,,the ,,essays ,,or ,,counsels1 ,,civil 
,,and ,,moral1  ,,of ,,francis ,ld4     
,,verulam ,,viscount ,,st4 ,,albans     
,by ,francis ,bacon   ,,the ,,essays    
,of ,truth      ,of ,death      ,of     
,unity in ,religion      ,of ,revenge   
,of ,adversity      ,of ,simulation and 
,dissimulation      ,of ,parents and    
,children      ,of ,marriage and ,single
 ,life      ,of ,envy      ,of ,love    
,of ,great ,place      ,of ,boldness    
,of ,goodness and ,goodness of ,nature  
,of ,nobility      ,of ,seditions and   
,troubles      ,of ,atheism      ,of    
,superstition      ,of ,travel      ,of 
,empire      ,of ,counsel      ,of      
,delays      ,of ,cunning      ,of      
,wisdom for a ,man's ,self      ,of     
,innovations      ,of ,dispatch      ,of
 ,seeming ,wise      ,of ,friendship    
,of ,expense      ,of the ,true         
,greatness of ,kingdoms and ,estates    
,of ,regiment of ,health      ,of       
,suspicion      ,of ,discourse      ,of 
,plantations      ,of ,riches      ,of  

,prophecies      ,of ,ambition      ,of 
,masques and ,triumphs      ,of ,nature 
in ,men      ,of ,custom and ,education 
,of ,fortune      ,of ,usury      ,of   
,youth and ,age      ,of ,beauty        
,of ,deformity      ,of ,building       
,of ,gardens      ,of ,negotiating      
,of ,followers and ,friends      ,of    
,suitors      ,of ,studies      ,of     
,faction      ,of ,ceremonies and       
,respects      ,of ,praise      ,of     
,vain-glory      ,of ,honor and         
,reputation      ,of ,judicature        
,of ,anger      ,of ,vicissitude of     
,things      ,of ,fame   ,,to  ,,the    
,,right ,,honorable  ,,my ,,very ,,good 
,,lord  ,,the ,,duke ,,of ,,buckingham  
,,his ,,grace1 ,,lord  ,,high ,,admiral 
,,of ,,england   ,,excellent ,,lord3    
,,salomon saies2 ,a good ,name is as a  
precious oyntment2 ,and ,i assure my    
selfe1 such wil your ,graces ,name bee1 
with ,posteritie4 ,for your ,fortune1   
and ,merit both1 have been ,eminent4    
,and you have planted ,things1 that are 

like to last4 ,i doe now publish my     
,essayes2 which1 of all my other workes1
 have beene most ,currant3 ,for that1 as
 it seemes1 they come home1 to ,mens    
,businesse1 and ,bosomes4 ,i have       
enlarged them1 both in ,number1 and     
,weight2 ,so that they are indeed a ,new
 ,worke4 ,i thought it therefore        
agreeable1 to my ,affection1 and        
,obligation to your ,grace1 to prefix   
your ,name before them1 both in         
,english1 and in ,latine4 ,for ,i doe   
conceive1 that the ,latine ,volume of   
them1 7being in the ,universall         
,language7 may last1 as long as ,bookes 
last4 ,my ,instauration1 ,i dedicated to
 the ,king3 ,my ,historie of ,henry the 
,seventh1 7which ,i have now also       
translated into ,latine7 and my         
,portions of ,naturall ,history1 to the 
,prince3 ,and these ,i dedicate to your 
,grace2 ,being of the best ,fruits1 that
 by the good ,encrease1 which ,god gives
 to my ,pen and ,labours1 ,i could      
yeeld4 ,god leade your ,grace by the    

,hand4 ,your ,graces most ,obliged and  
faithfull ,servant1  ,,fr4 ,,st4 ,,alban
      ,of ,truth   ,,what is truth8 said
 jesting ,pilate1 and would not stay for
 an answer4 ,certainly there be1 that   
delight in giddiness1 and count it a    
bondage to fix a belief2 affecting      
free-will in thinking1 as well as in    
acting4 ,and though the sects of        
philosophers of that kind be gone1 yet  
there remain certain discoursing wits1  
which are of the same veins1 though     
there be not so much blood in them1 as  
was in those of the ancients4 ,but it is
 not only the difficulty and labor1     
which men take in finding out of truth1 
nor again1 that when it is found1 it    
imposeth upon men's thoughts1 that doth 
bring lies in favor2 but a natural1     
though corrupt love1 of the lie itself4 
,one of the later school of the         
,grecians1 examineth the matter1 and is 
at a stand1 to think what should be in  
it1 that men should love lies2 where    
neither they make for pleasure1 as with 

poets1 nor for advantage1 as with the   
merchant2 but for the lie's sake4 ,but  
,i cannot tell2 this same truth1 is a   
naked1 and open day-light1 that doth not
 show the masks1 and mummeries1 and     
triumphs1 of the world1 half so stately 
and daintily as candle-lights4 ,truth   
may perhaps come to the price of a      
pearl1 that showeth best by day2 but it 
will not rise to the price of a diamond1
 or carbuncle1 that showeth best in     
varied lights4 ,a mixture of a lie doth 
ever add pleasure4 ,doth any man doubt1 
that if there were taken out of men's   
minds1 vain opinions1 flattering hopes1 
false valuations1 imaginations as one   
would1 and the like1 but it would leave 
the minds1 of a number of men1 poor     
shrunken things1 full of melancholy and 
indisposition1 and unpleasing to        
themselves8  ,one of the fathers1 in    
great severity1 called poesy vinum      
daemonum1 because it fireth the         
imagination2 and yet1 it is but with the
 shadow of a lie4 ,but it is not the lie

 that passeth through the mind1 but the 
lie that sinketh in1 and settleth in it1
 that doth the hurt2 such as we spake of
 before4 ,but howsoever these things are
 thus in men's depraved judgments1 and  
affections1 yet truth1 which only doth  
judge itself1 teacheth that the inquiry 
of truth1 which is the love-making1 or  
wooing of it1 the knowledge of truth1   
which is the presence of it1 and the    
belief of truth1 which is the enjoying  
of it1 is the sovereign good of human   
nature4 ,the first creature of ,god1 in 
the works of the days1 was the light of 
the sense2 the last1 was the light of   
reason2 and his sabbath work ever since1
 is the illumination of his ,spirit4    
,first he breathed light1 upon the face 
of the matter or chaos2 then he breathed
 light1 into the face of man2 and still 
he breatheth and inspireth light1 into  
the face of his chosen4 ,the poet1 that 
beautified the sect1 that was otherwise 
inferior to the rest1 saith yet         
excellently well3 ,it is a pleasure1 to 

stand upon the shore1 and to see ships  
tossed upon the sea2 a pleasure1 to     
stand in the window of a castle1 and to 
see a battle1 and the adventures thereof
 below3 but no pleasure is comparable to
 the standing upon the vantage ground of
 truth 7a hill not to be commanded1 and 
where the air is always clear and       
serene71 and to see the errors1 and     
wanderings1 and mists1 and tempests1 in 
the vale below2 so always that this     
prospect be with pity1 and not with     
swelling1 or pride4 ,certainly1 it is   
heaven upon earth1 to have a man's mind 
move in charity1 rest in providence1 and
 turn upon the poles of truth4  ,to pass
 from theological1 and philosophical    
truth1 to the truth of civil business2  
it will be acknowledged1 even by those  
that practise it not1 that clear1 and   
round dealing1 is the honor of man's    
nature2 and that mixture of falsehoods1 
is like alloy in coin of gold and       
silver1 which may make the metal work   
the better1 but it embaseth it4 ,for    

these winding1 and crooked courses1 are 
the goings of the serpent2 which goeth  
basely upon the belly1 and not upon the 
feet4 ,there is no vice1 that doth so   
cover a man with shame1 as to be found  
false and perfidious4 ,and therefore    
,montaigne saith prettily1 when he      
inquired the reason1 why the word of the
 lie should be such a disgrace1 and such
 an odious charge8 ,saith he1 ,if it be 
well weighed1 to say that a man lieth1  
is as much to say1 as that he is brave  
towards ,god1 and a coward towards men4 
,for a lie faces ,god1 and shrinks from 
man4 ,surely the wickedness of          
falsehood1 and breach of faith1 cannot  
possibly be so highly expressed1 as in  
that it shall be the last peal1 to call 
the judgments of ,god upon the          
generations of men2 it being foretold1  
that when ,christ cometh1 he shall not  
find faith upon the earth4     ,of      
,death   ,,men fear death1 as children  
fear to go in the dark2 and as that     
natural fear in children1 is increased  

with tales1 so is the other4 ,certainly1
 the contemplation of death1 as the     
wages of sin1 and passage to another    
world1 is holy and religious2 but the   
fear of it1 as a tribute due unto       
nature1 is weak4 ,yet in religious      
meditations1 there is sometimes mixture 
of vanity1 and of superstition4 ,you    
shall read1 in some of the friars' books
 of mortification1 that a man should    
think with himself1 what the pain is1 if
 he have but his finger's end pressed1  
or tortured1 and thereby imagine1 what  
the pains of death are1 when the whole  
body is corrupted1 and dissolved2 when  
many times death passeth1 with less pain
 than the torture of a limb2 for the    
most vital parts1 are not the quickest  
of sense4 ,and by him that spake only as
 a philosopher1 and natural man1 it was 
well said1 ,pompa mortis magis terret1  
quam mors ipsa4 ,groans1 and            
convulsions1 and a discolored face1 and 
friends weeping1 and blacks1 and        
obsequies1 and the like1 show death     

terrible4 ,it is worthy the observing1  
that there is no passion in the mind of 
man1 so weak1 but it mates1 and masters1
 the fear of death2 and therefore1 death
 is no such terrible enemy1 when a man  
hath so many attendants about him1 that 
can win the combat of him4 ,revenge     
triumphs over death2 love slights it2   
honor aspireth to it2 grief flieth to   
it2 fear preoccupateth it2 nay1 we read1
 after ,otho the emperor had slain      
himself1 pity 7which is the tenderest of
 affections7 provoked many to die1 out  
of mere compassion to their sovereign1  
and as the truest sort of followers4    
,nay1 ,seneca adds niceness and satiety3
 ,cogita quamdiu eadem feceris2 mori    
velle1 non tantum fortis aut miser1 sed 
etiam fastidiosus potest4 ,a man would  
die1 though he were neither valiant1 nor
 miserable1 only upon a weariness to do 
the same thing so oft1 over and over4   
,it is no less worthy1 to observe1 how  
little alteration in good spirits1 the  
approaches of death make2 for they      

appear to be the same men1 till the last
 instant4 ,augustus ,caesar died in a   
compliment2 ,livia1 conjugii nostri     
memor1 vive et vale4 ,tiberius in       
dissimulation2 as ,tacitus saith of him1
 ,jam ,tiberium vires et corpus1 non    
dissimulatio1 deserebant4 ,vespasian in 
a jest1 sitting upon the stool2 ,ut puto
 deus fio4 ,galba with a sentence2      
,feri1 si ex re sit populi ,romani2     
holding forth his neck4 ,septimius      
,severus in despatch2 ,adeste si quid   
mihi restat agendum4 ,and the like4     
,certainly the ,stoics bestowed too much
 cost upon death1 and by their great    
preparations1 made it appear more       
fearful4 ,better saith he1 qui finem    
vitae extremum inter munera ponat       
naturae4 ,it is as natural to die1 as to
 be born2 and to a little infant1       
perhaps1 the one is as painful1 as the  
other4 ,he that dies in an earnest      
pursuit1 is like one that is wounded in 
hot blood2 who1 for the time1 scarce    
feels the hurt2 and therefore a mind    

fixed1 and bent upon somewhat that is   
good1 doth avert the dolors of death4   
,but1 above all1 believe it1 the        
sweetest canticle is'1 ,nunc dimittis2  
when a man hath obtained worthy ends1   
and expectations4 ,death hath this also2
 that it openeth the gate to good fame1 
and extinguisheth envy4--,extinctus     
amabitur idem4     ,of ,unity ,in       
,religion   ,,religion being the chief  
band of human society1 it is a happy    
thing1 when itself is well contained    
within the true band of unity4 ,the     
quarrels1 and divisions about religion1 
were evils unknown to the heathen4 ,the 
reason was1 because the religion of the 
heathen1 consisted rather in rites and  
ceremonies1 than in any constant belief4
 ,for you may imagine1 what kind of     
faith theirs was1 when the chief        
doctors1 and fathers of their church1   
were the poets4 ,but the true ,god hath 
this attribute1 that he is a jealous    
,god2 and therefore1 his worship and    
religion1 will endure no mixture1 nor   

partner4 ,we shall therefore speak a few
 words1 concerning the unity of the     
church2 what are the fruits thereof2    
what the bounds2 and what the means4    
,the fruits of unity 7next unto the well
 pleasing of ,god1 which is all in all7 
are two3 the one1 towards those that are
 without the church1 the other1 towards 
those that are within4 ,for the former2 
it is certain1 that heresies1 and       
schisms1 are of all others the greatest 
scandals2 yea1 more than corruption of  
manners4 ,for as in the natural body1 a 
wound1 or solution of continuity1 is    
worse than a corrupt humor2 so in the   
spiritual4 ,so that nothing1 doth so    
much keep men out of the church1 and    
drive men out of the church1 as breach  
of unity4 ,and therefore1 whensoever it 
cometh to that pass1 that one saith1    
,ecce in deserto1 another saith1 ,ecce  
in penetralibus2 that is1 when some men 
seek ,christ1 in the conventicles of    
heretics1 and others1 in an outward face
 of a church1 that voice had need       

continually to sound in men's ears1     
,nolite exire1--,go not out4 ,the doctor
 of the ,gentiles 7the propriety of     
whose vocation1 drew him to have a      
special care of those without7 saith1 if
 an heathen come in1 and hear you speak 
with several tongues1 will he not say   
that you are mad8 ,and certainly it is  
little better1 when atheists1 and       
profane persons1 do hear of so many     
discordant1 and contrary opinions in    
religion2 it doth avert them from the   
church1 and maketh them1 to sit down in 
the chair of the scorners4 ,it is but a 
light thing1 to be vouched in so serious
 a matter1 but yet it expresseth well   
the deformity4 ,there is a master of    
scoffing1 that in his catalogue of books
 of a feigned library1 sets down this   
title of a book1 ,the ,morris-,dance of 
,heretics4 ,for indeed1 every sect of   
them1 hath a diverse posture1 or cringe 
by themselves1 which cannot but move    
derision in worldlings1 and depraved    
politics1 who are apt to contemn holy   

things4  ,as for the fruit towards those
 that are within2 it is peace2 which    
containeth infinite blessings4 ,it      
establisheth faith2 it kindleth charity2
 the outward peace of the church1       
distilleth into peace of conscience2 and
 it turneth the labors of writing1 and  
reading of controversies1 into treaties 
of mortification and devotion4          
,concerning the bounds of unity2 the    
true placing of them1 importeth         
exceedingly4 ,there appear to be two    
extremes4 ,for to certain zealants1 all 
speech of pacification is odious4 ,is it
 peace1 ,jehu18 ,what hast thou to do   
with peace8 turn thee behind me4 ,peace 
is not the matter1 but following1 and   
party4 ,contrariwise1 certain           
,laodiceans1 and lukewarm persons1 think
 they may accommodate points of         
religion1 by middle way1 and taking part
 of both1 and witty reconcilements2 as  
if they would make an arbitrament       
between ,god and man4 ,both these       
extremes are to be avoided2 which will  

be done1 if the league of ,christians1  
penned by our ,savior himself1 were in  
two cross clauses thereof1 soundly and  
plainly expounded3 ,he that is not with 
us1 is against us2 and again1 ,he that  
is not against us1 is with us2 that is1 
if the points fundamental and of        
substance in religion1 were truly       
discerned and distinguished1 from points
 not merely of faith1 but of opinion1   
order1 or good intention4 ,this is a    
thing may seem to many a matter trivial1
 and done already4 ,but if it were done 
less partially1 it would be embraced    
more generally4  ,of this ,i may give   
only this advice1 according to my small 
model4 ,men ought to take heed1 of      
rending ,god's church1 by two kinds of  
controversies4 ,the one is1 when the    
matter of the point controverted1 is too
 small and light1 not worth the heat and
 strife about it1 kindled only by       
contradiction4 ,for1 as it is noted1 by 
one of the fathers1 ,christ's coat      
indeed had no seam1 but the church's    

vesture was of divers colors2 whereupon 
he saith1 ,in veste varietas sit1       
scissura non sit2 they be two things1   
unity and uniformity4 ,the other is1    
when the matter of the point            
controverted1 is great1 but it is driven
 to an over-great subtilty1 and         
obscurity2 so that it becometh a thing  
rather ingenious1 than substantial4 ,a  
man that is of judgment and             
understanding1 shall sometimes hear     
ignorant men differ1 and know well      
within himself1 that those which so     
differ1 mean one thing1 and yet they    
themselves would never agree4 ,and if it
 come so to pass1 in that distance of   
judgment1 which is between man and man1 
shall we not think that ,god above1 that
 knows the heart1 doth not discern that 
frail men1 in some of their             
contradictions1 intend the same thing2  
and accepteth of both8 ,the nature of   
such controversies is excellently       
expressed1 by ,st4 ,paul1 in the warning
 and precept1 that he giveth concerning 

the same1 ,devita profanas vocum        
novitates1 et oppositiones falsi nominis
 scientiae4 ,men create oppositions1    
which are not2 and put them into new    
terms1 so fixed1 as whereas the meaning 
ought to govern the term1 the term in   
effect governeth the meaning4 ,there be 
also two false peaces1 or unities3 the  
one1 when the peace is grounded1 but    
upon an implicit ignorance2 for all     
colors will agree in the dark3 the      
other1 when it is pieced up1 upon a     
direct admission of contraries1 in      
fundamental points4 ,for truth and      
falsehood1 in such things1 are like the 
iron and clay1 in the toes of           
,nebuchadnezzar's image2 they may       
cleave1 but they will not incorporate4  
,concerning the means of procuring      
unity2 men must beware1 that in the     
procuring1 or reuniting1 of religious   
unity1 they do not dissolve and deface  
the laws of charity1 and of human       
society4 ,there be two swords amongst   
,christians1 the spiritual and temporal2

 and both have their due office and     
place1 in the maintenance of religion4  
,but we may not take up the third sword1
 which is ,mahomet's sword1 or like unto
 it2 that is1 to propagate religion by  
wars1 or by sanguinary persecutions to  
force consciences2 except it be in cases
 of overt scandal1 blasphemy1 or        
intermixture of practice against the    
state2 much less to nourish seditions2  
to authorize conspiracies and           
rebellions2 to put the sword into the   
people's hands2 and the like2 tending to
 the subversion of all government1 which
 is the ordinance of ,god4 ,for this is 
but to dash the first table against the 
second2 and so to consider men as       
,christians1 as we forget that they are 
men4 ,lucretius the poet1 when he beheld
 the act of ,agamemnon1 that could      
endure the sacrificing of his own       
daughter1 exclaimed3 ,tantum ,religio   
potuit suadere malorum4  ,what would he 
have said1 if he had known of the       
massacre in ,france1 or the powder      

treason of ,england8 ,he would have been
 seven times more ,epicure1 and atheist1
 than he was4 ,for as the temporal sword
 is to be drawn with great              
circumspection in cases of religion2 so 
it is a thing monstrous to put it into  
the hands of the common people4 ,let    
that be left unto the ,anabaptists1 and 
other furies4 ,it was great blasphemy1  
when the devil said1 ,i will ascend1 and
 be like the highest2 but it is greater 
blasphemy1 to personate ,god1 and bring 
him in saying1 ,i will descend1 and be  
like the prince of darkness2 and what is
 it better1 to make the cause of        
religion to descend1 to the cruel and   
execrable actions of murthering princes1
 butchery of people1 and subversion of  
states and governments8 ,surely this is 
to bring down the ,holy ,ghost1 instead 
of the likeness of a dove1 in the shape 
of a vulture or raven2 and set1 out of  
the bark of a ,christian church1 a flag 
of a bark of pirates1 and assassins4    
,therefore it is most necessary1 that   

the church1 by doctrine and decree1     
princes by their sword1 and all         
learnings1 both ,christian and moral1 as
 by their ,mercury rod1 do damn and send
 to hell for ever1 those facts and      
opinions tending to the support of the  
same2 as hath been already in good part 
done4 ,surely in counsels concerning    
religion1 that counsel of the apostle   
would be prefixed1 ,ira hominis non     
implet justitiam ,dei4 ,and it was a    
notable observation of a wise father1   
and no less ingenuously confessed2 that 
those which held and persuaded pressure 
of consciences1 were commonly interested
 therein1 themselves1 for their own     
ends4     ,of ,revenge   ,,revenge is a 
kind of wild justice2 which the more    
man's nature runs to1 the more ought law
 to weed it out4 ,for as for the first  
wrong1 it doth but offend the law2 but  
the revenge of that wrong1 putteth the  
law out of office4 ,certainly1 in taking
 revenge1 a man is but even with his    
enemy2 but in passing it over1 he is    

superior2 for it is a prince's part to  
pardon4 ,and ,solomon1 ,i am sure1      
saith1 ,it is the glory of a man1 to    
pass by an offence4 ,that which is past 
is gone1 and irrevocable2 and wise men  
have enough to do1 with things present  
and to come2 therefore they do but      
trifle with themselves1 that labor in   
past matters4 ,there is no man doth a   
wrong1 for the wrong's sake2 but thereby
 to purchase himself profit1 or         
pleasure1 or honor1 or the like4        
,therefore why should ,i be angry with a
 man1 for loving himself better than me8
 ,and if any man should do wrong1 merely
 out of ill-nature1 why1 yet it is but  
like the thorn or briar1 which prick and
 scratch1 because they can do no other4 
,the most tolerable sort of revenge1 is 
for those wrongs which there is no law  
to remedy2 but then let a man take heed1
 the revenge be such as there is no law 
to punish2 else a man's enemy is still  
before hand1 and it is two for one4     
,some1 when they take revenge1 are      

desirous1 the party should know1 whence 
it cometh4 ,this is the more generous4  
,for the delight seemeth to be1 not so  
much in doing the hurt1 as in making the
 party repent4 ,but base and crafty     
cowards1 are like the arrow that flieth 
in the dark4 ,cosmus1 duke of ,florence1
 had a desperate saying against         
perfidious or neglecting friends1 as if 
those wrongs were unpardonable2 ,you    
shall read 7saith he7 that we are       
commanded to forgive our enemies2 but   
you never read1 that we are commanded to
 forgive our friends4 ,but yet the      
spirit of ,job was in a better tune3    
,shall we 7saith he7 take good at ,god's
 hands1 and not be content to take evil 
also8 ,and so of friends in a           
proportion4 ,this is certain1 that a man
 that studieth revenge1 keeps his own   
wounds green1 which otherwise would     
heal1 and do well4 ,public revenges are 
for the most part fortunate2 as that for
 the death of ,caesar2 for the death of 
,pertinax2 for the death of ,henry the  

,third of ,france2 and many more4 ,but  
in private revenges1 it is not so4 ,nay 
rather1 vindictive persons live the life
 of witches2 who1 as they are           
mischievous1 so end they infortunate4   
,of ,adversity   ,,it ,,was an high     
speech of ,seneca 7after the manner of  
the ,stoics71 that the good things1     
which belong to prosperity1 are to be   
wished2 but the good things1 that belong
 to adversity1 are to be admired4 ,bona 
rerum secundarum optabilia2 adversarum  
mirabilia4 ,certainly if miracles be the
 command over nature1 they appear most  
in adversity4 ,it is yet a higher speech
 of his1 than the other 7much too high  
for a heathen71 ,it is true greatness1  
to have in one the frailty of a man1 and
 the security of a ,god4 ,vere magnum   
habere fragilitatem hominis1 securitatem
 ,dei4 ,this would have done better in  
poesy1 where transcendences are more    
allowed4 ,and the poets indeed have been
 busy with it2 for it is in effect the  
thing1 which figured in that strange    

fiction of the ancient poets1 which     
seemeth not to be without mystery2 nay1 
and to have some approach to the state  
of a ,christian2 that ,hercules1 when he
 went to unbind ,prometheus 7by whom    
human nature is represented71 sailed the
 length of the great ocean1 in an       
earthen pot or pitcher2 lively          
describing ,christian resolution1 that  
saileth in the frail bark of the flesh1 
through the waves of the world4 ,but to 
speak in a mean4 ,the virtue of         
prosperity1 is temperance2 the virtue of
 adversity1 is fortitude2 which in      
morals is the more heroical virtue4     
,prosperity is the blessing of the ,old 
,testament2 adversity is the blessing of
 the ,new2 which carrieth the greater   
benediction1 and the clearer revelation 
of ,god's favor4 ,yet even in the ,old  
,testament1 if you listen to ,david's   
harp1 you shall hear as many hearse-like
 airs as carols2 and the pencil of the  
,holy ,ghost hath labored more in       
describing the afflictions of ,job1 than

 the felicities of ,solomon4 ,prosperity
 is not without many fears and          
distastes2 and adversity is not without 
comforts and hopes4 ,we see in          
needle-works and embroideries1 it is    
more pleasing to have a lively work1    
upon a sad and solemn ground1 than to   
have a dark and melancholy work1 upon a 
lightsome ground3 judge therefore of the
 pleasure of the heart1 by the pleasure 
of the eye4 ,certainly virtue is like   
precious odors1 most fragrant when they 
are incensed1 or crushed3 for prosperity
 doth best discover vice1 but adversity 
doth best discover virtue4     ,of      
,simulation ,and ,dissimulation         
,,dissimulation is but a faint kind of  
policy1 or wisdom2 for it asketh a      
strong wit1 and a strong heart1 to know 
when to tell truth1 and to do it4       
,therefore it is the weaker sort of     
politics1 that are the great            
dissemblers4  ,tacitus saith1 ,livia    
sorted well with the arts of her        
husband1 and dissimulation of her son2  

attributing arts or policy to ,augustus1
 and dissimulation to ,tiberius4 ,and   
again1 when ,mucianus encourageth       
,vespasian1 to take arms against        
,vitellius1 he saith1 ,we rise not      
against the piercing judgment of        
,augustus1 nor the extreme caution or   
closeness of ,tiberius4 ,these          
properties1 of arts or policy1 and      
dissimulation or closeness1 are indeed  
habits and faculties several1 and to be 
distinguished4 ,for if a man have that  
penetration of judgment1 as he can      
discern what things are to be laid open1
 and what to be secreted1 and what to be
 showed at half lights1 and to whom and 
when 7which indeed are arts of state1   
and arts of life1 as ,tacitus well      
calleth them71 to him1 a habit of       
dissimulation is a hinderance and a     
poorness4 ,but if a man cannot obtain to
 that judgment1 then it is left to him  
generally1 to be close1 and a           
dissembler4 ,for where a man cannot     
choose1 or vary in particulars1 there it

 is good to take the safest1 and wariest
 way1 in general2 like the going softly1
 by one that cannot well see4 ,certainly
 the ablest men that ever were1 have had
 all an openness1 and frankness1 of     
dealing2 and a name of certainty and    
veracity2 but then they were like horses
 well managed2 for they could tell      
passing well1 when to stop or turn2 and 
at such times1 when they thought the    
case indeed required dissimulation1 if  
then they used it1 it came to pass that 
the former opinion1 spread abroad1 of   
their good faith and clearness of       
dealing1 made them almost invisible4    
,there be three degrees of this hiding  
and veiling of a man's self4 ,the first1
 closeness1 reservation1 and secrecy2   
when a man leaveth himself without      
observation1 or without hold to be      
taken1 what he is4 ,the second1         
dissimulation1 in the negative2 when a  
man lets fall signs and arguments1 that 
he is not1 that he is4 ,and the third1  
simulation1 in the affirmative2 when a  

man industriously and expressly feigns  
and pretends to be1 that he is not4     
,for the first of these1 secrecy2 it is 
indeed the virtue of a confessor4 ,and  
assuredly1 the secret man heareth many  
confessions4 ,for who will open himself1
 to a blab or a babbler8 ,but if a man  
be thought secret1 it inviteth          
discovery2 as the more close air sucketh
 in the more open2 and as in confession1
 the revealing is not for worldly use1  
but for the ease of a man's heart1 so   
secret men come to the knowledge of many
 things in that kind2 while men rather  
discharge their minds1 than impart their
 minds4 ,in few words1 mysteries are due
 to secrecy4 ,besides 7to say truth7    
nakedness is uncomely1 as well in mind  
as body2 and it addeth no small         
reverence1 to men's manners and actions1
 if they be not altogether open4 ,as for
 talkers and futile persons1 they are   
commonly vain and credulous withal4 ,for
 he that talketh what he knoweth1 will  
also talk what he knoweth not4          

,therefore set it down1 that an habit of
 secrecy1 is both politic and moral4    
,and in this part1 it is good that a    
man's face give his tongue leave to     
speak4 ,for the discovery of a man' s   
self1 by the tracts of his countenance1 
is a great weakness and betraying2 by   
how much it is many times more marked1  
and believed1 than a man's words4  ,for 
the second1 which is dissimulation2 it  
followeth many times upon secrecy1 by a 
necessity2 so that he that will be      
secret1 must be a dissembler in some    
degree4 ,for men are too cunning1 to    
suffer a man to keep an indifferent     
carriage between both1 and to be secret1
 without swaying the balance on either  
side4 ,they will so beset a man with    
questions1 and draw him on1 and pick it 
out of him1 that1 without an absurd     
silence1 he must show an inclination one
 way2 or if he do not1 they will gather 
as much by his silence1 as by his       
speech4 ,as for equivocations1 or       
oraculous speeches1 they cannot hold out

 long4 ,so that no man can be secret1   
except he give himself a little scope of
 dissimulation2 which is1 as it were1   
but the skirts or train of secrecy4     
,but for the third degree1 which is     
simulation1 and false profession2 that  
,i hold more culpable1 and less politic2
 except it be in great and rare matters4
 ,and therefore a general custom of     
simulation 7which is this last degree7  
is a vice1 using either of a natural    
falseness or fearfulness1 or of a mind  
that hath some main faults1 which       
because a man must needs disguise1 it   
maketh him practise simulation in other 
things1 lest his hand should be out of  
use4  ,the great advantages of          
simulation and dissimulation are three4 
,first1 to lay asleep opposition1 and to
 surprise4 ,for where a man's intentions
 are published1 it is an alarum1 to call
 up all that are against them4 ,the     
second is1 to reserve to a man's self a 
fair retreat4 ,for if a man engage      
himself by a manifest declaration1 he   

must go through or take a fall4 ,the    
third is1 the better to discover the    
mind of another4 ,for to him that opens 
himself1 men will hardly show themselves
 adverse2 but will fair let him go on1  
and turn their freedom of speech1 to    
freedom of thought4 ,and therefore it is
 a good shrewd proverb of the ,spaniard1
 ,tell a lie and find a troth4 ,as if   
there were no way of discovery1 but by  
simulation4 ,there be also three        
disadvantages1 to set it even4 ,the     
first1 that simulation and dissimulation
 commonly carry with them a show of     
fearfulness1 which in any business1 doth
 spoil the feathers1 of round flying up 
to the mark4 ,the second1 that it       
puzzleth and perplexeth the conceits of 
many1 that perhaps would otherwise      
co-operate with him2 and makes a man    
walk almost alone1 to his own ends4 ,the
 third and greatest is1 that it         
depriveth a man of one of the most      
principal instruments for action2 which 
is trust and belief4 ,the best          

composition and temperature1 is to have 
openness in fame and opinion2 secrecy in
 habit2 dissimulation in seasonable use2
 and a power to feign1 if there be no   
remedy4     ,of ,parents ,and ,children 
,,the joys of parents are secret2 and so
 are their griefs and fears4 ,they      
cannot utter the one2 nor they will not 
utter the other4 ,children sweeten      
labors2 but they make misfortunes more  
bitter4 ,they increase the cares of     
life2 but they mitigate the remembrance 
of death4 ,the perpetuity by generation 
is common to beasts2 but memory1 merit1 
and noble works1 are proper to men4 ,and
 surely a man shall see the noblest     
works and foundations have proceeded    
from childless men2 which have sought to
 express the images of their minds1     
where those of their bodies have failed4
 ,so the care of posterity is most in   
them1 that have no posterity4 ,they that
 are the first raisers of their houses1 
are most indulgent towards their        
children2 beholding them as the         

continuance1 not only of their kind1 but
 of their work2 and so both children and
 creatures4  ,the difference in         
affection1 of parents towards their     
several children1 is many times unequal2
 and sometimes unworthy2 especially in  
the mothers2 as ,solomon saith1 ,a wise 
son rejoiceth the father1 but an        
ungracious son shames the mother4 ,a man
 shall see1 where there is a house full 
of children1 one or two of the eldest   
respected1 and the youngest made        
wantons2 but in the midst1 some that are
 as it were forgotten1 who many times1  
nevertheless1 prove the best4 ,the      
illiberality of parents1 in allowance   
towards their children1 is an harmful   
error2 makes them base2 acquaints them  
with shifts2 makes them sort with mean  
company2 and makes them surfeit more    
when they come to plenty4 ,and therefore
 the proof is best1 when men keep their 
authority towards the children1 but not 
their purse4 ,men have a foolish manner 
7both parents and schoolmasters and     

servants7 in creating and breeding an   
emulation between brothers1 during      
childhood1 which many times sorteth to  
discord when they are men1 and          
disturbeth families4 ,the ,italians make
 little difference between children1 and
 nephews or near kinsfolks2 but so they 
be of the lump1 they care not though    
they pass not through their own body4   
,and1 to say truth1 in nature it is much
 a like matter2 insomuch that we see a  
nephew sometimes resembleth an uncle1 or
 a kinsman1 more than his own parent2 as
 the blood happens4 ,let parents choose 
betimes1 the vocations and courses they 
mean their children should take2 for    
then they are most flexible2 and let    
them not too much apply themselves to   
the disposition of their children1 as   
thinking they will take best to that1   
which they have most mind to4 ,it is    
true1 that if the affection or aptness  
of the children be extraordinary1 then  
it is good not to cross it2 but         
generally the precept is good1 optimum  

elige1 suave et facile illud faciet     
consuetudo4 ,younger brothers are       
commonly fortunate1 but seldom or never 
where the elder are disinherited4       
,of ,marriage ,and ,single ,life   ,,he 
,,that hath wife and children hath given
 hostages to fortune2 for they are      
impediments to great enterprises1 either
 of virtue or mischief4 ,certainly the  
best works1 and of greatest merit for   
the public1 have proceeded from the     
unmarried or childless men2 which both  
in affection and means1 have married and
 endowed the public4 ,yet it were great 
reason that those that have children1   
should have greatest care of future     
times2 unto which they know they must   
transmit their dearest pledges4 ,some   
there are1 who though they lead a single
 life1 yet their thoughts do end with   
themselves1 and account future times    
impertinences4 ,nay1 there are some     
other1 that account wife and children1  
but as bills of charges4 ,nay more1     
there are some foolish rich covetous    

men1 that take a pride1 in having no    
children1 because they may be thought so
 much the richer4 ,for perhaps they have
 heard some talk1 ,such an one is a     
great rich man1 and another except to   
it1 ,yea1 but he hath a great charge of 
children2 as if it were an abatement to 
his riches4 ,but the most ordinary cause
 of a single life1 is liberty1          
especially in certain self-pleasing and 
humorous minds1 which are so sensible of
 every restraint1 as they will go near  
to think their girdles and garters1 to  
be bonds and shackles4 ,unmarried men   
are best friends1 best masters1 best    
servants2 but not always best subjects2 
for they are light to run away2 and     
almost all fugitives1 are of that       
condition4 ,a single life doth well with
 churchmen2 for charity will hardly     
water the ground1 where it must first   
fill a pool4 ,it is indifferent for     
judges and magistrates2 for if they be  
facile and corrupt1 you shall have a    
servant1 five times worse than a wife4  

