,the ,harvard ,classics ,volume #ch     
,scientific ,papers 7,physiology1       
,medicine1 ,surgery1 ,geology7          
,,contents  ,,the ,,oath ,,of           
,,hippocrates   ,,the ,,law ,,of        
,,hippocrates  ,,journeys ,,in ,,diverse
 ,,places 444 ,,ambroise ,,pare         
,,translated ,,by ,,stephen ,,paget     
,,on ,,the ,,motion ,,of ,,the ,,heart  
,,and ,,blood ,,in ,,animals ,,william  
,,harvey4 4 4 ,,translated ,,by ,,robert
 ,,willis  ,,the ,,three ,,original     
,,publications ,,on ,,vaccination       
,,against ,,smallpox 4 444 44 ,,edward  
,,jenner  ,,the ,,contagiousness ,,of   
,,puerperal ,,fever ,o4 ,w4 ,,holmes    
,,on ,,the ,,antiseptic ,,principle ,,of
 ,,the ,,practice ,,of ,,surgery ,,lord 
,,lister  ,,the ,,physiological ,,theory
 ,,of ,,fermentation ,,louis ,,pasteur  
,,translated ,,by ,f4 ,,faulkner ,,and  
,d4 ,c4 ,,robb 7,revised7  ,,the ,,germ 
,,theory ,,and ,,its ,,applications ,,to
 ,,medicine ,,and ,,surgery 7,revised7 4
 444 44 ,,louis ,,pasteur ,,translated  

,,by ,h4 ,c4 ,,ernst  ,,on ,,the        
,,extension ,,of ,,the ,,germ ,,theory  
,,to ,,the ,,etiology ,,of ,,certain    
,,common ,,diseases 7,revised7 ,,louis  
,,pasteur ,,translated ,,by ,h4 ,c4     
,,ernst  ,,prejudices ,,which ,,have    
,,retarded ,,the ,,progress ,,of        
,,geology4 444 4 444 44 ,,sir ,,charles 
,,lyell  ,,uniformity ,,in ,,the        
,,series ,,of ,,past ,,changes ,,in     
,,the ,,animate ,,and ,,inanimate       
,,world ,,sir ,,charles ,,lyell         
,,introductory ,,note  ,hippocrates1 the
 celebrated ,greek physician1 was a     
contemporary of the historian           
,herodotus4 ,he was born in the island  
of ,cos between #dgj and #dfj ,b4 ,c41  
and belonged to the family that claimed 
descent from the mythical ,a,esculapius1
 son of ,apollo4 ,there was already a   
long medical tradition in ,greece before
 his day1 and this he is supposed to    
have inherited chiefly through his      
predecessor ,herodicus2 and he enlarged 
his education by extensive travel4 ,he  

is said1 though the evidence is         
unsatisfactory1 to have taken part in   
the efforts to check the great plague   
which devastated ,athens at the         
beginning of the ,peloponnesian war4 ,he
 died at ,larissa between #chj and #cfj 
,b4 ,c4  ,the works attributed to       
,hippocrates are the earliest extant    
,greek medical writings1 but very many  
of them are certainly not his4 ,some    
five or six1 however1 are generally     
granted to be genuine1 and among these  
is the famous ,oath4 ,this interesting  
document shows that in his time         
physicians were already organized into a
 corporation or guild1 with regulations 
for the training of disciples1 and with 
an esprit de corps and a professional   
ideal which1 with slight exceptions1 can
 hardly yet be regarded as out of date4 
,one saying occurring in the words of   
,hippocrates has achieved universal     
currency1 though few who quote it to-day
 are aware that it originally referred  
to the art of the physician4 ,it is the 

first of his ,aphorisms3 ,life is short1
 and the ,art long2 the occasion        
fleeting2 experience fallacious1 and    
judgment difficult4 ,the physician must 
not only be prepared to do what is right
 himself1 but also to make the patient1 
the attendants1 and externals cooperate4
     ,,the ,,oath ,,of ,,hippocrates  ,i
 swear by ,apollo the physician and     
,a,esculapius1 and ,health1 and         
,all-heal1 and all the gods and         
goddesses1 that1 according to my ability
 and judgment1 ,i will keep this ,oath  
and this stipulation --to reckon him who
 taught me this ,art equally dear to me 
as my parents1 to share my substance    
with him1 and relieve his necessities if
 required2 to look upon his offspring in
 the same footing as my own brothers1   
and to teach them this art1 if they     
shall wish to learn it1 without fee or  
stipulation2 and that by precept1       
lecture1 and every other mode of        
instruction1 ,i will impart a knowledge 
of the ,art to my own sons1 and those of

 my teachers1 and to disciples bound by 
a stipulation and oath according to the 
law of medicine1 but to none others4 ,i 
will follow that system of regimen      
which1 according to my ability and      
judgment1 ,i consider for the benefit of
 my patients1 and abstain from whatever 
is deleterious and mischievous4 ,i will 
give no deadly medicine to any one if   
asked1 nor suggest any such counsel2 and
 in like manner ,i will not give to a   
woman a pessary to produce abortion4    
,with purity and with holiness ,i will  
pass my life and practice my ,art4 ,i   
will not cut persons labouring under the
 stone1 but will leave this to be done  
by men who are practitioners of this    
work4 ,into whatever houses ,i enter1 ,i
 will go into them for the benefit of   
the sick1 and will abstain from every   
voluntary act of mischief and           
corruption2 and1 further1 from the      
seduction of females or males1 of       
freemen and slaves4 ,whatever1 in       
connection with my professional         

practice1 or not in connection with it1 
,i see or hear1 in the life of men1     
which ought not to be spoken of abroad1 
,i will not divulge1 as reckoning that  
all such should be kept secret4 ,while  
,i continue to keep this ,oath          
unviolated1 may it be granted to me to  
enjoy life and the practice of the art1 
respected by all men1 in all times4 ,but
 should ,i trespass and violate this    
,oath1 may the reverse be my lot4       
,,the ,,law ,,of ,,hippocrates          
,medicine is of all the arts the most   
noble2 but1 owing to the ignorance of   
those who practice it1 and of those who1
 inconsiderately1 form a judgment of    
them1 it is at present far behind all   
the other arts4 ,their mistake appears  
to me to arise principally from this1   
that in the cities there is no          
punishment connected with the practice  
of medicine 7and with it alone7 except  
disgrace1 and that does not hurt those  
who are familiar with it4 ,such persons 
are like the figures which are          

introduced in tragedies1 for as they    
have the shape1 and dress1 and personal 
appearance of an actor1 but are not     
actors1 so also physicians are many in  
title but very few in reality4  #b4     
,whoever is to acquire a competent      
knowledge of medicine1 ought to be      
possessed of the following advantages3 a
 natural disposition2 instruction2 a    
favorable position for the study2 early 
tuition2 love of labour2 leisure4 ,first
 of all1 a natural talent is required2  
for1 when ,nature leads the way to what 
is most excellent1 instruction in the   
art takes place1 which the student must 
try to appropriate to himself by        
reflection1 becoming an early pupil in a
 place well adapted for instruction4 ,he
 must also bring to the task a love of  
labour and perseverance1 so that the    
instruction taking root may bring forth 
proper and abundant fruits4  #c4        
,instruction in medicine is like the    
culture of the productions of the earth4
 ,for our natural disposition1 is1 as it

 were1 the soil2 the tenets of our      
teacher are1 as it were1 the seed2      
instruction in youth is like the        
planting of the seed in the ground at   
the proper season2 the place where the  
instruction is communicated is like the 
food imparted to vegetables by the      
atmosphere2 diligent study is like the  
cultivation of the fields2 and it is    
time which imparts strength to all      
things and brings them to maturity4  #d4
 ,having brought all these requisites to
 the study of medicine1 and having      
acquired a true knowledge of it1 we     
shall thus1 in travelling through the   
cities1 be esteemed physicians not only 
in name but in reality4 ,but            
inexperience is a bad treasure1 and a   
bad fund to those who possess it1       
whether in opinion or reality1 being    
devoid of self-reliance and             
contentedness1 and the nurse both of    
timidity and audacity4 ,for timidity    
betrays a want of powers1 and audacity a
 lack of skill4 ,they are1 indeed1 two  

things1 knowledge and opinion1 of which 
the one makes its possessor really to   
know1 the other to be ignorant4  #e4    
,those things which are sacred1 are to  
be imparted only to sacred persons2 and 
it is not lawful to impart them to the  
profane until they have been initiated  
in the mysteries of the science4        
,,journeys ,,in ,,diverse ,,places  ,,by
 ,,ambroise ,,pare  ,,translated ,,by   
,,stephen ,,paget   ,ambroise ,pare was 
born in the village of ,bourg-,hersent1 
near ,laval1 in ,maine1 ,france1 about  
#aeaj4 ,he was trained as a barber-     
surgeon at a time when a barber-surgeon 
was inferior to a surgeon and the       
professions of surgeon and physician    
were kept apart by the law of the       
,church that forbade a physician to shed
 blood4 ,under whom he served his       
apprenticeship is unknown1 but by #aecc 
he was in ,paris1 where he received an  
appointment as house surgeon at the     
,hotel ,dieu4 ,after three or four years
 of valuable experience in this         

hospital1 he set up in private practise 
in ,paris1 but for the next thirty years
 he was there only in the intervals of  
peace2 the rest of the time he followed 
the army4 ,he became a master           
barber-surgeon in #aeda4  ,in ,pare's   
time the armies of ,europe were not     
regularly equipped with a medical       
service4 ,the great nobles were         
accompanied by their private physicians2
 the common soldiers doctored           
themselves1 or used the services of     
barber-surgeons and quacks who          
accompanied the army as adventurers4    
,when ,pare joined the army says ,paget1
 he went simply as a follower of        
,colonel ,montejan1 having neither rank1
 recognition1 nor regular payment4 ,his 
fees make up in romance for their       
irregularity3 a cask of wine1 fifty     
double ducats and a horse1 a diamond1 a 
collection of crowns and half-crowns    
from the ranks1 other honorable presents
 and of great value'2 from the ,king    
himself1 three hundred crowns1 and a    

promise he would never let him be in    
want2 another diamond1 this time from   
the finger of a duchess3 and a soldier  
once offered a bag of gold to him4      
,when ,pare was a man of seventy1 the   
,dean of the ,faculty of ,medicine in   
,paris made an attack on him on account 
of his use of the ligature instead of   
cauterizing after amputation4 ,in       
answer1 ,pare appealed to his successful
 experience1 and narrated the ,journeys 
in ,diverse ,places here printed4 ,this 
entertaining volume gives a vivid       
picture1 not merely of the condition of 
surgery in the sixteenth century1 but of
 the military life of the time2 and     
reveals incidentally a personality of   
remarkable vigor and charm4 ,pare's own 
achievements are recorded with modest   
satisfaction3 ,i dressed him1 and ,god  
healed him1 is the refrain4 ,pare died  
in ,paris in ,december1 #aeij4          
,,journeys ,,in ,,diverse ,,places      
,footnote3 ,the present translation is  
taken from ,mr4 ,stephen ,paget's       

,ambroise ,pare and ,his ,times by      
arrangement with ,messrs4 ,g4 ,p4       
,putnam's ,sons4   #aecg-aefi  ,,the    
,,journey ,,to ,,turin4 #aecg   ,i will 
here shew my readers the towns and      
places where ,i found a way to learn the
 art of surgery3 for the better         
instruction of the young surgeon4  ,and 
first1 in the year #aecf1 the great     
,king ,francis sent a large army to     
,turin1 to recover the towns and castles
 that had been taken by the ,marquis du 
,guast1 ,lieutenant-,general of the     
,emperor4 ,m4 the ,constable1 then      
,grand ,master1 was ,lieutenant-,general
 of the army1 and ,m4 de ,montejan was  
,colonel-,general of the infantry1 whose
 surgeon ,i was at this time4 ,a great  
part of the army being come to the ,pass
 of ,suze1 we found the enemy occupying 
it2 and they had made forts and         
trenches1 so that we had to fight to    
dislodge them and drive them out4 ,and  
there were many killed and wounded on   
both sides1--but the enemy were forced  

to give way and retreat into the castle1
 which was captured1 part of it1 by     
,captain ,le ,rat1 who was posted on a  
little hill with some of his soldiers1  
whence they fired straight on the enemy4
 ,he received an arquebus-shot in his   
right ankle1 and fell to the ground at  
once1 and then said1 ,now they have got 
the ,rat4 ,i dressed him1 and ,god      
healed him4  ,we entered pell-mell into 
the city1 and passed over the dead      
bodies1 and some not yet dead1 hearing  
them cry under our horses' feet2 and    
they made my heart ache to hear them4   
,and truly ,i repented ,i had left      
,paris to see such a pitiful spectacle4 
,being come into the city1 ,i entered   
into a stable1 thinking to lodge my own 
and my man's horse1 and found four dead 
soldiers1 and three propped against the 
wall1 their features all changed1 and   
they neither saw1 heard1 nor spake1 and 
their clothes were still smouldering    
where the gunpowder had burned them4 ,as
 ,i was looking at them with pity1 there

 came an old soldier who asked me if    
there were any way to cure them2 ,i said
 no4 ,and then he went up to them and   
cut their throats1 gently1 and without  
ill will toward them4 ,seeing this great
 cruelty1 ,i told him he was a villain3 
he answered he prayed ,god1 when he     
should be in such a plight1 he might    
find someone to do the same for him2    
that he should not linger in misery4    
,to come back to my story1 the enemy    
were called on to surrender1 which they 
did1 and left the city with only their  
lives saved1 and the white stick in     
their hands2 and most of them went off  
to the ,chateau de ,villane1 where about
 two hundred ,spaniards were stationed4 
,m4 the ,constable would not leave these
 behind him1 wishing to clear the road  
for our own men4 ,the castle is seated  
on a small hill2 which gave great       
confidence to those within1 that we     
could not bring our artillery to bear   
upon them4 ,they were summoned to       
surrender1 or they would be cut in      

pieces3 they answered that they would   
not1 saying they were as good and       
faithful servants of the ,emperor1 as   
,m4 the ,constable could be of the ,king
 his master4 ,thereupon our men by night
 hoisted up two great cannons1 with the 
help of the ,swiss soldiers and the     
lansquenets2 but as ill luck would have 
it1 when the cannons were in position1 a
 gunner stupidly set fire to a bag full 
of gunpowder1 whereby he was burned1    
with ten or twelve soldiers2 and the    
flame of the powder discovered our      
artillery1 so that all night long those 
within the castle fired their arquebuses
 at the place where they had caught     
sight of the cannons1 and many of our   
men were killed and wounded4 ,next day1 
early in the morning1 the attack was    
begun1 and we soon made a breach in     
their wall4 ,then they demanded a       
parley2 but it was too late1 for        
meanwhile our ,french infantry1 seeing  
them taken by surprise1 mounted the     
breach1 and cut them all in pieces1 save

 one very fair young girl of ,piedmont1 
whom a great seigneur would have4 444   
,the captain and the ensign were taken  
alive1 but soon afterward hanged and    
strangled on the battlements of the gate
 of the city1 to give example and fear  
to the ,emperor's soldiers1 not to be so
 rash and mad as to wish to hold such   
places against so great an army4  ,the  
soldiers within the castle1 seeing our  
men come on them with great fury1 did   
all they could to defend themselves1 and
 killed and wounded many of our soldiers
 with pikes1 arquebuses1 and stones1    
whereby the surgeons had all their work 
cut out for them4 ,now ,i was at this   
time a fresh-water soldier2 ,i had not  
yet seen wounds made by gunshot at the  
first dressing4 ,it is true ,i had read 
in ,john de ,vigo1 first book1 ,of      
,wounds in ,general1 eighth chapter1    
that wounds made by firearms partake of 
venenosity1 by reason of the powder2 and
 for their cure he bids you cauterise   
them with oil of elders scalding hot1   

mixed with a little treacle4 ,and to    
make no mistake1 before ,i would use the
 said oil1 knowing this was to bring    
great pain to the patient1 ,i asked     
first before ,i applied it1 what the    
other surgeons did for the first        
dressing2 which was to put the said oil1
 boiling well1 into the wounds1 with    
tents and setons2 wherefore ,i took     
courage to do as they did4 ,at last my  
oil ran short1 and ,i was forced instead
 thereof to apply a digestive made of   
the yolks of eggs1 oil of roses1 and    
turpentine4 ,in the night ,i could not  
sleep in quiet1 fearing some default in 
not cauterising1 that ,i should find the
 wounded to whom ,i had not used the    
said oil dead from the poison of their  
wounds2 which made me rise very early to
 visit them1 where beyond my expectation
 ,i found that those to whom ,i had     
applied my digestive medicament had but 
little pain1 and their wounds without   
inflammation or swelling1 having rested 
fairly well that night2 the others1 to  

whom the boiling oil was used1 ,i found 
feverish1 with great pain and swelling  
about the edges of their wounds4 ,then  
,i resolved never more to burn thus     
cruelly poor men with gunshot wounds4   
,while ,i was at ,turin1 ,i found a     
surgeon famed above all others for his  
treatment of gunshot wounds2 into whose 
favour ,i found means to insinuate      
myself1 to have the recipe of his balm1 
as he called it1 wherewith he dressed   
gunshot wounds4 ,and he made me pay my  
court to him for two years1 before ,i   
could possibly draw the recipe from him4
 ,in the end1 thanks to my gifts and    
presents1 he gave it to me2 which was to
 boil1 in oil of lilies1 young whelps   
just born1 and earth-worms prepared with
 ,venetian turpentine4 ,then ,i was     
joyful1 and my heart made glad1 that ,i 
had understood his remedy1 which was    
like that which ,i had obtained by      
chance4  ,see how ,i learned to treat   
gunshot wounds2 not by books4  ,my ,lord
 ,marshal ,montejan remained            

,lieutenant-,general for the ,king in   
,piedmont1 having ten or twelve thousand
 men in garrison in the different cities
 and castles1 who were often fighting   
among themselves with swords and other  
weapons1 even with arquebuses4 ,and if  
there were four wounded1 ,i always had  
three of them2 and if there were        
question of cutting off an arm or a leg1
 or of trepanning1 or of reducing a     
fracture or a dislocation1 ,i           
accomplished it all4 ,the ,lord ,marshal
 sent me now hire now there to dress the
 soldiers committed to me who were      
wounded in other cities beside ,turin1  
so that ,i was always in the country1   
one way or the other4  ,m4 the ,marshal 
sent to ,milan1 to a physician of no    
less reputation than the late ,m4 le    
,grand for his success in practice1 to  
treat him for an hepatic flux1 whereof  
in the end he died4 ,this physician was 
some while at ,turin to treat him1 and  
was often called to visit the wounded1  
where always he found me2 and ,i was    

used to consult with him1 and with some 
other surgeons2 and when we had resolved
 to do any serious work of surgery1 it  
was ,ambroise ,pare that put his hand   
thereto1 which ,i would do promptly and 
skilfully1 and with great assurance1    
insomuch that the physician wondered at 
me1 to be so ready in the operations of 
surgery1 and ,i so young4 ,one day1     
discoursing with the ,lord ,marshal1 he 
said to him3  ,signor1 tu hai un        
,chirurgico giovane di anni1 ma egli e  
vecchio di sapere e di esperientia3     
,guardato bene1 perche egli ti fara     
servicio et honore4 ,that is to say1    
,thou hast a surgeon young in age1 but  
he is old in knowledge and experience3  
take good care1 of him1 for he will do  
thee service and honour4 ,but the good  
man did not know ,i had lived three     
years at the ,hotel ,dieu in ,paris1    
with the patients there4  ,in the end1  
,m4 the ,marshal died of his hepatic    
flux4 ,he being dead1 the ,king sent ,m4
 the ,marshal d',annebaut to be in his  

place3 who did me the honour to ask me  
to live with him1 and he would treat me 
as well or better than ,m4 the ,marshal 
de ,montejan4 ,which ,i would not do1   
for grief at the loss of my master1 who 
loved me dearly2 so ,i returned to      
,paris4     ,,the ,,journey ,,to        
,,marolle ,,and ,,low ,,brittany4 #aedc 
,i went to the ,camp of ,marolle1 with  
the late ,m4 de ,rohan1 as surgeon of   
his company2 where was the ,king        
himself4 ,m4 d',estampes1 ,governor of  
,brittany1 had told the ,king how the   
,english had hoist sail to land in ,low 
,brittany2 and had prayed him to send1  
to help him1 ,,mm4 de ,rohan and de     
,laval1 because they were the seigneurs 
of that country1 and by their help the  
country people would beat back the      
enemy1 and keep them from landing4      
,having heard this1 the ,king sent these
 seigneurs to go in haste to the help of
 their country2 and to each was given as
 much power as to the ,governor1 so that
 they were all three the ,king's        

,lieutenants4 ,they willingly took this 
charge upon them1 and went off posting  
with good speed1 and took me with them  
as far as ,landreneau4 ,there we found  
every one in arms1 the tocsin sounding  
on every side1 for a good five or six   
leagues round the harbours1 ,brent1     
,couquet1 ,crozon1 le ,fou1 ,doulac1    
,laudanec2 each well furnished with     
artillery1 as cannons1 demi-cannons1    
culverins1 muskets1 falcons1 arquebuses2
 in brief1 all who came together were   
well equipped with all sorts and kinds  
of artillery1 and with many soldiers1   
both ,breton and ,french1 to hinder the 
,english from landing as they had       
resolved at their parting from ,england4
  ,the enemy's army came right under our
 cannons3 and when we perceived them    
desiring to land1 we saluted them with  
cannon- shot1 and unmasked our forces   
and our artillery4 ,they fled to sea    
again4 ,i was right glad to see their   
ships set sail1 which were in good      
number and good order1 and seemed to be 

a forest moving upon the sea4 ,i saw a  
thing also whereat ,i marvelled much1   
which was1 that the balls of the great  
cannons made long rebounds1 and grazed  
over the water as they do over the      
earth4 ,now to make the matter short1   
our ,english did us no harm1 and        
returned safe and sound into ,england4  
,and they leaving us in peace1 we stayed
 in that country in garrison until we   
were assured that their army was        
dispersed4  ,now our soldiers used often
 to exercise themselves with running at 
the ring1 or with fencing1 so that there
 was always some one in trouble1 and ,i 
had always something to employ me4 ,m4  
d',estampes1 to make pastime and        
pleasure for the ,seigneurs de ,rohan   
and de ,laval1 and other gentlemen1 got 
a number of village girls to come to the
 sports1 to sing songs in the tongue of 
,low ,brittany3 wherein their harmony   
was like the croaking of frogs when they
 are in love4 ,moreover1 he made them   
dance the ,brittany triori1 without     

moving feet or hips3 he made the        
gentlemen see and hear many good things4
  ,at other tunes they made the         
wrestlers of the towns and ,villages    
come1 where there was a prize for the   
best3 and the sport was not ended but   
that one or other had a leg or arm      
broken1 or the shoulder or hip          
dislocated4  ,there was a little man of 
,low ,brittany1 of a square body and    
well set1 who long held the credit of   
the field1 and by his skill and strength
 threw five or six to the ground4 ,there
 came against him a big man1 one        
,dativo1 a pedagogue1 who was said to be
 one of the best wrestlers in all       
,brittany3 he entered into the lists1   
having thrown off his long jacket1 in   
hose and doublet3 when he was near the  
little man1 it looked as though the     
little man had been tied to his girdle4 
,nevertheless1 when they gripped each   
other round the neck1 they were a long  
time without doing anything1 and we     
thought they would remain equal in force

 and skill3 but the little man suddenly 
leaped beneath this big ,dativo1 and    
took him on his shoulder1 and threw him 
to earth on his back all spread out like
 a frog2 and all the company laughed at 
the skill and strength of the little    
fellow4 ,the great ,dativo was furious  
to have been thus thrown to earth by so 
small a man3 he rose again in a rage1   
and would have his revenge4 ,they took  
hold again round the neck1 and were     
again a good while at their hold without
 falling to the ground3 but at last the 
big man let himself fall upon the       
little1 and in falling put his elbow    
upon the pit of his stomach1 and burst  
his heart1 and killed him stark dead4   
,and knowing he had given him his       
death's blow1 took again his long       
cassock1 and went away with his tail    
between his legs1 and eclipsed himself4 
,seeing the little man came not again to
 himself1 either for wine1 vinegar1 or  
any other thing presented to him1 ,i    
drew near to him and felt his pulse1    

which did not beat at all3 then ,i said 
he was dead4 ,then the ,bretons1 who    
were assisting at the wrestling1 said   
aloud in their jargon1 ,andraze         
meuraquet enes rac un bloa so abeuduex  
henelep e barz an gouremon enel ma hoa  
engoustun4 ,that is to say1 ,that is not
 in the sport4 ,and someone said that   
this great ,dativo was accustomed to do 
so1 and but a year past he had done the 
same at a wrestling4 ,i must needs open 
the body to know the cause of this      
sudden death4 ,i found much blood in the
 thorax4 444 ,i tried to find some      
internal opening whence it might have   
come1 which ,i could not1 for all the   
diligence that ,i could use4 444 ,the   
poor little wrestler was buried4 ,i took
 leave of ,,mm4 de ,rohan1 de ,laval1   
and d',estampes4 ,m4 de ,rohan made me a
 present of fifty double ducats and a   
horse1 ,m4 de ,laval gave me a nag for  
my man1 and ,m4 d',estampes gave me a   
diamond worth thirty crowns3 and ,i     
returned to my house in ,paris4         

