmers1 similar catalogues were made of all the agricultural operations by which crops are raised4 ,to be effectual1 it was necessary that these lists should be complete4 ,as the ,roman could avert or remedy any evil by simply naming the proper spirit1 it was essential that his roll of spirits should have no omissions4 ,then1 if he were in doubt what spirit to name1 he could make assurance doubly sure by naming all4 ,let it not be imagined that this ,state-organised magic1 though it appear to us inconsistent with civilisation1 is mere matter of inference1 or belongs purely to pre-historic times4 ,not only did it survive the introduction of polytheism1 it was a firm article of ,roman faith in the most glorious days of the ,republic1 and until ,b4,c4 #baa or later1 the belief was so living as to give birth continually to fresh spirits1 as fresh departments of human activity were opened up4#ee ,nor did it cease then4 ,it changed1 but it did not die4 ,in the worship of such abstractions as ,fortuna1 ,spes1 ,juventas1 ,concordia1 ,pietas1 ,libertas1 ,felicitas1 ,annona1 c41 we have evidence that abstract names exercised as great a hold over the minds of ,romans of the ,empire as they had over the earliest ,italians4 ,on some indigetes ,greek cults and myths were grafted1 and these numina1 which were in truth but nomina1 henceforth lived as gods4 ,mercurius was declared to be ,hermes4 ,minerva1 the spirit of memory1 was seen to be ,athn1 the goddess of wisdom4 ,saturnus was identified with ,kronos1 and was henceforth worshipped in the ,greek fashion with uncovered head 7,r4 ,q4 #ac74 ,opis was identified with ,dmtr1 ,venus with ,aphrodit1 and ,libitina1 the numen of funerals1 was interpreted1 by a pedantic etymological confusion with ,libentina1 as a bye-name of the new goddess 7,r4 ,q4 #bc74 ,the indiges ,liber#ef was recognised in ,dionysius ,eleutherios 7,r4 ,q4 #ajd74 ,in all these cases the identification proceeded on a fancied resemblance in name or an actual similarity of function4 ,there seems to be only one instance of identification based on similarity of cult1 that of the ,roman ,matuta and the ,greek ,leucothea4 ,according to ,plutarch 7,r4 ,q4 #af7 maid-servants were excluded from the temples of both1 except when the ,dames of ,rome1 bringing in thither one alone and no more with them1 fall to cuffing and boxing her about the eares and cheeks4 ,here the servant is the scapegoat1 to whom are transferred the evils which may or might afflict the free women of the community1 and the beating is done for purification4 ,it is just conceivable that the ,greek cult may have been borrowed by the ,romans2 but the use of a scapegoat and of beating in this way is so wide-spread over all the world1 and so deeply seated in ,european folk-lore1 that it is difficult to imagine it was unknown to the ,romans4 ,as a matter of fact1 even in the ,roman ,questions1 without going further1 we have indications that both practices were known in ,italy4 ,in ,r4 ,q4 #bj a myth is given1 the earlier form of which is to be found in ,macrobius 7,s4 i4 #ab71 who states that the ,bona ,dea was on a day scourged with myrtles4 ,on the principle that customs often give rise to myths but cannot be originated by them1 we may infer that the representative1 or else the worshippers of the ,bona ,dea1 were purified by scourging4 ,still less can it be doubted after ,mannhardt's exhaustive investigation 7,myth4 ,forsch41 pp4 #gb ff471 that the ,luperci1 described in ,r4 ,q4 #fh1 drove out the evil spirits of disease1 sterility1 c41 by the blows from their scourges4 ,again1 the expulsion of evil tends in many places to become periodic2 a day or season is devoted annually to the driving out of all devils and evil spirits1 after which the community is expected to live sober and clean4 ,the community1 not unnaturally1 indulges in a kind of carnival immediately before this season1 and allows itself all sorts of license3 slaves behave as though they were masters1 men dress up in women's clothes1 c4 ,this1 presumably1 is the explanation of the fact related by ,plutarch 7,r4 ,q4 #ee71 that upon the ,ides of ,januarie1 the minstrels at ,rome who plaied upon the hautboies1 were permitted to goe up and downe the city disguised in women's apparell4#eg ,though the influence of ,hellenic religion failed to transform the many other indigetes into gods1 still it affected their cult in other ways4 ,for one thing1 it provided them now for the first time with temples or chapels4 ,this innovation was doubtless found strange by the folk to whom the fashionable ideas from ,hellas penetrated slow and late4 ,in the case of ,carmenta it must have seemed particularly strange4 ,carmenta was one of the several indigetes whose power was manifested in the various processes of gestation2#eh and she was invoked as ,porrima 7,prorsa or ,antevorta7 or ,postverta1 according as the child came into the world head or foot foremost4 ,from the mention of a saxum ,carment1#ei near which was the porta ,carmentalis1 and near which the temple in question was erected1 we may venture to infer that this rock was originally the local habitation of the spirit4 ,why then needed she to have a temple built8 ,this was a point which1 to the popular mind1 required explanation2 and a popular explanation was accordingly forthcoming1 which has fortunately been preserved to us by ,plutarch4 ,it starts from a folk-etymology or confusion between the name ,carmenta and the word carpenta1 meaning coaches1 and may be read at length in ,r4 ,q4 #ef4 ,there remains one other indiges who is mentioned in the ,romane ,questions--,rumina 7,r4 ,q4 #eg7 the numen of suckling4 ,as the temple of ,carmenta was erected near the saxum ,carment1 so the sacellum of ,rumina was built near the ficus ,ruminalis2 and as we may conjecture that the rock was in the nature of a fetich1 so we may infer that ,rumina was a tree-spirit4 ,it is easy to understand why a fig-tree was chosen as the abode of the spirit of suckling2 the sap of this tree resembles milk and was known to the ,romans as lac4 ,the fact reported by ,plutarch1#fj that milk1 not wine1 was offered in the cult of ,rumina1 is quite in accord with the principles of sympathetic magic4 ,the worship of this spirit bears every mark of hoar antiquity1 and it was worked into the legend of the foundation of ,rome by the device of making the wolf suckle the twins under the ficus ,ruminalis4 ,,vii4 ,,tree ,,and ,,field ,,cults4 ,whenever two peoples come into contact with each other for the first time1 a comparison of religions is set up2 and one of the first-fruits of this earliest exercise of the comparative study of religions is that identification of gods and borrowing of cults and myths to which the term syncretism is applied4 ,the part played by syncretism in the history of ,italian religion is of singular importance3 the ,italian's misty1 vaporous belief in abstract1 impersonal spirits was precipitated into premature polytheism by the introduction of the anthropomorphic gods of ,greece4 ,fortunately1 the process being premature1 was1 and to the end remained1 incomplete2 and we are therefore able to employ the survivals from the older form of belief so as to form some idea of the original ,italian religion4 ,to the last1 many spirits resisted the individualising process1 which is the essence and condition of polytheism3 the ,lares and the ,manes not only never became gods1 but none of them was dignified by a proper name1 or attained even so much individuality as ,puck or ,robin ,goodfellow4 ,not can such general abstract appellations as ,bona ,dea1 ,dea ,dia1 be regarded as personal names1 i4e41 as the names of definite1 individual1 personal beings3 they have not the personality of ,venus or ,vulcan1 and yet they were the beings whom the people at large worshipped in preference to the ,state-gods1 whose cult and myths were fashionably ,hellenised4 ,she who1 under the influence of ,greek religion1 became the goddess ,diana1 was originally a tree-spirit1 having no personal name1 but known only by an appellation as general and abstract as that of ,bona ,dea4 ,the proof that the qualities and attributes of the ,greek goddess ,artemis were attached by syncretism to the ,italian tree-spirit is brought to light by two of ,plutarch's penetrating questions 7,r4 ,q4 #c and #d71 why harts' horns are set up in all the temples of ,diana save that on ,mount ,aventine1 in which are ox-horns8 and why men are excluded from one particular temple of the same goddess8 ,these differences in cult obviously point to the worship of different goddesses under the same name2 and1 as a matter of fact1 we know first that harts were sacred to the ,greek goddess1 ,artemis1 whereas the genuine ,italian ,diana was the goddess of oxen2 next1 we know that the identification of ,artemis and ,diana was effected by ,servius ,tullius4#fa ,to understand the exclusion of men from the temple in the ,patrician ,street1 however1 we must inquire into the nature of the ,italian ,diana4 ,with this object1 we may either assume that the pro-ethnic ,aryans were polytheists1 and that therefore the primitive ,italians also worshipped ,nature-gods2 in which case1 starting from the etymology of the word ,diana 7from the root div1 shine71 we must either at once make ,diana a moon-goddess1#fb and thus account for the fact that she was a goddess of child-birth1 and therefore men were excluded from her temple4 ,but this seems improbable even to a writer in ,roscher's ,lexikon 7,birt71 who very properly notes 7p4 #ajjg7 that it is doubtful whether the belief that the moon influenced child-birth can be shown to be ,italian4 ,birt1 therefore1 interprets the name to mean the bright goddess1 i4e41 the goddess of bright daylight1 and boldly writes it down as a matter of course that the first attribute of a daylight or sky goddess is her close relation to vegetable nature1 especially woods and forests4 ,those who find this mortal leap beyond their power to follow1 and who prefer to argue to the original nature of the goddess from what we know of her cult as a matter of fact1 rather than from hypotheses as to the ,nature-myths of the primitive ,aryans1 will note first that her name is as purely general and abstract as that of the ,dea ,dia or the ,bona ,dea1 and means simply a bright spirit1 or possibly simply a spirit4 ,next1 wherever ,diana was worshipped in ,italy1 she was originally worshipped in woods and groves1 e4g41 in the forests on ,mount ,tifata1 ,mount ,algidus at ,anagnia1 ,corne1 and ,aricia4 ,indeed1 in ,aricia the place of her worship was simply called ,nemus1 and the goddess herself plain ,nemorensis4 ,in the next place1 her worship is frequently associated with that of ,silvanus1#fc who is plainly a wood-spirit1 and who is also a patron-spirit of domestic cattle4#fd ,from this we may venture to class her with the agrestes femin quas silvaticas vocant of ,burchard of ,worms3#fe she is a wood-spirit who became a goddess because of her likeness to the ,greek ,artemis4 ,her connection with child-birth does not indicate that she was a moon-goddess4 ,roman women in primitive times1 like ,swedish women1 twined their arms about a tree to ensure easy delivery in the pangs of child-birth2 and we remember how1 in our ,english ballads1 women1 in like time of need1 'set their backs against an oak4'#ff ,finally1 the annual washing and cleansing of the head1 which ,plutarch mentions in ,r4 ,q4 #ajj1 was done on a day sacred to ,diana1 probably because1 on the one hand1 women felt that they were under her protection specially1 while1 on the other1 so great is the sanctity of the head amongst primitive peoples1#fg that washing it is not to be undertaken lightly3 the guardian spirit of the head does not like to have the hair washed too often1 it might injure or incommode him4#fh ,the ,romane ,questions afford another instance in which syncretism has obscured the original nature of an ,italian field-spirit1 and in which the cult of the ,hellenised deity still betrays the primitive object of worship4 ,in the pages of ,virgil1 ,mars has so completely assumed the guise of the ,greek ,ares1 that if we had only the verses and the mythology of the court-poet to instruct us1 we could never even suspect that ,mars had other functions than those of a war-god4 ,when1 however1 we turn from myth to cult1 and are confronted by the ceremony of the ,october horse1 described in ,r4 ,q4 #ig1 we find1 that though ,mars was sung as ,lenker der ,schlachten1 he was worshipped as the spirit that makes the corn to grow4 ,at ,rome the corn-spirit was represented as a horse1 as it still is amongst the peasants of ,europe1 not only near ,stuttgart1 but in our own country1 in ,hertfordshire and in ,shropshire4 ,the fructifying power of the spirit is supposed in modern folk-lore and in ,africa1 as it was at ,rome1 to reside specially in the animal's tail1 which therefore was preserved over the hearth of the king's house1 in order to secure a good harvest next year4 ,the antiquity of this custom at ,rome1 and the fact that it dates from long before the ,romans knew anything of the ,greek ,ares1 are shown by the fight for the horse's head waged between the inhabitants of the two wards1 the ,via ,sacra and the ,subura1 a fight which shows that the ceremonial goes back to a time when the ,subura and ,rome were separate and independent villages4 ,in connection with the killing of the corn-spirit1 we may note a passage of the ,romane ,questions 7#fc7 which has not yet taken its place in modern works on the subject4 ,speaking of the rex sacrorum1 ,plutarch says1 ,neere unto ,comitium1 they use to have a solemn sacrifice for the good estate of the citie2 which1 so soone as ever this king hath performed1 he taketh his legs and runnes out of the place as fast as ever he can4 ,necessary as it was1 according to primitive notions1 that the vegetation-spirit should be1 as it were1 decanted into a new vessel1 when the animal in which he was for the time residing was threatened with infirmity and decay1 still the killing of the sacred animal was a dangerous and semi-sacrilegious act4 ,hence in ,greece1 the man who killed the ox in the sacrifice known as the bouphonia ran away as soon as he had felled the animal1 and was subsequently tried for murder1 but was acquitted on the ground that the axe was the real murderer2 and so the axe was found guilty and cast into the sea4 ,the ,roman regifugium is obviously a fragment of a similar rite4 ,the folk-explanation treated it as a symbol commemorative of the expulsion of the ,tarquinii4 ,,viii4 ,,man-,,worship4 ,the rules of life prescribed for the priest of ,jupiter1 the ,flamen ,dialis1 are given in part by ,plutarch 7,q4 ,r4 #dj1 #dd1 #ej1 #aji1 #aaj1 #aaa1 #aab1 and #aac71fi and are a signal instance of the necessity of explaining ,roman cults1 not by reference to the artificial mythology of the ,vedas or to the civilised myths of ,greece1 but to the customs of peoples who are still steeped in animism4 ,that a spirit may take up its abode as a ,dryad in a tree or in an animal1 as in the beasts worshipped by the ancient ,egyptians1 or may temporarily take possession of a human being1 as ,apollo possessed the ,pythian priestess1 is easily comprehended4 ,but that a spirit should permanently dwell in a man1 and that the man should exercise all the powers and receive all the worship that belong to the spirit1 would be almost incredible were it not for the numerous instances of such worship collected by the erudition of ,mr4 ,frazer4#gj ,in ,japan the sun-goddess dwelt in the ,mikado2 in ,lower ,guinea and among the ,zapotecs of ,south ,mexico the sun-spirit takes human form4 ,in ,cambodia the spirit of fire and the spirit of water manifest themselves in the 7human7 kings of fire and water4 ,rain-kings are found on the ,congo1 the ,upper ,nile1 and among ,abyssinian tribes4 ,the weather-spirit is worshipped in the kings of ,loango1 ,mombaza1 ,quiteva1 the ,banjars1 and the ,muyscas4 ,in the ,south ,sea ,islands1 generally1 every god can take possession of a man and speak through him4#ga ,in the next place1 these divine kings or priests are all charged with a force which enables them to control the course of ,nature4 ,lest1 therefore1 this force should be inadvertently and unintentionally discharged1 with results disastrous to the recipient of the shock or to the universe at large1 the divine priest or king must be insulated4 ,and this insulation is effected by taboos3 every action is taboo to him which might bring him into dangerous contact with others4#gb ,when1 therefore1 we learn that the ,flamen ,dialis was subject to a very large number of taboos1 all of which find analogies1 while some find their exact counterparts1 in the taboos laid on the divine priests and kings previously mentioned2 and when we further discover that ,preller1#gc on totally different grounds1 considered the ,flamen to have been the living counterpart of ,jupiter1 it seems not unreasonable to regard the ,flamen ,dialis as the human embodiment of the sky-spirit4 ,the ,flamen1 according to ,plutarch 7,r4 ,q4 #dj71 was forbidden to anoint his body in the open air1 i4e4 sub ,jove2 and of the ,mikado we are told1 ,much less will they suffer that he should expose his sacred person to the open air4#gd ,the ,flamen was forbidden to touch meal or raw meat1 i4e41 meal or meat which might be consumed by others2 so1 too1 the vessels used by the ,mikado were generally broke1 for fear they should come into the hands of laymen2 for they believe religiously that if any layman should presume to eat his food out of these sacred dishes1 it would swell and inflame his mouth and throat4#ge ,for the many other taboos imposed on the ,flamen1 ,i must refer to ,mr4 ,frazer's great work4#gf ,i will here only mention one1 which is not explicitly explained in the ,golden ,bough4 ,if the ,flamen's wife died1 he had to resign 7,q4 ,r4 #ej74 ,now1 it is obvious from this that a widowed ,flamen was somehow dangerous or in danger1 and that the danger was one which re-marriage would not avert4 ,i submit1 therefore1 that a widowed ,flamen was considered in danger of sudden death1 and that this danger 7a danger to the community1 which might thus lose the sky-spirit7 consisted in the probability that the soul of the departed wife might tempt away the soul of the living ,flamen4 ,in ,burmah1 proper precautions are taken to prevent a baby's soul from following that of its dead mother1 or the soul of a bereaved husband or wife from rejoining the lost one1 or to prevent the soul of a dead child from luring away the soul of its playmate to the spirit-land4#gg ,but accidents will happen1 and it is so important for an agricultural community to have the sky-spirit under direct control1 that the ,romans were doubtless well advised in running no risks1 and in transferring the spirit into another ,flamen4 ,,ix4 ,,taboos4 ,in fairy tales it is not surprising that the hero should be forbidden to see his wife on certain days1 or whilst she is washing1 or at night1 and that he should be required to take precautions lest he should take her unawares in one of the forbidden moments4#gh ,but it is surprising to find that the prosaic ,roman punctiliously observed fairy etiquette in these matters1 and habitually behaved like an inhabitant of fairy-land4 ,see ,r4 ,q4 #i and #fe4 ,it is also surprising to discover that in ,italy1 where1 owing to the vigorous development of the marital authority1 regardless of the natural rights of persons as such1 the wife's moral subjection became transformed into legal slavery1#gi the wife was exempted from the tasks of corn-grinding and cooking1 because1 according to ,mommsen1 those tasks were menial4#hj ,the exemption is mentioned by ,plutarch in ,r4 ,q4 #he2 but we must take leave to question ,mommsen's explanation4 ,the exemption is not an exemption1 but a prohibition3 it is identical with the taboo laid on the ,flamen ,dialis 7,r4 ,q4 #aji71 and has the same object4 ,doubtless if a ,roman ate food touched by a woman1 it would swell and inflame his mouth or throat1 or have some disastrous effect4 ,for that even indirect contact with women at certain periods1 e4g4 child-birth1 c41 is highly dangerous1 is a belief found amongst the ,australian blacks and the ,eskimo1 the ,indians of ,north ,america1 and the ,kafirs of ,south ,africa4 ,an ,australian blackfellow1 having been brought accidentally into this dangerous contact1 died of terror within a fortnight4#ha ,it is not strange1 therefore1 that the ,romans1 returning home after absence1 if their wives were at home1 used to send a messenger unto them before1 for to give warning and advertisement of their comming4 ,and we can understand that the primitive public for whom the fairy tales in question were composed found the incident of the violated taboo as thrilling and as full of actuality as a modern reader finds the latest sensational novel4 ,the belief that a mother and her new-born babe are peculiarly at the mercy of malevolent spirits is world-wide4 ,in the fairy tales of ,christian ,europe the period of danger is terminated by baptism1 until which time various precautions1 such as burning a light in the chamber1 must be observed4#hb ,in ancient ,italy the danger ended when the child received its name1 which1 as ,plutarch 7,r4 ,q4 #ajc7 informs us1 was on the ninth day after birth in the case of boys1 on the eighth in the case of girls4 ,until that day a candle was to be kept lighted1 and the spirit ,candelifera was to be invoked4 ,on that day the child was purified 7which indicates an original taboo71 and received the bulla1 mentioned by ,plutarch 7,r4 ,q4 #ajb71 to preserve him henceforth from evil spirits and the evil eye4 ,whether the bulla derived its virtue from the substances which were enclosed in it1 as in a box1 or from its moon shape1 is uncertain4 ,if the latter be the true explanation1 we may compare the fact recorded by ,plutarch 7,r4 ,q4 #gf71 that those who are descended of the most noble and auncient houses of ,rome carried little moones upon their shoes4 ,the daughters of ,sion also wore as amulets round tires like the moon 7,isaiah1 iii4 #ah74 ,the moon-spirit sends disease or takes possession of the person who is lunatick or moon-struck4 ,but the spirit may be deluded1 and will enter any moon-shaped object which the person attacked is wearing4 ,the ,chaldans diverted the spirit of disease from the sick man by providing an image in the likeness of the spirit to attract the plague4#hc ,x4--,,sympathetic ,,magic4 ,the traveller who has little or no acquaintance with the language of the land in which he is1 resorts naturally to the language of gesture1 and mimics the thing which he wishes to have done4 ,primitive man communicates his wishes to ,nature in exactly the same way3 if he wishes to have game caught in the trap which he sets1 he first pretends to fall into it himself4 ,he has not learnt to interrogate ,nature in her own language by means of experiment and crucial instances1 but he has a presentiment of the method of ,concomitant ,variations and of the ,substitution of ,similars4 ,if a thing is itself beyond his reach1 he substitutes its counterpart1 its image or its name1 or something related to it or connected with it1 in confidence that any changes he may work in the one will be accompanied by concomitant variations in the other4 ,hence the reluctance shown by many savages to allow their likenesses to be taken or their names to be known1 as with the name or the likeness the man himself would pass into the power of the stranger4#hd ,so the ,romans1 as ,plutarch informs us 7,r4 ,q4 #fa71 kept the name of their tutelar god secret1 for the same reason1 as ,plutarch acutely observes1 as other nations kept the images of their gods chained2#he and for the same reason1 we may add1 as the ,romans forbade the living counterpart of the sky-spirit to leave the city1 viz41 lest he should pass out of their control4 ,in the same spirit1 the ,romans would not allow a table to be completely stripped of food 7,r4 ,q4 #fd7 or a light to be extinguished 7#ge73 the action might produce permanent effects4 ,the same feeling prevailed or prevails with regard to the table in ,chemnitz1 though it is regarded as a sign of death if a light goes out of its own accord4#hf ,the practice of allowing the spoils taken from an enemy to rust--a practice which ,plutarch 7#cg7 cannot comprehend--was doubtless a piece of sympathetic magic3 as the armour rusted1 the enemy's power of armed resistance would diminish4 ,another interesting instance of sympathetic magic lurks in ,r4 ,q4 #cb4 ,the images which1 as ,plutarch says1 were thrown into the river1 represented a spirit of vegetation or a corn-spirit2 and the object of plunging them into the river was thereby to secure that the crops should be correspondingly drenched with rain4#hg ,this rite also illustrates the origin of a conception which has its roots in sympathetic magic and yet exerts considerable influence in the civilised world--the conception of legal fictions4 ,the images1 undoubtedly1 were substitutes for human beings who were 7as representing the corn-spirit7 drowned in the ,tiber4 ,human sacrifice1 though exceptional1 was not unknown at ,rome in historic times1 as appears from ,r4 ,q4 #hc2 and the substitution of animals or of inanimate objects for human beings is not peculiar to ,rome1 but is the usual means by which the transition from the more to the less barbarous custom is effected4 ,but the ,romans1 who were practical and logical to the extreme1 who reduced magic to a system whereby they regulated their daily life1 consistently enough also utilised sympathetic magic as a legal instrument4 ,for it would be a great mistake to infer from the ridicule poured by ,cicero 7,pro ,murena1 xii4 #fb7 on the fictions of ,roman law1 that those symbolisms were puerile mummeries designed to benefit the legal profession at the expense of its clients4 ,the clod of earth which was brought into court was no mere symbol1 but gave to those who held it exactly the same control over the estate from which it came1 as the image of a god gives to its possessor1 or as the hair or clothing of a person who is to be bewitched gives to the worker of the spell4 ,a form of sympathetic magic which is practised by agricultural peoples all over the world is a sacred marriage1 whereby two spirits or their images1 or their living representatives1 are united1 in order that their union may be sympathetically followed by fertility in flock and field4 ,the ceremony of the sacred marriage frequently survives when its purpose has been forgotten1 and then a popular explanation is invented for and by the folk4 ,the myth of ,acca ,larentia1 given by ,plutarch1 ,r4 ,q4 #ce1 seems to me a piece of folk-lore of this kind4 ,to begin with1 it is not uncommon to find in ,greek and ,asiatic cults1 for instance1#hh a woman shut up with a god in his temple4 ,and the result of this union is an increase in the agricultural wealth or fertility of the community4 ,the same result appears in the rationalised explanation of the sacred marriage of ,acca ,larentia and ,hercules1 given by ,plutarch4 ,further1 an exactly similar tale is told of ,hercules and ,flora1#hi whose name shows that she is a spirit of flowering and blossoming vegetation1 whilst her cult points to a realistic sacred marriage in which she took part4#ij ,again1 ,acca ,larentia and ,flora were evidently felt to be spirits of the same class as the ,dea ,dia1 for sacrifices were offered to them as part of the worship of the ,dea ,dia2 and the ,dea ,dia was a corn-spirit1 as is plainly shown by the ,acta ,arvalium ,fratrum4#ia ,at the same time1 though ,acca ,larentia1 ,flora1 and the ,dea ,dia were all spirits of the same class1 it is clear that they were distinguished from each other1 for the ,arval ,brothers sacrificed to each of them separately and under distinct names4 ,finally1 whether ,acca ,larentia had originally anything to do with the ,lares seems doubtful1#ib and in spite of the fact that1 in later times at any rate1 she was called the mother of the ,lares1 one cannot build much on the etymology which makes ,acca mean mother4#ic ,certain it is1 however1 that the ,arval ,brothers1 in worshipping the ,dea ,dia1 began their famous and very ancient song with an invocation of the ,lares4#id ,it is plain1 therefore1 that there was from pre-historic times a tendency to associate the worship of the kindly ,lares with that of spirits of the class to which the ,dea ,dia and ,acca ,larentia belonged4 ,but the feast of the ,larentalia 7or ,larentinalia71 to which ,plutarch alludes in ,r4 ,q4 #cd1 was evidently a piece of ancestor-worship1 and may therefore have been part of the worship of the ,lares from the beginning4 ,if this really be so1 ,acca ,larentia will be a soul promoted to the rank of a spirit of vegetation4 ,the theory of sympathetic magic may perhaps afford the solution of ,plutarch's problem 7#ig71 why they that would live chaste were forbidden to eat pulse4 ,plutarch suggests that as far as beans are concerned the reason may be that the ,pythagoreans abominated them4 ,this symbol of the ,pythagoreans is well-known4 ,milton was inspired by it to put the case-- ,if all the world ,should in a fit of temp'rance feed on pulse1 and1 according to ,neanthes1 quoted by ,iamblichus in his life of ,pythagoras1 the prohibition extended even to treading down the growing bean2 for1 he informs us1 ,pythagoras inculcated the virtue of chastity so successfully that when ten of his disciples1 being attacked1 might have escaped by crossing a bean-field1 they died to a man rather than tread down the beans3 and when another disciple1 who was shortly afterwards captured and brought before ,dionysius1 was bidden by that tyrant to explain the strange conduct of his fellows1 he replied1 ,they suffered themselves to be put to death rather than tread beans under foot2 and ,i will rather tread beans under foot than reveal the reason4 ,this is sufficiently mysterious2 and the ,pythagorean symbol can scarcely be said to explain the ,italian prohibition4 ,but though ,plutarch has committed the error of defining ignotum per ignotius1 he has nevertheless been led by a sound instinct1 in comparing the two things together4 ,mr4 ,frazer 7in ,folk-,lore1 i4 #ade ff47 has abundantly shown that many of the symbols of ,pythagoras are but maxims of folk-lore which have gathered round the name of that mysterious philosopher4 ,it would be nothing strange1 then1 if a piece of ,italian folklore should be fathered on ,pythagoras1 for ,magna ,graecia was the home of ,pythagoreanism4 ,now the folk has at all times been fond of discovering resemblances between plants and other objects1 as the common names of flowers1 c41 sufficiently show4 ,further1 according to popular notions1 these resemblances do not exist for nothing3 between the plant and the object it resembles there exists an occult but potent relation4 ,the ,doctrine of ,signatures was a quasi-scientific organisation of this branch of folk-lore4 ,turmeric has a brilliant yellow colour1 which indicates that it has the power of curing jaundice2 for the same reason1 poppies must relieve diseases of the head1 to take a couple of instances from the ,pharmacologia of ,dr4 ,paris 7p4 #dc74 ,the ancient ,romans who substituted an offering of poppy-heads for a sacrifice of human beings were not practising a childish cheat on the gods3 on all sound principles of folk-lore they were offering a perfectly valid equivalent4 ,when then we find ,porphyry1 in his life of ,pythagoras 7 #dc71 saying that ,pythagoras bade his followers abstain from beans as from human flesh1 we may reasonably infer that beans were regarded1 in the folk-lore of the day1 as resembling some part of the human body1 and as having a mysterious affinity with it4 ,this conjecture receives some support from the fact that1 whereas ,porphyry explains all the other symbols as allegorical statements of various moral and civic duties1 he explains this by a piece of folk-lore of the same kind as the modern popular belief that a hair kept in water will turn into an eel4 ,the exact part of the body to