,for soldiers1 ,i find the generals     
commonly in their hortatives1 put men in
 mind of their wives and children2 and  
,i think the despising of marriage      
amongst the ,turks1 maketh the vulgar   
soldier more base4 ,certainly wife and  
children are a kind of discipline of    
humanity2 and single men1 though they   
may be many times more charitable1      
because their means are less exhaust1   
yet1 on the other side1 they are more   
cruel and hardhearted 7good to make     
severe inquisitors71 because their      
tenderness is not so oft called upon4   
,grave natures1 led by custom1 and      
therefore constant1 are commonly loving 
husbands1 as was said of ,ulysses1      
vetulam suam praetulit immortalitati4   
,chaste women are often proud and       
froward1 as presuming upon the merit of 
their chastity4 ,it is one of the best  
bonds1 both of chastity and obedience1  
in the wife1 if she think her husband   
wise2 which she will never do1 if she   
find him jealous4 ,wives are young men's

 mistresses2 companions for middle age2 
and old men's nurses4 ,so as a man may  
have a quarrel to marry1 when he will4  
,but yet he was reputed one of the wise 
men1 that made answer to the question1  
when a man should marry1--,a young man  
not yet1 an elder man not at all4 ,it is
 often seen that bad husbands1 have very
 good wives2 whether it be1 that it     
raiseth the price of their husband's    
kindness1 when it comes2 or that the    
wives take a pride in their patience4   
,but this never fails1 if the bad       
husbands were of their own choosing1    
against their friends' consent2 for then
 they will be sure to make good their   
own folly4     ,of ,envy   ,,there be   
none of the affections1 which have been 
noted to fascinate or bewitch1 but love 
and envy4 ,they both have vehement      
wishes2 they frame themselves readily   
into imaginations and suggestions2 and  
they come easily into the eye1          
especially upon the present of the      
objects2 which are the points that      

conduce to fascination1 if any such     
thing there be4 ,we see likewise1 the   
,scripture calleth envy an evil eye2 and
 the astrologers1 call the evil         
influences of the stars1 evil aspects2  
so that still there seemeth to be       
acknowledged1 in the act of envy1 an    
ejaculation or irradiation of the eye4  
,nay1 some have been so curious1 as to  
note1 that the times when the stroke or 
percussion of an envious eye doth most  
hurt1 are when the party envied is      
beheld in glory or triumph2 for that    
sets an edge upon envy3 and besides1 at 
such times the spirits of the person    
envied1 do come forth most into the     
outward parts1 and so meet the blow4    
,but leaving these curiosities 7though  
not unworthy to be thought on1 in fit   
place71 we will handle1 what persons are
 apt to envy others2 what persons are   
most subject to be envied themselves2   
and what is the difference between      
public and private envy4  ,a man that   
hath no virtue in himself1 ever envieth 

virtue in others4 ,for men's minds1 will
 either feed upon their own good1 or    
upon others' evil2 and who wanteth the  
one1 will prey upon the other2 and whoso
 is out of hope1 to attain to another's 
virtue1 will seek to come at even hand1 
by depressing another's fortune4  ,a man
 that is busy1 and inquisitive1 is      
commonly envious4 ,for to know much of  
other men's matters1 cannot be because  
all that ado may concern his own estate2
 therefore it must needs be1 that he    
taketh a kind of play-pleasure1 in      
looking upon the fortunes of others4    
,neither can he1 that mindeth but his   
own business1 find much matter for envy4
 ,for envy is a gadding passion1 and    
walketh the streets1 and doth not keep  
home3 ,non est curiosus1 quin idem sit  
malevolus4  ,men of noble birth1 are    
noted to be envious towards new men1    
when they rise4 ,for the distance is    
altered1 and it is like a deceit of the 
eye1 that when others come on1 they     
think themselves1 go back4  ,deformed   

persons1 and eunuchs1 and old men1 and  
bastards1 are envious4 ,for he that     
cannot possibly mend his own case1 will 
do what he can1 to impair another's2    
except these defects light upon a very  
brave1 and heroical nature1 which       
thinketh to make his natural wants part 
of his honor2 in that it should be said1
 that an eunuch1 or a lame man1 did such
 great matters2 affecting the honor of a
 miracle2 as it was in ,narses the      
eunuch1 and ,agesilaus and ,tamberlanes1
 that were lame men4  ,the same is the  
case of men1 that rise after calamities 
and misfortunes4 ,for they are as men   
fallen out with the times2 and think    
other men's harms1 a redemption of their
 own sufferings4  ,they that desire to  
excel in too many matters1 out of levity
 and vain glory1 are ever envious4 ,for 
they cannot want work2 it being         
impossible1 but many1 in some one of    
those things1 should surpass them4      
,which was the character of ,adrian the 
,emperor2 that mortally envied poets1   

and painters1 and artificers1 in works  
wherein he had a vein to excel4         
,lastly1 near kinsfolks1 and fellows in 
office1 and those that have been bred   
together1 are more apt to envy their    
equals1 when they are raised4 ,for it   
doth upbraid unto them their own        
fortunes1 and pointeth at them1 and     
cometh oftener into their remembrance1  
and incurreth likewise more into the    
note of others2 and envy ever redoubleth
 from speech and fame4 ,cain's envy was 
the more vile and malignant1 towards his
 brother ,abel1 because when his        
sacrifice was better accepted1 there was
 no body to look on4 ,thus much for     
those1 that are apt to envy4            
,concerning those that are more or less 
subject to envy3 ,first1 persons of     
eminent virtue1 when they are advanced1 
are less envied4 ,for their fortune     
seemeth1 but due unto them2 and no man  
envieth the payment of a debt1 but      
rewards and liberality rather4 ,again1  
envy is ever joined with the comparing  

of a man's self2 and where there is no  
comparison1 no envy2 and therefore kings
 are not envied1 but by kings4          
,nevertheless it is to be noted1 that   
unworthy persons are most envied1 at    
their first coming in1 and afterwards   
overcome it better2 whereas             
contrariwise1 persons of worth and merit
 are most envied1 when their fortune    
continueth long4 ,for by that time1     
though their virtue be the same1 yet it 
hath not the same lustre2 for fresh men 
grow up that darken it4  ,persons of    
noble blood1 are less envied in their   
rising4 ,for it seemeth but right done  
to their birth4 ,besides1 there seemeth 
not much added to their fortune2 and    
envy is as the sunbeams1 that beat      
hotter upon a bank1 or steep rising     
ground1 than upon a flat4 ,and for the  
same reason1 those that are advanced by 
degrees1 are less envied than those that
 are advanced suddenly and per saltum4  
,those that have joined with their honor
 great travels1 cares1 or perils1 are   

less subject to envy4 ,for men think    
that they earn their honors hardly1 and 
pity them sometimes2 and pity ever      
healeth envy4 ,wherefore you shall      
observe1 that the more deep and sober   
sort of politic persons1 in their       
greatness1 are ever bemoaning           
themselves1 what a life they lead2      
chanting a quanta patimur6 ,not that    
they feel it so1 but only to abate the  
edge of envy4 ,but this is to be        
understood1 of business that is laid    
upon men1 and not such1 as they call    
unto themselves4 ,for nothing increaseth
 envy more1 than an unnecessary and     
ambitious engrossing of business4 ,and  
nothing doth extinguish envy more1 than 
for a great person to preserve all other
 inferior officers1 in their full lights
 and pre-eminences of their places4 ,for
 by that means1 there be so many screens
 between him and envy4  ,above all1     
those are most subject to envy1 which   
carry the greatness of their fortunes1  
in an insolent and proud manner2 being  

never well1 but while they are showing  
how great they are1 either by outward   
pomp1 or by triumphing over all         
opposition or competition2 whereas wise 
men will rather do sacrifice to envy1 in
 suffering themselves sometimes of      
purpose to be crossed1 and overborne in 
things that do not much concern them4   
,notwithstanding1 so much is true1 that 
the carriage of greatness1 in a plain   
and open manner 7so it be without       
arrogancy and vain glory7 doth draw less
 envy1 than if it be in a more crafty   
and cunning fashion4 ,for in that       
course1 a man doth but disavow fortune2 
and seemeth to be conscious of his own  
want in worth2 and doth but teach       
others1 to envy him4  ,lastly1 to       
conclude this part2 as we said in the   
beginning1 that the act of envy had     
somewhat in it of witchcraft1 so there  
is no other cure of envy1 but the cure  
of witchcraft2 and that is1 to remove   
the lot 7as they call it7 and to lay it 
upon another4 ,for which purpose1 the   

wiser sort of great persons1 bring in   
ever upon the stage somebody upon whom  
to derive the envy1 that would come upon
 themselves2 sometimes upon ministers   
and servants2 sometimes upon colleagues 
and associates2 and the like2 and for   
that turn there are never wanting1 some 
persons of violent and undertaking      
natures1 who1 so they may have power and
 business1 will take it at any cost4    
,now1 to speak of public envy4 ,there is
 yet some good in public envy1 whereas  
in private1 there is none4 ,for public  
envy1 is as an ostracism1 that eclipseth
 men1 when they grow too great4 ,and    
therefore it is a bridle also to great  
ones1 to keep them within bounds4  ,this
 envy1 being in the ,latin word invidia1
 goeth in the modern language1 by the   
name of discontentment2 of which we     
shall speak1 in handling sedition4 ,it  
is a disease1 in a state1 like to       
infection4 ,for as infection spreadeth  
upon that which is sound1 and tainteth  
it2 so when envy is gotten once into a  

state1 it traduceth even the best       
actions thereof1 and turneth them into  
an ill odor4 ,and therefore there is    
little won1 by intermingling of         
plausible actions4 ,for that doth argue 
but a weakness1 and fear of envy1 which 
hurteth so much the more1 as it is      
likewise usual in infections2 which if  
you fear them1 you call them upon you4  
,this public envy1 seemeth to beat      
chiefly upon principal officers or      
ministers1 rather than upon kings1 and  
estates themselves4 ,but this is a sure 
rule1 that if the envy upon the minister
 be great1 when the cause of it in him  
is small2 or if the envy be general1 in 
a manner upon all the ministers of an   
estate2 then the envy 7though hidden7 is
 truly upon the state itself4 ,and so   
much of public envy or discontentment1  
and the difference thereof from private 
envy1 which was handled in the first    
place4  ,we will add this in general1   
touching the affection of envy2 that of 
all other affections1 it is the most    

importune and continual4 ,for of other  
affections1 there is occasion given1 but
 now and then2 and therefore it was well
 said1 ,invidia festos dies non agit3   
for it is ever working upon some or     
other4 ,and it is also noted1 that love 
and envy do make a man pine1 which other
 affections do not1 because they are not
 so continual4 ,it is also the vilest   
affection1 and the most depraved2 for   
which cause it is the proper attribute  
of the devil1 who is called1 the envious
 man1 that soweth tares amongst the     
wheat by night2 as it always cometh to  
pass1 that envy worketh subtilly1 and in
 the dark1 and to the prejudice of good 
things1 such as is the wheat4     ,of   
,love   ,,the stage is more beholding to
 love1 than the life of man4 ,for as to 
the stage1 love is ever matter of       
comedies1 and now and then of tragedies2
 but in life it doth much mischief2     
sometimes like a siren1 sometimes like a
 fury4 ,you may observe1 that amongst   
all the great and worthy persons        

7whereof the memory remaineth1 either   
ancient or recent7 there is not one1    
that hath been transported to the mad   
degree of love3 which shows that great  
spirits1 and great business1 do keep out
 this weak passion4 ,you must except1   
nevertheless1 ,marcus ,antonius1 the    
half partner of the empire of ,rome1 and
 ,appius ,claudius1 the decemvir and    
lawgiver2 whereof the former was indeed 
a voluptuous man1 and inordinate2 but   
the latter was an austere and wise man3 
and therefore it seems 7though rarely7  
that love can find entrance1 not only   
into an open heart1 but also into a     
heart well fortified1 if watch be not   
well kept4 ,it is a poor saying of      
,epicurus1 ,satis magnum alter alteri   
theatrum sumus2 as if man1 made for the 
contemplation of heaven1 and all noble  
objects1 should do nothing but kneel    
before a little idol1 and make himself a
 subject1 though not of the mouth 7as   
beasts are71 yet of the eye2 which was  
given him for higher purposes4 ,it is a 

strange thing1 to note the excess of    
this passion1 and how it braves the     
nature1 and value of things1 by this2   
that the speaking in a perpetual        
hyperbole1 is comely in nothing but in  
love4 ,neither is it merely in the      
phrase2 for whereas it hath been well   
said1 that the arch-flatterer1 with whom
 all the petty flatterers have          
intelligence1 is a man's self2 certainly
 the lover is more4 ,for there was never
 proud man thought so absurdly well of  
himself1 as the lover doth of the person
 loved2 and therefore it was well said1 
,that it is impossible to love1 and to  
be wise4 ,neither doth this weakness    
appear to others only1 and not to the   
party loved2 but to the loved most of   
all1 except the love be reciproque4 ,for
 it is a true rule1 that love is ever   
rewarded1 either with the reciproque1 or
 with an inward and secret contempt4 ,by
 how much the more1 men ought to beware 
of this passion1 which loseth not only  
other things1 but itself6 ,as for the   

other losses1 the poet's relation doth  
well figure them3 that he that preferred
 ,helena1 quitted the gifts of ,juno and
 ,pallas4 ,for whosoever esteemeth too  
much of amorous affection1 quitteth both
 riches and wisdom4 ,this passion hath  
his floods1 in very times of weakness2  
which are great prosperity1 and great   
adversity2 though this latter hath been 
less observed3 both which times kindle  
love1 and make it more fervent1 and     
therefore show it to be the child of    
folly4 ,they do best1 who if they cannot
 but admit love1 yet make it keep       
quarters2 and sever it wholly from their
 serious affairs1 and actions1 of life2 
for if it check once with business1 it  
troubleth men's fortunes1 and maketh    
men1 that they can no ways be true to   
their own ends4 ,i know not how1 but    
martial men are given to love3 ,i think1
 it is but as they are given to wine2   
for perils commonly ask to be paid in   
pleasures4 ,there is in man's nature1 a 
secret inclination and motion1 towards  

love of others1 which if it be not spent
 upon some one or a few1 doth naturally 
spread itself towards many1 and maketh  
men become humane and charitable2 as it 
is seen sometime in friars4 ,nuptial    
love maketh mankind2 friendly love      
perfecteth it2 but wanton love          
corrupteth1 and embaseth it4     ,of    
,great ,place   ,,men in great place are
 thrice servants3 servants of the       
sovereign or state2 servants of fame2   
and servants of business4 ,so as they   
have no freedom2 neither in their       
persons1 nor in their actions1 nor in   
their times4 ,it is a strange desire1 to
 seek power and to lose liberty3 or to  
seek power over others1 and to lose     
power over a man's self4 ,the rising    
unto place is laborious2 and by pains1  
men come to greater pains2 and it is    
sometimes base2 and by indignities1 men 
come to dignities4 ,the standing is     
slippery1 and the regress is either a   
downfall1 or at least an eclipse1 which 
is a melancholy thing4 ,cum non sis qui 

fueris1 non esse cur velis vivere4 ,nay1
 retire men cannot when they would1     
neither will they1 when it were reason2 
but are impatient of privateness1 even  
in age and sickness1 which require the  
shadow2 like old townsmen1 that will be 
still sitting at their street door1     
though thereby they offer age to scom4  
,certainly great persons had need to    
borrow other men's opinions1 to think   
themselves happy2 for if they judge by  
their own feeling1 they cannot find it2 
but if they think with themselves1 what 
other men think of them1 and that other 
men would fain be1 as they are1 then    
they are happy1 as it were1 by report2  
when perhaps they find the contrary     
within4 ,for they are the first1 that   
find their own griefs1 though they be   
the last1 that find their own faults4   
,certainly men in great fortunes are    
strangers to themselves1 and while they 
are in the puzzle of business1 they have
 no time to tend their health1 either of
 body or mind4 ,illi mors gravis        

incubat1 qui notus nimis omnibus1       
ignotus moritur sibi4 ,in place1 there  
is license to do good1 and evil2 whereof
 the latter is a curse3 for in evil1 the
 best condition is not to win2 the      
second1 not to can4 ,but power to do    
good1 is the true and lawful end of     
aspiring4 ,for good thoughts 7though    
,god accept them7 yet1 towards men1 are 
little better than good dreams1 except  
they be put in act2 and that cannot be1 
without power and place1 as the vantage1
 and commanding ground4 ,merit and good 
works1 is the end of man's motion2 and  
conscience of the same is the           
accomplishment of man's rest4 ,for if a 
man can be partaker of ,god's theatre1  
he shall likewise be partaker of ,god's 
rest4 ,et conversus ,deus1 ut aspiceret 
opera quae fecerunt manus suae1 vidit   
quod omnia essent bona nimis2 and then  
the sabbath4 ,in the discharge of thy   
place1 set before thee the best         
examples2 for imitation is a globe of   
precepts4 ,and after a time1 set before 

thee thine own example2 and examine     
thyself strictly1 whether thou didst not
 best at first4 ,neglect not also the   
examples1 of those that have carried    
themselves ill1 in the same place2 not  
to set off thyself1 by taxing their     
memory1 but to direct thyself1 what to  
avoid4 ,reform therefore1 without       
bravery1 or scandal of former times and 
persons2 but yet set it down to thyself1
 as well to create good precedents1 as  
to follow them4 ,reduce things to the   
first institution1 and observe wherein1 
and how1 they have degenerate2 but yet  
ask counsel of both times2 of the       
ancient time1 what is best2 and of the  
latter time1 what is fittest4 ,seek to  
make thy course regular1 that men may   
know beforehand1 what they may expect2  
but be not too positive and peremptory2 
and express thyself well1 when thou     
digressest from thy rule4 ,preserve the 
right of thy place2 but stir not        
questions of jurisdiction2 and rather   
assume thy right1 in silence and de     

facto1 than voice it with claims1 and   
challenges4 ,preserve likewise the      
rights of inferior places2 and think it 
more honor1 to direct in chief1 than to 
be busy in all4 ,embrace and invite     
helps1 and advices1 touching the        
execution of thy place2 and do not drive
 away such1 as bring thee information1  
as meddlers2 but accept of them in good 
part4 ,the vices of authority are       
chiefly four3 delays1 corruption1       
roughness1 and facility4 ,for delays3   
give easy access2 keep times appointed2 
go through with that which is in hand1  
and interlace not business1 but of      
necessity4 ,for corruption3 do not only 
bind thine own hands1 or thy servants'  
hands1 from taking1 but bind the hands  
of suitors also1 from offering4 ,for    
integrity used doth the one2 but        
integrity professed1 and with a manifest
 detestation of bribery1 doth the other4
 ,and avoid not only the fault1 but the 
suspicion4 ,whosoever is found variable1
 and changeth manifestly without        

manifest cause1 giveth suspicion of     
corruption4 ,therefore always1 when thou
 changest thine opinion or course1      
profess it plainly1 and declare it1     
together with the reasons that move thee
 to change2 and do not think to steal   
it4 ,a servant or a favorite1 if he be  
inward1 and no other apparent cause of  
esteem1 is commonly thought1 but a      
by-way to close corruption4 ,for        
roughness3 it is a needless cause of    
discontent3 severity breedeth fear1 but 
roughness breedeth hate4 ,even reproofs 
from authority1 ought to be grave1 and  
not taunting4 ,as for facility3 it is   
worse than bribery4 ,for bribes come but
 now and then2 but if importunity1 or   
idle respects1 lead a man1 he shall     
never be without4 ,as ,solomon saith1   
,to respect persons is not good2 for    
such a man will transgress for a piece  
of bread4 ,it is most true1 that was    
anciently spoken1 ,a place showeth the  
man4 ,and it showeth some to the better1
 and some to the worse4 ,omnium consensu

 capax imperii1 nisi imperasset1 saith  
,tacitus of ,galba2 but of ,vespasian he
 saith1 ,solus imperantium1 ,vespasianus
 mutatus in melius2 though the one was  
meant of sufficiency1 the other of      
manners1 and affection4 ,it is an       
assured sign of a worthy and generous   
spirit1 whom honor amends4 ,for honor   
is1 or should be1 the place of virtue2  
and as in nature1 things move violently 
to their place1 and calmly in their     
place1 so virtue in ambition is violent1
 in authority settled and calm4 ,all    
rising to great place is by a winding   
star2 and if there be factions1 it is   
good to side a man's self1 whilst he is 
in the rising1 and to balance himself   
when he is placed4 ,use the memory of   
thy predecessor1 fairly and tenderly2   
for if thou dost not1 it is a debt will 
sure be paid when thou art gone4 ,if    
thou have colleagues1 respect them1 and 
rather call them1 when they look not for
 it1 than exclude them1 when they have  
reason to look to be called4 ,be not too

 sensible1 or too remembering1 of thy   
place in conversation1 and private      
answers to suitors2 but let it rather be
 said1 ,when he sits in place1 he is    
another man4     ,of ,boldness   ,,it   
,,is a trivial grammar-school text1 but 
yet worthy a wise man's consideration4  
,question was asked of ,demosthenes1    
what was the chief part of an orator8 he
 answered1 action2 what next8 action2   
what next again8 action4 ,he said it1   
that knew it best1 and had1 by nature1  
himself no advantage in that he         
commended4 ,a strange thing1 that that  
part of an orator1 which is but         
superficial1 and rather the virtue of a 
player1 should be placed so high1 above 
those other noble parts1 of invention1  
elocution1 and the rest2 nay1 almost    
alone1 as if it were all in all4 ,but   
the reason is plain4 ,there is in human 
nature generally1 more of the fool than 
of the wise2 and therefore those        
faculties1 by which the foolish part of 
men's minds is taken1 are most potent4  

,wonderful like is the case of boldness 
in civil business3 what first8 boldness2
 what second and third8 boldness4 ,and  
yet boldness is a child of ignorance and
 baseness1 far inferior to other parts4 
,but nevertheless it doth fascinate1 and
 bind hand and foot1 those that are     
either shallow in judgment1 or weak in  
courage1 which are the greatest part2   
yea and prevaileth with wise men at weak
 times4 ,therefore we see it hath done  
wonders1 in popular states2 but with    
senates1 and princes less2 and more ever
 upon the first entrance of bold persons
 into action1 than soon after2 for      
boldness is an ill keeper of promise4   
,surely1 as there are mountebanks for   
the natural body1 so are there          
mountebanks for the politic body2 men   
that undertake great cures1 and perhaps 
have been lucky1 in two or three        
experiments1 but want the grounds of    
science1 and therefore cannot hold out4 
,nay1 you shall see a bold fellow many  
times do ,mahomet's miracle4 ,mahomet   

made the people believe that he would   
call an hill to him1 and from the top of
 it offer up his prayers1 for the       
observers of his law4 ,the people       
assembled2 ,mahomet called the hill to  
come to him1 again and again2 and when  
the hill stood still1 he was never a    
whit abashed1 but said1 ,if the hill    
will not come to ,mahomet1 ,mahomet will
 go to the hill4 ,so these men1 when    
they have promised great matters1 and   
failed most shamefully1 yet 7if they    
have the perfection of boldness7 they   
will but slight it over1 and make a     
turn1 and no more ado4 ,certainly to men
 of great judgment1 bold persons are a  
sport to behold2 nay1 and to the vulgar 
also1 boldness has somewhat of the      
ridiculous4 ,for if absurdity be the    
subject of laughter1 doubt you not but  
great boldness is seldom without some   
absurdity4 ,especially it is a sport to 
see1 when a bold fellow is out of       
countenance2 for that puts his face into
 a most shrunken1 and wooden posture2 as

 needs it must2 for in bashfulness1 the 
spirits do a little go and come2 but    
with bold men1 upon like occasion1 they 
stand at a stay2 like a stale at chess1 
where it is no mate1 but yet the game   
cannot stir4 ,but this last were fitter 
for a satire than for a serious         
observation4 ,this is well to be        
weighed2 that boldness is ever blind2   
for it seeth not danger1 and            
inconveniences4 ,therefore it is ill in 
counsel1 good in execution2 so that the 
right use of bold persons is1 that they 
never command in chief1 but be seconds1 
and under the direction of others4 ,for 
in counsel1 it is good to see dangers2  
and in execution1 not to see them1      
except they be very great4     ,of      
,goodness and ,goodness ,of ,nature   ,i
 ,,take goodness in this sense1 the     
affecting of the weal of men1 which is  
that the ,grecians call philanthropia2  
and the word humanity 7as it is used7 is
 a little too light to express it4      
,goodness ,i call the habit1 and        

goodness of nature1 the inclination4    
,this of all virtues1 and dignities of  
the mind1 is the greatest2 being the    
character of the ,deity3 and without it1
 man is a busy1 mischievous1 wretched   
thing2 no better than a kind of vermin4 
,goodness answers to the theological    
virtue1 charity1 and admits no excess1  
but error4 ,the desire of power in      
excess1 caused the angels to fall2 the  
desire of knowledge in excess1 caused   
man to fall3 but in charity there is no 
excess2 neither can angel1 nor man1 come
 in danger by it4 ,the inclination to   
goodness1 is imprinted deeply in the    
nature of man2 insomuch1 that if it     
issue not towards men1 it will take unto
 other living creatures2 as it is seen  
in the ,turks1 a cruel people1 who      
nevertheless are kind to beasts1 and    
give alms1 to dogs and birds2 insomuch1 
as ,busbechius reporteth1 a ,christian  
boy1 in ,constantinople1 had like to    
have been stoned1 for gagging in a      
waggishness a long-billed fowl4 ,errors 

indeed in this virtue of goodness1 or   
charity1 may be committed4 ,the         
,italians have an ungracious proverb1   
,tanto buon che val niente3 so good1    
that he is good for nothing4 ,and one of
 the doctors of ,italy1 ,nicholas       
,machiavel1 had the confidence to put in
 writing1 almost in plain terms1 ,that  
the ,christian faith1 had given up good 
men1 in prey to those that are          
tyrannical and unjust4 ,which he spake1 
because indeed there was never law1 or  
sect1 or opinion1 did so much magnify   
goodness1 as the ,christian religion    
doth4 ,therefore1 to avoid the scandal  
and the danger both1 it is good1 to take
 knowledge of the errors of an habit so 
excellent4 ,seek the good of other men1 
but be not in bondage to their faces or 
fancies2 for that is but facility1 or   
softness2 which taketh an honest mind   
prisoner4 ,neither give thou ,a,esop's  
cock a gem1 who would be better pleased1
 and happier1 if he had had a           
barley-corn4 ,the example of ,god1      

teacheth the lesson truly3 ,he sendeth  
his rain1 and maketh his sun to shine1  
upon the just and unjust2 but he doth   
not rain wealth1 nor shine honor and    
virtues1 upon men equally4 ,common      
benefits1 are to be communicate with    
all2 but peculiar benefits1 with choice4
 ,and beware how in making the          
portraiture1 thou breakest the pattern4 
,for divinity1 maketh the love of       
ourselves the pattern2 the love of our  
neighbors1 but the portraiture4 ,sell   
all thou hast1 and give it to the poor1 
and follow me3 but1 sell not all thou   
hast1 except thou come and follow me2   
that is1 except thou have a vocation1   
wherein thou mayest do as much good1    
with little means as with great2 for    
otherwise1 in feeding the streams1 thou 
driest the fountain4 ,neither is there  
only a habit of goodness1 directed by   
right reason2 but there is in some men1 
even in nature1 a disposition towards   
it2 as on the other side1 there is a    
natural malignity4 ,for there be1 that  

in their nature do not affect the good  
of others4 ,the lighter sort of         
malignity1 turneth but to a crassness1  
or frowardness1 or aptness to oppose1 or
 difficulties1 or the like2 but the     
deeper sort1 to envy and mere mischief4 
,such men1 in other men's calamities1   
are1 as it were1 in season1 and are ever
 on the loading part3 not so good as the
 dogs1 that licked ,lazarus' sores2 but 
like flies1 that are still buzzing upon 
any thing that is raw2 misanthropi1 that
 make it their practice1 to bring men to
 the bough1 and yet never a tree for the
 purpose in their gardens1 as ,timon    
had4 ,such dispositions1 are the very   
errors of human nature2 and yet they are
 the fittest timber1 to make great      
politics of2 like to knee timber1 that  
is good for ships1 that are ordained to 
be tossed2 but not for building houses1 
that shall stand firm4 ,the parts and   
signs of goodness1 are many4 ,if a man  
be gracious and courteous to strangers1 
it shows he is a citizen of the world1  

and that his heart is no island1 cut off
 from other lands1 but a continent1 that
 joins to them4 ,if he be compassionate 
towards the afflictions of others1 it   
shows that his heart is like the noble  
tree1 that is wounded itself1 when it   
gives the balm4 ,if he easily pardons1  
and remits offences1 it shows that his  
mind is planted above injuries2 so that 
he cannot be shot4 ,if he be thankful   
for small benefits1 it shows that he    
weighs men's minds1 and not their trash4
 ,but above all1 if he have ,st4 ,paul's
 perfection1 that he would wish to be   
anathema from ,christ1 for the salvation
 of his brethren1 it shows much of a    
divine nature1 and a kind of conformity 
with ,christ himself4     ,of ,nobility 
,,we ,,will speak of nobility1 first as 
a portion of an estate1 then as a       
condition of particular persons4 ,a     
monarchy1 where there is no nobility at 
all1 is ever a pure and absolute        
tyranny2 as that of the ,turks4 ,for    
nobility attempers sovereignty1 and     

draws the eyes of the people1 somewhat  
aside from the line royal4 ,but for     
democracies1 they need it not2 and they 
are commonly more quiet1 and less       
subject to sedition1 than where there   
are stirps of nobles4 ,for men's eyes   
are upon the business1 and not upon the 
persons2 or if upon the persons1 it is  
for the business' sake1 as fittest1 and 
not for flags and pedigree4 ,we see the 
,switzers last well1 notwithstanding    
their diversity of religion1 and of     
cantons4 ,for utility is their bond1 and
 not respects4 ,the united provinces of 
the ,low ,countries1 in their           
government1 excel2 for where there is an
 equality1 the consultations are more   
indifferent1 and the payments and       
tributes1 more cheerful4 ,a great and   
potent nobility1 addeth majesty to a    
monarch1 but diminisheth power2 and     
putteth life and spirit into the people1
 but presseth their fortune4 ,it is     
well1 when nobles are not too great for 
sovereignty nor for justice2 and yet    

maintained in that height1 as the       
insolency of inferiors may be broken    
upon them1 before it come on too fast   
upon the majesty of kings4 ,a numerous  
nobility causeth poverty1 and           
inconvenience in a state2 for it is a   
surcharge of expense2 and besides1 it   
being of necessity1 that many of the    
nobility fall1 in time1 to be weak in   
fortune1 it maketh a kind of            
disproportion1 between honor and means4 
,as for nobility in particular persons2 
it is a reverend thing1 to see an       
ancient castle or building1 not in      
decay2 or to see a fair timber tree1    
sound and perfect4 ,how much more1 to   
behold an ancient noble family1 which   
has stood against the waves and weathers
 of time6 ,for new nobility is but the  
act of power1 but ancient nobility is   
the act of time4 ,those that are first  
raised to nobility1 are commonly more   
virtuous1 but less innocent1 than their 
descendants2 for there is rarely any    
rising1 but by a commixture of good and 

evil arts4 ,but it is reason1 the memory
 of their virtues remain to their       
posterity1 and their faults die with    
themselves4 ,nobility of birth commonly 
abateth industry2 and he that is not    
industrious1 envieth him that is4       
,besides1 noble persons cannot go much  
higher2 and he that standeth at a stay1 
when others rise1 can hardly avoid      
motions of envy4 ,on the other side1    
nobility extinguisheth the passive envy 
from others1 towards them2 because they 
are in possession of honor4 ,certainly1 
kings that have able men of their       
nobility1 shall find ease in employing  
them1 and a better slide into their     
business2 for people naturally bend to  
them1 as born in some sort to command4  
,of ,seditions ,and ,troubles           
,,shepherds of people1 had need know the
 calendars of tempests in state2 which  
are commonly greatest1 when things grow 
to equality2 as natural tempests are    
greatest about the ,equinoctia4 ,and as 
there are certain hollow blasts of wind1

 and secret swellings of seas before a  
tempest1 so are there in states3        
--,ille etiam caecos instare tumultus   
,saepe monet1 fraudesque et operta      
tunescere bella4   ,libels and          
licentious discourses against the state1
 when they are frequent and open2 and in
 like sort1 false news often running up 
and down1 to the disadvantage of the    
state1 and hastily embraced2 are amongst
 the signs of troubles4 ,virgil1 giving 
the pedigree of ,fame1 saith1 she was   
sister to the ,giants3   ,illam ,terra  
parens1 irra irritata deorum1 ,extremam 
7ut perhibent7 ,coeo ,enceladoque       
sororem ,progenuit4  ,as if fames were  
the relics of seditions past2 but they  
are no less1 indeed1 the preludes of    
seditions to come4 ,howsoever he noteth 
it right1 that seditious tumults1 and   
seditious fames1 differ no more but as  
brother and sister1 masculine and       
feminine2 especially if it come to that1
 that the best actions of a state1 and  
the most plausible1 and which ought to  

give greatest contentment1 are taken in 
ill sense1 and traduced3 for that shows 
the envy great1 as ,tacitus saith2      
conflata magna invidia1 seu bene seu    
male gesta premunt4 ,neither doth it    
follow1 that because these fames are a  
sign of troubles1 that the suppressing  
of them with too much severity1 should  
be a remedy of troubles4 ,for the       
despising of them1 many times checks    
them best2 and the going about to stop  
them1 doth but make a wonder long-lived4
 ,also that kind of obedience1 which    
,tacitus speaketh of1 is to be held     
suspected3 ,erant in officio1 sed tamen 
qui mallent mandata imperantium         
interpretari quam exequi2 disputing1    
excusing1 cavilling upon mandates and   
directions1 is a kind of shaking off the
 yoke1 and assay of disobedience2       
especially if in those disputings1 they 
which are for the direction1 speak      
fearfully and tenderly1 and those that  
are against it1 audaciously4  ,also1 as 
,machiavel noteth well1 when princes1   

that ought to be common parents1 make   
themselves as a party1 and lean to a    
side1 it is as a boat1 that is          
overthrown by uneven weight on the one  
side2 as was well seen1 in the time of  
,henry the ,third of ,france2 for first1
 himself entered league for the         
extirpation of the ,protestants2 and    
presently after1 the same league was    
turned upon himself4 ,for when the      
authority of princes1 is made but an    
accessory to a cause1 and that there be 
other bands1 that tie faster than the   
band of sovereignty1 kings begin to be  
put almost out of possession4  ,also1   
when discords1 and quarrels1 and        
factions are carried openly and         
audaciously1 it is a sign the reverence 
of government is lost4 ,for the motions 
of the greatest persons in a government1
 ought to be as the motions of the      
planets under primum mobile2 according  
to the old opinion3 which is1 that every
 of them1 is carried swiftly by the     
highest motion1 and softly in their own 

motion4 ,and therefore1 when great ones 
in their own particular motion1 move    
violently1 and1 as ,tacitus expresseth  
it well1 liberius quam ut imperantium   
meminissent2 it is a sign the orbs are  
out of frame4 ,for reverence is that1   
wherewith princes are girt from ,god2   
who threateneth the dissolving thereof2 
,solvam cingula regum4  ,so when any of 
the four pillars of government1 are     
mainly shaken1 or weakened 7which are   
religion1 justice1 counsel1 and         
treasure71 men had need to pray for fair
 weather4 ,but let us pass from this    
part of predictions 7concerning which1  
nevertheless1 more light may be taken   
from that which followeth72 and let us  
speak first1 of the materials of        
seditions2 then of the motives of them2 
and thirdly of the remedies4            
,concerning the materials of seditions4 
,it is a thing well to be considered2   
for the surest way to prevent seditions 
7if the times do bear it7 is to take    
away the matter of them4 ,for if there  

be fuel prepared1 it is hard to tell1   
whence the spark shall come1 that shall 
set it on fire4 ,the matter of seditions
 is of two kinds3 much poverty1 and much
 discontentment4 ,it is certain1 so many
 overthrown estates1 so many votes for  
troubles4 ,lucan noteth well the state  
of ,rome before the ,civil ,war1        
,hinc usura vorax1 rapidumque in tempore
 foenus1      ,hinc concussa fides1 et  
multis utile bellum4   ,this same multis
 utile bellum1 is an assured and        
infallible sign1 of a state disposed to 
seditions and troubles4 ,and if this    
poverty and broken estate in the better 
sort1 be joined with a want and         
necessity in the mean people1 the danger
 is imminent and great4 ,for the        
rebellions of the belly are the worst4  
,as for discontentments1 they are1 in   
the politic body1 like to humors in the 
natural1 which are apt to gather a      
preternatural heat1 and to inflame4 ,and
 let no prince measure the danger of    
them by this1 whether they be just or   

unjust3 for that were to imagine people1
 to be too reasonable2 who do often     
spurn at their own good3 nor yet by     
this1 whether the griefs whereupon they 
rise1 be in fact great or small3 for    
they are the most dangerous             
discontentments1 where the fear is      
greater than the feeling4 ,dolendi      
modus1 timendi non item4 ,besides1 in   
great oppressions1 the same things that 
provoke the patience1 do withal mate the
 courage2 but in fears it is not so4    
,neither let any prince1 or state1 be   
secure concerning discontentments1      
because they have been often1 or have   
been long1 and yet no peril hath ensued3
 for as it is true1 that every vapor or 
fume doth not turn into a storm2 so it  
is nevertheless true1 that storms1      
though they blow over divers times1 yet 
may fall at last2 and1 as the ,spanish  
proverb noteth well1 ,the cord breaketh 
at the last by the weakest pull4  ,the  
causes and motives of seditions are1    
innovation in religion2 taxes2          

alteration of laws and customs2 breaking
 of privileges2 general oppression2     
advancement of unworthy persons2        
strangers2 dearths2 disbanded soldiers2 
factions grown desperate2 and what      
soever1 in offending people1 joineth and
 knitteth them in a common cause4  ,for 
the remedies2 there may be some general 
preservatives1 whereof we will speak3 as
 for the just cure1 it must answer to   
the particular disease2 and so be left  
to counsel1 rather than rule4  ,the     
first remedy or prevention is to remove1
 by all means possible1 that material   
cause of sedition whereof we spake2     
which is1 want and poverty in the       
estate4 ,to which purpose serveth the   
opening1 and well-balancing of trade2   
the cherishing of manufactures2 the     
banishing of idleness2 the repressing of
 waste1 and excess1 by sumptuary laws2  
the improvement and husbanding of the   
soil2 the regulating of prices of things
 vendible2 the moderating of taxes and  
tributes2 and the like4 ,generally1 it  

is to be foreseen that the population of
 a kingdom 7especially if it be not mown
 down by wars7 do not exceed the stock  
of the kingdom1 which should maintain   
them4 ,neither is the population to be  
reckoned only by number2 for a smaller  
number1 that spend more and earn less1  
do wear out an estate sooner1 than a    
greater number that live lower1 and     
gather more4 ,therefore the multiplying 
of nobility1 and other degrees of       
quality1 in an over proportion to the   
common people1 doth speedily bring a    
state to necessity2 and so doth likewise
 an overgrown clergy2 for they bring    
nothing to the stock2 and in like       
manner1 when more are bred scholars1    
than preferments can take off4  ,it is  
likewise to be remembered1 that         
forasmuch as the increase of any estate 
must be upon the foreigner 7for         
whatsoever is somewhere gotten1 is      
somewhere lost71 there be but three     
things1 which one nation selleth unto   
another2 the commodity as nature        