,,the ,,journey ,,to ,,perpignan4 #aedc 
,some while after1 ,m4 de ,rohan took me
 with him posting to the camp at        
,perpignan4 ,while we were there1 the   
enemy sallied out1 and surrounded three 
pieces of our artillery before they were
 beaten back to the gates of the city4  
,which was not done without many killed 
and wounded1 among the others ,m4 de    
,brissac1 who was then grand master of  
the artillery1 with an arquebus-shot in 
the shoulder4 ,when he retired to his   
tent1 all the wounded followed him1     
hoping to be dressed by the surgeons who
 were to dress him4 ,being come to his  
tent and laid on his bed1 the bullet was
 searched for by three or four of the   
best surgeons in the army1 who could not
 find it1 but said it had entered into  
his body4  ,at last he called for me1 to
 see if ,i could be more skilful than   
they1 because he had known me in        
,piedmont4 ,then ,i made him rise from  
his bed1 and told him to put himself in 
the same posture that he had when he was

 wounded1 which he did1 taking a javelin
 in his hand just as he had held his    
pike to fight4 ,i put my hand around the
 wound1 and found the bullet4 444       
,having found it1 ,i showed them the    
place where it was1 and it was taken out
 by ,m4 ,nicole ,lavernot1 surgeon of   
,m4 the ,dauphin1 who was the ,king's   
,lieutenant in that army2 all the same1 
the honour of finding it belonged to me4
  ,i saw one very strange thing1 which  
was this3 a soldier in my presence gave 
one of his fellows a blow on the head   
with a halbard1 penetrating to the left 
ventricle of the brain2 yet the man did 
not fall to the ground4 ,he that struck 
him said he heard that he had cheated at
 dice1 and he had drawn a large sum of  
money from him1 and was accustomed to   
cheat4 ,they called me to dress him2    
which ,i did1 as it were for the last   
time1 knowing that he would die soon4   
,when ,i had dressed him1 he returned   
all alone to his quarters1 which were at
 the least two hundred paces away4 ,i   

bade one of his companions send for a   
priest to dispose the affairs of his    
soul2 he got one for him1 who stayed    
with him to his last breath4 ,the next  
day1 the patient sent for me by his     
girl1 dressed in boy's apparel1 to come 
and dress him2 which ,i would not1      
fearing he would die under my hands2 and
 to be rid of the matter ,i told her the
 dressing must not be removed before the
 third day4 ,but in truth he was sure to
 die1 though he were never touched      
again4 ,the third day1 he came          
staggering to find me in my tent1 and   
the girl with him1 and prayed me most   
affectionately to dress him1 and showed 
me a purse wherein might be an hundred  
or sixscore pieces of gold1 and said he 
would give me my heart's desire2        
nevertheless1 for all that1 ,i put off  
the removal of the dressing1 fearing    
lest he should die then and there4      
,certain gentlemen desired me to go and 
dress him2 which ,i did at their        
request2 but in dressing him he died    

under my hands in a convulsion4 ,the    
priest stayed with him till death1 and  
seized his purse1 for fear another man  
should take it1 saying he would say     
masses for his poor soul4 ,also he took 
his clothes1 and everything else4  ,i   
have told this case for the wonder of   
it1 that the soldier1 having received   
this great blow1 did not fall down1 and 
kept his reason to the end4  ,not long  
afterward1 the camp was broken up from  
diverse causes3 one1 because we were    
told that four companies of ,spaniards  
were entered into ,perpignan3 the other1
 that the plague was spreading through  
the camp4 ,moreover1 the country folk   
warned us there would soon be a great   
overflowing of the sea1 which might     
drown us all4 ,and the presage which    
they had1 was a very great wind from    
sea1 which rose so high that there      
remained not a single tent but was      
broken and thrown down1 for all the care
 and diligence we could give2 and the   
kitchens being all uncovered1 the wind  

raised the dust and sand1 which salted  
and powdered our meats in such fashion  
that we could not eat them2 and we had  
to cook them in pots and other covered  
vessels4 ,nor was the camp so quickly   
moved but that many carts and carters1  
mules and mule drivers1 were drowned in 
the sea1 with great loss of baggage4    
,when the camp was moved ,i returned to 
,paris4     ,,the ,,journey ,,to        
,,landresy4 #aedd   ,the ,king raised a 
great army to victual ,landresy4        
,against him the ,emperor had no fewer  
men1 but many more1 to wit1 eighteen    
thousand ,germans1 ten thousand         
,spaniards1 six thousand ,walloons1 ten 
thousand ,english1 and from thirteen to 
fourteen thousand horse4 ,i saw the two 
armies near each other1 within          
cannon-shot2 and we thought they could  
not withdraw without giving battle4     
,there were some foolish gentlemen who  
must needs approach the enemy's camp2   
the enemy fired on them with light field
 pieces2 some died then and there1      

others had their arms or legs carried   
away4 ,the ,king having done what he    
wished1 which was to victual ,landresy1 
withdrew his army to ,guise1 which was  
the day after ,all ,saints1 #aedd2 and  
from there ,i returned to ,paris4  ,a   
little while after1 we went to          
,boulogne2 where the ,english1 seeing   
our army1 left the forts which they were
 holding1 ,moulanabert1 le petit        
,paradis1 ,monplaisir1 the fort of      
,chastillon1 le ,portet1 the fort of    
,dardelot4 ,one day1 as ,i was going    
through the camp to dress my wounded    
men1 the enemy who were in the ,tour d' 
,ordre fired a cannon against us1       
thinking to kill two men-at-arms who had
 stopped to talk together4 ,it happened 
that the ball passed quite close to one 
of them1 which threw him to the ground1 
and it was thought the ball had touched 
him1 which it did not2 but only the wind
 of the ball full against his corselet1 
with such force that all the outer part 
of his thigh became livid and black1 and

 he could hardly stand4 ,i dressed him1 
and made diverse scarifications to let  
out the bruised blood made by the wind  
of the ball2 and by the rebounds that it
 made on the ground it killed four      
soldiers1 who remained dead where they  
fell4  ,i was not far from this shot1 so
 that ,i could just feel the moved air1 
without its doing me any harm save a    
fright1 which made me duck my head low  
enough2 but the ball was already far    
away4 ,the soldiers laughed at me1 to be
 afraid of a ball which had already     
passed4 ,mon petit maistre1 ,i think if 
you had been there1 ,i should not have  
been afraid all alone1 and you would    
have had your share of it4  ,monseigneur
 the ,due de ,guise1 ,francois de       
,lorraine1 was wounded before ,boulogne 
with a thrust of a lance1 which entered 
above the right eye1 toward the nose1   
and passed out on the other side between
 the ear and the back of the neck1 with 
so great violence that the head of the  
lance1 with a piece of the wood1 was    

broken and remained fast2 so that it    
could not be drawn but save with extreme
 force1 with smith's pincers4 ,yet      
notwithstanding the great violence of   
the blow1 which was not without fracture
 of bones1 nerves1 veins1 and arteries1 
and other parts torn and broken1 my     
lord1 by the grace of ,god1 was healed4 
,he was used to go into battle always   
with his vizard raised3 that is why the 
lance passed right out on the other     
side4     ,,the ,,journey ,,to          
,,germany4 #aeeb   ,i went to ,germany1 
in the year #aeeb1 with ,m4 de ,rohan1  
captain of fifty men-at-arms1 where ,i  
was surgeon of his company1 as ,i have  
said before4 ,on this expedition1 ,m4   
the ,constable was general of the army2 
,m4 de ,chastillon1 afterward the       
,admiral1 was chief colonel of the      
infantry1 with four regiments of        
lansquenets under ,captains ,recrod and 
,ringrave1 two under each2 and every    
regiment was of ten ensigns1 and every  
ensign of five hundred men4 ,and beside 

these were ,captain ,chartel1 who led   
the troops that the ,protestant princes 
had sent to the ,king 7this infantry was
 very fine1 and was accompanied by      
fifteen hundred men-at-arms1 with a     
following of two archers apiece1 which  
would make four thousand five hundred   
horse72 and two thousand light horse1   
and as many mounted arquebusiers1 of    
whom ,m4 d',aumalle was general2 and a  
great number of the nobility1 who were  
come there for their pleasure4          
,moreover1 the ,king was accompanied by 
two hundred gentlemen of his household1 
under the command of the ,seigneurs de  
,boisy and de ,canappe1 and by many     
other princes4 ,for his following1 to   
escort him1 there were the ,french and  
,scotch and ,swiss guards1 amounting to 
six hundred foot soldiers2 and the      
companies of ,,mm4 the ,dauphin1 de     
',guise1 d',aumalle1 and ,marshal ,saint
 ,andre1 amounting to four hundred      
lances2 which was a marvellous thing1 to
 see such a multitude2 and with this    

equipage the ,king entered into ,toul   
and ,metz4  ,i must not omit to say that
 the companies of ,,mm4 de ,rohan1 the  
,comte de ,sancerre1 and de ,jarnac1    
which were each of them of fifty horse1 
went upon the wings of the camp4 ,and   
,god knows how scarce we were of        
victuals1 and ,i protest before ,him    
that at three diverse times ,i thought  
to die of hunger2 and it was not for    
want of money1 for ,i had enough of it2 
but we could not get victuals save by   
force1 because the country people       
collected them all into the towns and   
castles4  ,one of the servants of the   
captain-ensign of the company of ,m4 de 
,rohan went with others to enter a      
church where the peasants were          
retreated1 thinking to get victuals by  
love or by forces2 but he got the worst 
of it1 as they all did1 and came back   
with seven sword wounds on the head1 the
 least of which penetrated to the inner 
table of the skull2 and he had four     
other wounds upon the arms1 and one on  

the right shoulder1 which cut more than 
half of the bladebone4 ,he was brought  
back to his master's lodging1 who seeing
 him so mutilated1 and not hoping he    
could be cured1 made him a grave1 and   
would have cast him therein1 saying that
 else the peasants would massacre and   
kill him3 ,i in pity told him the man   
might still be cured if he were well    
dressed4 ,diverse gentlemen of the      
company prayed he would take him along  
with the baggage1 since ,i was willing  
to dress him2 to which he agreed1 and   
after ,i had got the man ready1 he was  
put in a cart1 on a bed well covered and
 well arranged1 drawn by a horse4 ,i did
 him the office of physician1           
apothecary1 surgeon1 and cook4 ,i       
dressed him to the end of his case1 and 
,god healed him2 insomuch that all the  
three companies marvelled at this cure2 
,the men-at-arms of the company of ,m4  
de ,rohan1 the first muster that was    
made1 gave me each a crown1 and the     
archers half a crown1     ,,the         

,,journey ,,to ,,danvilliers4 #aeeb     
,on his return from the expedition      
against the ,german camp1 ,king ,henry  
besieged ,danvilliers1 and those within 
would not surrender4 ,they got the worst
 of it1 but our powder failed us2 so    
they had a good shot at our men4 ,there 
was a culverin-shot passed through the  
tent of ,h4 de ,rohan1 which hit a      
gentleman leg who was of his household4 
,i had to finish the cutting off of it1 
which ,i did without applying the hot   
irons4  ,the ,king sent for powder to   
,sedan1 and when it came we began the   
attack mere vigorously than before1 so  
that a breach was made4 ,,mm4 de ,guise 
and the ,constable1 being in the ,king's
 chamber1 told him1 and they agreed that
 next day they would assault the town1  
and were confident they would enter into
 it2 and it must be kept secret1 for    
fear the enemy should come to hear of   
it2 and each promised not to speak of it
 to any man4 ,now there was a groom of  
the ,king's chamber1 who being laid     

under the ,king's camp-bed to sleep1    
heard they were resolved to attack the  
town next day4 ,so he told the secret to
 a certain captain1 saying that they    
would make the attack next day for      
certain1 and he had heard it from the   
,king1 and prayed the said captain to   
speak of it to no man1 which he         
promised2 but his promise did not hold1 
and forthwith he disclosed it to a      
captain1 and this captain to a captain1 
and the captains to some of the         
soldiers1 saying always1 ,say nothing4  
,and it was just so much hid1 that next 
day early in the morning there was seen 
the greater part of the soldiers with   
their boots and breeches cut loose at   
the knee for the better mounting of the 
breach4 ,the ,king was told of this     
rumour that ran through the camp1 that  
the attack was to be made2 whereat he   
was astonished1 seeing there were but   
three in that advice1 who had promised  
each other to tell it to no man4 ,the   
,king sent for ,m4 de ,guise1 to know if

 he had spoken of this attack2 he swore 
and affirmed to him he had not told it  
to anybody2 and ,m4 the ,constable said 
the same1 and told the ,king they must  
know for certain who had declared this  
secret counsel1 seeing they were but    
three4 ,inquiry was made from captain to
 captain4 ,in the end they found the    
truth2 for one said1 ,it was such an one
 told me1 and another said the same1    
till it came to the first of all1 who   
declared he had heard it from the groom 
of the ,king's chamber1 called ,guyard1 
a native of ,blois1 son of a barber of  
the late ,king ,francis4 ,the ,king sent
 for him into his tent1 in the presence 
of ,,mm4 de ,guise and the ,constable1  
to hear from him whence he had his      
knowledge1 and who had told him the     
attack was to be made2 and said if he   
did not speak the truth he would have   
him hanged4 ,then he declared he lay    
down under the ,king's bed thinking to  
sleep1 and so having heard the plan he  
revealed it to a captain who was a      

friend of his1 to the end he might      
prepare himself with his soldiers to be 
the first at the attack4 ,then the ,king
 knew the truth1 and told him he should 
never serve him again1 and that he      
deserved to be hanged1 and forbade him  
ever to come again to the ,court4  ,the 
groom of the chamber went away with this
 to swallow1 and slept that night with a
 surgeon-in-ordinary of the ,king1      
,master ,louis of ,saint ,andre2 and in 
the night he gave himself six stabs with
 a knife1 and cut his throat ,nor did   
the surgeon perceive it till the        
morning1 when he found his bed all      
bloody1 and the dead body by him4 ,he   
marvelled at this sight on his awaking1 
and feared they would say he was the    
cause of the murder2 but he was soon    
relieved1 seeing the reason1 which was  
despair at the loss of the good         
friendship of the ,king4  ,so ,guyard   
was buried4 ,and those of ,danvilliers1 
when they saw the breach large enough   
for us to enter1 and our soldiers ready 

to assault them1 surrendered themselves 
to the mercy of the ,king4 ,their       
leaders were taken prisoners1 and their 
,soldiers were sent away without arms4  
,the camp being dispersed1 ,i returned  
to ,paris with my gentleman whose leg ,i
 had cut off2 ,i dressed him1 and ,god  
healed him4 ,i sent him to his house    
merry with a wooden leg2 and he was     
content saying he had got off cheap1 not
 to have been miserably burned to stop  
the blood1 as you write in your book1   
won petit matetre1     ,,the ,,journey  
,,to ,,chateau ,,le ,,comte4 #aeeb      
,some time after4 ,king ,henry raised an
 army of thirty thousand men1 to go and 
lay waste the country about ,hesdin4    
,the ,king of ,navarre1 who was then    
called ,m4 de ,vendosme1 was chief of   
the army1 and the ,king's ,lieutenant4  
,being at ,st4 ,denis1 in ,france1      
waiting while the companies passed by1  
he sent to ,paris for me to speak with  
him4 ,when ,i came he begged me 7and his
 request was a command7 to follow him on

 this journey2 and ,i1 wishing to make  
my excuses1 saying my wife was sick in  
bed1 he made answer there were          
physicians in ,pairs to cure her1 and   
he1 too1 had left his wife1 who was of  
as good a house as mine1 and he said he 
would use me well1 and forthwith ordered
 ,i should be attached to his household4
 ,seeing this great desire he had to    
take me with him1 ,i dared not refuse   
him4  ,i went after him to ,chateau le  
,comte1 within three or four leagues of 
,hesdin4 ,the ,emperor's soldiers were  
in garrison there1 with a number of     
peasants from the country road4 ,m4 de  
,vendosme called on them to surrender2  
they made answer that he should never   
take them1 unless it were piecemeal2 let
 him do his worst1 and they would do    
their best to defend themselves4 ,they  
trusted in their moats1 which were full 
of water2 but in two hours1 with plenty 
of faggots and casks1 we made a way for 
our infantry to pass over1 when they had
 to advance to the assault2 and the     

place was attacked with five cannons1   
and a breach was made large enough for  
our men to enter2 where those within    
received the attack very valiantly1 and 
killed and wounded a great number of our
 men with arquebuses1 pikes1 and stones4
 ,in the end1 when they saw themselves  
overpowered1 they set fire to their     
powder and ammunition1 whereby many of  
our men were burned1 and some of their  
own4 ,and they were almost all put to   
the sword2 but some of our soldiers had 
taken twenty or thirty1 hoping to have  
ransom for them3 and so soon as this was
 known1 orders were given to proclaim by
 trumpet through the camp1 that all     
soldiers who had ,spaniards for         
prisoners must kill them1 on pain of    
being themselves hanged and strangled3  
which was done in cold blood4  ,thence  
we went and burned several villages2 and
 the barns were all full of grain1 to my
 very great regret4 ,we came as far as  
,tournahan1 where there was a large     
tower1 whither the enemy withdrew1 but  

we found the place empty3 our men sacked
 it1 and blew up the tower with a mine  
of gunpowder1 which turned it upside    
down4 ,after that1 the camp was         
dispersed1 and ,i returned to ,paris4   
,and the day after ,chateau le ,comte   
was taken1 ,m4 de ,vendosme sent a      
gentleman under orders to the ,king1 to 
report to him all that had happened1 and
 among other things he told the ,king ,i
 had done very good work dressing the   
wounded1 and had showed him eighteen    
bullets that ,i had taken out of their  
bodies1 and there were many more that ,i
 had not been able to find or take out2 
and he spoke more good of me than there 
was by half4 ,then the ,king said he    
would take me into his service1 and     
commanded ,m4 de ,goguier1 his first    
physician1 to write me down in the      
,king's service as one of his           
surgeons-in-ordinary1 and ,i was to meet
 him at ,rheims within ten or twelve    
days3 which ,i did4 ,and the ,king did  
me the honour to command me to live near

 him1 and he would be a good friend to  
me4 ,then ,i thanked him most humbly for
 the honour he was pleased to do me1 in 
appointing me to serve him4     ,,the   
,,journey ,,to ,,metz4 #aeeb   ,the     
,emperor having besieged ,metz with more
 than an hundred and twenty thousand    
men1 and in the hardest time of         
winter1--it is still fresh in the minds 
of all--and there were five or six      
thousand men in the town1 and among them
 seven princes2 ,,mm4 le ,duc de ,guise1
 the ,king's ,lieutenant1 d',enghien1 de
 ,conde1 de la ,montpensier1 de la      
,roche-sur-,yon1 de ,nemours1 and many  
other gentlemen1 with a number of       
veteran captains and officers3 who often
 sallied out against the enemy 7as ,i   
shall tell hereafter71 not without heavy
 loss on both sides4 ,our wounded died  
almost all1 and it was thought the drugs
 wherewith they were dressed had been   
poisoned4 ,wherefore ,m4 de ,guise1 and 
,,mm4 the princes1 went so far as to beg
 the ,king that if it were possible ,i  

should be sent to them with a supply of 
drugs1 and they believed their drugs    
were poisoned1 seeing that few of their 
wounded escaped4 ,my belief is that     
there was no poison2 but the severe     
cutlass and arquebus wounds1 and the    
extreme cold1 were the cause why so many
 died4 ,the ,king wrote to ,m4 the      
,marshal de ,saint ,andre1 who was his  
,lieutenant at ,verdun1 to find means to
 get me into ,metz1 whatever way was    
possible4 ,,mm4 the ,marshal de ,saint  
,andre1 and the ,marshal de             
,vielleville1 won over an ,italian      
captain1 who promised to get me into the
 place1 which he did 7and for this he   
had fifteen hundred crowns74 ,the ,king 
having heard the promise that the       
,italian captain had made1 sent for me1 
and commanded me to take of his         
apothecary1 named ,daigne1 so many and  
such drugs as ,i should think necessary 
for the wounded within the town2 which  
,i did1 as much as a post-horse could   
carry4 ,the ,king gave me messages to   

,m4 de ,guise1 and to the princes and   
the captains that were in ,metz4  ,when 
,i came to ,verdun1 some days after1 ,m4
 the ,marshal de ,saint ,andre got      
horses for me and for my man1 and for   
the ,italian captain1 who spoke         
excellent ,german1 ,spanish1 and        
,walloon1 beside his own mother-tongue4 
,when we were within eight or ten       
leagues of ,metz1 we began to go by     
night only2 and when we came near the   
enemy's camp ,i saw1 more than a league 
and a half off1 fires lighted all round 
the town1 as if the whole earth were    
burning2 and ,i believed we could never 
pass through these fires without being  
discovered1 and therefore hanged and    
strangled1 or cut in pieces1 or made to 
pay a great ransom4 ,to speak truth1 ,i 
could well and gladly have wished myself
 back in ,paris1 for the great danger   
that ,i foresaw4 ,god guided our        
business so well1 that we entered into  
the town at midnight1 thanks to a signal
 the captain had with another captain of

 the company of ,m4 de ,guise2 to whom  
,i went1 and found him in bed1 and he   
received me with high favour1 being     
right glad at my coming4  ,i gave him my
 message as the ,king had commanded me1 
and told him ,i had a little letter for 
him1 and the next day ,i would not fail 
to deliver it4 ,then he ordered me a    
good lodging1 and that ,i should be well
 treated1 and said ,i must not fail next
 morning to be upon the breach1 where ,i
 should find all the princes and        
seigneurs1 and many captains4 ,which ,i 
did1 and they received me with great    
joy1 and did me the honour to embrace   
me1 and tell me ,i was welcome2 adding  
they would no more be afraid of dying1  
if they should happen to be wounded4    
,m4 le ,prince de la ,roche-sur-,yon was
 the first who entertained me1 and      
inquired what they were saying at the   
,court concerning the town of ,metz4 ,i 
told him all that ,i chose to tell4     
,forthwith he begged me to go and see   
one of his gentlemen named ,m4 de       