which beans were supposed to bear a resemblance may be difficult at this distance of time to determine4 ,the passage in ,porphyry gives some hints4#ie ,a more interesting fact is that1 according to ,herodotus1 ii4 #cg1 the ,egyptians had the same aversion to eating beans1 and that ,egyptian priests might not even look at a bean1 so unclean was it considered4 ,from this passage it is usually inferred that ,pythagoras obtained this piece of his doctrine from the ,egyptians2 and ,v4 ,d4 ,link 7,die ,urwelt1 #bbe7 sought to support the inference by the suggestion that the prohibition originally had reference to the sacred ,egyptian bean1 and was subsequently extended to the common bean 7faba vulgaris74 ,pursuing this line of thought1 we are at once struck by the fact that the sacred ,egyptian bean 7nelumbium speciosum7 is a lotus2 and the lotus1 both as a plant and as a symbol1#if carries our thoughts to ,india4 ,we thus seem to see a piece of folk-lore migrating1 along with the plant to which it was attached1 from ,india to ,egypt1 from ,egypt to ,europe4 ,but when did this interesting migration take place8 ,the prohibition was known pretty early in ,sicily1 for it makes its appearance in the fragments of ,empedocles1 who was born at ,agrigentum1 ,b4,c4 #dij4 ,we can1 however1 trace it back much earlier in ,italy4 ,there it dates from pre-historic times1 for it was one of the taboos laid upon the flamen ,dialis4 ,and the idea that beans were human flesh is implied in the part which they played in the funeral ceremonies of the primitive ,italians4 ,that part is remarkably interesting4 ,plutarch tells us that the solemne suppers and bankets at funerals for the dead were usually served with pulse above all other viands4 ,this is a strange contrast to the aversion shown otherwise for eating beans1 and it cries aloud for explanation4 ,mr4 ,e4 ,s4 ,hartland1 in ,folk ,lore1 ,,iii4 ii41 has put forward the theory that the practice of sin-eating is the transformed survival of a savage custom of eating deceased kinsmen4 ,even those who dissent from his conclusion will not be able to deny that the custom does exist among savages1 and that the object of cannibalism is to secure to the eater the courage1 cunning1 strength1 c41 of the person eaten2 nor will it be denied that on the first movement from savagery a tendency would manifest itself to substitute for the corpse anything which1 according to the canons of savage logic1 might be regarded as an equivalent substitute4 ,the ,italians1 regarding beans as human flesh1 might1 we may conjecture1 substitute beans2 as the ,bavarian peasant substitutes ,leichen-nudeln4 ,before1 however1 we can regard this as anything more than a guess1 we want proof that the ,italians did really look upon the beans which they ate at funeral feasts as representative of the deceased4 ,that proof is forthcoming1 ,i submit1 in the belief mentioned by ,pliny 7,n4 ,h41 xviii4 #cj4 #b7 that the spirit of the deceased was in the bean 7mortuorum anim sint in ea1 i4e41 in the faba74 ,and inasmuch as the law forbade them that would be chaste to eat pulse1 it seems probable that the object of eating beans at funeral banquets was to convey the propagating powers of the deceased to his kinsmen4 ,if then the superstition about the bean was borrowed by the ,italians1 it must have been borrowed in primitive times2 and we must think that the belief reached the ,italians at the same time as the cultivation of the bean itself spread from its original 7unknown7 home4 ,but1 if we may trust comparative philology1 the bean was probably known to the ,european ,aryans before they divided into separate peoples1 such as ,slavs1 ,italians1 c4 ,and thus we can catch glimpses of this piece of folk-lore on its travels in pro-ethnic times4 ,but this1 ,i confess1 ,i find it rather hard to believe4 ,of course1 if there were channels of communication by which the plant itself could travel in that time long past1 then by those same channels the superstition might be conveyed4 ,but on the other hand1 if one people could see a resemblance between the bean and some part of the human body1 so might another4 ,we do not imagine that because some of the taboos laid on the ,mikado were the same as some laid on the flamen ,dialis1 they were therefore borrowed4 ,why1 then1 should we resort to the hypothesis of borrowing to account for the fact the flamen of pre-historic times was forbidden1 exactly in the same way as the priests of ancient ,egypt1 to see or name a bean8 ,folk-lorists will naturally inquire whether any traces of the conceptions and customs we have been examining can be found in fairy-tales4 ,i may therefore conclude by pointing out that in a ,lithuanian tale1 published and translated into ,german in the ,litauische ,volkslieder und ,mrchen of ,a4 ,leskien and ,k4 ,brugman 7p4 #bjb and p4 #dga71 the bean has the same signature as it had in ancient ,italy4 ,another story in the same collection 7pp4 #cfc-cga and #dij-did7 should also be noticed here3 a maiden is given the heart of a dead man to eat1 and two hours afterwards she bore a son1 who could speak and run the moment he was born4 ,,xi4 ,,aryan ,,marriage4 ,in the ,romane ,questions#ig ,plutarch has preserved for us various marriage customs1 which raise the whole question1 not perhaps of human marriage1 but certainly of ,aryan marriage4 ,has monandry always been the prevailing form among the ,aryan-speaking peoples8 ,among those peoples has the family1 as far as we can see or guess1 from the beginning been patriarchal and agnatic8 ,as a starting-point for the discussion of this question1 two propositions may be laid down as broadly true4 ,the first is1 that at some period or other1 all ,aryans have been in the habit of obtaining their wives 7or some of their wives7 by capture and by purchase4 ,this fact may ultimately imply scarcity of native women1 female infanticide1 polyandry1 and kinship through the female line2 or it may prove to be perfectly compatible with a patriarchal and agnatic system4 ,but it is a fact1 and a fact of the first importance for this discussion4 ,the second proposition that may safely be made is1 that in historical times at least1 the patriarchal form of family has always been the prevailing form amongst ,aryan nations4 ,the exceptions may be real1 or they may be due to faulty observation2 they may be of the highest importance1 as being the sole indications of a prior and very different form of family life1 or they may be merely local1 transient departures from the normal patriarchal form1 and so be insignificant or deceptive2 but in any case1 they are relatively so few as to leave it a practically true statement to say that the patriarchal family has been normal among the ,aryans in historic times4 ,the evidence of the existence of marriage by capture is furnished by folk-lore4 ,it is not necessary1 nor is this the place to review that evidence2 but the survivals of this form of marriage which are recorded in the ,romane ,questions must be mentioned4 ,the ,romans1 ,plutarch says 7,r4 ,q41 #bi71 would not permit the new wedded bride to passe of herself over the door-sill or threshold1 when she is brought home to her husband's house1 but they that accompanie her must lift her up between them from the ground1 and so convey her in4#ih ,that the ,romans themselves were dimly conscious of the real origin of this custom is implied in the first solution suggested by ,plutarch1 viz41 that the ceremony was in remembrance of those first wives whom they ravished perforce from the ,sabines2 and ,rossbach1 in his great work on ,roman marriage1#ii sees in the custom a survival from times when the bride1 captured by force1 was conveyed against her will into the house 7or den7 of her captor4 ,parallels to the ,roman custom are to be found elsewhere4 ,among the modern ,greeks the bride is lifted over the threshold1 as it would be most unlucky if she touched it in crossing4#ajj ,it is the most important wedding-guest among the ,servians1#aja the bride's nearest relation in ,lorraine1#ajb who carries her in his arms from the waggon into her new home4 ,among the ,north ,frisians the bride-lifter 7bridlefstr7 is a regular wedding-official4#ajc ,the ceremony seems to have been known to the ancient ,hindoos also4#ajd ,the ,finnish-,ugrians1 whether they borrowed or lent1 or independently developed the custom1 uniformly practise it4#aje ,it is further noteworthy that the ,finnish-,ugrians agree with the ,romans1 the ,hindoos1 and the ,russians in this1 viz41 that the bride is not only carried over the threshold by some of the bridal party 7not by the bridegroom7 but is then caused by them to sit upon a fliece of wooll4#ajf ,the meaning and object of this strange proceeding were quite unknown to the ,romans1 who practised it in ,plutarch's time1 as they are to the ,finnish-,ugrians and ,russians who still observe the custom4 ,rossbach rightly compares the ancient ,roman custom of making the flamen and flaminica1 when married per farreationem1 sit upon the fleece of the sheep that was slaughtered during the wedding ceremonies2#ajg he then refers to the ,roman practice of sitting for a short time after prayer in silent meditation1 and this he thinks explains the custom in question4 ,but surely it leaves unexplained just that which requires explanation4 ,granted1 that the ,romans showed more reverence than1 say the ,scots whom ,dr4 ,boyd can remember2 still1 are we to imagine them so rapt into the mind's internal heaven that they could sit down in the grease and the gore of a freshly-slaughtered sheep's fell1 nor heed nor see what things these be8 ,why did they not sit down somewhere else8 ,a possible answer to this question may be found in the following considerations4 ,many savages consider themselves peculiarly liable on their wedding-day to the attacks of evil spirits4 ,the ,hindoos and the ,finnish-,ugrians unanimously regard the seating of the bride on the fleece as the right time for exorcising evil spirits and purifying the bride3 the ,hindoos recite an incantation1 the ,esthonians clash daggers over her head1 for iron is generally dreaded by spirits4 ,it is1 therefore1 an easy inference that the fleece itself had purificatory powers2 and1 as a matter of fact1 we find that the ,greeks1 at any rate1 regarded a sheepskin in this light1 for in the preliminary ceremonies of the ,eleusinia was a purificatory rite which was known as the ,zeus-fleece4#ajh ,in the collection of the ,htel ,lambert#aji is a red-figured vase bearing a representation of this rite1 in which the person purified is represented as crouching on the fleece4 ,in days when marriage by capture was real1 and not merely symbolical1 it was highly important that a strange woman should1 immediately on entering the house1 be1 so to speak1 spiritually disinfected1 lest she should introduce unwelcome spirits into her new home2 or1 in the intimate relations which were to subsist between her and her captor1#aaj should bring him into the power of strange and hostile gods4 ,hence the close adhesion of the ceremony of the fleece1 long after its meaning was forgotten1 to that of lifting the bride over the threshold4 ,but it was necessary not merely to detach the strange woman from her own gods1 she must also be introduced to the gods of her new home4 ,this introduction survived in the ,roman custom1 whereby new wedded wives are bidden to touch fire and water 7,r4 ,q4 #a74aaa ,that this custom goes back to the time when wives were captured is indicated by the words are bidden3 the force which was at first necessarily used survives in this gentle compulsion4 ,parallels to this custom are forthcoming3 the ,hindoo bride1 according to the ,kuikastra 7#gg4 #af71 was led thrice round the hearth in the bridegroom's house4 ,exactly the same ceremony not only was practised by the ancient ,teutons1 but is still observed in some places in ,north ,germany and in ,westphalia4#aab ,the ,esthonians and ,wotjaks still honour the custom4#aac ,the first thing a ,servian bride has to do on entering her new home is to mend the fire1#aad and in ancient ,greece she was taken at once to the hearth4 ,it need hardly be said that the hearth is the abode of the house-spirit and the centre of the family worship4 ,at ,rome1 we find from ,festus1#aae the bride was also sprinkled with water4 ,in ,sardinia1#aaf her mother-in-law empties a glass of water over her4 ,amongst the ancient ,hindoos#aag this was the bridegroom's duty2 with the ,servians it is the function of the ,djewer4#aah ,that this sprinkling was originally an introduction of the strange woman to the local water-spirit seems indicated by the fact that amongst the ,servians the sprinkling is performed at the well1 in the ,unterkrain at the burn1#aai in ,albania#abj at the village-spring1 while in modern ,greece the bride casts offerings into the spring4#aba ,the conventionally extravagant lamentation which was required of the ,roman bride#abb is regarded by ,rossbach 7p4 #cbi7 as a survival of marriage by capture1 and may be paralleled amongst many ,aryan nations3 with the ,hindoos it was part of the officially prescribed programme2#abc in the ,oberpfalz it is obligatory2 in ,bohemia and in ,russia it is required by public opinion4#abd ,the evidence of folk-lore 7so far as it is called for by the ,romane ,questions7 that the ,aryans obtained wives by capturing the women of other households or family groups than their own1 has now been stated4 ,it does not suffice to show that an ,aryan was forbidden to marry a woman of his own household2 but a wider survey of early ,aryan wedding-customs would bring out this important fact1 that however other parts of the ceremony vary1 there is one which is always present1 and which may be regarded as essential--that is the domum deductio1 the bringing-home of the bride2 and from this fact we may fairly draw the conclusion that normally1 and--so strong is custom--probably uniformly1 the bride and the bridegroom belonged to different households1 and that the bride came to live in the home of the bridegroom4 ,marriage by purchase does not happen to be mentioned in the ,romane ,questions1 nor is it necessary to prove what is universally admitted4 ,all that need be remarked here is that purchase was not necessarily preceded by a state of things in which capture prevailed2 frequently it may have been a peaceable remedy for the grievances caused by capture1 but quite as often it may have been practised side by side with capture from the beginning4 ,further1 the purchase1 like the capture1 of wives implies that husband and wife belonged to different households2 and purchase indicates that the wife thus bought was the property of the husband1 or at least that she was subject to him4 ,let us now turn to the evidence showing that the family was patriarchal and agnatic4 ,the evidence is furnished by the comparative study of law1 especially the law regulating the order in which the relatives of a dead man shall succeed to his property4 ,the order of succession prescribed by the earliest legal codes is strikingly similar among all the ,aryan peoples2 first1 the deceased's male descendants to the third generation 7his sons1 grandsons1 and great-grandsons72 next1 the male descendants of the deceased's father to the third generation 7i4e41 the deceased's brothers1 nephews1 and grand-nephews72 then the male descendants of the deceased's grandfather to the third generation 7i4e41 his uncles1 cousins1 and their children72 and finally1 the male descendants of his great-grandfather to the third generation 7i4e41 his great-uncles1 his first cousins once removed1 and his second cousins once removed74 ,beyond these degrees1 kin was not counted2 and if no heir were forthcoming within them1 the property went1 amongst the ,hindoos1 to those of the same name as the deceased2 amongst the ,romans1 to the members of his gens2 in ,crete1 to the village community4 ,what is the origin of this unanimous and well-marked distinction between the ,near and the ,remote ,kin8 ,why were the anchisteis1 the nearest relations1 as the ,greeks technically named them1 so sharply distinguished from the others8 ,to begin with1 it is clear that the distinction1 being common to all the ,aryans1 was not developed subsequently to their dispersion1 but is pre-historic--indeed1 pro-ethnic4 ,hence it follows that the distinction was not the work of any legislator or of any individual2 it could not have been a law enacted by a lawgiver and enforced by the ,state under pains and penalties1 for the simple reason that the ,aryans1 previous to their dispersion1 were not organised into a ,state1 and had no government to issue or execute laws4 ,but before ,law1 ,custom was1 and ,kin and ,custom go together and imply each other1 as do ,law and ,state4 ,law is the enactment of the ,state--,custom is the habit of the ,kin4 ,and as ,custom precedes ,law1 so the ,state is preceded by kin or sib associations4 ,the earliest form of the ,state is modelled on that of the sib associations out of which it is developed1 and the first laws promulgated by the ,state are but the old customs committed to writing4#abe ,in what pro-ethnic ,aryan custom1 then1 are we to seek the origin of the clear and deep-cut line between the ,near and the ,remote ,kin8 ,the answer is furnished by what is known among the ,slavonians as the house community1 and to ,anglo-,indian lawyers as the joint undivided family4 ,as it exists now in ,india1 the joint undivided family consists1 or may consist1 of the sons1 grandsons1 and great-grandsons of a man 7deceased71 who1 on the death of their common ancestor1 do not separate1 but continue to live on the undivided estate and worship their deceased ancestor as their house-spirit4 ,the family1 as defined by the ,judicial ,committee of the ,privy ,council1#abf is joint in food1 worship1 and estate4 ,now1 the relatives whom the earliest ,aryan codes1 the laws of the ,twelve ,tables1 the laws of ,solon1 of ,menu1 the ,gortyn ,code1 c41 specify as a man's heirs-at-law are in every case precisely those relatives who belonged1 or might at some time have belonged1 to the same joint undivided family as the deceased4 ,it is worth while to note that at different times a man might belong to four different joint undivided families3 he might be born into a family which still united in worshipping the spirit of his great-grandfather3 and thus his cousins1 his first cousins once removed1 and his second cousins once removed1 would dwell in the same household with him4 ,his grandfather might then die and become a house-spirit3 in that event1 his grand-uncle 7and descendants7 would have to set up a family of his own1 for they only can belong to a joint undivided family who are descended from a common house-father4 ,now1 my grand-uncle1 being the brother of my grandfather1 is not descended from my grandfather1 therefore cannot worship his spirit1 therefore cannot belong to the joint undivided family which worships my grandfather's spirit4 ,on the other hand1 the family1 of which my 7deceased7 grandfather is the house-spirit1 includes my grandfather's descendants to the third generation1 i4e41 includes not only my cousins1 but also their sons4 ,this 7cousins' sons7 is the limit of the second joint undivided family to which it is possible for a man to belong4 ,thirdly1 when my father becomes a house-spirit1 and is worshipped by his children's children1 ,i dwell in the same household as my nephews and grand-nephews4 ,finally1 when ,i am gathered to my fathers1 ,i dwell1 in the spirit1 with my sons1 grandsons1 and great-grandsons4 ,here we obviously have the key to the order of succession prescribed by the earliest ,aryan codes3 my own descendants 7if any7 are called first1 because they constitute the joint undivided family1 with which1 at the time of dying1 ,i am presumably dwelling4 ,my father's descendants come next1 because that was the family ,i had previously belonged to2 and on the same principle my grandfather's descendants1 and then those of my great-grandfather were called4 ,so long as the joint undivided family was a living institution1 so long there was no need 7as there was no thought7 of specifying who a man's heirs were1 and so long a man could be in no doubt as to who his ,near ,kin were--they were those who had been brought up in the same family as himself4 ,it was only when this unwieldy form of family came to be disintegrated by the advance of civilisation that it became necessary to specify the order of succession1 and to determine who were a man's ,near ,kin2 and1 as we have seen1 the earliest laws on this subject are but the old customs reduced to writing4 ,two facts of importance in the history of ,aryan marriage have now been shown4 ,the first1 inferred from the domum deductio and from the existence of marriage by capture and by purchase1 is that amongst the undispersed ,aryans a man customarily abstained from marrying a woman belonging to his own family group4 ,the second is that the family groups in which the ,aryans lived1 if not originally1 certainly for some time before their dispersion1 were joint undivided families4 ,the ,aryan was averse to marrying women of his ,near ,kin2 the difficult question now arises1 whether he was equally averse to marrying into his ,remote ,kin8 ,the prohibited degrees of historic times do not help us much in answering this question4 ,the ,athenians had lost the ,aryan aversion to marriages within the near kin3 they married their cousins1 and even half-sisters4 ,there is no evidence to show that the ,romans ever abstained from marrying their ,remote ,kin4 ,rossbach maintains that the prohibition extended only to first cousins2 ,klenze1 ,walter1 ,burchardy1 ,gttling1 and ,gerlach make it go as far as the extreme limit of the ,near ,kin1 i4e41 to second cousins once removed--no writer on ,roman law or marriage supports a wider prohibition2 and the jus osculi#abg 7which1 by the way1 was accorded by men to men as well as by women to men7 extended only to the near kin4 ,the ,hindoos1 again1 were averse to marriage between any persons of the same name4 ,does the ,hindoo system come down from pro-ethnic times1 or is it a development peculiar among ,aryan nations to the ,hindoos8 ,many savages have a much wider circle of prohibited degrees than civilised peoples possess1 and amongst civilised peoples themselves the number of prohibited degrees has even in historic times diminished4 ,we thus seem to get a sort of law of diminishing degrees1 which would point to the ,hindoo system as that which was known to the pro-ethnic ,aryans4 ,but though some savages have more prohibited degrees than civilised men have1 other savages have few or none4 ,the downward movement1 therefore1 from the maximum to the minimum number of prohibited degrees which is observable in historic times must have been preceded in pre-historic ages by an upward movement from the minimum to the maximum2 and1 as far as the evidence at present goes1 though the upward movement may1 in pro-ethnic times1 have proceeded as far as the ,remote ,kin1 it may equally well only have reached to the limits of the ,near ,kin2 while1 after the ,aryan dispersion1 the movement may have continued upwards amongst the ,hindoos1 downwards amongst the ,athenians1 and1 for a long time1 have ceased to move in any direction amongst the conservative ,romans4 ,a more important point to notice is that1 if we believe the ,hindoo system to date from pro-ethnic times1 we must also assume that the ,hindoo system of naming is pro-ethnic1 i4e41 we must assume that each ,aryan had two names1 one distinguishing him personally from other people1 the other indicating what kin he belonged to2 and in this event1 the ,near and the ,remote ,kin must1 in pro-ethnic times1 have had a common name4 ,there is1 however1 very little evidence to show that this was the case3 gentile names are found among the ,hindoos and the ,romans alone of ,aryan peoples4 ,it is1 of course1 possible that1 before the dispersion1 the ,aryans had gentile names1 and that1 after the dispersion1 all the ,aryans1 with the exception of the ,romans and the ,hindoos1 lost them entirely4 ,on the other hand1 if there was a time when gentile names had not yet been invented1 if they have had a history and growth1 we must consider it as at least possible that gentile names had not been evolved at the time of the dispersion1 and were only developed subsequently by the ,romans and ,hindoos4 ,whether the undispersed ,aryans had gentile names1 and at the same time an aversion to marriages between persons of the same name1 is a question on which it were vain to pronounce confidently4 ,we may more safely consider both these equally possible alternatives1 together with the consequences which flow from each4 ,let us assume that marriage was1 amongst the ,aryans as amongst the ,hindoos1 prohibited between persons of the same gentile name3 is there anything in the social organisation presupposed by this prohibition incompatible with the patriarchal system8 ,according to ,mr4 ,d4 ,m#8,lennan there is3 not only are there numerous societies of which the patriarchal theory does not even attempt to give any account1 but in the societies upon contemplation of which it was formed1 a most serious difficulty for it is presented by the tribes1 which consist of several clans1 each clan considered separate in blood from all the others4 ,the patriarchal theory1 of course1 involves that the clans are all of the same blood4#abh ,mr4 ,m#8,lennan's difficulty seems to be this3 where inheritance 7of family name1 property1 sacra1 c47 is confined to the male line1 the descendants of a common ancestor must all have the same family or gentile name2 persons having different names cannot be descended from the same ancestor--that is to say1 different gentes or clans cannot have a common origin4 ,a tribe1 therefore1 which consists of several clans cannot consist of descendants of a common ancestor4 ,yet1 these clans believe they have an ancestor1 however remote1 in common4 ,if their belief is incorrect 7if the gentes have not a common origin71 how did the error arise8 ,if1 on the other hand1 the different gentes of the same tribe have a common origin1 how came they to have different names8 ,the source of this difficulty plainly is the assumption that the original ancestor of the tribe had a family name1 which was inherited by all his descendants4 ,it is impossible to disprove or to prove this assumption4 ,we may1 however1 note that the ,teutons 7according to ,dr4 ,taylor#abi7 rejoiced in only one name a-piece4 ,an ,athenian added to his own name his father's4 ,and--to set assumption against assumption--we may conjecture that as patronymics are formed from personal names1 so gentile names were developed out of patronymics4 ,at first1 a man's sons bore nothing in their names to indicate from what father they were sprung4 ,in course of time the sons of ,anchises were known as ,anchisiad2 and as long as the family group consisted only of parents and children1 this system of nomenclature would suffice4 ,it might even continue into times when the family group included three generations3 ,iulus1 as well as his father1 neas1 might be an ,anchisiades4 ,and here we may note that if all the members of a joint undivided family bore the surname ,anchisiades1 an aversion to marriage in the near kin would forbid the marriage of any two ,anchisiad4 ,when1 however1 owing to natural growth1 the joint undivided family of ,anchises becomes so large that it is necessary for his younger 7married7 sons to go out into the world and start joint undivided families of their own1 leaving neas and his children in possession of the old home1 it is obvious that persons who once had belonged to the same joint undivided family1 and therefore had possessed the same family name1 and had been prohibited to intermarry1 would now belong to different families1 and 7being named after the respective house-fathers of the newly formed families7 would have different patronymics1 and would be allowed to marry persons whom previously they were forbidden to wed4 ,in these circumstances an extension both of prohibited degrees and of the family name might very naturally be the ultimate result4 ,iulus1 who for years had worshipped ,anchises as house-spirit1 and had consequently been an ,anchisiades1 might1 when neas became his house-spirit1 come to be known as an nades1 but on the other hand the old patronymic might stick to him and to his children for ever4 ,in the same way1 the aversion to marrying women who belonged to the same joint undivided family might cease when they ceased to belong to the same family1 but it might continue4 ,hence a continual tendency to extend the family name1 and to enlarge the number of prohibited degrees4 ,the transition from the system of naming by patronymics to that of gentile names would not be made in a day or in a generation1 and during the transition the usage would fluctuate3 the descendants of neas might choose to be known as nad rather than as the sons of ,anchises1 while the children of neas' brothers might retain the name of ,anchisiad1 because their fathers were less distinguished than their grandfather4 ,the period of this fluctuation in usage may be assumed to have been long enough to allow of the requisite diversity of gentile names1 while the fact that the number of gentes is always fixed1 however far back they can be historically traced1 shows that the fluctuation at last hardened into unyielding custom4 ,it was pointed out in the last paragraph but one that second cousins once removed 7the great-grandchildren of a common house-father7 might at one time belong to the same joint undivided family1 and subsequently to different families1 and that they might wish to continue1 after their separation1 to consider each other as relatives4 ,language afforded them no means of indicating their relationship1 for there was no word in the original ,aryan language for cousin1 much less for second cousin4 ,and before patronymics had been stereotyped into gentile names1 it might seem that the ,aryan system of naming at that time afforded no means of binding these relatives together either4 ,but a certain ,athenian custom may perhaps be taken1 both as evidence of the existence of the desire in question1 and as an indication of the means taken for gratifying it4 ,at ,athens it was the custom to name a child after its grandfather2 and if we assume this practice to have obtained in ,aryan times1 we have here a ready means for indicating the fact that second cousins are related without the aid of a gentile name2 for if ,i and my first cousin are both named after our common grandfather1 then our children 7who are second cousins once removed7 will have the same patronymic1 and therefore will be related1 and thence again prohibited to marry4 ,this may be illustrated by an imaginary pedigree1 which will also serve to show how--when once patronymics1 such as ,john's son1 became stereotyped into true family or gentile names1 such as ,johnson--all the gentes of a tribe might be descended from a common ancestor4 ,thus3-- ,john4 ,will1 ,john's son4 ------------------------------------ ,john1 ,tom1 ,will's son4 ,will's son4 ----------------- ---------------- ,will1 ,harry1 ,will1 ,jack1 ,john's son4 ,john's son4 ,tom's son4 ,tom's son4 -------- --------- ------ --------- ,john ,frank ,john ,bill ,tom ,dick ,tom ,richard ,wilson4 ,wilson4 ,harrison4 ,harrison4 ,wilson4 ,wilson4 ,jackson4 ,jackson4 ,we may now sum up4 ,the oldest form of family organisation historically traceable amongst the ,aryans is that of the joint undivided family4 ,the pro-ethnic ,aryans were probably averse to marriages between members of the same joint undivided family4 ,they may also have been averse to marriages between second cousins once removed1 even when those second cousins had ceased to dwell in the same joint household4 ,if so1 then1 as language afforded no term even for cousins1 the memory of the relationship may have been kept up in one of three ways4 ,as the members of a genos at ,athens had no common family name1 and as they were notoriously related1 not by blood1 but merely by