yieldeth it2 the manufacture2 and the   
vecture1 or carriage4 ,so that if these 
three wheels go1 wealth will flow as in 
a spring tide4 ,and it cometh many times
 to pass1 that materiam superabit opus2 
that the work and carriage is more worth
 than the material1 and enricheth a     
state more2 as is notably seen in the   
,low-,countrymen1 who have the best     
mines above ground1 in the world4       
,above all things1 good policy is to be 
used1 that the treasure and moneys1 in a
 state1 be not gathered into few hands4 
,for otherwise a state may have a great 
stock1 and yet starve4 ,and money is    
like muck1 not good except it be spread4
 ,this is done1 chiefly by suppressing1 
or at least keeping a strait hand1 upon 
the devouring trades of usury1          
ingrossing great pasturages1 and the    
like4  ,for removing discontentments1 or
 at least the danger of them2 there is  
in every state 7as we know7 two portions
 of subjects2 the noblesse and the      
commonalty4 ,when one of these is       

discontent1 the danger is not great2 for
 common people are of slow motion1 if   
they be not excited by the greater sort2
 and the greater sort are of small      
strength1 except the multitude be apt1  
and ready to move of themselves4 ,then  
is the danger1 when the greater sort1 do
 but wait for the troubling of the      
waters amongst the meaner1 that then    
they may declare themselves4 ,the poets 
feign1 that the rest of the gods would  
have bound ,jupiter2 which he hearing   
of1 by the counsel of ,pallas1 sent for 
,briareus1 with his hundred hands1 to   
come in to his aid4 ,an emblem1 no      
doubt1 to show how safe it is for       
monarchs1 to make sure of the good will 
of common people4 ,to give moderate     
liberty for griefs and discontentments  
to evaporate 7so it be without too great
 insolency or bravery71 is a safe way4  
,for he that turneth the humors back1   
and maketh the wound bleed inwards1     
endangereth malign ulcers1 and          
pernicious imposthumations4  ,the part  

of ,epimetheus mought well become       
,prometheus1 in the case of             
discontentments3 for there is not a     
better provision against them4          
,epimetheus1 when griefs and evils flew 
abroad1 at last shut the lid1 and kept  
hope in the bottom of the vessel4       
,certainly1 the politic and artificial  
nourishing1 and entertaining of hopes1  
and carrying men from hopes to hopes1 is
 one of the best antidotes against the  
poison of discontentments4 ,and it is a 
certain sign of a wise government and   
proceeding1 when it can hold men's      
hearts by hopes1 when it cannot by      
satisfaction2 and when it can handle    
things1 in such manner1 as no evil shall
 appear so peremptory1 but that it hath 
some outlet of hope2 which is the less  
hard to do1 because both particular     
persons and factions1 are apt enough to 
flatter themselves1 or at least to brave
 that1 which they believe not4  ,also   
the foresight and prevention1 that there
 be no likely or fit head1 whereunto    

discontented persons may resort1 and    
under whom they may join1 is a known1   
but an excellent point of caution4 ,i   
understand a fit head1 to be one that   
hath greatness and reputation2 that hath
 confidence with the discontented party1
 and upon whom they turn their eyes2 and
 that is thought discontented1 in his   
own particular3 which kind of persons1  
are either to be won1 and reconciled to 
the state1 and that in a fast and true  
manner2 or to be fronted with some      
other1 of the same party1 that may      
oppose them1 and so divide the          
reputation4 ,generally1 the dividing and
 breaking1 of all factions and          
combinations that are adverse to the    
state1 and setting them at distance1 or 
at least distrust1 amongst themselves1  
is not one of the worst remedies4 ,for  
it is a desperate case1 if those that   
hold with the proceeding of the state1  
be full of discord and faction1 and     
those that are against it1 be entire and
 united4  ,i have noted1 that some witty

 and sharp speeches1 which have fallen  
from princes1 have given fire to        
seditions4 ,caesar did himself infinite 
hurt in that speech1 ,sylla nescivit    
literas1 non potuit dictare2 for it did 
utterly cut off that hope1 which men had
 entertained1 that he would at one time 
or other give over his dictatorship4    
,galba undid himself by that speech1    
legi a se militem1 non emi2 for it put  
the soldiers out of hope of the         
donative4 ,probus likewise1 by that     
speech1 ,si vixero1 non opus erit       
amplius ,romano imperio militibus2 a    
speech of great despair for the         
soldiers4 ,and many the like4 ,surely   
princes had need1 in tender matters and 
ticklish times1 to beware what they say2
 especially in these short speeches1    
which fly abroad like darts1 and are    
thought to be shot out of their secret  
intentions4 ,for as for large           
discourses1 they are flat things1 and   
not so much noted4   ,lastly1 let       
princes1 against all events1 not be     

without some great person1 one or rather
 more1 of military valor1 near unto     
them1 for the repressing of seditions in
 their beginnings4 ,for without that1   
there useth to be more trepidation in   
court upon the first breaking out of    
troubles1 than were fit4 ,and the state 
runneth the danger of that which        
,tacitus saith2 ,atque is habitus       
animorum fuit1 ut pessimum facinus      
auderent pauci1 plures vellent1 omnes   
paterentur4 ,but let such military      
persons be assured1 and well reputed of1
 rather than factious and popular2      
holding also good correspondence with   
the other great men in the state2 or    
else the remedy1 is worse than the      
disease4     ,of ,atheism   ,i ,,had    
rather believe all the fables in the    
,legend1 and the ,talmud1 and the       
,alcoran1 than that this universal frame
 is without a mind4 ,and therefore1 ,god
 never wrought miracle1 to convince     
atheism1 because his ordinary works     
convince it4 ,it is true1 that a little 

philosophy inclineth man's mind to      
atheism2 but depth in philosophy        
bringeth men's minds about to religion4 
,for while the mind of man looketh upon 
second causes scattered1 it may         
sometimes rest in them1 and go no       
further2 but when it beholdeth the chain
 of them1 confederate and linked        
together1 it must needs fly to          
,providence and ,deity4 ,nay1 even that 
school which is most accused of atheism 
doth most demonstrate religion2 that is1
 the school of ,leucippus and           
,democritus and ,epicurus4 ,for it is a 
thousand times more credible1 that four 
mutable elements1 and one immutable     
fifth essence1 duly and eternally       
placed1 need no ,god1 than that an army 
of infinite small portions1 or seeds    
unplaced1 should have produced this     
order and beauty1 without a divine      
marshal4 ,the ,scripture saith1 ,the    
fool hath said in his heart1 there is no
 ,god2 it is not said1 ,the fool hath   
thought in his heart2 so as he rather   

saith it1 by rote to himself1 as that he
 would have1 than that he can thoroughly
 believe it1 or be persuaded of it4 ,for
 none deny1 there is a ,god1 but those1 
for whom it maketh that there were no   
,god4 ,it appeareth in nothing more1    
that atheism is rather in the lip1 than 
in the heart of man1 than by this2 that 
atheists will ever be talking of that   
their opinion1 as if they fainted in it1
 within themselves1 and would be glad to
 be strengthened1 by the consent of     
others4 ,nay more1 you shall have       
atheists strive to get disciples1 as it 
fareth with other sects4 ,and1 which is 
most of all1 you shall have of them1    
that will suffer for atheism1 and not   
recant2 whereas if they did truly think1
 that there were no such thing as ,god1 
why should they trouble themselves8     
,epicurus is charged1 that he did but   
dissemble for his credit's sake1 when he
 affirmed there were blessed natures1   
but such as enjoyed themselves1 without 
having respect to the government of the 

world4 ,wherein they say he did         
temporize2 though in secret1 he thought 
there was no ,god4 ,but certainly he is 
traduced2 for his words are noble and   
divine3 ,non deos vulgi negare profanum2
 sed vulgi opiniones diis applicare     
profanum4 ,plato could have said no     
more4 ,and although he had the          
confidence1 to deny the administration1 
he had not the power1 to deny the       
nature4 ,the ,indians of the ,west1 have
 names for their particular gods1 though
 they have no name for ,god3 as if the  
heathens should have had the names      
,jupiter1 ,apollo1 ,mars1 etc41 but not 
the word ,deus2 which shows that even   
those barbarous people have the notion1 
though they have not the latitude and   
extent of it4 ,so that against atheists1
 the very savages take part1 with the   
very subtlest philosophers4 ,the        
contemplative atheist is rare3 a        
,diagoras1 a ,bion1 a ,lucian perhaps1  
and some others2 and yet they seem to be
 more than they are2 for that all that  

impugn a received religion1 or          
superstition1 are by the adverse part   
branded with the name of atheists4 ,but 
the great atheists1 indeed are          
hypocrites2 which are ever handling holy
 things1 but without feeling2 so as they
 must needs be cauterized in the end4   
,the causes of atheism are3 divisions in
 religion1 if they be many2 for any one 
main division1 addeth zeal to both      
sides2 but many divisions introduce     
atheism4 ,another is1 scandal of        
priests2 when it is come to that which  
,st4 ,bernard saith1 non est jam dicere1
 ut populus sic sacerdos2 quia nec sic  
populus ut sacerdos4 ,a third is1 custom
 of profane scoffing in holy matters2   
which doth1 by little and little1 deface
 the reverence of religion4 ,and lastly1
 learned times1 specially with peace and
 prosperity2 for troubles and           
adversities do more bow men's minds to  
religion4 ,they that deny a ,god1       
destroy man's nobility2 for certainly   
man is of kin to the beasts1 by his     

body2 and1 if he be not of kin to ,god1 
by his spirit1 he is a base and ignoble 
creature4 ,it destroys likewise         
magnanimity1 and the raising of human   
nature2 for take an example of a dog1   
and mark what a generosity and courage  
he will put on1 when he finds himself   
maintained by a man2 who to him is      
instead of a ,god1 or melior natura2    
which courage is manifestly such1 as    
that creature1 without that confidence  
of a better nature than his own1 could  
never attain4 ,so man1 when he resteth  
and assureth himself1 upon divine       
protection and favor1 gathered a force  
and faith1 which human nature in itself 
could not obtain4 ,therefore1 as atheism
 is in all respects hateful1 so in this1
 that it depriveth human nature of the  
means to exalt itself1 above human      
frailty4 ,as it is in particular        
persons1 so it is in nations4 ,never was
 there such a state for magnanimity as  
,rome4 ,of this state hear what ,cicero 
saith3 ,quam volumus licet1 patres      

conscripti1 nos amemus1 tamen nec numero
 ,hispanos1 nec robore ,gallos1 nec     
calliditate ,poenos1 nec artibus        
,graecos1 nec denique hoc ipso hujus    
gentis et terrae domestico nativoque    
sensu ,italos ipsos et ,latinos2 sed    
pietate1 ac religione1 atque hac una    
sapientia1 quod deorum immortalium      
numine omnia regi gubernarique          
perspeximus1 omnes gentes nationesque   
superavimus4     ,of ,superstition      
,,it ,,were better to have no opinion of
 ,god at all1 than such an opinion1 as  
is unworthy of him4 ,for the one is     
unbelief1 the other is contumely2 and   
certainly superstition is the reproach  
of the ,deity4 ,plutarch saith well to  
that purpose3 ,surely 7saith he7 ,i had 
rather a great deal1 men should say1    
there was no such man at all1 as        
,plutarch1 than that they should say1   
that there was one ,plutarch1 that would
 eat his children as soon as they were  
born2 as the poets speak of ,saturn4    
,and as the contumely is greater towards

 ,god1 so the danger is greater towards 
men4 ,atheism leaves a man to sense1 to 
philosophy1 to natural piety1 to laws1  
to reputation2 all which may be guides  
to an outward moral virtue1 though      
religion were not2 but superstition     
dismounts all these1 and erecteth an    
absolute monarchy1 in the minds of men4 
,therefore atheism did never perturb    
states2 for it makes men wary of        
themselves1 as looking no further3 and  
we see the times inclined to atheism 7as
 the time of ,augustus ,caesar7 were    
civil times4 ,but superstition hath been
 the confusion of many states1 and      
bringeth in a new primum mobile1 that   
ravisheth all the spheres of government4
 ,the master of superstition1 is the    
people2 and in all superstition1 wise   
men follow fools2 and arguments are     
fitted to practice1 in a reversed order4
 ,it was gravely said by some of the    
prelates in the ,council of ,trent1     
where the doctrine of the ,schoolmen    
bare great sway1 that the ,schoolmen    

were like astronomers1 which did feign  
eccentrics and epicycles1 and such      
engines of orbs1 to save the phenomena2 
though they knew there were no such     
things2 and in like manner1 that the    
,schoolmen had framed a number of subtle
 and intricate axioms1 and theorems1 to 
save the practice of the church4 ,the   
causes of superstition are3 pleasing and
 sensual rites and ceremonies2 excess of
 outward and pharisaical holiness2      
overgreat reverence of traditions1 which
 cannot but load the church2 the        
stratagems of prelates1 for their own   
ambition and lucre2 the favoring too    
much of good intentions1 which openeth  
the gate to conceits and novelties2 the 
taking an aim at divine matters1 by     
human1 which cannot but breed mixture of
 imaginations3 and1 lastly1 barbarous   
times1 especially joined with calamities
 and disasters4 ,superstition1 without a
 veil1 is a deformed thing2 for1 as it  
addeth deformity to an ape1 to be so    
like a man1 so the similitude of        

superstition to religion1 makes it the  
more deformed4 ,and as wholesome meat   
corrupteth to little worms1 so good     
forms and orders corrupt1 into a number 
of petty observances4 ,there is a       
superstition in avoiding superstition1  
when men think to do best1 if they go   
furthest from the superstition1 formerly
 received2 therefore care would be had  
that 7as it fareth in ill purgings7 the 
good be not taken away with the bad2    
which commonly is done1 when the people 
is the reformer4     ,of ,travel        
,,travel1 in the younger sort1 is a part
 of education1 in the elder1 a part of  
experience4 ,he that travelleth into a  
country1 before he hath some entrance   
into the language1 goeth to school1 and 
not to travel4 ,that young men travel   
under some tutor1 or grave servant1 ,i  
allow well2 so that he be such a one    
that hath the language1 and hath been in
 the country before2 whereby he may be  
able to tell them what things are worthy
 to be seen1 in the country where they  

go2 what acquaintances they are to seek2
 what exercises1 or discipline1 the     
place yieldeth4 ,for else1 young men    
shall go hooded1 and look abroad little4
 ,it is a strange thing1 that in sea    
voyages1 where there is nothing to be   
seen1 but sky and sea1 men should make  
diaries2 but in land-travel1 wherein so 
much is to be observed1 for the most    
part they omit it2 as if chance were    
fitter to be registered1 than           
observation4 ,let diaries1 therefore1 be
 brought in use4 ,the things to be seen 
and observed are3 the courts of princes1
 especially when they give audience to  
ambassadors2 the courts of justice1     
while they sit and hear causes2 and so  
of consistories ecclesiastic2 the       
churches and monasteries1 with the      
monuments which are therein extant2 the 
walls and fortifications of cities1 and 
towns1 and so the heavens and harbors2  
antiquities and ruins2 libraries2       
colleges1 disputations1 and lectures1   
where any are2 shipping and navies2     

houses and gardens of state and         
pleasure1 near great cities2 armories2  
arsenals2 magazines2 exchanges2 burses2 
warehouses2 exercises of horsemanship1  
fencing1 training of soldiers1 and the  
like2 comedies1 such whereunto the      
better sort of persons do resort2       
treasuries of jewels and robes2 cabinets
 and rarities2 and1 to conclude1        
whatsoever is memorable1 in the places  
where they go4 ,after all which1 the    
tutors1 or servants1 ought to make      
diligent inquiry4 ,as for triumphs1     
masks1 feasts1 weddings1 funerals1      
capital executions1 and such shows1 men 
need not to be put in mind of them2 yet 
are they not to be neglected4 ,if you   
will have a young man to put his travel 
into a little room1 and in short time to
 gather much1 this you must do4 ,first1 
as was said1 he must have some entrance 
into the language before he goeth4 ,then
 he must have such a servant1 or tutor1 
as knoweth the country1 as was likewise 
said4 ,let him carry with him also1 some

 card or book1 describing the country   
where he travelleth2 which will be a    
good key to his inquiry4 ,let him keep  
also a diary4 ,let him not stay long1 in
 one city or town2 more or less as the  
place deserveth1 but not long2 nay1 when
 he stayeth in one city or town1 let him
 change his lodging from one end and    
part of the town1 to another2 which is a
 great adamant of acquaintance4 ,let him
 sequester himself1 from the company of 
his countrymen1 and diet in such places1
 where there is good company of the     
nation where he travelleth4 ,let him1   
upon his removes from one place to      
another1 procure recommendation to some 
person of quality1 residing in the place
 whither he removeth2 that he may use   
his favor1 in those things he desireth  
to see or know4 ,thus he may abridge his
 travel1 with much profit4 ,as for the  
acquaintance1 which is to be sought in  
travel2 that which is most of all       
profitable1 is acquaintance with the    
secretaries and employed men of         

ambassadors3 for so in travelling in one
 country1 he shall suck the experience  
of many4 ,let him also see1 and visit1  
eminent persons in all kinds1 which are 
of great name abroad2 that he may be    
able to tell1 how the life agreeth with 
the fame4 ,for quarrels1 they are with  
care and discretion to be avoided4 ,they
 are commonly for mistresses1 healths1  
place1 and words4 ,and let a man beware1
 how he keepeth company with choleric   
and quarrelsome persons2 for they will  
engage him into their own quarrels4     
,when a traveller returneth home1 let   
him not leave the countries1 where he   
hath travelled1 altogether behind him2  
but maintain a correspondence by        
letters1 with those of his acquaintance1
 which are of most worth4 ,and let his  
travel appear rather in his discourse1  
than his apparel or gesture2 and in his 
discourse1 let him be rather advised in 
his answers1 than forward to tell       
stories2 and let it appear that he doth 
not change his country manners1 for     

those of foreign parts2 but only prick  
in some flowers1 of that he hath learned
 abroad1 into the customs of his own    
country4     ,of ,empire   ,,it ,,is a  
miserable state of mind1 to have few    
things to desire1 and many things to    
fear2 and yet that commonly is the case 
of kings2 who1 being at the highest1    
want matter of desire1 which makes their
 minds more languishing2 and have many  
representations of perils and shadows1  
which makes their minds the less clear4 
,and this is one reason also1 of that   
effect which the ,scripture speaketh of1
 ,that the king's heart is inscrutable4 
,for multitude of jealousies1 and lack  
of some predominant desire1 that should 
marshal and put in order all the rest1  
maketh any man's heart1 hard to find or 
sound4 ,hence it comes likewise1 that   
princes many times make themselves      
desires1 and set their hearts upon toys2
 sometimes upon a building2 sometimes   
upon erecting of an order2 sometimes    
upon the advancing of a person2         

sometimes upon obtaining excellency in  
some art1 or feat of the hand2 as ,nero 
for playing on the harp1 ,domitian for  
certainty of the hand with the arrow1   
,commodus for playing at fence1         
,caracalla for driving chariots1 and the
 like4 ,this seemeth incredible1 unto   
those that know not the principle1 that 
the mind of man1 is more cheered and    
refreshed by profiting in small things1 
than by standing at a stay1 in great4   
,we see also that kings that have been  
fortunate conquerors1 in their first    
years1 it being not possible for them to
 go forward infinitely1 but that they   
must have some check1 or arrest in their
 fortunes1 turn in their latter years to
 be superstitious1 and melancholy2 as   
did ,alexander the ,great2 ,diocletian2 
and in our memory1 ,charles the ,fifth2 
and others3 for he that is used to go   
forward1 and findeth a stop1 falleth out
 of his own favor1 and is not the thing 
he was4  ,to speak now of the true      
temper of empire1 it is a thing rare and

 hard to keep2 for both temper1 and     
distemper1 consist of contraries4 ,but  
it is one thing1 to mingle contraries1  
another to interchange them4 ,the answer
 of ,apollonius to ,vespasian1 is full  
of excellent instruction4 ,vespasian    
asked him1 ,what was ,nero's overthrow8 
,he answered1 ,nero could touch and tune
 the harp well2 but in government1      
sometimes he used to wind the pins too  
high1 sometimes to let them down too    
low4 ,and certain it is1 that nothing   
destroyeth authority so much1 as the    
unequal and untimely interchange of     
power pressed too far1 and relaxed too  
much4  ,this is true1 that the wisdom of
 all these latter times1 in princes'    
affairs1 is rather fine deliveries1 and 
shiftings of dangers and mischiefs1 when
 they are near1 than solid and grounded 
courses to keep them aloof4 ,but this is
 but to try masteries with fortune4 ,and
 let men beware1 how they neglect and   
suffer matter of trouble to be prepared2
 for no man can forbid the spark1 nor   

tell whence it may come4 ,the           
difficulties in princes' business are   
many and great2 but the greatest        
difficulty1 is often in their own mind4 
,for it is common with princes 7saith   
,tacitus7 to will contradictories1 ,sunt
 plerumque regum voluntates vehementes1 
et inter se contrariae4 ,for it is the  
solecism of power1 to think to command  
the end1 and yet not to endure the mean4
  ,kings have to deal with their        
neighbors1 their wives1 their children1 
their prelates or clergy1 their nobles1 
their second-nobles or gentlemen1 their 
merchants1 their commons1 and their men 
of war2 and from all these arise        
dangers1 if care and circumspection be  
not used4  ,first for their neighbors2  
there can no general rule be given 7for 
occasions are so variable71 save one1   
which ever holdeth1 which is1 that      
princes do keep due sentinel1 that none 
of their neighbors do ever grow so 7by  
increase of territory1 by embracing of  
trade1 by approaches1 or the like71 as  

they become more able to annoy them1    
than they were4 ,and this is generally  
the work of standing counsels1 to       
foresee and to hinder it4 ,during that  
triumvirate of kings1 ,king ,henry the  
,eighth of ,england1 ,francis the ,first
 ,king of ,france1 and ,charles the     
,fifth ,emperor1 there was such a watch 
kept1 that none of the three could win a
 palm of ground1 but the other two would
 straightways balance it1 either by     
confederation1 or1 if need were1 by a   
war2 and would not in any wise take up  
peace at interest4 ,and the like was    
done by that league 7which ,guicciardini
 saith was the security of ,italy7 made 
between ,ferdinando ,king of ,naples1   
,lorenzius ,medici1 and ,ludovicus      
,sforza1 potentates1 the one of         
,florence1 the other of ,milan4 ,neither
 is the opinion of some of the          
,schoolmen1 to be received1 that a war  
cannot justly be made1 but upon a       
precedent injury or provocation4 ,for   
there is no question1 but a just fear of

 an imminent danger1 though there be no 
blow given1 is a lawful cause of a war4 
,for their wives2 there are cruel       
examples of them4 ,livia is infamed1 for
 the poisoning of her husband2          
,roxalana1 ,solyman's wife1 was the     
destruction of that renowned prince1    
,sultan ,mustapha1 and otherwise        
troubled his house and succession2      
,edward the ,second of ,england1 his    
queen1 had the principal hand in the    
deposing and murder of her husband4     
,this kind of danger1 is then to be     
feared chiefly1 when the wives have     
plots1 for the raising of their own     
children2 or else that they be          
advoutresses4  ,for their children2 the 
tragedies likewise of dangers from them1
 have been many4 ,and generally1 the    
entering of fathers into suspicion of   
their children1 hath been ever          
unfortunate4 ,the destruction of        
,mustapha 7that we named before7 was so 
fatal to ,solyman's line1 as the        
succession of the ,turks1 from ,solyman 

until this day1 is suspected to be      
untrue1 and of strange blood2 for that  
,selymus the ,second1 was thought to be 
suppositious4 ,the destruction of       
,crispus1 a young prince of rare        
towardness1 by ,constantinus the ,great1
 his father1 was in like manner fatal to
 his house2 for both ,constantinus and  
,constance1 his sons1 died violent      
deaths2 and ,constantius1 his other son1
 did little better2 who died indeed of  
sickness1 but after that ,julianus had  
taken arms against him4 ,the destruction
 of ,demetrius1 son to ,philip the      
,second of ,macedon1 turned upon the    
father1 who died of repentance4 ,and    
many like examples there are2 but few or
 none1 where the fathers had good by    
such distrust2 except it were1 where the
 sons were up in open arms against them2
 as was ,selymus the ,first against     
,bajazet2 and the three sons of ,henry  
the ,second1 ,king of ,england4  ,for   
their prelates2 when they are proud and 
great1 there is also danger from them2  

as it was in the times of ,anselmus1 and
 ,thomas ,becket1 ,archbishops of       
,canterbury2 who1 with their croziers1  
did almost try it with the king's sword2
 and yet they had to deal with stout and
 haughty kings1 ,william ,rufus1 ,henry 
the ,first1 and ,henry the ,second4 ,the
 danger is not from that state1 but     
where it hath a dependence of foreign   
authority2 or where the churchmen come  
in and are elected1 not by the collation
 of the king1 or particular patrons1 but
 by the people4  ,for their nobles2 to  
keep them at a distance1 it is not      
amiss2 but to depress them1 may make a  
king more absolute1 but less safe2 and  
less able to perform1 any thing that he 
desires4 ,i have noted it1 in my        
,history of ,king ,henry the ,seventh of
 ,england1 who depressed his nobility2  
whereupon it came to pass1 that his     
times were full of difficulties and     
troubles2 for the nobility1 though they 
continued loyal unto him1 yet did they  
not co-operate with him in his business4

 ,so that in effect1 he was fain to do  
all things himself4  ,for their         
second-nobles2 there is not much danger 
from them1 being a body dispersed4 ,they
 may sometimes discourse high1 but that 
doth little hurt2 besides1 they are a   
counterpoise to the higher nobility1    
that they grow not too potent2 and1     
lastly1 being the most immediate in     
authority1 with the common people1 they 
do best temper popular commotions4  ,for
 their merchants2 they are vena porta2  
and if they flourish not1 a kingdom may 
have good limbs1 but will have empty    
veins1 and nourish little4 ,taxes and   
imposts upon them1 do seldom good to the
 king's revenue2 for that that he wins  
in the hundred1 he leeseth in the shire2
 the particular rates being increased1  
but the total bulk of trading1 rather   
decreased4  ,for their commons2 there is
 little danger from them1 except it be1 
where they have great and potent heads2 
or where you meddle with the point of   
religion1 or their customs1 or means of 

life4  ,for their men of war2 it is a   
dangerous state1 where they live and    
remain in a body1 and are used to       
donatives2 whereof we see examples in   
the janizaries1 and pretorian bands of  
,rome2 but trainings of men1 and arming 
them in several places1 and under       
several commanders1 and without         
donatives1 are things of defence1 and no
 danger4  ,princes are like to heavenly 
bodies1 which cause good or evil times2 
and which have much veneration1 but no  
rest4 ,all precepts concerning kings1   
are in effect comprehended in those two 
remembrances3 memento quod es homo2 and 
memento quod es ,deus1 or vice ,dei2 the
 one bridleth their power1 and the other
 their will4     ,of ,counsel   ,,the   
greatest trust1 between man and man1 is 
the trust of giving counsel4 ,for in    
other confidences1 men commit the parts 
of life2 their lands1 their goods1 their
 children1 their credit1 some particular
 affair2 but to such as they make their 
counsellors1 they commit the whole3 by  

how much the more1 they are obliged to  
all faith and integrity4 ,the wisest    
princes need not think it any diminution
 to their greatness1 or derogation to   
their sufficiency1 to rely upon counsel4
 ,god himself is not without1 but hath  
made it one of the great names of his   
blessed ,son3 ,the ,counsellor4 ,solomon
 hath pronounced1 that in counsel is    
stability4 ,things will have their      
first1 or second agitation3 if they be  
not tossed upon the arguments of        
counsel1 they will be tossed upon the   
waves of fortune2 and be full of        
inconstancy1 doing and undoing1 like the
 reeling of a drunken man4 ,solomon's   
son found the force of counsel1 as his  
father saw the necessity of it4 ,for the
 beloved kingdom of ,god1 was first     
rent1 and broken1 by ill counsel2 upon  
which counsel1 there are set for our    
instruction1 the two marks whereby bad  
counsel is for ever best discerned2 that
 it was young counsel1 for the person2  
and violent counsel1 for the matter4    

,the ancient times1 do set forth in     
figure1 both the incorporation1 and     
inseparable conjunction1 of counsel with
 kings1 and the wise and politic use of 
counsel by kings3 the one1 in that they 
say ,jupiter did marry ,metis1 which    
signifieth counsel2 whereby they intend 
that ,sovereignty1 is married to        
,counsel3 the other in that which       
followeth1 which was thus3 ,they say1   
after ,jupiter was married to ,metis1   
she conceived by him1 and was with      
child1 but ,jupiter suffered her not to 
stay1 till she brought forth1 but eat   
her up2 whereby he became himself with  
child1 and was delivered of ,pallas     
armed1 out of his head4 ,which monstrous
 fable containeth a secret of empire2   
how kings are to make use of their      
counsel of state4 ,that first1 they     
ought to refer matters unto them1 which 
is the first begetting1 or impregnation2
 but when they are elaborate1 moulded1  
and shaped in the womb of their counsel1
 and grow ripe1 and ready to be brought 

forth1 that then they suffer not their  
counsel to go through with the          
resolution and direction1 as if it      
depended on them2 but take the matter   
back into their own hands1 and make it  
appear to the world1 that the decrees   
and final directions 7which1 because    
they come forth1 with prudence and      
power1 are resembled to ,pallas armed7  
proceeded from themselves2 and not only 
from their authority1 but 7the more to  
add reputation to themselves7 from their
 head and device4  ,let us now speak of 
the inconveniences of counsel1 and of   
the remedies4 ,the inconveniences that  
have been noted1 in calling and using   
counsel1 are three4 ,first1 the         
revealing of affairs1 whereby they      
become less secret4 ,secondly1 the      
weakening of the authority of princes1  
as if they were less of themselves4     
,thirdly1 the danger of being           
unfaithfully counselled1 and more for   
the good of them that counsel1 than of  
him that is counselled4 ,for which      

inconveniences1 the doctrine of ,italy1 
and practice of ,france1 in some kings' 
times1 hath introduced cabinet counsels2
 a remedy worse than the disease4  ,as  
to secrecy2 princes are not bound to    
communicate all matters1 with all       
counsellors2 but may extract and select4
 ,neither is it necessary1 that he that 
consulteth what he should do1 should    
declare what he will do4 ,but let       
princes beware1 that the unsecreting of 
their affairs1 comes not from           
themselves4 ,and as for cabinet         
counsels1 it may be their motto1 plenus 
rimarum sum3 one futile person1 that    
maketh it his glory to tell1 will do    
more hurt than many1 that know it their 
duty to conceal4 ,it is true there be   
some affairs1 which require extreme     
secrecy1 which will hardly go beyond one
 or two persons1 besides the king3      
neither are those counsels unprosperous2
 for1 besides the secrecy1 they commonly
 go on constantly1 in one spirit of     
direction1 without distraction4 ,but    

then it must be a prudent king1 such as 
is able to grind with a handmill2 and   
those inward counsellors had need also  
be wise men1 and especially true and    
trusty to the king's ends2 as it was    
with ,king ,henry the ,seventh of       
,england1 who1 in his great business1   
imparted himself to none1 except it were
 to ,morton and ,fox4  ,for weakening of
 authority2 the fable showeth the       
remedy4 ,nay1 the majesty of kings1 is  
rather exalted than diminished1 when    
they are in the chair of counsel2       
neither was there ever prince1 bereaved 
of his dependences1 by his counsel1     
except where there hath been1 either an 
over-greatness in one counsellor1 or an 
over-strict combination in divers2 which
 are things soon found1 and holpen4     
,for the last inconvenience1 that men   
will counsel1 with an eye to themselves2
 certainly1 non inveniet fidem super    
terram is meant1 of the nature of times1
 and not of all particular persons4     
,there be1 that are in nature faithful1 

and sincere1 and plain1 and direct2 not 
crafty and involved2 let princes1 above 
all1 draw to themselves such natures4   
,besides1 counsellors are not commonly  
so united1 but that one counsellor1     
keepeth sentinel over another2 so that  
if any do counsel out of faction or     
private ends1 it commonly comes to the  
king's ear4 ,but the best remedy is1 if 
princes know their counsellors1 as well 
as their counsellors know them3         
,principis est virtus maxima nosse suos4
  ,and on the other side1 counsellors   
should not be too speculative into their
 sovereign's person4 ,the true          
composition of a counsellor1 is rather  
to be skilful in their master's         
business1 than in his nature2 for then  
he is like to advise him1 and not feed  
his humor4 ,it is of singular use to    
princes1 if they take the opinions of   
their counsel1 both separately and      
together4 ,for private opinion is more  
free2 but opinion before others1 is more
 reverent4 ,in private1 men are more    

bold in their own humors2 and in        
consort1 men are more obnoxious to      
others' humors2 therefore it is good to 
take both2 and of the inferior sort1    
rather in private1 to preserve freedom2 
of the greater1 rather in consort1 to   
preserve respect4 ,it is in vain for    
princes1 to take counsel concerning     
matters1 if they take no counsel        
likewise concerning persons2 for all    
matters are as dead images2 and the life
 of the execution of affairs1 resteth in
 the good choice of persons4 ,neither is
 it enough1 to consult concerning       
persons secundum genera1 as in an idea1 
or mathematical description1 what the   
kind and character of the person should 
be2 for the greatest errors are         
committed1 and the most judgment is     
shown1 in the choice of individuals4 ,it
 was truly said1 optimi consiliarii     
mortui3 books will speak plain1 when    
counsellors blanch4 ,therefore it is    
good to be conversant in them1 specially
 the books of such as themselves have   

been actors upon the stage4  ,the       
counsels at this day1 in most places1   
are but familiar meetings1 where matters
 are rather talked on1 than debated4    
,and they run too swift1 to the order1  
or act1 of counsel4 ,it were better that
 in causes of weight1 the matter were   
propounded one day1 and not spoken to   
till the next day2 in nocte consilium4  
,so was it done in the ,commission of   
,union1 between ,england and ,scotland2 
which was a grave and orderly assembly4 
,i commend set days for petitions2 for  
both it gives the suitors more certainty
 for their attendance1 and it frees the 
meetings for matters of estate1 that    
they may hoc agere4 ,in choice of       
committees2 for ripening business for   
the counsel1 it is better to choose     
indifferent persons1 than to make an    
indifferency1 by putting in those1 that 
are strong on both sides4 ,i commend    
also standing commissions2 as for trade1
 for treasure1 for war1 for suits1 for  
some provinces2 for where there be      

divers particular counsels1 and but one 
counsel of estate 7as it is in ,spain71 
they are1 in effect1 no more than       
standing commissions3 save that they    
have greater authority4 ,let such as are
 to inform counsels1 out of their       
particular professions 7as lawyers1     
seamen1 mintmen1 and the like7 be first 
heard before committees2 and then1 as   
occasion serves1 before the counsel4    
,and let them not come in multitudes1 or
 in a tribunitious manner2 for that is  
to clamor counsels1 not to inform them4 
,a long table and a square table1 or    
seats about the walls1 seem things of   
form1 but are things of substance2 for  
at a long table a few at the upper end1 
in effect1 sway all the business2 but in
 the other form1 there is more use of   
the counsellors' opinions1 that sit     
lower4 ,a king1 when he presides in     
counsel1 let him beware how he opens his
 own inclination too much1 in that which
 he propoundeth2 for else counsellors   
will but take the wind of him1 and      

instead of giving free counsel1 sing him
 a song of placebo4     ,of ,delays     
,,fortune is like the market2 where many
 times if you can stay a little1 the    
price will fall4 ,again1 it is sometimes
 like ,sibylla's offer2 which at first1 
offereth the commodity at full1 then    
consumeth part and part1 and still      
holdeth up the price4 ,for occasion 7as 
it is in the common verse7 turneth a    
bald noddle1 after she hath presented   
her locks in front1 and no hold taken2  
or at least turneth the handle of the   
bottle1 first to be received1 and after 
the belly1 which is hard to clasp4      
,there is surely no greater wisdom1 than
 well to time the beginnings1 and       
onsets1 of things4 ,dangers are no more 
light1 if they once seem light2 and more
 dangers have deceived men1 than forced 
them4 ,nay1 it were better1 to meet some
 dangers half way1 though they come     
nothing near1 than to keep too long a   
watch upon their approaches2 for if a   
man watch too long1 it is odds he will  

fall asleep4 ,on the other side1 to be  
deceived with too long shadows 7as some 
have been1 when the moon was low1 and   
shone on their enemies' back71 and so to
 shoot off before the time2 or to teach 
dangers to come on1 by over early       
buckling towards them2 is another       
extreme4 ,the ripeness1 or unripeness1  
of the occasion 7as we said7 must ever  
be well weighed2 and generally it is    
good1 to commit the beginnings of all   
great actions to ,argus1 with his       
hundred eyes1 and the ends to ,briareus1
 with his hundred hands2 first to watch1
 and then to speed4 ,for the helmet of  
,pluto1 which maketh the politic man go 
invisible1 is secrecy in the counsel1   
and celerity in the execution4 ,for when
 things are once come to the execution1 
there is no secrecy1 comparable to      
celerity2 like the motion of a bullet in
 the air1 which flieth so swift1 as it  
outruns the eye4     ,of ,cunning   ,,we
 ,,take cunning for a sinister or       
crooked wisdom4 ,and certainly there is 