,magnane1 now ,chevalier of the ,order  
of the ,king1 and ,lieutenant of ,his   
,majesty's ,guards1 who had his leg     
broken by a cannon-shot4 ,i found him in
 bed1 his leg bent and crooked1 without 
any dressing on it1 because a gentleman 
promised to cure him1 having his name   
and his girdle1 with certain words 7and 
the poor patient was weeping and crying 
out with pain1 not sleeping day or night
 for four days past74 ,then ,i laughed  
at such cheating and false promises2 and
 ,i reduced and dressed his leg so      
skilfully that he was without pain1 and 
slept all the night1 and afterward1     
thanks be to ,god1 he was healed1 and is
 still living now1 in the ,king's       
service4 ,the ,prince de la             
,roche-sur-,yon sent me a cask of wine1 
bigger than a pipe of ,anjou1 to my     
lodging1 and told me when it was drunk1 
he would send me another2 that was how  
he treated me1 most generously4  ,after 
this1 ,m1 de ,guise gave me a list of   
certain captains and seigneurs1 and bade

 me tell them what the ,king had charged
 me to say2 which ,i did1 and this was  
to commend him to them1 and give them   
his thanks for the duty they had done   
and were doing in holding his town of   
,metz1 and that he would remember it4 ,i
 was more than eight days acquitting    
myself of this charge1 because they were
 many4 ,first1 to all the princes2 then 
to others1 as the ,duke ,horace1 the    
,count de ,martigues1 and his brother   
,m4 de ,bauge1 the ,seigneurs de        
,montmorency and d',anville1 now        
,marshal of ,france1 ,m4 de la ,chapelle
 aux ,ursins1 ,bonnivet1 ,carouge1 now  
,governor of ,rouen1 the ,vidasme de    
,chartres1 the ,count de ,lude1 ,m4 de  
,biron1 now ,marshal of ,france1 ,m4 de 
,randan1 la ,rochefoucaut1 ,bordaille1  
d' ,estres the younger1 ,m4 de ,saint   
,jehan en pauphine1 and many others whom
 it would take too long to name2 and    
also to many captains1 who had all done 
their duty well for the defence of their
 lives and of the town4 ,afterward ,i   

asked ,m4 de ,guise what it pleased him 
,i should do with the drugs ,i had      
brought with me2 he bade me distribute  
them to the surgeons and apothecaries1  
and principally to the poor wounded     
soldiers1 who were in great numbers in  
the ,hospital4 ,which ,i did1 and can   
truly say ,i could not so much as go and
 see all the wounded1 who kept sending  
for me to visit and dress them4  ,all   
the seigneurs within the town asked me  
to give special care1 above all the     
rest2 to ,m4 de ,pienne1 who had been   
wounded1 while on the breach1 by a stone
 shot from a cannon1 on the temple1 with
 fracture and depression of the bone4   
,they told me that so soon as he        
received the blow1 he fell to the ground
 as dead1 and cast forth blood by the   
mouth1 nose1 and ears1 with great       
vomiting1 and was fourteen days without 
being able to speak or reason2 also he  
had tremors of a spasmodic nature1 and  
all his face was swelled and livid1 ,he 
was trepanned at the side of the        

temporal muscle1 over the frontal bone4 
,i dressed him1 with other surgeons1 and
 ,god healed him2 and to-day he is still
 living1 thank ,god4  ,the ,emperor     
attacked the town with forty double     
cannons1 and the powder was not spared  
day or night4 ,so soon as ,m4 de ,guise 
saw the artillery set and pointed to    
make a breach1 he had the nearest houses
 pulled down and made into ramparts1 and
 the beams and joists were put end to   
end1 and between them faggots1 earth1   
beds1 and wool-packs2 then they put     
above them other beams and joists as    
before4 ,and there was plenty of wood   
from the houses in the suburbs2 which   
had been razed to the ground1 for fear  
the enemy should get under cover of     
them1 and make use of the wood2 it did  
very well for repairing the breach4     
,everybody was hard at work carrying    
earth to repair it1 day and night2 ,,mm4
 the princes1 the seigneurs1 and        
captains1 lieutenants1 ensigns1 were all
 carrying the basket1 to set an example 

to the soldiers and citizens to do the  
like1 which they did2 even the ladies   
and girls1 and those who had not        
baskets1 made use of cauldrons1         
panniers1 sacks1 sheets1 and all such   
things to carry the earth2 so that the  
enemy had no sooner broken down the wall
 than they found behind it a yet        
stronger rampart4 ,the wall having      
fallen1 our men cried out at those      
outside1 ,fox1 fox1 fox1 and they vented
 a thousand insults against one another4
 ,m4 de ,guise forbade any man on pain  
of death to speak with those outside1   
for fear there should be some traitor   
who would betray what was being done    
within the town4 ,after this order1 our 
men tied live cats to the ends of their 
pikes1 and put them over the wall and   
cried with the cats1 ,miaut1 ,miaut4    
,truly the ,imperials were much enraged1
 having been so long making a breach1 at
 great loss1 which was eighty paces     
wide1 that fifty men of their front rank
 should enter in1 only to find a rampart

 stronger than the wall4 ,they threw    
themselves upon the poor cats1 and shot 
them with arquebuses as men shoot at the
 popinjay4  ,our men often ran out upon 
them1 by order of ,m4 de ,guise2 a few  
days ago1 our men had all made haste to 
enrol themselves in sallying-parties1   
chiefly the young nobility1 led by      
experienced captains2 and indeed it was 
doing them a great favour to let them   
issue from the town and run upon the    
enemy4 ,they went forth always an       
hundred or six score men1 well armed    
with cutlasses1 arquebuses1 pistols1    
pikes1 partisans1 and halbards2 and     
advanced as far as the trenches1 to take
 the enemy unawares4 ,then an alarum    
would be sounded all through the enemy's
 camp1 and their drums would beat plan1 
plan1 ta ti ta1 ta ta ti ta1 tou touf   
touf4 ,likewise their trumpets and      
clarions rang and sounded1 ,to saddle1  
to saddle1 to saddle1 to horse1 to      
horse1 to horse1 to saddle1 to horse1 to
 horse4 ,and all their soldiers cried1  

,arm1 arm arm6 to arms1 to arms1 to     
arms6 arm1 to arms1 arm1 to arms1       
arm3--like the hue-and-cry after wolves2
 and all diverse tongues1 according to  
their nations2 and you saw them come out
 of their tents and little lodgings1 as 
thick as little ants when you uncover   
the ant-hills1 to bring help to their   
comrades1 who were having their throats 
cut like sheep4 ,their cavalry also came
 from all sides at full gallop1 patati1 
patata1 patati1 patata1 pa1 ta1 ta1     
patata pata1 ta1 eager to be in the     
thick of the fighting1 to give and take 
their share of the blows4 ,and when our 
men saw themselves hard pressed1 they   
would turn back into the town1 fighting 
all the way2 and those pursuing them    
were driven back with cannon-shots1 and 
the cannons were loaded with            
flint-stones and with big pieces of     
iron1 square or three-sided4 ,and our   
men on the wall fired a volley1 and     
rained bullets on them as thick as hail1
 to send them back to their beds2       

whereas many remained dead on the field3
 and our men also did not all come back 
with whole skins1 and there were always 
some left behind 7as it were a tax      
levied on us7 who were joyful to die on 
the bed of honour4 ,and if there was a  
horse wounded1 it was skinned and eaten 
by the soldiers1 instead of beef and    
bacon2 and if a man was wounded1 ,i must
 run and dress him4 ,some days afterward
 there were other sallies1 which        
infuriated the enemy1 that we would not 
let him sleep a little in safety4  ,m4  
de ,guise played a trick upon them3 he  
sent a peasant1 who was none of the     
wisest1 with two letters to the ,king1  
and gave him ten crowns1 and promised   
the ,king would give him an hundred if  
he got the letters to him4 ,in the one  
letter ,m4 de ,guise told the ,king that
 the enemy shewed no of retreating1 and 
had put forth all their strength made a 
great breach1 which he hoped to defend1 
even at the cost of his own life and of 
all who were in the town2 and that the  

enemy had planted their artillery so    
well in a certain place 7which he named7
 that it was with great difficulty he   
could keep them from entering the town1 
seeing it was the weakest place in the  
town2 but soon he hoped to rebuild it   
well1 so that they should not be able to
 enter4 ,this letter was sewed in the   
lining of the man's doublet1 and he was 
told to be very careful not to speak of 
it to any person4 ,and the other letter 
was given to him1 wherein ,m4 de ,guise 
told the ,king that he and all those    
besieged with him hoped to guard the    
town well2 and other matters which ,i   
leave untold here4 ,he sent out the man 
at night1 and he was taken by the       
enemy's guard and brought to the ,duke  
of ,alva1 that the ,duke might hear what
 was doing in the town2 and the peasant 
was asked if he had any letters4 ,he    
said ,yes1 and gave them the one2 and   
they having seen it asked him if he had 
not another4 ,he said ,no4 ,then he was 
searched1 and they found on him that    

which was sewed in his doubtlet2 and the
 poor messenger was handed and          
strangled4  ,the letters were taken to  
the ,emperor1 who called his council1   
where it was resolved1 since they had   
been unable to do anything at the first 
breach1 the artillery should forthwith  
be set against the place which they     
thought weakest1 where they put forth   
all their strength to make a fresh      
breach2 and they sapped and mined the   
wall1 and tried hard to make a way into 
the ,hell ,tower1 but dared not assault 
it openly4  ,the ,duke of ,alva         
represented to the ,emperor that every  
day their soldiers were dying1 to the   
number of more than two hundred1 and    
there was so little hope of entering the
 town1 seeing the time of year and the  
great number of our soldiers who were in
 it4 ,the ,emperor asked what men they  
were who were dying1 and whether they   
were gentlemen and men of mark2 answer  
was made to him ,they were all poor     
soldiers4 ,then said he1 ,it was no     

great loss if they died1 comparing them 
to caterpillars1 grasshoppers1 and      
cockchafers1 which eat up the buds and  
other good things of the earth2 and if  
they were men of any worth they would   
not be in his camp at six livres the    
month1 and therefore it was no great    
harm if they died4 ,moreover1 he said he
 would never depart from the town till  
he had taken it by force or by famine1  
though he should lose all his army2     
because of the great number of princes  
who were shut up in it1 with the greater
 part of the nobility of ,france1 who he
 hoped would pay his expenses four times
 over2 and he would go yet again to     
,paris1 to see the ,parisians1 and to   
make himself ,king of all the kingdom of
 ,france4  ,m4 de ,guise1 with the      
princes1 captains1 and soldiers1 and in 
general all the citizens of the town1   
having heard the ,emperor's resolve to  
exterminate us all1 forbade the soldiers
 and citizens1 and even the princes and 
seigneurs1 to eat fresh fish or venison1

 or partridges1 woodcocks1 larks1       
francolines1 plovers1 or other game1 for
 fear these had acquired any            
pestilential air which could bring      
infection among us4 ,so they had to     
content themselves with the fare of the 
army2 biscuit1 beef1 salt cow-beef1     
bacon1 cervelas1 and ,mayence hams2 also
 fish1 as haddock1 salmon1 shad1 tunny1 
whale1 anchovy1 sardines1 herrings2 also
 peas1 beans1 rice1 garlic1 onions1     
prunes1 cheeses1 butter1 oil1 and salt2 
pepper1 ginger1 nutmegs and other spices
 to put in our pies1 mostly of horses1  
which without the spice had a very bad  
taste4 ,many citizens1 having gardens in
 the town1 had planted them with fine   
radishes1 turnips1 carrots1 and leeks1  
which they kept flourishing and very    
dear1 for the extreme necessity of the  
famine4 ,now all these stores were      
distributed by weight1 measure1 and     
justice1 according to the quality of the
 persons1 because we knew not how long  
the siege would last4 ,for after we     

heard the ,emperors words1 how he would 
not depart from before ,metz1 till he   
had taken it by force or by famine1 the 
victuals were cut down2 and what they   
used to distribute to three soldiers was
 given to four2 and it was forbidden to 
them to sell the remains which might be 
left after their meals2 but they might  
give them to the rabble4 ,and they      
always rose from table with an appetite1
 for fear they should be subject to take
 physick4  ,and before we surrendered to
 the mercy of the enemy1 we had         
determined to eat the asses1 mules1 and 
horses1 dogs1 cats1 and rats1 even our  
boots and collars1 and other skins that 
we could have softened and stewed4 ,and1
 in a word1 all the besieged were       
resolved to defend themselves valiantly 
with all instruments of war2 to set the 
artillery at the entry of the breach1   
and load with balls1 stones1 cart-nails1
 bars and chains of iron2 also all sorts
 and kinds of artificial fires1 as      
barricadoes1 grenades1 stink-pots1      

torches1 squibs1 fire-traps1 burning    
faggots2 with boiling water1 melted     
lead1 and lime1 to put out the enemy's  
eyes4 ,also1 they were to make holes    
right through their houses1 and put     
arquebusiers in them1 to take the enemy 
in flank and hasten his going1 or else  
give him stop then and there4 ,also they
 were to order the women to pull up the 
streets1 and throw from their windows   
billets1 tables1 trestles1 benches1 and 
stools1 to dash out the enemy's brains4 
,moreover1 a little within the breach1  
there was a great stronghold full of    
carts and palisades1 tuns and casks2 and
 barricades of earth to serve as        
gabions1 interlaid with falconets1      
falcons1 field-pieces1 crooked          
arquebuses1 pistols1 arquebuses1 and    
wildfires1 to break their legs and      
thighs1 so that they would be taken from
 above and on the flank and from behind2
 and if they had carried this           
stronghold1 there were others where the 
streets crossed1 every hundred paces1   

which would have been as bad friends to 
them as the first1 or worse1 and would  
have made many widows and orphans4 ,and 
if fortune had been so hard on us that  
they had stormed and broken up our      
strongholds1 there would yet have been  
seven great companies1 drawn up in      
square and in triangle1 to fight them   
all at once1 each led by one of the     
princes1 for the better encouragement of
 our men to fight and die all together1 
even to the last breath of their souls4 
,and all were resolved to bring their   
treasures1 rings1 and jewels1 and their 
best and richest and most beautiful     
household stuffs1 and burn them to ashes
 in the great square1 lest the enemy    
should take them and make trophies of   
them4 ,also there were men charged to   
set fire to all the stores and burn     
them1 and to stave in all the           
wine-casks2 others to set fire to every 
single house1 to burn the enemy and us  
together4 ,the citizens thus were all of
 one mind1 rather than see the bloody   

knife at their throats1 and their wives 
and daughters ravished and taken by the 
cruel savage ,spaniards4  ,now we had   
certain prisoners1 who had been made    
secretly to understand our last         
determination and desperation2 these    
prisoners ,m4 de ,guise sent away on    
parole1 who being come to their camp1   
lost no time in saying what we had told 
them2 which restrained the great and    
vehement desire of the enemy1 so that   
they were no longer eager to enter the  
town to cut our throats and enrich      
themselves with the spoils4 ,the        
,emperor1 having heard the decision of  
this great warrior1 ,m4 de ,guise1 put  
water in his wine1 and restrained his   
fury2 saying that he could not enter the
 town save with vast butchery and       
carnage1 and shedding of much blood1    
both of those defending and of those    
attacking1 and they would be all dead   
together1 and in the end he would get   
nothing but ashes2 and afterward men    
might say it was a like destruction to  

that of the town of ,jerusalem1 made of 
old time by ,titus and ,vespasian4  ,the
 ,emperor thus having heard our last    
resolve1 and seeing how little he had   
gained by his attack1 sappings1 and     
mines1 and the great plague that was    
through all his camp1 and the adverse   
time of the year1 and the want of       
victuals and of money1 and how his      
soldiers were disbanding themselves and 
going off in great companies1 decided at
 last to raise the siege and go away1   
with the cavalry of his vanguard1 and   
the greater part of the artillery and   
engines of war4 ,the ,marquis of        
,brandebourg was the last to budge from 
his place2 he had with him some troops  
of ,spaniards and ,bohemians1 and his   
,german regiments1 and there he stopped 
for a day and a half1 to the great      
regret of ,m4 de ,guise1 who brought    
four pieces of artillery out of the     
town1 which he fired on him this side   
and that1 to hurry him off3 and off he  
went1 sure enough1 and all his men with 

him4  ,when he was a quarter of a league
 from ,metz1 he was seized with a panic 
lest our cavalry should fall upon his   
tail2 so he set fire to his store of    
powder1 and left behind him some pieces 
of artillery1 and a quantity of baggage1
 which he could not take along with him1
 because their vanguard and their great 
cannons had broken and torn tip the     
roads4 ,our cavalry were longing with   
all their hearts to issue from the town 
and attack him behind2 but ,m4 de ,guise
 never let them1 saying on the contrary 
we had better make their way smooth for 
them1 and build them gold and silver    
bridges to let them go2 like the good   
pastor and shepherd1 who will not lose  
one of his sheep4  ,that is how our dear
 and well-beloved ,imperials went away  
from ,metz1 which was the day after     
,christmas ,day1 to the great content of
 those within the walls1 and the praise 
of the princes1 seigneurs1 captains1 and
 soldiers1 who had endured the travail  
of this siege for more than two months4 

,nevertheless1 they did not all go3     
there wanted more than twenty thousand  
of them1 who were dead1 from our        
artillery and the fighting1 or from     
plague1 cold1 and starvation 7and from  
spite and rage that they could not get  
into the town to cut our throats and    
plunder us73 and many of their horses   
also died1 the greater part whereof they
 had eaten instead of beef and bacon4   
,we went where their camp had been1     
where we found many dead bodies not yet 
buried1 and the earth all worked up1 as 
one sees in the ,cemetery of the ,holy  
,innocents during some time of many     
deaths4 ,in their tents1 pavilions1 and 
lodgings were many sick people4 ,also   
cannon-shot1 weapons1 carts1 waggons1   
and other baggage1 with a great quantity
 of soldier's bread1 spoiled and rotted 
by the snows and rains 7yet the soldiers
 had it but by weight and measure74     
,also they left a good store of wood1   
all that remained of the houses they had
 demolished and broken down in the      

villages for two or three leagues       
around2 also many other pleasure-houses1
 that had belonged to our citizens1 with
 gardens and fine orchards full of      
diverse fruit-trees4 ,and without all   
this1 they would have been benumbed and 
dead of the cold1 and forced to raise   
the siege sooner than they did4  ,m4 de 
,guise had their dead buried1 and their 
sick people treated4 ,also the enemy    
left behind them in the ,abbey of ,saint
 ,arnoul many of their wounded soldiers1
 whom they could not possibly take with 
them4 ,m4 de ,guise sent them all       
victuals enough1 and ordered me and the 
other surgeons to go dress and physick  
them1 which we did with good will2 and  
,i think they would not have done the   
like for our men4 ,for the ,spaniard is 
very cruel1 treacherous1 and inhuman1   
and so far enemy of all nations3 which  
is proved by ,lopez the ,spaniard1 and  
,benzo of ,milan1 and others who have   
written the history of ,america and the 
,west ,indies3 who have had to confess  

that the cruelty1 avarice1 blasphemies1 
and wickedness of the ,spaniards have   
utterly estranged the poor ,indians from
 the religion that these ,spaniards     
professed4 ,and all write that they are 
of less worth than the idolatrous       
,indians1 for their cruel treatment of  
these ,indians4  ,and some days later   
,m4 de ,guise sent a trumpet to         
,thionville to the enemy1 that they     
could send for their wounded in safety3 
which they did with carts and waggons1  
but not enough4 ,m4 de ,guise gave them 
carts and carters1 to help to take them 
to ,thionville4 ,our carters1 when they 
returned1 told us the roads were all    
paved with dead bodies1 and they never  
got half the men there1 for they died in
 their carts3 and the ,spaniards seeing 
them at the point of death1 before they 
had breathed their last1 threw them out 
of the carts and buried them in the mud 
and mire1 saying they had no orders to  
bring back dead men4 ,moreover1 our     
carters said they had found on the roads

 many carts stuck in the mud1 full of   
baggage1 for which the enemy dared not  
send back1 lest we who were within ,metz
 should run out upon them4  ,i would    
return to the reason why so many of them
 died2 which was mostly starvation1 the 
plague1 and cold4 ,for the snow was more
 than two feet deep upon the ground1 and
 they were lodged in pits below the     
ground1 covered only with a little      
thatch4 ,nevertheless1 each soldier had 
his camp-bed1 and a coverlet all strewed
 with stars1 glittering and shining     
brighter than fine gold1 and every day  
they had white sheets1 and lodged at the
 sign of the ,moon1 and enjoyed         
themselves if only they had been able1  
and paid their host so well over night  
that in the morning they went off quits1
 shaking their ears2 and they had no    
need of a comb to get the down and      
feathers out of their beards and hair1  
and they always found a white           
table-cloth1 and would have enjoyed good
 meals but for want of food4 ,also the  

greater part of them had neither boots1 
half-boots1 slippers1 hose1 nor shoes3  
and most of them would rather have none 
than any1 because they were always in   
the mire up to mid-leg4 ,and because    
they went bare- foot1 we called them the
 ,emperor's ,apostles4  ,after the camp 
was wholly dispersed1 ,i distributed my 
patients into the hands of the surgeons 
of the town1 to finish dressing them3   
then ,i took leave of ,m4 de ,guise1 and
 returned to the ,king1 who received me 
with great favour1 and asked me how ,i  
had been able to make my way into ,metz4
 ,i told him fully all that ,i had done4
 ,he gave me two hundred crowns1 and an 
hundred which ,i had when ,i set out3   
and said he would never leave me poor4  
,then ,i thanked him very humbly for the
 good and the honour he was pleased to  
do me4     ,,the ,,journey ,,to         
,,hesdin4 #aeec   ,the ,emperor ,charles
 laid siege to the town of ,therouenne2 
and ,m4 le ,due de ,savoie was ,general 
of his whole army4 ,it was taken by     

assault3 and there was a great number of
 our men killed and taken prisoners4    
,the ,king1 wishing to prevent the enemy
 from besieging the town and castle of  
,hesdin also1 sent thither ,,mm4 le ,duc
 de ,bouillon1 le ,duc ,horace1 le      
,marquis de ,villars1 and a number of   
captains1 and about eighteen hundred    
soldiers3 and during the siege of       
,therouenne1 these ,seigneurs fortified 
the castle of ,hesdin1 so that it seemed
 to be impregnable4 ,the ,king sent me  
to the ,seigneurs1 to help them with my 
art1 if they should come to have need of
 it4  ,soon after the capture of        
,therouenne1 we were besieged in        
,hesdin4 ,there was a clear stream of   
running water within shot of our cannon1
 and about it were fourscore or an      
hundred of the enemy's rabble1 drawing  
water4 ,i was on a rampart watching the 
enemy pitch their camp2 and1 seeing the 
crowd of idlers round the stream1 ,i    
asked ,m4 du ,pont1 commissary of the   
artillery1 to send one cannon-shot among

 this canaille3 he gave me a flat       
refusal1 saying that all this sort of   
people was not worth the powder would be
 wasted on them4 ,again ,i begged him to
 level the cannon1 telling him1 ,the    
more dead1 the fewer enemies2 which he  
did for my sake3 and the shot killed    
fifteen or sixteen1 and wounded many4   
,our men made sorties against the enemy1
 wherein many were killed and wounded on
 both sides1 with gunshot or with       
fighting hand to hand2 and our men often
 sallied out before their trenches were 
made2 so that ,i had my work cut out for
 me1 and had no rest either day or night
 for dressing the wounded4  ,and here ,i
 would note that we had put many of them
 in a great tower1 laying them on a     
little straw3 and their pillows were    
stones1 their coverlets were cloaks1    
those who had any4 ,when the attack was 
made1 so often as the enemy's cannons   
were fired1 our wounded said they felt  
pain in their wounds1 as if you had     
struck them with a stick3 one was crying

 out on his head1 the other on his arm1 
and so with the other parts of the body3
 and many had their wounds bleed again1 
even more profusely than at the time    
they were wounded1 and then ,i had to   
run to staunch them4 ,mon petit maistre1
 if you had been there1 you would have  
been much hindered with your hot irons2 
you would have wanted a lot of charcoal 
to heat them red1 and sure you would    
have been killed like a calf for your   
cruelty4 ,many died of the diabolical   
storm of the echo of these engines of   
artillery1 and the vehement agitation   
and severe shock of the air acting on   
their wounds2 others because they got no
 rest for the shouting and crying that  
were made day and night1 and for want of
 good food1 and other things needful for
 their treatment4 ,mon petit maistre1 if
 you had been there1 no doubt you could 
have given them jelly1 restoratives1    
gravies1 pressed meats1 broth1          
barley-water1 almond-milk1 blanc-mange1 
prunes1 plums1 and other food proper for

 the sick2 but your diet would have been
 only on paper1 and in fact they had    
nothing but beef of old shrunk cows1    
seized round ,hesdin for our provision1 
salted and half-cooked1 so that he who  
would eat it must drag at it with his   
teeth1 as birds of prey tear their food4
 ,nor must ,i forget the linen for      
dressing their wounds1 which was only   
washed daily and dried at the fire1 till
 it was as hard as parchment3 ,i leave  
you to think how their wounds could do  
well4 ,there were four big fat rascally 
women who had charge to whiten the      
linen1 and were kept at it with the     
stick2 and yet they had not water enough
 to do it1 much less soap4 ,that is how 
the poor patients died1 for want of food
 and other necessary things4  ,one day  
the enemy feigned a general attack1 to  
draw our soldiers into the breach1 that 
they might see what we were like3 every 
man ran thither4 ,we had made a great   
store of artificial fires to defend the 
breach2 a priest of ,m4 le ,duc de      