the possession of a joint-worship1 so amongst the ,aryans a joint-worship may have served as the mark of kinship 7as it does among the ,hindoos still74 ,or the remote kin may have been enabled to claim kindred by means of a patronymic system1 which survived at ,athens4 ,or1 third1 gentile names may have been developed out of patronymics even in pro-ethnic times1 in which case marriage would be prohibited1 as amongst the ,hindoos1 between all persons of the same family name4 ,but there is nothing in this patriarchal organisation of the family and of the tribe which compels us to assume that it was evolved out of some earlier non-patriarchal form of family4 ,the warrant for such an assumption1 if to be found1 must be sought elsewhere4 ,let us seek4 ,analogy will not help us4 ,the patriarchal system may1 elsewhere in the world1 have been evolved out of the matriarchate2 but1 as the late ,mr4 ,m#8,lennan warned us1 we may not assume that marriage has everywhere had the same history4 ,the widest survey of the various forms of human marriage 7,westermarck's7 that has yet been made warrants no presumption in favour of the priority of the matriarchate4 ,if the matriarchate was a pro-ethnic ,aryan institution1 it is on ,aryan ground that traces of it must be discovered4 ,such traces are said to be discernible4 ,there are traces amongst some ,aryan peoples of the levirate4 ,the levirate is said to indicate polyandry1 and polyandry to presuppose the matriarchate4 ,this is a perfectly legitimate line of argument1 but before resorting to polyandry for an explanation of the ,aryan levirate1 it is worth while to inquire whether there is anything in known ,aryan customs capable of supplying an explanation4 ,according to ,aryan custom1 the estate of a man who leaves no son passes to the next of kin1 i4e41 his brother1 or it may be a more distant relative4 ,if the deceased leaves no son1 but a daughter1 then according to ,athenian law1 according to the ,gortyn ,code1 and probably also according to ,aryan custom1 the next of kin 7whether brother or not7 must not only take the estate1 but also marry the heiress1 if any 7whether wife or daughter of the deceased74 ,according to the ,gortyn ,code1 if the next of kin is married1 he must put away his wife2 if the heiress is already married1 she must leave her husband4 ,now1 if the obligation to raise up seed to the deceased extended only to his brothers1 the ,tibetan form of polyandry would afford an explanation which1 whether correct or not1 would1 at any rate1 account for all the facts4 ,but inasmuch as the obligation is binding on all the near kin1 and extends to the daughter as well as the wife of the deceased1 it cannot be explained by the hypothesis of the ,tibetan form of polyandry or any other form short of incest in every degree possible1 not only amongst the members of the same joint undivided family1 but also with the women who have married out of that family into some other4 ,in truth1 so far from mutterrecht being the source of the ,aryan custom1 that custom bears on its face the marks of the rudest and most savage application of the agnatic theory4 ,the provisions of the ,gortyn ,code which require that the next of kin shall marry the heiress1 even if the marriage necessitate divorce on both sides1 show that the mother was held absolutely incapable of transmitting rights--only a kinsman could do that4 ,a devotion to the principle of agnation so strong as to over-ride the innate ,aryan aversion to endogamous marriages1 so strong even in the days of civilised ,athens as to afford the ,orestes of schylus with the defence that the mother whom he had killed was not of his blood1 cannot be explained as a survival from times when kinship was counted exclusively through the female line4 ,the savage practice must have its roots in some equally crude and savage theory4 ,what the ,aryan theory was we can hardly hope to discover1 but we may conjecture that it was at least as barbarous as that which leads savages to eat their dead kinsmen1 and ,european peasants to eat corpse-cakes1 in the belief that thereby the virtues and advantages of the departed 444 and the living strength of the deceased passed over 444 into the kinsman who consumed them1 and so were retained within the kindred 7,mr4 ,e4 ,s4 ,hartland in ,folk ,lore1 ,,iii4 ii4 #adi74 ,the ,leichen-nudeln of the ,bavarian peasant1 or the beans of the primitive ,italian funeral feasts1 would1 when eaten1 qualify the next of kin to wed the heiress and to raise up seed to the dead kinsman4 ,before leaving the subject of the levirate we may note that the joint undivided family survived in historic times at ,athens and in ,sparta1 and that in both places brothers lived on the joint-estate as well after the death as during the life of their father4 ,in ,sparta1 if one only of the brothers had a son1 that son was naturally heir to the joint-estate1 and was considered the son of all4 ,amongst the ,hindoos1 too1 ,vasishtha says 7xvii4 #aj71 ,if amongst many brothers who are begotten by one father1 one have a son1 they all have offspring through that son 7cf4 ,vishnu1 xv4 #db74acj ,now1 a casual observer1 ignorant of the nature and constitution of the joint undivided family1 might thus easily draw the mistaken inference that the wife of one brother was common to them all2 and this may be the origin of ,csar's statement with regard to the polyandry of the ancient ,britons1 and of ,polybius' with regard to the ,spartans4 ,or1 again1 it is possible that the joint undivided family may in these instances have given rise to this form of polyandry4 ,it is thus not safe to infer that where polyandry is1 the matriarchate must previously have been4 ,there remains the argument from totems4 ,unfortunately their very existence in ,europe is questioned1 and this is not the place to discuss the question4 ,it is safer not to meddle in ,european totems at present4 ,their appearance in ,greek mythology1 however1 may fittingly here be made the subject of a brief allusion4 ,the value1 to the anthropologist1 of ancient ,roman customs and beliefs is that they show us the ,italians at a much lower stage of civilisation than that in which the ,vedas show us the ,hindoos or the ,homeric poems the ,greeks4 ,they show us an ,aryan people having no mythology1 and they warrant the inference that myths were unknown to the pro-ethnic ,aryans4 ,the ,greek myths about the amours of ,zeus in animal form cannot go back1 therefore1 to ,aryan times4 ,they may be the peculiar invention of the early ,greeks1 or it may be that the families which claimed to be descended from animals were pre-,hellenic1 and that1 when they joined the immigrating ,greeks1 they learnt the worship of ,zeus1 and were aided in their conversion by identifying ,zeus with their animal ancestor4 ,against the instances of polyandry and the survivals of totemism1 which may or may not show that the matriarchate was known to ,aryan peoples1 we may fairly set the evidence of comparative philology4 ,the original ,aryan language possessed terms for grandfather1 father1 son1 and grandson2 and these are just the direct ascendants and descendants who could compose a joint undivided family4 ,there was a word for the paternal uncle1 whom the children brought up in such a family would know2 there is none for the maternal uncle1 with whom they would not dwell4 ,there were special designations for husband's father1 husband's mother1 husband's brother1 husband's sister1 and even for husband's brothers' wives--just the words which would be required if the wife left her own family to dwell in that of her husband4 ,there were none for wife's father1 mother1 c41 which would be required if the husband became a member of his wife's family4 ,and this--which is inconsistent with the matriarchal system--is in accord with the evidence afforded by wedding customs1 viz41 that the wife left father and mother1 and was brought1 by the domum deductio1 to her husband's home4 ,still1 it would be as unjustifiable to say that the matriarchate could never have established itself on ,aryan ground1 as it is to say that the agnatic family must have been developed out of the system of maternal rights and female descent4 ,the list of prohibited degrees varies among early ,aryan peoples from the minimum possible for a civilised people 7as at ,athens7 to the maximum possible even for savages 7as amongst the ,hindoos74 ,there may have been a similar variation in the organisation of the family4 ,nor can we say with confidence that the pro-ethnic ,aryans were more uniform than their descendants4 ,the different languages evolved out of the common ,aryan tongue existed as dialects from the beginning1 and in the beginning there may have been differences in social organisation4 ,but whereas we can certainly trace the joint undivided family and the principle of agnation as far back as modern science enables us to trace the ,aryans at all1 the evidence for the existence of the matriarchate at any time amongst any ,aryan people is inferior both in amount and in value4 ,,xii4 ,,conclusion4 ,after writing a hundred pages as though one knew something1 it is a relief to confess one's ignorance4 ,so ,i shall do myself the pleasure of concluding with a list of ,romane ,questions which are too hard for me4 ,why they kept the temple of the goddesse ,horta open alwaies ,i own to me is a mystery yet4 ,i cannot even conjecture what is the reason that ,quintus ,metellus forbad to observe auspices after the moneth ,sextilis1 nor why they thought ,aruspices ought to have their lanterns and lampes alwaies open1 nor why obsserve they the vultures most of any other fowles in taking of presages4 ,white1 as a mourning colour1 which is prescribed in ,r4 ,q4 #bf1 may be paralleled in the customs of ,gambreion1 in ,asia ,minor1 and in ,argos1 but the explanation is beyond me4 ,the origin of the proverb ,sardi venales1 and of the interesting custom associated with it 7,r4 ,q4 #ec71 can scarcely be said to be explained either by ,festus 7p4 #cbb7 or by ,cicero 7,,vii4 ,fam41 #bd74 ,nor do ,i know why boys were named on the ninth1 whereas girls were named on the eighth day of birth4 ,and why did the ,romans of old time invariably1 when they went out to supper1 take with them their young sonnes1 even when they were but in their very infancie and childhood8 ,,romane ,,qvestions1 ,,that ,,is ,,to ,,say1 ,,an ,,enquirie ,,into ,,the ,,causes ,,of ,,manie ,,fashions ,,and ,,customes ,,of ,,rome4 ,a ,treatise fit for them who are conversant in the reading of ,romane histories and antiquities1 giving a light to many places otherwise obscure and hard to be understood4 ,,romane ,,qvestions4 #a4 ,what is the reason that new wedded wives are bidden to touch fire and water8 ,is it because that among the elements and principles1 whereof are composed naturall bodies1 the one of these twaine1 to wit1 fire is the male1 and water the female1 of which1 that infuseth the beginning of motion1 and this affoordeth the propertie of the subject and matter8 #b4 ,or rather1 for that1 as the fire purgeth1 and water washeth2 so a wife ought to continue pure1 chaste and cleane all her life4 #c4 ,or is it in this regard1 that as fire without humidity1 yeeldeth no nourishment1 but is dry2 and moisture without heat is idle1 fruitlesse and barren2 even so the male is feeble1 and the female likewise1 when they be apart and severed a sunder3 but the conjunction of two maried folke yeeldeth unto both1 their cohabitation and perfection of living together4 #d4 ,or last of all1 because man and wife ought not to forsake and abandon one another1 but to take part of all fortunes2 though they had no other good in the world common betweene them1 but fire and water onely4 #b4 ,how is it1 that they use to light at weddings five torches1 and neither more nor lesse1 which they call ,wax-lights4 #a4 ,,whether is it as ,varro saith1 because the ,prtours or generals of armies use three1 and the ,aediles two3 therefore it is not meet that they should have more than the ,prtours and ,aediles together3 considering that new maried folke goe unto the ,aediles to light their fire8 #b4 ,or1 because having use of many numbers1 the odde number seemed unto them as in all other respects better1 and more perfect than the even3 so it was fitter and more agreeable for mariage3 for the even number implieth a kinde of discord and division1 in respect of the equall parts in it1 meet for siding1 quarrell1 and contention3 whereas the odde number cannot be divided so just and equally1 but there will remaine somewhat still in common for to be parted4 ,now among al odde numbers1 it seemeth that ,cinque is most nuptial1 best beseeming mariage2 for that ,trey is the first odde number1 ,deuz the first even2 of which twaine1 five is compounded1 as of the male and the female4 #c4 ,or is it rather1 because light is a signe of being and of life3 and a woman may beare at the most five children at one burden2 and so they used to cary five tapers or waxe candels8 #d4 ,or lastly1 for that they thought1 that those who were maried had need of five gods and goddesses3 namely1 ,jupiter#aca genial1 ,juno genial1 ,venus1 ,suade1 and above all ,diana2 whom 7last named7 women in their labour and travell of childe-birth1 are wont to call upon for helpe4 #c4 ,what is the cause that there being many ,temples of ,diana in ,rome1 into that onely which standeth in the ,patrician street1 men enter not4 #a4 ,,is it not because of a tale which is told in this maner3 ,in old time a certeine woman being come thither for to adore and worship this goddesse1 chaunced there to bee abused and suffer violence in her honor3 and he who forced her1 was torne in pieces by hounds3 upon which accident1 ever after1 a certeine superstitious feare possessed mens heads1 that they would not presume to goe into the said temple4 #d4 ,wherefore is it1 that in other temples of ,diana men are woont ordinarily to set up and fasten ,harts hornes2 onely in that which is upon mount ,aventine2 the hornes of oxen and other beefes are to be seen4 ,,may it not be1 that this is respective to the remembrance of an ancient occurrent that sometime befell8 ,for reported it is that long since in the ,sabines countrey1 one ,antion ,coratius had a cow1 which grew to be exceeding faire and woonderfull bigge withall above any other3 and a certeine wizard or soothsaier came unto him and said3 ,how predestined it was that the citie which sacrificed that cow unto ,diana in the mount ,aventine1 should become most puissant and rule all ,italy3 ,this ,coratius therefore came to ,rome of a deliberate purpose to sacrifice the said cow accordingly3 but a certaine houshold servant that he had1 gave notice secretly unto king ,servius ,tullius of this prediction delivered by the abovesaid soothsaier3 whereupon ,servius acquainted the priest of ,diana1 ,cornelius1 with the matter3 and therefore when ,antion ,coratius presented himselfe for to performe his sacrifice1 ,cornelius advertised him1 first to goe downe into the river1 there to wash2 for that the custome and maner of those that sacrificed was so to doe3 now whiles ,antion was gone to wash himselfe in the river1 ,servius steps into his place1 prevented his returne1 sacrificed the cow unto the goddesse1 and nailed up the hornes when he had so done1 within her temple4 ,juba thus relateth this historie1 and ,varro likewise1 saving that ,varro expressely setteth not downe the name of ,antion1 neither doth he write that it was ,cornelius the priest1 but the sexton onely of the church that thus beguiled the ,sabine4 #e4 ,why are they who have beene falsly reported dead in a strange countrey1 although they returne home alive1 not received nor suffred to enter directly at the dores1 but forced to climbe up to the tiles of the house1 and so to get downe from the roufe into the house8 ,varro rendreth a reason heereof1 which ,i take to be altogether fabulous3 for hee writeth1 that during the ,silician warre1 there was a great battell fought upon the sea1 and immediately upon it1 there ranne a rumour of many that they were dead in this fight2 who notwithstanding1 they returned home safe1 died all within a little while after3 howbeit1 one there was among the rest1 who when he would have entred into his owne house1 found the dore of the owne accord fast shut up against him2 and for all the forcible meanes that was made to open the same1 yet it would not prevaile3 whereupon this man taking up his lodging without1 just before his dore1 as he slept in the night1 had a vision which advertised and taught him how he should from the roofe of the house let himselfe downe by a rope1 and so get in3 now when he had so done1 he became fortunate ever after1 all the rest of his life2 and hee lived to be a very aged man3 and heereof arose the foresaid custome1 which alwaies afterwards was kept and observed4 ,but haply this fashion may seeme in some sort to have beene derived from the ,greeks3 for in ,greece they thought not those pure and cleane who had beene caried foorth for dead to be enterred2 or whose sepulchre and funerals were solemnized or prepared3 neither were such allowed to frequent the company of others1 nor suffred to come neere unto their sacrifices4 ,and there goeth a report of a certaine man named ,aristinus1 one of those who had beene possessed with this superstition1 how he sent unto the oracle of ,apollo at ,delphos1 for to make supplication and praier unto the god1 for to bee delivered out of this perplexed anxietie that troubled him by occasion of the said custome or law then in force3 and that the prophetesse ,pythia returned this answer3 ,looke whatsoever women doe in childbed newly laid1 ,unto their babes1 which they brought foorth1 the verie same ,i say ,see that be done to thee againe3 and after that be sure1 ,unto the blessed gods with hands to sacrifice1 most pure4 ,which oracle thus delivered1 ,aristinus having well pondered and considered1 committed himselfe as an infant new borne unto women for to be washed1 to be wrapped in swadling clothes1 and to be suckled with the brest-head3 after which1 all such others1 whom we call ,hysteropotmous1 that is to say1 those whose graves were made1 as if they had beene dead1 did the semblable4 ,howbeit1 some doe say1 that before ,aristinus was borne1 these ceremonies were observed about those ,histropotmi1 and that this was a right auncient custome kept in the semblable case3 and therefore no marvell it is1 that the ,romans also thought1 that such as were supposed to have beene once buried1 and raunged with the dead in another world1 ought not to enter in at the same porch1 out of which they goe1 when they purpose to sacrifice unto the gods1 or at which they reenter when they returne from sacrifice3 but would have them from above to descend through the tiles of the roufe into the close house1 with the aire open over their heads3 for all their purifications ordinarily they performed without the house abroad in the aire4 #f4 ,why doe women kisse the lips of their kinsfolks8 ,,is it as most men thinke1 for that women being forbidden to drinke wine1 the manner was brought up3 ,that whensoever they met their kinsfolke1 they should kisse their lips1 to the end they might not be unknowen1 but convicted if they had drunke wine8 or rather for another reason1 which ,aristotle the philosopher hath alledged8 for as touching that occasion1 which is so famous and commonly voiced in every mans mouth1 yea1 and reported of divers and sundrie places2 it was no doubt the hardy attempt executed by the dames of ,troie1 and that upon the coasts of ,italy2 for when the men upon their arrivall were landed2 the women in the meanewhile set fire upon their ships1 for very desire that they had to see an end once1 one way or other of their long voiage1 to be delivered fr their tedious travel at sea3 but fearing the fury of their men1 when they should returne1 they went forth to meet their kinsfolke and friends upon the way1 and welcomed them with amiable embracing sweet kisses of their lips3 by which means having appeased their angrie mood1 and recovered their favours1 they continued ever after1 the custome of kind greeting and loving salutation in this manner4 ,or was not this a priviledge granted unto women for their greater honour and credit2 namely1 to be knowen and seen for to have many of their race and kinred1 and those of good worth and reputation8 ,or because it was not lawfull to espouse women of their blood and kinred1 therefore permitted they were to entertaine them kindly and familiarly with a kisse1 so they proceeded no farther2 insomuch as this was the onely marke and token left of their consanguinitie4 ,for before time1 they might not marrie women of their owne blood2 no more than in these daies their aunts by the mothers side1 or their sisters3 and long it was ere men were permitted to contract marriage with their cousin germains2 and that upon such an occasion as this4 ,there was a certaine man of poore estate and small living1 howbeit otherwise of good and honest cariage1 and of all others that managed the publike affairs of ,state most popular and gracious with the commons3 who was supposed to keepe as his espoused wife a kinswoman of his and cousin germain1 an inheritresse2 by whom he had great wealth1 and became verie rich3 for which he was accused judicially before the people2 but upon a speciall favour that they bare unto him1 they would not enquire into the cause in question2 but not onely suppressed his bill of enditement1 and let her go as quit of all crime1 but also even they1 enacted a statute2 by vertue whereof1 lawfull it was for all men from that time forward to marrie1 as far as to their cousin germains1 but in any higher or neerer degree of consanguinitie1 they were expresly forbidden4 #g4 ,wherefore is it not lawfull either for the husband to receive a gift of his wife1 or for the wife of her husband4 ,,may it not be1 for that1 as ,solon ordained that the donations and bequests1 made by those that die shall stand good1 unlesse they be such as a man hath granted upon necessitie1 or by the inducement and flatterie of his wife3 in which proviso1 he excepted necessitie1 as forcing and constraining the will2 and likewise pleasure1 as deceiving the judgement2 even so have men suspected the mutuall gifts passing between the husband and the wife1 and thought them to be of the same nature4 ,or was it not thought1 that giving of presents was of all other the least worst signe of amity and goodwill 7for even strangers and such as beare no love at all use in that sort to be giving7 and in that regard they would banish out of marriage such kind of pleasing and curring favour2 to the end that the mutuall love and affection between the parties should be free and without respect of salarie and gaine1 even for it selfe and nothing else in the world4 ,or because women commonly admit and entertaine straungers1 as corrupted by receiving of presents and gifts at their hands1 it was thought to stand more with honour and reputation1 that wives should love their owne husbands1 though they gave them nothing by way of gift4 ,or rather1 for that it was meet and requisit1 that the goods of the husband should be common to the wife1 and to the wife likewise of the husband3 for the partie who receiveth a thing in gift1 doth learne to repute that which was not given1 to be none of his owne1 but belonging to another3 so that man and wife in giving never so little one to another1 despoil and defraud themselves of all that is beside4 #h4 ,what might be the cause that they were forbidden to receive any gift either of #acb,sonne in law1 or #acc;,father in law8 ,,of ,sonne in law1 for feare lest the gift might be thought by the meanes of the ,father to passe about the returne unto the wife3 and of the ,father in law1 because it was supposed meet and just1 that he who gave not1 should not likewise receive ought4#acd #i4 ,what should be the reason that the ,romans when they returned from some voyage out of a farre and forraine countrey1 or onely from their ferme into the citie2 if their wives were at home1 used to send a messenger unto them before1 for to give warning and advertisement of their comming8 ,,either it was because this is a token of one that beleeveth and is verily perswaded that his wife intendeth no lewdnesse1 nor is otherwise busied than well3 whereas to come upon her at unwares and on a sodain1 is a kind of forlaying and surprize4 ,or for that they make haste to send them good newes of their comming1 as being assured that they have a longing desire1 and doe expect such tidings4 ,or rather because themselves would be glad to heare from them some good newes1 to wit1 whether they shall find them in good health when they come1 and attending affectionately and with great devotion1 their returne4 ,or else because women ordinarily1 when their husbands be away and from home1 have many petie businesses and house affaires3 and other whiles there fall out some little jarres and quarrels within doores with their servants1 men or maidens3 to the end therefore all such troubles and inconveniences might be overblowen1 and that they might give unto their husbands a loving and amiable welcome home1 they have intelligence given unto them before hand of their arrivall and approch4 #aj4 ,what is the cause that when they adore and worship the gods1 they cover their heads3 but contrariwise when they meet with any honourable or worshipfull persons1 if their heads haplie were then covered with their cover1 they discover the same1 and are bare headed4 ,,for it seemeth that this fashion maketh the former doubt and braunch of the question more difficult to be assoiled3 and if that which is reported of ,aeneas be true2 namely1 that as ,diomedes passed along by him whiles he sacrificed1 he covered his head1 and so performed his sacrifice2 there is good reason and consequence1 that if men be covered before their enemies1 they should be bare when they encounter either their friends1 or men of woorth and honour3 for this maner of being covered before the gods1 is not properly respective unto them1 but occasioned by accident1 and hath1 since that example of ,aeneas1 beene observed and continued4 ,but if we must say somewhat else beside1 consider whether it be not sufficient to enquire onely of this point2 namely1 why they cover their heads when they worship the gods1 seeing the other consequently dependeth heereupon3 for they stand bare before men of dignitie and authoritie1 not to doe them any more honor thereby1 but contrariwise to diminish their envie1 for feare they might be thought to require as much reverence and the same honor as is exhibited to the gods1 or suffer themselves1 and take pleasure to bee observed and reverenced equally with them3 as for the gods they adored them after this sort2 either by way of lowlinesse and humbling themselves before their majestie1 in covering and hiding their heads2 or rather because they feared lest as they made their praiers1 there should come unto their hearing1 from without1 any sinister voice or inauspicate and ominous osse3 and to prevent such an object they drew their hood over their eares3 ,and how true it is that they had a carefull eie and regard to meet with all such accidents1 it may appeere by this1 that when they went to any oracle for to be resolved by answer from thence upon a scrupulous doubt1 they caused a great noise to be made all about them1 with ringing of pannes or brasen basons4 ,or it may well be1 7as ,castor saith1 comparing in concordance the ,romane fashions with the rites of the ,pythagoreans7 for that the ,dmon or good angell within us1 hath need of the gods helpe without1 and maketh supplication with covering the head1 giving thus much covertly to understand thereby1 that the soule is likewise covered and hidden by the bodie4 #aa4 ,why sacrifice they unto ,saturne bare-headed4 ,,is it because ,aeneas first brought up this fashion of covering the head at sacrifice2 and the sacrifice to ,saturnus is much more auncient than his time8 ,or1 for that they used to be covered unto the celestiall gods3 but as for ,saturne he is reputed a ,subterranean or terrestriall god8 ,or1 in this respect1 that there is nothing hidden1 covered1 or shadowed in ,trueth8 ,for among the ,romans1 ,saturne was held to be the father of ,veritie4 #ab4 ,why doe they repute ,saturne the father of ,trueth4 ,,is it for that 7as some ,philosophers deeme7 they are of opinion that #ace,saturne is #acf,time8 and ,time you know well findeth out and revealeth the ,truth4 ,or1 because as the ,poets fable1 men lived under ,saturnes reigne in the golden age3 and if the life of man was then most just and righteous1 it followeth consequently that there was much trueth in the world4 #ac4 ,what is the reason that they sacrificed likewise unto the god whom they tearmed ,honor1 with bare head8 now a man may interpret ,honor to be as much as ,glory and ,reputation4 ,,it is haply because ,honor and glory is a thing evident1 notorious1 and exposed to the knowledge of the whole world3 and by the same reason that they veile bonet before men of worship1 dignitie1 and honor1 they adore also the deitie that beareth the name of ,honor1 with the head bare4 #ad4 ,what may be the cause1 that sonnes cary their ,fathers and ,mothers foorth to be enterred1 with their heads hooded and covered3 but daughters bare headed1 with their haires detressed and hanging downe loose4 ,,is it for that ,fathers ought to be honored as gods by their male children1 but lamented and bewailed as dead men by their daughters1 and therefore the law having given and graunted unto either sex that which is proper1 hath of both together made that which is beseeming and convenient4 ,or1 it is in this regard1 that unto sorrow and heaviness1 that is best beseeming which is extraordinarie and unusuall3 now more ordinarie it is with women to go abroad with their heads veiled and covered3 and likewise with men1 to be discovered and bare headed4 ,for even among the ,greeks when there is befallen unto them any publike calamitie1 the manner and custome is1 that the women should cut of the hayres of their head1 and the men weare them long2 for that otherwise it is usuall that men should poll their heads1 and women keepe their haire long4 ,and to prove that sonnes were wont to be covered2 in such a case1 and for the said cause1 a man may alledge that which ,varro hath written2 namely1 that in the solemnitie of funerals1 and about the tombs of their fathers1 they carry themselves with as much reverence and devotion as in the temples of the gods3 in such sort1 as when they have burnt the corps in the funeral fire1 so soone as ever they meet with a bone1 they pronounce1 that he who is dead1 is now become a god4 ,on the contrary side1 women were no wise permitted to vaile and cover their heads4 ,and we find upon record1 that the first man who put away and divorced his wife was ,spurius ,carbilius1 because she bare him no children2 the second1 ,sulpitius ,gallus1 for that he saw her to cast a robe over her head3 and the third ,publius ,sempronius1 for standing to behold the solemnitie of the funerall games4 #ae4 ,how it commeth to passe1 that considering the ,romans esteemed ,terminus a god1 and therefore in honour of him celebrated a feast called thereupon ,terminalia1 yet they never killed any beast in sacrifice unto him8 ,,it is because ,romulus did appoint no bonds and limits of his countrey1 to the end that he might lawfully set out and take in where pleased him1 and repute all that land his owne so far as1 7according to that saying of the ,lacedmonian7 his speare or javelin would reach8 ,but ,numa ,pompilius a just man and politick withall1 one who knew well how to govern1 and that by the rule of ,philosophie1 caused his territorie to be confined betweene him and his neighbour nations1 and called those frontier bonds by the name of ,terminus as the superintendent1 over-seer and keeper of peace and amitie between neighbours2 and therefore he supposed1 that this ,terminus ought to be preserved pure and cleane from all blood1 and impollute with any murder4 #af4 ,what is the reason that it is not lawfull for any maid