a great difference1 between a cunning   
man1 and a wise man2 not only in point  
of honesty1 but in point of ability4    
,there be1 that can pack the cards1 and 
yet cannot play well2 so there are some 
that are good in canvasses and factions1
 that are otherwise weak men4 ,again1 it
 is one thing to understand persons1 and
 another thing to understand matters2   
for many are perfect in men's humors1   
that are not greatly capable of the real
 part of business2 which is the         
constitution of one that hath studied   
men1 more than books4 ,such men are     
fitter for practice1 than for counsel2  
and they are good1 but in their own     
alley3 turn them to new men1 and they   
have lost their aim2 so as the old rule1
 to know a fool from a wise man1 ,mitte 
ambos nudos ad ignotos1 et videbis1 doth
 scarce hold for them4 ,and because     
these cunning men1 are like haberdashers
 of small wares1 it is not amiss to set 
forth their shop4  ,it is a point of    
cunning1 to wait upon him with whom you 

speak1 with your eye2 as the ,jesuits   
give it in precept3 for there be many   
wise men1 that have secret hearts1 and  
transparent countenances4 ,yet this     
would be done with a demure abasing of  
your eye1 sometimes1 as the ,jesuits    
also do use4  ,another is1 that when you
 have anything to obtain1 of present    
despatch1 you entertain and amuse the   
party1 with whom you deal1 with some    
other discourse2 that he be not too much
 awake to make objections4 ,i knew a    
counsellor and secretary1 that never    
came to ,queen ,elizabeth of ,england1  
with bills to sign1 but he would always 
first put her into some discourse of    
estate1 that she mought the less mind   
the bills4  ,the like surprise may be   
made by moving things1 when the party is
 in haste1 and cannot stay to consider  
advisedly of that is moved4  ,if a man  
would cross a business1 that he doubts  
some other would handsomely and         
effectually move1 let him pretend to    
wish it well1 and move it himself in    

such sort as may foil it4  ,the breaking
 off1 in the midst of that one was about
 to say1 as if he took himself up1      
breeds a greater appetite in him with   
whom you confer1 to know more4  ,and    
because it works better1 when anything  
seemeth to be gotten from you by        
question1 than if you offer it of       
yourself1 you may lay a bait for a      
question1 by showing another visage1 and
 countenance1 than you are wont2 to the 
end to give occasion1 for the party to  
ask1 what the matter is of the change8  
,as ,nehemias did2 ,and ,i had not      
before that time1 been sad before the   
king4  ,in things that are tender and   
unpleasing1 it is good to break the ice1
 by some whose words are of less weight1
 and to reserve the more weighty voice1 
to come in as by chance1 so that he may 
be asked the question upon the other's  
speech3 as ,narcissus did1 relating to  
,claudius the marriage of ,messalina and
 ,silius4  ,in things that a man would  
not be seen in himself1 it is a point of

 cunning1 to borrow the name of the     
world2 as to say1 ,the world says1 or   
,there is a speech abroad4  ,i knew one 
that1 when he wrote a letter1 he would  
put that1 which was most material1 in   
the postscript1 as if it had been a     
by-matter4  ,i knew another that1 when  
he came to have speech1 he would pass   
over that1 that he intended most2 and go
 forth1 and come back again1 and speak  
of it as of a thing1 that he had almost 
forgot4  ,some procure themselves1 to be
 surprised1 at such times as it is like 
the party that they work upon1 will     
suddenly come upon them2 and to be found
 with a letter in their hand1 or doing  
somewhat which they are not accustomed2 
to the end1 they may be apposed of those
 things1 which of themselves they are   
desirous to utter4  ,it is a point of   
cunning1 to let fall those words in a   
man's own name1 which he would have     
another man learn1 and use1 and         
thereupon take advantage4 ,i knew two1  
that were competitors for the           

secretary's place in ,queen ,elizabeth's
 time1 and yet kept good quarter between
 themselves2 and would confer1 one with 
another1 upon the business2 and the one 
of them said1 ,that to be a secretary1  
in the declination of a monarchy1 was a 
ticklish thing1 and that he did not     
affect it3 the other straight caught up 
those words1 and discoursed with divers 
of his friends1 that he had no reason to
 desire to be secretary1 in the         
declination of a monarchy4 ,the first   
man took hold of it1 and found means it 
was told the ,queen2 who1 hearing of a  
declination of a monarchy1 took it so   
ill1 as she would never after hear of   
the other's suit4  ,there is a cunning1 
which we in ,england call1 the turning  
of the cat in the pan2 which is1 when   
that which a man says to another1 he    
lays it as if another had said it to    
him4 ,and to say truth1 it is not easy1 
when such a matter passed between two1  
to make it appear from which of them it 
first moved and began4  ,it is a way    

that some men have1 to glance and dart  
at others1 by justifying themselves by  
negatives2 as to say1 ,this ,i do not2  
as ,tigellinus did towards ,burrhus1 ,se
 non diversas spes1 sed incolumitatem   
imperatoris simpliciter spectare4  ,some
 have in readiness so many tales and    
stories1 as there is nothing they would 
insinuate1 but they can wrap it into a  
tale2 which serveth both to keep        
themselves more in guard1 and to make   
others carry it with more pleasure4 ,it 
is a good point of cunning1 for a man to
 shape the answer he would have1 in his 
own words and propositions2 for it makes
 the other party stick the less4  ,it is
 strange how long some men will lie in  
wait to speak somewhat they desire to   
say2 and how far about they will fetch2 
and how many other matters they will    
beat over1 to come near it4 ,it is a    
thing of great patience1 but yet of much
 use4  ,a sudden1 bold1 and unexpected  
question doth many times surprise a man1
 and lay him open4 ,like to him that1   

having changed his name1 and walking in 
,paul's1 another suddenly came behind   
him1 and called him by his true name1   
whereat straightways he looked back4    
,but these small wares1 and petty       
points1 of cunning1 are infinite2 and it
 were a good deed to make a list of     
them2 for that nothing doth more hurt in
 a state1 than that cunning men pass for
 wise4  ,but certainly some there are   
that know the resorts and falls of      
business1 that cannot sink into the main
 of it2 like a house that hath          
convenient stairs and entries1 but never
 a fair room4 ,therefore1 you shall see 
them find out pretty looses in the      
conclusion1 but are no ways able to     
examine or debate matters4 ,and yet     
commonly they take advantage of their   
inability1 and would be thought wits of 
direction4 ,some build rather upon the  
abusing of others1 and 7as we now say7  
putting tricks upon them1 than upon     
soundness of their own proceedings4 ,but
 ,solomon saith1 ,prudens advertit ad   

gressus suos2 stultus divertit ad dolos4
     ,of ,wisdom ,for ,a ,man's ,self   
,,an ,,ant is a wise creature for       
itself1 but it is a shrewd thing1 in an 
orchard or garden4 ,and certainly1 men  
that are great lovers of themselves1    
waste the public4 ,divide with reason2  
between self-love and society2 and be so
 true to thyself1 as thou be not false  
to others2 specially to thy king and    
country4 ,it is a poor centre of a man's
 actions1 himself4 ,it is right earth4  
,for that only stands fast upon his own 
centre2 whereas all things1 that have   
affinity with the heavens1 move upon the
 centre of another1 which they benefit4 
,the referring of all to a man's self1  
is more tolerable in a sovereign prince2
 because themselves are not only        
themselves1 but their good and evil is  
at the peril of the public fortune4 ,but
 it is a desperate evil1 in a servant to
 a prince1 or a citizen in a republic4  
,for whatsoever affairs pass such a     
man's hands1 he crooketh them to his own

 ends2 which must needs be often        
eccentric to the ends of his master1 or 
state4 ,therefore1 let princes1 or      
states1 choose such servants1 as have   
not this mark2 except they mean their   
service should be made but the          
accessory4 ,that which maketh the effect
 more pernicious1 is that all proportion
 is lost4 ,it were disproportion enough1
 for the servant's good to be preferred 
before the master's2 but yet it is a    
greater extreme1 when a little good of  
the servant1 shall carry things against 
a great good of the master's4 ,and yet  
that is the case of bad officers1       
treasurers1 ambassadors1 generals1 and  
other false and corrupt servants2 which 
set a bias upon their bowl1 of their own
 petty ends and envies1 to the overthrow
 of their master's great and important  
affairs4 ,and for the most part1 the    
good such servants receive1 is after the
 model of their own fortune2 but the    
hurt they sell for that good1 is after  
the model of their master's fortune4    

,and certainly it is the nature of      
extreme self-lovers1 as they will set an
 house on fire1 and it were but to roast
 their eggs2 and yet these men many     
times hold credit with their masters1   
because their study is but to please    
them1 and profit themselves2 and for    
either respect1 they will abandon the   
good of their affairs4  ,wisdom for a   
man's self is1 in many branches thereof1
 a depraved thing4 ,it is the wisdom of 
rats1 that will be sure to leave a      
house1 somewhat before it fall4 ,it is  
the wisdom of the fox1 that thrusts out 
the badger1 who digged and made room for
 him4 ,it is the wisdom of crocodiles1  
that shed tears when they would devour4 
,but that which is specially to be noted
 is1 that those which 7as ,cicero says  
of ,pompey7 are sui amantes1 sine       
rivali1 are many times unfortunate4 ,and
 whereas they have1 all their times1    
sacrificed to themselves1 they become in
 the end1 themselves sacrifices to the  
inconstancy of fortune1 whose wings they

 thought1 by their self-wisdom1 to have 
pinioned4     ,of ,innovations   ,,as   
,,the births of living creatures1 at    
first are ill-shapen1 so are all        
innovations1 which are the births of    
time4 ,yet notwithstanding1 as those    
that first bring honor into their       
family1 are commonly more worthy than   
most that succeed1 so the first         
precedent 7if it be good7 is seldom     
attained by imitation4 ,for ill1 to     
man's nature1 as it stands perverted1   
hath a natural motion1 strongest in     
continuance2 but good1 as a forced      
motion1 strongest at first4 ,surely     
every medicine is an innovation2 and he 
that will not apply new remedies1 must  
expect new evils2 for time is the       
greatest innovator2 and if time of      
course alter things to the worse1 and   
wisdom and counsel shall not alter them 
to the better1 what shall be the end8   
,it is true1 that what is settled by    
custom1 though it be not good1 yet at   
least it is fit2 and those things which 

have long gone together1 are1 as it     
were1 confederate within themselves2    
whereas new things piece not so well2   
but though they help by their utility1  
yet they trouble by their inconformity4 
,besides1 they are like strangers2 more 
admired1 and less favored4 ,all this is 
true1 if time stood still2 which        
contrariwise moveth so round1 that a    
froward retention of custom1 is as      
turbulent a thing as an innovation2 and 
they that reverence too much old times1 
are but a scorn to the new4 ,it were    
good1 therefore1 that men in their      
innovations would follow the example of 
time itself2 which indeed innovateth    
greatly1 but quietly1 by degrees scarce 
to be perceived4 ,for otherwise1        
whatsoever is new is unlooked for2 and  
ever it mends some1 and pairs others2   
and he that is holpen1 takes it for a   
fortune1 and thanks the time2 and he    
that is hurt1 for a wrong1 and imputeth 
it to the author4 ,it is good also1 not 
to try experiments in states1 except the

 necessity be urgent1 or the utility    
evident2 and well to beware1 that it be 
the reformation1 that draweth on the    
change1 and not the desire of change1   
that pretendeth the reformation4 ,and   
lastly1 that the novelty1 though it be  
not rejected1 yet be held for a suspect2
 and1 as the ,scripture saith1 that we  
make a stand upon the ancient way1 and  
then look about us1 and discover what is
 the straight and right way1 and so to  
walk in it4     ,of ,dispatch           
,,affected dispatch is one of the most  
dangerous things to business that can   
be4 ,it is like that1 which the         
physicians call predigestion1 or hasty  
digestion2 which is sure to fill the    
body full of crudities1 and secret seeds
 of diseases4 ,therefore measure not    
dispatch1 by the times of sitting1 but  
by the advancement of the business4 ,and
 as in races it is not the large stride 
or high lift that makes the speed2 so in
 business1 the keeping close to the     
matter1 and not taking of it too much at

 once1 procureth dispatch4 ,it is the   
care of some1 only to come off speedily 
for the time2 or to contrive some false 
periods of business1 because they may   
seem men of dispatch4 ,but it is one    
thing1 to abbreviate by contracting1    
another by cutting off4 ,and business so
 handled1 at several sittings or        
meetings1 goeth commonly backward and   
forward in an unsteady manner4 ,i knew a
 wise man that had it for a byword1 when
 he saw men hasten to a conclusion1     
,stay a little1 that we may make an end 
the sooner4  ,on the other side1 true   
dispatch is a rich thing4 ,for time is  
the measure of business1 as money is of 
wares2 and business is bought at a dear 
hand1 where there is small dispatch4    
,the ,spartans and ,spaniards have been 
noted to be of small dispatch2 ,mi venga
 la muerte de ,spagna2 ,let my death    
come from ,spain2 for then it will be   
sure to be long in coming4  ,give good  
hearing to those1 that give the first   
information in business2 and rather     

direct them in the beginning1 than      
interrupt them in the continuance of    
their speeches2 for he that is put out  
of his own order1 will go forward and   
backward1 and be more tedious1 while he 
waits upon his memory1 than he could    
have been1 if he had gone on in his own 
course4 ,but sometimes it is seen1 that 
the moderator is more troublesome1 than 
the actor4  ,iterations are commonly    
loss of time4 ,but there is no such gain
 of time1 as to iterate often the state 
of the question2 for it chaseth away    
many a frivolous speech1 as it is coming
 forth4 ,long and curious speeches1 are 
as fit for dispatch1 as a robe or       
mantle1 with a long train1 is for race4 
,prefaces and passages1 and excusations1
 and other speeches of reference to the 
person1 are great wastes of time2 and   
though they seem to proceed of modesty1 
they are bravery4 ,yet beware of being  
too material1 when there is any         
impediment or obstruction in men's      
wills2 for pre-occupation of mind ever  

requireth preface of speech2 like a     
fomentation to make the unguent enter4  
,above all things1 order1 and           
distribution1 and singling out of parts1
 is the life of dispatch2 so as the     
distribution be not too subtle3 for he  
that doth not divide1 will never enter  
well into business2 and he that divideth
 too much1 will never come out of it    
clearly4 ,to choose time1 is to save    
time2 and an unseasonable motion1 is but
 beating the air4 ,there be three parts 
of business2 the preparation1 the debate
 or examination1 and the perfection4    
,whereof1 if you look for dispatch1 let 
the middle only be the work of many1 and
 the first and last the work of few4    
,the proceeding upon somewhat conceived 
in writing1 doth for the most part      
facilitate dispatch3 for though it      
should be wholly rejected1 yet that     
negative is more pregnant of direction1 
than an indefinite2 as ashes are more   
generative than dust4     ,of ,seeming  
,wise   ,,it ,,hath been an opinion1    

that the ,french are wiser than they    
seem1 and the ,spaniards seem wiser than
 they are4 ,but howsoever it be between 
nations1 certainly it is so between man 
and man4 ,for as the ,apostle saith of  
godliness1 ,having a show of godliness1 
but denying the power thereof2 so       
certainly there are1 in point of wisdom 
and sufficiency1 that do nothing or     
little very solemnly3 magno conatu      
nugas4 ,it is a ridiculous thing1 and   
fit for a satire to persons of judgment1
 to see what shifts these formalists    
have1 and what prospectives to make     
superficies to seem body1 that hath     
depth and bulk4 ,some are so close and  
reserved1 as they will not show their   
wares1 but by a dark light2 and seem    
always to keep back somewhat2 and when  
they know within themselves1 they speak 
of that they do not well know1 would    
nevertheless seem to others1 to know of 
that which they may not well speak4     
,some help themselves with countenance  
and gesture1 and are wise by signs2 as  

,cicero saith of ,piso1 that when he    
answered him1 he fetched one of his     
brows up to his forehead1 and bent the  
other down to his chin2 ,respondes1     
altero ad frontem sublato1 altero ad    
mentum depresso supercilio1 crudelitatem
 tibi non placere4 ,some think to bear  
it by speaking a great word1 and being  
peremptory2 and go on1 and take by      
admittance1 that which they cannot make 
good4 ,some1 whatsoever is beyond their 
reach1 will seem to despise1 or make    
light of it1 as impertinent or curious2 
and so would have their ignorance seem  
judgment4 ,some are never without a     
difference1 and commonly by amusing men 
with a subtilty1 blanch the matter2 of  
whom ,a4 ,gellius saith1 ,hominem       
delirum1 qui verborum minutiis rerum    
frangit pondera4 ,of which kind also1   
,plato1 in his ,protagoras1 bringeth in 
,prodicus in scorn1 and maketh him make 
a speech1 that consisteth of distinction
 from the beginning to the end4         
,generally1 such men in all             

deliberations find ease to be of the    
negative side1 and affect a credit to   
object and foretell difficulties2 for   
when propositions are denied1 there is  
an end of them2 but if they be allowed1 
it requireth a new work2 which false    
point of wisdom is the bane of business4
 ,to conclude1 there is no decaying     
merchant1 or inward beggar1 hath so many
 tricks to uphold the credit of their   
wealth1 as these empty persons have1 to 
maintain the credit of their            
sufficiency4 ,seeming wise men may make 
shift to get opinion2 but let no man    
choose them for employment2 for         
certainly you were better take for      
business1 a man somewhat absurd1 than   
over-formal4     ,of ,friendship   ,,it 
,,had been hard for him that spake it to
 have put more truth and untruth        
together in few words1 than in that     
speech1 ,whatsoever is delighted in     
solitude1 is either a wild beast or a   
god4 ,for it is most true1 that a       
natural and secret hatred1 and          

aversation towards society1 in any man1 
hath somewhat of the savage beast2 but  
it is most untrue1 that it should have  
any character at all1 of the divine     
nature2 except it proceed1 not out of a 
pleasure in solitude1 but out of a love 
and desire to sequester a man's self1   
for a higher conversation3 such as is   
found to have been falsely and feignedly
 in some of the heathen2 as ,epimenides 
the ,candian1 ,numa the ,roman1         
,empedocles the ,sicilian1 and          
,apollonius of ,tyana2 and truly and    
really1 in divers of the ancient hermits
 and holy fathers of the church4 ,but   
little do men perceive what solitude is1
 and how far it extendeth4 ,for a crowd 
is not company2 and faces are but a     
gallery of pictures2 and talk but a     
tinkling cymbal1 where there is no love4
 ,the ,latin adage meeteth with it a    
little3 ,magna civitas1 magna solitudo2 
because in a great town friends are     
scattered2 so that there is not that    
fellowship1 for the most part1 which is 

in less neighborhoods4 ,but we may go   
further1 and affirm most truly1 that it 
is a mere and miserable solitude to want
 true friends2 without which the world  
is but a wilderness2 and even in this   
sense also of solitude1 whosoever in the
 frame of his nature and affections1 is 
unfit for friendship1 he taketh it of   
the beast1 and not from humanity4  ,a   
principal fruit of friendship1 is the   
ease and discharge of the fulness and   
swellings of the heart1 which passions  
of all kinds do cause and induce4 ,we   
know diseases of stoppings1 and         
suffocations1 are the most dangerous in 
the body2 and it is not much otherwise  
in the mind2 you may take sarza to open 
the liver1 steel to open the spleen1    
flowers of sulphur for the lungs1       
castoreum for the brain2 but no receipt 
openeth the heart1 but a true friend2 to
 whom you may impart griefs1 joys1      
fears1 hopes1 suspicions1 counsels1 and 
whatsoever lieth upon the heart to      
oppress it1 in a kind of civil shrift or

 confession4  ,it is a strange thing to 
observe1 how high a rate great kings and
 monarchs do set upon this fruit of     
friendship1 whereof we speak3 so great1 
as they purchase it1 many times1 at the 
hazard of their own safety and          
greatness4 ,for princes1 in regard of   
the distance of their fortune from that 
of their subjects and servants1 cannot  
gather this fruit1 except 7to make      
themselves capable thereof7 they raise  
some persons to be1 as it were1         
companions and almost equals to         
themselves1 which many times sorteth to 
inconvenience4 ,the modern languages    
give unto such persons the name of      
favorites1 or privadoes2 as if it were  
matter of grace1 or conversation4 ,but  
the ,roman name attaineth the true use  
and cause thereof1 naming them          
participes curarum2 for it is that which
 tieth the knot4 ,and we see plainly    
that this hath been done1 not by weak   
and passionate princes only1 but by the 
wisest and most politic that ever       

reigned2 who have oftentimes joined to  
themselves some of their servants2 whom 
both themselves have called friends1 and
 allowed other likewise to call them in 
the same manner2 using the word which is
 received between private men4  ,l4     
,sylla1 when he commanded ,rome1 raised 
,pompey 7after surnamed the ,great7 to  
that height1 that ,pompey vaunted       
himself for ,sylla's overmatch4 ,for    
when he had carried the consulship for a
 friend of his1 against the pursuit of  
,sylla1 and that ,sylla did a little    
resent thereat1 and began to speak      
great1 ,pompey turned upon him again1   
and in effect bade him be quiet2 for    
that more men adored the sun rising1    
than the sun setting4 ,with ,julius     
,caesar1 ,decimus ,brutus had obtained  
that interest as he set him down in his 
testament1 for heir in remainder1 after 
his nephew4 ,and this was the man that  
had power with him1 to draw him forth to
 his death4 ,for when ,caesar would have
 discharged the senate1 in regard of    

some ill presages1 and specially a dream
 of ,calpurnia2 this man lifted him     
gently by the arm out of his chair1     
telling him he hoped he would not       
dismiss the senate1 till his wife had   
dreamt a better dream4 ,and it seemeth  
his favor was so great1 as ,antonius1 in
 a letter which is recited verbatim in  
one of ,cicero's ,philippics1 calleth   
him venefica1 witch2 as if he had       
enchanted ,caesar4 ,augustus raised     
,agrippa 7though of mean birth7 to that 
height1 as when he consulted with       
,maecenas1 about the marriage of his    
daughter ,julia1 ,maecenas took the     
liberty to tell him1 that he must either
 marry his daughter to ,agrippa1 or take
 away his life2 there was no third way1 
he had made him so great4 ,with         
,tiberius ,caesar1 ,sejanus had ascended
 to that height1 as they two were       
termed1 and reckoned1 as a pair of      
friends4 ,tiberius in a letter to him   
saith1 ,haec pro amicitia nostra non    
occultavi2 and the whole senate         

dedicated an altar to ,friendship1 as to
 a goddess1 in respect of the great     
dearness of friendship1 between them    
two4 ,the like1 or more1 was between    
,septimius ,severus and ,plautianus4    
,for he forced his eldest son to marry  
the daughter of ,plautianus2 and would  
often maintain ,plautianus1 in doing    
affronts to his son2 and did write also 
in a letter to the senate1 by these     
words3 ,i love the man so well1 as ,i   
wish he may over-live me4 ,now if these 
princes had been as a ,trajan1 or a     
,marcus ,aurelius1 a man might have     
thought that this had proceeded of an   
abundant goodness of nature2 but being  
men so wise1 of such strength and       
severity of mind1 and so extreme lovers 
of themselves1 as all these were1 it    
proveth most plainly that they found    
their own felicity 7though as great as  
ever happened to mortal men7 but as an  
half piece1 except they mought have a   
friend1 to make it entire2 and yet1     
which is more1 they were princes that   

had wives1 sons1 nephews2 and yet all   
these could not supply the comfort of   
friendship4  ,it is not to be forgotten1
 what ,comineus observeth of his first  
master1 ,duke ,charles the ,hardy1      
namely1 that he would communicate his   
secrets with none2 and least of all1    
those secrets which troubled him most4  
,whereupon he goeth on1 and saith that  
towards his latter time1 that closeness 
did impair1 and a little perish his     
understanding4 ,surely ,comineus mought 
have made the same judgment also1 if it 
had pleased him1 of his second master1  
,lewis the ,eleventh1 whose closeness   
was indeed his tormentor4 ,the parable  
of ,pythagoras is dark1 but true2 ,cor  
ne edito2 ,eat not the heart4           
,certainly1 if a man would give it a    
hard phrase1 those that want friends1 to
 open themselves unto1 are cannibals of 
their own hearts4 ,but one thing is most
 admirable 7wherewith ,i will conclude  
this first fruit of friendship71 which  
is1 that this communicating of a man's  

self to his friend1 works two contrary  
effects2 for it redoubleth joys1 and    
cutteth griefs in halves4 ,for there is 
no man1 that imparteth his joys to his  
friend1 but he joyeth the more2 and no  
man that imparteth his griefs to his    
friend1 but he grieveth the less4 ,so   
that it is in truth1 of operation upon a
 man's mind1 of like virtue as the      
alchemists use to attribute to their    
stone1 for man's body2 that it worketh  
all contrary effects1 but still to the  
good and benefit of nature4 ,but yet    
without praying in aid of alchemists1   
there is a manifest image of this1 in   
the ordinary course of nature4 ,for in  
bodies1 union strengtheneth and         
cherisheth any natural action2 and on   
the other side1 weakeneth and dulleth   
any violent impression3 and even so it  
is of minds4  ,the second fruit of      
friendship1 is healthful and sovereign  
for the understanding1 as the first is  
for the affections4 ,for friendship     
maketh indeed a fair day in the         

affections1 from storm and tempests2 but
 it maketh daylight in the              
understanding1 out of darkness1 and     
confusion of thoughts4 ,neither is this 
to be understood only of faithful       
counsel1 which a man receiveth from his 
friend2 but before you come to that1    
certain it is1 that whosoever hath his  
mind fraught with many thoughts1 his    
wits and understanding do clarify and   
break up1 in the communicating and      
discoursing with another2 he tosseth his
 thoughts more easily2 he marshalleth   
them more orderly1 he seeth how they    
look when they are turned into words3   
finally1 he waxeth wiser than himself2  
and that more by an hour's discourse1   
than by a day's meditation4 ,it was well
 said by ,themistocles1 to the king of  
,persia1 ,that speech was like cloth of 
,arras1 opened and put abroad2 whereby  
the imagery doth appear in figure2      
whereas in thoughts they lie but as in  
packs4 ,neither is this second fruit of 
friendship1 in opening the              

understanding1 restrained only to such  
friends as are able to give a man       
counsel2 7they indeed are best27 but    
even without that1 a man learneth of    
himself1 and bringeth his own thoughts  
to light1 and whetteth his wits as      
against a stone1 which itself cuts not4 
,in a word1 a man were better relate    
himself to a statua1 or picture1 than to
 suffer his thoughts to pass in smother4
  ,add now1 to make this second fruit of
 friendship complete1 that other point1 
which lieth more open1 and falleth      
within vulgar observation2 which is     
faithful counsel from a friend4         
,heraclitus saith well in one of his    
enigmas1 ,dry light is ever the best4   
,and certain it is1 that the light that 
a man receiveth by counsel from another1
 is drier and purer1 than that which    
cometh from his own understanding and   
judgment2 which is ever infused1 and    
drenched1 in his affections and customs4
 ,so as there is as much difference     
between the counsel1 that a friend      

giveth1 and that a man giveth himself1  
as there is between the counsel of a    
friend1 and of a flatterer4 ,for there  
is no such flatterer as is a man's self2
 and there is no such remedy against    
flattery of a man's self1 as the liberty
 of a friend4 ,counsel is of two sorts3 
the one concerning manners1 the other   
concerning business4 ,for the first1 the
 best preservative to keep the mind in  
health1 is the faithful admonition of a 
friend4 ,the calling of a man's self to 
a strict account1 is a medicine1        
sometime too piercing and corrosive4    
,reading good books of morality1 is a   
little flat and dead4 ,observing our    
faults in others1 is sometimes improper 
for our case4 ,but the best receipt     
7best1 ,i say1 to work1 and best to     
take7 is the admonition of a friend4 ,it
 is a strange thing to behold1 what     
gross errors and extreme absurdities    
many 7especially of the greater sort7 do
 commit1 for want of a friend to tell   
them of them2 to the great damage both  

of their fame and fortune3 for1 as ,st4 
,james saith1 they are as men that look 
sometimes into a glass1 and presently   
forget their own shape and favor4 ,as   
for business1 a man may think1 if he    
win1 that two eyes see no more than one2
 or that a gamester seeth always more   
than a looker-on2 or that a man in      
anger1 is as wise as he that hath said  
over the four and twenty letters2 or    
that a musket may be shot off as well   
upon the arm1 as upon a rest2 and such  
other fond and high imaginations1 to    
think himself all in all4 ,but when all 
is done1 the help of good counsel1 is   
that which setteth business straight4   
,and if any man think that he will take 
counsel1 but it shall be by pieces2     
asking counsel in one business1 of one  
man1 and in another business1 of another
 man2 it is well 7that is to say1       
better1 perhaps1 than if he asked none  
at all72 but he runneth two dangers3    
one1 that he shall not be faithfully    
counselled2 for it is a rare thing1     

except it be from a perfect and entire  
friend1 to have counsel given1 but such 
as shall be bowed and crooked to some   
ends1 which he hath1 that giveth it4    
,the other1 that he shall have counsel  
given1 hurtful and unsafe 7though with  
good meaning71 and mixed partly of      
mischief and partly of remedy2 even as  
if you would call a physician1 that is  
thought good for the cure of the disease
 you complain of1 but is unacquainted   
with your body2 and therefore may put   
you in way for a present cure1 but      
overthroweth your health in some other  
kind2 and so cure the disease1 and kill 
the patient4 ,but a friend that is      
wholly acquainted with a man's estate1  
will beware1 by furthering any present  
business1 how he dasheth upon other     
inconvenience4 ,and therefore rest not  
upon scattered counsels2 they will      
rather distract and mislead1 than settle
 and direct4  ,after these two noble    
fruits of friendship 7peace in the      
affections1 and support of the          

judgment71 followeth the last fruit2    
which is like the pomegranate1 full of  
many kernels2 ,i mean aid1 and bearing a
 part1 in all actions and occasions4    
,here the best way to represent to life 
the manifold use of friendship1 is to   
cast and see how many things there are1 
which a man cannot do himself2 and then 
it will appear1 that it was a sparing   
speech of the ancients1 to say1 that a  
friend is another himself2 for that a   
friend is far more than himself4 ,men   
have their time1 and die many times1 in 
desire of some things which they        
principally take to heart2 the bestowing
 of a child1 the finishing of a work1 or
 the like4 ,if a man have a true friend1
 he may rest almost secure that the care
 of those things will continue after    
him4 ,so that a man hath1 as it were1   
two lives in his desires4 ,a man hath a 
body1 and that body is confined to a    
place2 but where friendship is1 all     
offices of life are as it were granted  
to him1 and his deputy4 ,for he may     

exercise them by his friend4 ,how many  
things are there which a man cannot1    
with any face or comeliness1 say or do  
himself8 ,a man can scarce allege his   
own merits with modesty1 much less extol
 them2 a man cannot sometimes brook to  
supplicate or beg2 and a number of the  
like4 ,but all these things are         
graceful1 in a friend's mouth1 which are
 blushing in a man's own4 ,so again1 a  
man's person hath many proper relations1
 which he cannot put off4 ,a man cannot 
speak to his son but as a father2 to his
 wife but as a husband2 to his enemy but
 upon terms3 whereas a friend may speak 
as the case requires1 and not as it     
sorteth with the person4 ,but to        
enumerate these things were endless2 ,i 
have given the rule1 where a man cannot 
fitly play his own part2 if he have not 
a friend1 he may quit the stage4     ,of
 ,expense   ,,riches are for spending1  
and spending for honor and good actions4
 ,therefore extraordinary expense must  
be limited by the worth of the occasion2

 for voluntary undoing1 may be as well  
for a man's country1 as for the kingdom 
of heaven4 ,but ordinary expense1 ought 
to be limited by a man's estate2 and    
governed with such regard1 as it be     
within his compass2 and not subject to  
deceit and abuse of servants2 and       
ordered to the best show1 that the bills
 may be less than the estimation abroad4
 ,certainly1 if a man will keep but of  
even hand1 his ordinary expenses ought  
to be but to the half of his receipts2  
and if he think to wax rich1 but to the 
third part4 ,it is no baseness1 for the 
greatest to descend and look into their 
own estate4 ,some forbear it1 not upon  
negligence alone1 but doubting to bring 
themselves into melancholy1 in respect  
they shall find it broken4 ,but wounds  
cannot be cured without searching4 ,he  
that cannot look into his own estate at 
all1 had need both choose well those    
whom he employeth1 and change them      
often2 for new are more timorous and    
less subtle4 ,he that can look into his 

estate but seldom1 it behooveth him to  
turn all to certainties4 ,a man had     
need1 if he be plentiful in some kind of
 expense1 to be as saving again in some 
other4 ,as if he be plentiful in diet1  
to be saving in apparel2 if he be       
plentiful in the hall1 to be saving in  
the stable2 and the like4 ,for he that  
is plentiful in expenses of all kinds1  
will hardly be preserved from decay4 ,in
 clearing of a man's estate1 he may as  
well hurt himself in being too sudden1  
as in letting it run on too long4 ,for  
hasty selling1 is commonly as           
disadvantageable as interest4 ,besides1 
he that clears at once will relapse2 for
 finding himself out of straits1 he will
 revert to his custom3 but he that      
cleareth by degrees1 induceth a habit of
 frugality1 and gaineth as well upon his
 mind1 as upon his estate4 ,certainly1  
who hath a state to repair1 may not     
despise small things2 and commonly it is
 less dishonorable1 to abridge petty    
charges1 than to stoop to petty         

gettings4 ,a man ought warily to begin  
charges which once begun will continue2 
but in matters that return not1 he may  
be more magnificent4     ,of the ,true  
,greatness ,of ,kingdoms ,and ,estates  
,,the speech of ,themistocles the       
,athenian1 which was haughty and        
arrogant1 in taking so much to himself1 
had been a grave and wise observation   
and censure1 applied at large to others4
 ,desired at a feast to touch a lute1 he
 said1 ,he could not fiddle1 but yet he 
could make a small town1 a great city4  
,these words 7holpen a little with a    
metaphor7 may express two differing     
abilities1 in those that deal in        
business of estate4 ,for if a true      
survey be taken of counsellors and      
statesmen1 there may be found 7though   
rarely7 those which can make a small    
state great1 and yet cannot fiddle2 as  
on the other side1 there will be found a
 great many1 that can fiddle very       
cunningly1 but yet are so far from being
 able to make a small state great1 as   

their gift lieth the other way2 to bring
 a great and flourishing estate1 to ruin
 and decay4 ,and certainly whose        
degenerate arts and shifts1 whereby many
 counsellors and governors gain both    
favor with their masters1 and estimation
 with the vulgar1 deserve no better name
 than fiddling2 being things rather     
pleasing for the time1 and graceful to  
themselves only1 than tending to the    
weal and advancement of the state which 
they serve4 ,there are also 7no doubt7  
counsellors and governors which may be  
held sufficient 7negotiis pares71 able  
to manage affairs1 and to keep them from
 precipices and manifest inconveniences2
 which nevertheless are far from the    
ability to raise and amplify an estate  
in power1 means1 and fortune4 ,but be   
the workmen what they may be1 let us    
speak of the work2 that is1 the true    
greatness of kingdoms and estates1 and  
the means thereof4 ,an argument fit for 
great and mighty princes to have in     
their hand2 to the end that neither by  

over-measuring their forces1 they leese 
themselves in vain enterprises2 nor on  
the other side1 by undervaluing them1   
they descend to fearful and             
pusillanimous counsels4  ,the greatness 
of an estate1 in bulk and territory1    
doth fall under measure2 and the        
greatness of finances and revenue1 doth 
fall under computation4 ,the population 
may appear by musters2 and the number   
and greatness of cities and towns by    
cards and maps4 ,but yet there is not   
any thing amongst civil affairs more    
subject to error1 than the right        
valuation and true judgment concerning  
the power and forces of an estate4 ,the 
kingdom of heaven is compared1 not to   
any great kernel or nut1 but to a grain 
of mustard-seed3 which is one of the    
least grains1 but hath in it a property 
and spirit hastily to get up and spread4
 ,so are there states1 great in         
territory1 and yet not apt to enlarge or
 command2 and some that have but a small
 dimension of stem1 and yet apt to be   

the foundations of great monarchies4    
,walled towns1 stored arsenals and      
armories1 goodly races of horse1        
chariots of war1 elephants1 ordnance1   
artillery1 and the like2 all this is but
 a sheep in a lion's skin1 except the   
breed and disposition of the people1 be 
stout and warlike4 ,nay1 number 7itself7
 in armies importeth not much1 where the
 people is of weak courage2 for 7as     
,virgil saith7 ,it never troubles a     
wolf1 how many the sheep be4 ,the army  
of the ,persians1 in the plains of      
,arbela1 was such a vast sea of people1 
as it did somewhat astonish the         
commanders in ,alexander's army2 who    
came to him therefore1 and wished him to
 set upon them by night2 and he         
answered1 ,he would not pilfer the      
victory4 ,and the defeat was easy4 ,when
 ,tigranes the ,armenian1 being encamped
 upon a hill with four hundred thousand 
men1 discovered the army of the ,romans1
 being not above fourteen thousand1     
marching towards him1 he made himself   

merry with it1 and said1 ,yonder men are
 too many for an embassage1 and too few 
for a fight4 ,but before the sun set1 he
 found them enow to give him the chase  
with infinite slaughter4 ,many are the  
examples of the great odds1 between     
number and courage2 so that a man may   
truly make a judgment1 that the         
principal point of greatness in any     
state1 is to have a race of military    
men4 ,neither is money the sinews of war
 7as it is trivially said71 where the   
sinews of men's arms1 in base and       
effeminate people1 are failing4 ,for    
,solon said well to ,croesus 7when in   
ostentation he showed him his gold71    
,sir1 if any other come1 that hath      
better iron1 than you1 he will be master
 of all this gold4 ,therefore let any   
prince or state think solely of his     
forces1 except his militia of natives be
 of good and valiant soldiers4 ,and let 
princes1 on the other side1 that have   
subjects of martial disposition1 know   
their own strength2 unless they be      

otherwise wanting unto themselves4 ,as  
for mercenary forces 7which is the help 
in this case71 all examples show1 that  
whatsoever estate or prince doth rest   
upon them1 he may spread his feathers   
for a time1 but he will mew them soon   
after4  ,the blessing of ,judah and     
,issachar will never meet2 that the same
 people1 or nation1 should be both the  
lion's whelp and the ass between        
burthens2 neither will it be1 that a    
people overlaid with taxes1 should ever 
become valiant and martial4 ,it is true 
that taxes levied by consent of the     
estate1 do abate men's courage less3 as 
it hath been seen notably1 in the       
excises of the ,low ,countries2 and1 in 
some degree1 in the subsidies of        
,england4 ,for you must note1 that we   
speak now of the heart1 and not of the  
purse4 ,so that although the same       
tribute and tax1 laid by consent or by  
imposing1 be all one to the purse1 yet  
it works diversely upon the courage4 ,so
 that you may conclude1 that no people  

overcharged with tribute1 is fit for    
empire4  ,let states that aim at        
greatness1 take heed how their nobility 
and gentlemen do multiply too fast4 ,for
 that maketh the common subject1 grow to
 be a peasant and base swain1 driven out
 of heart1 and in effect but the        
gentleman's laborer4 ,even as you may   
see in coppice woods2 if you leave your 
staddles too thick1 you shall never have
 clean underwood1 but shrubs and bushes4
 ,so in countries1 if the gentlemen be  
too many1 the commons will be base2 and 
you will bring it to that1 that not the 
hundred poll1 will be fit for an helmet2
 especially as to the infantry1 which is
 the nerve of an army2 and so there will
 be great population1 and little        
strength4 ,this which ,i speak of1 hath 
been nowhere better seen1 than by       
comparing of ,england and ,france2      
whereof ,england1 though far less in    
territory and population1 hath been     
7nevertheless7 an overmatch2 in regard  
the middle people of ,england make good 

soldiers1 which the peasants of ,france 
do not4 ,and herein the device of king  
,henry the ,seventh 7whereof ,i have    
spoken largely in the ,history of his   
,life7 was profound and admirable2 in   
making farms and houses of husbandry of 
a standard2 that is1 maintained with    
such a proportion of land unto them1 as 
may breed a subject to live in          
convenient plenty and no servile        
condition2 and to keep the plough in the
 hands of the owners1 and not mere      
hirelings4 ,and thus indeed you shall   
attain to ,virgil's character which he  
gives to ancient ,italy3   ,terra potens
 armis atque ubere glebae4  ,neither is 
that state 7which1 for any thing ,i     
know1 is almost peculiar to ,england1   
and hardly to be found anywhere else1   
except it be perhaps in ,poland7 to be  
passed over2 ,i mean the state of free  
servants1 and attendants upon noblemen  
and gentlemen2 which are no ways        
inferior unto the yeomanry for arms4    
,and therefore out of all questions1 the

 splendor and magnificence1 and great   
retinues and hospitality1 of noblemen   
and gentlemen1 received into custom1    
doth much conduce unto martial          
greatness4 ,whereas1 contrariwise1 the  
close and reserved living of noblemen   
and gentlemen1 causeth a penury of      
military forces4  ,by all means it is to
 be procured1 that the trunk of         
,nebuchadnezzar's tree of monarchy1 be  
great enough to bear the branches and   
the boughs2 that is1 that the natural   
subjects of the crown or state1 bear a  
sufficient proportion to the stranger   
subjects1 that they govern4 ,therefore  
all states that are liberal of          
naturalization towards strangers1 are   
fit for empire4 ,for to think that an   
handful of people can1 with the greatest
 courage and policy in the world1       
embrace too large extent of dominion1 it
 may hold for a time1 but it will fail  
suddenly4 ,the ,spartans were a nice    
people in point of naturalization2      
whereby1 while they kept their compass1 

they stood firm2 but when they did      
spread1 and their boughs were becomen   
too great for their stem1 they became a 
windfall1 upon the sudden4 ,never any   
state was in this point so open to      
receive strangers into their body1 as   
were the ,romans4 ,therefore it sorted  
with them accordingly2 for they grew to 
the greatest monarchy4 ,their manner was
 to grant naturalization 7which they    
called jus civitatis71 and to grant it  
in the highest degree2 that is1 not only
 jus commercii1 jus connubii1 jus       
haereditatis2 but also jus suffragii1   
and jus honorum4 ,and this not to       
singular persons alone1 but likewise to 
whole families2 yea to cities1 and      
sometimes to nations4 ,add to this their
 custom of plantation of colonies2      
whereby the ,roman plant was removed    
into the soil of other nations4 ,and    
putting both constitutions together1 you
 will say that it was not the ,romans   
that spread upon the world1 but it was  
the world that spread upon the ,romans2 

and that was the sure way of greatness4 
,i have marvelled1 sometimes1 at ,spain1
 how they clasp and contain so large    
dominions1 with so few natural          
,spaniards2 but sure the whole compass  
of ,spain1 is a very great body of a    
tree2 far above ,rome and ,sparta at the
 first4 ,and besides1 though they have  
not had that usage1 to naturalize       
liberally1 yet they have that which is  
next to it2 that is1 to employ1 almost  
indifferently1 all nations in their     
militia of ordinary soldiers2 yea1 and  
sometimes in their highest commands4    
,nay1 it seemeth at this instant they   
are sensible1 of this want of natives2  
as by the ,pragmatical ,sanction1 now   
published1 appeareth4  ,it is certain   
that sedentary1 and within-door arts1   
and delicate manufactures 7that require 
rather the finger than the arm71 have1  
in their nature1 a contrariety to a     
military disposition4 ,and generally1   
all warlike people are a little idle1   
and love danger better than travail4    