,bouillon took a grenade1 thinking to   
throw it at the enemy1 and lighted it   
before he ought3 it burst1 and set fire 
to all our store1 which was in a house  
near the breach4 ,this was a terrible   
disaster for us1 because it burned many 
poor soldiers2 it even caught the house1
 and we had all been burned1 but for    
help given to put it out2 there was only
 one well in the castle with any water  
in it1 and this was almost dry1 and we  
took beer to put it out instead of      
water2 afterward we were in great want  
of water1 and to drink what was left we 
must strain it through napkins4  ,the   
enemy1 seeing the explosion and violence
 of the fires1 which made a wonderful   
flame and thundering1 thought we had lit
 them on purpose to defend the breach1  
and that we had many more of them4 ,this
 made them change their minds1 to have  
us some other way than by attack3 they  
dug mines1 and sapped the greater part  
of our walls1 till they came near       
turning our castle altogether upside    

down2 and when the sappers had finished 
their work1 and their artillery was     
fired1 all the castle shook under our   
feet like an earthquake1 to our great   
astonishment4 ,moreover1 they had       
levelled five pieces of artillery1 which
 they had placed on a little hillock1 so
 as to have us from behind when we were 
gone to defend the breach4 ,m4 le ,duc  
,horace had a cannonshot on the elbow1  
which carried off his arm one way and   
his body the other1 before he could say 
a single word2 his death was a great    
disaster to us1 for the high rank that  
he held in the town4 ,also ,m4 de       
,martigues had a gunshot wound which    
pierced his lungs3 ,i dressed him1 as ,i
 shall tell hereafter4  ,then we asked  
leave to speak with the enemy2 and a    
trumpet was sent to the ,prince of      
,piedmont1 to know what terms he would  
give us4 ,he answered that all the      
leaders1 such as gentlemen1 captains1   
lieutenants1 and ensigns1 would be taken
 prisoners for ransom1 and the soldiers 

would leave the town without their arms2
 and if we refused this fair and honest 
offer1 we might rest assured they would 
take us next day1 by attack or          
otherwise4  ,a council was held1 to     
which ,i was called1 to know if ,i would
 sign the surrender of the town2 with   
many captains1 gentlemen1 and others4 ,i
 answered it was not possible to hold   
the town1 and ,i would sign the         
surrender with my own blood1 for the    
little hope ,i had we could resist the  
enemy's forces1 and for the great       
longing ,i had to be out of this hell   
and utter torture2 for ,i slept neither 
night nor day for the great number of   
the wounded1 who were about two hundred4
 ,the dead were advanced in             
putrefaction1 piled one upon the other  
like faggots1 and not covered with      
earth1 because we had none4 ,and if ,i  
went into a soldier's lodging1 there    
were soldiers waiting for me at the door
 when ,i came out1 for me to dress      
others2 it was who should have me1 and  

they carried me like the body of a      
saint1 with my feet off the ground1     
fighting for me4 ,i could not satisfy   
this great number of wounded3 nor had ,i
 got what ,i wanted for their treatment4
 ,for it is not enough that the surgeon 
do his duty toward his patients1 but the
 patient also must do his2 and the      
assistants1 and external things1 must   
work together for him3 see ,hippocrates1
 ,aphorism the ,first4  ,having heard   
that we were to surrender the place1 ,i 
knew our business was not prospering2   
and for fear of being known1 ,i gave a  
velvet coat1 a satin doublet1 and a     
cloak of fine cloth trimmed with velvet1
 to a soldier2 who gave me a bad doublet
 all torn and ragged with wear1 and a   
frayed leather collar1 and a bad hat1   
and a short cloak2 ,i dirtied the neck  
of my shirt with water mixed with a     
little soot1 ,i rubbed my hose with a   
stone at the knees and over the heels1  
as though they had been long worn1 ,i   
did the same to my shoes1 till one would

 have taken me for a chimney- sweep     
rather than a ,king's surgeon4 ,i went  
in this gear to ,m4 de ,martigues1 and  
prayed him to arrange ,i should stop    
with him to dress him2 which he granted 
very willingly1 and was as glad ,i      
should be near him as ,i was myself4    
,soon afterward1 the commissioners who  
were to select the prisoners entered the
 castle1 the seventeenth day of ,july1  
#aeec4 ,they took prisoners ,,mm4 le    
,due de ,bouillon1 le ,marquis de       
,villars1 de ,roze1 le ,baron de ,culan1
 ,m4 du ,pont1 commissary of the        
artillery1 and ,m4 de ,martigues2 and me
 with him1 because he asked them2 and   
all the gentlemen who they knew could   
pay ransom1 and most of the soldiers and
 the leaders of companies2 so many and  
such prisoners as they wished4 ,and then
 the ,spanish soldiers entered by the   
breach1 unresisted2 our men thought they
 would keep their faith and agreement   
that all lives should be spared4 ,they  
entered the town in a fury to kill1     

plunder1 and ravage everything3 they    
took a few men1 hoping to have ransom   
for them4 444 ,if they saw they could   
not get it1 they cruelly put them to    
death in cold blood4 444 ,and they      
killed them all with daggers1 and cut   
their throats4 ,such was their great    
cruelty and treachery2 let him trust    
them who will4  ,to return to my story3 
when ,i was taken from the castle into  
the town1 with ,m4 de ,martigues1 there 
was one of ,m4 de ,savoie's gentlemen1  
who asked me if ,m4 de ,martigues's     
wound could be cured4 ,i told him no1   
that it was incurable3 and off he went  
to tell ,m4 le ,due de ,savoie4 ,i      
bethought myself they would send        
physicians and surgeons to dress ,m4 de 
,martigues2 and ,i argued within myself 
if ,i ought to play the simpleton1 and  
not let myself be known for a surgeon1  
lest they should keep me to dress their 
wounded1 and in the end ,i should be    
found to be the ,king's surgeon1 and    
they would make me pay a big ransom4 ,on

 the other hand1 ,i feared1 if ,i did   
not show ,i was a surgeon and had       
dressed ,m4 de ,martigues skilfully1    
they would cut my throat4 ,forthwith ,i 
made up my mind to show them he would   
not die for want of having been well    
dressed and nursed4  ,soon after1 sure  
enough1 there came many gentlemen1 with 
the ,emperor's physician1 and his       
surgeon1 and those belonging to ,m4 de  
,savoie1 and six other surgeons of his  
army1 to see ,m4 de ,martigues's wound1 
and to know of me how ,i had dressed and
 treated it4 ,the ,emperor's physician  
bade me declare the essential nature of 
the wound1 and what ,i had done for it4 
,and all his assistants kept their ears 
wide open1 to know if the wound were or 
were not mortal4 ,i commenced my        
discourse to them1 how ,m4 ,martigues1  
looking over the wall to mark those who 
were sapping it1 was shot with an       
arquebus through the body1 and ,i was   
called of a sudden to dress him4 ,i     
found blood coming from his mouth and   

from his wounds4 ,moreover1 he bad a    
great difficulty of breathing in and    
out1 and air came whistling from the    
wounds1 so that it would have put out a 
candle2 and he said he had a very great 
stabbing pain where the bullet had      
entered4 444 ,i withdrew some scales of 
bone1 and put in each wound a tent with 
a large head1 fastened with a thread1   
lest on inspiration it should be drawn  
into the cavity of the chest2 which has 
happened with surgeons1 to the detriment
 of the poor wounded2 for being fallen  
in1 you cannot get them out2 and then   
they beget corruption1 being foreign    
bodies4 ,the tents were anointed with a 
preparation of yolk of egg1 ,venice     
turpentine1 and a little oil of roses4  
444 ,i put over the wounds a great      
plaster of diachylum1 wherewith ,i had  
mixed oil of roses1 and vinegar1 to     
avoid inflammation4 ,then ,i applied    
great compresses steeped in oxycrate1   
and bandaged him1 not too tight1 that he
 might breathe easily4 ,next1 ,i drew   

five basons of blood from his right arm1
 considering his youth and his sanguine 
temperament4 444 ,fever took him1 soon  
after he was wounded1 with feebleness of
 the heart4 444 ,his diet was barley-   
water1 prunes with sugar1 at other times
 broth3 his drink was a ptisane4 ,he    
could lie only on his back4 444 ,what   
more shall ,i say8 but that my ,lord de 
,martigues never had an hour's rest     
after he was wounded4 444 ,these things 
considered1 ,gentlemen1 no other        
prognosis is possible1 save that he will
 die in a few days1 to my great grief4  
,having finished my discourse1 ,i       
dressed him as ,i was accustomed4 ,when 
,i displayed his wounds1 the physicians 
and surgeons1 and other assistants      
present1 knew the truth of what ,i had  
said4 ,the physicians1 having felt his  
pulse and seen that the vital forces    
were depressed and spent1 agreed with me
 that in a few days he would die4 ,then 
they all went to the ,duc de ,savoie1   
and told him ,m4 de ,martigues would die

 in a short time4 ,he answered them1    
,possibly1 if he had been well dressed1 
he might have escaped death4 ,then they 
all with one voice said he had been very
 well dressed and cared for altogether1 
and it could not be better1 and it was  
impossible to cure him1 and his wound   
was of necessity mortal4 ,then ,m4 de   
,savoie was very angry with them1 and   
cried1 and asked them again if for      
certain they all held his case hopeless3
 they answered1 yes4  ,then a ,spanish  
impostor came forward1 who promised on  
his life to cure him2 and if he did not1
 they should cut him in an hundred      
pieces2 but he would have no physicians1
 nor surgeons nor apothecaries with him3
 and ,m4 le ,duc de ,savoie forthwith   
bade the physicians and surgeons not go 
near ,m4 de ,martigues2 and sent a      
gentleman to bid me1 under pain of      
death1 not so much as to touch him4     
,which ,i promised1 and was very glad1  
for now he would not die under my hands2
 and the impostor was told to dress him1

 and to have with him no other          
physicians or surgeons1 but only        
himself4 ,by and bye he came1 and said  
to ,m4 de ,martigues1 ,senor ,cavallero1
 ,m4 de ,savoie has bid me come and     
dress your wound4 ,i swear to ,god1     
before eight days ,i will set you on    
horseback1 lance in hand1 provided none 
touch you but ,i alone4 ,you shall eat  
and drink whatever you like4 ,i will be 
dieted instead of you2 and you may trust
 me to perform what ,i promise4 ,i have 
cured many who had worse wounds than    
yours4 ,and the ,seigneurs answered him1
 ,god give you ,his grace for it4  ,he  
asked for a shirt of ,m4 de ,martigues1 
and tore it in little strips1 which he  
laid cross-wise1 muttering and murmuring
 certain words over the wounds3 having  
done this much for him1 he let him eat  
and drink all he would1 saying he       
himself would be dieted in his stead2   
which he did1 eating but six prunes and 
six morsels of bread for dinner1 and    
drinking only beer4 ,nevertheless1 two  

days later1 ,m4 de ,martigues died3 and 
my friend the ,spaniard1 seeing him at  
the point of death1 eclipsed himself1   
and got away without good-bye to any    
man4 ,and ,i believe if he had been     
caught he would have been hanged and    
strangled1 for the false promise he made
 to ,m4 le ,due de ,savoie and many     
other gentlemen4 ,m4 de ,martigues died 
about ten o'clock in the morning2 and   
after dinner ,m4 de ,savoie sent the    
physicians and surgeons1 and his        
apothecary1 with a store of drugs to    
embalm him4 ,they came with many        
gentlemen and captains of his army4     
,the ,emperor's surgeon came to me1 and 
asked me in a very friendly way to make1
 the embalmment2 which ,i refused1      
saying that ,i was not worthy to carry  
his instrument-box after him4 ,he begged
 me again to do it to please him1 and   
that he would be very glad of           
it444,seeing his kindness1 and fearing  
to displease him1 ,i then decided to    
show them the anatomist that ,i was1    

expounding to them many things1 which   
would here be too long to recite444 ,our
 discourse finished1 ,i embalmed the    
body2 and it was placed in a coffin4    
,then the ,emperor's surgeon drew me    
aside1 and told me1 if ,i would stop    
with him1 he would treat me well1 and   
give me a new suit of clothes1 and set  
me on horseback4 ,i gave him many       
thanks1 and said ,i had no wish to serve
 any country but my own4 ,then he told  
me ,i was a fool1 and if he were a      
prisoner as ,i was1 he would serve a    
devil to get his freedom4 ,in the end ,i
 told him flat ,i would not stop with   
him4 ,the ,emperor's physician then went
 back to ,m4 de ,savoie1 and explained  
to him the causes of ,m4 de ,martigues' 
death1 and that it was impossible for   
all the men in the world to have cured  
him2 and assured him again ,i had done  
all that was to be done1 and besought   
him to take me into his service2 saying 
much more good of me than there was4 ,he
 having been persuaded to do this1 sent 

to me one of his stewards1 ,m4 du       
,bouchet1 to tell me1 if ,i would serve 
him1 he would use me well2 ,i sent back 
my very humble thanks1 and that ,i had  
decided not to take service under any   
foreigner4 ,when he heard my answer he  
was very angry1 and said ,i ought to be 
sent to the galleys4  ,m4 de            
,vaudeville1 ,governor of ,graveline1   
and colonel of seventeen ensigns of     
infantry1 asked him to send me to him1  
to dress an old ulcer on his leg1 that  
he had had for six or seven years4 ,m4  
de ,savoie said he was willing1 so far  
as ,i was concerned2 and if ,i used the 
cautery to his leg1 it would serve him  
right4 ,m4 de ,vaudeville answered1 if  
he saw me trying it1 he would have my   
throat cut4 ,soon after1 he sent for me 
four ,german halberdiers of his guard2  
and ,i was terrified1 for ,i did not    
know where they were taking me3 they    
spoke no more ,french than ,i ,german4  
,when ,i was come to his lodging1 he    
bade me welcome1 and said1 now ,i       

belonged to him2 and so soon as ,i had  
healed him1 he would let me go without  
ransom4 ,i told him ,i had no means to  
pay any ransom4 ,he called his physician
 and his surgeon-in-ordinary1 to show me
 his leg2 and when we had examined it1  
we withdrew into a room1 where ,i began 
my discourse to them4 444 ,then the     
physician left me with the surgeon1 and 
went back to ,m4 de ,vaudeville1 and    
said he was sure ,i could cure him1 and 
told him all ,i had decided to do2 which
 pleased him vastly4 ,he sent for me1   
and asked if ,i thought ,i could cure   
him2 ,i said yes1 if he were obedient to
 what was necessary4 ,he promised to do 
only what ,i wished and ordered2 and so 
soon as he was healed1 he would let me  
go home without ransom4 ,then ,i asked  
him to make better terms with me1 saying
 it was too long to wait for my liberty3
 in fifteen days ,i hoped his ulcer     
would be less than half its present     
size1 and give no pain2 then his own    
surgeon and physician could finish the  

cure4 ,he granted this to me4 ,then ,i  
took a piece of paper to measure the    
size of the ulcer1 and gave it to him1  
and kept another by me2 ,i asked him to 
keep his promise1 when ,i had done my   
work2 he swore by the faith of a        
gentleman he would4 ,then ,i set myself 
to dress him properly1 after the manner 
of ,galen4 444 ,he wished to know if it 
were true1 what ,i said of ,galen1 and  
bade his physician look to it1 for he   
would know it for himself2 he had the   
book put on the table1 and found that   
what ,i said was true2 so the physician 
was ashamed1 and ,i was glad4 ,within   
the fifteen days1 it was almost all     
healed2 and ,i began to feel happy about
 the compact made between us4 ,he had me
 to eat and drink at his table1 when    
there were no more great persons than he
 and ,i only4 ,he gave me a big red     
scarf which ,i must wear2 which made me 
feel something like a dog when they give
 him a clog1 to stop him eating the     
grapes in the vineyards4 ,his physician 

and surgeon took me through the camp to 
visit their wounded2 and ,i took care to
 observe what our enemy was doing4 ,i   
found they had no more great cannons1   
but only twenty-five or thirty          
field-pieces4  ,m4 de ,vaudeville held  
prisoner ,m4 de ,bauge1 brother of ,m4  
de ,martigues who died at ,hesdin4 ,m4  
de ,bauge was prisoner at ,chateau de   
,la ,motte au ,bois1 belonging to the   
,emperor2 he had been captured at       
,therouenne by two ,spanish soldiers2   
and ,m4 de ,vaudeville1 when he saw him 
there1 concluded he must be some        
gentleman of good family3 he made him   
pull off his stockings1 and seeing his  
clean legs and feet1 and his fine white 
stockings1 knew he was one to pay a good
 ransom4 ,he told the soldiers he would 
give them thirty crowns down for their  
prisoner3 they agreed gladly1 for they  
had no place to keep him1 nor food for  
him1 nor did they know his value3 so    
they gave their man into his hands1 and 
he sent him off at once1 guarded by four

 of his own soldiers1 to ,chateau de ,la
 ,motte au ,bois1 with others of our    
gentlemen who were prisoners4  ,m4 de   
,bauge would not tell who he was2 and   
endured much hardship1 living on bread  
and water1 with a little straw for his  
bed4 ,when ,hesdin was taken1 ,m4 de    
,vaudeville sent the news of it to him  
and to the other prisoners1 and the list
 of the killed1 and among them ,m4 de   
,martigues3 and when ,m4 de ,bauge heard
 with his own ears his brother was dead1
 he fell to crying1 weeping1 and        
lamentation4 ,his guards asked him why  
he was so miserable3 he told them1 for  
love of ,m4 de ,martigues1 his brother4 
,when he heard this1 the captain of the 
castle sent straight to tell ,m4 de     
,vaudeville he had a good prisoner3 who 
was delighted at this1 and sent me next 
day with four soldiers1 and his own     
physician1 to the castle1 to say that if
 ,m4 de ,bauge would pay him fifteen    
thousand crowns ransom1 he would send   
him home free3 and he asked only the    

security of two ,antwerp merchants that 
he should name4 ,m4 de ,vaudeville      
persuaded me ,i should commend this     
offer to his prisoner3 that is why he   
sent me to the castle4 ,he told the     
captain to treat him well and put him in
 a room with hangings1 and strengthen   
his guard3 and from that time onward    
they made a great deal of him1 at the   
expense of ,m4 de ,vaudeville4  ,m4 de  
,bauge answered that he could not pay   
his ransom himself3 it depended on ,m4  
d' ,estampes his uncle1 and ,mlle4 de   
,bressure his aunt3 he had no means to  
pay such a ransom4 ,i went back with my 
guards1 and gave this answer to ,m4 de  
,vaudeville2 who said1 ,possibly he will
 not get away so cheap3 which was true1 
for they knew who he was4 ,then the     
,queen of ,hungary and ,m4 le ,duc de   
,savoie sent word to ,m4 de ,vaudeville 
that this mouthful was too big for him1 
and he must send his prisoner to them   
7which he did71 and he had other        
prisoners enough without him4 ,the      

ransom paid was forty thousand crowns1  
without other expenses4  ,on my way back
 to ,m4 de ,vaudeville1 ,i passed by    
,saint ,omer1 where ,i saw their great  
cannons1 most of which were fouled and  
broken4 ,also ,i passed by ,therouenne1 
where ,i saw not one stone left on      
another1 save a vestige of the great    
church3 for the ,emperor ordered the    
country people for five or six leagues  
round to clear and take away the stones2
 so that now you may drive a cart over  
the town3 and the same at ,hesdin1 and  
no trace of castle and fortress4 ,such  
is the evil that wars bring with them4  
,to return to my story2 ,m4 de          
,vaudeville soon got the better of his  
ulcer1 and was nearly healed3 so he let 
me go1 and sent me by a trumpet1 with   
passport1 as far as ,abbeville4 ,i      
posted from here1 and went to find my   
master1 ,king ,henry1 at ,aufimon1 who  
received me gladly and with good favour4
 ,he sent ,,mm4 de ,guise1 the          
,constable1 and d' ,estres1 to hear from

 me the capture of ,hesdin2 and ,i made 
them a true report1 and assured them ,i 
had seen the great cannons they had     
taken to ,saint ,omer3 and the ,king was
 glad1 for he had feared the enemy would
 come further into ,france4 ,he gave me 
two hundred crowns to take me home3 and 
,i was thankful to be free1 out of this 
great torment and thunder of the        
diabolical artillery1 and away from the 
soldiers1 blasphemers and deniers of    
,god4 ,i must add that after ,hesdin was
 taken1 the ,king was told ,i was not   
killed but taken prisoner4 ,he made ,m4 
,goguier1 his chief physician1 write to 
my wife that ,i was living1 and she was 
not to be unhappy1 and he would pay my  
ransom4     ,,battle ,,of ,,saint       
,,quentin4 #aeeg   ,after the battle of 
,saint ,quentin1 the ,king sent me to   
,la ,fere en ,tartenois1 to ,m4 le      
,marechal de ,bourdillon1 for a passport
 to ,m4 le ,duc de ,savoie1 that ,i     
might go and dress the ,constable1 who  
had been badly wounded in the back with 