servants to enter into the temple of the goddesse #acg,leucothea8 and the ,dames of ,rome1 bringing in thither one alone and no more with them1 fall to cuffing and boxing her about the eares and cheeks4 ,,as for the wench that is thus buffeted1 it is a sufficient signe and argument1 that such as she1 are not permitted to come thither3 now for all others they keepe them out in regard of a certaine poeticall fable reported in this wise3 that ladie ,ino being in times past jealous of her husband1 and suspecting him with a maid servant of hers1 fell mad1 and was enraged against her owne sonne3 this servant the ,greeks say1 was an ,aetolian borne1 and had to name ,antiphera3 and therefore it is that heere among us in the citie of ,chronea1 before the temple or chappell of ,matuta1 the sexton taking a whip in his hand crieth with a loud voice3 ,no man servant or maid servant be so hardie as to come in heere2 no ,aetolian hee or shee presume to enter into this place4 #ag4 ,what is the cause that to this goddesse1 folke pray not for any blessings to their owne children1 but for their nephews onely1 to wit1 their brothers or sisters children8 ,,may it not be that ,ino being a ladie that loved her sister wonderous well1 in so much as she suckled at her owne breast a sonne of hers3 but was infortunate in her owne children8 ,or rather1 because the said custome is otherwise very good and civill1 inducing and moving folks hearts to carie love and affection to their kinreds4 #ah4 ,for what cause1 were many rich men wont to consecrate and give unto ,hercules the ,disme or tenth of all their goods8 ,,why may it not be upon this occasion1 that ,hercules himselfe being upon a time at #ach,rome1 sacrifice the tenth cow of all the drove which he had taken from ,gerion8 ,or for that he freed and delivered the ,romans from the tax and tribute of the ,dismes which they were wont to pay out of their goods unto the ,tuskans4 ,or in case this may not go current for an authenticall historie1 and worthie of credit2 what and if we say that unto ,hercules as to some great bellie god1 and one who loved good cheere1 they offered and sacrificed plenteously and in great liberalitie8 ,or rather1 for that by this meanes they would take downe and diminish a little1 their excessive riches which ordinarily is an eie-sore and odious unto the citizens of a popular state1 as if they meant to abate and bring low 7as it were7 that plethoricall plight and corpulency of the bodie1 which being growen to the height is daungerous3 supposing by such cutting off1 and abridging of superfluities1 to do honour and service most pleasing unto ,hercules1 as who joied highly in frugalitie3 for that in his life time he stood contented with a little1 and regarded no delicacie or excesse whatsoever4 #ai4 ,why begin the ,romans their yeere at the moneth ,januarie8 ,,for in old time the moneth of ,march was reckoned first1 as a man may collect by many other conjectures1 and by this specially1 that the fift moneth in order after ,march was called ,quintilis1 and the sixt moneth ,sextilis1 and all the rest consequently one after another until you come to the last1 which they named ,december1 because it was the tenth in number after ,march3 which giveth occasion unto some for to thinke say1 that the ,romans 7in those daies7 determined and accomplished their compleat yeere1 not in twelve moneths but in ten3 namely1 by adding unto everie one of those ten moneths certain daies over and above thirtie4 ,others write1 that ,december indeed was the tenth moneth after ,march2 but ,januarie was the eleventh1 and ,februarie the twelfth3 in which moneth they used certaine expiatorie and purgatorie sacrifices1 yea1 and offered oblations unto the dead 7as it were7 to make an end of the yere4 ,howbeit afterwards they transposed this order1 and ranged ,januarie in the first place1 for that upon the first day thereof1 which they call the ,calends of ,januarie2 the first ,consuls that ever bare rule in ,rome were enstalled1 immediatly upon the deposition and expulsion of the kings out of the citie4 ,but there seemeth to be more probability likelihood of truth in their speech1 who say1 that ,romulus being a martiall prince1 and one that loved warre and feats of armes1 as being reputed the sonne of ,mars1 set before all other moneths1 that which caried the name of his father3 howbeit ,numa who succeeded next after him1 being a man of peace1 and who endevored to withdraw the hearts and minds of his subjects and citizens from warre to agriculture1 gave the prerogative of the first place unto ,januarie1 and honoured ,janus most1 as one who had beene more given to politick government1 and to the husbandrie of ground1 than to the exercise of warre and armes4 ,consider moreover1 whether ,numa chose not this moneth for to begin the yeere withall1 as best sorting with nature in regard of us2 for otherwise in generall1 there is no one thing of all those that by nature turne about circularly1 that can be said first or last1 but according to the severall institutions and ordinances of men1 some begin the time at this point1 others at that4 ,and verely they that make the ,winter solstice or hibernall ,tropick the beginning of their yeere1 do the best of all others3 for that the ,sunne ceasing then to passe farther1 beginneth to returne and take his way againe toward us3 for it seemeth1 that both according to the course of nature1 and also in regard of us1 this season is most befitting to begin the yeere3 for that it increaseth unto us the time of daie light1 and diminisheth the darknesse of night1 and causeth that noble starre or planet to approch neerer and come toward us1 the lord governour and ruler of all substance transitorie and fluxible matter whatsoever4 #bj4 ,why do women when they dresse up and adorne the chappell or shrine of their feminine goddesse1 whom they call ,bona1 never bring home for that purpose any branches of ,myrtle tree3 and yet otherwise have a delight to employ all sorts of leaves and flowers8 ,,may it not be1 for that1 as some fabulous writers tell the tale1 there was one #aci;,flavius a soothsaier had a wife1 who used secretely to drinke wine1 and when she was surprised and taken in the manner by her husband1 she was well beaten by him with myrtle rods3 and for that cause they bring thither no boughs of myrtle3 marry they offer libations unto this goddesse of wine1 but forsooth they call it ,milke4 ,or is it not for this cause1 that those who are to celebrate the ceremonies of this divine service1 ought to be pure and cleane from all pollutions1 but especially from that of ,venus or lechery8 ,for not onely they put out of the roome where the service is performed unto the said goddesse ,bona1 all men1 but also whatsoever is besides of masculine sex2 which is the reason that they so detest the myrtle tree1 as being consecrated unto ,venus1 insomuch as it should seeme they called in old time that ,venus1 ,myrtea1 which now goeth under the name1 of ,murcia4 #ba4 ,what is the reason that the ,latines doe so much honour and reverence the ,woodpecker1 and forbeare altogether to do that bird any harme8 ,,is it for that ,picus was reported in old time by the enchantments and sorceries of his wife1 to have changed his owne nature1 and to be metamorphozed into a ,woodpecker2 under which forme he gave out oracles1 and delivered answeres unto those who propounded unto him any demaunds8 ,or rather1 because this seemeth a meere fable1 and incredible tale3 there is another storie reported1 which carieth more probabilitie with it1 and soundeth neerer unto trueth4 ,that when ,romulus and ,remus were cast foorth and exposed to death2 not onely a female woolfe gave them her teats to sucke1 but also a certeine ,woodpecker flew unto them1 and brought them food in her bill1 and so fedde them3 and therefore haply it is1 that ordinarily in these daies wee may see1 as ,nigidius hath well observed2 what places soever at the foot of an hill covered and shadowed with oakes or other trees a ,woodpecker haunteth1 thither customably you shall have a woolfe to repaire4 ,or peradventure1 seeing their maner is to consecrate unto every god one kinde of birde or other1 they reputed this ,woodpecker sacred unto ,mars1 because it is a couragious and hardy bird1 having a bill so strong1 that he is able to overthrow an oke therewith1 after he hath jobbed and pecked into it as farre as to the very marrow and heart thereof4 #bb4 ,how is it that they imagine ,janus to have had two faces1 in which maner they use both to paint and also to cast him in mold4 ,,is it for that he being a ,grcian borne1 came from ,perrhbia1 as we finde written in histories2 and passing forward into ,italy1 dwelt in that countrey among the ,barbarous people1 who there lived1 whose language and maner of life he changed8 ,or rather because he taught and perswaded them to live together after a civill and honest sort1 in husbandry and tilling the ground2 whereas before time their manners were rude1 and their fashions savage without law or justice altogether4 #bc4 ,what is the cause that they use to sell at ,rome all things perteining to the furniture of ,funerals1 within the temple of the goddesse ,libitina1 supposing her to be ,venus4 ,,this may seeme to be one of the sage and philosophicall inventions of king ,numa1 to the end that men should learne not to abhorre such things1 nor to flie from them1 as if they did pollute and defile them8 ,or else this reason may be rendred1 that it serveth for a good record and memoriall1 to put us in minde1 that whatsoever had a beginning by generation1 shall likewise come to an end by death2 as if one and the same goddesse were superintendent and governesse of nativitie and death3 for even in the city of ,delphos there is a pretie image of ,venus1 surnamed ,epitymbia2 that is to say sepulchrall3 before which they use to raise and call foorth the ghosts of such as are departed1 for to receive the libaments and sacred liquors powred foorth unto them4 #bd4 ,why have the ,romans in every moneth three beginnings as it were1 to wit1 certeine principall and prefixed or preordeined#adj daies1 and regard not the same intervall or space of daies betweene8 ,,is it because as ,juba writeth in his chronicles1 that the chiefe magistrates were wont upon the first day of the moneth to call and summon the people2 whereupon it tooke the name of ,calends3 and then to denounce unto them that the ,nones should be the fift day after2 and as for the ,ides they held it to be an holy and sacred day8 ,or for that they measuring and determining the time according to the differences of the moone1 they observed in her every moneth three principall changes and diversities3 the first1 when she is altogether hidden1 namely during her conjunction with the sunne2 the second when she is somewhat remooved from the beames of the sunne1 beginneth to shew herselfe croissant in the evening toward the ,west whereas the sunne setteth2 the third1 when she is at the full3 now that occultation and hiding of hers in the first place1 they named ,calends1 for that in their tongue whatsoever is secret hidden1 they say it is ,clam and to hide or keepe close1 they expresse by this word ,celare2 and the first day of the moones illumination1 which wee heere in ,greece tearme ,noumenia1 that is to say1 the new-moone1 they called by a most just name ,non1 for that which is new and yoong1 they tearme ,novum1 in manner as wee doe 4 ,as for the ,ides1 they tooke their name of this word 1 that signifieth beautie2 for that the moone being then at the full1 is in the very perfection of her beautie3 or haply they derived this denomination of ,dios1 as attributing it to ,jupiter3 but in this we are not to search out exactly the just number of daies1 nor upon a small default to slander and condemne this maner of reckoning1 seeing that even at this day1 when the science of ,astrologie is growen to so great an increment1 the inequalitie of the motion1 and course of the moone surpasseth all experience of ,mathematicians1 and cannot be reduced to any certeine rule of reason4 #be4 ,what is the cause that they repute the morrowes after ,calends1 ,nones1 and ,ides1 disasterous or dismall daies1 either for to set forward upon any journey or voiage1 or to march with an army into the field8 ,,is it because as many thinke1 and as ,titus ,livius hath recorded in his storie2 the ,tribunes militarie1 at what time as they had consular and soveraigne authoritie1 went into the field with the ,romane armie the morrow after the ,ides of the moneth ,quintilis1 which was the same that ,july now is1 and were discomfited in a battell by the ,gaules1 neere unto the river ,allia3 and csequently upon that overthrow1 lost the very city it selfe of ,rome3 by which occasion the morrow after the ,ides1 being held and reputed for a sinister and unluckie day2 superstition entring into mens heads1 proceeded farther 7as she loveth alwaies so to doe7 and brought in the custome for to hold the morrow after the ,nones1 yea1 and the morrow after the ,calends1 as unfortunate1 and to be as religiously observed in semblable cases4 ,but against this there may be opposed many objections3 for first and formost1 they lost that battell upon another day1 and calling it ,alliensis1 by the name of the river ,allia1 where it was strucken1 they have it in abomination for that cause4 ,againe1 whereas there be many daies reputed dismal and unfortunate1 they doe not observe so precisely and with so religious feare1 other daies of like denomination in every moneth1 but ech day apart onely in that moneth wherein such and such a disaster1 hapned3 and that the infortunitie of one day should draw a superstitious feare simply upon all the morrowes after ,calends1 ,nones1 and ,ides1 carieth no congruitie at all1 nor apparence of reason4 ,consider moreover and see1 whether1 as of moneths they used to consecrate the first to the gods celestiall2 the second to the terrestriall1 or infernall1 wherein they performe certeine expiatorie ceremonies and sacrifices of purification1 and presenting offirings and services to the dead3 so of the daies in the moneth1 those which are chiefe and principall1 as hath beene said1 they would not have to be kept as sacred and festivall holidaies2 but such as follow after1 as being dedicated unto the spirits1 called ,dmons1 and those that are departed2 they also have esteemed csequently as unhappy1 altogether unmeet either for to execute or to take in hand any businesse3 for the ,greeks adoring and serving the gods upon their new moones and first daies of the moneth1 have attributed the second daies unto the demi-gods and ,dmons3 like as at their feasts also they drinke the second cup unto their demi-gods1 and demi-goddesses4 ,in summe1 ,time is a kinde of number1 and the beginning of number is 7,i wot not what17 some divine thing1 for it is ,unitie3 and that which commeth next after it is ,deuz or two1 cleane opposite unto the said beginning1 and is the first of all even numbers3 as for the even number it is defective1 unperfect1 and indefinit1 whereas contrariwise1 the uneven or odde number it selfe is finite1 complet1 and absolute3 and for this cause like as the ,nones succeed the ,calends five daies after2 so the ,ides follow the ,nones nine daies after them2 for the uneven and odde numbers doe determine those beginnings1 or principall daies2 but those which presently ensue after the said principall daies being even1 are neither ranged in any order1 nor have power and puissance3 and therefore men doe not enterprise any great worke1 nor set foorth voiage or journey upon such daies3 and heereto wee may to good purpose annex that pretie speech of ,themistocles3 ,for when the morrow 7quoth he7 upon a time quarrelled with the festivall day which went next before it1 saying1 that herselfe was busied and tooke a great deale of pains1 preparing providing with much travel those goods which the feast enjoied at her ease1 with all repose1 rest1 and leisure3 the ,festivall day made this answer3 ,thou saidst true indeed2 but if ,i were not1 where wouldst thou be8 ,this tale ,themistocles devised1 and delivered unto the ,athenian captaines1 who came after him2 giving them thereby to understand1 that neither they nor any acts of theirs would ever have beene seene1 unlesse hee before them had saved the citie of ,athens4 ,forasmuch then1 as every enterprise and voiage of importance hath need of provision1 and some preparatives2 and for that the ,romans in old time upon their festivall daies1 dispensed nothing1 nor took care for any provision2 being wholy given and devoted at such times to the service worship of ,god1 doing that1 and nothing else2 like as even yet at this day1 when the priests begin to sacrifice1 they pronounce with a loud voice before all the companie there assembled ,,hoc ,,age1 that is to say1 ,minde this1 and doe no other thing3 verie like it is1 and standeth to great reason1 that they used not to put themselves upon the way for any long voiage1 nor tooke in hand any great affaire or businesse presently after a festivall day1 but kept within house all the morrow after1 to thinke upon their occasions1 and to provide all things necessarie for journey or exploit3 or we may conjecture1 that as at this very day the ,romans after they have adored the gods1 and made their praiers unto them within their temples1 are woont to stay there a time1 and sit them downe2 even so they thought it not reasonable to cast their great affaires so1 as that they should immediately follow upon any of their festivall daies2 but they allowed some respit and time betweene1 as knowing full well1 that businesses carie with them alwaies many troubles and hinderances1 beyond the opinion1 expectation1 and will of those who take them in hand4 #bf4 ,what is the cause that women at ,rome1 when they mourne for the dead1 put on white robes1 and likewise weare white cawles1 coifes and kerchiefs upon their heads4 ,,may it not be that for to oppose themselves against hell and the darkenesse thereof1 they conforme their raiment and attire to that colour which is cleere and bright8 ,or doe they it not rather for this3 that like as they clad and burie the dead corps in white clothes1 they suppose1 that those who are next of kin1 and come neerest about them1 ought also to weare their liverie8 ,now the bodie they doe in this wise decke1 because they cannot adorne the soule so2 and it they are willing to accompanie as lightsome1 pure and net1 as being now at the last delivered and set free1 and which hath performed a great a variable combat4 ,or rather1 we may guesse thus much thereby3 that in such cases1 that which is most simple and least costly1 is best beseeming2 whereas clothes of any other colour died1 do commonly bewray either superfluitie or curiositie3 for we may say even aswell of blacke1 as of purple3 ,these robes are deceitfull3 these colours also are counterfeit4 ,and as touching that which is of it selfe blacke1 if it have not that tincture by diers art1 surely it is so coloured by nature1 as being mixed and compounded with obscuritie3 and therefore there is no colour els but white1 which is pure1 unmixt1 and not stained and sullied with any tincture1 and that which is inimitable2 in which regard1 more meet and agreeable unto those who are interred1 considering that the dead is now become simple1 pure1 excempt from all mixtion1 and in very trueth1 nothing els but delivered from the bodie1 as a staine and infection hardly scowred out and rid away4 ,semblably1 in the citie of ,argos1 whensoever they mourned1 the maner was to weare white garments1 washed 7as ,socrates said7 in faire and cleere water4 #bg4 ,what is the reason that they esteeme all the walles of the citie sacred and inviolable1 but not the gates4 ,,is it 7as ,varro saith7 because we ought to thinke the walles holie1 to the end that we may fight valiantly1 and die generously in the defence of them8 for it seemeth that this was the cause1 why ,romulus killed his owne brother ,remus1 for that he presumed to leape over an holy and inviolable place3 whereas contrariwise1 it was not possible to consecrate and hallow the gates1 thorow which there must needs be transported many things necessary1 and namely1 the bodies of the dead4 ,and therefore1 they who begin to found a citie1 environ and compasse first with a plough all that pourprise and precinct wherein they meant to build1 drawing the said plough with an oxe and a cow coupled together in one yoke3 afterwards1 when they have traced out all the said place where the walles should stand1 they measure out as much ground as will serve for the gates1 but take out the plough-share1 and so passe over that space with the bare plough1 as if they meant thereby1 that all the furrow which they cast up and eared1 should be sacred and inviolable4 #bh4 ,what is the reason1 that when their children are to sweare by ,hercules1 they will not let them do it within doores1 but cause them to go forth of the house1 and take their oath abroad8 ,,is it because 7as some would have it7 that they thinke ,hercules is not delighted with keeping close within house and fitting idely1 but taketh pleasure to live abroad and lie without8 ,or rather1 for that of all the gods1 ,hercules is not 7as one would say7 home-bred1 but a stranger1 come amongst them from afarre8 ,for even so they would not sweare by ,bacchus1 under the roofe of the house1 but went forth to do it2 because he also is but a stranger among the gods4 ,or haply1 this is no more but a word in game and sport1 given unto children3 and besides 7to say a trueth7 it may be a meanes to withholde and restraine them from swearing so readily and rashly1 as ,phavorinus saith3 for this device causeth a certeine premeditate preparation1 and giveth them 7whiles they goe out of the house7 leasure and time to consider better of the matter4 ,and a man may conjecture also with ,phavorinus1 and say with him3 ,that this fashion was not common to other gods1 but proper to ,hercules3 for that we finde it written1 that he was so religious1 so respective and precise in his oath1 that in all his life time he never sware but once1 and that was onely to ,phileus the sonne of ,augias4 ,and therefore1 the prophetisse at ,delphos1 named ,pythia1 answered thus upon a time to the ,lacedmonians3 ,when all these oaths you once forfend1 ,your state 7be sure7 shall dayly mend4 #bi4 ,what should be the reason1 that they would not permit the new wedded bride to passe of herselfe over the doore-sill or threshold1 when she is brought home to her husband's house1 but they that accompanie her1 must lift her up betweene them from the ground1 and so convey her in4 ,,is it in remembrance of those first wives whom they ravished perforce from the ,sabines1 who entred not into their houses of themselves with their good will1 but were carried in by them1 in this maner8 ,or is it perhaps1 because they would be thought to goe against their willes into that place where they were to lose their maidenhead8 ,or haply it may be1 that a wedded wife ought not to goe foorth of her doores1 and abandon her house1 but perforce1 like as she went first into it by force4 ,for in our countrey of ,botia1 the maner is1 to burne before the doore where a new married wife is to dwell1 the axel tree of that chariot or coatch in which she rode when she was brought to her husbands house4 ,by which ceremonie1 thus much she is given to understand1 that will she nill she1 there she must now tarrie1 considering that it which brought her thither1 is now gone quite and consumed4 #cj4 ,wherefore do they at ,rome1 when they bring a new espoused bride home to the house of her husband1 force her to say these words unto her spouse3 ,where you are ,cajus1 ,i will be ,caja8 ,,is it to testifie by these words1 that she entreth immediately to communicate with him in all goods1 and to be a governesse and commaunder in the house as well as he8 for it implieth as much1 as if she should say2 where you are lord and master1 ,i will be lady and mistres4 ,now these names they used as being common1 and such as came first to hand1 and for no other reason else3 like as the ,civill lawiers use ordinarily these names1 ,cajus1 ,seius1 ,lucius1 and ,titius3 the ,philosophers in their schooles1 ,dion and ,theon4 ,or peradventure it is in regard of ,caia ,ccilia a beautifull and vertuous lady1 who in times past1 espoused one of the sonnes of king ,tarquinius3 of which dame there is yet to be seene even at this day one image of brasse1 within the temple of the god ,sanctus3 and there likewise in old time1 her slippers1 her distaffe and spindels laid up for to bee seene3 the one to signifie that she kept the house well1 and went not ordinarily abroad2 the other to shew how she busied herselfe at home4 #ca4 ,how commeth it1 that they use to chaunt ordinarily at ,weddings1 this word so much divulged1 ,talassio8 ,,is it not of ,talasia1 the ,greeke word1 which signifieth yarne3 for the basket wherein women use to put in their rolles of carded wooll1 they name ,talosos in ,greeke1 and ,calathus in ,latine8 ,certes they that lead the bride home1 cause her to sit upon a fliece of wooll1 then bringeth she foorth a distaffe and a spindle1 and with wooll all to hangeth and decketh the dore of her husbands house4 ,or rather1 if it be true which historians report3 ,there was sometime a certeine yoong gentleman1 very valiant and active in feats of armes1 and otherwise of excellent parts and singular wel conditioned1 whose name was ,talasius3 and when they ravished and caried away the daughters of the ,sabines who were come to ,rome1 for to behold the solemnitie of their festivall games and plaies3 certaine meane persons1 such yet as belonged to the traine retinue of ,talasius aforesaid1 had chosen foorth were carying away1 one damosel above the rest most beautiful of visage1 and for their safety and securitie as they passed along the streets1 cried out aloud ,talasio1 ,talasio1 that is to say1 for ,talasius1 for ,talasius2 to the end that no man should be so hardy as to approch nere unto them1 nor attempt to have away the maiden from them1 giving it out1 that they caried her for to be the wife of ,talasius2 and others meeting them upon the way1 joined with them in company for the honour of ,talasius1 and as they followed after1 highly praised their good choice which they had made1 praying the gods to give both him and her joy of their marriage1 and contentment to their hearts desire4 ,now for that this marriage prooved happy and blessed1 they were woont ever after in their wedding songs to rechant and resound this name1 ,talasius1 like as the maner is among the ,greeks to sing in such carrols1 ,hymenus4 #cb4 ,what is the reason that in the moneth of ,may1 they use at ,rome to cast over their woodden bridge into the river1 certaine images of men1 which they call ,argeos8 ,,is it in memoriall of the ,barbarians who sometimes inhabited these parts1 and did so by the ,greeks1 murdering them in that maner as many of them as they could take8 ,but ,hercules who was highly esteemed among them for his vertue1 abolished this cruell fashion of killing of strangers1 and taught them this custome to counterfet their auncient superstitions1 and to fling these images in stead of them3 now in old time our ancestors used to name all ,greeks of what countrey soever they were1 ,argeos3 unlesse haply a man would say1 that the ,arcadians reputing the ,argives to be their enemies1 for that they were their neighbour borderers1 such as fled with ,evander out of ,arcadia1 and came to inhabit these quarters1 reteined still the old hatred and ranckor1 which time out of minde had taken root1 and beene setled in their hearts against the said ,argives4 #cc4 ,what is the cause that the ,romans in old time never went foorth out of their houses to supper1 but they caried with them their yoong sonnes1 even when they were but in their very infancie and childhood4 ,,was not this for the very same reason that ,lycurgus instituted and ordeined1 that yoong children should ordinarily be brought into their halles where they used to eat in publicke1 called ,phiditia1 to the end that they might be inured and acquainted betimes1 not to use the pleasures of eating and drinking immoderately1 as brutish and ravenous beasts are wont to doe2 considering that they had their elders to oversee them1 yea1 and to controll their demeanour3 and in this regard haply also1 that their fathers themselves should in their carriage be more sober1 honest1 and frugall1 in the presence of their children3 for looke where old folke are shamelesse1 there it can not chuse but 7as ,plato saith7 children and youth will be most gracelesse and impudent4 #cd4 ,what might the reason be1 that whereas all other ,romans made their offerings1 ceremonies1 and sacrifices for the dead1 in the moneth of ,february3 ,decimus ,brutus as ,cicero saith1 was wont to doe the same in the moneth of ,december3 now this ,brutus was he who first invaded the countrey of ,portugall1 and with an armie passed over the river of ,lethe1 that is to say1 oblivion4 ,,may it not be1 that as the most part of men used not to performe any such services for the dead1 but toward the end of the moneth1 and a little before the shutting in of the evening2 even so it seemeth to carie good reason1 to honour the dead at the end of the yeere2 and you wot well that ,december was the last moneth of all the yeere4 ,or rather1 it is because this was an honour exhibited to the deities terrestriall3 and it seemeth that the proper season to reverence and worship these earthly gods1 is when the fruits of the earth be fully gathered and laid up4 ,or haply1 for that the husband men began at this time to breake up their grounds against their seednesse3 it was meet and requisite to have in remembrance those gods which are under the ground4 ,or haply1 because this moneth is dedicate and consecrated by the ,romans to ,saturne2 for they counted ,saturne one of the gods beneath1 and none of them above3 and withall1 considering the greatest and most solemne feast1 which they call ,saturnalia1 is holden in this moneth1 at what time as they seeme to have their most frequent meeting1 and make best cheere1 he thought it meet and reasonable that the dead also should enjoy some little portion thereof4 ,or it may be said1 that it is altogether untrue that ,decimus ,brutus alone sacrificed for the dead in this moneth3 for certeine it is that there was a certeine divine service performed to ,acca ,larentia1 and solemne effusions and libaments of wine and milke were powred upon her sepulchre in the moneth of ,december4 #ce4 ,why honoured the ,romans this ,acca ,larentia so highly1 considering she was no better than a strumpet or courtisan8 ,,for you must thinke1 that the histories make mention of another ,acca ,larentia1 the nurse of ,romulus1 unto whom they do honour in the moneth of ,aprill4 ,as for this courtizan ,larentia1 she was 7as men say7 surnamed ,fabula1 and came to be so famous and renowmed by such an occasion as this4 ,a certeine sexton of ,hercules his temple1 having little els to doe1 and living at ease 7as commonly such fellowes doe7 used for the most part to spend all the day in playing at dice and with cokall bones3 and one day above the rest1 it fortuned1 that meeting with none of his mates and play-fellowes who were woont to beare him company at such games1 and not knowing what to do nor how to passe the time away1 he thought with himselfe to challenge the god whose servant he was1 to play at dice with him1 upon these conditions3 ,that if himselfe woon the game1 ,hercules should be a meanes for him of some good lucke and happy fortune2 but in case he lost the game1 he should provide for ,hercules a good supper1 and withall1 a pretie wench and a faire1 to be his bedfellow3 these conditions being agreed upon and set downe1 he cast the dice1 one chance for himselfe1 and another for the god2 but his hap was to be the loser3 whereupon minding to stand unto his challenge1 and to accomplish that which he had promised1 he prepared a rich supper for ,hercules his god1 and withall1 sent for this ,acca ,larentia1 a professed courtisan and common