,neither must they be too much broken of
 it1 if they shall be preserved in      
vigor4 ,therefore it was great          
advantage1 in the ancient states of     
,sparta1 ,athens1 ,rome1 and others1    
that they had the use of slaves1 which  
commonly did rid those manufactures4    
,but that is abolished1 in greatest     
part1 by the ,christian law4 ,that which
 cometh nearest to it1 is to leave those
 arts chiefly to strangers 7which1 for  
that purpose1 are the more easily to be 
received71 and to contain the principal 
bulk of the vulgar natives1 within those
 three kinds1--tillers of the ground2   
free servants2 and handicraftsmen of    
strong and manly arts1 as smiths1       
masons1 carpenters1 etc42 not reckoning 
professed soldiers4  ,but above all1 for
 empire and greatness1 it importeth     
most1 that a nation do profess arms1 as 
their principal honor1 study1 and       
occupation4 ,for the things which we    
formerly have spoken of1 are but        
habilitations towards arms2 and what is 

habilitation without intention and act8 
,romulus1 after his death 7as they      
report or feign71 sent a present to the 
,romans1 that above all1 they should    
intend arms2 and then they should prove 
the greatest empire of the world4 ,the  
fabric of the state of ,sparta was      
wholly 7though not wisely7 framed and   
composed1 to that scope and end4 ,the   
,persians and ,macedonians had it for a 
flash4 ,the ,gauls1 ,germans1 ,goths1   
,saxons1 ,normans1 and others1 had it   
for a time4 ,the ,turks have it at this 
day1 though in great declination4 ,of   
,christian ,europe1 they that have it   
are1 in effect1 only the ,spaniards4    
,but it is so plain1 that every man     
profiteth in that1 he most intendeth1   
that it needeth not to be stood upon4   
,it is enough to point at it2 that no   
nation which doth not directly profess  
arms1 may look to have greatness fall   
into their mouths4 ,and on the other    
side1 it is a most certain oracle of    
time1 that those states that continue   

long in that profession 7as the ,romans 
and ,turks principally have done7 do    
wonders4 ,and those that have professed 
arms but for an age1 have1              
notwithstanding1 commonly attained that 
greatness1 in that age1 which maintained
 them long after1 when their profession 
and exercise of arms hath grown to      
decay4  ,incident to this point is1 for 
a state to have those laws or customs1  
which may reach forth unto them just    
occasions 7as may be pretended7 of war4 
,for there is that justice1 imprinted in
 the nature of men1 that they enter not 
upon wars 7whereof so many calamities do
 ensue7 but upon some1 at the least     
specious1 grounds and quarrels4 ,the    
,turk hath at hand1 for cause of war1   
the propagation of his law or sect2 a   
quarrel that he may always command4 ,the
 ,romans1 though they esteemed the      
extending the limits of their empire1 to
 be great honor to their generals1 when 
it was done1 yet they never rested upon 
that alone1 to begin a war4 ,first1     

therefore1 let nations that pretend to  
greatness have this2 that they be       
sensible of wrongs1 either upon         
borderers1 merchants1 or politic        
ministers2 and that they sit not too    
long upon a provocation4 ,secondly1 let 
them be prest1 and ready to give aids   
and succors1 to their confederates2 as  
it ever was with the ,romans2 insomuch1 
as if the confederate had leagues       
defensive1 with divers other states1    
and1 upon invasion offered1 did implore 
their aids severally1 yet the ,romans   
would ever be the foremost1 and leave it
 to none other to have the honor4 ,as   
for the wars which were anciently made1 
on the behalf of a kind of party1 or    
tacit conformity of estate1 ,i do not   
see how they may be well justified3 as  
when the ,romans made a war1 for the    
liberty of ,grecia2 or when the         
,lacedaemonians and ,athenians1 made    
wars to set up or pull down democracies 
and oligarchies2 or when wars were made 
by foreigners1 under the pretence of    

justice or protection1 to deliver the   
subjects of others1 from tyranny and    
oppression2 and the like4 ,let it       
suffice1 that no estate expect to be    
great1 that is not awake upon any just  
occasion of arming4  ,no body can be    
healthful without exercise1 neither     
natural body nor politic2 and certainly 
to a kingdom or estate1 a just and      
honorable war1 is the true exercise4 ,a 
civil war1 indeed1 is like the heat of a
 fever2 but a foreign war is like the   
heat of exercise1 and serveth to keep   
the body in health2 for in a slothful   
peace1 both courages will effeminate1   
and manners corrupt4 ,but howsoever it  
be for happiness1 without all question1 
for greatness1 it maketh to be still for
 the most part in arms2 and the strength
 of a veteran army 7though it be a      
chargeable business7 always on foot1 is 
that which commonly giveth the law1 or  
at least the reputation1 amongst all    
neighbor states2 as may well be seen in 
,spain1 which hath had1 in one part or  

other1 a veteran army almost            
continually1 now by the space of six    
score years4  ,to be master of the sea1 
is an abridgment of a monarchy4 ,cicero1
 writing to ,atticus of ,pompey his     
preparation against ,caesar1 saith1     
,consilium ,pompeii plane ,themistocleum
 est2 putat enim1 qui mari potitur1 eum 
rerum potiri4 ,and1 without doubt1      
,pompey had tired out ,caesar1 if upon  
vain confidence1 he had not left that   
way4 ,we see the great effects of       
battles by sea4 ,the battle of ,actium1 
decided the empire of the world4 ,the   
battle of ,lepanto1 arrested the        
greatness of the ,turk4 ,there be many  
examples1 where sea-fights have been    
final to the war2 but this is when      
princes or states have set up their     
rest1 upon the battles4 ,but thus much  
is certain1 that he that commands the   
sea1 is at great liberty1 and may take  
as much1 and as little1 of the war as he
 will4 ,whereas those that be strongest 
by land1 are many times nevertheless in 

great straits4 ,surely1 at this day1    
with us of ,europe1 the vantage of      
strength at sea 7which is one of the    
principal dowries of this kingdom of    
,great ,britain7 is great2 both because 
most of the kingdoms of ,europe1 are not
 merely inland1 but girt with the sea   
most part of their compass2 and because 
the wealth of both ,indies seems in     
great part1 but an accessory to the     
command of the seas4  ,the wars of      
latter ages seem to be made in the dark1
 in respect of the glory1 and honor1    
which reflected upon men from the wars1 
in ancient time4 ,there be now1 for     
martial encouragement1 some degrees and 
orders of chivalry2 which nevertheless  
are conferred promiscuously1 upon       
soldiers and no soldiers2 and some      
remembrance perhaps1 upon the scutcheon2
 and some hospitals for maimed soldiers2
 and such like things4 ,but in ancient  
times1 the trophies erected upon the    
place of the victory2 the funeral       
laudatives and monuments for those that 

died in the wars2 the crowns and        
garlands personal2 the style of emperor1
 which the great kings of the world     
after borrowed2 the triumphs of the     
generals1 upon their return2 the great  
donatives and largesses1 upon the       
disbanding of the armies2 were things   
able to inflame all men's courages4 ,but
 above all1 that of the triumph1 amongst
 the ,romans1 was not pageants or       
gaudery1 but one of the wisest and      
noblest institutions1 that ever was4    
,for it contained three things3 honor to
 the general2 riches to the treasury out
 of the spoils2 and donatives to the    
army4 ,but that honor1 perhaps were not 
fit for monarchies2 except it be in the 
person of the monarch himself1 or his   
sons2 as it came to pass in the times of
 the ,roman emperors1 who did           
impropriate the actual triumphs to      
themselves1 and their sons1 for such    
wars as they did achieve in person2 and 
left only1 for wars achieved by         
subjects1 some triumphal garments and   

ensigns to the general4  ,to conclude3  
no man can by care taking 7as the       
,scripture saith7 add a cubit to his    
stature1 in this little model of a man's
 body2 but in the great frame of        
kingdoms and commonwealths1 it is in the
 power of princes or estates1 to add    
amplitude and greatness to their        
kingdoms2 for by introducing such       
ordinances1 constitutions1 and customs1 
as we have now touched1 they may sow    
greatness to their posterity and        
succession4 ,but these things are       
commonly not observed1 but left to take 
their chance4     ,of ,regiment ,of     
,health   ,,there is a wisdom in this2  
beyond the rules of physic3 a man's own 
observation1 what he finds good of1 and 
what he finds hurt of1 is the best      
physic to preserve health4 ,but it is a 
safer conclusion to say1 ,this agreeth  
not well with me1 therefore1 ,i will not
 continue it2 than this1 ,i find no     
offence of this1 therefore ,i may use   
it4 ,for strength of nature in youth1   

passeth over many excesses1 which are   
owing a man till his age4 ,discern of   
the coming on of years1 and think not to
 do the same things still2 for age will 
not be defied4 ,beware of sudden change1
 in any great point of diet1 and1 if    
necessity enforce it1 fit the rest to   
it4 ,for it is a secret both in nature  
and state1 that it is safer to change   
many things1 than one4 ,examine thy     
customs of diet1 sleep1 exercise1       
apparel1 and the like2 and try1 in any  
thing thou shalt judge hurtful1 to      
discontinue it1 by little and little2   
but so1 as if thou dost find any        
inconvenience by the change1 thou come  
back to it again3 for it is hard to     
distinguish that which is generally held
 good and wholesome1 from that which is 
good particularly1 and fit for thine own
 body4 ,to be free-minded and cheerfully
 disposed1 at hours of meat1 and of     
sleep1 and of exercise1 is one of the   
best precepts of long lasting4 ,as for  
the passions1 and studies of the mind2  

avoid envy1 anxious fears2 anger        
fretting inwards2 subtle and knotty     
inquisitions2 joys and exhilarations in 
excess2 sadness not communicated4       
,entertain hopes2 mirth rather than joy2
 variety of delights1 rather than       
surfeit of them2 wonder and admiration1 
and therefore novelties2 studies that   
fill the mind with splendid and         
illustrious objects1 as histories1      
fables1 and contemplations of nature4   
,if you fly physic in health altogether1
 it will be too strange for your body1  
when you shall need it4 ,if you make it 
too familiar1 it will work no           
extraordinary effect1 when sickness     
cometh4 ,i commend rather some diet for 
certain seasons1 than frequent use of   
physic1 except it be grown into a       
custom4 ,for those diets alter the body 
more1 and trouble it less4 ,despise no  
new accident in your body1 but ask      
opinion of it4 ,in sickness1 respect    
health principally2 and in health1      
action4 ,for those that put their bodies

 to endure in health1 may in most       
sicknesses1 which are not very sharp1 be
 cured only with diet1 and tendering4   
,celsus could never have spoken it as a 
physician1 had he not been a wise man   
withal1 when he giveth it for one of the
 great precepts of health and lasting1  
that a man do vary1 and interchange     
contraries1 but with an inclination to  
the more benign extreme3 use fasting and
 full eating1 but rather full eating2   
watching and sleep1 but rather sleep2   
sitting and exercise1 but rather        
exercise2 and the like4 ,so shall nature
 be cherished1 and yet taught masteries4
 ,physicians are1 some of them1 so      
pleasing and conformable to the humor of
 the patient1 as they press not the true
 cure of the disease2 and some other are
 so regular1 in proceeding according to 
art for the disease1 as they respect not
 sufficiently the condition of the      
patient4 ,take one of a middle temper2  
or if it may not be found in one man1   
combine two of either sort2 and forget  

not to call as well1 the best acquainted
 with your body1 as the best reputed of 
for his faculty4     ,of ,suspicion     
,,suspicions amongst thoughts1 are like 
bats amongst birds1 they ever fly by    
twilight4 ,certainly they are to be     
repressed1 or at least well guarded3 for
 they cloud the mind2 they leese        
friends2 and they check with business1  
whereby business cannot go on currently 
and constantly4 ,they dispose kings to  
tyranny1 husbands to jealousy1 wise men 
to irresolution and melancholy4 ,they   
are defects1 not in the heart1 but in   
the brain2 for they take place in the   
stoutest natures2 as in the example of  
,henry the ,seventh of ,england4 ,there 
was not a more suspicious man1 nor a    
more stout4 ,and in such a composition  
they do small hurt4 ,for commonly they  
are not admitted1 but with examination1 
whether they be likely or no4 ,but in   
fearful natures they gain ground too    
fast4 ,there is nothing makes a man     
suspect much1 more than to know little2 

and therefore men should remedy         
suspicion1 by procuring to know more1   
and not to keep their suspicions in     
smother4 ,what would men have8 ,do they 
think1 those they employ and deal with1 
are saints8 ,do they not think1 they    
will have their own ends1 and be truer  
to themselves1 than to them8 ,therefore 
there is no better way1 to moderate     
suspicions1 than to account upon such   
suspicions as true1 and yet to bridle   
them as false4 ,for so far a man ought  
to make use of suspicions1 as to        
provide1 as if that should be true1 that
 he suspects1 yet it may do him no hurt4
 ,suspicions that the mind of itself    
gathers1 are but buzzes2 but suspicions 
that are artificially nourished1 and put
 into men's heads1 by the tales and     
whisperings of others1 have stings4     
,certainly1 the best mean1 to clear the 
way in this same wood of suspicions1 is 
frankly to communicate them with the    
party1 that he suspects2 for thereby he 
shall be sure to know more of the truth 

of them1 than he did before2 and withal 
shall make that party more circumspect1 
not to give further cause of suspicion4 
,but this would not be done to men of   
base natures2 for they1 if they find    
themselves once suspected1 will never be
 true4 ,the ,italian says1 ,sospetto    
licentia fede2 as if suspicion1 did give
 a passport to faith2 but it ought1     
rather1 to kindle it to discharge       
itself4     ,of ,discourse   ,,some1 in 
their discourse1 desire rather          
commendation of wit1 in being able to   
hold all arguments1 than of judgment1 in
 discerning what is true2 as if it were 
a praise1 to know what might be said1   
and not1 what should be thought4 ,some  
have certain common places1 and themes1 
wherein they are good and want variety2 
which kind of poverty is for the most   
part tedious1 and when it is once       
perceived1 ridiculous4 ,the honorablest 
part of talk1 is to give the occasion2  
and again to moderate1 and pass to      
somewhat else2 for then a man leads the 

dance4 ,it is good1 in discourse and    
speech of conversation1 to vary and     
intermingle speech of the present       
occasion1 with arguments1 tales with    
reasons1 asking of questions1 with      
telling of opinions1 and jest with      
earnest3 for it is a dull thing to tire1
 and1 as we say now1 to jade1 any thing 
too far4 ,as for jest1 there be certain 
things1 which ought to be privileged    
from it2 namely1 religion1 matters of   
state1 great persons1 any man's present 
business of importance1 and any case    
that deserveth pity4 ,yet there be some1
 that think their wits have been asleep1
 except they dart out somewhat that is  
piquant1 and to the quick4 ,that is a   
vein which would be bridled3   ,parce1  
puer1 stimulis1 et fortius utere loris4 
,and generally1 men ought to find the   
difference1 between saltness and        
bitterness4 ,certainly1 he that hath a  
satirical vein1 as he maketh others     
afraid of his wit1 so he had need be    
afraid of others' memory4 ,he that      

questioneth much1 shall learn much1 and 
content much2 but especially1 if he     
apply his questions to the skill of the 
persons whom he asketh2 for he shall    
give them occasion1 to please themselves
 in speaking1 and himself shall         
continually gather knowledge4 ,but let  
his questions not be troublesome2 for   
that is fit for a poser4 ,and let him be
 sure to leave other men1 their turns to
 speak4 ,nay1 if there be any1 that     
would reign and take up all the time1   
let him find means to take them off1 and
 to bring others on2 as musicians use to
 do1 with those that dance too long     
galliards4 ,if you dissemble1 sometimes1
 your knowledge of that you are thought 
to know1 you shall be thought1 another  
time1 to know that you know not4 ,speech
 of a man's self ought to be seldom1 and
 well chosen4 ,i knew one1 was wont to  
say in scorn1 ,he must needs be a wise  
man1 he speaks so much of himself3 and  
there is but one case1 wherein a man may
 commend himself with good grace2 and   

that is in commending virtue in another2
 especially if it be such a virtue1     
whereunto himself pretendeth4 ,speech of
 touch towards others1 should be        
sparingly used2 for discourse ought to  
be as a field1 without coming home to   
any man4 ,i knew two noblemen1 of the   
west part of ,england1 whereof the one  
was given to scoff1 but kept ever royal 
cheer in his house2 the other would ask1
 of those that had been at the other's  
table1 ,tell truly1 was there never a   
flout or dry blow given8 ,to which the  
guest would answer1 ,such and such a    
thing passed4 ,the lord would say1 ,i   
thought1 he would mar a good dinner4    
,discretion of speech1 is more than     
eloquence2 and to speak agreeably to    
him1 with whom we deal1 is more than to 
speak in good words1 or in good order4  
,a good continued speech1 without a good
 speech of interlocution1 shows         
slowness3 and a good reply or second    
speech1 without a good settled speech1  
showeth shallowness and weakness4 ,as we

 see in beasts1 that those that are     
weakest in the course1 are yet nimblest 
in the turn2 as it is betwixt the       
greyhound and the hare4 ,to use too many
 circumstances1 ere one come to the     
matter1 is wearisome2 to use none at    
all1 is blunt4     ,of ,plantations     
,,plantations are amongst ancient1      
primitive1 and heroical works4 ,when the
 world was young1 it begat more         
children2 but now it is old1 it begets  
fewer3 for ,i may justly account new    
plantations1 to be the children of      
former kingdoms4 ,i like a plantation in
 a pure soil2 that is1 where people are 
not displanted1 to the end1 to plant in 
others4 ,for else it is rather an       
extirpation1 than a plantation4         
,planting of countries1 is like planting
 of woods2 for you must make account to 
leese almost twenty years' profit1 and  
expect your recompense in the end4 ,for 
the principal thing1 that hath been the 
destruction of most plantations1 hath   
been the base and hasty drawing of      

profit1 in the first years4 ,it is true1
 speedy profit is not to be neglected1  
as far as may stand with the good of the
 plantation1 but no further4 ,it is a   
shameful and unblessed thing1 to take   
the scum of people1 and wicked condemned
 men1 to be the people with whom you    
plant2 and not only so1 but it spoileth 
the plantation2 for they will ever live 
like rogues1 and not fall to work1 but  
be lazy1 and do mischief1 and spend     
victuals1 and be quickly weary1 and then
 certify over to their country1 to the  
discredit of the plantation4 ,the people
 wherewith you plant ought to be        
gardeners1 ploughmen1 laborers1 smiths1 
carpenters1 joiners1 fishermen1 fowlers1
 with some few apothecaries1 surgeons1  
cooks1 and bakers4 ,in a country of     
plantation1 first look about1 what kind 
of victual the country yields of itself 
to hand2 as chestnuts1 walnuts1         
pineapples1 olives1 dates1 plums1       
cherries1 wild honey1 and the like2 and 
make use of them4 ,then consider what   

victual or esculent things there are1   
which grow speedily1 and within the     
year2 as parsnips1 carrots1 turnips1    
onions1 radish1 artichokes of           
,hierusalem1 maize1 and the like4 ,for  
wheat1 barley1 and oats1 they ask too   
much labor2 but with pease and beans you
 may begin1 both because they ask less  
labor1 and because they serve for meat1 
as well as for bread4 ,and of rice1     
likewise cometh a great increase1 and it
 is a kind of meat4 ,above all1 there   
ought to be brought store of biscuit1   
oat-meal1 flour1 meal1 and the like1 in 
the beginning1 till bread may be had4   
,for beasts1 or birds1 take chiefly such
 as are least subject to diseases1 and  
multiply fastest2 as swine1 goats1      
cocks1 hens1 turkeys1 geese1            
house-doves1 and the like4 ,the victual 
in plantations1 ought to be expended    
almost as in a besieged town2 that is1  
with certain allowance4 ,and let the    
main part of the ground1 employed to    
gardens or corn1 be to a common stock2  

and to be laid in1 and stored up1 and   
then delivered out in proportion2       
besides some spots of ground1 that any  
particular person will manure for his   
own private4 ,consider likewise what    
commodities1 the soil where the         
plantation is1 doth naturally yield1    
that they may some way help to defray   
the charge of the plantation 7so it be  
not1 as was said1 to the untimely       
prejudice of the main business71 as it  
hath fared with tobacco in ,virginia4   
,wood commonly aboundeth but too much2  
and therefore timber is fit to be one4  
,if there be iron ore1 and streams      
whereupon to set the mills1 iron is a   
brave commodity where wood aboundeth4   
,making of bay-salt1 if the climate be  
proper for it1 would be put in          
experience4 ,growing silk likewise1 if  
any be1 is a likely commodity4 ,pitch   
and tar1 where store of firs and pines  
are1 will not fail4 ,so drugs and sweet 
woods1 where they are1 cannot but yield 
great profit4 ,soap-ashes likewise1 and 

other things that may be thought of4    
,but moil not too much under ground2 for
 the hope of mines is very uncertain1   
and useth to make the planters lazy1 in 
other things4 ,for government2 let it be
 in the hands of one1 assisted with some
 counsel2 and let them have commission  
to exercise martial laws1 with some     
limitation4 ,and above all1 let men make
 that profit1 of being in the           
wilderness1 as they have ,god always1   
and his service1 before their eyes4 ,let
 not the government of the plantation1  
depend upon too many counsellors1 and   
undertakers1 in the country that        
planteth1 but upon a temperate number2  
and let those be rather noblemen and    
gentlemen1 than merchants2 for they look
 ever to the present gain4 ,let there be
 freedom from custom1 till the          
plantation be of strength2 and not only 
freedom from custom1 but freedom to     
carry their commodities1 where they may 
make their best of them1 except there be
 some special cause of caution4 ,cram   

not in people1 by sending too fast      
company after company2 but rather harken
 how they waste1 and send supplies      
proportionably2 but so1 as the number   
may live well in the plantation1 and not
 by surcharge be in penury4 ,it hath    
been a great endangering to the health  
of some plantations1 that they have     
built along the sea and rivers1 in      
marish and unwholesome grounds4         
,therefore1 though you begin there1 to  
avoid carriage and like discommodities1 
yet build still rather upwards from the 
streams1 than along4 ,it concerneth     
likewise the health of the plantation1  
that they have good store of salt with  
them1 that they may use it in their     
victuals1 when it shall be necessary4   
,if you plant where savages are1 do not 
only entertain them1 with trifles and   
gingles1 but use them justly and        
graciously1 with sufficient guard       
nevertheless2 and do not win their      
favor1 by helping them to invade their  
enemies1 but for their defence it is not

 amiss2 and send oft of them1 over to   
the country that plants1 that they may  
see a better condition than their own1  
and commend it when they return4 ,when  
the plantation grows to strength1 then  
it is time to plant with women1 as well 
as with men2 that the plantation may    
spread into generations1 and not be ever
 pieced from without4 ,it is the        
sinfullest thing in the world1 to       
forsake or destitute a plantation once  
in forwardness2 for besides the         
dishonor1 it is the guiltiness of blood 
of many commiserable persons4     ,of   
,riches   ,i ,,cannot call riches better
 than the baggage of virtue4 ,the ,roman
 word is better1 impedimenta4 ,for as   
the baggage is to an army1 so is riches 
to virtue4 ,it cannot be spared1 nor    
left behind1 but it hindereth the march2
 yea1 and the care of it1 sometimes     
loseth or disturbeth the victory4 ,of   
great riches there is no real use1      
except it be in the distribution2 the   
rest is but conceit4 ,so saith ,solomon1

 ,where much is1 there are many to      
consume it2 and what hath the owner1 but
 the sight of it with his eyes8 ,the    
personal fruition in any man1 cannot    
reach to feel great riches3 there is a  
custody of them2 or a power of dole1 and
 donative of them2 or a fame of them2   
but no solid use to the owner4 ,do you  
not see what feigned prices1 are set    
upon little stones and rarities8 and    
what works of ostentation are           
undertaken1 because there might seem to 
be some use of great riches8 ,but then  
you will say1 they may be of use1 to buy
 men out of dangers or troubles4 ,as    
,solomon saith1 ,riches are as a strong 
hold1 in the imagination of the rich    
man4 ,but this is excellently expressed1
 that it is in imagination1 and not     
always in fact4 ,for certainly great    
riches1 have sold more men1 than they   
have bought out4 ,seek not proud riches1
 but such as thou mayest get justly1 use
 soberly1 distribute cheerfully1 and    
leave contentedly4 ,yet have no abstract

 nor friarly contempt of them4 ,but     
distinguish1 as ,cicero saith well of   
,rabirius ,posthumus1 ,in studio rei    
amplificandae apparebat1 non avaritiae  
praedam1 sed instrumentum bonitati      
quaeri4 ,harken also to ,solomon1 and   
beware of hasty gathering of riches2    
,qui festinat ad divitias1 non erit     
insons4 ,the poets feign1 that when     
,plutus 7which is ,riches7 is sent from 
,jupiter1 he limps and goes slowly2 but 
when he is sent from ,pluto1 he runs1   
and is swift of foot4 ,meaning that     
riches gotten by good means1 and just   
labor1 pace slowly2 but when they come  
by the death of others 7as by the course
 of inheritance1 testaments1 and the    
like71 they come tumbling upon a man4   
,but it mought be applied likewise to   
,pluto1 taking him for the devil4 ,for  
when riches come from the devil 7as by  
fraud and oppression1 and unjust means71
 they come upon speed4 ,the ways to     
enrich are many1 and most of them foul4 
,parsimony is one of the best1 and yet  

is not innocent2 for it withholdeth men 
from works of liberality and charity4   
,the improvement of the ground1 is the  
most natural obtaining of riches2 for it
 is our great mother's blessing1 the    
earth's2 but it is slow4 ,and yet where 
men of great wealth do stoop to         
husbandry1 it multiplieth riches        
exceedingly4 ,i knew a nobleman in      
,england1 that had the greatest audits  
of any man in my time2 a great grazier1 
a great sheep-master1 a great timber    
man1 a great collier1 a great           
corn-master1 a great lead-man1 and so of
 iron1 and a number of the like points  
of husbandry4 ,so as the earth seemed a 
sea to him1 in respect of the perpetual 
importation4 ,it was truly observed by  
one1 that himself came very hardly1 to a
 little riches1 and very easily1 to     
great riches4 ,for when a man's stock is
 come to that1 that he can expect the   
prime of markets1 and overcome those    
bargains1 which for their greatness are 
few men's money1 and be partner in the  

industries of younger men1 he cannot but
 increase mainly4 ,the gains of ordinary
 trades and vocations are honest2 and   
furthered by two things chiefly3 by     
diligence1 and by a good name1 for good 
and fair dealing4 ,but the gains of     
bargains1 are of a more doubtful nature2
 when men shall wait upon others'       
necessity1 broke by servants and        
instruments to draw them on1 put off    
others cunningly1 that would be better  
chapmen1 and the like practices1 which  
are crafty and naught4 ,as for the      
chopping of bargains1 when a man buys   
not to hold but to sell over again1 that
 commonly grindeth double1 both upon the
 seller1 and upon the buyer4 ,sharings  
do greatly enrich1 if the hands be well 
chosen1 that are trusted4 ,usury is the 
certainest means of gain1 though one of 
the worst2 as that whereby a man doth   
eat his bread1 in sudore vultus alieni2 
and besides1 doth plough upon ,sundays4 
,but yet certain though it be1 it hath  
flaws2 for that the scriveners and      

brokers do value unsound men1 to serve  
their own turn4 ,the fortune in being   
the first1 in an invention or in a      
privilege1 doth cause sometimes a       
wonderful overgrowth in riches2 as it   
was with the first sugar man1 in the    
,canaries4 ,therefore if a man can play 
the true logician1 to have as well      
judgment1 as invention1 he may do great 
matters2 especially if the times be fit4
 ,he that resteth upon gains certain1   
shall hardly grow to great riches2 and  
he that puts all upon adventures1 doth  
oftentimes break and come to poverty3 it
 is good1 therefore1 to guard adventures
 with certainties1 that may uphold      
losses4 ,monopolies1 and coemption of   
wares for re-sale1 where they are not   
restrained1 are great means to enrich2  
especially if the party have            
intelligence1 what things are like to   
come into request1 and so store himself 
beforehand4 ,riches gotten by service1  
though it be of the best rise1 yet when 
they are gotten by flattery1 feeding    

humors1 and other servile conditions1   
they may be placed amongst the worst4   
,as for fishing for testaments and      
executorships 7as ,tacitus saith of     
,seneca1 testamenta et orbos tamquam    
indagine capi71 it is yet worse2 by how 
much men submit themselves to meaner    
persons1 than in service4 ,believe not  
much1 them that seem to despise riches2 
for they despise them1 that despair of  
them2 and none worse1 when they come to 
them4 ,be not penny-wise2 riches have   
wings1 and sometimes they fly away of   
themselves1 sometimes they must be set  
flying1 to bring in more4 ,men leave    
their riches1 either to their kindred1  
or to the public2 and moderate portions1
 prosper best in both4 ,a great state   
left to an heir1 is as a lure to all the
 birds of prey round about1 to seize on 
him1 if he be not the better stablished 
in years and judgment4 ,likewise        
glorious gifts and foundations1 are like
 sacrifices without salt2 and but the   
painted sepulchres of alms1 which soon  

will putrefy1 and corrupt inwardly4     
,therefore measure not thine            
advancements1 by quantity1 but frame    
them by measure3 and defer not charities
 till death2 for1 certainly1 if a man   
weigh it rightly1 he that doth so1 is   
rather liberal of another man's1 than of
 his own4     ,of ,prophecies   ,i      
,,mean not to speak of divine           
prophecies2 nor of heathen oracles2 nor 
of natural predictions2 but only of     
prophecies that have been of certain    
memory1 and from hidden causes4 ,saith  
the ,pythonissa to ,saul1 ,to-morrow    
thou and thy son shall be with me4      
,homer hath these verses3   ,at domus   
,a,eneae cunctis dominabitur oris1 ,et  
nati natorum1 et qui nascentur ab illis4
   ,a prophecy1 as it seems1 of the     
,roman empire4 ,seneca the tragedian    
hath these verses3          --,venient  
annis      ,saecula seris1 quibus       
,oceanus      ,vincula rerum laxet1 et  
ingens      ,pateat ,tellus1 ,tiphysque 
novos      ,detegat orbes2 nec sit      

terris      ,ultima ,thule3   a prophecy
 of the discovery of ,america4 ,the     
daughter of ,polycrates1 dreamed that   
,jupiter bathed her father1 and ,apollo 
anointed him2 and it came to pass1 that 
he was crucified in an open place1 where
 the sun made his body run with sweat1  
and the rain washed it4 ,philip of      
,macedon dreamed1 he sealed up his      
wife's belly2 whereby he did expound it1
 that his wife should be barren2 but    
,aristander the soothsayer1 told him his
 wife was with child1 because men do not
 use to seal vessels1 that are empty4 ,a
 phantasm that appeared to ,m4 ,brutus1 
in his tent1 said to him1 ,philippis    
iterum me videbis4 ,tiberius said to    
,galba1 ,tu quoque1 ,galba1 degustabis  
imperium4 ,in ,vespasian's time1 there  
went a prophecy in the ,east1 that those
 that should come forth of ,judea1      
should reign over the world3 which      
though it may be was meant of our       
,savior2 yet ,tacitus expounds it of    
,vespasian4 ,domitian dreamed1 the night

 before he was slain1 that a golden head
 was growing1 out of the nape of his    
neck3 and indeed1 the succession that   
followed him for many years1 made golden
 times4 ,henry the ,sixth of ,england1  
said of ,henry the ,seventh1 when he was
 a lad1 and gave him water1 ,this is the
 lad that shall enjoy the crown1 for    
which we strive4 ,when ,i was in        
,france1 ,i heard from one ,dr4 ,pena1  
that the ,queen ,mother1 who was given  
to curious arts1 caused the ,king her   
husband's nativity to be calculated1    
under a false name2 and the astrologer  
gave a judgment1 that he should be      
killed in a duel2 at which the ,queen   
laughed1 thinking her husband to be     
above challenges and duels3 but he was  
slain upon a course at tilt1 the        
splinters of the staff of ,montgomery   
going in at his beaver4 ,the trivial    
prophecy1 which ,i heard when ,i was a  
child1 and ,queen ,elizabeth was in the 
flower of her years1 was1        ,when  
hempe is spun       ,england's done3    