a pistol-shot1 whereof he was like to   
die1 and remained prisoner in the       
enemy's hands4 ,but never would ,m4 le  
,duc de ,savoie let me go to him1 saying
 he would not die for want of a surgeon2
 that he much doubted ,i would go there 
only to dress him1 and not rather to    
take some secret information to him2 and
 that he knew ,i was privy to other     
things besides surgery1 and remembered  
,i had been his prisoner at ,hesdin4 ,m4
 le ,marechal told the ,king of this    
refusal3 who wrote to ,m4 le ,marechal1 
that if ,mme4 the ,constable's ,lady    
would send some quick-witted man of her 
household ,i would give him a letter1   
and had also something to say to him by 
word of mouth1 entrusted to me by the   
,king and by ,m4 le ,cardinal de        
,lorraine4 ,two days later there came   
one of the ,constable's gentlemen of the
 bedchamber1 with his shirts and other  
linen1 to whom ,m4 le ,marechal gave a  
passport to go to the ,constable4 ,i was
 very glad1 and gave him my letter1 and 

instructed him what his master must do  
now he was prisoner4  ,i thought1 having
 finished my mission1 to return to the  
,king2 but ,m4 le ,marechal begged me to
 stop at ,la ,fere with him1 to dress a 
very great number of wounded who had    
retreated there after the battle1 and he
 would write to the ,king to explain why
 ,i stopped2 which ,i did4 ,their wounds
 were very putrid1 and full of worms1   
with gangrene1 and corruption2 and ,i   
had to make free play with the knife to 
cut off what was corrupt1 which was not 
done without amputation of arms and     
legs1 and also sundry trepannings4 ,they
 found no store of drugs at ,la ,fere1  
because the surgeons of the camp had    
taken them all away2 but ,i found the   
waggons of the artillery there1 and     
these had not been touched4 ,i asked ,m4
 le ,marechal to let me have some of the
 drugs which were in them1 which he did2
 and ,i was given the half only at one  
time1 and five or six days later ,i had 
to take the rest2 and yet it was not    

half enough to dress the great number of
 wounded4 ,and to correct and stop the  
corruption1 and kill the worms in their 
wounds1 ,i washed them with ,aegyptiacum
 dissolved in wine and eau-de-vie1 and  
did all ,i could for them2 but in spite 
of all my care many of them died4       
,there were at ,la ,fere some gentlemen 
charged to find the dead body of ,m4 de 
,bois-,dauphin the elder1 who had been  
killed in the battle2 they asked me to  
go with them to the camp1 to pick him   
out1 if we could1 among the dead2 but it
 was not possible to recognize him1 the 
bodies being all far gone in corruption1
 and their faces changed4 ,we saw more  
than half a league round us the earth   
all covered with the dead2 and hardly   
stopped there1 because of the stench of 
the dead men and their horses2 and so   
many blue and green flies rose from     
them1 bred of the moisture of the bodies
 and the heat of the sun1 that when they
 were up in the air they hid the sun4   
,it was wonderful to hear them buzzing2 

and where they settled1 there they      
infected the air1 and brought the plague
 with them4 ,mon petit maistre1 ,i wish 
you had been there with me1 to          
experience the smells1 and make report  
thereof to them that were not there4  ,i
 was very weary of the place2 ,i prayed 
,m4 le ,marechal to let me leave it1 and
 feared ,i should be ill there2 for the 
wounded men stank past all bearing1 and 
they died nearly all1 in spite of       
everything we did4 ,he got surgeons to  
finish the treatment of them1 and sent  
me away with his good favour4 ,he wrote 
to the ,king of the diligence ,i had    
shown toward the poor wounded4 ,then ,i 
returned to ,paris1 where ,i found many 
more gentlemen1 who had been wounded and
 gone thither after the battle4         
,,the ,,journey ,,to ,,the ,,camp ,,at  
,,amiens4 #aeeh   ,the ,king sent me to 
,dourlan1 under conduct of ,captain     
,gouast2 with fifty men-at-arms1 for    
fear ,i should be taken by the enemy2   
and seeing we were always in alarms on  

the way1 ,i made my man let down1 and   
made him the master2 for ,i got on his  
horse1 which carried my valise1 and     
could go well if we had to make our     
escape1 and ,i took his cloak and hat   
and gave him my mount1 which was a good 
little mare2 he being in front1 you     
would have taken him for the master and 
me for the servant ,the garrison inside 
,dourlan1 when they saw us1 thought we  
were the enemy1 and fired their cannon  
at us4 ,captain ,gouast1 my conductor1  
made signs to them with his hat that we 
were not the enemy2 at last they ceased 
firing1 and we entered ,dourlan1 to our 
great relief4  ,five or six days before 
this1 a sortie had been made from       
,dourlan2 wherein many captains and     
brave soldiers had been killed or       
wounded3 and among the wounded was      
,captain ,saint ,aubin1 vaillant comme  
l' espce1 a great friend of ,m4 de      
,guise3 for whose sake chiefly the ,king
 had sent me there4 ,who1 being attacked
 with a quartan fever1 yet left his bed 

to command the greater part of his      
company4 ,a ,spaniard1 seeing him in    
command1 perceived he was a captain1 and
 shot him through the neck with an      
arquebus4 ,captain ,saint ,aubin thought
 himself killed2 and by this fright ,i  
protest to ,god he lost his quartan     
fever1 and was forever free of it4 ,i   
dressed him1 with ,antoine ,portail1    
surgeon-in-ordinary of the ,king2 and   
many other soldiers4 ,some died1 others 
got off with the loss of an arm or a leg
 or an eye1 and said they had got off   
cheap1 to be alive at all4 ,then1 the   
enemy having broken up their camp1 ,i   
returned to ,paris4  ,i say nothing here
 of mon petit maistre1 who was more     
comfortable in his house than ,i at the 
wars4     ,,the ,,journey ,,to          
,,bourges4 #aefb   ,the ,king with his  
camp was but a short time at ,bourges1  
till those within the walls should      
surrender2 and they came out with their 
goods saved4 ,i know nothing worth      
remembering1 but that a boy of the      

,king's kitchen1 having come near the   
walls of the town before the agreement  
had been signed1 cried with a loud      
voice1 ,huguenot1 ,huguenot1 shoot here1
 shoot here1 having his arm thrown up   
and his hand spread out2 a soldier shot 
his hand right through with a bullet4   
,when he was thus shot1 he came to find 
me to dress him4 ,and the ,constable    
seeing the boy in tears1 with his hand  
all bloody1 asked who had wounded him3  
then a gentleman who had seen him shot  
said it served him right1 because he    
kept calling ,huguenot1 hit here1 aim   
here4 ,and then the ,constable said1    
this ,huguenot was a good shot and a    
good fellow1 for most likely if he had  
chosen to fire at the boy's head1 he    
would have hit it even more easily than 
his hand4 ,i dressed the kitchen boy1   
who was very ill4 ,he recovered1 but    
with no power in his hand3 and from that
 time his comrades called him ,huguenot3
 he is still living now4     ,,the      
,,journey ,,to ,,rouen4 #aefb   ,now1 as

 for the capture of ,rouen1 they killed 
many of our men both before and at the  
attack3 and the very next day after we  
had entered the town1 ,i trepanned eight
 or nine of our men1 who had been       
wounded with stones as they were on the 
breach4 ,the air was so malignant1 that 
many died1 even of quite small wounds1  
so that some thought the bullets had    
been poisoned2 and those within the town
 said the like of us2 for though they   
had within the town all that was        
needful1 yet all the same they died like
 those outside4  ,the ,king of ,navarre 
was wounded1 some days before the       
attack1 with a bullet in the shoulder4  
,i visited him1 and helped to dress him1
 with one of his own surgeons1 ,master  
,gilbert1 one of the chief men of       
,montpellier1 and others4 ,they could   
not find the bullet4 ,i searched for it 
very accurately1 and found reason to    
believe it had entered at the top of the
 arm1 by the head of the bone1 and had  
passed into the hollow part of the bone1

 which was why they could not find it2  
and most of them said it had entered his
 body and was lost in it4 ,m4 le ,prince
 de ,la ,roche-sur-,yon1 who dearly     
loved the ,king of ,navarre1 drew me    
aside and asked if the wound were       
mortal4 ,i told him yes1 because all    
wounds of great joints1 and especially  
contused wounds1 were mortal1 according 
to all those who have written about     
them4 ,he asked the others what they    
thought of it1 and chiefly ,master      
,gilbert1 who told him he had great hope
 his ,lord the ,king would recover2     
which made the ,prince very glad4  ,four
 days later1 the ,king1 and the         
,queen-mother1 and ,m4 le ,cardinal de  
,bourbon1 his brother1 and ,m4 le       
,prince de la ,roche- sur-,yon1 and ,m4 
de ,guise1 and other great persons1     
after we had dressed the ,king of       
,navarre1 wished us to hold a           
consultation in their presence1 all the 
physicians and surgeons together4 ,each 
of them said what he thought1 and there 

was not one but had good hope1 they     
said1 that he would recover4 ,i         
persisted always in the contrary4 ,m4 le
 ,prince1 who loved me1 drew me aside1  
and said ,i was alone against the       
opinion of all the others1 and prayed me
 not to be obstinate against so many    
good men4 ,i answered1 ,when ,i shall   
see good signs of recovery1 ,i will     
change my mind4 ,many consultations were
 held1 and ,i never changed what ,i     
said1 and the prognosis ,i had made at  
the first dressing1 and said always the 
arm would fall into a gangrene3 which it
 did1 for all the care they could give  
to it2 and he rendered his spirit to    
,god the eighteenth day after his wound4
  ,m4 le ,prince1 having heard of it1   
sent to me his surgeon1 and his         
physician1 one ,lefevre1 now            
physician-in-ordinary to the ,king and  
,queen-mother1 to say he wished to have 
the bullet1 and we were to look for it1 
to see where it was4 ,then ,i was very  
glad1 and assured them ,i should quickly

 find it2 which ,i did in their         
presence1 with many other gentlemen3 it 
was just in the very middle of the bone4
 ,m4 le ,prince took and showed it to   
the ,king and to the ,queen1 who all    
said that my prognosis had come true4   
,the body was laid to rest at ,chateau  
,gaillard3 and ,i returned to ,paris1   
where ,i found many patients1 who had   
been wounded on the breach at ,rouen1   
and chiefly ,italians1 who were very    
eager ,i should dress them3 which ,i did
 willingly4 ,many of them recovered3 the
 rest died4 ,mon petit maistre1 ,i think
 you were called to dress some1 for the 
great number there was of them4         
,,the ,,battle ,,of ,,dreux4 #aefb      
,the day after the battle of ,dreux1 the
 ,king bade me go and dress ,m4 le      
,comte d',eu1 who had been wounded in   
the right thigh1 near the hip-joint1    
with a pistol-shot3 which had smashed   
and broken the thigh-bone into many     
pieces3 whereon many accidents          
supervened1 and at last death1 to my    

great grief4 ,the day after ,i came1 ,i 
would go to the camp where the battle   
had been1 to see the dead bodies4 ,i    
saw1 for a long league round1 the earth 
all covered3 they estimated it at       
twenty-five thousand men or more2 and it
 was all done in less than two hours4 ,i
 wish1 mon petit maistre1 for the love  
,i bear you1 you had been there1 to tell
 it to your scholars and your children4 
,now while ,i was at ,dreux1 ,i visited 
and dressed a great number of gentlemen1
 and poor soldiers1 and among the rest  
many of the ,swiss captains4 ,i dressed 
fourteen all in one room1 all wounded   
with pistol-shots and other diabolical  
firearms1 and not one of the fourteen   
died4 ,m4 le ,comte d',eu being dead1 ,i
 made no long stay at ,dreux4 ,surgeons 
came from ,paris1 who fulfilled their   
duty to the wounded1 as ,pigray1        
,cointeret1 ,hubert1 and others2 and ,i 
returned to ,paris1 where ,i found many 
wounded gentlemen who had retreated     
thither after the battle1 to have their 

wounds dressed2 and ,i was not there    
without seeing many of them4     ,,the  
,,journey ,,to ,,havre ,,de ,,grace4    
#aefc   ,and ,i will not omit to tell of
 the camp at ,havre de ,grace4 ,when our
 artillery came before the walls of the 
town1 the ,english within the walls     
killed some of our men1 and several     
pioneers who were making gabions4 ,and  
seeing they were so wounded that there  
was no hope of curing them1 their       
comrades stripped them1 and put them    
still living inside the gabions1 which  
served to fill them up4 ,when the       
,english saw that they could not        
withstand our attack1 because they were 
hard hit by sickness1 and especially by 
the plague1 they surrendered4 ,the ,king
 gave them ships to return to ,england1 
very glad to be out of this             
plague-stricken place4 ,the greater part
 of them died1 and they took the plague 
to ,england1 and they have not got rid  
of it since4 ,captain ,sarlabous1 master
 of the camp1 was left in garrison1 with

 six ensigns of infantry1 who had no    
fear of the plague2 and they were very  
glad to get into the town1 hoping to    
enjoy themselves there1 ,mon petit      
maistre1 if you had been there1 you     
would have done as they did4     ,,the  
,,journey ,,to ,,bayonne4 #aefd   ,i    
went with the ,king on that journey to  
,bayonne1 when we were two years and    
more making the tour of well-nigh all   
this kingdom4 ,and in many towns and    
villages ,i was called in consultation  
over sundry diseases1 with the late ,m4 
,chapelain1 chief physician to the      
,king1 and ,m4 ,castellan1 chief        
physician to the ,queen-mother2         
honorable men and very learned in       
medicine and surgery4 ,during this      
journey1 ,i always inquired of the      
surgeons if they had noted anything rare
 in their practices1 so that ,i might   
learn something new4 ,while ,i was at   
,bayonne1 two things happened worthy of 
remark by young surgeons4 ,the first is1
 ,i dressed a ,spanish gentleman1 who   

had a great and enormous swelling of the
 throat4 ,he had lately been touched by 
the deceased ,king ,charles for the     
king's evil4 ,i opened his swelling4 444
 ,i left him in the hands of a surgeon  
of the town1 to finish his cure4 ,m4 de 
,fontaine1 ,knight of the ,order of the 
,king1 had a severe continued pestilent 
fever1 accompanied with many            
inflammatory swellings in sundry parts  
of the body4 ,he had bleeding at the    
nose for two days1 without ceasing1 nor 
could we staunch it3 and after this     
haemorrhage the fever ceased1 with much 
sweating1 and by and bye the swellings  
suppurated1 and he was dressed by me1   
and healed by the grace of ,god4        
,,battle ,,of ,,saint ,,denis1 #aefg    
,as for the battle of ,saint ,denis1    
there were many killed on both sides4   
,our wounded withdrew to ,paris to be   
dressed1 with the prisoners they had    
taken1 and ,i dressed many of them4 ,the
 ,king ordered me1 at the request of    
,mme4 the ,constable's ,lady1 to go to  

her house to dress the ,constable2 who  
had a pistol-shot in the middle of the  
spine of his back1 whereby at once he   
lost all feeling and movement in his    
thighs and legs 444 because the spinal  
cord1 whence arise the nerves to give   
feeling and movement to the parts below1
 was crushed1 broken1 and torn by the   
force of the bullet4 ,also he lost      
understanding and reason1 and in a few  
days he died4 ,the surgeons of ,paris   
were hard put to it for many days to    
treat all the wounded4 ,i think1 mon    
petit maistre1 you saw some of them4 ,i 
beseech the great ,god of victories1    
that we be never more employed in such  
misfortune and disaster4     ,,voyage   
,,of ,,the ,,battle ,,of ,,moncontour4  
#aefi   ,during the battle of           
,moncontour1 ,king ,charles was at      
,plessis-les- ,tours1 where he heard the
 news of the victory4 ,a great number of
 gentlemen and soldiers retreated into  
the town and suburbs of ,tours1 wounded1
 to be dressed and treated2 and the     

,king and the ,queen-mother bade me do  
my duty by them1 with other surgeons who
 were then on duty1 as ,pigray1 du      
,bois1 ,portail1 and one ,siret1 a      
surgeon of ,tours1 a man well versed in 
surgery1 who was at this time surgeon to
 the ,king's brother4 ,and for the      
multitude of bad cases we had scarce any
 rest1 nor the physicians either4  ,m4  
le ,comte de ,mansfeld1 ,governor of the
 ,duchy of ,luxembourg1 ,knight of the  
,order of the ,king1 was severely       
wounded in the battle1 in the left arm1 
with a pistol-shot which broke a great  
part of his elbow2 and he withdrew to   
,borgueil near ,tours4 ,then he sent a  
gentleman to the ,king1 to beg him to   
send one of his surgeons1 to help him of
 his wound4 ,so they debated which      
surgeon they should send4 ,m4 le        
,marechal de ,montmorency told the ,king
 and the ,queen that they ought to send 
him their chief surgeon2 and urged that 
,m4 de ,mansfeld had done much toward   
the victory4  ,the ,king said flat1 he  

would not have me go1 and wished me to  
stop with himself4 ,then the            
,queen-mother told him ,i would but go  
and come back1 and he must remember it  
was a foreign lord1 who had come1 at the
 command of the ,king of ,spain1 to help
 him4 then he let me go1 provided ,i    
came back very soon4 ,so he sent for me1
 and the ,queen-mother with him1 and    
bade me go and find the ,lord de        
,mansfeld1 wherever he should be1 to do 
all ,i could for him to heal his wound4 
,i went to him1 with a letter from      
,their ,majesties4 ,when he saw it1 he  
received me with good-will1 and         
forthwith dismissed three or four       
surgeons who were dressing him2 which   
was to my very great regret1 because his
 wound seemed to me incurable4  ,now    
many gentlemen had retreated to         
,borgueil1 having been wounded3 for they
 knew that ,m4 de ,guise was there1 who 
also had been badly wounded with a      
pistol-shot through the leg1 and they   
were sure that he would have good       

surgeons to dress him1 and would help   
them1 as he is kindly and very generous1
 and would relieve their wants4 ,this he
 did with a will1 both for their eating 
and drinking1 and for what else they    
needed3 and for my part1 they had the   
comfort and help of my art3 some died1  
others recovered1 according to their    
wounds4 ,m4 le ,comte ,ringrave died1   
who was shot in the shoulder1 like the  
,king of ,navarre before ,rouen4 ,m4 de 
,bassompierre1 colonel of twelve hundred
 horse1 was wounded by a similar shot1  
in the same place1 as ,m4 de ,mansfeld3 
whom ,i dressed1 and ,god healed4 ,god  
blessed my work so well1 that in three  
weeks ,i sent them back to ,paris3 where
 ,i had still to make incisions in ,m4  
de ,mansfeld's arm1 to remove some      
pieces of the bones1 which were badly   
splintered1 broken1 and carious4 ,he was
 healed by the grace of ,god1 and made  
me a handsome present1 so ,i was well   
content with him1 and he with me2 as he 
has shown me since4 ,he wrote a letter  

to ,m4 le ,duc d' ,ascot1 how he was    
healed of his wound1 and also ,m4 de    
,bassompierre of his1 and many others   
whom ,i had dressed after the battle of 
,moncontour2 and advised him to ask the 
,king of ,france to let me visit ,m4 le 
,marquis d' ,auret1 his brother3 which  
he did4     ,,the ,,journey ,,to        
,,flanders4 #aefi   ,m4 le ,duc d'      
,ascot did not fail to send a gentleman 
to the ,king1 with a letter humbly      
asking he would do him so much kindness 
and honour as to permit and command his 
chief surgeon to visit ,m4 le ,marquis  
d' ,auret1 his brother1 who had received
 a gunshot wound near the knee1 with    
fracture of the bone1 about seven months
 ago1 and the physicians and surgeons   
all this time had not been able to heal 
him4 ,the ,king sent for me and bade me 
go and see ,m4 d' ,auret1 and give him  
all the help ,i could1 to heal him of   
his wound4 ,i told him ,i would employ  
all the little knowledge it had pleased 
,god to give me4  ,i went off1 escorted 

by two gentlemen1 to the ,chateau d'    
,auret1 which is a league and a half    
from ,mons in ,hainault1 where ,m4 le   
,marquis was lying4 ,so soon as ,i had  
come1 ,i visited him1 and told him the  
,king had commanded me to come and see  
him and dress his wound4 ,he said he was
 very glad ,i had come1 and was much    
beholden to the ,king1 who had done him 
so much honour as to send me to him4  ,i
 found him in a high fever1 his eyes    
deep sunken1 with a moribund and        
yellowish face1 his tongue dry and      
parched1 and the whole body much wasted 
and lean1 the voice low as of a man very
 near death3 and ,i found his thigh much
 inflamed1 suppurating1 and ulcerated1  
discharging a greenish and very         
offensive sanies4 ,i probed it with a   
silver probe1 wherewith ,i found a large
 cavity in the middle of the thigh1 and 
others round the knee1 sanious and      
cuniculate3 also several scales of bone1
 some loose1 others not4 ,the leg was   
greatly swelled1 and imbued with a      

pituitous humor 444 and bent and drawn  
back4 ,there was a large bedsore2 he    
could rest neither day nor night2 and   
had no appetite to eat1 but very        
thirsty4 ,i was told he often fell into 
a faintness of the heart1 and sometimes 
as in epilepsy3 and often he felt sick1 
with such trembling he could not carry  
his hands to his mouth4 ,seeing and     
considering all these great             
complications1 and the vital powers thus
 broken down1 truly ,i was very sorry ,i
 had come to him1 because it seemed to  
me there was little hope he would escape
 death4 ,all the same1 to give him      
courage and good hope1 ,i told him ,i   
would soon set him on his legs1 by the  
grace of ,god1 and the help of his      
physicians and surgeons4  ,having seen  
him1 ,i went a walk in a garden1 and    
prayed ,god ,he would show me this      
grace1 that he should recover2 and that 
,he would bless our hands and our       
medicaments1 to fight such a            
complication of diseases4 ,i discussed  

in my mind the means ,i must take to do 
this4 ,they called me to dinner4 ,i came
 into the kitchen1 and there ,i saw1    
taken out of a great pot1 half a sheep1 
a quarter of veal1 three great pieces of
 beef1 two fowls1 and a very big piece  
of bacon1 with abundance of good herbs3 
then ,i said to myself that the broth of
 the pot would be full of juices1 and   
very nourishing4  ,after dinner1 we     
began our consultation1 all the         
physicians and surgeons together1 in the
 presence of ,m4 le ,duc d' ,ascot and  
some gentlemen who were with him4 ,i    
began to say to the surgeons that ,i was
 astonished they had not made incisions 
in ,m4 le ,marquis' thigh1 seeing that  
it was all suppurating1 and the thick   
matter in it very foetid and offensive1 
showing it had long been pent up there2 
and that ,i had found with the probe    
caries of the bone1 and scales of bone1 
which were already loose4 ,they answered
 me3 ,never would he consent to it2     
indeed1 it was near two months since    

they had been able to get leave to put  
clean sheets on his bed2 and one scarce 
dared touch the coverlet1 so great was  
his pain4 ,then ,i said1 ,to heal him1  
we must touch something else than the   
coverlet of his bed4 ,each said what he 
thought of the malady of the patient1   
and in conclusion they all held it      
hopeless4 ,i told them there was still  
some hope1 because he was young1 and    
,god and ,nature sometimes do things    
which seem to physicians and surgeons   
impossible4  ,to restore the warmth and 
nourishment of the body1 general        
frictions must be made with hot cloths1 
above1 below1 to right1 to left1 and    
around1 to draw the blood and the vital 
spirits from within outward4 444 ,for   
the bedsore1 he must be put in a fresh1 
soft bed1 with clean shirt and sheets444
 ,having discoursed of the causes and   
complications of his malady1 ,i said we 
must cure them by their contraries2 and 
must first ease the pain1 making        
openings in the thigh to let out the    