harlot1 whom he feasted also with him1 and after supper bestowed her in a bed within the very temple1 shut the doores fast upon1 and so went his way4 ,now the tale goes forsooth1 that in the night1 ,hercules companied with her1 not after the maner of men1 but charged her1 that the next morning betimes she should go into the market-place1 and looke what man she first met withall1 him she should enterteine in all kindnesse1 and make her friend especially4 ,then ,larentia gat up betimes in the morning accordingly1 and chanced to encounter a certeine rich man and a stale bacheler1 who was now past his middle age1 and his name was ,taruntius2 with him she became so familiarly acquainted1 that so long as he lived1 she had the command of his whole house2 and at his death1 was by his last will and testament instituted inheritresse of all that he had4 ,this ,larentia likewise afterward departed this life1 and left all her riches unto the citie of ,rome3 whereupon this honour abovesaid was done unto her4 #cf4 ,what is the cause1 that they name one gate of the citie ,fenestra1 which is as much to say1 as window2 neere unto which adjoineth the bed-chamber of ,fortune8 ,,is it for that king ,servius a most fortunate prince1 was thought named to lie with ,fortune1 who was woont to come unto him by the window8 or is this but a devised tale8 ,but in trueth1 after that king ,tarquinius ,priscus was deceased1 his wife ,tanaquillis being a wise ladie1 and endued with a roiall mind1 putting forth her head1 and bending forward her bodie out of her chamber window1 made a speech unto the people1 perswading them to elect ,servius for their king4 ,and this is the reason that afterwards the place reteined this name1 ,fenestra4 #cg4 ,what is the reason1 that of all those things which be dedicated and consecrated to the gods1 the custome is at ,rome1 that onely the spoiles of enemies conquered in the warres1 are neglected and suffered to run to decay in processe of time3 neither is there any reverence done unto them1 nor repaired be they at any time1 when they wax olde8 ,,whether is it1 because they 7supposing their glory to fade and passe away together with these first spoiles7 seeke evermore new meanes to winne some fresh marks and monuments of their vertue1 and to leave them same behinde them4 ,or rather1 for that seeing time doth waste and consume these signs and tokens of the enmity which they had with their enemies1 it were an odious thing for them1 and very invidious1 if they should refresh and renew the remembrance thereof3 for even those among the ,greeks1 who first erected their trophes or pillars of brasse and stone1 were not commended for so doing4 #ch4 ,what is the reason that ,quintus ,metellus the high priest1 and reputed besides a wise man and a politike1 forbad to observe auspices1 or to take presages by flight of birds1 after the moneth ,sextilis1 now called ,august4 ,,is it for that1 as we are woont to attend upon such observations about noone or in the beginning of the day1 at the entrance also and toward the middle of the moneth3 but we take heed and beware of the daies declination1 as inauspicate and unmeet for such purposes2 even so ,metellus supposed1 that the time after eight moneths was 7as it were7 the evening of the yeere1 and the latter end of it1 declining now and wearing toward an end4 ,or haply1 because we are to make use of these birds1 and to observe their flight for presage1 whiles they are entire1 perfect and nothing defective1 such as they are before ,summer time4 ,but about ,autumne some of them moult1 grow to be sickly and weake2 others are over young and too small2 and some againe appeare not at all1 but like passengers are gone at such a time into another countrey4 #ci4 ,what is the cause1 that it was not lawfull for them who were not prest soldiors by oth and enrolled1 although upon some other occasions they conversed in the campe1 to strike or wound an enemie8 ,and verely ,cato himselfe the elder of that name signified thus much in a letter missive which he wrote unto his sonne3 wherein he straitly charged him1 that if he had accomplished the full time of his service1 and that his captain had given him his conge and discharge1 he should immediately returne3 or in case he had leifer stay still in the campe1 that he should obtaine of his captaine permission and licence to hurt and kill his enemie4 ,,is it because there is nothing else but necessitie alone1 doeth warrantize the killing of a man3 and he who unlawfully and without expresse commaundement of a superiour 7unconstrained7 doth it1 is a meere homicide and manslaier4 ,and therefore ,cyrus commended ,chrysantas1 for that being upon the verie point of killing his enemie1 as having lifted up his cemiter for to give him a deadly wound1 presently upon the sound of the retreat by the trumpet1 let the man go1 and would not smite him1 as if he had beene forbidden so to do4 ,or may it not be1 for that he who presenteth himselfe to fight with his enemie1 in case he shrink1 and make not good his ground1 ought not to go away cleere withal1 but to be held faulty and to suffer punishment3 for he doth nothing so good service that hath either killed or wounded an enemie1 as harme and domage1 who reculeth backe or flieth away3 now he who is discharged from warfare1 and hath leave to depart1 is no more obliged and bound to militarie lawes3 but he that hath demaunded permission to do that service which sworne and enrolled souldiers performe1 putteth himselfe againe under the subjection of the law and his owne captaine4 #dj4 ,how is it1 that the priest of ,jupiter1 is not permitted to annoint himselfe abroad in the open aire8 ,,is it for that in old time it was not held honest and lawfull for children to do off their clothes before their fathers2 nor the sonne in law in the presence of his wives father2 neither used they the stouph or bath together3 now is ,jupiter reputed the priests or ,flamines father3 and that which is done in the open aire1 seemeth especially to be in the verie eie and sight of ,jupiter8 ,or rather1 like as it was thought a great sinne and exceeding irreverence1 for a man to turne himselfe out of his apparrell naked1 in any church1 chappell1 or religious and sacred place2 even so they carried a great respect unto the aire and open skie1 as being full of gods1 demi-gods1 and saints4 ,and this is the verie cause1 why we doe many of our necessarie businesses within doores1 enclosed and covered with the roofe of our houses1 and so remooved from the eies as it were of the deitie4 ,moreover1 some things there be that by law are commaunded and enjoined unto the priest onely2 and others againe unto all men1 by the priest3 as for example1 heere with us in ,botia2 to be crowned with chaplets of flowers upon the head2 to let the haire grow long2 to weare a sword1 and not to set foot within the limits of ,phocis1 pertaine all to the office and dutie of the captaine generall and chiefe ruler3 but to tast of no new fruits before the ,autumnall ,aequinox be past2 nor to cut and prune a vine but before the ,aequinox of the ,spring1 be intimated and declared unto all by the said ruler or captaine generall3 for those be the verie seasons to do both the one the other4 ,in like case1 it should seeme in my judgement that among the ,romans it properly belonged to the priest2 not to mount on horseback2 not to be above three nights out of the citie2 not to put off his cap1 whereupon he was called in the ,roman language1 ,flamen4 ,but there be many other offices and duties1 notified and declared unto all men by the priest1 among which this is one1 not to be enhuiled or anointed abroad in the open aire3 ,for this manner of anointing drie without the bath1 the ,romans mightily suspected and were afraid of3 and even at this day they are of opinion1 that there was no such cause in the world that brought the ,greeks under the yoke of servitude and bondage1 and made them so tender and effeminate1 as their halles and publike places where their yong men wrestled exercised their bodies naked3 as being the meanes that brought into their cities1 much losse of time1 engendred idlenesse1 bred lazie slouth1 and ministred occasion opportunity of lewdnesse and vilany2 as namely1 to make love unto faire boies1 and to spoile and marre the bodies of young men with sleeping1 with walking at a certeine measure1 with stirring according to motions1 keeping artificiall compasse1 and with observing rules of exquisit diet4 ,through which fashions1 they see not1 how 7ere they be aware7 they be fallen from exercises of armes1 and have cleane forgotten all militarie discipline3 loving rather to be held and esteemed good wrestlers1 fine dauncers1 conceited pleasants1 and faire minions1 than hardie footmen1 or valiant men of armes4 ,and verely it is an hard matter to avoid and decline these inconveniences1 for them that use to discover their bodies naked before all the world in the broad aire3 but those who annoint themselves closely within doores1 and looke to their bodies at home are neither faulty nor offensive4 #da4 ,what is the reason that the auncient coine and mony in old time1 caried the stampe of one side of ,ianus with two faces3 and on the other side1 the prow or the poope of a boat engraved therein4 ,,was it not as many men do say1 for to honour the memorie of ,saturne1 who passed into ,italy by water in such a vessel8 ,but a man may say thus much as well of many others3 for ,janus1 ,evander1 and ,aeneas1 came thither likewise by sea2 and therefore a man may peradventure gesse with better reason2 that whereas some things serve as goodly ornaments for cities1 others as necessarie implements3 among those which are decent and seemely ornaments1 the principall is good government and discipline1 and among such as be necessary1 is reckoned1 plentie and abundance of victuals3 now for that ,janus instituted good government1 in ordeining holsome lawes1 and reducing their manner of life to civilitie1 which before was rude and brutish1 and for that the river being navigable1 furnished them with store of all necessary commodities1 whereby some were brought thither by sea1 others from the land2 the coine caried for the marke of a law-giver1 the head with two faces1 like as we have already said1 because of that change of life which he brought in2 and of the river1 a ferrie boate or barge3 and yet there was another kinde of money currant among them1 which had the figure portraied upon it1 of a beefe1 of a sheepe1 and of a swine2 for that their riches they raised especially from such cattle1 and all their wealth and substance consisted in them4 ,and heereupon it commeth1 that many of their auncient names1 were ,ovilij1 ,bubulci and ,porcij1 that is to say1 ,sheepe-reeves1 and ,neat-herds1 and ,swineherds according as ,fenestella doth report4 #db4 ,what is the cause that they make the temple of ,saturne1 the chamber of the citie1 for to keepe therein the publicke treasure of gold and silver3 as also their arches1 for the custodie of all their writings1 rolles1 contracts and evidences whatsoever4 ,,is it by occasion of that opinion so commonly received1 and the speech so universally currant in every mans mouth1 that during the raigne of ,saturne1 there was no avarice nor injustice in the world2 but loialtie1 truth1 faith1 and righteousnesse caried the whole sway among men4 ,or for that he was the god who found out fruits1 brought in agriculture1 and taught husbandry first2 for the hooke or sickle in his hand signifieth so much1 and not as ,antimachus wrote1 following therein and beleeving ,hesiodus3 ,rough ,saturne with his hairy skinne1 against all law and right1 ,of ,aemons sonne1 sir ,ouranus1 or ,clus sometime hight1 ,those privy members which him gat1 with hooke a-slant off-cut4 ,and then anon in fathers place of reigne1 himselfe did put4 ,now the abundance of the fruits which the earth yeeldeth1 and the vent or disposition of them1 is the very mother that bringeth foorth plentie of monie3 and therefore it is that this same god they make the author and mainteiner of their felicitie3 in testimonie whereof1 those assemblies which are holden every ninth day in the cmon place of the city1 called ,nundin1 that is to say1 ,faires or markets1 they esteeme consecrated to ,saturne3 for the store foison of fruits is that which openeth the trade comerce of buying and selling4 ,or1 because these reasons seeme to be very antique2 what and if we say that the first man who made 7of ,saturns temple at ,rome7 the treasurie or chamber of the citie was ,valerius ,poplicola1 after that the kings were driven out of ,rome1 and it seemeth to stand to good reason that he made choise thereof1 because he thought it a safe and secure place1 eminent and conspicuous in all mens eies1 and by consequence hard to be surprised and forced4 #dc4 ,what is the cause that those who come as embassadours to ,rome1 from any parts whatsoever1 go first into the temple of ,saturne1 and there before the ,questors or ,treasurers of the citie1 enter their names in their registers4 ,,is it for that ,saturne himselfe was a stranger in ,italy1 and therefore all strangers are welcome unto him8 ,or may not this question be solved by the reading of histories8 for in old time these ,questors or publick ,treasurers1 were wont to send unto embassadors certeine presents1 which were called ,lautia3 and if it fortuned that such embassadors were sicke1 they tooke the charge of them for their cure2 and if they chanced to die1 they enterred them likewise at the cities charges4 ,but now in respect of the great resort of embassadors from out of all countries1 they have cut off this expense3 howbeit the auncient custome yet remaineth1 namely1 to present themselves to the said officers of the treasure1 and to be registred in their booke4 #dd4 ,why is it not lawfull for ,jupiters priest to sweare8 ,,is it because an oth ministered unto free borne men1 is as it were the racke and torture tendred unto them8 for certeine it is1 that the soule as well as the bodie of the priest1 ought to continue free1 and not be forced by any torture whatsoever4 ,or1 for that it is not meet to distrust or discredit him in small matters1 who is beleeved in great and divine things8 ,or rather because every oth ended with the detestation and malediction of perjurie3 and considering that all maledictions be odious and abominable2 therefore it is not thought good that any other priests whatsoever1 should curse or pronounce any malediction3 and in this respect was the priestresse of ,minerva in ,athens highly commended1 for that she would never curse ,alcibiades1 notwithstanding the people commanded her so to doe3 ,for ,i am 7quoth she7 ordeined a priestresse to pray for men1 and not to curse them4 ,or last of all1 was it because the perill of perjurie would reach in common to the whole common wealth1 if a wicked1 godlesse and forsworne person1 should have the charge and superintendance of the praiers1 vowes1 and sacrifices made in the behalfe of the citie4 #de4 ,what is the reason that upon the festivall day in the honour of ,venus1 which solemnitie they call ,veneralia1 they use to powre foorth a great quantitie of wine out of the temple of ,venus4 ,,is it as some say upon this occasion1 that ,mezentius sometime captaine generall of the ,tuscans1 sent certeine embassadors unto ,aeneas1 with commission to offer peace unto him1 upon this condition1 that he might receive all the wine of that #adayeeres vintage4 ,but when ,aeneas refused so to doe1 ,mezentius 7for to encourage his souldiers the ,tuskans to fight manfully7 promised to bestow wine upon them when he had woon the field3 but ,aeneas understanding of this promise of his1 consecrated and dedicated all the said wine unto the gods3 and in trueth1 when he had obteined the victorie1 all the wine of that yeere1 when it was gotten and gathered together1 he powred forth before the temple of ,venus4 ,or1 what if one should say1 that this doth symbolize thus much3 ,that men ought to be sober upon festivall daies1 and not to celebrate such solemnities with drunkennesse2 as if the gods take more pleasure to see them shed wine upon the ground1 than to powre overmuch thereof downe their throats8 #df4 ,what is the cause that in ancient time they kept the temple of the goddesse ,horta1 open alwaies4 ,,whether was it 7as ,antistius ,labeo hath left in writing7 for that1 seeing ,hortari in the ,latine tongue signifieth to incite and exhort1 they thought that the goddesse called ,horta1 which stirreth and provoketh men unto the enterprise and execution of good exploits1 ought to be evermore in action1 not to make delaies1 nor to be shut up and locked within dores1 ne yet to sit still and do nothing8 ,or rather1 because as they name her now a daies ,hora1 with the former syllable long1 who is a certeine industrious1 vigilant and busie goddesse1 carefull in many things3 therefore being as she is1 so circumspect and so watchfull1 they thought she should be never idle1 nor rechlesse of mens affaires4 ,or els1 this name ,hora 7as many others besides7 is a meere ,greeke word1 and signifieth a deitie or divine power1 that hath an eie to overlooke1 to view and controll all things2 and therefore since she never sleepeth1 nor laieth her eies together1 but is alwaies broad awake1 therefore her church or chapel was alwaies standing open4 ,but if it be so as ,labeo saith1 that this word ,hora is rightly derived of the ,greeke verbe or 1 which signifieth to incite or provoke2 consider better1 whether this word ,orator also1 that is to say1 one who stirrith up1 exhorteth1 encourageth1 and adviseth the people1 as a prompt and ready counseller1 be not derived likewise in the same sort1 and not of or 1 that is to say1 praier and supplication1 as some would have it4 #dg4 ,wherefore founded ,romulus the temple of ,vulcane without the citie of ,rome8 ,,is it for the jealousie 7which as fables do report7 ,vulcane had of ,mars1 because of his wife ,venus3 and so ,romulus being reputed the sonne of ,mars1 would not vouchsafe him to inhabit and dwell in the same citie with him8 or is this a meere foolerie and senselesse conceit8 ,but this temple was built at the first1 to be a chamber and parlour of privie counsell for him and ,tatius who reigned with him2 to the end that meeting and sitting there in consultation together with the ,senatours1 in a place remote from all troubles and hinderances1 they might deliberate as touching the affaires of ,state with ease and quietnesse4 ,or rather1 because ,rome from the very first foundation was subject to fire by casualtie1 hee thought good to honour this god of fire in some sort1 but yet to place him without the walles of the citie4 #dh4 ,what is the reason1 that upon their festivall day called ,consualia1 they adorned with garlands of flowers as well their asses as horses1 and gave them rest and repose for the time8 ,,is it for that this solemnitie was holden in the honour of ,neptune surnamed ,equestris1 that is to say1 the horseman8 and the asse hath his part of this joyfull feast1 for the horses sake8 ,or1 because that after navigation and transporting of commodities by sea was now found out and shewed to the world1 there grew by that meanes 7in some sort7 better rest and more ease to poore labouring beasts of draught and carriage4 #di4 ,how commeth it to passe1 that those who stood for any office and magistracie1 were woont by an old custome 7as ,cato hath written7 to present themselves unto the people in a single robe or loose gowne1 without any coat at all under it8 ,,was it for feare lest they should carrie under their robes any money in their bosomes1 for to corrupt1 bribe1 and buy 7as it were7 the voices and suffrages of the people8 ,or was it because they deemed men woorthy to beare publicke office and to governe1 not by their birth and parentage1 by their wealth and riches1 ne yet by their shew and outward reputation1 but by their wounds and scarres to be seene upon their bodies4 ,to the end therefore1 that such scarres might be better exposed to their fight whom they met or talked withall1 they went in this maner downe to the place of election1 without inward coats in their plaine gownes4 ,or haply1 because they would seeme by this nuditie and nakednesse of theirs1 in humilitie to debase themselves1 the sooner thereby to curry favor1 and win the good grace of the commons1 even as well as by taking them by the right hand1 by suppliant craving1 and by humble submission on their very knees4 #ej4 ,what is the cause that the ,flamen or priest of ,jupiter1 when his wife was once dead1 used to give up his ,priesthood or ,sacerdotall dignitie1 according as ,ateius hath recorded in his historie4 ,,was it for that he who once had wedded a wife1 and afterwards buried her1 was more infortunate1 than he who never had any8 for the house of him who hath maried a wife1 is entire and perfect1 but his house who once had one1 and now hath none1 is not onely unperfect1 but also maimed and lame8 ,or might it not bee that the priests wife was consecrated also to divine service together with her husband2 for many rites and ceremonies there were1 which he alone could not performe1 if his wife were not present3 and to espouse a new wife immediately upon the decease of the other1 were not peradventure possible1 nor otherwise would well stand with decent and civill honesty3 wherupon neither in times past was it lawful for him1 nor at this day as it should seem1 is he permitted to put away his wife3 and yet in our age ,domitian at the request of one1 gave licence so to doe3 at this dissolution and breach of wedlocke1 other priests were present and assistant1 where there passed among them many strange1 hideous1 horrible1 and monstrous ceremonies4 ,but haply a man would lesse wonder at this1 if ever he knew and understood before1 that when one of the ,censors died1 the other of necessity must likewise quit resigne up his office4 ,howbeit1 when ,livius ,drusus was departed this life1 his companion in office ,aemylius ,scaurus1 would not give over and renounce his place1 untill such time as certeine ,tribunes of the people1 for his contumacie commanded1 that he should be had away to prison4 #ea4 ,what was the reason that the idols ,lares1 which otherwise properly be called ,prstites1 had the images of a dogge standing hard by them1 and the ,lares themselves were portraied clad in dogges skinnes8 ,,is it because this word ,prstites signifieth as much as 1 that is to say1 ,presidents1 or standing before as keepers3 and verily such ,presidents ought to be good house-keepers1 and terrible unto all strangers1 like as a dogge is2 but gentle and loving to those of the house4 ,or rather1 that which some of the ,romans write is true1 like as ,chrysippus also the philosopher is of opinion2 namely1 that there be certeine evill spirits which goe about walking up and downe in the world2 and these be the butchers and tormentors that the gods imploy to punish unjust and wicked men3 and even so these ,lares are held to be maligne spirits1 no better than divels1 spying into mens lives1 and prying into their families2 which is the cause that they now be arraied in such skinnes1 and a dogge they have sitting hard by them1 whereby thus much in effect is given to understand1 that quicke sented they are1 and of great power both to hunt out1 and also to chastice leud persons4 #eb4 ,what is the cause that the ,romans sacrifice a dogge unto the goddesse called ,genita-,mana1 and withall make one praier unto her1 that none borne in the house might ever come to good8 ,,is it for that this ,genita-,mana is counted a ,dmon or goddesse that hath the procuration and charge both of the generation and also of the birth of things corruptible8 for surely the word implieth as much1 as a certeine fluxion and generation1 or rather a generation fluent or fluxible3 and like as the ,greeks sacrificed unto ,proserpina1 a dog1 so do the ,romans unto that ,genita1 for those who are borne in the house4 ,socrates also saith1 that the ,argives sacrificed a dogge unto ,ilithya1 for the more easie and safe deliverance of child-birth4 ,furthermore1 as touching that ,praier1 that nothing borne within the house might ever proove good1 it is not haply meant of any persons1 man or woman1 but of dogges rather which were whelped there2 which ought to be1 not kinde and gentle1 but curst and terrible4 ,or peradventure1 for that they #adbthat die 7after an elegant maner of speech7 be named ,good or quiet3 under these words they covertly pray1 that none borne in the house might die4 ,and this need not to seeme a strange kinde of speech2 for ,aristotle writeth1 that in a certeine treatie of peace betweene the ,arcadians ,lacedemonians1 this article was comprised in the capitulations3 ,that they should make none #adcof the ,tegeates1 ,good1 for the aid they sent1 or favour that they bare unto the ,lacedmonians2 by which was meant1 that they should put none of them to death4 #ec4 ,what is the reason1 that in a solemne procession exhibited at the ,capitoline plaies1 they proclame 7even at this day7 by the voice of an herald1 port-sale of the ,sardians8 and before all this solemnitie and pompe1 there is by waye of mockerie and to make a laughing stocke1 an olde man led in a shew1 with a jewell or brooch pendant about his necke1 such as noble mens children are woont to weare1 and which they call ,bulla8 ,,is it for that the ,veientians1 who in times past being a puissant ,state in ,tuscane1 made warre a long time with ,romulus3 whose citie being the last that he woonne by force1 he made sale of many prisoners and captives1 together with their king1 mocking him for his stupiditie and grosse follie4 ,now for that the ,tuscans in ancient time were descended from the ,lydians1 and the capitall citie of ,lydia is ,sardis1 therefore they proclamed the sale of the ,veientian prisoners under the name of the ,sardians2 and even to this day in scorne and mockerie1 they reteine still the same custome4 #ed4 ,whence came it1 that they call the shambles or butcherie at ,rome where flesh is to be solde1 ,macellum8 ,,is it for that this word ,macellum1 by corruption of language is derived of 1 that in the ,greek tonge signifieth a cooke8 like as many other words by usage and custome are come to be received2 for the letter ,c4 hath great affinitie with ,g4 in the ,romane tongue3 and long it was ere they had the use of ,g4 which letter ,spurius ,carbillius first invented4 ,moreover1 they that maffle and stammer in their speech1 pronounce ordinarily ,l4 instead of ,r4 ,or this question may be resolved better by the knowledge of the ,romane historie3 for we reade therein1 that there was sometime a violent person and a notorious thiefe at ,rome1 named ,macellus1 who after he had committed many outrages and robberies1 was with much ado in the end taken and punished3 and of his goods which were forfeit to the ,state1 there was built a publike shambles or market place to sell flesh-meats in1 which of his name was called ,macellum4 #ee4 ,why upon the ,ides of ,januarie1 the minstrels at ,rome who plaied upon the hautboies1 were permitted to goe up and downe the city disguised in womens apparell8 ,,arose this fashion upon that occasion which is reported8 namely1 that king ,numa had granted unto them many immunities and honorable priviledges in his time1 for the great devotion that hee had in the service of the gods8 and for that afterwards1 the ,tribunes militarie who governed the citie in ,consular authority1 tooke the same from them1 they went their way discontented1 and departed quite from the citie of ,rome3 but soone after1 the people had a misse of them1 and besides1 the priests made it a matter of conscience1 for that in all the sacrifices thorowout the citie1 there was no sound of flute or hautboies4 ,now when they would not returne againe 7being sent for7 but made their abode in the citie ,tibur2 there was a certeine afranchised bondslave who secretly undertooke unto the magistrates1 to finde some meanes for to fetch them home4 ,so he caused a sumptuous feast to be made1 as if he meant to celebrate some solemne sacrifice1 and invited to it the pipers and plaiers of the hautboies aforesaid3 and at this feast he tooke order there should be divers women also2 and all night long there was nothing but piping1 playing1 singing and dancing3 but all of a sudden this master of the feast caused a rumor to be raised1 that his lord and master was come to take him in the maner2 whereupon making semblant that he was much troubled and affrighted1 he perswaded the minstrels to mount with all speed into close coatches1 covered all over with skinnes1 and so to be carried to ,tibur4 ,but this was a deceitfull practise of his2 for he caused the coatches to be turned about another way1 and unawares to them2 who partly for the darkenesse of the night1 and in part because they were drowsie and the wine in their heads1 tooke no heed of the way1 he brought all to ,rome betimes in the morning by the breake of day disguised as they were1 many of them in light coloured gownes like women1 which 7for that they had over-watched and over-drunke themselves7 they had put on1 and knew nor therof4 ,then being 7by the magistrates7 overcome with faire words1 and reconciled againe to the citie1 they held ever after this custome every yeere upon such a day3 ,to go up and downe the citie thus foolishly disguised4 #ef4 ,what is the reason1 that it is commonly received1 that certein matrons of the city at the first founded and built the temple of ,carmenta1 and to this day honour it highly with great reverence8 ,,for it is said1 that upon a time the ,senat had forbidden the dames and wives of the city to ride in coatches3 whereupon they tooke such a stomacke and were so despighteous1 that to be revenged of their husbands1 they conspired altogether not to conceive or be with child by them1 nor to bring them any more babes3 and in this minde they persisted still1 untill their husbands began to bethinke them selves better of the matter1 and let them have their will to ride in their coatches againe as before time3 and then they began to breede and beare children a fresh3 and those who soonest conceived and bare most and with greatest ease1 founded then the temple of ,carmenta4 ,and as ,i suppose this ,carmenta was the mother of ,evander1 who came with him into ,italy2 whose right name indeed was ,themis1 or as some say ,nicostrata3 now for that she rendred propheticall answeres and oracles in verse1 the ,latins surnamed her ,carmenta3 for verses in their tongue they call ,carmina4 ,others are of opinion1 that ,carmenta was one of the ,destinies1 which is the cause that such matrons and mothers sacrifice unto her4 ,and the ,etymologie of this name ,carmenta1 is as much as ,carens mente1 that is to say1 beside her right wits or bestraught1 by reason that her senses were so ravished and transported3 so that her verses gave her not the name ,carmenta1 but contrariwise1 her verses were called ,carmina of her1 because when she was thus ravished and caried beside herselfe1 she chanted certeine oracles and prophesies in verse4 #eg4 ,what is the cause that the women who sacrifice unto the goddesse ,rumina1 doe powre and cast store of milke upon their sacrifice1 but no wine at all do they bring thither for to be drunke8 ,,is it1 for that the ,latins in their tongue call a pap1 ,ruma8 ,and well it may so be1 for that the wilde figge tree neere unto which the she wolfe gave sucke with her teats unto ,romulus1 was in that respect called ,ficus ,ruminalis4 ,like as therefore we name in our ,greeke language those milch nourses that suckle yoong infants at their brests1 ,thelona1 being a word derived of ,thele1 which signifieth a pap2 even so this goddesse ,rumina1 which is as much to say1 as ,nurse1 and one that taketh the care and charge of nourishing and rearing up of infants1 admitteth not in her sacrifices any wine2 for that it is hurtfull to the nouriture of little babes and sucklings4 #eh4 ,what is the reason that of the ,romane ,senatours1 some are called simply1 ,patres2 others with an addition1 ,patres conscripti8 ,,is it for that they first1 who were instituted and ordeined