whereby it was generally conceived1 that
 after the princes had reigned1 which   
had the principal letters of that word  
hempe 7which were ,henry1 ,edward1      
,mary1 ,philip1 and ,elizabeth71        
,england should come to utter confusion2
 which1 thanks be to ,god1 is verified  
only in the change of the name2 for that
 the ,king's style1 is now no more of   
,england but of ,britain4 ,there was    
also another prophecy1 before the year  
of '#hh1 which ,i do not well           
understand4        ,there shall be seen 
upon a day1      ,between the ,baugh and
 the ,may1      ,the black fleet of     
,norway4      ,when that that is come   
and gone1      ,england build houses of 
lime and stone1      ,for after wars    
shall you have none4   ,it was generally
 conceived to be meant1 of the ,spanish 
fleet that came in '#hh3 for that the   
king of ,spain's surname1 as they say1  
is ,norway4 ,the prediction of          
,regiomontanus1        ,octogesimus     
octavus mirabilis annus1   was thought  

likewise accomplished in the sending of 
that great fleet1 being the greatest in 
strength1 though not in number1 of all  
that ever swam upon the sea4 ,as for    
,cleon's dream1 ,i think it was a jest4 
,it was1 that he was devoured of a long 
dragon2 and it was expounded of a maker 
of sausages1 that troubled him          
exceedingly4 ,there are numbers of the  
like kind2 especially if you include    
dreams1 and predictions of astrology4   
,but ,i have set down these few only1 of
 certain credit1 for example4 ,my       
judgment is1 that they ought all to be  
despised2 and ought to serve but for    
winter talk by the fireside4 ,though    
when ,i say despised1 ,i mean it as for 
belief2 for otherwise1 the spreading1 or
 publishing1 of them1 is in no sort to  
be despised4 ,for they have done much   
mischief2 and ,i see many severe laws   
made1 to suppress them4 ,that that hath 
given them grace1 and some credit1      
consisteth in three things4 ,first1 that
 men mark when they hit1 and never mark 

when they miss2 as they do generally    
also of dreams4 ,the second is1 that    
probable conjectures1 or obscure        
traditions1 many times turn themselves  
into prophecies2 while the nature of    
man1 which coveteth divination1 thinks  
it no peril to foretell that which      
indeed they do but collect4 ,as that of 
,seneca's verse4 ,for so much was then  
subject to demonstration1 that the globe
 of the earth had great parts beyond the
 ,atlantic1 which mought be probably    
conceived not to be all sea3 and adding 
thereto the tradition in ,plato's       
,timaeus1 and his ,atlanticus1 it mought
 encourage one to turn it to a          
prediction4 ,the third and last 7which  
is the great one7 is1 that almost all of
 them1 being infinite in number1 have   
been impostures1 and by idle and crafty 
brains merely contrived and feigned1    
after the event past4     ,of ,ambition 
,,ambition is like choler2 which is an  
humor that maketh men active1 earnest1  
full of alacrity1 and stirring1 if it be

 not stopped4 ,but if it be stopped1 and
 cannot have his way1 it becometh adust1
 and thereby malign and venomous4 ,so   
ambitious men1 if they find the way open
 for their rising1 and still get        
forward1 they are rather busy than      
dangerous2 but if they be checked in    
their desires1 they become secretly     
discontent1 and look upon men and       
matters with an evil eye1 and are best  
pleased1 when things go backward2 which 
is the worst property in a servant of a 
prince1 or state4 ,therefore it is good 
for princes1 if they use ambitious men1 
to handle it1 so as they be still       
progressive and not retrograde2 which1  
because it cannot be without            
inconvenience1 it is good not to use    
such natures at all4 ,for if they rise  
not with their service1 they will take  
order1 to make their service fall with  
them4 ,but since we have said1 it were  
good not to use men of ambitious        
natures1 except it be upon necessity1 it
 is fit we speak1 in what cases they are

 of necessity4 ,good commanders in the  
wars must be taken1 be they never so    
ambitious2 for the use of their service1
 dispenseth with the rest2 and to take a
 soldier without ambition1 is to pull   
off his spurs4 ,there is also great use 
of ambitious men1 in being screens to   
princes in matters of danger and envy2  
for no man will take that part1 except  
he be like a seeled dove1 that mounts   
and mounts1 because he cannot see about 
him4 ,there is use also of ambitious    
men1 in pulling down the greatness of   
any subject that overtops2 as ,tiberius 
used ,marco1 in the pulling down of     
,sejanus4 ,since1 therefore1 they must  
be used in such cases1 there resteth to 
speak1 how they are to be bridled1 that 
they may be less dangerous4 ,there is   
less danger of them1 if they be of mean 
birth1 than if they be noble2 and if    
they be rather harsh of nature1 than    
gracious and popular3 and if they be    
rather new raised1 than grown cunning1  
and fortified1 in their greatness4 ,it  

is counted by some1 a weakness in       
princes1 to have favorites2 but it is1  
of all others1 the best remedy against  
ambitious great-ones4 ,for when the way 
of pleasuring1 and displeasuring1 lieth 
by the favorite1 it is impossible any   
other should be overgreat4 ,another     
means to curb them1 is to balance them  
by others1 as proud as they4 ,but then  
there must be some middle counsellors1  
to keep things steady2 for without that 
ballast1 the ship will roll too much4   
,at the least1 a prince may animate and 
inure some meaner persons1 to be as it  
were scourges1 to ambitious men4 ,as for
 the having of them obnoxious to ruin2  
if they be of fearful natures1 it may do
 well2 but if they be stout and daring1 
it may precipitate their designs1 and   
prove dangerous4 ,as for the pulling of 
them down1 if the affairs require it1   
and that it may not be done with safety 
suddenly1 the only way is the           
interchange1 continually1 of favors and 
disgraces2 whereby they may not know    

what to expect1 and be1 as it were1 in a
 wood4 ,of ambitions1 it is less        
harmful1 the ambition to prevail in     
great things1 than that other1 to appear
 in every thing2 for that breeds        
confusion1 and mars business4 ,but yet  
it is less danger1 to have an ambitious 
man stirring in business1 than great in 
dependences4 ,he that seeketh to be     
eminent amongst able men1 hath a great  
task2 but that is ever good for the     
public4 ,but he1 that plots to be the   
only figure amongst ciphers1 is the     
decay of a whole age4 ,honor hath three 
things in it3 the vantage ground to do  
good2 the approach to kings and         
principal persons2 and the raising of a 
man's own fortunes4 ,he that hath the   
best of these intentions1 when he       
aspireth1 is an honest man2 and that    
prince1 that can discern of these       
intentions in another that aspireth1 is 
a wise prince4 ,generally1 let princes  
and states choose such ministers1 as are
 more sensible of duty than of using2   

and such as love business rather upon   
conscience1 than upon bravery1 and let  
them discern a busy nature1 from a      
willing mind4     ,of ,masques ,and     
,triumphs   ,,these things are but toys1
 to come amongst such serious           
observations4 ,but yet1 since princes   
will have such things1 it is better they
 should be graced with elegancy1 than   
daubed with cost4 ,dancing to song1 is a
 thing of great state and pleasure4 ,i  
understand it1 that the song be in      
quire1 placed aloft1 and accompanied    
with some broken music2 and the ditty   
fitted to the device4 ,acting in song1  
especially in dialogues1 hath an extreme
 good grace2 ,i say acting1 not dancing 
7for that is a mean and vulgar thing72  
and the voices of the dialogue would be 
strong and manly 7a base and a tenor2 no
 treble72 and the ditty high and        
tragical2 not nice or dainty4 ,several  
quires1 placed one over against another1
 and taking the voice by catches1       
anthem-wise1 give great pleasure4       

,turning dances into figure1 is a       
childish curiosity4 ,and generally let  
it be noted1 that those things which ,i 
here set down1 are such as do naturally 
take the sense1 and not respect petty   
wonderments4 ,it is true1 the           
alterations of scenes1 so it be quietly 
and without noise1 are things of great  
beauty and pleasure2 for they feed and  
relieve the eye1 before it be full of   
the same object4 ,let the scenes abound 
with light1 specially colored and       
varied2 and let the masquers1 or any    
other1 that are to come down from the   
scene1 have some motions upon the scene 
itself1 before their coming down2 for it
 draws the eye strangely1 and makes it1 
with great pleasure1 to desire to see1  
that it cannot perfectly discern4 ,let  
the songs be loud and cheerful1 and not 
chirpings or pulings4 ,let the music    
likewise be sharp and loud1 and well    
placed4 ,the colors that show best by   
candle-light are white1 carnation1 and a
 kind of sea-water-green2 and oes1 or   

spangs1 as they are of no great cost1 so
 they are of most glory4 ,as for rich   
embroidery1 it is lost and not          
discerned4 ,let the suits of the        
masquers be graceful1 and such as become
 the person1 when the vizors are off2   
not after examples of known attires2    
,turke1 soldiers1 mariners'1 and the    
like4 ,let anti-masques not be long2    
they have been commonly of fools1       
satyrs1 baboons1 wild-men1 antics1      
beasts1 sprites1 witches1 ,ethiops1     
pigmies1 turquets1 nymphs1 rustics1     
,cupids1 statuas moving1 and the like4  
,as for angels1 it is not comical       
enough1 to put them in anti-masques2 and
 anything that is hideous1 as devils1   
giants1 is on the other side as unfit4  
,but chiefly1 let the music of them be  
recreative1 and with some strange       
changes4 ,some sweet odors suddenly     
coming forth1 without any drops falling1
 are1 in such a company as there is     
steam and heat1 things of great pleasure
 and refreshment4 ,double masques1 one  

of men1 another of ladies1 addeth state 
and variety4 ,but all is nothing except 
the room be kept clear and neat4  ,for  
justs1 and tourneys1 and barriers2 the  
glories of them are chiefly in the      
chariots1 wherein the challengers make  
their entry2 especially if they be drawn
 with strange beasts3 as lions1 bears1  
camels1 and the like2 or in the devices 
of their entrance2 or in the bravery of 
their liveries2 or in the goodly        
furniture of their horses and armor4    
,but enough of these toys4     ,of      
,nature ,in ,men   ,,nature is often    
hidden2 sometimes overcome2 seldom      
extinguished4 ,force1 maketh nature more
 violent in the return2 doctrine and    
discourse1 maketh nature less importune2
 but custom only doth alter and subdue  
nature4 ,he that seeketh victory over   
his nature1 let him not set himself too 
great1 nor too small tasks2 for the     
first will make him dejected by often   
failings2 and the second will make him a
 small proceeder1 though by often       

prevailings4 ,and at the first let him  
practise with helps1 as swimmers do with
 bladders or rushes2 but after a time   
let him practise with disadvantages1 as 
dancers do with thick shoes4 ,for it    
breeds great perfection1 if the practice
 be harder than the use4 ,where nature  
is mighty1 and therefore the victory    
hard1 the degrees had need be1 first to 
stay and arrest nature in time2 like to 
him that would say over the four and    
twenty letters when he was angry2 then  
to go less in quantity2 as if one       
should1 in forbearing wine1 come from   
drinking healths1 to a draught at a     
meal2 and lastly1 to discontinue        
altogether4 ,but if a man have the      
fortitude1 and resolution1 to           
enfranchise himself at once1 that is the
 best3        ,optimus ille animi vindex
 laedentia pectus      ,vincula qui     
rupit1 dedoluitque semel4   ,neither is 
the ancient rule amiss1 to bend nature1 
as a wand1 to a contrary extreme1       
whereby to set it right1 understanding  

it1 where the contrary extreme is no    
vice4 ,let not a man force a habit upon 
himself1 with a perpetual continuance1  
but with some intermission4 ,for both   
the pause reinforceth the new onset2 and
 if a man that is not perfect1 be ever  
in practice1 he shall as well practise  
his errors1 as his abilities1 and induce
 one habit of both2 and there is no     
means to help this1 but by seasonable   
intermissions4 ,but let not a man trust 
his victory over his nature1 too far2   
for nature will lay buried a great time1
 and yet revive1 upon the occasion or   
temptation4 ,like as it was with        
,a,esop's damsel1 turned from a cat to a
 woman1 who sat very demurely at the    
board's end1 till a mouse ran before    
her4 ,therefore1 let a man either avoid 
the occasion altogether2 or put himself 
often to it1 that he may be little moved
 with it4 ,a man's nature is best       
perceived in privateness1 for there is  
no affectation2 in passion1 for that    
putteth a man out of his precepts2 and  

in a new case or experiment1 for there  
custom leaveth him4 ,they are happy men1
 whose natures sort with their          
vocations2 otherwise they may say1      
multum incola fuit anima mea2 when they 
converse in those things1 they do not   
affect4 ,in studies1 whatsoever a man   
commandeth upon himself1 let him set    
hours for it2 but whatsoever is         
agreeable to his nature1 let him take no
 care for any set times2 for his        
thoughts will fly to it1 of themselves2 
so as the spaces of other business1 or  
studies1 will suffice4 ,a man's nature1 
runs either to herbs or weeds2 therefore
 let him seasonably water the one1 and  
destroy the other4     ,of ,custom ,and 
,education   ,,men',s thoughts1 are much
 according to their inclination2 their  
discourse and speeches1 according to    
their learning and infused opinions2 but
 their deeds1 are after as they have    
been accustomed4 ,and therefore1 as     
,machiavel well noteth 7though in an    
evil-favored instance71 there is no     

trusting to the force of nature1 nor to 
the bravery of words1 except it be      
corroborate by custom4 ,his instance is1
 that for the achieving of a desperate  
conspiracy1 a man should not rest upon  
the fierceness of any man's nature1 or  
his resolute undertakings2 but take such
 an one1 as hath had his hands formerly 
in blood4 ,but ,machiavel knew not of a 
,friar ,clement1 nor a ,ravillac1 nor a 
,jaureguy1 nor a ,baltazar ,gerard2 yet 
his rule holdeth still1 that nature1 nor
 the engagement of words1 are not so    
forcible1 as custom4 ,only superstition 
is now so well advanced1 that men of the
 first blood1 are as firm as butchers by
 occupation2 and votary resolution1 is  
made equipollent to custom1 even in     
matter of blood4 ,in other things1 the  
predominancy of custom is everywhere    
visible2 insomuch as a man would wonder1
 to hear men profess1 protest1 engage1  
give great words1 and then do1 just as  
they have done before2 as if they were  
dead images1 and engines moved only by  

the wheels of custom4 ,we see also the  
reign or tyranny of custom1 what it is4 
,the ,indians 7,i mean the sect of their
 wise men7 lay themselves quietly upon a
 stock of wood1 and so sacrifice        
themselves by fire4 ,nay1 the wives     
strive to be burned1 with the corpses of
 their husbands4 ,the lads of ,sparta1  
of ancient time1 were wont to be        
scourged upon the altar of ,diana1      
without so much as queching4 ,i         
remember1 in the beginning of ,queen    
,elizabeth's time of ,england1 an ,irish
 rebel condemned1 put up a petition to  
the deputy1 that he might be hanged in a
 withe1 and not in an halter2 because it
 had been so used1 with former rebels4  
,there be monks in ,russia1 for penance1
 that will sit a whole night in a vessel
 of water1 till they be engaged with    
hard ice4 ,many examples may be put of  
the force of custom1 both upon mind and 
body4 ,therefore1 since custom is the   
principal magistrate of man's life1 let 
men by all means endeavor1 to obtain    

good customs4 ,certainly custom is most 
perfect1 when it beginneth in young     
years3 this we call education2 which is1
 in effect1 but an early custom4 ,so we 
see1 in languages1 the tongue is more   
pliant to all expressions and sounds1   
the joints are more supple1 to all feats
 of activity and motions1 in youth than 
afterwards4 ,for it is true1 that late  
learners cannot so well take the ply2   
except it be in some minds1 that have   
not suffered themselves to fix1 but have
 kept themselves open1 and prepared to  
receive continual amendment1 which is   
exceeding rare4 ,but if the force of    
custom simple and separate1 be great1   
the force of custom copulate and        
conjoined and collegiate1 is far        
greater4 ,for there example teacheth1   
company comforteth1 emulation           
quickeneth1 glory raiseth3 so as in such
 places the force of custom is in his   
exaltation4 ,certainly the great        
multiplication of virtues upon human    
nature1 resteth upon societies well     

ordained and disciplined4 ,for          
commonwealths1 and good governments1 do 
nourish virtue grown but do not much    
mend the deeds4 ,but the misery is1 that
 the most effectual means1 are now      
applied to the ends1 least to be        
desired4     ,of ,fortune   ,,it        
,,cannot be denied1 but outward         
accidents conduce much to fortune2      
favor1 opportunity1 death of others1    
occasion fitting virtue4 ,but chiefly1  
the mould of a man's fortune is in his  
own hands4 ,faber quisque fortunae suae1
 saith the poet4 ,and the most frequent 
of external causes is1 that the folly of
 one man1 is the fortune of another4    
,for no man prospers so suddenly1 as by 
others' errors4 ,serpens nisi serpentem 
comederit non fit draco4 ,overt and     
apparent virtues1 bring forth praise2   
but there be secret and hidden virtues1 
that bring forth fortune2 certain       
deliveries of a man's self1 which have  
no name4 ,the ,spanish name1            
desemboltura1 partly expresseth them2   

when there be not stonds nor restiveness
 in a man's nature2 but that the wheels 
of his mind1 keep way with the wheels of
 his fortune4 ,for so ,livy 7after he   
had described ,cato ,major in these     
words1 ,in illo viro tantum robur       
corporis et animi fuit1 ut quocunque    
loco natus esset1 fortunam sibi facturus
 videretur7 falleth upon that1 that he  
had versatile ingenium4 ,therefore if a 
man look sharply and attentively1 he    
shall see ,fortune3 for though she be   
blind1 yet she is not invisible4 ,the   
way of fortune1 is like the ,milken ,way
 in the sky2 which is a meeting or knot 
of a number of small stars2 not seen    
asunder1 but giving light together4 ,so 
are there a number of little1 and scarce
 discerned virtues1 or rather faculties 
and customs1 that make men fortunate4   
,the ,italians note some of them1 such  
as a man would little think4 ,when they 
speak of one that cannot do amiss1 they 
will throw in1 into his other           
conditions1 that he hath ,poco di matto4

 ,and certainly there be not two more   
fortunate properties1 than to have a    
little of the fool1 and not too much of 
the honest4 ,therefore extreme lovers of
 their country or masters1 were never   
fortunate1 neither can they be4 ,for    
when a man placeth his thoughts without 
himself1 he goeth not his own way4 ,an  
hasty fortune maketh an enterpriser and 
remover 7the ,french hath it better1    
entreprenant1 or remuant72 but the      
exercised fortune maketh the able man4  
,fortune is to be honored and respected1
 and it be but for her daughters1       
,confidence and ,reputation4 ,for those 
two1 ,felicity breedeth2 the first      
within a man's self1 the latter in      
others towards him4 ,all wise men1 to   
decline the envy of their own virtues1  
use to ascribe them to ,providence and  
,fortune2 for so they may the better    
assume them3 and1 besides1 it is        
greatness in a man1 to be the care of   
the higher powers4 ,so ,caesar said to  
the pilot in the tempest1 ,caesarem     

portas1 et fortunam ejus4 ,so ,sylla    
chose the name of ,felix1 and not of    
,magnus4 ,and it hath been noted1 that  
those who ascribe openly too much to    
their own wisdom and policy1 end        
infortunate4 ,it is written that        
,timotheus the ,athenian1 after he had1 
in the account he gave to the state of  
his government1 often interlaced this   
speech1 and in this1 ,fortune had no    
part1 never prospered in anything1 he   
undertook afterwards4 ,certainly there  
be1 whose fortunes are like ,homer's    
verses1 that have a slide and easiness  
more than the verses of other poets2 as 
,plutarch saith of ,timoleon's fortune1 
in respect of that of ,agesilaus or     
,epaminondas4 ,and that this should be1 
no doubt it is much1 in a man's self4   
,of ,usury   ,,many have made witty     
invectives against usury4 ,they say that
 it is a pity1 the devil should have    
,god's part1 which is the tithe4 ,that  
the usurer is the greatest              
,sabbath-breaker1 because his plough    

goeth every ,sunday4 ,that the usurer is
 the drone1 that ,virgil speaketh of2   
,ignavum fucos pecus a praesepibus      
arcent4  ,that the usurer breaketh the  
first law1 that was made for mankind    
after the fall1 which was1 in sudore    
vultus tui comedes panem tuum2 not1 in  
sudore vultus alieni4 ,that usurers     
should have orange-tawny bonnets1       
because they do judaize4 ,that it is    
against nature for money to beget money2
 and the like4 ,i say this only1 that   
usury is a concessum propter duritiem   
cordis2 for since there must be         
borrowing and lending1 and men are so   
hard of heart1 as they will not lend    
freely1 usury must be permitted4 ,some  
others1 have made suspicious and cunning
 propositions of banks1 discovery of    
men's estates1 and other inventions4    
,but few have spoken of usury usefully4 
,it is good to set before us1 the       
incommodities and commodities of usury1 
that the good1 may be either weighed out
 or culled out2 and warily to provide1  

that while we make forth to that which  
is better1 we meet not with that which  
is worse4  ,the discommodities of usury 
are1 ,first1 that it makes fewer        
merchants4 ,for were it not for this    
lazy trade of usury1 money would not be 
still1 but would in great part be       
employed upon merchandizing2 which is   
the vena porta of wealth in a state4    
,the second1 that it makes poor         
merchants4 ,for1 as a farmer cannot     
husband his ground so well1 if he sit at
 a great rent2 so the merchant cannot   
drive his trade so well1 if he sit at   
great usury4 ,the third is incident to  
the other two2 and that is the decay of 
customs of kings or states1 which ebb or
 flow1 with merchandizing4 ,the fourth1 
that it bringeth the treasure of a      
realm1 or state1 into a few hands4 ,for 
the usurer being at certainties1 and    
others at uncertainties1 at the end of  
the game1 most of the money will be in  
the box2 and ever a state flourisheth1  
when wealth is more equally spread4 ,the

 fifth1 that it beats down the price of 
land2 for the employment of money1 is   
chiefly either merchandizing or         
purchasing2 and usury waylays both4 ,the
 sixth1 that it doth dull and damp all  
industries1 improvements1 and new       
inventions1 wherein money would be      
stirring1 if it were not for this slug4 
,the last1 that it is the canker and    
ruin of many men's estates2 which1 in   
process of time1 breeds a public        
poverty4  ,on the other side1 the       
commodities of usury are1 first1 that   
howsoever usury in some respect         
hindereth merchandizing1 yet in some    
other it advanceth it2 for it is certain
 that the greatest part of trade is     
driven by young merchants1 upon         
borrowing at interest2 so as if the     
usurer either call in1 or keep back1 his
 money1 there will ensue1 presently1 a  
great stand of trade4 ,the second is1   
that were it not for this easy borrowing
 upon interest1 men's necessities would 
draw upon them a most sudden undoing2 in

 that they would be forced to sell their
 means 7be it lands or goods7 far under 
foot2 and so1 whereas usury doth but    
gnaw upon them1 bad markets would       
swallow them quite up4 ,as for          
mortgaging or pawning1 it will little   
mend the matter3 for either men will not
 take pawns without use2 or if they do1 
they will look precisely for the        
forfeiture4 ,i remember a cruel moneyed 
man in the country1 that would say1 ,the
 devil take this usury1 it keeps us from
 forfeitures1 of mortgages and bonds4   
,the third and last is1 that it is a    
vanity to conceive1 that there would be 
ordinary borrowing without profit2 and  
it is impossible to conceive1 the number
 of inconveniences that will ensue1 if  
borrowing be cramped4 ,therefore to     
speak of the abolishing of usury is     
idle4 ,all states have ever had it1 in  
one kind or rate1 or other4 ,so as that 
opinion must be sent to ,utopia4  ,to   
speak now of the reformation1 and       
reiglement1 of usury2 how the           

discommodities of it may be best        
avoided1 and the commodities retained4  
,it appears1 by the balance of          
commodities and discommodities of usury1
 two things are to be reconciled4 ,the  
one1 that the tooth of usury be grinded1
 that it bite not too much2 the other1  
that there be left open a means1 to     
invite moneyed men to lend to the       
merchants1 for the continuing and       
quickening of trade4 ,this cannot be    
done1 except you introduce two several  
sorts of usury1 a less and a greater4   
,for if you reduce usury to one low     
rate1 it will ease the common borrower1 
but the merchant will be to seek for    
money4 ,and it is to be noted1 that the 
trade of merchandize1 being the most    
lucrative1 may bear usury at a good     
rate2 other contracts not so4  ,to serve
 both intentions1 the way would be      
briefly thus4 ,that there be two rates  
of usury3 the one free1 and general for 
all2 the other under license only1 to   
certain persons1 and in certain places  

of merchandizing4 ,first1 therefore1 let
 usury in general1 be reduced to five in
 the hundred2 and let that rate be      
proclaimed1 to be free and current2 and 
let the state shut itself out1 to take  
any penalty for the same4 ,this will    
preserve borrowing1 from any general    
stop or dryness4 ,this will ease        
infinite borrowers in the country4 ,this
 will1 in good part1 raise the price of 
land1 because land purchased at sixteen 
years' purchase will yield six in the   
hundred1 and somewhat more2 whereas this
 rate of interest1 yields but five4     
,this by like reason will encourage1 and
 edge1 industrious and profitable       
improvements2 because many will rather  
venture in that kind1 than take five in 
the hundred1 especially having been used
 to greater profit4 ,secondly1 let there
 be certain persons licensed1 to lend to
 known merchants1 upon usury at a higher
 rate2 and let it be with the cautions  
following4 ,let the rate be1 even with  
the merchant himself1 somewhat more easy

 than that he used formerly to pay2 for 
by that means1 all borrowers1 shall have
 some ease by this reformation1 be he   
merchant1 or whosoever4 ,let it be no   
bank or common stock1 but every man be  
master of his own money4 ,not that ,i   
altogether mislike banks1 but they will 
hardly be brooked1 in regard of certain 
suspicions4 ,let the state be answered  
some small matter for the license1 and  
the rest left to the lender2 for if the 
abatement be but small1 it will no whit 
discourage the lender4 ,for he1 for     
example1 that took before ten or nine in
 the hundred1 will sooner descend to    
eight in the hundred than give over his 
trade of usury1 and go from certain     
gains1 to gains of hazard4 ,let these   
licensed lenders be in number           
indefinite1 but restrained to certain   
principal cities and towns of           
merchandizing2 for then they will be    
hardly able to color other men's moneys 
in the country3 so as the license of    
nine will not suck away the current rate

 of five2 for no man will send his      
moneys far off1 nor put them into       
unknown hands4  ,if it be objected that 
this doth in a sort authorize usury1    
which before1 was in some places but    
permissive2 the answer is1 that it is   
better to mitigate usury1 by            
declaration1 than to suffer it to rage1 
by connivance4     ,of ,youth ,and ,age 
,a ,,man that is young in years1 may be 
old in hours1 if he have lost no time4  
,but that happeneth rarely4 ,generally1 
youth is like the first cogitations1 not
 so wise as the second4 ,for there is a 
youth in thoughts1 as well as in ages4  
,and yet the invention of young men1 is 
more lively than that of old2 and       
imaginations stream into their minds    
better1 and1 as it were1 more divinely4 
,natures that have much heat1 and great 
and violent desires and perturbations1  
are not ripe for action1 till they have 
passed the meridian of their years2 as  
it was with ,julius ,caesar and         
,septimius ,severus4 ,of the latter1 of 

whom it is said1 ,juventutem egit       
erroribus1 imo furoribus1 plenam4 ,and  
yet he was the ablest emperor1 almost1  
of all the list4 ,but reposed natures   
may do well in youth4 ,as it is seen in 
,augustus ,caesar1 ,cosmus ,duke of     
,florence1 ,gaston de ,foix1 and others4
 ,on the other side1 heat and vivacity  
in age1 is an excellent composition for 
business4 ,young men are fitter to      
invent1 than to judge2 fitter for       
execution1 than for counsel2 and fitter 
for new projects1 than for settled      
business4 ,for the experience of age1 in
 things that fall within the compass of 
it1 directeth them2 but in new things1  
abuseth them4  ,the errors of young men1
 are the ruin of business2 but the      
errors of aged men1 amount but to this1 
that more might have been done1 or      
sooner4 ,young men1 in the conduct and  
manage of actions1 embrace more than    
they can hold2 stir more than they can  
quiet2 fly to the end1 without          
consideration of the means and degrees2 

pursue some few principles1 which they  
have chanced upon absurdly2 care not to 
innovate1 which draws unknown           
inconveniences2 use extreme remedies at 
first2 and1 that which doubleth all     
errors1 will not acknowledge or retract 
them2 like an unready horse1 that will  
neither stop nor turn4 ,men of age      
object too much1 consult too long1      
adventure too little1 repent too soon1  
and seldom drive business home to the   
full period1 but content themselves with
 a mediocrity of success4 ,certainly it 
is good to compound employments of both2
 for that will be good for the present1 
because the virtues of either age1 may  
correct the defects of both2 and good   
for succession1 that young men may be   
learners1 while men in age are actors2  
and1 lastly1 good for extern accidents1 
because authority followeth old men1 and
 favor and popularity1 youth4 ,but for  
the moral part1 perhaps youth will have 
the pre-eminence1 as age hath for the   
politic4 ,a certain rabbin1 upon the    

text1 ,your young men shall see visions1
 and your old men shall dream dreams1   
inferreth that young men1 are admitted  
nearer to ,god than old1 because vision1
 is a clearer revelation1 than a dream4 
,and certainly1 the more a man drinketh 
of the world1 the more it intoxicateth2 
and age doth profit rather in the powers
 of understanding1 than in the virtues  
of the will and affections4 ,there be   
some1 have an over-early ripeness in    
their years1 which fadeth betimes4      
,these are1 first1 such as have brittle 
wits1 the edge whereof is soon turned2  
such as was ,hermogenes the rhetorician1
 whose books are exceeding subtle2 who  
afterwards waxed stupid4 ,a second sort1
 is of those that have some natural     
dispositions which have better grace in 
youth1 than in age2 such as is a fluent 
and luxuriant speech2 which becomes     
youth well1 but not age3 so ,tully saith
 of ,hortensius1 ,idem manebat1 neque   
idem decebat4 ,the third is of such1 as 
take too high a strain at the first1 and

 are magnanimous1 more than tract of    
years can uphold4 ,as was ,scipio       
,africanus1 of whom ,livy saith in      
effect1 ,ultima primis cedebant4     ,of
 ,beauty   ,,virtue is like a rich      
stone1 best plain set2 and surely virtue
 is best1 in a body that is comely1     
though not of delicate features2 and    
that hath rather dignity of presence1   
than beauty of aspect4 ,neither is it   
almost seen1 that very beautiful persons
 are otherwise of great virtue2 as if   
nature were rather busy1 not to err1    
than in labor to produce excellency4    
,and therefore they prove accomplished1 
but not of great spirit2 and study      
rather behavior1 than virtue4 ,but this 
holds not always3 for ,augustus ,caesar1
 ,titus ,vespasianus1 ,philip le ,belle 
of ,france1 ,edward the ,fourth of      
,england1 ,alcibiades of ,athens1       
,ismael the ,sophy of ,persia1 were all 
high and great spirits2 and yet the most
 beautiful men of their times4 ,in      
beauty1 that of favor1 is more than that

 of color2 and that of decent and       
gracious motion1 more than that of      
favor4 ,that is the best part of beauty1
 which a picture cannot express2 no1 nor
 the first sight of the life4 ,there is 
no excellent beauty1 that hath not some 
strangeness in the proportion4 ,a man   
cannot tell whether ,apelles1 or ,albert
 ,durer1 were the more trifler2 whereof 
the one1 would make a personage by      
geometrical proportions2 the other1 by  
taking the best parts out of divers     
faces1 to make one excellent4 ,such     
personages1 ,i think1 would please      
nobody1 but the painter that made them4 
,not but ,i think a painter may make a  
better face than ever was2 but he must  
do it by a kind of felicity 7as a       
musician that maketh an excellent air in
 music71 and not by rule4 ,a man shall  
see faces1 that if you examine them part
 by part1 you shall find never a good2  
and yet altogether do well4 ,if it be   
true that the principal part of beauty  
is in decent motion1 certainly it is no 

marvel1 though persons in years seem    
many times more amiable2 pulchrorum     
autumnus pulcher2 for no youth can be   
comely but by pardon1 and considering   
the youth1 as to make up the comeliness4
 ,beauty is as summer fruits1 which are 
easy to corrupt1 and cannot last2 and   
for the most part it makes a dissolute  
youth1 and an age a little out of       
countenance2 but yet certainly again1 if
 it light well1 it maketh virtue shine1 
and vices blush4     ,of ,deformity     
,,deformed persons are commonly even    
with nature2 for as nature hath done ill
 by them1 so do they by nature2 being   
for the most part 7as the ,scripture    
saith7 void of natural affection2 and so
 they have their revenge of nature4     
,certainly there is a consent1 between  
the body and the mind2 and where nature 
erreth in the one1 she ventureth in the 
other4 ,ubi peccat in uno1 periclitatur 
in altero4 ,but because there is1 in    
man1 an election touching the frame of  
his mind1 and a necessity in the frame  

of his body1 the stars of natural       
inclination are sometimes obscured1 by  
the sun of discipline and virtue4       
,therefore it is good to consider of    
deformity1 not as a sign1 which is more 
deceivable2 but as a cause1 which seldom
 faileth of the effect4 ,whosoever hath 
anything fixed in his person1 that doth 
induce contempt1 hath also a perpetual  
spur in himself1 to rescue and deliver  
himself from scorn4 ,therefore all      
deformed persons1 are extreme bold4     
,first1 as in their own defence1 as     
being exposed to scorn2 but in process  
of time1 by a general habit4 ,also it   
stirreth in them industry1 and          
especially of this kind1 to watch and   
observe the weakness of others1 that    
they may have somewhat to repay4 ,again1
 in their superiors1 it quencheth       
jealousy towards them1 as persons that  
they think they may1 at pleasure1       
despise3 and it layeth their competitors
 and emulators asleep2 as never         
believing they should be in possibility 

of advancement1 till they see them in   
possession4 ,so that upon the matter1 in
 a great wit1 deformity is an advantage 
to rising4 ,kings in ancient times 7and 
at this present in some countries7 were 
wont to put great trust in eunuchs2     
because they that are envious towards   
all are more obnoxious and officious1   
towards one4 ,but yet their trust       
towards them1 hath rather been as to    
good spials1 and good whisperers1 than  
good magistrates and officers4 ,and much
 like is the reason of deformed persons4
 ,still the ground is1 they will1 if    
they be of spirit1 seek to free         
themselves from scorn2 which must be    
either by virtue or malice2 and         
therefore let it not be marvelled1 if   
sometimes they prove excellent persons2 
as was ,agesilaus1 ,zanger the son of   
,solyman1 ,a,esop1 ,gasca1 ,president of
 ,peru2 and ,socrates may go likewise   
amongst them2 with others4     ,of      
,building   ,,houses are built to live  
in1 and not to look on2 therefore let   

use be preferred before uniformity1     
except where both may be had4 ,leave the
 goodly fabrics of houses1 for beauty   
only1 to the enchanted palaces of the   
poets2 who build them with small cost4  
,he that builds a fair house1 upon an   
ill seat1 committeth himself to prison4 
,neither do ,i reckon it an ill seat1   
only where the air is unwholesome2 but  
likewise where the air is unequal2 as   
you shall see many fine seats set upon a
 knap of ground1 environed with higher  
hills round about it2 whereby the heat  
of the sun is pent in1 and the wind     
gathereth as in troughs2 so as you shall
 have1 and that suddenly1 as great      
diversity of heat and cold as if you    
dwelt in several places4 ,neither is it 
ill air only that maketh an ill seat1   
but ill ways1 ill markets2 and1 if you  
will consult with ,momus1 ill neighbors4
 ,i speak not of many more2 want of     
water2 want of wood1 shade1 and shelter2
 want of fruitfulness1 and mixture of   
grounds of several natures2 want of     

prospect2 want of level grounds2 want of
 places at some near distance for sports
 of hunting1 hawking1 and races2 too    
near the sea1 too remote2 having the    
commodity of navigable rivers1 or the   
discommodity of their overflowing2 too  
far off from great cities1 which may    
hinder business1 or too near them1 which
 lurcheth all provisions1 and maketh    
everything dear2 where a man hath a     
great living laid together1 and where he
 is scanted3 all which1 as it is        
impossible perhaps to find together1 so 
it is good to know them1 and think of   
them1 that a man may take as many as he 
can2 and if he have several dwellings1  
that he sort them so that what he       
wanteth in the one1 he may find in the  
other4 ,lucullus answered ,pompey well2 
who1 when he saw his stately galleries1 
and rooms so large and lightsome1 in one
 of his houses1 said1 ,surely an        
excellent place for summer1 but how do  
you in winter8 ,lucullus answered1 ,why1
 do you not think me as wise as some    

fowl are1 that ever change their abode  
towards the winter8  ,to pass from the  
seat1 to the house itself2 we will do as
 ,cicero doth in the orator's art2 who  
writes books ,de ,oratore1 and a book he
 entitles ,orator2 whereof the former1  
delivers the precepts of the art1 and   
the latter1 the perfection4 ,we will    
therefore describe a princely palace1   
making a brief model thereof4 ,for it is
 strange to see1 now in ,europe1 such   
huge buildings as the ,vatican and      
,escurial and some others be1 and yet   
scarce a very fair room in them4        
,first1 therefore1 ,i say you cannot    
have a perfect palace except you have   
two several sides2 a side for the       
banquet1 as it is spoken of in the book 
of ,hester1 and a side for the          
household2 the one for feasts and       
triumphs1 and the other for dwelling4 ,i
 understand both these sides to be not  
only returns1 but parts of the front2   
and to be uniform without1 though       
severally partitioned within2 and to be 