matter4 444 ,secondly1 having regard to 
the great swelling and coldness of the  
limb1 we must apply hot bricks round it1
 and sprinkle them with a decoction of  
nerval herbs in wine and vinegar1 and   
wrap them in napkins2 and to his feet1  
an earthenware bottle filled with the   
decoction1 corked1 and wrapped in       
cloths4 ,then the thigh1 and the whole  
of the leg1 must be fomented with a     
decoction made of sage1 rosemary1 thyme1
 lavender1 flowers of chamomile and     
melilot1 red roses boiled in white wine1
 with a drying powder made of oak--     
ashes and a little vinegar and half a   
handful of salt4 444 ,thirdly1 we must  
apply to the bedsore a large plaster    
made of the desiccative red ointment and
 of ,unguentum ,comitissoe1 equal parts1
 mixed together1 to ease his pain and   
dry the ulcer2 and he must have a little
 pillow of down1 to keep all pressure   
off it4 444 ,and for the strengthening  
of his heart1 we must apply over it a   
refrigerant of oil of waterlilies1      

ointment of roses1 and a little saffron1
 dissolved in rose-vinegar and treacle1 
spread on a piece of red cloth4 ,for the
 syncope1 from exhaustion of the natural
 forces1 troubling the brain1 he must   
have good nourishment full of juices1 as
 raw eggs1 plums stewed in wine and     
sugar1 broth of the meat of the great   
pot1 whereof ,i have already spoken2 the
 white meat of fowls1 partridges' wings 
minced small1 and other roast meats easy
 to digest1 as veal1 kid1 pigeons1      
partridges1 thrushes1 and the like1 with
 sauce of orange1 verjuice1 sorrel1     
sharp pomegranates2 or he may have them 
boiled with good herbs1 as lettuce1     
purslain1 chicory1 bugloss1 marigold1   
and the like4 ,at night he can take     
barley-water1 with juice of sorrel and  
of waterlilies1 of each two ounces1 with
 four or five grains of opium1 and the  
four cold seeds crushed1 of each half an
 ounce2 which is a good nourishing      
remedy and will make him sleep4 ,his    
bread to be farmhouse bread1 neither too

 stale nor too fresh4 ,for the great    
pain in his head1 his hair must be cut1 
and his head rubbed with rose-vinegar   
just warm1 and a double cloth steeped in
 it and put there2 also a               
forehead-cloth1 of oil of roses and     
water-lilies and poppies1 and a little  
opium and rose-vinegar1 with a little   
camphor1 and changed from time to time4 
,moreover1 we must allow him to smell   
flowers of henbane and water-lilies1    
bruised with vinegar and rose-water1    
with a little camphor1 all wrapped in a 
handkerchief1 to be held some time to   
his nose4 444 ,and we must make         
artificial rain1 pouring water from some
 high place into a cauldron1 that he may
 hear the sound of it2 by which means   
sleep shall be provoked on him4 ,as for 
the contraction of his leg1 there is    
hope of righting it when we have let out
 the pus and other humors pent up in the
 thigh1 and have rubbed the whole knee  
with ointment of mallows1 and oil of    
lilies1 and a little eau-de-vie1 and    

wrapped it in black wool with the grease
 left in it2 and if we put under the    
knee a feather pillow doubled1 little by
 little we shall straighten the leg4    
,this my discourse was well approved by 
the physicians and surgeons4  ,the      
consultation ended1 we went back to the 
patient1 and ,i made three openings in  
his thigh4 444 ,two or three hours      
later1 ,i got a bed made near his old   
one1 with fair white sheets on it2 then 
a strong man put him in it1 and he was  
thankful to be taken out of his foul    
stinking bed4 ,soon after1 he asked to  
sleep2 which he did for near four hours2
 and everybody in the house began to    
feel happy1 and especially ,m4 le ,duc  
d' ,ascot1 his brother4  ,the following 
days1 ,i made injections1 into the depth
 and cavities of the ulcers1 of         
,aegyptiacum dissolved sometimes in     
eau-de-vie1 other times in wine1 ,i     
applied compresses to the bottom of the 
sinuous tracks1 to cleanse and dry the  
soft spongy flesh1 and hollow leaden    

tents1 that the sanies might always have
 a way out2 and above them a large      
plaster of ,diacalcitheos dissolved in  
wine4 ,and ,i bandaged him so skilfully 
that he had no pain2 and when the pain  
was gone1 the fever began at once to    
abate4 ,then ,i gave him wine to drink  
moderately tempered with water1 knowing 
it would restore and quicken the vital  
forces4 ,and all that we agreed in      
consultation was done in due time and   
order2 and so soon as his pains and     
fever ceased1 he began steadily to      
amend4 ,he dismissed two of his         
surgeons1 and one of his physicians1 so 
that we were but three with him4  ,now  
,i stopped there about two months1 not  
without seeing many patients1 both rich 
and poor1 who came to me from three or  
four leagues round4 ,he gave food and   
drink to the needy1 and commended them  
all to me1 asking me to help them for   
his sake4 ,i protest ,i refused not one1
 and did for them all ,i could1 to his  
great pleasure4 ,then1 when ,i saw him  

beginning to be well1 ,i told him we    
must have viols and violins1 and a      
buffoon to make him laugh3 which he did4
 ,in one month1 we got him into a chair1
 and he had himself carried about in his
 garden and at the door of his chateau1 
to see everybody passing by4  ,the      
villagers of two or three leagues round1
 now they could have sight of him1 came 
on holidays to sing and dance1 men and  
women1 pell-mell for a frolic1 rejoiced 
at his good convalescence1 all glad to  
see him1 not without plenty of laughter 
and plenty to drink4 ,he always gave    
them a hogshead of beer2 and they all   
drank merrily to his health4 ,and the   
citizens of ,mons in ,hainault1 and     
other gentlemen1 his neighbours1 came to
 see him for the wonder of it1 as a man 
come out of the grave2 and from the time
 he was well1 he was never without      
company4 ,when one went out1 another    
came in to visit him2 his table was     
always well covered4 ,he was dearly     
loved both by the nobility and by the   

common people2 as for his generosity1 so
 for his handsome face and his courtesy3
 with a kind look and a gracious word   
for everybody1 so that all who saw him  
had perforce to love him4  ,the chief   
citizens of ,mons came one ,saturday1 to
 beg him let me go to ,mons1 where they 
wished to entertain me with a banquet1  
for their love of him4 ,he told them he 
would urge me to go1 which he did2 but  
,i said such great honour was not for   
me1 moreover they could not feast me    
better than he did4 ,again he urged me1 
with much affection1 to go there1 to    
please him2 and ,i agreed4 ,the next    
day1 they came to fetch me with two     
carriages3 and when we got to ,mons1 we 
found the dinner ready1 and the chief   
men of the town1 with their ladies1 who 
attended me with great devotion4 ,we sat
 down to dinner1 and they put me at the 
top of the table1 and all drank to me1  
and to the health of ,m4 le ,marquis    
d',auret3 saying he was happy1 and they 
with him1 to have had me to put him on  

his legs again2 and truly the whole     
company were full of honour and love for
 him4 ,after dinner1 they brought me    
back to the ,chateau d',auret1 where ,m4
 le ,marquis was awaiting me2 who       
affectionately welcomed me1 and would   
hear what we had done at our banquet2   
and ,i told him all the company had     
drunk many times to his health4  ,in six
 weeks he began to stand a little on    
crutches1 and to put on fat and get a   
good natural colour4 ,he would go to    
,beaumont1 his brother's place2 and was 
taken there in a carrying-chair1 by     
eight men at a time4 ,and the peasants  
in the villages through which we passed1
 knowing it was ,m4 le ,marquis1 fought 
who should carry him1 and would have us 
drink with them2 but it was only beer4  
,yet ,i believe if they had possessed   
wine1 even hippocras1 they would have   
given it to us with a will4 ,and all    
were right glad to see him1 and all     
prayed ,god for him4 ,when we came to   
,beaumont1 everybody came out to meet us

 and pay their respects to him1 and     
prayed ,god bless him and keep him in   
good health4 ,we came to the chateau1   
and found there more than fifty         
gentlemen whom ,m4 le ,duc d',ascot had 
invited to come and be happy with his   
brother2 and he kept open house three   
whole days4 ,after dinner1 the gentlemen
 used to tilt at the ring and play with 
the foils1 and were full of joy at the  
sight of ,m4 d',auret1 for they had     
heard he would never leave his bed or be
 healed of his wound4 ,i was always at  
the upper end of the table1 and         
everybody drank to him and to me1       
thinking to make me drunk1 which they   
could not2 for ,i drank only as ,i      
always do4  ,a few days later1 we went  
back2 and ,i took my leave of ,mdme4 la 
,duchesse d',ascot1 who drew a diamond  
from her finger1 and gave it me in      
gratitude for my good care of her       
brother3 and the diamond was worth more 
than fifty crowns4 ,m4 d',auret was ever
 getting better1 and was walking all    

alone on crutches round his garden4     
,many times ,i asked him to let me go   
back to ,paris1 telling him his         
physician and his surgeon could do all  
that was now wanted for his wound3 and  
to make a beginning to get away from    
him1 ,i asked him to let me go and see  
the town of ,antwerp4 ,to this he agreed
 at once1 and told his steward to escort
 me there1 with two pages4 ,we passed   
through ,malines and ,brussels1 where   
the chief citizens of the town begged us
 to let them know of it when we         
returned2 for they too wished1 like     
those of ,mons1 to have a festival for  
me4 ,i gave them very humble thanks1    
saying ,i did not deserve such honour4  
,i was two days and a half seeing the   
town of ,antwerp1 where certain         
merchants1 knowing the steward1 prayed  
he would let them have the honour of    
giving us a dinner or a supper3 it was  
who should have us1 and they were all   
truly glad to hear how well ,m4 d'      
,auret was doing1 and made more of me   

than ,i asked4  ,on my return1 ,i found 
,m4 le ,marquis enjoying himself3 and   
five or six days later ,i asked his     
leave to go1 which he gave1 said he1    
with great regret4 ,and he made me a    
handsome present of great value1 and    
sent me back1 with the steward1 and two 
pages1 to my house in ,paris4  ,i forgot
 to say that the ,spaniards have since  
ruined and demolished his ,chateau d'   
,auret1 sacked1 pillaged1 and burned all
 the houses and villages belonging to   
him3 because he would not be of their   
wicked party in their assassinations and
 ruin of the ,netherlands4  ,i have     
published this ,apologia1 that all men  
may know on what footing ,i have always 
gone3 and sure there is no man so touchy
 not to take in good part what ,i have  
said4 ,for ,i have but told the truth2  
and the purport of my discourse is plain
 for all men to see1 and the facts      
themselves are my guarantee against all 
calumnies4     ,,on ,,the ,,motion ,,of 
,,the ,,heart ,,and ,,blood ,,in        

,,animals ,,by ,,william ,,harvey       
,,translated ,,by ,,robert ,,willis     
,,and ,,revised ,,by ,,alexander ,,bowie
   ,,introductory ,,note   ,william     
,harvey1 whose epoch-making treatise    
announcing and demonstrating the        
ejaculation of the blood is here        
printed1 was born at ,folkestone1 ,kent1
 ,england1 ,april #a1 #aegh4 ,he was    
educated at the ,king's ,school1        
,canterbury1 and at ,gonville and ,caius
 ,college1 ,cambridge2 and studied      
medicine on the ,continent1 receiving   
the degree of ,m4,d4 from the           
,university of ,padua4 ,he took the same
 degree later at both the ,english      
universities4 ,after his return to      
,england he became ,fellow of the       
,college of ,physicians1 physician to   
,st4 ,bartholomew's ,hospital1 and      
,lumleian lecturer at the ,college of   
,physicians4 ,it was in this last       
capacity that he delivered1 in #afaf1   
the lectures in which he first gave     
public notice of his theories on the    

circulation of the blood4 ,the notes of 
these lectures are still preserved in   
the ,british ,museum4  ,in #afah ,harvey
 was appointed physician extraordinary  
to ,james ,i1 and he remained in close  
professional relations to the royal     
family until the close of the ,civil    
,war1 being present at the battle of    
,edgehill4 ,by mandate of ,charles ,i1  
he was1 for a short time1 ,warden of    
,merton ,college1 ,oxford 7#afde-f71    
and1 when he was too infirm to undertake
 the duties1 he was offered the         
,presidency of the ,college of          
,physicians4 ,he died on ,june #c1      
#afeg4  ,harvey's famous ,exercitatio   
,anatomica de ,motu ,cordis et          
,sanguinis in ,animalibus was published 
in ,latin at ,frankfort in #afbh4 ,the  
discovery was received with great       
interest1 and in his own country was    
accepted at once2 on the ,continent it  
won favor more slowly4 ,before his      
death1 however1 the soundness of his    
views was acknowledged by the medical   

profession throughout ,europe1 and it   
remains to this day the greatest of the 
discoveries of physiology1 and its whole
 honor belongs to ,harvey4              
,,dedication  ,,to ,,his ,,very ,,dear  
,,friend1 ,,doctor ,,argent1 ,,the      
,,excellent ,,and ,,accomplished        
,,president ,,of ,,the ,,royal ,,college
 ,,of ,,physicians1 ,,and ,,to ,,other  
,,learned ,,physicians1 ,,his ,,most    
,,esteemed ,,colleagues4   ,i have      
already and repeatedly presented you1 my
 learned friends1 with my new views of  
the motion and function of the heart1 in
 my anatomical lectures2 but having now 
for more than nine years confirmed these
 views by multiplied demonstrations in  
your presence1 illustrated them by      
arguments1 and freed them from the      
objections of the most learned and      
skilful anatomists1 ,i at length yield  
to the requests1 ,i might say           
entreaties1 of many1 and here present   
them for general consideration in this  
treatise4  ,were not the work indeed    

presented through you1 my learned       
friends1 ,i should scarce hope that it  
could come out scatheless and complete2 
for you have in general been the        
faithful witnesses of almost all the    
instances from which ,i have either     
collected the truth or confuted error4  
,you have seen my dissections1 and at my
 demonstrations of all that ,i maintain 
to be objects of sense1 you have been   
accustomed to stand by and bear me out  
with your testimony4 ,and as this book  
alone declares the blood to course and  
revolve by a new route1 very different  
from the ancient and beaten pathway     
trodden for so many ages1 and           
illustrated by such a host of learned   
and distinguished men1 ,i was greatly   
afraid lest ,i might be charged with    
presumption did ,i lay my work before   
the public at home1 or send it beyond   
seas for impression1 unless ,i had first
 proposed the subject to you1 had       
confirmed its conclusions by ocular     
demonstrations in your presence1 had    

replied to your doubts and objections1  
and secured the assent and support of   
our distinguished ,president4 ,for ,i   
was most intimately persuaded1 that if  
,i could make good my proposition before
 you and our ,college1 illustrious by   
its numerous body of learned            
individuals1 ,i had less to fear from   
others4 ,i even ventured to hope that ,i
 should have the comfort of finding all 
that you granted me in your sheer love  
of truth1 conceded by others who were   
philosophers like yourselves4 ,true     
philosophers1 who are only eager for    
truth and knowledge1 never regard       
themselves as already so thoroughly     
informed1 but that they welcome further 
information from whomsoever and from    
wheresoever it may come2 nor are they so
 narrow-minded as to imagine any of the 
arts or sciences transmitted to us by   
the ancients1 in such a state of        
forwardness or completeness1 that       
nothing is left for the ingenuity and   
industry of others4 ,on the contrary1   

very many maintain that all we know is  
still infinitely less than all that     
still remains unknown2 nor do           
philosophers pin their faith to others' 
precepts in such wise that they lose    
their liberty1 and cease to give        
credence to the conclusions of their    
proper senses4 ,neither do they swear   
such fealty to their mistress           
,antiquity1 that they openly1 and in    
sight of all1 deny and desert their     
friend ,truth4 ,but even as they see    
that the credulous and vain are disposed
 at the first blush to accept and       
believe everything that is proposed to  
them1 so do they observe that the dull  
and unintellectual are indisposed to see
 what lies before their eyes1 and even  
deny the light of the noonday sun4 ,they
 teach us in our course of philosophy to
 sedulously avoid the fables of the     
poets and the fancies of the vulgar1 as 
the false conclusions of the sceptics4  
,and then the studious and good and     
true1 never suffer their minds to be    

warped by the passions of hatred and    
envy1 which unfit men duly to weigh the 
arguments that are advanced in behalf of
 truth1 or to appreciate the proposition
 that is even fairly demonstrated4      
,neither do they think it unworthy of   
them to change their opinion if truth   
and undoubted demonstration require them
 to do so4 ,they do not esteem it       
discreditable to desert error1 though   
sanctioned by the highest antiquity1 for
 they know full well that to err1 to be 
deceived1 is human2 that many things are
 discovered by accident and that many   
may be learned indifferently from any   
quarter1 by an old man from a youth1 by 
a person of understanding from one of   
inferior capacity4  ,my dear colleagues1
 ,i had no purpose to swell this        
treatise into a large volume by quoting 
the names and writings of anatomists1 or
 to make a parade of the strength of my 
memory1 the extent of my reading1 and   
the amount of my pains2 because ,i      
profess both to learn and to teach      

anatomy1 not from books but from        
dissections2 not from the positions of  
philosophers but from the fabric of     
nature2 and then because ,i do not think
 it right or proper to strive to take   
from the ancients any honor that is     
their due1 nor yet to dispute with the  
moderns1 and enter into controversy with
 those who have excelled in anatomy and 
been my teachers4 ,i would not charge   
with wilful falsehood any one who was   
sincerely anxious for truth1 nor lay it 
to any one's door as a crime that he had
 fallen into error4 ,i avow myself the  
partisan of truth alone2 and ,i can     
indeed say that ,i have used all my     
endeavours1 bestowed all my pains on an 
attempt to produce something that should
 be agreeable to the good1 profitable to
 the learned1 and useful to letters4    
,farewell1 most worthy ,doctors1 ,and   
think kindly of your ,anatomist1        
,,william ,,harvey4     ,,introduction  
,as we are about to discuss the motion1 
action1 and use of the heart and        

arteries1 it is imperative on us first  
to state what has been thought of these 
things by others in their writings1 and 
what has been held by the vulgar and by 
tradition1 in order that what is true   
may be confirmed1 and what is false set 
right by dissection1 multiplied         
experience1 and accurate observation4   
,almost all anatomists1 physicians1 and 
philosophers up to the present time have
 supposed1 with ,galen1 that the object 
of the pulse was the same as that of    
respiration1 and only differed in one   
particular1 this being conceived to     
depend on the animal1 the respiration on
 the vital faculty2 the two1 in all     
other respects1 whether with reference  
to purpose or to motion1 comporting     
themselves alike4 ,whence it is         
affirmed1 as by ,hieronymus ,fabricius  
of ,aquapendente1 in his book on        
,respiration1 which has lately appeared1
 that as the pulsation of the heart and 
arteries does not suffice for the       
ventilation and refrigeration of the    

blood1 therefore were the lungs         
fashioned to surround the heart4 ,from  
this it appears that whatever has       
hitherto been said upon the systole and 
diastole1 or on the motion of the heart 
and arteries1 has been said with        
especial reference to the lungs4  ,but  
as the structure and movements of the   
heart differ from those of the lungs1   
and the motions of the arteries from    
those of the chest1 so it seems likely  
that other ends and offices will thence 
arise1 and that the pulsations and uses 
of the heart1 likewise of the arteries1 
will differ in many respects from the   
heavings and uses of the chest and      
lungs4 ,for did the arterial pulse and  
the respiration serve the same ends2 did
 the arteries in their diastole take air
 into their cavities1 as commonly       
stated1 and in their systole emit       
fuliginous vapours by the same pores of 
the flesh and skin2 and further1 did    
they1 in the time intermediate between  
the diastole and the systole1 contain   

air1 and at all times either air or     
spirits1 or fuliginous vapours1 what    
should then be said to ,galen1 who wrote
 a book on purpose to show that by      
nature the arteries contained blood1 and
 nothing but blood1 and consequently    
neither spirits nor air1 as may readily 
be gathered from the experiments and    
reasonings contained in the same book8  
,now1 if the arteries are filled in the 
diastole with air then taken into them  
7a larger quantity of air penetrating   
when the pulse is large and full71 it   
must come to pass that if you plunge    
into a bath of water or of oil when the 
pulse is strong and full1 it ought      
forthwith to become either smaller or   
much slower1 since the circumambient    
bath will render it either difficult or 
impossible for the air to penetrate4 ,in
 like manner1 as all the arteries1 those
 that are deep-seated as well as those  
that are superficial1 are dilated at the
 same instant and with the same         
rapidity1 how is it possible that air   

should penetrate to the deeper parts as 
freely and quickly through the skin1    
flesh1 and other structures1 as through 
the cuticle alone8 ,and how should the  
arteries of the foetus draw air into    
their cavities through the abdomen of   
the mother and the body of the womb8    
,and how should seals1 whales1 dolphins1
 and other cetaceans1 and fishes of     
every description1 living in the depths 
of the sea1 take in and emit air by the 
diastole and systole of their arteries  
through the infinite mass of water8 ,for
 to say that they absorb the air that is
 present in the water1 and emit their   
fumes into this medium1 were to utter   
something like a figment4 ,and if the   
arteries in their systole expel         
fuliginous vapours from their cavities  
through the pores of the flesh and skin1
 why not the spirits1 which are said to 
be contained in those vessels1 at the   
same time1 since spirits are much more  
subtile than fuliginous vapours or      
smoke8 ,and if the arteries take in and 

cast out air in the systole and         
diastole1 like the lungs in the process 
of respiration1 why do they not do the  
same thing when a wound is made in one  
of them1 as in the operation of         
arteriotomy8 ,when the windpipe is      
divided1 it is sufficiently obvious that
 the air enters and returns through the 
wound by two opposite movements2 but    
when an artery is divided1 it is equally
 manifest that blood escapes in one     
continuous stream1 and that no air      
either enters or issues4 ,if the        
pulsations of the arteries fan and      
refrigerate the several parts of the    
body as the lungs do the heart1 how     
comes it1 as is commonly said1 that the 
arteries carry the vital blood into the 
different parts1 abundantly charged with
 vital spirits1 which cherish the heat  
of these parts1 sustain them when       
asleep1 and recruit them when exhausted8
 ,how should it happen that1 if you tie 
the arteries1 immediately the parts not 
only become torpid1 and frigid1 and look

 pale1 but at length cease even to be   
nourished8 ,this1 according to ,galen1  
is because they are deprived of the heat
 which flowed through all parts from the
 heart1 as its source2 whence it would  
appear that the arteries rather carry   
warmth to the parts than serve for any  
fanning or refrigeration4 ,besides1 how 
can their diastole draw spirits from the
 heart to warm the body and its parts1  
and means of cooling them from without8 
,still further1 although some affirm    
that the lungs1 arteries1 and heart have
 all the same offices1 they yet maintain
 that the heart is the workshop of the  
spirits1 and that the arteries contain  
and transmit them2 denying1 however1 in 
opposition to the opinion of ,columbus1 
that the lungs can either make or       
contain spirits4 ,they then assert1 with
 ,galen1 against ,erasistratus1 that it 
is the blood1 not spirits1 which is     
contained in the arteries4  ,these      
opinions are seen to be so incongruous  
and mutually subversive1 that every one 

of them is justly brought under         
suspicion4 ,that it is blood and blood  
alone which is contained in the arteries
 is made manifest by the experiment of  
,galen1 by arteriotomy1 and by wounds2  
for from a single divided artery1 as    
,galen himself affirms in more than one 
place1 the whole of the blood may be    
withdrawn in the course of half an hour 
or less4 ,the experiment of ,galen      
alluded to is this3 ,if you include a   
portion of an artery between two        
ligatures1 and slit it open lengthwise  
you will find nothing but blood2 and    
thus he proves that the arteries contain
 only blood4 ,and we too may be         
permitted to proceed by a like train of 
reasoning3 if we find the same blood in 
the arteries as in the veins1 after     
having tied them in the same way1 as ,i 
have myself repeatedly ascertained1 both
 in the dead body and in living animals1
 we may fairly conclude that the        
arteries contain the same blood as the  
veins1 and nothing but the same blood4  