by ,romulus1 were named ,patres ,patritii1 that is to say1 ,gentlemen or ,nobly borne1 such as we in ,greece1 tearme ,eupatrides8 ,or rather they were so called1 because they could avouch and shew their fathers2 but such as were adjoined afterwards by way of supply1 and enrolled out of the ,commoners houses1 were ,patres conscripti1 thereupon8 #ei4 ,wherefore was there one altar common to ,hercules and the ,muses8 ,,may it not be1 that for ,hercules taught ,evander the letters1 according as ,juba writeth8 ,certes1 in those daies it was accounted an honhourable office for men to teach their kinsefolke and friends to spell letters1 and to reade4 ,for a long time after it1 and but of late daies it was1 that they began to teach for hire and for money3 and the first that ever was knowen to keepe a publicke schoole for reading1 was one named ,spurius ,carbilius1 the freed servant of that ,carbilius who first put away his wife4 #fj4 ,what is the reason1 that there being two altars dedicated unto ,hercules1 women are not partakers of the greater1 nor tast one whit of that which is offered or sacrificed thereupon8 ,,is it1 because as the report goes ,carmenta came not soone enough to be assistant unto the sacrifice3 no more did the family of the ,pinarij1 whereupon they tooke that name8 for in regard that they came tardie1 admitted they were not to the feast with others who made good cheere2 and therefore got the name ,pinarij1 as if one would say1 pined or famished8 ,or rather it may allude unto the tale that goeth of the shirt empoisoned with the blood of ,nessus the ,centaure1 which ladie ,deianira gave unto ,hercules4 #fa4 ,how commeth it to passe1 that it is expresly forbidden at ,rome1 either to name or to demaund ought as touching the ,tutelar god1 who hath in particular recommendation and patronage1 the safetie and preservation of the citie of ,rome3 nor so much as to enquire whether the said deitie be male or female8 ,and verely this prohibition proceedeth from a superstitious feare that they have2 for that they say that ,valerius ,soranus died an ill death1 because he presumed to utter and publish so much4 ,,is it in regard of a certaine reason that some latin historians do alledge2 namely1 that there be certaine evocations and enchantings of the gods by spels and charmes1 through the power whereof they are of opinion1 that they might be able to call forth and draw away the ,tutelar gods of their enemies1 and to cause them to come and dwell with them3 and therefore the ,romans be afraid lest they may do as much for them8 ,for1 like as in times past the ,tyrians1 as we find upon record1 when their citie was besieged1 enchained the images of their gods to their shrines1 for feare they would abandon their citie and be gone2 and as others demanded pledges and sureties that they should come againe to their place1 whensoever they sent them to any bath to be washed1 or let them go to any expiation to be clensed2 even so the ,romans thought1 that to be altogether unknowen and not once named1 was the best meanes1 and surest way to keepe with their ,tutelar god4 ,or rather1 as ,homer verie well wrote3 ,the earth to men all1 is common great and small3 ,that thereby men should worship all the gods1 and honour the earth2 seeing she is common to them all3 even so the ancient ,romans have concealed and suppresse the god or angell which hath the particular gard of their citie1 to the end that their citizens should adore1 not him alone but all others likewise4 #fb4 ,what is the cause that among those priests whom they name ,fciales1 signifying as much as in greeke 1 that is to say1 ,officers going between to make treatie of peace2 or 1 that is to say1 ,agents for truce and leagues1 he whom they call ,pater ,patratus is esteemed the chiefest8 ,now ,pater ,patratus is he1 whose father is yet living1 who hath children of his owne3 and in truth this chiefe ,fcial or ,herault hath still at this day a certain prerogative1 special credit above the rest4 ,for the emperours themselves1 and generall captains1 if they have any persons about them who in regard of the prime of youth1 or of their beautifull bodies had need of a faithfull1 diligent1 and trustie guard1 commit them ordinarily into the hands of such as these1 for safe custodie4 ,,is it not1 for that these ,patres ,patrati1 for reverent feare of their fathers of one side1 and for modest shames to scandalize or offend their children on the other side1 are enforced to be wise and discreet8 ,or may it not be1 in regard of that cause which their verie denomination doth minister and declare3 for this word ,,patratus signifieth as much as compleat1 entire and accomplished1 as if he were one more perfect and absolute every way than the rest1 as being so happie1 as to have his owne father living1 and be a father also himselfe4 ,or is it not1 for that the man who hath the superintendence of treaties of peace1 and of othes1 ought to see as ,homer saith1 1 that is to say1 before and behind4 ,and in all reason such an one is he like to be1 who hath a child for whom1 and a father with whom he may consult4 #fc4 ,what is the reason1 that the officer at ,rome called ,rex sacrorum1 that is to say1 the king of sacrifices1 is debarred both from exercising any magistracie1 and also to make a speech unto the people in publike place8 ,,is it for that in old time1 the kings themselves in person performed the most part of sacred rites1 and those that were greater1 yea and together with the priests offered sacrifices2 but by reason that they grew insolent1 proud1 and arrogant1 so as they became intollerable1 most of the ,greeke nations1 deprived them of this authoritie1 and left unto them the preheminence onely to offer publike sacrifice unto the gods3 but the ,romans having cleane chased and expelled their kings1 established in their stead another under officer whom they called ,king1 unto whom they granted the oversight and charge of sacrifices onely1 but permitted him not to exercise or execute any office of ,state1 nor to intermedle in publick affaires2 to the end it should be knowen to the whole world1 that they would not suffer any person to raigne at ,rome1 but onely over the ceremonies of sacrifices1 nor endure the verie name of ,roialtie1 but in respect of the gods4 ,and to this purpose upon the verie common place neere unto ,comitium2 they use to have a solemn sacrifice for the good estate of the citie2 which so soone as ever this king hath performed1 he taketh his legs and runnes out of the place1 as fast as ever he can4 #fd4 ,why suffer not they the table to be taken cleane away1 and voided quite1 but will have somewhat alwaies remaining upon it8 ,,give they not heereby covertly to understand1 that wee ought of that which is present to reserve evermore something for the time to come1 and on this day to remember the morrow4 ,or thought they it not a point of civill honesty and elegance1 to represse and keepe downe their appetite when they have before them enough still to content and satisfie it to the full2 for lesse will they desire that which they have not1 when they accustome themselves to absteine from that which they have4 ,or is not this a custome of courtesie and humanitie to their domesticall servants1 who are not so well pleased to take their victuals simply1 as to partake the same1 supposing that by this meanes in some sort they doe participate with their masters at the table4 ,or rather is it not1 because we ought to suffer no sacred thing to be emptie2 and the boord you wot well is held sacred4 #fe4 ,what is the reason that the ,bridegrome commeth the first time to lie with his new wedded bride1 not with any light but in the darke8 ,,is it because he is yet abashed1 as taking her to be a stranger and not his owne1 before he hath companied carnally with her8 ,or for that he would then acquaint himselfe1 to come even unto his owne espoused wife with shamefacednesse and modestie8 ,or rather1 like as ,solon in his ,statutes ordeined1 that the new married wife should eat of a quince before she enter into the bride bed-chamber1 to the end that this first encounter and embracing1 should not be odious or unpleasant to her husband8 even so the ,romane law-giver would hide in the obscuritie of darkenesse1 the deformities and imperfections in the person of the bride1 if there were any4 ,or haply this was instituted to shew how sinfull and damnable all unlawfull companie of man and woman together is1 seeing that which is lawfull and allowed1 is not without some blemish and note of shame4 #ff4 ,why is one of the races where horses use to runne1 called the ,cirque or ,flaminius4 ,,is it for that in old time an ancient ,romane named ,flaminius gave unto the citie1 a certeine piece of ground1 they emploied the rent and revenues thereof in runnings of horses1 and chariots3 and for that there was a surplussage remaining of the said lands1 they bestowed the same in paving that high way or causey1 called ,via ,flaminia1 that is to say1 ,flaminia street8 #fg4 ,why are the ,sergeants or officers who carie the knitches of rods before the magistrates of ,rome1 called ,lictores4 ,,is it because these were they who bound malefactors1 and who followed after ,romulus1 as his guard1 with cords and leather thongs about them in their bosomes8 ,and verily the common people of ,rome when they would say to binde or tie fast1 use the word ,alligare1 and such as speake more pure and proper ,latin1 ,ligare4 ,or is it1 for that now the letter ,c is interjected within this word1 which before time was ,litores1 as one would say 1 that is to say1 officers of publike charge2 for no man there is in a maner1 ignorant1 that even at this day in many cities of ,greece1 the common-wealth or publicke state is written in their lawes by the name of 3 #fh4 ,wherefore doe the ,luperci at ,rome sacrifice a ,dogge8 ,now these ,luperci are certeine persons who upon a festivall day called ,lupercalia1 runne through the citie all naked1 save that they have aprons onely before their privy parts1 carying leather whippes in their hands1 wherewith they flappe and scourge whomsoever they meet in the streets4 ,,is all this ceremoniall action of theirs a purification of the citie8 whereupon they call the moneth wherein this is done ,februarius1 yea1 and the very day it selfe ,febraten1 like as the maner of squitching with a leather scourge ,februare1 which verbe signifieth as much as to purge or purifie8 ,and verily the ,greeks1 in maner all1 were wont in times past1 and so they continue even at this day1 in all their expiations1 to kill a dogge for sacrifice4 ,unto ,hecate also they bring foorth among other expiatorie oblations1 certeine little dogges or whelpes3 such also as have neede of clensing and purifying1 they wipe and scoure all over with whelpes skinnes1 which maner of purification they tearme ,periscylacismos4 ,or rather is it for that ,lupus signifieth a woolfe1 ,lupercalia1 or ,lyca1 is the feast of wolves3 now a dogge naturally1 being an enemie to woolves1 therefore at such feasts they sacrificed a dogge4 ,or peradventure1 because dogges barke and bay at these ,luperci1 troubling and disquieting them as they runne up and downe the city in maner aforesaid4 ,or else last of all1 for that this feast and sacrifice is solemnized in the honor of god ,pan2 who as you wot well is pleased well enough with a dogge1 in regard of his flocks of goates4 #fi4 ,what is the cause that in auncient time1 at the feast called ,septimontium1 they observed precisely not to use any coaches drawen with steeds1 no more than those doe at this day1 who are observant of old institutions and doe not despise them4 ,now this ,septimontium is a festivall solemnity1 celabrated in memoriall of a seventh mountaine1 that was adjoined and taken into the pourprise of ,rome citie1 which by this meanes came to have seven hilles enclosed within the precinct thereof8 ,,whether was it as some ,romans doe imagine1 for that the city was not as yet conjunct and composed of all her parts8 ,or if this may seeme an impertinent conjecture1 and nothing to the purpose3 may it not be in this respect1 that they thought they had atchieved1 a great piece of worke1 when they had thus amplified and enlarged the compasse of the citie1 thinking that now it needed not to proceed any further in greatnesse and capacitie3 in consideration whereof1 they reposed themselves1 and caused likewise their labouring beasts of draught and cariage to rest1 whose helpe they had used in finishing of the said enclosure1 willing that they also should enjoy in common with them1 the benefit of that solemne feast4 ,or else we may suppose by this1 how desirous they were that their citizens should solemnize and honour with their personall presence all feasts of the citie1 but especially that which was ordeined and instituted for the peopling and augmenting thereof3 for which cause they were not permitted upon the day of the dedication1 and festival memorial of it1 to put any horses in geeres or harnesse for to draw2 for that they were not at such a time to ride forth of the citie4 #gj4 ,why call they those who are deprehended or taken in theft1 pilferie or such like servile trespasses1 ,furciferos1 as one would say1 ,fork bearers4 ,,is not this also an evident argument of the great diligence and carefull regard that was in their ancients8 ,for when the maister of the family had surprised one of his servants or slaves1 committing a lewd and wicked pranck1 he commaunded him to take up and carrie upon his necke betweene his shoulders a forked piece of wood1 such as they use to put under the spire of a chariot or waine1 and so to go withall in the open view of the world throughout the street1 yea and the parish where he dwelt1 to the end that every man from thence forth should take heed of him4 ,this piece of wood we in ,greeke call 1 and the ,romanes in the ,latin tongue ,furca1 that is to say1 a forked prop or supporter3 and therefore he that is forced to carie such an one1 is by reproch termed ,furcifer4 #ga4 ,wherefore use the ,romans to tie a wisp of hey unto the hornes of kine1 and other beefes1 that are woont to boak and be curst with their heads1 that by the meanes thereof folke might take heed of them1 and looke better to themselves when they come in their way8 ,,is it not for that beefes1 horses1 asses1 yea and men become fierce1 insolent1 and dangerous1 if they be highly kept and pampered to the full8 according as ,sophocles said3 ,like as the colt or jade doth winse and kick1 ,in case he find his provender to prick3 ,even so do'st thou3 for lo1 thy paunch is full ,thy cheeks be puft1 like to some greedie gull4 ,and thereupon the ,romans gave out1 that ,marcus ,crassus caried hey on his horne3 for howsoever they would seeme to let flie and carpe at others1 who dealt in the affaires of ,state1 and government1 yet beware they would how they commersed with him as being a daungerous man1 and one who caried a revenging mind to as many as medled with him4 ,howbeit it was said afterwards againe on the other side1 that ,csar had plucked the hey from ,crassus his horne3 for he was the first man that opposed himselfe1 and made head against him in the management of the ,state1 and in one word set not a straw by him4 #gb4 ,what was the cause that they thought those priests who observed bird-flight1 such as in old time they called ,aruspices1 and now a daies ,augures1 ought to have their lanterns and lamps alwaies open1 and not to put any lid or cover over them8 ,,may it not be1 that like as the old ,pythagorean ,philosophers by small matters signified and implied things of great consequence1 as namely1 when they forbad their disciples to sit upon the measure ,chnix2 and to stirre fire1 or rake the hearth with a sword2 euen so the ancient ,romans used many nigmes1 that is to say1 outward signes and figures betokening some hidden and secret mysteries2 especially with their priests in holy and sacred things1 like as this is of the lampe or lanterne1 which symbolizeth in some sort the bodie that containeth our soule4 ,for the soule within resembleth the light1 and it behooveth that the intelligent and reasonable part thereof should be alwaies open1 evermore intentive and seeing1 and at no time enclosed and shut up1 nor blowen upon by wind4 ,for looke when the winds be aloft1 fowles in their flight keepe no certaintie1 neither can they yeeld assured presages1 by reason of their variable and wandering instabilitie3 and therefore by this ceremoniall custome they teach those who do divine and fortell by the flight of birds1 not to go forth for to take their auspices and observations when the wind is up1 but when the aire is still1 and so calme1 that a man may carie a lanterne open and uncovered4 #gc4 ,why were these ,southsaiers or ,augures forbidden to go abroad1 for to observe the flight of birds1 in case they had any sore or ulcer upon their bodies8 ,,was not this also a significant token to put them in minde1 that they ought not to deale in the divine service of the gods1 nor meddle with holy and sacred things if there were any secret matter that gnawed their minds1 or so long as any private ulcer or passion setled in their hearts3 but to be void of sadnesse and griefe1 to be sound and sincere1 and not distracted by any trouble whatsoever8 ,or1 because it standeth to good reason2 that if it be not lawfull nor allowable for them to offer unto the gods for an oast or sacrifice any beast that is scabbed1 or hath a sore upon it1 nor to take presage by the flight of such birds as are maungie1 they ought more strictly and precisely to looke into their owne persons in this behalfe1 and not to presume for to observe celestiall prognostications and signes from the gods1 unlesse they be themselves pure and holy1 undefiled1 and not defective in their owne selves3 for surely an ulcer seemeth to be in maner of a mutilation and pollution of the bodie4 #gd4 ,why did king ,servius ,tullus found and build a temple of little ,fortune which they called in ,latine ,brevis fortun1 that is to say1 of ,short fortune8 ,,was it not thinke you in respect of his owne selfe1 who being at the first of a small and base condition1 as being borne of a captive woman1 by the favour of ,fortune grew to so great an estate that he was king of ,rome8 ,or for that this change in him sheweth rather the might and greatnesse1 than the debilitie and smallnesse of ,fortune4 ,we are to say1 that this king ,servius deified ,fortune1 attributed unto her more divine power than any other1 as having entituled and imposed her name almost upon every action3 for not onely he erected temples unto ,fortune1 by the name of ,puissant1 of ,diverting ill lucke1 of ,sweet1 ,favourable to the first borne and masculine2 but also there is one temple besides1 of private or proper ,fortune2 another of ,fortune returned2 a third of confident ,fortune and hoping well2 and a fourth of ,fortune the virgine4 ,and what should a man reckon up other surnames of hers1 seeing there is a temple dedicated 7forsooth7 to glewing ,fortune1 whom they called ,viscata2 as if we were given thereby to understand1 that we are caught by her afarre off1 and even tied 7as it were7 with bird-lime to businesse and affaires4 ,but consider this moreover1 that he having knowen by experience what great power she hath in humane things1 how little soever she seeme to be1 and how often a small matter in hapning or not hapning hath given occasion to some1 either to misse of great exploits1 or to atcheive as great enterprises1 whether in this respect1 he built not a temple to little ,fortune1 teaching men thereby to be alwaies studious1 carefull and diligent1 and not to despise any occurrences how small soever they be4 #ge4 ,what is the cause that they never put foorth the light of a lampe1 but suffered it to goe out of the owne accord8 ,,was it not 7thinke you7 uppon a certeine reverent devotion that they bare unto that fire1 as being either cousen germaine1 or brother unto that inextinguible and immortall fire4 ,or rather1 was it not for some other secret advertisment1 to teach us not to violate or kill any thing whatsoever that hath life1 if it hurt not us first2 as if fire were a living creature3 for need it hath of nourishment and moveth of it selfe3 and if a man doe squench it1 surely it uttereth a kinde of voice and scricke1 as if a man killed it4 ,or certeinly this fashion and custome received so usually1 sheweth us that we ought not to marre or spoile1 either fire or water or any other thing necessarie1 after we our selves have done with it1 and have had sufficient use thereof1 but to suffer it to serve other mens turnes who have need1 after that we ourselves have no imploiment for it4 #gf4 ,how commeth it to passe that those who are defended of the most noble and auncient houses of ,rome1 caried little moones upon their shoes4 ,,is this 7as ,castor saith7 a signe of the habitation which is reported to be within the bodie of the moone8 ,or for that after death1 our spirits and ghosts shall have the moone under them8 ,or rather1 because this was a marke or badge proper unto those who were reputed most ancient1 as were the ,arcadians descended from ,evander1 who upon this occasion were called ,proseleni1 as one would say1 borne before the moone8 ,or1 because this custome as many others1 admonisheth those who are lifted up too high1 and take so great pride in themselves1 of the incertitude and instabilitie of this life1 and of humane affaires1 even by the example of the moone1 ,who at the first doth new and yoong appeere1 ,where as before she made no shew at all2 ,and so her light increaseth faire and cleere1 ,untill her face be round and full withall3 ,but then anon she doth begin to fall1 ,and backward wane from all this beautie gay1 ,untill againe she vanish cleane away4 ,or was not this an holsome lesson and instruction of obedience1 to teach and advise men to obey their superiors1 not to thinke much for to be under others3 but like as the moone is willing to give eare 7as it were7 and apply her selfe to her better1 content to be ranged in a second place1 and as ,parmenides saith1 ,having aneie and due regard ,alwaies the bright ,sun beames toward2 even so they ought to rest in a second degree1 to follow after1 and be under the conduct and direction of another1 who sitteth in the first place1 and of his power1 authority and honor1 in some measure to enjoy a part4 #gg4 ,why think they the yeeres dedicated to ,jupiter1 and the moneths to ,juno8 ,,may it not be for that of ,gods invisible and who are no other wise seene but by the eies of our understanding3 those that reigne as princes be ,jupiter and ,juno2 but of the visible1 the ,sun and ,moone8 ,now the ,sun is he who causeth the yeere1 and the ,moone maketh the moneth4 ,neither are we to thinke1 that these be onely and simply the figures and images of them3 but beleeve we must1 that the materiall ,sun which we behold1 is ,jupiter1 and this materiall ,moone1 ,juno4 ,and the reason why they call her ,juno1 7which word is as much to say as yoong or new7 is in regarde of the course of the ,moone3 and otherwhiles they surname her also ,juno-,lucina1 that is to say2 light or shining3 being of opinion that she helpeth women in travell of child-birth1 like as the ,moone doth1 according to these verses3 ,by starres that turne full round in ,azur skie3 ,by ,moone who helps child-births right speedily4 ,for it seemeth that women at the full of the moone be most easily delivered of childbirth4 #gh4 ,what is the cause that in observing bird-flight1 that which is presented on the #addleft hand is reputed lucky and prosperous8 ,,is not this altogether untrue1 and are not many men in an errour by ignorance of the equivocation of the word ,sinistrum1 their maner of ,dialect2 for that which we in ,greeke call 1 that is to say1 on the auke or left hand1 they say in ,latin1 ,sinistrum2 and that which signifieth to permit1 or let be1 they expresse by the verbe ,sinere1 and when they will a man to let a thing alone1 they say unto him1 ,sine2 whereupon it may seeme that this word ,sinistrum is derived4 ,that presaging bird then1 which permitteth and suffreth an action to be done1 being as it were ,sinisterion2 the vulgar sort suppose 7though not aright7 to be ,sinistrum1 that is to say1 on the left hand1 and so they tearme it4 ,or may it not be rather as ,dionysius saith1 for that when ,ascanius the sonne of ,aeneas wanne a field against ,mezentius as the two armies stood arranged one affronting the other in battel ray1 it thundred on his left hand2 and because thereupon he obteined the victory1 they deemed even then1 that this thunder was a token presaging good1 and for that cause observed it1 ever after so to fall out4 ,others thinke that this presage and foretoken of good lucke hapned unto ,aeneas3 and verily at the battell of ,leuctres1 the ,thebanes began to breake the ranks of their enemies1 and to discomfit them with the left wing of their battel1 and thereby in the end atchieved a brave victorie2 whereupon ever after in all their conflicts1 they gave preference and the honour of leading and giving the first charge1 to the left wing4 ,or rather1 is it not as ,juba writeth1 because that when we looke toward the sunne rising1 the ,north side is on our left hand1 and some will say1 that the ,north is the right side and upper part of the whole world4 ,but consider ,i pray you1 whether the left hand being the weaker of the twaine1 the presages comming on that side1 doe not fortifie and support the defect of puissance which it hath1 and so make it as it were even and equall to the other8 ,or rather considering that earthly and mortall things they supposing to be opposite unto those that be heavenly and immortall1 did not imagine consequently1 that whatsoever was on the left in regard of us1 the gods sent from their right side4 #gi ,wherefore was it lawfull at ,rome1 when a noble personage who sometime had entred triumphant into the city1 was dead1 and his corps burnt 7as the maner was7 in a funerall fire1 to take up the reliques of his bones1 to carie the same into the city1 and there to strew them1 according as ,pyrrho the ,lyparean hath left in writing4 ,,was not this to honour the memorie of the dead8 for the like honourable priviledge they had graunted unto other valiant warriors and brave captaines2 namely1 that not onely themselves1 but also their posteritie descending lineally from them1 might be enterred in their common market place of the city1 as for example unto ,valerius and ,fabricius3 and it is said1 that for to continue this prerogative in force1 when any of their posteritie afterwards were departed this life1 and their bodies brought into the market place accordingly1 the maner was1 to put a burning torch under them1 and doe no more but presently to take it away againe2 by which ceremonie1 they reteined still the due honour without envie1 and confirmed it onely to be lawfull if they would take the benefit thereof4 #hj4 ,what is the cause that when they feasted at the common charges1 any generall captaine who made his entrie into the citie with triumph1 they never admitted the ,consuls to the feast2 but that which more is1 sent unto them before-hand messengers of purpose1 requesting them not to come unto the supper8 ,,was it for that they thought it meet and convenient to yeeld unto the triumpher1 both the highest place to sit in1 and the most costly cup to drinke out of1 as also the honour to be attended upon with a traine home to his house after supper8 which prerogatives no other might enjoy but the ,consuls onely1 if they had beene present in the place4 #ha4 ,why is it that the ,tribune of the commons onely1 weareth no embrodered purple robe1 considering that all other magistrates besides doe weare the same4 ,,is it not1 for that they 7to speak properly7 are no magistrates8 for in truth they have no ushers or vergers to carie before them the knitches of rods1 which are the ensignes of magistracie2 neither sit they in the chaire of estate called ,sella curulis1 to determine causes judicially1 or give audience unto the people2 nor enter into the administration of their office at the beginning of the yeere1 as all other magistrates doe3 neither are they put downe and deposed after the election of a ,dictatour3 but whereas the full power and authoritie of all other magistrates of ,state1 he transferred from them upon himselfe3 the ,tribunes onely of the people continue still1 and surcease not to execute their function1 as having another place and degree by themselves in the common-weale3 and like as some oratours and lawiers doe hold1 that exception in law is no action1 considering it doth cleane contrary to action2 for that action intendeth1 commenseth1 and beginneth a processe or sute2 but exception or inhibition1 dissolveth1 undooeth1 and abolisheth the same3 semblably1 they thinke also1 that the ,tribunate was an empeachment1 inhibition1 and restraint of a magistracie1 rather than a magistracie it selfe3 for all the authority and power of the ,tribune1 lay in opposing himselfe1 and eroding the jurisdiction of other magistrates1 and in diminishing or repressing their excessive and licentious power4 ,or haply all these reasons and such like1 are but words1 and devised imaginations to mainteine discourse3 but to say a trueth1 this ,tribuneship having taken originally the first beginning from the common people1 is great and mighty in regard that it is popular2 and that the ,tribunes themselves are not proud nor highly conceited of themselves above others1 but equall in apparell1 in port1 fare1 and maner of life1 to any other citizens of the common sort3 for the dignity of pompe and outward shew1 apperteineth to a ,consull or a ,prtour3 as for the ,tribune of the people1 he ought to be humble and lowly1 and as ,m4 ,curio was woont to say2 ready to put his hand under every mans foot2 not to carie a loftie1 grave1 and stately countenance1 nor to bee hard of accesse1 nor strange to be spoken with1 or dealt withall by the multitude2 but howsoever he behave himselfe to others1 he ought to the simple and common people1 above the rest1 for to be affable1 gentle1 and tractable3 and heereupon the maner is1 that the dore of his house should never be kept shut1 but stand open both day and night1 as a safe harbour1 sure haven1 and place of refuge1 for all those who are distressed and in need3 and verilie the more submisse that he is in outward appeerance1 the more groweth hee and encreaseth in puissance2 for they repute him as a strong hold for common recourse and retrait1 unto al comers1 no lesse than an altar or priviledged sanctuary4 ,moreover1 as touching the honour that he holdeth by his place1 they count him holy1 sacred1 and inviolable1 insomuch as if he doe but goe foorth of his house abroad into the citie1 and walke in the street1#ade the maner was of all1 to clense and sanctifie the body1 as if it were steined and polluted4 #hb4 ,what is the reason that before the ,prtors1 generall ,captaines and head ,magisrates1 there be caried bundels of roddes1 together with hatchets or axes fastned unto them8 ,,is it to signifie1 that the anger of the magistrate ought not to be prompt to execution1 nor loose and at libertie8 ,or1 because that to undoe and unbinde the said bundels1 yeeldeth some time and space for choler to coole1 and ire to asswage1 which is the cause otherwhiles that they change their mindes1 and doe not proceed to punishment8 ,now forasmuch as among the faults that men commit1 some are curable1 others remedilesse3 the roddes are to reforme those who may be amended2 but the hatchets to cut them off who are incorrigible4 #hc4 ,what is the cause that the ,romanes having intelligence given vnto them1 that the ,bletonesians1 a barbarous nation1 had sacrificed unto their gods1 a man2 sent for the magistrates peremptorily1 as intending to punish them3 but after they once understood1 that they had so done according to an ancient law of their countrey1 they let them go againe without any hurt done unto them2 charging them onely1 that from thence foorth they should not obey such a law2 and yet they themselves1 not many yeeres before1 had caused for to be buried quicke in