on both sides of a great and stately    
tower1 in the midst of the front1 that1 
as it were1 joineth them together on    
either hand4 ,i would have on the side  
of the banquet1 in front1 one only      
goodly room above stairs1 of some forty 
foot high2 and under it a room for a    
dressing1 or preparing place1 at times  
of triumphs4 ,on the other side1 which  
is the household side1 ,i wish it       
divided at the first1 into a hall and a 
chapel 7with a partition between72 both 
of good state and bigness2 and those not
 to go all the length1 but to have at   
the further end1 a winter and a summer  
parlor1 both fair4 ,and under these     
rooms1 a fair and large cellar1 sunk    
under ground2 and likewise some privy   
kitchens1 with butteries and pantries1  
and the like4 ,as for the tower1 ,i     
would have it two stories1 of eighteen  
foot high apiece1 above the two wings2  
and a goodly leads upon the top1 railed 
with statuas interposed2 and the same   
tower to be divided into rooms1 as shall

 be thought fit4 ,the stairs likewise to
 the upper rooms1 let them be upon a    
fair open newel1 and finely railed in1  
with images of wood1 cast into a brass  
color2 and a very fair landing-place at 
the top4 ,but this to be1 if you do not 
point any of the lower rooms1 for a     
dining place of servants4 ,for          
otherwise1 you shall have the servants' 
dinner after your own3 for the steam of 
it1 will come up as in a tunnel4 ,and so
 much for the front4 ,only ,i understand
 the height of the first stairs to be   
sixteen foot1 which is the height of the
 lower room4  ,beyond this front1 is    
there to be a fair court1 but three     
sides of it1 of a far lower building    
than the front4 ,and in all the four    
corners of that court1 fair staircases1 
cast into turrets1 on the outside1 and  
not within the row of buildings         
themselves4 ,but those towers1 are not  
to be of the height of the front1 but   
rather proportionable to the lower      
building4 ,let the court not be paved1  

for that striketh up a great heat in    
summer1 and much cold in winter4 ,but   
only some side alleys1 with a cross1 and
 the quarters to graze1 being kept      
shorn1 but not too near shorn4 ,the row 
of return on the banquet side1 let it be
 all stately galleries3 in which        
galleries let there be three1 or five1  
fine cupolas in the length of it1 placed
 at equal distance2 and fine colored    
windows of several works4 ,on the       
household side1 chambers of presence and
 ordinary entertainments1 with some     
bed-chambers2 and let all three sides be
 a double house1 without thorough lights
 on the sides1 that you may have rooms  
from the sun1 both for forenoon and     
afternoon4 ,cast it also1 that you may  
have rooms1 both for summer and winter2 
shady for summer1 and warm for winter4  
,you shall have sometimes fair houses so
 full of glass1 that one cannot tell    
where to become1 to be out of the sun or
 cold4 ,for inbowed windows1 ,i hold    
them of good use 7in cities1 indeed1    

upright do better1 in respect of the    
uniformity towards the street72 for they
 be pretty retiring places for          
conference2 and besides1 they keep both 
the wind and sun off2 for that which    
would strike almost through the room1   
doth scarce pass the window4 ,but let   
them be but few1 four in the court1 on  
the sides only4  ,beyond this court1 let
 there be an inward court1 of the same  
square and height2 which is to be       
environed with the garden on all sides2 
and in the inside1 cloistered on all    
sides1 upon decent and beautiful arches1
 as high as the first story4 ,on the    
under story1 towards the garden1 let it 
be turned to a grotto1 or a place of    
shade1 or estivation4 ,and only have    
opening and windows towards the garden2 
and be level upon the floor1 no whit    
sunken under ground1 to avoid all       
dampishness4 ,and let there be a        
fountain1 or some fair work of statuas1 
in the midst of this court2 and to be   
paved as the other court was4 ,these    

buildings to be for privy lodgings on   
both sides2 and the end for privy       
galleries4 ,whereof you must foresee    
that one of them be for an infirmary1 if
 the prince or any special person should
 be sick1 with chambers1 bed-chamber1   
antecamera1 and recamera joining to it4 
,this upon the second story4 ,upon the  
ground story1 a fair gallery1 open1 upon
 pillars2 and upon the third story      
likewise1 an open gallery1 upon pillars1
 to take the prospect and freshness of  
the garden4 ,at both corners of the     
further side1 by way of return1 let     
there be two delicate or rich cabinets1 
daintily paved1 richly hanged1 glazed   
with crystalline glass1 and a rich      
cupola in the midst2 and all other      
elegancy that may be thought upon4 ,in  
the upper gallery too1 ,i wish that     
there may be1 if the place will yield   
it1 some fountains running in divers    
places from the wall1 with some fine    
avoidances4 ,and thus much for the model
 of the palace2 save that you must have1

 before you come to the front1 three    
courts4 ,a green court plain1 with a    
wall about it2 a second court of the    
same1 but more garnished1 with little   
turrets1 or rather embellishments1 upon 
the wall2 and a third court1 to make a  
square with the front1 but not to be    
built1 nor yet enclosed with a naked    
wall1 but enclosed with terraces1 leaded
 aloft1 and fairly garnished1 on the    
three sides2 and cloistered on the      
inside1 with pillars1 and not with      
arches below4 ,as for offices1 let them 
stand at distance1 with some low        
galleries1 to pass from them to the     
palace itself4     ,of ,gardens   ,,god 
,almighty first planted a garden4 ,and  
indeed it is the purest of human        
pleasures4 ,it is the greatest          
refreshment to the spirits of man2      
without which1 buildings and palaces are
 but gross handiworks2 and a man shall  
ever see1 that when ages grow to        
civility and elegancy1 men come to build
 stately sooner than to garden finely2  

as if gardening were the greater        
perfection4 ,i do hold it1 in the royal 
ordering of gardens1 there ought to be  
gardens1 for all the months in the year2
 in which severally things of beauty may
 be then in season4 ,for ,december1 and 
,january1 and the latter part of        
,november1 you must take such things as 
are green all winter3 holly2 ivy2 bays2 
juniper2 cypress-trees2 yew2            
pine-apple-trees2 fir-trees2 rosemary2  
lavender2 periwinkle1 the white1 the    
purple1 and the blue2 germander2 flags2 
orange-trees2 lemon-trees2 and myrtles1 
if they be stoved2 and sweet marjoram1  
warm set4 ,there followeth1 for the     
latter part of ,january and ,february1  
the mezereon-tree1 which then blossoms2 
crocus vernus1 both the yellow and the  
grey2 primroses1 anemones2 the early    
tulippa2 hyacinthus orientalis2         
chamairis2 fritellaria4 ,for ,march1    
there come violets1 specially the single
 blue1 which are the earliest2 the      
yellow daffodil2 the daisy2 the         

almond-tree in blossom2 the peach-tree  
in blossom2 the cornelian-tree in       
blossom2 sweet-briar4 ,in ,april follow 
the double white violet2 the wallflower2
 the stock-gilliflower2 the cowslip2    
flowerdelices1 and lilies of all        
natures2 rosemary-flowers2 the tulippa2 
the double peony2 the pale daffodil2 the
 ,french honeysuckle2 the cherry-tree in
 blossom2 the damson and plum-trees in  
blossom2 the white thorn in leaf2 the   
lilac-tree4 ,in ,may and ,june come     
pinks of all sorts1 specially the       
blushpink2 roses of all kinds1 except   
the musk1 which comes later2            
honeysuckles2 strawberries2 bugloss2    
columbine2 the ,french marigold1 flos   
,africanus2 cherry-tree in fruit2 ribes2
 figs in fruit2 rasps2 vineflowers2     
lavender in flowers2 the sweet satyrian1
 with the white flower2 herba muscaria2 
lilium convallium2 the apple-tree in    
blossom4 ,in ,july come gilliflowers of 
all varieties2 musk-roses2 the lime-tree
 in blossom2 early pears and plums in   

fruit2 jennetings1 codlins4 ,in ,august 
come plums of all sorts in fruit2 pears2
 apricocks2 berberries2 filberds2       
musk-melons2 monks-hoods1 of all colors4
 ,in ,september come grapes2 apples2    
poppies of all colors2 peaches2         
melocotones2 nectarines2 cornelians2    
wardens2 quinces4 ,in ,october and the  
beginning of ,november come services2   
medlars2 bullaces2 roses cut or removed 
to come late2 hollyhocks2 and such like4
 ,these particulars are for the climate 
of ,london2 but my meaning is perceived1
 that you may have ver perpetuum1 as the
 place affords4  ,and because the breath
 of flowers is far sweeter in the air   
7where it comes and goes like the       
warbling of music7 than in the hand1    
therefore nothing is more fit for that  
delight1 than to know what be the       
flowers and plants that do best perfume 
the air4 ,roses1 damask and red1 are    
fast flowers of their smells2 so that   
you may walk by a whole row of them1 and
 find nothing of their sweetness2 yea   

though it be in a morning's dew4 ,bays  
likewise yield no smell as they grow4   
,rosemary little2 nor sweet marjoram4   
,that which above all others yields the 
sweetest smell in the air is the violet1
 specially the white double violet1     
which comes twice a year2 about the     
middle of ,april1 and about             
,bartholomew-tide4 ,next to that is the 
musk-rose4 ,then the strawberry-leaves  
dying1 which yield a most excellent     
cordial smell4 ,then the flower of      
vines2 it is a little dust1 like the    
dust of a bent1 which grows upon the    
cluster in the first coming forth4 ,then
 sweet-briar4 ,then wall-flowers1 which 
are very delightful to be set under a   
parlor or lower chamber window4 ,then   
pinks and gilliflowers1 especially the  
matted pink and clove gilliflower4 ,then
 the flowers of the lime-tree4 ,then the
 honeysuckles1 so they be somewhat afar 
off4 ,of beanflowers ,i speak not1      
because they are field flowers4 ,but    
those which perfume the air most        

delightfully1 not passed by as the rest1
 but being trodden upon and crushed1 are
 three2 that is1 burnet1 wildthyme1 and 
watermints4 ,therefore you are to set   
whole alleys of them1 to have the       
pleasure when you walk or tread4  ,for  
gardens 7speaking of those which are    
indeed princelike1 as we have done of   
buildings71 the contents ought not well 
to be under thirty acres of ground2 and 
to be divided into three parts2 a green 
in the entrance2 a heath or desert in   
the going forth2 and the main garden in 
the midst2 besides alleys on both sides4
 ,and ,i like well that four acres of   
ground be assigned to the green2 six to 
the heath2 four and four to either side2
 and twelve to the main garden4 ,the    
green hath two pleasures3 the one1      
because nothing is more pleasant to the 
eye than green grass kept finely shorn2 
the other1 because it will give you a   
fair alley in the midst1 by which you   
may go in front upon a stately hedge1   
which is to enclose the garden4 ,but    

because the alley will be long1 and1 in 
great heat of the year or day1 you ought
 not to buy the shade in the garden1 by 
going in the sun through the green1     
therefore you are1 of either side the   
green1 to plant a covert alley upon     
carpenter's work1 about twelve foot in  
height1 by which you may go in shade    
into the garden4 ,as for the making of  
knots or figures1 with divers colored   
earths1 that they may lie under the     
windows of the house on that side which 
the garden stands1 they be but toys2 you
 may see as good sights1 many times1 in 
tarts4 ,the garden is best to be square1
 encompassed on all the four sides with 
a stately arched hedge4 ,the arches to  
be upon pillars of carpenter's work1 of 
some ten foot high1 and six foot broad2 
and the spaces between of the same      
dimension with the breadth of the arch4 
,over the arches let there be an entire 
hedge of some four foot high1 framed    
also upon carpenter's work2 and upon the
 upper hedge1 over every arch1 a little 

turret1 with a belly1 enough to receive 
a cage of birds3 and over every space   
between the arches some other little    
figure1 with broad plates of round      
colored glass gilt1 for the sun to play 
upon4 ,but this hedge ,i intend to be   
raised upon a bank1 not steep1 but      
gently slope1 of some six foot1 set all 
with flowers4 ,also ,i understand1 that 
this square of the garden1 should not be
 the whole breadth of the ground1 but to
 leave on either side1 ground enough for
 diversity of side alleys2 unto which   
the two covert alleys of the green1 may 
deliver you4 ,but there must be no      
alleys with hedges1 at either end of    
this great enclosure2 not at the hither 
end1 for letting your prospect upon this
 fair hedge from the green2 nor at the  
further end1 for letting your prospect  
from the hedge1 through the arches upon 
the heath4  ,for the ordering of the    
ground1 within the great hedge1 ,i leave
 it to variety of device2 advising      
nevertheless1 that whatsoever form you  

cast it into1 first1 it be not too busy1
 or full of work4 ,wherein ,i1 for my   
part1 do not like images cut out in     
juniper or other garden stuff2 they be  
for children4 ,little low hedges1 round1
 like welts1 with some pretty pyramids1 
,i like well2 and in some places1 fair  
columns upon frames of carpenter's work4
 ,i would also have the alleys1 spacious
 and fair4 ,you may have closer alleys1 
upon the side grounds1 but none in the  
main garden4 ,i wish also1 in the very  
middle1 a fair mount1 with three        
ascents1 and alleys1 enough for four to 
walk abreast2 which ,i would have to be 
perfect circles1 without any bulwarks or
 embossments2 and the whole mount to be 
thirty foot high2 and some fine         
banqueting-house1 with some chimneys    
neatly cast1 and without too much glass4
  ,for fountains1 they are a great      
beauty and refreshment2 but pools mar   
all1 and make the garden unwholesome1   
and full of flies and frogs4 ,fountains 
,i intend to be of two natures3 the one 

that sprinkleth or spouteth water2 the  
other a fair receipt of water1 of some  
thirty or forty foot square1 but without
 fish1 or slime1 or mud4 ,for the first1
 the ornaments of images gilt1 or of    
marble1 which are in use1 do well3 but  
the main matter is so to convey the     
water1 as it never stay1 either in the  
bowls or in the cistern2 that the water 
be never by rest discolored1 green or   
red or the like2 or gather any mossiness
 or putrefaction4 ,besides that1 it is  
to be cleansed every day by the hand4   
,also some steps up to it1 and some fine
 pavement about it1 doth well4 ,as for  
the other kind of fountain1 which we may
 call a bathing pool1 it may admit much 
curiosity and beauty2 wherewith we will 
not trouble ourselves3 as1 that the     
bottom be finely paved1 and with images2
 the sides likewise2 and withal         
embellished with colored glass1 and such
 things of lustre2 encompassed also with
 fine rails of low statuas4 ,but the    
main point is the same which we         

mentioned in the former kind of         
fountain2 which is1 that the water be in
 perpetual motion1 fed by a water higher
 than the pool1 and delivered into it by
 fair spouts1 and then discharged away  
under ground1 by some equality of bores1
 that it stay little4 ,and for fine     
devices1 of arching water without       
spilling1 and making it rise in several 
forms 7of feathers1 drinking glasses1   
canopies1 and the like71 they be pretty 
things to look on1 but nothing to health
 and sweetness4  ,for the heath1 which  
was the third part of our plot1 ,i wish 
it to be framed1 as much as may be1 to a
 natural wildness4 ,trees ,i would have 
none in it1 but some thickets made only 
of sweet-briar and honeysuckle1 and some
 wild vine amongst2 and the ground set  
with violets1 strawberries1 and         
primroses4 ,for these are sweet1 and    
prosper in the shade4 ,and these to be  
in the heath1 here and there1 not in any
 order4 ,i like also little heaps1 in   
the nature of mole-hills 7such as are in

 wild heaths71 to be set1 some with wild
 thyme2 some with pinks2 some with      
germander1 that gives a good flower to  
the eye2 some with periwinkle2 some with
 violets2 some with strawberries2 some  
with cowslips2 some with daisies2 some  
with red roses2 some with lilium        
convallium2 some with sweet-williams    
red2 some with bear's-foot3 and the like
 low flowers1 being withal sweet and    
sightly4 ,part of which heaps1 are to be
 with standards of little bushes pricked
 upon their top1 and part without4 ,the 
standards to be roses2 juniper2 holly2  
berberries 7but here and there1 because 
of the smell of their blossoms72 red    
currants2 gooseberries2 rosemary2 bays2 
sweetbriar2 and such like4 ,but these   
standards to be kept with cutting1 that 
they grow not out of course4  ,for the  
side grounds1 you are to fill them with 
variety of alleys1 private1 to give a   
full shade1 some of them1 wheresoever   
the sun be4 ,you are to frame some of   
them1 likewise1 for shelter1 that when  

the wind blows sharp you may walk as in 
a gallery4 ,and those alleys must be    
likewise hedged at both ends1 to keep   
out the wind2 and these closer alleys   
must be ever finely gravelled1 and no   
grass1 because of going wet4 ,in many of
 these alleys1 likewise1 you are to set 
fruit-trees of all sorts2 as well upon  
the walls1 as in ranges4 ,and this would
 be generally observed1 that the borders
 wherein you plant your fruit-trees1 be 
fair and large1 and low1 and not steep2 
and set with fine flowers1 but thin and 
sparingly1 lest they deceive the trees4 
,at the end of both the side grounds1 ,i
 would have a mount of some pretty      
height1 leaving the wall of the         
enclosure breast high1 to look abroad   
into the fields4  ,for the main garden1 
,i do not deny1 but there should be some
 fair alleys ranged on both sides1 with 
fruit-trees2 and some pretty tufts of   
fruit-trees1 and arbors with seats1 set 
in some decent order2 but these to be by
 no means set too thick2 but to leave   

the main garden so as it be not close1  
but the air open and free4 ,for as for  
shade1 ,i would have you rest upon the  
alleys of the side grounds1 there to    
walk1 if you be disposed1 in the heat of
 the year or day2 but to make account1  
that the main garden is for the more    
temperate parts of the year2 and in the 
heat of summer1 for the morning and the 
evening1 or overcast days4  ,for        
aviaries1 ,i like them not1 except they 
be of that largeness as they may be     
turfed1 and have living plants and      
bushes set in them2 that the birds may  
have more scope1 and natural nesting1   
and that no foulness appear in the floor
 of the aviary4 ,so ,i have made a      
platform of a princely garden1 partly by
 precept1 partly by drawing1 not a      
model1 but some general lines of it2 and
 in this ,i have spared for no cost4    
,but it is nothing for great princes1   
that for the most part taking advice    
with workmen1 with no less cost set     
their things together2 and sometimes add

 statuas and such things for state and  
magnificence1 but nothing to the true   
pleasure of a garden4     ,of           
,negotiating   ,,it ,,is generally      
better to deal by speech than by letter2
 and by the mediation of a third than by
 a man's self4 ,letters are good1 when a
 man would draw an answer by letter back
 again2 or when it may serve for a man's
 justification afterwards to produce his
 own letter2 or where it may be danger  
to be interrupted1 or heard by pieces4  
,to deal in person is good1 when a man's
 face breedeth regard1 as commonly with 
inferiors2 or in tender cases1 where a  
man's eye1 upon the countenance of him  
with whom he speaketh1 may give him a   
direction how far to go2 and generally1 
where a man will reserve to himself     
liberty1 either to disavow or to        
expound4 ,in choice of instruments1 it  
is better to choose men of a plainer    
sort1 that are like to do that1 that is 
committed to them1 and to report back   
again faithfully the success1 than those

 that are cunning1 to contrive1 out of  
other men's business1 somewhat to grace 
themselves1 and will help the matter in 
report for satisfaction's sake4 ,use    
also such persons as affect the         
business1 wherein they are employed2 for
 that quickeneth much2 and such1 as are 
fit for the matter2 as bold men for     
expostulation1 fair-spoken men for      
persuasion1 crafty men for inquiry and  
observation1 froward1 and absurd men1   
for business that doth not well bear out
 itself4 ,use also such as have been    
lucky1 and prevailed before1 in things  
wherein you have employed them2 for that
 breeds confidence1 and they will strive
 to maintain their prescription4 ,it is 
better to sound a person1 with whom one 
deals afar off1 than to fall upon the   
point at first2 except you mean to      
surprise him by some short question4 ,it
 is better dealing with men in appetite1
 than with those that are where they    
would be4 ,if a man deal with another   
upon conditions1 the start or first     

performance is all2 which a man cannot  
reasonably demand1 except either the    
nature of the thing be such1 which must 
go before2 or else a man can persuade   
the other party1 that he shall still    
need him in some other thing2 or else   
that he be counted the honester man4    
,all practice is to discover1 or to     
work4 ,men discover themselves in trust1
 in passion1 at unawares1 and of        
necessity1 when they would have somewhat
 done1 and cannot find an apt pretext4  
,if you would work any man1 you must    
either know his nature and fashions1 and
 so lead him2 or his ends1 and so       
persuade him2 or his weakness and       
disadvantages1 and so awe him2 or those 
that have interest in him1 and so govern
 him4 ,in dealing with cunning persons1 
we must ever consider their ends1 to    
interpret their speeches2 and it is good
 to say little to them1 and that which  
they least look for4 ,in all            
negotiations of difficulty1 a man may   
not look to sow and reap at once2 but   

must prepare business1 and so ripen it  
by degrees4     ,of ,followers ,and     
,friends   ,,costly followers are not to
 be liked2 lest while a man maketh his  
train longer1 he make his wings shorter4
 ,i reckon to be costly1 not them alone 
which charge the purse1 but which are   
wearisome1 and importune in suits4      
,ordinary followers ought to challenge  
no higher conditions1 than countenance1 
recommendation1 and protection from     
wrongs4 ,factious followers are worse to
 be liked1 which follow not upon        
affection to him1 with whom they range  
themselves1 but upon discontentment     
conceived against some other2 whereupon 
commonly ensueth that ill intelligence1 
that we many times see between great    
personages4 ,likewise glorious          
followers1 who make themselves as       
trumpets of the commendation of those   
they follow1 are full of inconvenience2 
for they taint business through want of 
secrecy2 and they export honor from a   
man1 and make him a return in envy4     

,there is a kind of followers likewise1 
which are dangerous1 being indeed       
espials2 which inquire the secrets of   
the house1 and bear tales of them1 to   
others4 ,yet such men1 many times1 are  
in great favor2 for they are officious1 
and commonly exchange tales4 ,the       
following by certain estates of men1    
answerable to that1 which a great person
 himself professeth 7as of soldiers1 to 
him that hath been employed in the wars1
 and the like71 hath ever been a thing  
civil1 and well taken1 even in          
monarchies2 so it be without too much   
pomp or popularity4 ,but the most       
honorable kind of following1 is to be   
followed as one1 that apprehendeth to   
advance virtue1 and desert1 in all sorts
 of persons4 ,and yet1 where there is no
 eminent odds in sufficiency1 it is     
better to take with the more passable1  
than with the more able4 ,and besides1  
to speak truth1 in base times1 active   
men are of more use than virtuous4 ,it  
is true that in government1 it is good  

to use men of one rank equally3 for to  
countenance some extraordinarily1 is to 
make them insolent1 and the rest        
discontent2 because they may claim a    
due4 ,but contrariwise1 in favor1 to use
 men with much difference and election  
is good2 for it maketh the persons      
preferred more thankful1 and the rest   
more officious3 because all is of favor4
 ,it is good discretion1 not to make too
 much of any man at the first2 because  
one cannot hold out that proportion4 ,to
 be governed 7as we call it7 by one is  
not safe2 for it shows softness1 and    
gives a freedom1 to scandal and         
disreputation2 for those1 that would not
 censure or speak ill of a man          
immediately1 will talk more boldly of   
those that are so great with them1 and  
thereby wound their honor4 ,yet to be   
distracted with many is worse2 for it   
makes men to be of the last impression1 
and full of change4 ,to take advice of  
some few friends1 is ever honorable2 for
 lookers-on many times see more than    

gamesters2 and the vale best discovereth
 the hill4 ,there is little friendship  
in the world1 and least of all between  
equals1 which was wont to be magnified4 
,that that is1 is between superior and  
inferior1 whose fortunes may comprehend 
the one the other4     ,of ,suitors     
,,many ill matters and projects are     
undertaken2 and private suits do putrefy
 the public good4 ,many good matters1   
are undertaken with bad minds2 ,i mean  
not only corrupt minds1 but crafty      
minds1 that intend not performance4     
,some embrace suits1 which never mean to
 deal effectually in them2 but if they  
see there may be life in the matter1 by 
some other mean1 they will be content to
 win a thank1 or take a second reward1  
or at least to make use1 in the         
meantime1 of the suitor's hopes4 ,some  
take hold of suits1 only for an occasion
 to cross some other2 or to make an     
information1 whereof they could not     
otherwise have apt pretext2 without care
 what become of the suit1 when that turn

 is served2 or1 generally1 to make other
 men's business a kind of entertainment1
 to bring in their own4 ,nay1 some      
undertake suits1 with a full purpose to 
let them fall2 to the end to gratify the
 adverse party1 or competitor4 ,surely  
there is in some sort a right in every  
suit2 either a right of equity1 if it be
 a suit of controversy2 or a right of   
desert1 if it be a suit of petition4 ,if
 affection lead a man to favor the wrong
 side in justice1 let him rather use his
 countenance to compound the matter1    
than to carry it4 ,if affection lead a  
man to favor the less worthy in desert1 
let him do it1 without depraving or     
disabling the better deserver4 ,in suits
 which a man doth not well understand1  
it is good to refer them to some friend 
of trust and judgment1 that may report1 
whether he may deal in them with honor3 
but let him choose well his             
referendaries1 for else he may be led by
 the nose4 ,suitors are so distasted    
with delays and abuses1 that plain      

dealing1 in denying to deal in suits at 
first1 and reporting the success barely1
 and in challenging no more thanks than 
one hath deserved1 is grown not only    
honorable1 but also gracious4 ,in suits 
of favor1 the first coming ought to take
 little place3 so far forth1            
consideration may be had of his trust1  
that if intelligence of the matter could
 not otherwise have been had1 but by    
him1 advantage be not taken of the note1
 but the party left to his other means2 
and in some sort recompensed1 for his   
discovery4 ,to be ignorant of the value 
of a suit1 is simplicity2 as well as to 
be ignorant of the right thereof1 is    
want of conscience4 ,secrecy in suits1  
is a great mean of obtaining2 for       
voicing them to be in forwardness1 may  
discourage some kind of suitors1 but    
doth quicken and awake others4 ,but     
timing of the suit is the principal4    
,timing1 ,i say1 not only in respect of 
the person that should grant it1 but in 
respect of those1 which are like to     

cross it4 ,let a man1 in the choice of  
his mean1 rather choose the fittest     
mean1 than the greatest mean2 and rather
 them that deal in certain things1 than 
those that are general4 ,the reparation 
of a denial1 is sometimes equal to the  
first grant2 if a man show himself      
neither dejected nor discontented4      
,iniquum petas ut aequum feras is a good
 rule1 where a man hath strength of     
favor3 but otherwise1 a man were better 
rise in his suit2 for he1 that would    
have ventured at first to have lost the 
suitor1 will not in the conclusion lose 
both the suitor1 and his own former     
favor4 ,nothing is thought so easy a    
request to a great person1 as his       
letter2 and yet1 if it be not in a good 
cause1 it is so much out of his         
reputation4 ,there are no worse         
instruments1 than these general         
contrivers of suits2 for they are but a 
kind of poison1 and infection1 to public
 proceedings4     ,of ,studies          
,,studies serve for delight1 for        

ornament1 and for ability4 ,their chief 
use for delight1 is in privateness and  
retiring2 for ornament1 is in discourse2
 and for ability1 is in the judgment1   
and disposition of business4 ,for expert
 men can execute1 and perhaps judge of  
particulars1 one by one2 but the general
 counsels1 and the plots and marshalling
 of affairs1 come best1 from those that 
are learned4 ,to spend too much time in 
studies is sloth2 to use them too much  
for ornament1 is affectation2 to make   
judgment wholly by their rules1 is the  
humor of a scholar4 ,they perfect       
nature1 and are perfected by experience3
 for natural abilities are like natural 
plants1 that need proyning1 by study2   
and studies themselves1 do give forth   
directions too much at large1 except    
they be bounded in by experience4       
,crafty men contemn studies1 simple men 
admire them1 and wise men use them2 for 
they teach not their own use2 but that  
is a wisdom without them1 and above     
them1 won by observation4 ,read not to  

contradict and confute2 nor to believe  
and take for granted2 nor to find talk  
and discourse2 but to weigh and         
consider4 ,some books are to be tasted1 
others to be swallowed1 and some few to 
be chewed and digested2 that is1 some   
books are to be read only in parts2     
others to be read1 but not curiously2   
and some few to be read wholly1 and with
 diligence and attention4 ,some books   
also may be read by deputy1 and extracts
 made of them by others2 but that would 
be only in the less important arguments1
 and the meaner sort of books1 else     
distilled books are like common         
distilled waters1 flashy things4        
,reading maketh a full man2 conference a
 ready man2 and writing an exact man4   
,and therefore1 if a man write little1  
he had need have a great memory2 if he  
confer little1 he had need have a       
present wit3 and if he read little1 he  
had need have much cunning1 to seem to  
know1 that he doth not4 ,histories make 
men wise2 poets witty2 the mathematics  

subtile2 natural philosophy deep2 moral 
grave2 logic and rhetoric able to       
contend4 ,abeunt studia in mores4 ,nay1 
there is no stond or impediment in the  
wit1 but may be wrought out by fit      
studies2 like as diseases of the body1  
may have appropriate exercises4 ,bowling
 is good for the stone and reins2       
shooting for the lungs and breast2      
gentle walking for the stomach2 riding  
for the head2 and the like4 ,so if a    
man's wit be wandering1 let him study   
the mathematics2 for in demonstrations1 
if his wit be called away never so      
little1 he must begin again4 ,if his wit
 be not apt to distinguish or find      
differences1 let him study the          
,schoolmen2 for they are cymini         
sectores4 ,if he be not apt to beat over
 matters1 and to call up one thing to   
prove and illustrate another1 let him   
study the lawyers' cases4 ,so every     
defect of the mind1 may have a special  
receipt4     ,of ,faction   ,,many have 
an opinion not wise1 that for a prince  

to govern his estate1 or for a great    
person to govern his proceedings1       
according to the respect of factions1 is
 a principal part of policy2 whereas    
contrariwise1 the chiefest wisdom1 is   
either in ordering those things which   
are general1 and wherein men of several 
factions do nevertheless agree2 or in   
dealing with correspondence to          
particular persons1 one by one4 ,but ,i 
say not that the considerations of      
factions1 is to be neglected4 ,mean men1
 in their rising1 must adhere2 but great
 men1 that have strength in themselves1 
were better to maintain themselves      
indifferent1 and neutral4 ,yet even in  
beginners1 to adhere so moderately1 as  
he be a man of the one faction1 which is
 most passable with the other1 commonly 
giveth best way4 ,the lower and weaker  
faction1 is the firmer in conjunction2  
and it is often seen1 that a few that   
are stiff1 do tire out a greater number1
 that are more moderate4 ,when one of   
the factions is extinguished1 the       

remaining subdivideth2 as the faction   
between ,lucullus1 and the rest of the  
nobles of the senate 7which they called 
,optimates7 held out awhile1 against the
 faction of ,pompey and ,caesar2 but    
when the senate's authority was pulled  
down1 ,caesar and ,pompey soon after    
brake4 ,the faction or party of         
,antonius and ,octavianus ,caesar1      
against ,brutus and ,cassius1 held out  
likewise for a time2 but when ,brutus   
and ,cassius were overthrown1 then soon 
after1 ,antonius and ,octavianus brake  
and subdivided4 ,these examples are of  
wars1 but the same holdeth in private   
factions4 ,and therefore1 those that are
 seconds in factions1 do many times1    
when the faction subdivideth1 prove     
principals2 but many times also1 they   
prove ciphers and cashiered2 for many a 
man's strength is in opposition2 and    
when that faileth1 he groweth out of    
use4 ,it is commonly seen1 that men1    
once placed1 take in with the contrary  
faction1 to that by which they enter3   

thinking belike1 that they have the     
first sure1 and now are ready for a new 
purchase4 ,the traitor in faction1      
lightly goeth away with it2 for when    
matters have stuck long in balancing1   
the winning of some one man casteth     
them1 and he getteth all the thanks4    
,the even carriage between two factions1
 proceedeth not always of moderation1   
but of a trueness to a man's self1 with 
end to make use of both4 ,certainly in  
,italy1 they hold it a little suspect in
 popes1 when they have often in their   
mouth ,padre commune3 and take it to be 
a sign of one1 that meaneth to refer all
 to the greatness of his own house4     
,kings had need beware1 how they side   
themselves1 and make themselves as of a 
faction or party2 for leagues within the
 state1 are ever pernicious to          
monarchies3 for they raise an           
obligation1 paramount to obligation of  
sovereignty1 and make the king tanquam  
unus ex nobis2 as was to be seen in the 
,league of ,france4 ,when factions are  

carried too high and too violently1 it  
is a sign of weakness in princes2 and   
much to the prejudice1 both of their    
authority and business4 ,the motions of 
factions under kings ought to be1 like  
the motions 7as the astronomers speak7  
of the inferior orbs1 which may have    
their proper motions1 but yet still are 
quietly carried1 by the higher motion of
 primum mobile4     ,of ,ceremonies1    
,and ,respects   ,,he ,,that is only    
real1 had need have exceeding great     
parts of virtue2 as the stone had need  
to be rich1 that is set without foil4   
,but if a man mark it well1 it is1 in   
praise and commendation of men1 as it is
 in gettings and gains3 for the proverb 
is true1 ,that light gains make heavy   
purses2 for light gains come thick1     
whereas great1 come but now and then4   
,so it is true1 that small matters win  
great commendation1 because they are    
continually in use and in note3 whereas 
the occasion of any great virtue1 cometh
 but on festivals4 ,therefore it doth   

much add to a man's reputation1 and is  
7as ,queen ,isabella said7 like         
perpetual letters commendatory1 to have 
good forms4 ,to attain them1 it almost  
sufficeth not to despise them2 for so   
shall a man observe them in others2 and 
let him trust himself with the rest4    
,for if he labor too much to express    
them1 he shall lose their grace2 which  
is to be natural and unaffected4 ,some  
men's behavior is like a verse1 wherein 
every syllable is measured2 how can a   
man comprehend great matters1 that      
breaketh his mind too much1 to small    
observations8 ,not to use ceremonies at 
all1 is to teach others not to use them 
again2 and so diminisheth respect to    
himself2 especially they be not to be   
omitted1 to strangers and formal        
natures2 but the dwelling upon them1 and
 exalting them above the moon1 is not   
only tedious1 but doth diminish the     
faith and credit of him that speaks4    
,and certainly1 there is a kind of      
conveying1 of effectual and imprinting  

passages amongst compliments1 which is  
of singular use1 if a man can hit upon  
it4 ,amongst a man's peers1 a man shall 
be sure of familiarity2 and therefore it
 is good1 a little to keep state4       
,amongst a man's inferiors one shall be 
sure of reverence2 and therefore it is  
good1 a little to be familiar4 ,he that 
is too much in anything1 so that he     
giveth another occasion of satiety1     
maketh himself cheap4 ,to apply one's   
self to others1 is good2 so it be with  
demonstration1 that a man doth it upon  
regard1 and not upon facility4 ,it is a 
good precept generally1 in seconding    
another1 yet to add somewhat of one's   
own3 as if you will grant his opinion1  
let it be with some distinction2 if you 
will follow his motion1 let it be with  
condition2 if you allow his counsel1 let
 it be with alleging further reason4    
,men had need beware1 how they be too   
perfect in compliments2 for be they     
never so sufficient otherwise1 their    
enviers will be sure to give them that  

attribute1 to the disadvantage of their 
greater virtues4 ,it is loss also in    
business1 to be too full of respects1 or
 to be curious1 in observing times and  
opportunities4 ,solomon saith1 ,he that 
considereth the wind1 shall not sow1 and
 he that looketh to the clouds1 shall   
not reap4 ,a wise man will make more    
opportunities1 than he finds4 ,men's    
behavior should be1 like their apparel1 
not too strait or point device1 but free
 for exercise or motion4     ,of ,praise
   ,,praise is the reflection of virtue2
 but it is as the glass or body1 which  
giveth the reflection4 ,if it be from   
the common people1 it is commonly false 
and naught2 and rather followeth vain   
persons1 than virtuous4 ,for the common 
people understand not many excellent    
virtues4 ,the lowest virtues draw praise
 from them2 the middle virtues work in  
them astonishment or admiration2 but of 
the highest virtues1 they have no sense 
of perceiving at all4 ,but shows1 and   
species virtutibus similes1 serve best  

with them4 ,certainly fame is like a    
river1 that beareth up things light and 
swoln1 and drowns things weighty and    
solid4 ,but if persons of quality and   
judgment concur1 then it is 7as the     
,scripture saith7 nomen bonum instar    
unguenti fragrantis4 ,it fireth all     
round about1 and will not easily away4  
,for the odors of ointments are more    
durable1 than those of flowers4 ,there  
be so many false points of praise1 that 
a man may justly hold it a suspect4     
,some praises proceed merely of         
flattery2 and if he be an ordinary      
flatterer1 he will have certain common  
attributes1 which may serve every man2  
if he be a cunning flatterer1 he will   
follow the archflatterer1 which is a    
man's self2 and wherein a man thinketh  
best of himself1 therein the flatterer  
will uphold him most3 but if he be an   
impudent flatterer1 look wherein a man  
is conscious to himself1 that he is most
 defective1 and is most out of          
countenance in himself1 that will the   