,some1 whilst they attempt to lessen the
 difficulty1 affirm that the blood is   
spirituous and arterious1 and virtually 
concede that the office of the arteries 
is to carry blood from the heart into   
the whole of the body1 and that they are
 therefore filled with blood2 for       
spirituous blood is not the less blood  
on that account4 ,and no one denies the 
blood as such1 even the portion of it   
which flows in the veins1 is imbued with
 spirits4 ,but if that portion of it    
which is contained in the arteries be   
richer in spirits1 it is still to be    
believed that these spirits are         
inseparable from the blood1 like those  
in the veins2 that the blood and spirits
 constitute one body 7like whey and     
butter in milk1 or heat in hot water71  
with which the arteries are charged1 and
 for the distribution of which from the 
heart they are provided4 ,this body is  
nothing else than blood4 ,but if this   
blood be said to be drawn from the heart
 into the arteries by the diastole of   

these vessels1 it is then assumed that  
the arteries by their distension are    
filled with blood1 and not with the     
surrounding air1 as heretofore2 for if  
they be said also to become filled with 
air from the ambient atmosphere1 how and
 when1 ,i ask1 can they receive blood   
from the heart8 ,if it be answered3     
during the systole1 ,i take it to be    
impossible3 the arteries would then have
 to fill while they contracted1 to fill1
 and yet not become distended4 ,but if  
it be said3 during diastole1 they would 
then1 and for two opposite purposes1 be 
receiving both blood and air1 and heat  
and cold1 which is improbable4 ,further 
when it is affirmed that the diastole of
 the heart and arteries is simultaneous1
 and the systole of the two is also     
concurrent1 there is another            
incongruity4 ,for how can two bodies    
mutually connected1 which are           
simultaneously distended1 attract or    
draw anything from one another8 or being
 simultaneously contracted1 receive     

anything from each other8 ,and then it  
seems impossible that one body can thus 
attract another body into itself1 so as 
to become distended1 seeing that to be  
distended is to be passive1 unless1 in  
the manner of a sponge1 which has been  
previously compressed by an external    
force1 it is returning to its natural   
state4 ,but it is difficult to conceive 
that there can be anything of this kind 
in the arteries4 ,the arteries dilate1  
because they are filled like bladders or
 leathern bottles2 they are not filled  
because they expand like bellows4 ,this 
,i think easy of demonstration1 and     
indeed conceive that ,i have already    
proved it4 ,nevertheless1 in that book  
of ,galen headed ,quod ,sanguis         
continetur in ,arterus1 he quotes an    
experiment to prove the contrary4 ,an   
artery having been exposed1 is opened   
longitudinally1 and a reed or other     
pervious tube is inserted into the      
vessel through the opening1 by which the
 blood is prevented from being lost1 and

 the wound is closed4 ,so long1 he says1
 as things are thus arranged1 the whole 
artery will pulsate2 but if you now     
throw a ligature about the vessel and   
tightly compress its wall over the tube1
 you will no longer see the artery      
beating beyond the ligature4 ,i have    
never performed this experiment of      
,galen's nor do ,i think that it could  
very well be performed in the living    
body1 on account of the profuse flow of 
blood that would take place from the    
vessel that was operated on2 neither    
would the tube effectually close the    
wound in the vessel without a ligature2 
and ,i cannot doubt but that the blood  
would be found to flow out between the  
tube and the vessel4 ,still ,galen      
appears by this experiment to prove both
 that the pulsative property extends    
from the heart by the walls of the      
arteries1 and that the arteries1 whilst 
they dilate1 are filled by that pulsific
 force1 because they expand like        
bellows1 and do not dilate as if they   

are filled like skins1 ,but the contrary
 is obvious in arteriotomy and in       
wounds2 for the blood spurting from the 
arteries escapes with force1 now        
farther1 now not so far1 alternately1 or
 in jets2 and the jet always takes place
 with the diastole of the artery1 never 
with the systole4 ,by which it clearly  
appears that the artery is dilated with 
the impulse of the blood2 for of itself 
it would not throw the blood to such a  
distance and whilst it was dilating2 it 
ought rather to draw air into its cavity
 through the wound1 were those things   
true that are commonly stated concerning
 the uses of the arteries4 ,do not let  
the thickness of the arterial tunics    
impose upon us1 and lead us to conclude 
that the pulsative property proceeds    
along them from the heart ,for in       
several animals the arteries do not     
apparently differ from the veins2 and in
 extreme parts of the body where the    
arteries are minutely subdivided1 as in 
the brain1 the hand1 etc41 no one could 

distinguish the arteries from the veins 
by the dissimilar characters of their   
coats3 the tunics of both are identical4
 ,and then1 in the aneurism proceeding  
from a wounded or eroded artery1 the    
pulsation is precisely the same as in   
the other arteries1 and yet it has no   
proper arterial covering4 ,to this the  
learned ,riolanus testifies along with  
me1 in his ,seventh ,book4  ,nor let any
 one imagine that the uses of the pulse 
and the respiration are the same1       
because1 under the influences of the    
same causes1 such as running1 anger1 the
 warm bath1 or any other heating thing1 
as ,galen says1 they become more        
frequent and forcible together4 ,for not
 only is experience in opposition to    
this idea1 though ,galen endeavours to  
explain it away1 when we see that with  
excessive repletion the pulse beats more
 forcibly1 whilst the respiration is    
diminished in amount21 but in young     
persons the pulse is quick1 whilst      
respiration is slow4 ,so it is also in  

alarm1 and amidst care1 and under       
anxiety of mind2 sometimes1 too1 in     
fevers1 the pulse is rapid1 but the     
respiration is slower than usual4       
,these and other objections of the same 
kind may be urged against the opinions  
mentioned4 ,nor are the views that are  
entertained of the offices and pulse of 
the heart1 perhaps1 less bound up with  
great and most inextricable             
difficulties4 ,the heart1 it is vulgarly
 said1 is the fountain and workshop of  
the vital spirits1 the centre from which
 life is dispensed to the several parts 
of the body4 ,yet it is denied that the 
right ventricle makes spirits1 which is 
rather held to supply nourishment to the
 lungs4 ,for these reasons it is        
maintained that fishes are without any  
right ventricle 7and indeed every animal
 wants a right ventricle which is       
unfurnished with lungs71 and that the   
right ventricle is present solely for   
the sake of the lungs4  #a4 ,why1 ,i    
ask1 when we see that the structure of  

both ventricles is almost identical1    
there being the same apparatus of       
fibres1 and braces1 and valves1 and     
vessels1 and auricles1 and both in the  
same way in our dissections are found to
 be filled up with blood similarly black
 in colour1 and coagulated--why1 ,i say1
 should their uses be imagined to be    
different1 when the action1 motion1 and 
pulse of both are the same8 ,if the     
three tricuspid valves placed at the    
entrance into the right ventricle prove 
obstacles to the reflux of the blood    
into the vena cava1 and if the three    
semilunar valves which are situated at  
the commencement of the pulmonary artery
 be there1 that they may prevent the    
return of the blood into the ventricle2 
why1 when we find similar structures in 
connexion with the left ventricle1      
should we deny that they are there for  
the same end1 of preventing here the    
egress1 there the regurgitation1 of the 
blood8  #b4 ,and1 when we have these    
structures1 in points of size1 form1 and

 situation1 almost in every respect the 
same in the left as in the right        
ventricle1 why should it be said that   
things are arranged in the former for   
the egress and regress of spirits1 and  
in the latter or right ventricle1 for   
the blood8 ,the same arrangement cannot 
be held fitted to favour or impede the  
motion of the blood and of spirits      
indifferently4  #c4 ,and when we observe
 that the passages and vessels are      
severally in relation to one another in 
point of size1 viz41 the pulmonary      
artery to the pulmonary veins2 why      
should the one be destined to a private 
purpose1 that of furnishing the lungs1  
the other to a public function8  #d4    
,and as ,realdus ,columbus says1 is it  
probable that such a quantity of blood  
should be required for the nutrition of 
the lungs2 the vessel that leads to     
them1 the vena arteriosa or pulmonary   
artery being of greater capacity than   
both the iliac veins8  #e4 ,and ,i ask1 
as the lungs are so close at hand1 and  

in continual motion1 and the vessel that
 supplies them is of such dimensions1   
what is the use or meaning of this pulse
 of the right ventricle8 and why was    
nature reduced to the necessity of      
adding another ventricle for the sole   
purpose of nourishing the lungs8  ,when 
it is said that the left ventricle draws
 materials for the formation of spirits1
 air and blood1 from the lungs and right
 sinuses of the heart1 and in like      
manner sends spirituous blood into the  
aorta1 drawing fuliginous vapours from  
there1 and sending them by the pulmonary
 vein into the lungs1 whence spirits are
 at the same time obtained for          
transmission into the aorta1 ,i ask how1
 and by what means is the separation    
effected8 ,and how comes it that spirits
 and fuliginous vapours can pass hither 
and thither without admixture or        
confusion8 ,if the mitral cuspidate     
valves do not prevent the egress of     
fuliginous vapours to the lungs1 how    
should they oppose the escape of air8   

,and how should the semiluftars hinder  
the regress of spirits from the aorta   
upon each supervening diastole of the   
heart8 ,above all1 how can they say that
 the spirituous blood is sent from the  
pulmonary veins by the left ventricle   
into the lungs without any obstacle to  
its passage from the mitral valves1 when
 they have previously asserted that the 
air entered by the same vessel from the 
lungs into the left ventricle1 and have 
brought forward these same mitral valves
 as obstacles to its retrogression8     
,good ,god6 how should the mitral valves
 prevent the regurgitation of air and   
not of blood8  ,moreover1 when they     
appoint the pulmonary artery1 a vessel  
of great size1 with the coverings of an 
artery1 to none but a kind of private   
and single purpose1 that1 namely1 of    
nourishing the lungs1 why should the    
pulmonary vein1 which is scarcely so    
large1 which has the coats of a vein1   
and is soft and lax1 be presumed to be  
made for many--three or four            

different--uses8 ,for they will have it 
that air passes through this vessel from
 the lungs into the left ventricle2 that
 fuliginous vapours escape by it from   
the heart into the lungs2 and that a    
portion of the spirituous blood is      
distributed to the lungs for their      
refreshment4  ,if they will have it that
 fumes and air--fumes flowing from1 air 
proceeding towards the heart--are       
transmitted by the same conduit1 ,i     
reply1 that nature is not wont to       
construct but one vessel1 to contrive   
but one way for such contrary motions   
and purposes1 nor is anything of the    
kind seen elsewhere4  ,if fumes or      
fuliginous vapours and air permeate this
 vessel1 as they do the pulmonary       
bronchia1 wherefore do we find neither  
air nor fuliginous vapours when we      
divide the pulmonary vein8 ,why do we   
always find this vessel full of sluggish
 blood1 never of air1 whilst in the     
lungs we find abundance of air          
remaining8  ,if any one will perform    

,galen's experiment of dividing the     
trachea of a living dog1 forcibly       
distending the lungs with a pair of     
bellows1 and then tying the trachea     
securely1 he will find1 when he has laid
 open the thorax1 abundance of air in   
the lungs1 even to their extreme        
investing tunic1 but none in either the 
pulmonary veins or the left ventricle of
 the heart4 ,but did the heart either   
attract air from the lungs1 or did the  
lungs transmit any air to the heart1 in 
the living dog1 much more ought this to 
be the case in the experiment just      
referred to4 ,who1 indeed1 doubts that1 
did he inflate the lungs of a subject in
 the dissecting--room1 he would         
instantly see the air making its way by 
this route1 were there actually any such
 passage for it8 ,but this office of the
 pulmonary veins1 namely1 the           
ransference of air from the lungs of the
 heart1 is held of such importance1 that
 ,hieronymus ,fabricius of              
,aquapendente1 contends that the lungs  

were made for the sake of this vessel1  
and that it constitutes the principal   
element in their structure4 ,but ,i     
should like to be informed why1 if the  
pulmonary vein were destined for the    
conveyance of air1 it has the structure 
of a blood--vessel here4 ,nature had    
rather need of annular tubes1 such as   
those of the bronchi in order that they 
might always remain open1 and not be    
liable to collapse2 and that they might 
continue entirely free from blood1 lest 
the liquid should interfere with the    
passage of the air1 as it so obviously  
does when the lungs labour from being   
either greatly oppressed or loaded in a 
less degree with phlegm1 as they are    
when the breathing is performed with a  
sibilous or rattling noise4  ,still less
 is that opinion to be tolerated which1 
as a two-fold material1 one aerial1 one 
sanguineous1 is required for the        
composition of vital spirits1 supposes  
the blood to ooze through the septum of 
the heart from the right to the left    

ventricle by certain hidden porosities1 
and the air to be attracted from the    
lungs through the great vessel1 the     
pulmonary vein2 and which1 consequently1
 will have it1 that there are numerous  
porosities in the septum of the heart   
adapted for the transmission of the     
blood4 ,but by ,hercules6 no such pores 
can be demonstrated1 nor in fact do any 
such exist4 ,for the septum of the heart
 is of a denser and more compact        
structure than any portion of the body1 
except the bones and sinews4 ,but even  
supposing that there were foramina or   
pores in this situation1 how could one  
of the ventricles extract anything from 
the other--the left1 e4g41 obtain blood 
from the right1 when we see that both   
ventricles contract and dilate          
simultaneously8 ,why should we not      
rather believe that the right took      
spirits from the left1 than that the    
left obtained blood from the right      
ventricle through these foramina8 ,but  
it is certainly mysterious and          

incongruous that blood should be        
supposed to be most commodiously drawn  
through a set of obscure or invisible   
ducts1 and air through perfectly open   
passages1 at one and the same moment4   
,and why1 ,i ask1 is recourse had to    
secret and invisible porosities1 to     
uncertain and obscure channels1 to      
explain the passage of the blood into   
the left ventricle1 when there is so    
open a way through the pulmonary veins8 
,i own it has always appeared           
extraordinary to me that they should    
have chosen to make1 or rather to       
imagine1 a way through the thick1 hard1 
dense1 and most compact septum of the   
heart1 rather than take that by the open
 pulmonary vein1 or even through the    
lax1 soft and spongy substance of the   
lungs at large4 ,besides1 if the blood  
could permeate the substance of the     
septum1 or could be imbibed from the    
ventricles1 what use were there for the 
coronary artery and vain1 branches of   
which proceed to the septum itself1 to  

supply it with nourishment8 ,and what is
 especially worthy of notice is this3 if
 in the foetus1 where everything is more
 lax and soft1 nature saw herself       
reduced to the necessity of bringing the
 blood from the right to the left side  
of the heart by the foramen ovale1 from 
the vena cava through the pulmonary     
vein1 how should it be likely that in   
the adult she should pass it so         
commodiously1 and without an effort     
through the septum of the ventricles    
which has now become denser by age8     
,andreas ,laurentius1 ,footnote3 ,lib4  
ix1 cap4 xi1 quest4 #ab4 resting on the 
authority of ,galen ,footnote3 ,de      
,locis ,affectia4 lib4 vi1 cap4 #g4 and 
the experience of ,hollerius1 asserts   
and proves that the serum and pus in    
empyema1 absorbed from the cavities of  
the chest into the pulmonary vein may be
 expelled and got rid of with the urine 
and feces through the left ventricle of 
the heart and arteries4 ,he quotes the  
case of a certain person affected with  

melancholia1 and who suffered from      
repeated fainting fits1 who was relieved
 from the paroxysms on passing a        
quantity of turbid1 fetid and acrid     
urine4 ,but he died at last1 worn out by
 disease2 and when the body came to be  
opened after death1 no fluid like that  
he had micturated was discovered either 
in the bladder or the kidneys2 but in   
the left ventricle of the heart and     
cavity of the thorax plenty of it was   
met with4 ,and then ,laurentius boasts  
that he had predicted the cause of the  
symptoms4 ,for my own part1 however1 ,i 
cannot but wonder1 since he had divined 
and predicted that heterogeneous matter 
could be discharged by the course he    
indicates1 why he could not or would not
 perceive1 and inform us that1 in the   
natural state of things1 the blood might
 be commodiously transferred from the   
lungs to the left ventricle of the heart
 by the very same route4  ,since1       
therefore1 from the foregoing           
considerations and many others to the   

same effect1 it is plain that what has  
heretofore been said concerning the     
motion and function of the heart and    
arteries must appear obscure1           
inconsistent1 or even impossible to him 
who carefully considers the entire      
subject1 it would be proper to look more
 narrowly into the matter to contemplate
 the motion of the heart and arteries1  
not only in man1 but in all animals that
 have hearts2 and also1 by frequent     
appeals to vivisection1 and much ocular 
inspection1 to investigate and discern  
the truth4     ,,on ,,the ,,motion ,,of 
,,the ,,heart ,,and ,,blood ,,in        
,,animals   ,,chapter ,i  ,,the         
,,author',s ,,motives ,,for ,,writing   
,when ,i first gave my mind to          
vivisections1 as a means of discovering 
the motions and uses of the heart1 and  
sought to discover these from actual    
inspection1 and not from the writings of
 others1 ,i found the task so truly     
arduous1 so full of difficulties1 that  
,i was almost tempted to think1 with    

,fracastorius1 that the motion of the   
heart was only to be comprehended by    
,god4 ,for ,i could neither rightly     
perceive at first when the systole and  
when the diastole took place1 nor when  
and where dilatation and contraction    
occurred1 by reason of the rapidity of  
the motion1 which in many animals is    
accomplished in the twinkling of an eye1
 coming and going like a flash of       
lightning2 so that the systole presented
 itself to me now from this point1 now  
from that2 the diastole the same2 and   
then everything was reversed1 the       
motions occurring1 as it seemed1        
variously and confusedly together4 ,my  
mind was therefore greatly unsettled nor
 did ,i know what ,i should myself      
conclude1 nor what believe from others4 
,i was not surprised that ,andreas      
,laurentius should have written that the
 motion of the heart was as perplexing  
as the flux and reflux of ,euripus had  
appeared to ,aristotle4  ,at length1 by 
using greater and daily diligence and   

investigation1 making frequent          
inspection of many and various animals1 
and collating numerous observations1 ,i 
thought that ,i had attained to the     
truth1 that ,i should extricate myself  
and escape from this labyrinth1 and that
 ,i had discovered what ,i so much      
desired1 both the motion and the use of 
the heart and arteries4 ,from that time 
,i have not hesitated to expose my views
 upon these subjects1 not only in       
private to my friends1 but also in      
public1 in my anatomical lectures1 after
 the manner of the ,academy of old4     
,these views as usual1 pleased some     
more1 others less2 some chid and        
calumniated me1 and laid it to me as a  
crime that ,i had dared to depart from  
the precepts and opinions of all        
anatomists2 others desired further      
explanations of the novelties1 which    
they said were both worthy of           
consideration1 and might perchance be   
found of signal use4 ,at length1        
yielding to the requests of my friends1 

that all might be made participators in 
my labors1 and partly moved by the envy 
of others1 who1 receiving my views with 
uncandid minds and understanding them   
indifferently1 have essayed to traduce  
me publicly1 ,i have moved to commit    
these things to the press1 in order that
 all may be enabled to form an opinion  
both of me and my labours4 ,this step ,i
 take all the more willingly1 seeing    
that ,hieronymus ,fabricius of          
,aquapendente1 although he has          
accurately and learnedly delineated     
almost every one of the several parts of
 animals in a special work1 has left the
 heart alone untouched4 ,finally1 if any
 use or benefit to this department of   
the republic of letters should accrue   
from my labours1 it will1 perhaps1 be   
allowed that ,i have not lived idly1 and
 as the old man in the comedy says3     
,for never yet hath any one attained    
,to such perfection1 but that time1 and 
place1      ,and use1 have brought      
addition to his knowledge2      ,or made

 correction1 or admonished him1         
,that he was ignorant of much which he  
,had thought he knew2 or led him to     
reject      ,what he had once esteemed  
of highest price4  ,so will it1         
perchance1 be found with reference to   
the heart at this time2 or others1 at   
least1 starting hence1 with the way     
pointed out to them1 advancing under the
 guidance of a happier genius1 may make 
occasion to proceed more fortunately1   
and to inquire more accurately4         
,,chapter ,,ii  ,,on ,,the ,,motions    
,,of ,,the ,,heart ,,as ,,seen ,,in     
,,the ,,dissection ,,of ,,living        
,,animals   ,in the first place1 then1  
when the chest of a living animal is    
laid open and the capsule that          
immediately surrounds the heart is slit 
up or removed1 the organ is seen now to 
move1 now to be at rest2 there is a time
 when it moves1 and a time when it is   
motionless4  ,these things are more     
obvious in the colder animals1 such as  
toads1 frogs1 serpents1 small fishes1   

crabs1 shrimps1 snails1 and shell-fish4 
,they also become more distinct in      
warm-blooded animals1 such as the dog   
and hog1 if they be attentively noted   
when the heart begins to flag1 to move  
more slowly1 and1 as it were1 to die3   
the movements then become slower and    
rarer1 the pauses longer1 by which it is
 made much more easy to perceive and    
unravel what the motions really are1 and
 how they are performed4 ,in the pause1 
as in death1 the heart is soft1 flaccid1
 exhausted1 lying1 as it were1 at rest4 
,in the motion1 and interval in which   
this is accomplished1 three principal   
circumstances are to be noted3  #a4     
,that the heart is erected1 and rises   
upwards to a point1 so that at this time
 it strikes against the breast and the  
pulse is felt externally4  #b4 ,that it 
is everywhere contracted1 but more      
especially towards the sides so that it 
looks narrower1 relatively longer1 more 
drawn together4 ,the heart of an eel    
taken out of the body of the animal and 

placed upon the table or the hand1 shows
 these particulars2 but the same things 
are manifest in the hearts of all small 
fishes and of those colder animals where
 the organ is more conical or elongated4
  #c4 ,the heart being grasped in the   
hand1 is felt to become harder during   
its action4 ,now this hardness proceeds 
from tension1 precisely as when the     
forearm is grasped1 its tendons are     
perceived to become tense and resilient 
when the fingers are moved4  #d4 ,it may
 further be observed in fishes1 and the 
colder blooded animals1 such as frogs1  
serpents1 etc41 that the heart1 when it 
moves1 becomes of a paler color1 when   
quiescent of a deeper blood-red color4  
,from these particulars it appears      
evident to me that the motion of the    
heart consists in a certain universal   
tension--both contraction in the line of
 its fibres1 and constriction in every  
sense4 ,it becomes erect1 hard1 and of  
diminished size during its action2 the  
motion is plainly of the same nature as 

that of the muscles when they contract  
in the line of their sinews and fibres2 
for the muscles1 when in action1 acquire
 vigor and tenseness1 and from soft     
become hard1 prominent1 and thickened3  
and in the same manner the heart4  ,we  
are therefore authorized to conclude    
that the heart1 at the moment of its    
action1 is at once constricted on all   
sides1 rendered thicker in its parietes 
and smaller in its ventricles1 and so   
made apt to project or expel its charge 
of blood4 ,this1 indeed1 is made        
sufficiently manifest by the preceding  
fourth observation in which we have seen
 that the heart1 by squeezing out the   
blood that it contains1 becomes paler1  
and then when it sinks into repose and  
the ventricle is filled anew with blood1
 that the deeper crimson colour returns4
 ,but no one need remain in doubt of the
 fact1 for if the ventricle be pierced  
the blood will be seen to be forcibly   
projected outwards upon each motion or  
pulsation when the heart is tense4      