the place1 called the ,beast ,market1 two men and two women1 that is to say1 two ,greekes1 and two ,gallo-,greekes or ,galatians8 ,for this seemeth to be verie absurd1 that they themselves should do those things1 which they reprooved in others as damnable4 ,,may it not be that they judged it an execrable superstition1 to sacrifice a man or woman unto the gods1 marie unto divels they held it necessarie8 ,or was it not for that they thought those people1 who did it by a law or custome1 offended highly3 but they themselves were directed thereto by expresse commaundement out of the bookes of ,sibylla4 ,for reported it is1 that one of their votaries or ,vestall nunnes named ,helbia1 riding on horse-backe1 was smitten by a thunderbolt or blast of lightning2 and that the horse was found lying along all bare bellied1 and her selfe likewise naked1 with her smocke and petticote turned up above her privie parts1 as if she had done it of purpose3 her shooes1 her rings1 her coife and head attire cast here and there apart from other things1 and withall lilling the toong out of her head4 ,this strange occurrent1 the soothsayers out of their learning interpreted to signifie1 that some great shame did betide the sacred virgins1 that should be divulged and notoriously knowen2 yea1 and that the same infamie should reach also as far1 as unto some of the degree of gentlemen or knights of ,rome4 ,upon this there was a servant belonging unto a certeine ,barbarian horseman1 who detected three ,vestal virgins to have at one time forfeited their honor1 been naught of their bodies1 to wit1 ,aemilia1 ,licinia1 ,martia2 and that they had companied too familiarly with men a long time2 and one of their names was ,eutetius1 a ,barbarian knight1 and master to the said enformer4 ,so these vestall ,votaries were punished after they had beene convicted by order of law1 and found guiltie3 but after that this seemed a fearfull and horrible accident3 ordeined it was by the ,senate1 that the priests should peruse over the bookes of ,sibyllaes prophesies1 wherein were found 7by report7 those very oracles which denounced and foretold this strange occurrent1 and that it portended some great losse and calamitie unto the common-wealth3 for the avoiding and diverting whereof1 they gave commaundement to abandon unto 7,i wot not what7 maligne and divelish strange spirits1 two ,greekes1 and two ,galatians likewise2 and so by burying them quicke in that verie place1 to procure propitiation at ,gods hands4 #hd4 ,why began they their day at midnight8 ,,was it not1 for that all policie at the first had the beginning of militarie discipline8 and in war1 and all expeditions the most part of woorthy exploits are enterprised ordinarily in the night before the day appeare8 ,or because the execution of desseignes1 howsoever it begin at the sunne rising2 yet the preparation thereto is made before day-light3 for there had need to be some preparatives1 before a worke be taken in hand2 and not at the verie time of execution1 according as ,myson 7by report7 answered unto ,chilo1 one of the seven sages1 when as in the winter time he was making of a van4 ,or haply1 for that like as we see1 that many men at noone make an end of their businesse of great importance1 and of ,state affaires2 even so1 they supposed that they were to begin the same at mid-night4 ,for better proofe whereof a man may frame an argument hereupon1 that the ,roman chiefe ruler never made league1 nor concluded any capitulations and covenants of peace after mid-day4 ,or rather this may be1 because it is not possible to set downe determinately1 the beginning and end of the day1 by the rising and setting of the sunne3 for if we do as the vulgar sort1 who distinguish day and night by the sight and view of eie1 taking the day then to begin when the sunne ariseth2 and the night likewise to begin when the sunne is gone downe1 and hidden under our horizon1 we shall never have the just ,aequinox1 that is to say1 the day and night equall3 for even that verie night which we shall esteeme most equall to the day1 will proove shorter than the day1 by as much as the body or biggenesse of the sunne containeth4 ,againe1 if we doe as the ,mathematicians1 who to remedie this absurditie and inconvenience1 set downe the confines and limits of day and night1 at the verie instant point when the sunne seemeth to touch the circle of the horizon with his center2 this were to overthrow all evidence3 for fall out it will1 that while there is a great part of the sunnes light yet under the earth 7although the sunne do shine upon us7 we will not confesse that it is day1 but say1 that it is night still4 ,seeing then it is so hard a matter to make the beginning of day and night1 at the rising or going downe of the sunne1 for the absurdities abovesaid1 it remaineth that of necessitie we take the beginning of the day to be1 when the sunne is in the mids of the heaven above head1 or under our feet1 that is to say1 either noon-tide or mid-night4 ,but of twaine1 better it is to begin when he is in the middle point under us1 which is just midnight1 for that he returneth then toward us into the ,east2 whereas contrariwise after mid-day he goeth from us ,westward4 #he4 ,what was the cause that in times past they would not suffer their wives1 either to grinde corne1 or to lay their hands to dresse meat in the kitchin8 ,,was it in memoriall of that accord and league which they made with the ,sabines8 for after that they had ravished carried away their daughters1 there arose sharpe warres betweene them3 but peace ensued thereupon in the end2 in the capitulations whereof1 this one article was expresly set downe1 that the ,roman husband might not force his wife1 either to turne the querne for to grinde corne1 nor to exercise any point of cookerie4 #hf4 ,why did not the ,romans marie in the moneth of ,may8 ,,is it for that it commeth betweene ,aprill and ,june8 whereof the one is consecrated unto ,venus1 and the other to ,juno1 who are both of them the goddesses which have the care and charge of wedding and marriages1 and therefore thinke it good either to go somewhat before1 or else to stay a while after4 ,or it may be that in this moneth they celebrate the greatest expiatorie sacrifice of all others in the yeere8 for even at this day they fling from off the bridge into the river1 the images and pourtraitures of men1 whereas in old time they threw downe men themselves alive8 ,and this is the reason of the custome now a daies1 that the priestresse of ,juno named ,flamina1 should be alwaies sad and heavie1 as it were a mourner1 and never wash nor dresse and trim her selfe4 ,or what and if we say1 it is because many of the ,latine nations offered oblations unto the dead in this moneth3 and peradventure they do so1 because in this verie moneth they worship ,mercurie3 and in truth it beareth the name of ,maja1 ,mercuries mother4 ,but may it not be rather1 for that as some do say1 this moneth taketh that name of ,majores1 that is to say1 ancients3 like as ,june is termed so of ,juniores1 that is to say yonkers4 ,now this is certaine that youth is much meeter for to contract marriage than old age3 like as ,euripides saith verie well3 ,as for old age it ,venus bids farewell1 ,and with old folke1 ,venus is not pleasd well4 ,the ,romans therefore maried not in ,may1 but staied for ,june which immediatly followeth after ,may4 #hg4 ,what is the reason that they divide and part the haire of the new brides head1 with the point of a javelin8 ,,is not this a verie signe1 that the first wives whom the ,romans espoused1 were compelled to mariage1 and conquered by force and armes4 ,or are not their wives hereby given to understand1 that they are espoused to husbands1 martiall men and soldiers2 and therefore they should lay away all delicate1 wanton1 and costly imbelishment of the bodie1 and acquaint themselves with simple and plaine attire2 like as ,lycurgus for the same reason would that the dores1 windowes1 and roofes of houses should be framed with the saw and the axe onely1 without use of any other toole or instrument1 intending thereby to chase out of the common-weale all curiositie and wastfull superfluitie4 ,or doth not this parting of the haires1 give covertly to understand1 a division and separation1 as if mariage the bond of wedlock1 were not to be broken but by the sword and warlike force8 ,or may not this signifie thus much1 that they referred the most part of ceremonies concerning mariage unto ,juno3 now it is plaine that the javelin is consecrated unto ,juno1 insomuch as most part of her images and statues are portraied resting and leaning upon a launce or or javelin4 ,and for this cause the goddesse is surnamed ,quiritis1 for they called in old time a speare ,quiris1 upon which occasion ,mars also 7as they say7 is named ,quiris4 #hh4 ,what is the reason that the monie emploied upon plates and publike shewes is called among them1 ,lucar8 ,,may it not well be that there were many groves about the citie consecrated unto the gods1 which they named ,lucos3 the revenues whereof they bestowed upon the setting forth of such solemnities8 #hi4 ,why call they ,quirinalia1 the ,feast of fooles8 ,,whether it is because 7as ,juba writeth7 they attribute this day unto those who knew not their owne linage and tribe8 or unto such as have not sacrificed1 as others have done according to their tribes1 at the feast called ,fornacalia4 ,were it that they were hindred by other affaires1 or had occasion to be forth of the citie1 or were altogether ignorant1 and therefore this day was assigned for them1 to performe the said feast4 #ij4 ,what is the cause1 that when they sacrifice unto ,hercules1 they name no other ,god but him1 nor suffer a dog to be seene1 within the purprise and precinct of the place where the sacrifice is celebrated1 according as ,varro hath left in writing8 ,,is not this the reason of naming no god in their sacrifice1 for that they esteeme him but a demigod2 and some there be who hold1 that whiles he lived heere upon the earth1 ,evander erected an altar unto him1 and offered sacrifice thereupon4 ,now of all other beasts he could worst abide a dog1 and hated him most3 for this creature put him to more trouble all his life time1 than any other3 witnesse hereof1 the three headed dog ,cerberus1 and above all others1 when ,oeonus the sonne of ,licymnius was slaine #adf;by a dog1 he was enforced by the ,hippocoontides to give the battell1 in which he lost many of his friends1 and among the rest his owne brother ,iphicles4 #ia4 ,wherefore was it not lawfull for the ,patricians or nobles of ,rome to dwell upon the mount ,capitoll8 ,,might it not be in regard of ,m4 ,manlius1 who dwelling there attempted and plotted to be king of ,rome1 and to usurpe tyrannie2 in hatred and detestation of whom1 it is said1 that ever after those of the house of ,manlij1 might not have ,marcus for their fore-name8 ,or rather was not this an old feare that the ,romans had 7time out of mind78 ,for albeit ,valerius ,poplicola was a personage verie popular and well affected unto the common people2 yet never ceased the great and mightie men of the citie to suspect and traduce him1 nor the meane commoners and multitude to feare him1 untill such time as himselfe caused his owne house to be demolished and pulled down1 because it seemed to overlooke and commaund the common market place of the citie4 #ib4 ,what is the reason1 that he who saved the life of a citizen in the warres1 was rewarded with a coronet made of oake braunches8 ,,was it not for that in everie place and readily1 they might meet with an oake1 as they marched in their warlike expeditions4 ,or rather1 because this maner of garland is dedicated unto ,jupiter and ,juno1 who are reputed protectors of cities8 ,or might not this be an ancient custome proceeding from the ,arcadians1 who have a kind of consanguinitie with oakes1 for that they report of themselves1 that they were the first men that issued out of the earth1 like as the oake of all other trees4 #ic4 ,why observe they the ,vultures or ,geirs1 most of any other fowles1 in taking of presages by bird-flight8 ,,is it not because at the foundation of ,rome1 there appeared twelve of them unto ,romulus8 ,or because1 this is no ordinarie bird nor familiar2 for it is not so easie a matter to meete with an airie of ,vultures2 but all on a sudden they come out of some strange countrey1 and therefore the fight of them doth prognosticke and presage much4 ,or else haply the ,romains learned this of ,hercules1 if that be true which ,herodotus reporteth3 namely1 that ,hercules tooke great contentment1 when in the enterprise of any exploit of his1 there appeared ,vultures unto him3 for that he was of opinion1 that the ,vulture of all birds of prey was the justest3 for first and formost never toucheth he ought that hath life1 neither killeth hee any living creature1 like as eagles1 falcons1 hauks1 and other fowles do1 that prey by night1 but feedeth upon dead carrions3 over and besides1 he forbeareth to set upon his owne kind3 for never was there man yet who saw a ,vulture eat the flesh of any fowle1 like as eagles and other birds of prey do1 which chase1 pursue and plucke in pieces those especially of the same kind1 to wit1 other fowle4 ,and verily as ,aeschylus the poet writeth3 ,how can that bird1 which bird doth eat1 ,be counted cleanly1 pure and neat4 ,and as for men1 it is the most innocent bird1 and doth least hurt unto them of all other3 for it destroieth no fruit nor plant whatsoever1 neither doth it harme to any tame creature4 ,and if the tale be true that the ,aegyptians doe tell1 that all the kinde of these birds be females2 that they conceive and be with yoong1 by receiving the ,east-wind blowing upon them1 like as some trees by the ,western wind1 it is verie profitable that the signes and prognosticks drawen from them1 be more sure and certaine1 than from any others1 considering that of all1 besides their violence in treading and breeding time2 their eagernesse in flight when they pursue their prey2 their flying away from some1 and chasing of others1 must needs cause much trouble and uncertaintie in their prognostications4 #id4 ,why stands the temple of ,aesculapius without the citie of ,rome8 ,,is it because they thought the abode without the citie more holesome1 than that within8 ,for in this regard the ,greekes ordinarily built the temples of ,aesculapius upon high ground1 wherein the aire is more pure and cleere4 ,or in this respect1 that this god ,aesculapius was sent for out of the citie ,epidaurus4 ,and true it is that the ,epidaurians founded his temple2 not within the walles of their city1 but a good way from it4 ,or lastly1 for that the serpent when it was landed out of the galley in the ,isle1 and then vanished out of sight1 seemed thereby to tell them where he would that they should build the place of his abode4 #ie4 ,why doth the law forbid them that are to live chaste1 the eating of pulse8 ,,as touching beanes1 is it not in respect of those very reasons for which it is said3 ,that the ,pythagoreans counted them abominable8 ,and as for the richling and rich pease1 whereof the one in ,greeke is called and the other which words seeme to be derived of ,erebus1 that signifieth the darknesse of hell1 and of ,lethe1 which is as much as oblivion1 and one besides of the rivers infernall1 it carieth some reason that they should be abhorred therfore4 ,or it may be1 for that the solemne suppers and bankets at funerals for the dead1 were usually served with pulse above all other viands4 ,or rather1 for that those who are desirous to be chaste1 and to live an holy life1 ought to keepe their bodies pure and slender2 but so it is that pulse be flateous and windy1 breeding superfluous excrements in the body1 which had need of great purging and evacuation4 ,or lastly1 because they pricke and provoke the fleshly lust1 for that they be full of ventosities4 #if4 ,what is the reason that the ,romans punish the holy ,vestall ,virgins 7who have suffered their bodies to be abused and defiled7 by no other meanes1 than by interring them quicke under the ground8 ,,is this the cause1 for that the maner is to burne the bodies of them that be dead3 and to burie 7by the meanes of fire7 their bodies who have not devoutly and religiously kept or preserved the divine fire1 seemed not just nor reasonable8 ,or haply1 because they thought it was not lawfull to kill any person who had bene consecrated with the most holy and religious ceremonies in the world2 nor to lay violent hands upon a woman consecrated3 and therefore they devised this invention of suffering them to die of their owne selves2 namely1 to let them downe into a little vaulted chamber under the earth1 where they left with them a lampe burning1 and some bread1 with a little water and milke3 and having so done1 cast earth and covered them aloft4 ,and yet for all this1 can they not be exempt from a superstitious feare of them thus interred3 for even to this day1 the priests going over this place1 performe 7,i wot not what7 anniversary services and rites1 for to appease and pacifie their ghosts4 #ig4 ,what is the cause that upon the thirteenth day of ,december1 which in ,latine they call the ,ides of ,december1 there is exhibited a game of chariots running for the prize1 and the horse drawing on the right hand that winneth the victorie1 is sacrificed and consecrated unto ,mars1 and at the time thereof1 there comes one behinde1 that cutteth off his taile1 which he carrieth immediatly into the temple called ,regia1 and therewith imbrueth the altar with blood3 and for the head of the said horse1 one troupe there is comming out of the street called ,via sacra1 and another from that which they name ,suburra1 who encounter and trie out by fight who shall have it8 ,,may not the reason be 7as some doe alledge7 that they have an opinion1 how the citie of ,troy was sometime woon by the meanes of a woodden horse2 and therefore in the memoriall thereof1 they thus punished a poore horse8 ,as men from blood of noble ,troy descended ,and by the way with ,latins issue blended4 ,or because an horse is a couragious1 martiall and warlike beast2 and ordinarily1 men use to present unto the gods those ,sacrifices which are most agreeable unto them1 and sort best with them3 and in that respect1 they sacrifice that horse which wan the prize1 unto ,mars1 because strength and victorie are well beseeming him4 ,or rather because the worke of ,god is firme and stable3 those also be victorious who keepe their ranke and vanquish them1 who make not good their ground but fly away4 ,this beast therefore is punished for running so swift1 as if celeritie were the maintenance of cowardise3 to give us thereby covertly to understand1 that there is no hope of safetie for them who seeke to escape by flight4 #ih4 ,what is the reason that the first worke which the ,censors go in hand with1 when they be enstalled in the possession of their magistracie1 is to take order upon a certaine price for the keeping and feeding of the sacred geese1 and to cause the painted statues and images of the gods to be refreshed8 ,,whether is it because they would begin at the smallest things1 and those which are of least dispense and difficultie8 ,or in commemoration of an ancient benefit received by the meanes of these creatures1 in the time of the ,gaules warre3 for that the geese were they who in the night season descried the ,barbarians as the skaled and mounted the wall that environed the ,capitol fort 7where as the dogs slept7 and with their gagling raised the watch8 ,or because1 the ,censors being guardians of the greatest affaires1 and having that charge and office which enjoyneth to be vigilant and carefull to preserve religion2 to keepe temples and publicke edifices2 to looke into the manners and behaviour of men in their order of life2 they set in the first place the consideration and regard of the most watchfull creature that is3 and in shewing what care they take of these geese1 they incite and provoke by that example their citizens1 not to be negligent and retchlesse of holy things4 ,moreover1 for refreshing the colour of those images and statues1 it is a necessarie piece of worke2 for the lively red vermilion1 wherewith they were woont in times past to colour the said images1 soone fadeth and passeth away4 #ii4 ,what is the cause that among other priests1 when one is condemned and banished1 they degrade and deprive him of his priesthood1 and choose another in his place3 onely an ,augur1 though he be convicted and condemned for the greatest crimes in the world1 yet they never deprive in that sort so long as he liveth8 ,now those priests they call ,augurs1 who observe the flights of birds1 and foreshewed things thereby4 ,,is it as some do say1 because they would not have one that is no priest1 to know the secret mysteries of their religion and their sacred rites8 ,or because the ,augur being obliged and bound by great oaths1 never to reveale the secrets pertaining to religion1 they would not seeme to free and absolve him from his oath by degrading him1 and making him a private person4 ,or rather1 for that this word ,augur1 is not so much a name of honor and magistracie1 as of arte and knowledge4 ,and all one it were1 as if they should seeme to disable a musician for being any more a musician2 or a physician1 that he should bee a physician no longer2 or prohibit a prophet or soothsayer1 to be a prophet or soothsayer3 for even so they1 not able to deprive him of his sufficiency1 nor to take away his skill1 although they bereave him of his name and title1 do not subordaine another in his place3 and by good reason1 because they would keepe the just number of the ancient institution4 #ajj4 ,what is the reason that upon the thirteenth day of ,august1 which now is called the ,ides of ,august1 and before time the ,ides of ,sextilis1 all servants as well maids1 as men make holy-day and women that are wives love then especially to wash and cleanse their heads8 ,,might not this be a cause1 for that king ,servius upon such a day was borne of a captive woman1 and therefore slaves and bond-servants on that day have libertie to play and disport themselves8 ,and as for washing the head2 haply at the first the wenches began so to do in regard of that festivall day1 and so the custome passed also unto their mistresses and other women free borne8 #aja4 ,why do the ,romanes adorne their children with jewels pendant at their necks1 which they call ,bull8 ,,peradventure to honor the memorie of those first wives of theirs1 whom they ravished3 in favour of whom they ordained many other prerogatives for the children which they had by them1 and namely this among the rest8 ,or it may be1 for to grace the prowesse of ,tarquinius8 ,for reported it is that being but a verie child1 in a great battell which was fought against the ,latines and ,tuskanes together1 hee rode into the verie throng of his enemies1 and engaged himselfe so farre1 that being dismounted and unhorsed2 yet notwithstanding he manfully withstood those who hotly charged upon him1 and encouraged the ,romanes to stand to it1 in such sort as the enemies by them were put to plaine flight1 with the losse of #afjjj4 men whom they left dead in the place3 and for a reward of this vertue and valour1 received such a jewell to hang about his necke1 which was given unto him by the king his father4 ,or else1 because in old time it was not reputed a shamfull and villanous thing1 to love yoong boyes wantonly1 for their beauty in the flowre of their age1 if they were slaves borne1 as the ,comedies even at this day do testifie3 but they forbare most precisely1 to touch any of them who were free-borne or of gentle blood descended4 ,to the end therefore man might not pretend ignorance in such a case1 as if they knew not of what condition any boyes were1 if they mette with them naked1 they caused them to weare this badge and marke of nobilitie about their neckes4 ,or peradventure1 this might be also as a preservative unto them of their honor1 continence and chastitie1 as one would say1 a bridle to restraine wantonnesse and incontinencie1 as being put in mind thereby to be abashed to play mens parts1 before they had laid off the marks and signes of childhood4 ,for there is no apparance or probabilitie1 of that which ,varro alledgeth1 saying3 ,that because the ,aeolians in their ,dialect do call 1 that is to say1 ,counsell1 1 therefore such children for a signe and presage of wisdome and good counsell1 carried this jewell1 which they named ,bulla4 ,but see whether it might not be in regard of the moone that they weare this device8 for the figure of the moone when shee is at the full1 is not round as a bal or boule1 but rather flat in maner of a lentill or resembling a dish or plate2 not onely on that side which appeareth unto us1 but also 7as ,empedocles saith7 on that part which is under it4 #ajb4 ,wherefore gave they fore-names to little infants1 if they were boies upon the ninth day after their birth1 but if they were girls1 when they were eight daies olde8 ,,may there not be a naturall reason rendred hereof1 that they should impose the names sooner upon daughters than sonnes3 for that females grow apace1 are quickly ripe1 and come betimes unto their perfection in comparison of males2 but as touching those precise daies1 they take them that immediatly follow the seventh3 for that the seventh day after children be borne is very dangerous1 as well for other occasions1 as in regard of the navill-string3 for that in many it will unknit and be loose againe upon the seventh day1 and so long as it continueth so resolved and open1 an infant resembleth a plant rather than any animall creature8 ,or like as the ,pythagoreans were of opinion1 that of numbers the even was female and the odde1 male2 for that it is generative1 and is more strong than the even number1 because it is compound3 and if a man divide these numbers into unities1 the even number sheweth a void place betweene1 whereas the odde1 hath the middle alwaies fulfilled with one part thereof3 even so in this respect they are of opinion1 that the even number eight1 resembleth rather the female and the even number nine1 the male4 ,or rather it is because of all numbers1 nine is the first square comming of three1 which is an odde and perfect number3 and eight the first cubick1 to wit foure-square on every side like a die proceeding from two1 an even number3 now a man ought to be quadrat odde 7as we say7 and singular1 yea and perfect3 and a woman 7no lesse than a die7 sure and stedfast1 a keeper of home1 and not easily removed4 ,heereunto we must adjoyne thus much more also1 that eight is a number cubick1 arising from two as the base and foot3 and nine is a square quadrangle having three for the base3 and therefore it seemeth1 that where women have two names1 men have three4 #ajc4 ,what is the reason1 that those children who have no certeine father1 they were woont to tearme ,spurios8 ,,for we may not thinke as the ,greeks holde1 and as oratours give out in their pleas1 that this word ,spurius1 is derived of ,spora1 that is to say1 naturall seed1 for that such children are begotten by the seed of many men mingled and confounded together4 ,but surely this ,spurius1 is one of the ordinary fore-names that the ,romans take1 such as ,sextus1 ,decimus1 and ,caius4 ,now these fore-names they never use to write out at full with all their letters1 but marke them sometime with one letter alone1 as for example1 ,titus1 ,lucius1 and ,marcius1 with ,t1 ,l1 ,m2 or with twaine1 as ,spurius and ,cneus1 with ,sp4 and ,cn4 or at most with three as ,sextus ,servius1 with ,sex4 and ,ser4 ,spurius then is one of their fore-names which is noted with two letters ,s4 and ,p4 which signifieth asmuch1 as ,sine ,patre1 that is to say1 without a father2 for ,s4 standeth for ,sine1 that is to say1 without2 and ,p4 for patre1 that is to say a father4 ,and heereupon grew the error1 for that ,sine patre1 and ,spurius be written both with the same letters short1 ,sp4 ,and yet ,i will not sticke to give you another reason1 though it be somewhat fabulous1 and carieth a greater absurdity with it3 forsooth they say that the ,sabines in olde time named in their language the nature or privities of a woman1 ,sporios1 and thereupon afterwards as it were by way of reproch1 they called him ,spurius1 who had to his mother a woman unmaried and not lawfully espoused4 #ajd4 ,why is ,bacchus called with them1 ,liber ,pater8 ,,is it for that he is the authour and father of all liberty unto them who have taken their wine well2 for most men become audacious and are full of bolde and franke broad speech1 when they be drunke or cup-shotten8 ,or because he it is that ministred libations first1 that is to say1 those effusions and offrings of wine that are given to the gods8 ,or rather 7as ,alexander said7 because the ,greeks called ,bacchus1 ,dionysos ,eleuthereus1 that is to say1 ,bacchus the ,deliverer3 and they might call him so1 of a city in ,botia1 named ,eleuther4 #aje4 ,wherefore was it not the custome among the ,romans1 that maidens should be wedded upon any dates of their publicke feasts2 but widdowes might be remarried upon those daies8 ,,was it for that 7as ,varro saith7 virgins be #adg;ill-apaid and heavie when they be first wedded2 but such as were wives before1 #adh;be glad and joyfull when they marrie againe8 ,and upon a festivall holiday there should be nothing done with an ill will or upon constraint4 ,or rather1 because it is for the credit and honour of young damosels1 to be maried in the view of the whole world2 but for widowes it is a dishonour and shame unto them1 to be seene of many for to be wedded a second time3 for the first marriage is lovely and desireable2 the second1 odious and abominable3 for women1 if they proceed to marrie with other men whiles their former husbands be living1 are ashamed thereof2 and if they be dead1 they are in mourning state of widowhood3 and therefore they chuse rather to be married closely and secretly in all silence1 than to be accompanied with a long traine and solemnity1 and to have much adoe and great stirring at their marriage4 ,now it is well knowen that festivall holidaies divert and distract the multitude divers waies1 some to this game and pastime1 others to that2 so as they have no leisure to go and see weddings4 ,or last of all1 because it was a day of publicke solemnitie1 when they first ravished the ,sabines daughters3 an attempt that drew upon them1 bloudy warre1 and therefore they thought it ominous and presaging evill1 to suffer their virgins to wed upon such holidaies4 #ajf4 ,why doe the ,romans honour and worship ,fortune1 by the name of ,primigenia1 which a man may interpret ,first begotten or first borne8 ,,is it for that 7as some say7 ,servius being by chance borne of a maid-servant and a captive1 had ,fortune so favourable unto him1 that he reigned nobly and gloriously1 king at ,rome8 ,for most ,romans are of this opinion4 ,or rather1 because ,fortune gave unto the city of ,rome her first originall and beginning of so mightie an empire4 ,or lieth not herein some deeper cause1 which we are to fetch out of the secrets of ,nature and ,philosophie2 namely1 that ,fortune is the principle of all things1 insomuch1 as ,nature consisteth by ,fortune2 namely1 when to some things concurring casually and by chance1 there is some order and dispose adjoined4 #ajg4 ,what is the reason that the ,romans call those who act comedies and other theatricall plaies1 ,histriones8 ,,is it for that cause1 which as ,claudius ,rufus hath left in writing8 for he reporteth that many yeeres ago1 and namely1 in those daies when ,cajus ,sulpitius and ,licinius ,stolo were ,consuls1 there raigned a great pestilence at ,rome1 such a mortalitie as comsumed all the stage plaiers indifferently one with another4 ,whereupon at their instant praier and request1 there repaired out of ,tuscane to ,rome1 many excellent and singular actours in this kinde3 among whom1 he who was of greatest reputation1 and had caried the name longest in all theaters1 for his rare gift and dexteritie that way1 was called ,hister2 of whose name all other afterwards