flatterer entitle him to perforce1      
spreta conscientia4 ,some praises come  
of good wishes and respects1 which is a 
form due1 in civility1 to kings and     
great persons1 laudando praecipere1 when
 by telling men what they are1 they     
represent to them1 what they should be4 
,some men are praised maliciously1 to   
their hurt1 thereby to stir envy and    
jealousy towards them3 pessimum genus   
inimicorum laudantium2 insomuch as it   
was a proverb1 amongst the ,grecians1   
that he that was praised to his hurt1   
should have a push rise upon his nose2  
as we say1 that a blister will rise upon
 one's tongue1 that tells a lie4        
,certainly moderate praise1 used with   
opportunity1 and not vulgar1 is that    
which doth the good4 ,solomon saith1 ,he
 that praiseth his friend aloud1 rising 
early1 it shall be to him no better than
 a curse4 ,too much magnifying of man or
 matter1 doth irritate contradiction1   
and procure envy and scorn4 ,to praise a
 man's self1 cannot be decent1 except it

 be in rare cases2 but to praise a man's
 office or profession1 he may do it with
 good grace1 and with a kind of         
magnanimity4 ,the cardinals of ,rome1   
which are theologues1 and friars1 and   
,schoolmen1 have a phrase of notable    
contempt and scorn towards civil        
business3 for they call all temporal    
business of wars1 embassages1           
judicature1 and other employments1      
sbirrerie1 which is under-sheriffries2  
as if they were but matters1 for        
under-sheriffs and catchpoles3 though   
many times those under-sheriffries do   
more good1 than their high speculations4
 ,st4 ,paul1 when he boasts of himself1 
he doth oft interlace1 ,i speak like a  
fool2 but speaking of his calling1 he   
saith1 magnificabo apostolatum meum4    
,of ,vain-glory   ,,it ,,was prettily   
devised of ,a,esop1 ,the fly sat upon   
the axle-tree of the chariot wheel1 and 
said1 ,what a dust do ,i raise6 ,so are 
there some vain persons1 that whatsoever
 goeth alone1 or moveth upon greater    

means1 if they have never so little hand
 in it1 they think it is they that carry
 it4 ,they that are glorious1 must needs
 be factious2 for all bravery stands    
upon comparisons4 ,they must needs be   
violent1 to make good their own vaunts4 
,neither can they be secret1 and        
therefore not effectual2 but according  
to the ,french proverb1 ,beaucoup de    
bruit1 peu de fruit2 ,much bruit little 
fruit4 ,yet certainly1 there is use of  
this quality in civil affairs4 ,where   
there is an opinion and fame to be      
created1 either of virtue or greatness1 
these men are good trumpeters4 ,again1  
as ,titus ,livius noteth1 in the case of
 ,antiochus and the ,a,etolians1 ,there 
are sometimes great effects1 of cross   
lies2 as if a man1 that negotiates      
between two princes1 to draw them to    
join in a war against the third1 doth   
extol the forces of either of them1     
above measure1 the one to the other3 and
 sometimes he that deals between man and
 man1 raiseth his own credit with both1 

by pretending greater interest than he  
hath in either4 ,and in these and the   
like kinds1 it often falls out1 that    
somewhat is produced of nothing2 for    
lies are sufficient to breed opinion1   
and opinion brings on substance4 ,in    
militar commanders and soldiers1        
vain-glory is an essential point2 for as
 iron sharpens iron1 so by glory1 one   
courage sharpeneth another4 ,in cases of
 great enterprise upon charge and       
adventure1 a composition of glorious    
natures1 doth put life into business2   
and those that are of solid and sober   
natures1 have more of the ballast1 than 
of the sail4 ,in fame of learning1 the  
flight will be slow without some        
feathers of ostentation4 ,qui de        
contemnenda gloria libros scribunt1     
nomen1 suum inscribunt4 ,socrates1      
,aristotle1 ,galen1 were men full of    
ostentation4 ,certainly vain-glory      
helpeth to perpetuate a man's memory2   
and virtue was never so beholding to    
human nature1 as it received his due at 

the second hand4 ,neither had the fame  
of ,cicero1 ,seneca1 ,plinius ,secundus1
 borne her age so well1 if it had not   
been joined with some vanity in         
themselves2 like unto varnish1 that     
makes ceilings not only shine but last4 
,but all this while1 when ,i speak of   
vain-glory1 ,i mean not of that         
property1 that ,tacitus doth attribute  
to ,mucianus2 ,omnium quae dixerat      
feceratque arte quadam ostentator3 for  
that proceeds not of vanity1 but of     
natural magnanimity and discretion2 and 
in some persons1 is not only comely1 but
 gracious4 ,for excusations1 cessions1  
modesty itself well governed1 are but   
arts of ostentation4 ,and amongst those 
arts1 there is none better than that    
which ,plinius ,secundus speaketh of1   
which is to be liberal of praise and    
commendation to others1 in that1 wherein
 a man's self hath any perfection4 ,for 
saith ,pliny1 very wittily1 ,in         
commending another1 you do yourself     
right2 for he that you commend1 is      

either superior to you in that you      
commend1 or inferior4 ,if he be         
inferior1 if he be to be commended1 you 
much more2 if he be superior1 if he be  
not to be commended1 you much less4     
,glorious men are the scorn of wise men1
 the admiration of fools1 the idols of  
parasites1 and the slaves of their own  
vaunts4     ,of ,honor ,and ,reputation 
,,the winning of honor1 is but the      
revealing of a man's virtue and worth1  
without disadvantage4 ,for some in their
 actions1 do woo and effect honor and   
reputation1 which sort of men1 are      
commonly much talked of1 but inwardly   
little admired4 ,and some1 contrariwise1
 darken their virtue in the show of it2 
so as they be undervalued in opinion4   
,if a man perform that1 which hath not  
been attempted before2 or attempted and 
given over2 or hath been achieved1 but  
not with so good circumstance2 he shall 
purchase more honor1 than by effecting a
 matter of greater difficulty or virtue1
 wherein he is but a follower4 ,if a man

 so temper his actions1 as in some one  
of them he doth content every faction1  
or combination of people1 the music will
 be the fuller4 ,a man is an ill husband
 of his honor1 that entereth into any   
action1 the failing wherein may disgrace
 him1 more than the carrying of it      
through1 can honor him4 ,honor that is  
gained and broken upon another1 hath the
 quickest reflection1 like diamonds cut 
with facets4 ,and therefore1 let a man  
contend to excel any competitors of his 
in honor1 in outshooting them1 if he    
can1 in their own bow4 ,discreet        
followers and servants1 help much to    
reputation4 ,omnis fama a domesticis    
emanat4 ,envy1 which is the canker of   
honor1 is best extinguished by declaring
 a man's self in his ends1 rather to    
seek merit than fame2 and by attributing
 a man's successes1 rather to divine    
,providence and felicity1 than to his   
own virtue or policy4  ,the true        
marshalling of the degrees of sovereign 
honor1 are these3 ,in the first place   

are conditores imperiorum1 founders of  
states and commonwealths2 such as were  
,romulus1 ,cyrus1 ,caesar1 ,ottoman1    
,ismael4 ,in the second place are       
legislatores1 lawgivers2 which are also 
called second founders1 or perpetui     
principes1 because they govern by their 
ordinances after they are gone2 such    
were ,lycurgus1 ,solon1 ,justinian1     
,eadgar1 ,alphonsus of ,castile1 the    
,wise1 that made the ,siete ,partidas4  
,in the third place are liberatores1 or 
salvatores1 such as compound the long   
miseries of civil wars1 or deliver their
 countries from servitude of strangers  
or tyrants2 as ,augustus ,caesar1       
,vespasianus1 ,aurelianus1 ,theodoricus1
 ,king ,henry the ,seventh of ,england1 
,king ,henry the ,fourth of ,france4 ,in
 the fourth place are propagatores or   
propugnatores imperii2 such as in       
honorable wars enlarge their            
territories1 or make noble defence      
against invaders4 ,and in the last place
 are patres patriae2 which reign justly1

 and make the times good wherein they   
live4 ,both which last kinds need no    
examples1 they are in such number4      
,degrees of honor1 in subjects1 are1    
first participes curarum1 those upon    
whom1 princes do discharge the greatest 
weight of their affairs2 their right    
hands1 as we call them4 ,the next are   
duces belli1 great leaders in war2 such 
as are princes' lieutenants1 and do them
 notable services in the wars4 ,the     
third are gratiosi1 favorites2 such as  
exceed not this scantling1 to be solace 
to the sovereign1 and harmless to the   
people4 ,and the fourth1 negotiis pares2
 such as have great places under        
princes1 and execute their places1 with 
sufficiency4 ,there is an honor1        
likewise1 which may be ranked amongst   
the greatest1 which happeneth rarely2   
that is1 of such as sacrifice themselves
 to death or danger for the good of     
their country2 as was ,m4 ,regulus1 and 
the two ,decii4     ,of ,judicature     
,,judges ought to remember1 that their  

office is jus dicere1 and not jus dare2 
to interpret law1 and not to make law1  
or give law4 ,else will it be like the  
authority1 claimed by the ,church of    
,rome1 which under pretext of exposition
 of ,scripture1 doth not stick to add   
and alter2 and to pronounce that which  
they do not find2 and by show of        
antiquity1 to introduce novelty4 ,judges
 ought to be more learned1 than witty1  
more reverend1 than plausible1 and more 
advised1 than confident4 ,above all     
things1 integrity is their portion and  
proper virtue4 ,cursed 7saith the law7  
is he that removeth the landmark4 ,the  
mislayer of a mere-stone is to blame4   
,but it is the unjust judge1 that is the
 capital remover of landmarks1 when he  
defineth amiss1 of lands and property4  
,one foul sentence doth more hurt1 than 
many foul examples4 ,for these do but   
corrupt the stream1 the other corrupteth
 the fountain4 ,so with ,solomon1 ,fons 
turbatus1 et vena corrupta1 est justus  
cadens in causa sua coram adversario4   

,the office of judges may have reference
 unto the parties that use1 unto the    
advocates that plead1 unto the clerks   
and ministers of justice underneath     
them1 and to the sovereign or state     
above them4  ,first1 for the causes or  
parties that sue4 ,there be 7saith the  
,scripture7 that turn judgment1 into    
wormwood2 and surely there be also1 that
 turn it into vinegar2 for injustice    
maketh it bitter1 and delays make it    
sour4 ,the principal duty of a judge1 is
 to suppress force and fraud2 whereof   
force is the more pernicious1 when it is
 open1 and fraud1 when it is close and  
disguised4 ,add thereto contentious     
suits1 which ought to be spewed out1 as 
the surfeit of courts4 ,a judge ought to
 prepare his way to a just sentence1 as 
,god useth to prepare his way1 by       
raising valleys and taking down hills3  
so when there appeareth on either side  
an high hand1 violent prosecution1      
cunning advantages taken1 combination1  
power1 great counsel1 then is the virtue

 of a judge seen1 to make inequality    
equal2 that he may plant his judgment as
 upon an even ground4 ,qui fortiter     
emungit1 elicit sanguinem2 and where the
 wine-press is hard wrought1 it yields a
 harsh wine1 that tastes of the         
grape-stone4 ,judges must beware of hard
 constructions1 and strained inferences2
 for there is no worse torture1 than the
 torture of laws4 ,specially in case of 
laws penal1 they ought to have care1    
that that which was meant for terror1 be
 not turned into rigor2 and that they   
bring not upon the people1 that shower  
whereof the ,scripture speaketh1 ,pluet 
super eos laqueos2 for penal laws       
pressed1 are a shower of snares upon the
 people4 ,therefore let penal laws1 if  
they have been sleepers of long1 or if  
they be grown unfit for the present     
time1 be by wise judges confined in the 
execution3 ,judicis officium est1 ut    
res1 ita tempora rerum1 etc4 ,in causes 
of life and death1 judges ought 7as far 
as the law permitteth7 in justice to    

remember mercy2 and to cast a severe eye
 upon the example1 but a merciful eye   
upon the person4  ,secondly1 for the    
advocates and counsel that plead4       
,patience and gravity of hearing1 is an 
essential part of justice2 and an       
overspeaking judge is no well-tuned     
cymbal4 ,it is no grace to a judge1     
first to find that1 which he might have 
heard in due time from the bar2 or to   
show quickness of conceit1 in cutting   
off evidence or counsel too short2 or to
 prevent information by questions1      
though pertinent4 ,the parts of a judge 
in hearing1 are four3 to direct the     
evidence2 to moderate length1           
repetition1 or impertinency of speech2  
to recapitulate1 select1 and collate the
 material points1 of that which hath    
been said2 and to give the rule or      
sentence4 ,whatsoever is above these is 
too much2 and proceedeth either of      
glory1 and willingness to speak1 or of  
impatience to hear1 or of shortness of  
memory1 or of want of a staid and equal 

attention4 ,it is a strange thing to    
see1 that the boldness of advocates     
should prevail with judges2 whereas they
 should imitate ,god1 in whose seat they
 sit2 who represseth the presumptuous1  
and giveth grace to the modest4 ,but it 
is more strange1 that judges should have
 noted favorites2 which cannot but cause
 multiplication of fees1 and suspicion  
of by-ways4 ,there is due from the judge
 to the advocate1 some commendation and 
gracing1 where causes are well handled  
and fair pleaded2 especially towards the
 side which obtaineth not2 for that     
upholds in the client1 the reputation of
 his counsel1 and beats down in him the 
conceit of his cause4 ,there is likewise
 due to the public1 a civil reprehension
 of advocates1 where there appeareth    
cunning counsel1 gross neglect1 slight  
information1 indiscreet pressing1 or an 
overbold defence4 ,and let not the      
counsel at the bar1 chop with the judge1
 nor wind himself into the handling of  
the cause anew1 after the judge hath    

declared his sentence2 but1 on the other
 side1 let not the judge meet the cause 
half way1 nor give occasion to the      
party1 to say his counsel or proofs were
 not heard4  ,thirdly1 for that that    
concerns clerks and ministers4 ,the     
place of justice is an hallowed place2  
and therefore not only the bench1 but   
the foot-place2 and precincts and       
purprise thereof1 ought to be preserved 
without scandal and corruption4 ,for    
certainly grapes 7as the ,scripture     
saith7 will not be gathered of thorns or
 thistles2 neither can justice yield her
 fruit with sweetness1 amongst the      
briars and brambles of catching and     
polling clerks1 and ministers4 ,the     
attendance of courts1 is subject to four
 bad instruments4 ,first1 certain       
persons that are sowers of suits2 which 
make the court swell1 and the country   
pine4 ,the second sort is of those1 that
 engage courts in quarrels of           
jurisdiction1 and are not truly amici   
curiae1 but parasiti curiae1 in puffing 

a court up beyond her bounds1 for their 
own scraps and advantage4 ,the third    
sort1 is of those that may be accounted 
the left hands of courts2 persons that  
are full of nimble and sinister tricks  
and shifts1 whereby they pervert the    
plain and direct courses of courts1 and 
bring justice into oblique lines and    
labyrinths4 ,and the fourth1 is the     
poller and exacter of fees2 which       
justifies the common resemblance of the 
courts of justice1 to the bush          
whereunto1 while the sheep flies for    
defence in weather1 he is sure to lose  
part of his fleece4 ,on the other side1 
an ancient clerk1 skilful in precedents1
 wary in proceeding1 and understanding  
in the business of the court1 is an     
excellent finger of a court2 and doth   
many times point the way to the judge   
himself4  ,fourthly1 for that which may 
concern the sovereign and estate4       
,judges ought above all to remember the 
conclusion of the ,roman ,twelve        
,tables2 ,salus populi suprema lex2 and 

to know that laws1 except they be in    
order to that end1 are but things       
captious1 and oracles not well inspired4
 ,therefore it is an happy thing in a   
state1 when kings and states do often   
consult with judges2 and again1 when    
judges do often consult with the king   
and state3 the one1 when there is matter
 of law1 intervenient in business of    
state2 the other1 when there is some    
consideration of state1 intervenient in 
matter of law4 ,for many times the      
things deduced to judgment may be meum  
and tuum1 when the reason and           
consequence thereof may trench to point 
of estate3 ,i call matter of estate1 not
 only the parts of sovereignty1 but     
whatsoever introduceth any great        
alteration1 or dangerous precedent2 or  
concerneth manifestly any great portion 
of people4 ,and let no man weakly       
conceive1 that just laws and true policy
 have any antipathy2 for they are like  
the spirits and sinews1 that one moves  
with the other4 ,let judges also        

remember1 that ,solomon's throne was    
supported by lions on both sides3 let   
them be lions1 but yet lions under the  
throne2 being circumspect that they do  
not check or oppose any points of       
sovereignty4 ,let not judges also be    
ignorant of their own right1 as to think
 there is not left to them1 as a        
principal part of their office1 a wise  
use and application of laws4 ,for they  
may remember1 what the apostle saith of 
a greater law than theirs2 ,nos scimus  
quia lex bona est1 modo quis ea utatur  
legitime4     ,of ,anger   ,,to ,,seek  
to extinguish anger utterly1 is but a   
bravery of the ,stoics4 ,we have better 
oracles3 ,be angry1 but sin not4 ,let   
not the sun go down upon your anger4    
,anger must be limited and confined1    
both in race and in time4 ,we will first
 speak how the natural inclination and  
habit to be angry1 may be attempted and 
calmed4 ,secondly1 how the particular   
motions of anger may be repressed1 or at
 least refrained from doing mischief4   

,thirdly1 how to raise anger1 or appease
 anger in another4  ,for the first2     
there is no other way but to meditate1  
and ruminate well upon the effects of   
anger1 how it troubles man's life4 ,and 
the best time to do this1 is to look    
back upon anger1 when the fit is        
thoroughly over4 ,seneca saith well1    
,that anger is like ruin1 which breaks  
itself upon that it falls4 ,the         
,scripture exhorteth us to possess our  
souls in patience4 ,whosoever is out of 
patience1 is out of possession of his   
soul4 ,men must not turn bees2   444    
animasque in vulnere ponunt4   ,anger is
 certainly a kind of baseness2 as it    
appears well in the weakness of those   
subjects in whom it reigns2 children1   
women1 old folks1 sick folks4 ,only men 
must beware1 that they carry their anger
 rather with scorn1 than with fear2 so  
that they may seem rather to be above   
the injury1 than below it2 which is a   
thing easily done1 if a man will give   
law to himself in it4  ,for the second  

point2 the causes and motives of anger1 
are chiefly three4 ,first1 to be too    
sensible of hurt2 for no man is angry1  
that feels not himself hurt2 and        
therefore tender and delicate persons   
must needs be oft angry2 they have so   
many things to trouble them1 which more 
robust natures have little sense of4    
,the next is1 the apprehension and      
construction of the injury offered1 to  
be1 in the circumstances thereof1 full  
of contempt3 for contempt is that1 which
 putteth an edge upon anger1 as much or 
more than the hurt itself4 ,and         
therefore1 when men are ingenious in    
picking out circumstances of contempt1  
they do kindle their anger much4        
,lastly1 opinion of the touch of a man's
 reputation1 doth multiply and sharpen  
anger4 ,wherein the remedy is1 that a   
man should have1 as ,consalvo was wont  
to say1 telam honoris crassiorem4 ,but  
in all refrainings of anger1 it is the  
best remedy to win time2 and to make a  
man's self believe1 that the opportunity

 of his revenge is not yet come1 but    
that he foresees a time for it2 and so  
to still himself in the meantime1 and   
reserve it4  ,to contain anger from     
mischief1 though it take hold of a man1 
there be two things1 whereof you must   
have special caution4 ,the one1 of      
extreme bitterness of words1 especially 
if they be aculeate and proper2 for     
cummunia maledicta are nothing so much2 
and again1 that in anger a man reveal no
 secrets2 for that1 makes him not fit   
for society4 ,the other1 that you do not
 peremptorily break off1 in any         
business1 in a fit of anger2 but        
howsoever you show bitterness1 do not   
act anything1 that is not revocable4    
,for raising and appeasing anger in     
another2 it is done chiefly by choosing 
of times1 when men are frowardest and   
worst disposed1 to incense them4 ,again1
 by gathering 7as was touched before7   
all that you can find out1 to aggravate 
the contempt4 ,and the two remedies are 
by the contraries4 ,the former to take  

good times1 when first to relate to a   
man an angry business2 for the first    
impression is much2 and the other is1 to
 sever1 as much as may be1 the          
construction of the injury from the     
point of contempt2 imputing it to       
misunderstanding1 fear1 passion1 or what
 you will4     ,of ,vicissitude ,of     
,things   ,,solomon saith1 ,there is no 
new thing upon the earth4 ,so that as   
,plato had an imagination1 ,that all    
knowledge was but remembrance2 so       
,solomon giveth his sentence1 ,that all 
novelty is but oblivion4 ,whereby you   
may see1 that the river of ,lethe       
runneth as well above ground as below4  
,there is an abstruse astrologer that   
saith1 ,if it were not for two things   
that are constant 7the one is1 that the 
fixed stars ever stand a like distance  
one from another1 and never come nearer 
together1 nor go further asunder2 the   
other1 that the diurnal motion          
perpetually keepeth time71 no individual
 would last one moment4 ,certain it is1 

that the matter is in a perpetual flux1 
and never at a stay4 ,the great         
winding-sheets1 that bury all things in 
oblivion1 are two2 deluges and          
earthquakes4 ,as for conflagrations and 
great droughts1 they do not merely      
dispeople and destroy4 ,phaeton's car   
went but a day4 ,and the three years'   
drought in the time of ,elias1 was but  
particular1 and left people alive4 ,as  
for the great burnings by lightnings1   
which are often in the ,west ,indies1   
they are but narrow4 ,but in the other  
two destructions1 by deluge and         
earthquake1 it is further to be noted1  
that the remnant of people which hap to 
be reserved1 are commonly ignorant and  
mountainous people1 that can give no    
account of the time past2 so that the   
oblivion is all one1 as if none had been
 left4 ,if you consider well of the     
people of the ,west ,indies1 it is very 
probable that they are a newer or a     
younger people1 than the people of the  
,old ,world4 ,and it is much more       

likely1 that the destruction that hath  
heretofore been there1 was not by       
earthquakes 7as the ,egyptian priest    
told ,solon concerning the island of    
,atlantis1 that it was swallowed by an  
earthquake71 but rather that it was     
desolated by a particular deluge4 ,for  
earthquakes are seldom in those parts4  
,but on the other side1 they have such  
pouring rivers1 as the rivers of ,asia  
and ,africk and ,europe1 are but brooks 
to them4 ,their ,andes1 likewise1 or    
mountains1 are far higher than those    
with us2 whereby it seems1 that the     
remnants of generation of men1 were in  
such a particular deluge saved4 ,as for 
the observation that ,machiavel hath1   
that the jealousy of sects1 doth much   
extinguish the memory of things2        
traducing ,gregory the ,great1 that he  
did what in him lay1 to extinguish all  
heathen antiquities2 ,i do not find that
 those zeals do any great effects1 nor  
last long2 as it appeared in the        
succession of ,sabinian1 who did revive 

the former antiquities4  ,the           
vicissitude of mutations in the superior
 globe1 are no fit matter for this      
present argument4 ,it may be1 ,plato's  
great year1 if the world should last so 
long1 would have some effect2 not in    
renewing the state of like individuals  
7for that is the fume of those1 that    
conceive the celestial bodies have more 
accurate influences upon these things   
below1 than indeed they have71 but in   
gross4 ,comets1 out of question1 have   
likewise power and effect1 over the     
gross and mass of things2 but they are  
rather gazed upon1 and waited upon in   
their journey1 than wisely observed in  
their effects2 specially in1 their      
respective effects2 that is1 what kind  
of comet1 for magnitude1 color1 version 
of the beams1 placing in the reign of   
heaven1 or lasting1 produceth what kind 
of effects4  ,there is a toy which ,i   
have heard1 and ,i would not have it    
given over1 but waited upon a little4   
,they say it is observed in the ,low    

,countries 7,i know not in what part7   
that every five and thirty years1 the   
same kind and suit of years and weathers
 come about again2 as great frosts1     
great wet1 great droughts1 warm winters1
 summers with little heat1 and the like2
 and they call it the ,prime4 ,it is a  
thing ,i do the rather mention1 because1
 computing backwards1 ,i have found some
 concurrence4  ,but to leave these      
points of nature1 and to come to men4   
,the greatest vicissitude of things     
amongst men1 is the vicissitude of sects
 and religions4 ,for those orbs rule in 
men's minds most4 ,the true religion is 
built upon the rock2 the rest are       
tossed1 upon the waves of time4 ,to     
speak1 therefore1 of the causes of new  
sects2 and to give some counsel         
concerning them1 as far as the weakness 
of human judgment can give stay1 to so  
great revolutions4 ,when the religion   
formerly received1 is rent by discords2 
and when the holiness of the professors 
of religion1 is decayed and full of     

scandal2 and withal the times be stupid1
 ignorant1 and barbarous2 you may doubt 
the springing up of a new sect2 if then 
also1 there should arise any extravagant
 and strange spirit1 to make himself    
author thereof4 ,all which points held1 
when ,mahomet published his law4 ,if a  
new sect have not two properties1 fear  
it not2 for it will not spread4 ,the one
 is the supplanting1 or the opposing1 of
 authority established2 for nothing is  
more popular than that4 ,the other is   
the giving license to pleasures1 and a  
voluptuous life4 ,for as for speculative
 heresies 7such as were in ancient times
 the ,arians1 and now the ,arminians71  
though they work mightily upon men's    
wits1 yet they do not produce any great 
alterations in states2 except it be by  
the help of civil occasions4 ,there be  
three manner of plantations of new      
sects4 ,by the power of signs and       
miracles2 by the eloquence1 and wisdom1 
of speech and persuasion2 and by the    
sword4 ,for martyrdoms1 ,i reckon them  

amongst miracles2 because they seem to  
exceed the strength of human nature3 and
 ,i may do the like1 of superlative and 
admirable holiness of life4 ,surely     
there is no better way1 to stop the     
rising of new sects and schisms1 than to
 reform abuses2 to compound the smaller 
differences2 to proceed mildly1 and not 
with sanguinary persecutions2 and rather
 to take off the principal authors by   
winning and advancing them1 than to     
enrage them by violence and bitterness4 
,the changes and vicissitude in wars are
 many2 but chiefly in three things2 in  
the seats or stages of the war2 in the  
weapons2 and in the manner of the       
conduct4 ,wars1 in ancient time1 seemed 
more to move from east to west2 for the 
,persians1 ,assyrians1 ,arabians1       
,tartars 7which were the invaders7 were 
all eastern people4 ,it is true1 the    
,gauls were western2 but we read but of 
two incursions of theirs3 the one to    
,gallo-,grecia1 the other to ,rome4 ,but
 east and west have no certain points of

 heaven2 and no more have the wars1     
either from the east or west1 any       
certainty of observation4 ,but north and
 south are fixed2 and it hath seldom or 
never been seen that the far southern   
people have invaded the northern1 but   
contrariwise4 ,whereby it is manifest   
that the northern tract of the world1 is
 in nature the more martial region3 be  
it in respect of the stars of that      
hemisphere2 or of the great continents  
that are upon the north1 whereas the    
south part1 for aught that is known1 is 
almost all sea2 or 7which is most       
apparent7 of the cold of the northern   
parts1 which is that which1 without aid 
of discipline1 doth make the bodies     
hardest1 and the courages warmest4      
,upon the breaking and shivering of a   
great state and empire1 you may be sure 
to have wars4 ,for great empires1 while 
they stand1 do enervate and destroy the 
forces of the natives which they have   
subdued1 resting upon their own         
protecting forces2 and then when they   

fail also1 all goes to ruin1 and they   
become a prey4 ,so was it in the decay  
of the ,roman empire2 and likewise in   
the empire of ,almaigne1 after ,charles 
the ,great1 every bird taking a feather2
 and were not unlike to befall to       
,spain1 if it should break4 ,the great  
accessions and unions of kingdoms1 do   
likewise stir up wars2 for when a state 
grows to an over-power1 it is like a    
great flood1 that will be sure to       
overflow4 ,as it hath been seen in the  
states of ,rome1 ,turkey1 ,spain1 and   
others4 ,look when the world hath fewest
 barbarous peoples1 but such as commonly
 will not marry or generate1 except they
 know means to live 7as it is almost    
everywhere at this day1 except          
,tartary71 there is no danger of        
inundations of people2 but when there be
 great shoals of people1 which go on to 
populate1 without foreseeing means of   
life and sustentation1 it is of         
necessity that once in an age or two1   
they discharge a portion of their people

 upon other nations2 which the ancient  
northern people were wont to do by lot2 
casting lots what part should stay at   
home1 and what should seek their        
fortunes4 ,when a warlike state grows   
soft and effeminate1 they may be sure of
 a war4 ,for commonly such states are   
grown rich in the time of their         
degenerating2 and so the prey inviteth1 
and their decay in valor1 encourageth a 
war4  ,as for the weapons1 it hardly    
falleth under rule and observation3 yet 
we see even they1 have returns and      
vicissitudes4 ,for certain it is1 that  
ordnance was known in the city of the   
,oxidrakes in ,india2 and was that1     
which the ,macedonians called thunder   
and lightning1 and magic4 ,and it is    
well known that the use of ordnance1    
hath been in ,china above two thousand  
years4 ,the conditions of weapons1 and  
their improvement1 are2 ,first1 the     
fetching afar off2 for that outruns the 
danger2 as it is seen in ordnance and   
muskets4 ,secondly1 the strength of the 

percussion2 wherein likewise ordnance do
 exceed all arietations and ancient     
inventions4 ,the third is1 the          
commodious use of them2 as that they may
 serve in all weathers2 that the        
carriage may be light and manageable2   
and the like4  ,for the conduct of the  
war3 at the first1 men rested extremely 
upon number3 they did put the wars      
likewise upon main force and valor2     
pointing days for pitched fields1 and so
 trying it out upon an even match and   
they were more ignorant in ranging and  
arraying their battles4 ,after1 they    
grew to rest upon number rather         
competent1 than vast2 they grew to      
advantages of place1 cunning diversions1
 and the like3 and they grew more       
skilful in the ordering of their        
battles4  ,in the youth of a state1 arms
 do flourish2 in the middle age of a    
state1 learning2 and then both of them  
together for a time2 in the declining   
age of a state1 mechanical arts and     
merchandize4 ,learning hath his infancy1

 when it is but beginning and almost    
childish2 then his youth1 when it is    
luxuriant and juvenile2 then his        
strength of years1 when it is solid and 
reduced2 and lastly1 his old age1 when  
it waxeth dry and exhaust4 ,but it is   
not good to look too long upon these    
turning wheels of vicissitude1 lest we  
become giddy4 ,as for the philology of  
them1 that is but a circle of tales1 and
 therefore not fit for this writing4    
,of ,fame   ,,the poets make ,fame a    
monster4 ,they describe her in part     
finely and elegantly1 and in part       
gravely and sententiously4 ,they say1   
look how many feathers she hath1 so many
 eyes she hath underneath2 so many      
tongues2 so many voices2 she pricks up  
so many ears4  ,this is a flourish4     
,there follow excellent parables2 as    
that1 she gathereth strength in going2  
that she goeth upon the ground1 and yet 
hideth her head in the clouds2 that in  
the daytime she sitteth in a watch      
tower1 and flieth most by night2 that   

she mingleth things done1 with things   
not done2 and that she is a terror to   
great cities4 ,but that which passeth   
all the rest is3 ,they do recount that  
the ,earth1 mother of the giants that   
made war against ,jupiter1 and were by  
him destroyed1 thereupon in an anger    
brought forth ,fame4 ,for certain it is1
 that rebels1 figured by the giants1 and
 seditious fames and libels1 are but    
brothers and sisters1 masculine and     
feminine4 ,but now1 if a man can tame   
this monster1 and bring her to feed at  
the hand1 and govern her1 and with her  
fly other ravening fowl and kill them1  
it is somewhat worth4 ,but we are       
infected with the style of the poets4   
,to speak now in a sad and serious      
manner3 ,there is not1 in all the       
politics1 a place less handled and more 
worthy to be handled1 than this of fame4
 ,we will therefore speak of these      
points3 ,what are false fames2 and what 
are true fames2 and how they may be best
 discerned2 how fames may be sown1 and  

raised2 how they may be spread1 and     
multiplied2 and how they may be checked1
 and laid dead4 ,and other things       
concerning the nature of fame4 ,fame is 
of that force1 as there is scarcely any 
great action1 wherein it hath not a     
great part2 especially in the war4      
,mucianus undid ,vitellius1 by a fame   
that he scattered1 that ,vitellius had  
in purpose to remove the legions of     
,syria into ,germany1 and the legions of
 ,germany into ,syria2 whereupon the    
legions of ,syria were infinitely       
inflamed4 ,julius ,caesar took ,pompey  
unprovided1 and laid asleep his industry
 and preparations1 by a fame that he    
cunningly gave out3 ,caesar's own       
soldiers loved him not1 and being       
wearied with the wars1 and laden with   
the spoils of ,gaul1 would forsake him1 
as soon as he came into ,italy4 ,livia  
settled all things for the succession of
 her son ,tiberius1 by continual giving 
out1 that her husband ,augustus was upon
 recovery and amendment1 and it is an   

usual thing with the pashas1 to conceal 
the death of the ,great ,turk from the  
janizaries and men of war1 to save the  
sacking of ,constantinople and other    
towns1 as their manner is4 ,themistocles
 made ,xerxes1 king of ,persia1 post    
apace out of ,grecia1 by giving out1    
that the ,grecians had a purpose to     
break his bridge of ships1 which he had 
made athwart ,hellespont4 ,there be a   
thousand such like examples2 and the    
more they are1 the less they need to be 
repeated2 because a man meeteth with    
them everywhere4 ,therefore let all wise
 governors have as great a watch and    
care over fames1 as they have of the    
actions and designs themselves4   ,this 
essay was not finished     ,a ,glossary 
,of ,archaic ,words ,and ,phrases       
,abridgment3 miniature      ,absurd3    
stupid1 unpolished      ,abuse3 cheat1  
deceive      ,aculeate3 stinging        
,adamant3 loadstone      ,adust3        
scorched      ,advoutress3 adulteress   
,affect3 like1 desire      ,antic3 clown

      ,appose3 question                 
,arietation3 battering-ram      ,audit3 
revenue      ,avoidance3 secret outlet  
,battle3 battalion      ,bestow3 settle 
in life      ,blanch3 flatter1 evade    
,brave3 boastful      ,bravery3 boast1  
ostentation      ,broke3 deal in        
brokerage      ,broken3 shine by        
comparison      ,broken music3 part     
music      ,cabinet3 secret             
,calendar3 weather forecast      ,card3 
chart1 map      ,care not to3 are       
reckless      ,cast3 plan      ,cat3    
cate1 cake      ,charge and adventure3  
cost and      risk      ,check with3    
interfere      ,chop3 bandy words       
,civil3 peaceful      ,close3 secret1   
secretive      ,collect3 infer          
,compound3 compromise      ,consent3    
agreement      ,curious3 elaborate      
,custom3 import duties      ,deceive3   
rob      ,derive3 divert                
,difficileness3 moroseness              
,discover3 reveal      ,donative3 money 
gift      ,doubt3 fear                  

,equipollent3 equally powerful          
,espial3 spy      ,estate3 state        
,facility3 of easy persuasion           
,fair3 rather      ,fame3 rumor         
,favor3 feature      ,flashy3 insipid   
,foot-pace3 lobby      ,foreseen3       
guarded against      ,froward3 stubborn 
,futile3 babbling      ,globe3 complete 
body      ,glorious3 showy1 boastful    
,humorous3 capricious      ,hundred     
poll3 hundredth head      ,impertinent3 
irrelevant      ,implicit3 entangled    
,in a mean3 in moderation      ,in      
smother3 suppressed      ,indifferent3  
impartial      ,intend3 attend to       
,knap3 knoll      ,leese3 lose          
,let3 hinder      ,loose3 shot          
,lot3 spell      ,lurch3 intercept      
,make3 profit1 get      ,manage3 train  
,mate3 conquer      ,material3          
business-like      ,mere-stone3 boundary
 stone      ,muniting3 fortifying       
,nerve3 sinew      ,obnoxious3          
subservient1 liable      ,oes3 round    
spangles      ,pair3 impair             

,pardon3 allowance      ,passable3      
mediocre      ,pine-apple-tree3 pine    
,plantation3 colony      ,platform3 plan
      ,plausible3 praiseworthy          
,point device3 excessively precise      
,politic3 politician      ,poll3 extort 
,poser3 examiner      ,practice3        
plotting      ,preoccupate3 anticipate  
,prest3 prepared      ,prick3 plant     
,proper3 personal      ,prospective3    
stereoscope      ,proyne3 prune         
,purprise3 enclosure      ,push3 pimple 
,quarrel3 pretext      ,quech3 flinch   
,reason3 principle      ,recamera3      
retiring-room      ,return3 reaction    
,return3 wing running back      ,rise3  
dignity      ,round3 straight           
,save3 account for      ,scantling3     
measure      ,seel3 blind      ,shrewd3 
mischievous      ,sort3 associate       
,spial3 spy      ,staddle3 sapling      
,steal3 do secretly      ,stirp3 family 
,stond3 stop1 stand      ,stoved3       
hot-housed      ,style3 title           
,success3 outcome      ,sumptuary law3  

law against      extravagance           
,superior globe3 the heavens            
,temper3 proportion      ,tendering3    
nursing      ,tract3 line1 trait        
,travel3 travail1 labor      ,treaties3 
treatises      ,trench to3 touch        
,trivial3 common      ,turquet3 ,turkish
 dwarf      ,under foot3 below value    
,unready3 untrained      ,usury3        
interest      ,value3 certify           
,virtuous3 able      ,votary3 vowed     
,wanton3 spoiled      ,wood3 maze       
,work3 manage1 utilize