were tearmed ,histriones4 #ajh4 ,why espoused not the ,romans in mariage those women who were neere of kin unto them8 ,,was it because they were desirous to amplifie and encrease their alliances1 and acquire more kinsfolke1 by giving their daughters in mariage to others1 and by taking to wife others than their owne kinred8 ,or for that they feared in such wedlock the jarres and quarrels of those who be of kin1 which are able to extinguish and abolish even the verie lawes and rights of nature8 ,or else1 seeing as they did1 how women by reason of their weaknesse and infirmitie stand in need of many helpers1 they would not have men to contract mariage1 nor dwell in one house with those who were neere in blood to them1 to the end1 that if the husband should offer wrong and injurie to his wife1 her kinsfolke might succour and assist her4 #aji4 ,why is it not lawfull for ,jupiters priest1 whom they name ,flamen ,dialis to handle or once touch meale or leaven4 ,,for meale1 is it not because it is an unperfect and raw kind of nourishment8 for neither continueth it the same that it was1 to wit1 wheat1 c4 nor is that yet which it should be1 namely bread3 but hath lost that nature which it had before of seed1 and withall hath not gotten the use of food and nourishment4 ,and hereupon it is1 that the poet calleth meale 7by a ,metaphor or borrowed speech7 ,mylephaton1 which is as much to say1 as killed and marred by the mill in grinding3 and as for leaven1 both it selfe is engendered of a certaine corruption of meale1 and also corrupteth 7in a maner7 the whole lumpe of dough1 wherein it is mixed3 for the said dough becommeth lesse firme and fast than it was before1 it hangeth not together2 and in one word the leaven of the paste seemeth to be a verie putrifaction and rottennesse thereof4 ,and verely if there be too much of the leaven put to the dough1 it maketh it so sharpe and soure that it cannot be eaten1 and in verie truth spoileth the meale quite4 #aaj4 ,wherefore is the said priest likewise forbidden to touch raw flesh8 ,,is it by this custome to withdraw him farre from eating of raw things8 ,or is it for the same cause that he abhorreth and detesteth meale8 for neither is it any more a living animall1 nor come yet to be meat3 for by boiling and rosting it groweth to such an alteration1 as changeth the verie forme thereof3 whereas raw flesh and newly killed is neither pure and impolluted to the eie1 but hideous to see to2 and besides1 it hath 7,i wot not what7 resemblance to an ougly sore or filthie ulcer4 #aaa4 ,what is the reason that the ,romans have expresly commaunded the same priest or ,flamen of ,jupiter1 not onely to touch a dogge or a goat1 but not so much as to name either of them8 ,,to speake of the ,goat first1 is it not for detestation of his excessive lust and lecherie2 and besides for his ranke and filthie savour8 or because they are afraid of him1 as of a diseased creature and subject to maladies8 for surely1 there seemeth not to be a beast in the world so much given to the falling sicknesse1 as it is2 nor infecteth so soone those that either eat of the flesh or once touch it1 when it is surprised with this evill4 ,the cause whereof some say to be the streightnesse of those conduits and passages by which the spirits go and come1 which oftentimes happen to be intercepted and stopped4 ,and this they conjecture by the small and slender voice that this beast hath2 the better to continue the same1 we do see ordinarily1 that men likewise who be subject to this malady1 grow in the end to have such a voice as in some sort resembleth the bleating of goats4 ,now1 for the ,dog1 true it is haply that he is not so lecherous1 nor smelleth altogether so strong and so ranke as doth the ,goat2 and yet some there be who say1 that a ,dog might not be permitted to come within the castle of ,athens1 nor to enter into the ,isle of ,delos1 because forsooth he lineth bitches openly in the sight of everie man1 as if bulls1 boares1 and stalions had their secret chambers1 to do their kind with females1 and did not leape and cover them in the broad field and open yard1 without being abashed at the matter4 ,but ignorant they are of the true cause indeed3 which is1 for that a ,dog is by nature fell1 and quarelsome1 given to arre and warre upon a verie small occasion3 in which respect men banish them from sanctuaries1 holy churches1 and priviledged places1 giving thereby unto poore afflicted suppliants1 free accesse unto them for their safe and sure refuge4 ,and even so verie probable it is1 that this ,flamen or priest of ,jupiter whom they would have to be as an holy1 sacred1 and living image for to flie unto1 should be accessible and easie to be approached unto by humble suters1 and such as stand in need of him1 without any thing in the way to empeach1 to put backe1 or to affright them3 which was the cause that he had a little bed or pallet made for him1 in the verie porch or entrie of his house2 and that servant or slave1 who could find meanes to come and fall downe at his feet1 and lay hold on his knees was for that day freed from the whip1 and past danger of all other punishment3 say he were a prisoner with irons1 and bolts at his feet that could make shift to approch neere unto this priest1 he was let loose1 and his gives and fetters were throwen out of the house1 not at the doore1 but flung over the verie roofe thereof4 ,but to what purpose served all this1 and what good would this have done1 that he should shew himselfe so gentle1 so affable1 and humane1 if he had a curst dog about him to keepe his doore1 and to affright1 chase and scarre all those away who had recourse unto him for succour4 ,and yet so it is1 that our ancients reputed not a dog to be altogether a clean creature3 for first and formost we doe not find that he is consecrated or dedicated unto any of the celestial gods2 but being sent unto terrestrial infernall ,proserpina into the quarrefires and crosse high waies to make her a supper1 he seemeth to serve for an expiatorie sacrifice to divert and turne away some calamitie1 or to cleanse some filthie ordure1 rather than otherwise3 to say nothing1 that in ,lacedmon1 they cut and slit dogs down along the mids1 and so sacrifice them to ,mars the most bloody god of all others4 ,and the ,romanes themselves upon the feast ,lupercalia1 which they celebrate in the lustrall moneth of ,purification1 called ,february1 offer up a dog for a sacrifice3 and therefore it is no absurditie to thinke1 that those who have taken upon them to serve the most soveraigne and purest god of all others1 were not without good cause forbidden to have a dog with them in the house1 nor to be acqainted and familiar with him4 #aab4 ,for what cause was not the same priest of ,jupiter permitted1 either to touch an ivie tree1 or to passe thorow a way covered over head with a vine growing to a tree1 and spreading her branches from it8 ,,is not this like unto these precepts of ,phythagoras3 ,eat not your meat from a chaire3 ,sit not upon a measure called ,chnix3 ,neither step thou over a broome or #adi;besoome4 ,for surely none of the ,pythagoreans feared any of these things1 or made scruple to doe1 as these words in outward shew1 and in their litterall sense do pretend3 but under such speeches they did covertly and figuratively forbid somewhat else3 even so this precept3 ,go not under a vine1 is to be referred unto wine1 and implieth this much2 that it is not lawfull for the said ,priest to be drunke2 for such as over drinke themselves1 have the wine above their heads1 and under it they are depressed and weighed downe1 whereas men and priests especially ought to be evermore superiors and commanders of this pleasure1 and in no wise to be subject unto it4 ,and thus much of the vine4 ,as for the ivie1 is it not for that it is a plant that beareth no fruit1 nor any thing good for mans use3 and moreover is so weake1 as by reason of that feeblenesse it is not able to sustaine it selfe1 but had need of other trees to support and beare it up3 and besides1 with the coole shadowe that it yeelds1 and the greene leaves alwaies to be seene1 it dazeleth1 and as it were bewitcheth the eies of many that looke upon it3 for which causes1 men thought that they ought not to nourish or entertaine it about an house1 because it bringeth no profit2 nor suffer it to claspe about any thing1 considering it is so hurtfull unto plants that admit it to creepe upon them1 whiles it sticketh fast in the ground3 and therefore banished it is from the temples and sacrifices of the celestiall gods1 and their priests are debarred from using it3 neither shall a man ever see in the sacrifices or divine worship of ,juno at ,athens1 nor of ,venus at ,thebes1 any wilde ivie brought out of the woods4 ,mary at the sacrifices and services of ,bacchus1 which are performed in the night and darknesse1 it is used4 ,or may not this be a covert and figurative prohibition1 of such blind dances and fooleries in the night1 as these be1 which are practised by the priests of ,bacchus8 for those women which are transported with these furious motions of ,bacchus1 runne immediately upon the ivie1 and catching it in their hands1 plucke it in pieces1 or else chew it betweene their teeth2 in so much as they speake not altogether absurdly1 who say1 that this ivie hath in it a certaine spirit that stirreth and mooveth to madnesse2 turneth mens mindes to furie2 driveth them to extasies2 troubleth and tormenteth them2 and in one word maketh them drunke withoute wine1 and doth great pleasure unto them1 who are otherwise disposed and enclined of themselves to such fanaticall ravishments of their wit and understanding4 #aac4 ,what is the reason that these ,priests and ,flamins of ,jupiter were not allowed1 either to take upon them1 or to sue for any government of ,state1 but in regard that they be not capable of such dignities1 for honour sake and in some sort to make some recompense for that defect1 they have an usher or verger before them carrying a knitch of rods1 yea and a curall chaire of estate to sit upon8 ,,is it for the same cause1 that as in some cities of ,greece1 the sacerdotall dignitie was equivalent to the royall majestie of a king1 so they would not chuse for their priests1 meane persons and such as came next to hand4 ,or rather1 because ,priests having their functions determinate and certaine1 and the kings1 undeterminate and uncertaine1 it was not possible1 that when the occasions and times of both concurred together at one instant1 one and the same person should be sufficient for both3 for it could not otherwise be1 but many times when both charges pressed upon him and urged him at ones1 he should pretermit the one or the other1 and by that meanes one while offend and fault in religion toward ,god1 and anotherwhile do hurt unto citizens and subjects4 ,or else1 considering1 that in governments among men1 they saw that there was otherwhiles no lesse necessitie than authority2 and that he who is to rule a people 7as ,hippocrates said of a physician1 who seeth many evill things1 yea and handleth many also7 from the harmes of other men1 reapeth griefe and sorrow of his owne3 they thought it not in policy good1 that any one should sacrifice unto the gods1 or have the charge and superintendence of sacred things2 who had been either present or president at the judgements and condemnations to death of his owne citizens2 yea and otherwhiles of his owne kinsfolke and allies1 like as it befell sometime to ,brutus4 ,,the ,,end4 ---- ,printed by ,,ballantyne1 ,,hanson ,,co4 ,edinburgh and ,london ,,biblioth,,que ,,de ,,carabas4 ,crown #hvo ,volumes1 ,printed on ,hand-made ,paper1 with ,wide ,margins and ,uncut ,edges1 done up in ,japanese ,vellum ,wrappers4 ,issued under the general ,editorship of ,mr4 ,,andrew ,,lang4 ,,these ,,volumes ,,will ,,never ,,be ,,reprinted4 ,i4 ,,cupid ,,and ,,psyche3 ,the ,most ,pleasant and ,delectable ,tale of the ,marriage of ,cupid and ,psyche4 ,done into ,english by ,,william ,,adlington1 of ,university ,college in ,oxford4 ,with a ,discourse on the ,fable by ,,andrew ,,lang1 late of ,merton ,college in ,oxford4 ,frontispiece by ,w4 ,b4 ,,richmond1 and ,verses by the ,,editor1 ,,may ,,kendall1 ,j4 ,w4 ,,mackail1 ,f4 ,,locker-,,lampson1 and ,w4 ,h4 ,,pollock4 7lxxxvi4 #ff pp47 #ahhg4 ,out of print4 ,,ii4 ,,euterpe3 ,the ,second ,book of the ,famous ,history of ,herodotus4 ,englished by ,b4 ,r4 #aehd4 ,edited by ,,andrew ,,lang1 with ,introductory ,essays on the ,religion and the ,good ,faith of ,herodotus4 ,frontispiece by ,a4 ,w4 ,,tomson2 and ,verses by the ,,editor and ,,graham ,r4 ,,tomson4 7xlviii4 #agd pp47 #ahhh4 #ajs4 ,out of print4 ,mr ,lang deserves no small thanks from all who love the quaint and delightful stories of ,kings and their tombs1 of gods and their temples1 told to ,herodotus by the priests of ,egypt1 and by him to the world4--,the ,spectator4 ,it is not necessary to quote or point out the best of the many good things which will be found in ',b4 ,r4's' translation of ',euterpe4' ,to begin it is to read it to the end4--,the ,saturday ,review4 ,,iii4 ,,the ,,fables ,,of ,,bidpai2 ,,or1 ,,the ,,morall ,,philosophic ,,of ,,doni3 ,drawne out of the auncient writers1 a work first compiled in the ,indian tongue4 ,englished out of ,italian by ,,thomas ,,north1 ,brother to the ,right ,honorable ,sir ,,roger ,,north1 ,knight1 ,lord ,,north of ,kyrtheling1 #aegj4 ,now again edited and induced by ,,joseph ,,jacobs1 together with a ,chronologico-,biographical ,chart of the translations and adaptations of the ,sanskrit ,original1 and an ,analytical ,concordance of the ,stories4 ,with a full-page ,illustration by ,,edward ,,burne ,,jones1 ,a4,r4,a41 ,frontispiece from a #afth century ,,ms4 of the ,anvari ,suhaili1 and facsimiles of ,woodcuts in the ,italian ,doni of #aecb4 7lxxxii4 #bfd pp47 #ahhh4 ,the few remaining copies1 #abs4 ,we have nothing but praise to bestow upon this reprint1 which forms the latest volume of ,mr4 ,nutt's delightful ',bibliothque de ,carabas4'444 ,with its scholarly disquisition and its lovely paper and type1 the book makes an appeal which will1 in many quarters at least1 be irresistible4--,notes and ,queries4 ,,iv-,v4 ,,the ,,fables ,,of ,,sop1 as first printed by ,w4 ,,caxton in #adhd4 ,now again edited and induced by ,j4 ,,jacobs4 ,with ,introductory ,verse by ,mr4 ,,andrew ,,lang4 #b ,vols4 #ahij4 #a1 #as4 ,,vi4 ,,the ,,attis ,,of ,,caius ,,valerius ,,catullus4 ,translated into ,english ,verse1 with ,dissertations on the ,myth of ,attis1 on the ,origin of ,tree-,worship1 and on the ,galliambic ,metre4 ,by ,,grant ,,allen1 ,b4,a41 formerly ,postmaster of ,merton ,college1 ,oxford4 7xvi4 #aed pp47 #ahib4 #gs4 #f;d4 ,notes #a ,livy1 x4 #dg1 #g1 ,ep4 #aa2 ,val4 ,max41 ,i4 viii4 #b2 ,strabo1 xii4 p4 #efg2 ,ovid1 ,f41 i4 #bia2 ,m41 xv4 #fbb2 ,oros1 iii4 #bb2 ,lactant41 ,inst41 ,,ii4 vii4 #ac2 ,arnob41 vii4 #dd2 ,augustin1 ,c4 ,d41 iii4 #ag2 ,aurel4 ,vict41 ,de ,v4 ,ill41 #be2 ,dion41 v4 #ac2 ,pliny1 ,n4 ,h41 #bi1 #af4 #b ,schrader1 ,prehistoric ,antiquities of the ,aryan ,peoples1 p4 #afb4 #c ,religionsgeschichte1 ii4 #bjc4 #d ,meyer1 ,indogermanische ,mythen1 ii4 p4 #fab4 #e ,marquardt1 ,rmische ,staatsverwaltung#b1 iii4 p4 #b4 #f ,mommsen1 ,history of ,rome1 i4 #agc4 #g ,ibid42 cf4 ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 s4v4 ,ianus4 #h ,rochholz1 ,deutscher ,glaube1 ii4 #acf4 #i ,wuttke1 ,deutscher ,volksaberglaube#b1 #eg4 #aj ,ibid41 #agg1 #chh4 #aa ,ibid41 #cie2 cf4 ,pliny1 ,n4 ,h41 #bh1 #hf4 #ab ,marquardt1 iii4 #f4 #ac ,de la ,saussaye1 ii4 #bjc4 #ad ,marquardt1 p4 #g4 #ae ,de la ,saussaye1 i4 #ec4 #af ,marquardt1 p4 #f4 #ag ,folk-,lore1 vol4 ii4 p4 #bce4 #ah ,marquardt1 p4 #be4 #ai ,chez les ,chinois ,ti est bien et uniquement la terre 444 qui n'a aucun personalit1 aucun aspect anthropologique4--,de ,rialle1 ,mythologie ,compare1 i4 #bce4 ,as in ,rome1 so in ,china1 though the sky advanced to the rank of a spirit1 the earth remained a fetich4 #bj ,preller1 ,r4 ,m41 i4 #a and #b1 points out that ,italian mythology is quite different from the ,greek2 that it is only in a certain sense that there can be said to be a ,roman mythology2 that it is a very different thing from ,greek1 ,hindoo1 ,persian1 ,teutonic1 and ,scandinavian mythology2 that the ,romans had not advanced far in personifying and individualising their gods1 and consequently could not develop much mythology4 ,finally1 ,italian religion was far less widely removed from the primitive ,aryan belief than ,greek religion and mythology were4 #ba ,livy1 ii4 #ba2 ,dion41 vi4 i4 #bb ,mommsen1 ,hist4 of ,rome1 i4 #dhb ff4 #bc ,according to ,schwegler1 ,rm4 ,gesch41 i4 #ced-chc1 is simply ,greek for ,faunus ,favinus1 the benevolent or good god4 ,cf4 ,fauna ,bona ,dea4 #bd ,rapi 444 similatur virgo ex gremio matris 444 cum ad virum trahitur1 quod videlicet ea res feliciter ,romulo cessit4--,festus1 s4v4 rapi4 #be ,e4g41 among the ,esthonians1 ,finns1 ,wotjaks1 ,mordwins1 ,vedic ,hindoos1 and ,bohemians4 #bf ,for the use of the sword1 axe1 or dagger to keep off evil spirits from a wedding1 see ,schroeder1 ,hochzeitsbruche der ,ester1 #ii-ajb4 #bg ,for the sacredness of the head especially1 see the ,golden ,bough1 i4 #ahg-aic4 #bh ,the myth1 as given by ,plutarch1 is to be found also in ,livy1 i4 #i2 ,serv4 ad n41 vi4 #ee2 and in ,varro1 quoted by ,festus1 p4 #cea4 ,the word occurs in ,martial1 i4 #ce4 #f and #g2 iii4 #ic4 #be2 xii4 #db4 #d1 #ie4 #e 7,friedlnder says nothing71 and ,catullus1 lxi4 #acd 7,robinson ,ellis has nothing to say74 #bi ,hartley1 ,science of ,fairy ,tales1 pp4 #bgi-bha1 for examples4 ,the tale of ,servius is also told by ,ovid1 ,f41 vi4 #egg4 #cj ,it is interesting to note that two hundred years ago ,boxhorn1 in commenting on this passage of ,plutarch1 laid down a fundamental proposition of the science of folk-lore3--,mortales cum inquirerent in caussas rerum1 nec invenirent1 pro libitu suo verisimiles sunt commenti4 ,sic ut fabul proponerentur tanquam causs rerum1 cum res ips essent cause fabularum4 ,see his edition of the ,roman ,questions1 printed in vol4 v4 of the ,thesaurus of ,grvius 7,lugd41 ,batavor1 #afif74 #ca ,ethnology in ,folk-,lore1 pp4 #abj ff4 ,mr4 ,gomme1 however1 argues that the fear of dead kindred was borrowed by the ,aryans from the non-,aryan inhabitants of ,europe4 ,but why may not the pro-ethnic ,aryans1 as well as other savages1 have had1 at one stage of their development1 a fear of dead kindred8 #cb ,my authorities for the customs quoted in the next few pages are 7unless special references are given7 ,wuttke1 ,deutsche ,volksaberglaube1 #gbe-gef2 ,rochholz1 ,deutscher ,glaube und ,brauch1 ii4 pp4 #agj-agc2 and ,de ,rialle1 ,mythologie ,compare1 i4 p4 #abe4 #cc ,weinhold1 ,altnord4 ,leben1 #dgf4 #cd ,the ,lares are thus represented on a coin of the gens ,csia4 ,see ,cohen1 ,md4 ,cons41 pl4 viii1 ,csia4 #ce ,ovid1 ,f41 v4 #abi-adg4 #cf ,de la ,saussaye1 ,religionsgeschichte1 i4 #bha4 #cg ,wuttke1 #gee4 #ch ,waldron's ,isle of ,man1 p4 #ajc4 #ci ,encyc4 ,britan41 art4 ,sacrifice4 #dj ,frazer1 ,g4 ,b41 i4 #bci4 #da ,daoine ,shie or ,sluagh ,maith4 #db ,frazer1 i4 #abb4 #dc ,de ,rialle1 i4 #aij4 #dd ,see ,the ,secret ,commonwealth by ,mr4 ,robert ,kirk1 ,minister of ,aberfoyle1 #afia4 #de ,see ,saupe's edition of the ,indiculus1 p4 #i4 #df ,servius on ,georg41 i4 #cjb1 and ,prudent1 c4 ,symm41 ii4 #ddd4 #dg ,frazer1 ii4 #ccb4 #dh ,preller1 ,r4 ,m4#c1 ii4 #aih4 #di ,cic4 de ,div41 i4 #ah1 #cf2 ,plut4 ,ti4 ,gracch41 i4 ,a similar story is related of ,d4 ,laelius1 ,jul4 ,op4 seq4 #eh4 #ej ,h4 ,n41 xxix4 #gb4 #ea ,c4 ,i4 ,l41 i4 #fjc4 #eb ,we have no direct evidence of this1 but we may infer it from the analogous case of ,dius ,fidius3--,qui per ,dium ,fidium iurare vult1 prodire solet in compluvium4--,non4 ,marc41 p4 #did1 quoting ,varro4 ,the temples of ,dius ,fidius had a hole specially made in the roof 7perforatum tectum1 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 v4 #ff71 under which one might swear4 ,probably the temples of ,hercules were similarly provided2 certainly those of ,terminus were 7exiguum templi tecta foramen habent4--,ov4 ,f4 ii4 #fgb74 #ec ,reifferscheid1 in the ,annali dell' ,instituto for #ahfg1 p4 #ceb ff41 identifies ,hercules with the genius ,jovis4 ,but1 in the first place1 this seems to me the wrong inference from his own facts1 which all have exclusively to do with the genii virorum4 ,next1 the genius ,jovis is not known before ,b4,c4 #eh4 ,schwegler1 before ,reifferscheid1 noticed that in ,gellius1 xi4 #f4 #a1 der rmische ,hercules erscheint als identisch mit dem genius der ,mnner4--,r4 ,g41 i4 #cfg n4 #ed ,roscher's arguments to show that ,juno is the moon are not satisfactory4 ,he assumes without proof that ,juno was always ,lucina 7whereas ,lucina was an independent spirit worshipped in woods1 ,lexikon1 pp4 #ehc and #fjb71 that ,lucina was the moon 7whereas she is the spirit that brings children to light1 and is not ,luna71 that the ,italians connected the moon with child-birth 7which1 as ,birt says1 lacks proof71 that the name ,juno indicates a light-giving deity 7whereas1 though from the root 99,div1 it does not imply the giving of light any more than deus does1 which is applied to the di manes1 the di indigetes1 dea bona1 dea dia1 c474 ,the arguments drawn by ,roscher from works of art are untrustworthy1 because borrowing is specially probable in their case4 ,finally1 the hypothesis of a ,grco-,italian period1 on which ,roscher relies to prove that ,juno ,hera the moon1 is now discredited4 #ee ,in ,b4,c4 #cfa an ,aius ,locutius was produced 7,liv4 v4 #cb4 #f1 #ej4 #f1 #eb4 #aa72 in #baa a ,rediculus ,tutanus 7,festus s4v472 in or after #bfi a spirit of silver coin1 ,argentinus 7,august41 ,c4 ,d4 iv4 #ba and #bh72 but no spirit was forthcoming for gold coin1 which was first struck in ,b4,c4 #bag4 ,see further ,roscher's ,lexikon1 s4v4 ,indigitamenta4 #ef ,so called quod marem effuso semine liberat4--,augustin1 ,c4 ,d4 vii4 #b4 #eg ,finally1 with regard to ,matuta1 the very remarkable fact recorded in ,romane ,questions1 #ag1 that people prayed to her not for any blessings to their own children1 but for their nephews only 7brothers' or sisters' children71 immediately suggests that we have here an indication that the ,nair type of family was once known in ,italy4 ,but the indication1 being isolated1 has perhaps not much value4 #eh ,she occurs in the following series3--,fluvionia1 ,mena1 ,vitumnus1 ,sentinus1 ,alemona1 ,nova1 ,decima1 ,partula1 ,carmenta1 ,lucina1 for which see ,s4 ,august41 ,c4 ,d4 vii4 #c2 ,tertull41 ,de ,an4 #cg1 and ,ad ,nat4 ii4 #aa4 #ei ,liv4 v4 #dg2 ,dion4 ,hal4 i4 #cb2 ,serv4 on n4 viii4 #ccg2 ,w4 ,becker1 ,handb4 d4 rm4 ,altert41 i4 #acg4 #fj ,derived probably from ,varro1 ,r4 ,r4 ,,ii4 xi4 #e4 #fa ,livy1 i4 #de4 #c2 ,dionys41 iv4 #be2 ,aur4 ,vict41 ,de ,vir4 ,ill41 vii4 #i4 #fb ,as ,preller does1 ,r4 ,m4#c1 i4 #cac4 #fc e4g41 ,c4 ,i4 ,l4 vi4 #fef1 #feh1 c4 #fd ,c4 ,i4 ,l41 vii4 #dea4 #fe ,grimm1 ,d4 ,m4#d1 iii4 #ajd2 cf4 ,gummere1 ,germanic ,origins1 #chc4 ,special influence over cattle is ascribed to wood-spirits 7,golden ,bough1 i4 #aje74 #ff ,gummere1 p4 #chg2 cf4 ,bugge1 ,studien1 p4 #cic ff4 #fg ,golden ,bough1 i4 #ahg ff4 #fh ,ibid41 #ahh4 ,the date of the rite was #acth ,august2 cf4 ,auson41 ,de ,fer4 ,rom41 #f2 ,martial1 #ab1 #fg1 #b4 ,the asylum for runaway slaves afforded by the temple finds a folk-lore explanation in a folk-etymology4 dem ,dian dedicaverit in ,aventino1 cuius tutel sint cervi1 a quo celeritate fugitivos vocent cervos 7,festus1 p4 #cdc;a1 #g1 s4v4 ,servorum dies74 ,birt 7,roscher's ,lexikon1 i4 #ajjh7 seems to take this explanation seriously2 but the temple on the ,aventine was precisely the temple in which the goddess of cervi was not worshipped4 ,possibly the right of asylum was conferred on the temple as part of the political changes brought about by the formation of the ,latin confederacy1 for this temple was the religious centre of the ,latin alliance1 ,commune ,latinorum ,dian templum 7,varro1 ,l4 ,l4 v4 #dc74 ,hence1 then1 the folk-story that ,servius ,tullius1 natus servus 7,festus1 l4c471 built the temple and gave it the right of asylum4 #fi ,for the full list see ,marquardt1 #cbh-cca4 #gj ,golden ,bough1 i4 #cg ff4 #ga ,ibid41 i4 #ci4 #gb ,golden ,bough1 ch4 ii4 #gc ,rm4 ,mythol4#c1 i4 #bja4 #gd ,kmpfer1 ,history of ,japan1 quoted by ,mr4 ,frazer1 i4 #aaj4 #ge ,kmpfer1 ,history of ,japan1 quoted by ,mr4 ,fraser1 i4 #aaj4 #gf ,with ,q4 ,r41 #aaa1 cf4 ,golden ,bough1 i4 #bjg2 with ,q4 ,r41 #aab1 cf4 ,g4 ,b41 i4 #ahc2 and generally see i4 #aag4 #gg ,g4 ,b41 i4 #acj4 #gh ,for instances see ,hartland1 ,science of ,fairy ,tales1 pp4 #bgb-bgd4 #gi ,momms41 ,r4 ,h41 i4 #be4 #hj ,ibid41 i4 #fj4 #ha ,g4 ,b41 i4 #agj4 ,i may point out that in some parts of ,europe these taboos still survive4 ,for six weeks after delivery1 the young mother is forbidden to enter a strange house1 or go shopping1 or draw water from a well1 or walk over a sowed field 7,grimm1 ,d4 ,m4#d1 iii4 pp4 #dce1 #dfd1 ,nos4 #ce1 #hdd1 #hde74 ,the ,esthonians also regard a new-born child as tabooed1 and indirect contact with it as dangerous 7,ibid41 p4 #dhh1 ,no4 #bh74 ,for the death-dealing qualities of women1 cf4 ,burchard von ,worms1 ,samlung der ,decrete1 ,coln1 #aedh1 p4 #bja;a 7quoted by ,grimm1 iii4 #daj74 ,amongst the ,eskimo1 as amongst the ,germans1 the young mother is forbidden to leave the house for six weeks 7,reclus1 ,primitive ,folk1 #cf72 she is also tabooed by the ,badagas of the ,neilgherrie ,hills 7,ibid41 #aib74 #hb ,hartland1 ,s4 of ,f4 ,t41 p4 #ic ff4 for instances4 #hc ,make of it an image in his likeness 7i4e41 of ,namtar1 the plague72 apply 7the image7 to the living flesh of his body 7i4e41 of the sick man74 ,may the malevolent ,namtar who possesses him pass into the image 7,lenormant1 ,chaldan ,magic1 p4 #ea74 ,the ,buddhists of ,ceylon cure disease in exactly the same way 7,j4 ,roberts1 ,oriental ,illustrations of ,scripture1 p4 #aga74 #hd ,cf4 ,c4 ,f4 ,gordon ,cumming1 ,two ,happy ,years in ,ceylon1 i4 p4 #bgh1 ,the astrologer is called in to preside at baby's 'rice feast1' when some grains of rice are first placed in its month4 ,he selects for the little one a name which is compounded from the name of the ruling planet of that moment4 ,this name he tells only to the father1 who whispers it low in baby's ear--no one else must know it1 and1 like the ,chinese 'infantile name1' this 'rice name' is never used lest sorcerers should hear it and be able to work malignant spells4 #he ,for instances see ,folk ,lore1 iii4 #acg4 ,the ,romans themselves fettered the image of ,saturnus 7,macrob41 i4 #h4 #e2 ,stat4 ,silv41 i4 #f4 #d2 ,arnob41 iv4 #bd2 ,minuc4 ,fel41 c4 #bb4 #e74 #hf ,chemnitzer ,rockenphilosophie1 #af and #cbe 7,grimm1 ,d4 ,m4#d1 iii4 #dce and #dde74 #hg ,the classical references are3 ,festus1 p4 #adc and #che2 ,dionys41 i4 #ch2 ,ov41 ,f41 i4 #ef1 iii4 #gia1 v4 #fb ff42 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l41 vii4 #dd2 ,paul4 ,diac41 p4 #ae2 ,lact1 ,i4 i4 #ba4 #f2 ,macrob41 i4 #e4 #aj1 and #aa4 #dg2 ,prudent4 ,c4 ,symmach41 ii4 #bie2 ,cicero pro ,roscio ,am41 #ce4 #ajj2 ,catull41 xvii4 #h4 #bc2 ,non4 ,marc41 p4 #ceh;b42 ,liv4 i4 #ba1 iv4 #ab4 ,the modern literature3 first and foremost and final1 ,mannhardt1 ,wald- und ,feldkulte1 p4 #bfe ff41 whose explanation is adopted in ,roscher's ,lexikon2 further1 ,preller1 ,rm4 ,m4#c1 ii4 #ace ff42 ,marquardt1 #aij ff42 ,grimm1 ,d4 ,m41 #gcc1 n4 #d4 ,the meaning of the word ,argei has received no satisfactory explanation yet4 ,the number of the images is accounted for by the fact that each of the twenty-four quarters of ancient ,rome required rain for its crops4 #hh ,see ,rhein4 ,museum1 #ahfg1 p4 #abi4 #hi ,macrob41 i4 #aj1 #aa ff42 ,gell41 ,n4 ,a41 vii4 7vi47 #g2 ,plut41 ,rom41 #d4 #e2 ,lactant41 i4 #bj4 #e4 #ij ,exuuntur etiam vestibus populo flagitante meretrices1 qu tunc 7i4e41 at the ,floralia7 mimarum funguntur officio 7,lact4 l4c474 ,cf4 ,val4 ,max41 #b4 #aj4 #h2 ,senec41 ,ep41 #ig4 #g2 ,mart41 #a prf42 ,ov41 ,f41 iv4 #idf1 v4 #ahc2 ,tertull41 ,de ,spect41 #ag2 ,min4 ,felix1 #be4 #h2 ,augustin1 ,c4 ,d41 ii4 #bg4 #ia ,the ,arval ,brothers wore a harvest-crown1 vittis spiceis coronati1 ,c4 ,i4 ,l41 vi4 #bajd;a #af4 ,they preserved a sheaf of corn 7corn-baby1 mother1 c47 from the previous year's harvest2 this is the fruges aridas of ,c4 ,i4 ,l41 l4c4 #f4 ,they consecrated the old corn1 the green corn of the new year1 and a loaf1 fruges aridas et virides contigerunt et panes laureatos1 l4c42 and they sacramentally ate the god1 fruges libatas4 #ib ,mommsen1 ,die echte und die falsche ,acca ,larentia1 #c ,a4 #c4 #ic ,jordan1 ,krit4 ,beitr41 #ge1 compares ,italian atta1 mother and ,greek 8 #id ,e nos ,lases iuvate ,age nos1 ,lares1 iuvate4 #ie ,the classical references on this subject of beans are3 ,diog4 ,laert41 viii4 #bd and #cd 7quoting ,aristotle1 71 ,gellius1 ,n4 ,a41 iv4 #aa2 ,cic41 de ,div41 i4 #cj1 ii4 #eh2 ,pliny ,n4 ,h41 xviii4 #ab2 ,didymus in ,geopon41 ii4 #eh2 ,sext4 ,emp41 ,pyrrh4 ,hyp41 iii4 #bbd2 ,iambl41 ,vit4 ,pyth41 #aji and ,protrept4 extr4 ,symb41 #cg2 ,anon4 7e4 ,photio71 ,vit4 ,pyth41 #g2 ,pseudo-,orig41 ,philos4 ii42 ,apollon4 ,dysc41 ,mirab4 ,hist41 c4 #df2 ,eudocia1 p4 #cfh2 ,suidas1 s4 v4 4 442 ,eustath41 ,n41 p4 #idh4 #if ,for its meaning as a symbol1 see ,westropp1 ,primitive ,symbolism1 p4 #bh4 #ig ,r4 ,q41 #a1 #b1 #f1 #g1 #h1 #bi1 #cj1 #ca1 #fe1 #hf1 #hg1 #aje1 #ajh4 #ih ,the custom is also testified to by ,serv4 on ,virg41 ,ecl41 viii4 #bi2 ,isid41 ,orig41 ix4 #h2 ,plaut41 ,cas41 ,,iv4 iv4 #a2 ,catull41 lxi4 #aei2 ,lucan1 ,phars41 ii4 #ceh4 #ii ,ueber die rmische ,ehe1 p4 #cfj4 #ajj ,reinsberg-,dringsfeld1 ,hochzeitsbuch1 p4 #eg4 #aja ,ibid41 #hd4 #ajb ,ibid41 #bea4 #ajc ,weinhold1 ,die deutschen ,frauen#b1 i4 #daj4 #ajd ,haas in ,weber's ,ind4 ,stud41 v4 #cbd1 #cei1 #cgc4 #aje ,v4 ,schroeder1 ,hochzeitsbruche der ,esten1 pp4 #hh ff4 #ajf ,plutarch1 ,r4 ,q41 #ca4 ,cf4 ,festus1 ,in pelle lanata nova nupta considere solet4 #ajg ,serv4 ad n41 iv4 #cgd4 #ajh 1 ,suidas1 s4v4 #aji ,de ,witte1 ,descr4 des ,antiq4 de l',htel ,lambert1 p4 #fh1 pl4 #bb 7reproduced in ,daremberg et ,saglio1 ,dict41 s4v41 and in ,duruy1 ,hist4 des ,grecs1 i4 #ghf74 ,the right interpretation of this scene was first given by ,lenormant1 ,contemporary ,review1 #ahhj1 p4 #acg4 #aaj ,the ,roman1 at this crisis of his personal history1 placed himself under the protection of a series of ,di ,indigetes1 e4g41 ,subigus1 ,prema1 ,pertunda 7,s4 ,august41 ,c4 ,d41 vi4 #i74 #aaa ,the ,latin phrase is ,aqua et igni accipi4 ,the custom is testified to by ,dion4 ,hal41 ii4 #cj2 ,varro1 ,l4 ,l41 v4 #fa2 ,serv4 ad n41 iv4 #afg2 ,ov41 ,f41 iv4 #ghg2 ,fest4 s4v4 ,scv41 ,dig41 #bd4 #a4 #ff2 ,stat41 ,silv4 ,i4 ii4 #c2 ,val4 ,fl41 ,argon41 viii4 #bdd4 #aab ,weinhold1 i4 #cge and #djh4 #aac ,schrder1 #abh ff4 #aad ,reinsb4-,dringsfeld1 #hd4 #aae ,aqua aspergebatur nova nupta1 s4v4 ,facem in nuptiis4 #aaf ,reinsb4-,dringsfeld1 #ei4 #aag ,haas1 #ceh4 #aah ,reinsb4-,dringsfeld1 #gc4 #aai ,ibid41 #ib4 #abj ,ibid41 #fc4 #aba ,ibid41 #ei4 #abb ,cat41 lxi1 #ha-hf1 #aaj1 #aai2 ,claud41 ,fescenn41 #ajf2 ,de ,rapt4 ,pros41 ii4 #cce4 #abc ,haas1 #cbg4 #abd ,schrder1 #hg4 #abe ,f4 ,b4 ,jevons1 ,kin and ,custom1 in the ,journal of ,philology1 xvi4 pp4 #hg ff4 #abf ,moore1 ,indian ,appeals1 ii4 #ge4 #abg ,for which see ,r4 ,q4 #f4 #abh ,in ,chambers's ,encyclopdia1 s4v4 ,family4 #abi ,in ,chambers's ,encylopdia1 s4v4 ,names4 #acj ,this custom also crops out in fairy tales4 ,see ,mr4 ,j4 ,jacob's ,indian ,fairy ,tales1 p4 #bh4 #aca ,or1 nuptiall4 #acb ,daughters husband4 #acc ,wives father4 #acd ,this may seeme to have some reference to the former question4 #ace 4 #acf 4 #acg ,or ,matuta4 #ach ,by ,prolepsis1 meaning the place where afterwards ,rome stood4 #aci ,or ,phaulius4 #adj ,that is to say1 ,kalends1 ,nones1 ,ides4 #ada 1 or1 a certeine quantitie of wine yeerely1 as some interpret it4 #adb 4 #adc #add 1 sinistra4 #ade ,i suspect this place to be corrupt in the originall4 #adf ,or about a dog by the ,hippocoontides4 #adg ,or1 feele paine3 alluding haply ,ad rupturam ,hymenis4 #adh ,or take delight and pleasure4 #adi 4