,these things1 therefore1 happen        
together or at the same instant3 the    
tension of the heart1 the pulse of its  
apex1 which is felt externally by its   
striking against the chest1 the         
thickening of its parietes1 and the     
forcible expulsion of the blood it      
contains by the constriction of its     
ventricles4  ,hence the very opposite of
 the opinions commonly received appears 
to be true2 inasmuch as it is generally 
believed that when the heart strikes the
 breast and the pulse is felt without1  
the heart is dilated in its ventricles  
and is filled with blood2 but the       
contrary of this is the fact1 and the   
heart1 when it contracts 7and the       
impulse of the apex is conveyed through 
the chest wall71 is emptied4 ,whence the
 motion which is generally regarded as  
the diastole of the heart1 is in truth  
its systole4 ,and in like manner the    
intrinsic motion of the heart is not the
 diastole but the systole2 neither is it
 in the diastole that the heart grows   

firm and tense1 but in the systole1 for 
then only1 when tense1 is it moved and  
made vigorous4  ,neither is it by any   
means to be allowed that the heart only 
moves in the lines of its straight      
fibres1 although the great ,vesalius    
giving this notion countenance1 quotes a
 bundle of osiers bound in a pyramidal  
heap in illustration2 meaning1 that as  
the apex is approached to the base1 so  
are the sides made to bulge out in the  
fashion of arches1 the cavities to      
dilate1 the ventricles to acquire the   
form of a cupping-glass and so to suck  
in the blood4 ,but the true effect of   
every one of its fibres is to constringe
 the heart at the same time they render 
it tense2 and this rather with the      
effect of thickening and amplifying the 
walls and substance of the organ than   
enlarging its ventricles4 ,and1 again1  
as the fibres run from the apex to the  
base1 and draw the apex towards the     
base1 they do not tend to make the walls
 of the heart bulge out in circles1 but 

rather the contrary2 inasmuch as every  
fibre that is circularly disposed1 tends
 to become straight when it contracts2  
and is distended laterally and          
thickened1 as in the case of muscular   
fibres in general1 when they contract1  
that is1 when they are shortened        
longitudinally1 as we see them in the   
bellies of the muscles of the body at   
large4 ,to all this let it be added1    
that not only are the ventricles        
contracted in virtue of the direction   
and condensation of their walls1 but    
farther1 that those fibres1 or bands1   
styled nerves by ,aristotle1 which are  
so conspicuous in the ventricles of the 
larger animals1 and contain all the     
straight fibres 7the parietes of the    
heart containing only circular ones71   
when they contract simultaneously by an 
admirable adjustment all the internal   
surfaces are drawn together as if with  
cords1 and so is the charge of blood    
expelled with force4  ,neither is it    
true1 as vulgarly believed1 that the    

heart by any dilatation or motion of its
 own1 has the power of drawing the blood
 into the ventricles2 for when it acts  
and becomes tense1 the blood is         
expelled2 when it relaxes and sinks     
together it receives the blood in the   
manner and wise which will by-and-by be 
explained4     ,,chapter ,,iii  ,,of    
,,the ,,motions ,,of ,,the ,,arteries1  
,,as ,,seen ,,in ,,the ,,dissection ,,of
 ,,living ,,animals   ,in connexion with
 the motions of the heart these things  
are further to be observed having       
reference to the motions and pulses of  
the arteries4  #a4 ,at the moment the   
heart contracts1 and when the breast is 
struck1 when in short the organ is in   
its state of systole1 the arteries are  
dilated1 yield a pulse1 and are in the  
state of diastole4 ,in like manner1 when
 the right ventricle contracts and      
propels its charge of blood1 the        
pulmonary artery is distended at the    
same time with the other arteries of the
 body4  #b4 ,when the left ventricle    

ceases to act1 to contract1 to pulsate1 
the pulse in the arteries also ceases2  
further1 when this ventricle contracts  
languidly1 the pulse in the arteries is 
scarcely perceptible4 ,in like manner1  
the pulse in the right ventricle        
failing1 the pulse in the pulmonary     
artery ceases also4  #c4 ,further1 when 
an artery is divided or punctured1 the  
blood is seen to be forcibly propelled  
from the wound the moment the left      
ventricle contracts2 and1 again1 when   
the pulmonary artery is wounded1 the    
blood will be seen spouting forth with  
violence at the instant when the right  
ventricle contracts4  ,so also in       
fishes1 if the vessel which leads from  
the heart to the gills be divided1 at   
the moment when the heart becomes tense 
and contracted1 at the same moment does 
the blood flow with force from the      
divided vessel4  ,in the same way1 when 
we see the blood in arteriotomy         
projected now to a greater1 now to a    
less distance1 and that the greater jet 

corresponds to the diastole of the      
artery and to the time when the heart   
contracts and strikes the ribs1 and is  
in its state of systole1 we understand  
that the blood is expelled by the same  
movement4  ,from these facts it is      
manifest1 in opposition to commonly     
received opinions1 that the diastole of 
the arteries corresponds with the time  
of the heart's systole2 and that the    
arteries are filled and distended by the
 blood forced into them by the          
contraction of the ventricles2 the      
arteries1 therefore1 are distended1     
because they are filled like sacs or    
bladders1 and are not filled because    
they expand like bellows4 ,it is in     
virtue of one and the same cause1       
therefore1 that all the arteries of the 
body pulsate1 viz41 the contraction of  
the left ventricle2 in the same way as  
the pulmonary artery pulsates by the    
contraction of the right ventricle4     
,finally1 that the pulses of the        
arteries are due to the impulses of the 

blood from the left ventricle1 may be   
illustrated by blowing into a glove1    
when the whole of the fingers will be   
found to become distended at one and the
 same time1 and in their tension to bear
 some resemblance to the pulse4 ,for in 
the ratio of the tension is the pulse of
 the heart1 fuller1 stronger1 and more  
frequent as that acts more vigorously1  
still preserving the rhythm and volume1 
and order of the heart's contractions4  
,nor is it to be expected that because  
of the motion of the blood1 the time at 
which the contraction of the heart takes
 place1 and that at which the pulse in  
an artery 7especially a distant one7 is 
felt1 shall be otherwise than           
simultaneous3 it is here the same as in 
blowing up a glove or bladder2 for in a 
plenum 7as in a drum1 a long piece of   
timber1 etc47 the stroke and the motion 
occur at both extremities at the same   
time4 ,aristotle1 ,footnote3 ,de ,anim41
 iii1 cap4 #i4 too1 has said1 the blood 
of all animals palpitates within their  

veins 7meaning the arteries71 and by the
 pulse is sent everywhere               
simultaneously4 ,and further1 ,footnote3
 ,de ,respir41 cap4 #bj thus do all the 
veins pulsate together and by successive
 strokes1 because they all depend upon  
the heart2 and1 as it is always in      
motion1 so are they likewise always     
moving together1 but by successive      
movements4 ,it is well to observe with  
,galen1 in this place1 that the old     
philosophers called the arteries veins4 
,i happened upon one occasion to have a 
particular case under my care1 which    
plainly satisfied me of the truth3 ,a   
certain person was affected with a large
 pulsating tumour on the right side of  
the neck1 called an aneurism1 just at   
that part where the artery descends into
 the axilla1 produced by an erosion of  
the artery itself1 and daily increasing 
in size2 this tumour was visibly        
distended as it received the charge of  
blood brought to it by the artery1 with 
each stroke of the heart2 the connexion 

of parts was obvious when the body of   
the patient came to be opened after his 
death4 ,the pulse in the corresponding  
arm was small1 in consequence of the    
greater portion of the blood being      
diverted into the tumour and so         
intercepted4  ,whence it appears that   
whenever the motion of the blood through
 the arteries is impeded1 whether it be 
by compression or infarction1 or        
interception1 there do the remote       
divisions of the arteries beat less     
forcibly1 seeing that the pulse of the  
arteries is nothing more than the       
impulse or shock of the blood in these  
vessels4     ,,chapter ,,iv  ,,of ,,the 
,,motion ,,of ,,the ,,heart ,,and ,,its 
,,auricles1 ,,as ,,seen ,,in ,,the      
,,bodies ,,of ,,living ,,animals        
,besides the motions already spoken of1 
we have still to consider those that    
appertain to the auricles4  ,caspar     
,bauhin and ,john ,riolan1 ,footnote3 i 
,bauhin1 lib4 ii4 cap4 ,,ii4 ,riolan4   
lib4 viii1 cap4 ,i4 most learned men and

 skilful anatomists1 inform us that from
 their observations1 that if we         
carefully watch the movements of the    
heart in the vivisection of an animal1  
we shall perceive four motions distinct 
in time and in place1 two of which are  
proper to the auricles1 two to the      
ventricles4 ,with all deference to such 
authority ,i say that there are four    
motions distinct in point of place1 but 
not of time2 for the two auricles move  
together1 and so also do the two        
ventricles1 in such wise that though the
 places be four1 the times are only two4
 ,and this occurs in the following      
manner3  ,there are1 as it were1 two    
motions going on together3 one of the   
auricles1 another of the ventricles2    
these by no means taking place          
simultaneously1 but the motion of the   
auricles preceding1 that of the heart   
following2 the motion appearing to begin
 from the auricles and to extend to the 
ventricles4 ,when all things are        
becoming languid1 and the heart is      

dying1 as also in fishes and the colder 
blooded animals there is a short pause  
between these two motions1 so that the  
heart aroused1 as it were1 appears to   
respond to the motion1 now more quickly1
 now more tardily2 and at length1 when  
near to death1 it ceases to respond by  
its proper motion1 but seems1 as it     
were1 to nod the head1 and is so        
slightly moved that it appears rather to
 give signs of motion to the pulsating  
auricles than actually to move4 ,the    
heart1 therefore1 ceases to pulsate     
sooner than the auricles1 so that the   
auricles have been said to outlive it1  
the left ventricle ceasing to pulsate   
first of all2 then its auricle1 next the
 right ventricle2 and1 finally1 all the 
other parts being at rest and dead1 as  
,galen long since observed1 the right   
auricle still continues to beat2 life1  
therefore1 appears to linger longest in 
the right auricle4 ,whilst the heart is 
gradually dying1 it is sometimes seen to
 reply1 after two or three contractions 

of the auricles1 roused as it were to   
action1 and making a single pulsation1  
slowly1 unwillingly1 and with an effort4
  ,but this especially is to be noted1  
that after the heart has ceased to beat1
 the auricles however still contracting1
 a finger placed upon the ventricles    
perceives the several pulsations of the 
auricles1 precisely in the same way and 
for the same reason1 as we have said1   
that the pulses of the ventricles are   
felt in the arteries1 to wit1 the       
distension produced by the jet of blood4
 ,and if at this time1 the auricles     
alone pulsating1 the point of the heart 
be cut off with a pair of scissors1 you 
will perceive the blood flowing out upon
 each contraction of the auricles4      
,whence it is manifest that the blood   
enters the ventricles1 not by any       
attraction or dilatation of the heart1  
but by being thrown into them by the    
pulses of the auricles4  ,and here ,i   
would observe1 that whenever ,i speak of
 pulsations as occurring in the auricles

 or ventricles1 ,i mean contractions3   
first the auricles contract1 and then   
and subsequently the heart itself       
contracts4 ,when the auricles contract  
they are seen to become whiter1         
especially where they contain but little
 blood2 but they are filled as magazines
 or reservoirs of the blood1 which is   
tending spontaneously and1 by its motion
 in the veins1 under pressure towards   
the centre2 the whiteness indicated is  
most conspicuous towards the extremities
 or edges of the auricles at the time of
 their contractions4  ,in fishes and    
frogs1 and other animals which have     
hearts with but a single ventricle1 and 
for an auricle have a kind of bladder   
much distended with blood1 at the base  
of the organ1 you may very plainly      
perceive this bladder contracting first1
 and the contraction of the heart or    
ventricle following afterwards4  ,but ,i
 think it right to describe what ,i have
 observed of an opposite character3 the 
heart of an eel1 of several fishes1 and 

even of some 7of the higher7 animals    
taken out of the body1 pulsates without 
auricles2 nay1 if it be cut in pieces   
the several parts may still be seen     
contracting and relaxing2 so that in    
these creatures the body of the heart   
may be seen pulsating and palpitating1  
after the cessation of all motion in the
 auricle4 ,but is not this perchance    
peculiar to animals more tenacious of   
life1 whose radical moisture is more    
glutinous1 or fat and sluggish1 and less
 readily soluble8 ,the same faculty     
indeed appears in the flesh of eels1    
which even when skinned and embowelled1 
and cut into pieces1 are still seen to  
move4  ,experimenting with a pigeon upon
 one occasion1 after the heart had      
wholly ceased to pulsate1 and the       
auricles too had become motionless1 ,i  
kept my finger wetted with saliva and   
warm for a short time upon the heart1   
and observed that under the influence of
 this fomentation it recovered new      
strength and life1 so that both         

ventricles and auricles pulsated1       
contracting and relaxing alternately1   
recalled as it were from death to life4 
,besides this1 however1 ,i have         
occasionally observed1 after the heart  
and even its right auricle had ceased   
pulsating1--when it was in articulo     
mortis in short1--that an obscure       
motion1 an undulation or palpitation1   
remained in the blood itself1 which was 
contained in the right auricle1 this    
being apparent so long as it was imbued 
with heat and spirit4 ,and1 indeed1 a   
circumstance of the same kind is        
extremely manifest in the course of the 
generation of animals1 as may be seen in
 the course of the first seven days of  
the incubation of the chick3 ,a drop of 
blood makes its appearance which        
palpitates1 as ,aristotle had already   
observed2 from this1 when the growth is 
further advanced and the chick is       
fashioned1 the auricles of the heart are
 formed1 which pulsating henceforth give
 constant signs of life4 ,when at       

length1 and after the lapse of a few    
days1 the outline of the body begins to 
be distinguished1 then is the           
ventricular part of the heart also      
produced1 but it continues for a time   
white and apparently bloodless1 like the
 rest of the animal2 neither does it    
pulsate or give signs of motion4 ,i have
 seen a similar condition of the heart  
in the human foetus about the beginning 
of the third month1 the heart then being
 whitish and bloodless1 although its    
auricles contained a considerable       
quantity of purple blood4 ,in the same  
way in the egg1 when the chick was      
formed and had increased in size1 the   
heart too increased and acquired        
ventricles1 which then began to receive 
and to transmit blood4  ,and this leads 
me to remark that he who inquires very  
particularly into this matter will not  
conclude that the heart1 as a whole1 is 
the primum vivens1 ultimum moriens1--the
 first part to live1 the last to        
die1--but rather its auricles1 or the   

part which corresponds to the auricles  
in serpents1 fishes1 etc41 which both   
lives before the heart and dies after   
it4  ,nay1 has not the blood itself or  
spirit an obscure palpitation inherent  
in it1 which it has even appeared to me 
to retain after death8 and it seems very
 questionable whether or not we are to  
say that life begins with the           
palpitation or beating of the heart4    
,the seminal fluid of all animals--the  
prolific spirit1 as ,aristotle observed1
 leaves their body with a bound and like
 a living thing2 and nature in death1 as
 ,aristotle ,footnote3 ,de ,motu        
,animal41 cap4 #h4 further remarks1     
retracing her steps1 reverts to where   
she had set out1 and returns at the end 
of her course to the goal whence she had
 started4 ,as animal generation proceeds
 from that which is not animal1 entity  
from nonentity1 so1 by a retrograde     
course1 entity1 by corruption1 is       
resolved into nonentity1 whence that in 
animals1 which was last created1 fails  

first and that which was first1 fails   
last4  ,i have also observed that almost
 all animals have truly a heart1 not the
 larger creatures only1 and those that  
have red blood1 but the smaller1 and    
pale-blooded ones also1 such as slugs1  
snails1 scallops1 shrimps1 crabs1       
crayfish1 and many others2 nay1 even in 
wasps1 hornets1 and flies1 ,i have1 with
 the aid of a magnifying glass1 and at  
the upper part of what is called the    
tail1 both seen the heart pulsating     
myself1 and shown it to many others4    
,but in the pale-blooded tribes the     
heart pulsates sluggishly and           
deliberately1 contracting slowly as in  
animals that are moribund1 a fact that  
may readily be seen in the snail1 whose 
heart will be found at the bottom of    
that orifice in the right side of the   
body which is seen to be opened and shut
 in the course of respiration1 and      
whence saliva is discharged1 the        
incision being made in the upper aspect 
of the body1 near the part which        

corresponds to the liver4  ,this1       
however1 is to be observed3 that in     
winter and the colder season1 exsanguine
 animals1 such as the snail1 show no    
pulsation2 they seem rather to live     
after the manner of vegetables1 or of   
those other productions which are       
therefore designated plant- animals4    
,it is also to be noted that all animals
 which have a heart have also auricles1 
or something analogous to auricles2 and1
 further1 that whenever the heart has a 
double ventricle1 there are always two  
auricles present1 but not otherwise4 ,if
 you turn to the production of the chick
 in ovo1 however1 you will find at first
 no more a vesicle or auricle1 or       
pulsating drop of blood2 it is only by  
and by1 when the development has made   
some progress1 that the heart is        
fashioned2 even so in certain animals   
not destined to attain to the highest   
perfection in their organization1 such  
as bees1 wasps1 snails1 shrimps1        
crayfish1 etc41 we only find a certain  

pulsating vesicle1 like a sort of red or
 white palpitating point1 as the        
beginning or principle of their life4   
,we have a small shrimp in these        
countries1 which is taken in the ,thames
 and in the sea1 the whole of whose body
 is transparent2 this creature1 placed  
in a little water1 has frequently       
afforded myself and particular friends  
an opportunity of observing the motions 
of the heart with the greatest          
distinctness1 the external parts of the 
body presenting no obstacle to our view1
 but the heart being perceived as though
 it had been seen through a window4  ,i 
have also observed the first rudiments  
of the chick in the course of the fourth
 or fifth day of the incubation1 in the 
guise of a little cloud1 the shell      
having been removed and the egg immersed
 in clear tepid water4 ,in the midst of 
the cloudlet in question there was a    
bloody point so small that it           
disappeared during the contraction and  
escaped the sight1 but in the relaxation

 it reappeared again1 red and like the  
point of a pin2 so that betwixt the     
visible and invisible1 betwixt being and
 not being1 as it were1 it gave by its  
pulses a kind of representation of the  
commencement of life4     ,,chapter ,v  
,,of ,,the ,,motion1 ,,action ,,and     
,,office ,,of ,,the ,,heart   ,from     
these and other observations of a       
similar nature1 ,i am persuaded it will 
be found that the motion of the heart is
 as follows3  ,first of all1 the auricle
 contracts1 and in the course of its    
contraction forces the blood 7which it  
contains in ample quantity as the head  
of the veins1 the store--house and      
cistern of the blood7 into the          
ventricle1 which1 being filled1 the     
heart raises itself straightway1 makes  
all its fibres tense1 contracts the     
ventricles1 and performs a beat1 by     
which beat it immediately sends the     
blood supplied to it by the auricle into
 the arteries4 ,the right ventricle     
sends its charge into the lungs by the  

vessel which is called vena arteriosa1  
but which in structure and function1 and
 all other respects1 is an artery4 ,the 
left ventricle sends its charge into the
 aorta1 and through this by the arteries
 to the body at large4  ,these two      
motions1 one of the ventricles1 the     
other of the auricles1 take place       
consecutively1 but in such a manner that
 there is a kind of harmony or rhythm   
preserved between them1 the two         
concurring in such wise that but one    
motion is apparent1 especially in the   
warmer blooded animals1 in which the    
movements in question are rapid4 ,nor is
 this for any other reason than it is in
 a piece of machinery1 in which1 though 
one wheel gives motion to another1 yet  
all the wheels seem to move             
simultaneously2 or in that mechanical   
contrivance which is adapted to         
firearms1 where1 the trigger being      
touched1 down comes the flint1 strikes  
against the steel1 elicits a spark1     
which falling among the powder1 ignites 

it1 when the flame extends1 enters the  
barrel1 causes the explosion1 propels   
the ball1 and the mark is attained--all 
of which incidents1 by reason of the    
celerity with which they happen1 seem to
 take place in the twinkling of an eye4 
,so also in deglutition3 by the         
elevation of the root of the tongue1 and
 the compression of the mouth1 the food 
or drink is pushed into the fauces1 when
 the larynx is closed by its muscles and
 by the epiglottis4 ,the pharynx is then
 raised and opened by its muscles in the
 same way as a sac that is to be filled 
is lifted up and its mouth dilated4     
,upon the mouthful being received1 it is
 forced downwards by the transverse     
muscles1 and then carried farther by the
 longitudinal ones4 ,yet all these      
motions1 though executed by different   
and distinct organs1 are performed      
harmoniously1 and in such order that    
they seem to constitute but a single    
motion and act1 which we call           
deglutition4  ,even so does it come to  

pass with the motions and action of the 
heart1 which constitute a kind of       
deglutition1 a transfusion of the blood 
from the veins to the arteries4 ,and if 
anyone1 bearing these things in mind1   
will carefully watch the motions of the 
heart in the body of a living animal1 he
 will perceive not only all the         
particulars ,i have mentioned1 viz41 the
 heart becoming erect1 and making one   
continuous motion with its auricles2 but
 farther1 a certain obscure undulation  
and lateral inclination in the direction
 of the axis of the right ventricle1 as 
if twisting itself slightly in          
performing its work4 ,and indeed        
everyone may see1 when a horse drinks1  
that the water is drawn in and          
transmitted to the stomach at each      
movement of the throat1 which movement  
produces a sound and yields a pulse both
 to the ear and the touch2 in the same  
way it is with each motion of the heart1
 when there is the delivery of a        
quantity of blood from the veins to the 

arteries a pulse takes place1 and can be
 heard within the chest4  ,the motion of
 the heart1 then1 is entirely of this   
description1 and the one action of the  
heart is the transmission of the blood  
and its distribution1 by means of the   
arteries1 to the very extremities of the
 body2 so that the pulse which we feel  
in the arteries is nothing more than the
 impulse of the blood derived from the  
heart4  ,whether or not the heart1      
besides propelling the blood1 giving it 
motion locally1 and distributing it to  
the body1 adds anything else to         
it--heat1 spirit1 perfection1--must be  
inquired into by-- and--by1 and decided 
upon other grounds4 ,so much may suffice
 at this time1 when it is shown that by 
the action of the heart the blood is    
transfused through the ventricles from  
the veins to the arteries1 and          
distributed by them to all parts of the 
body4  ,the above1 indeed1 is admitted  
by all1 both from the structure of the  
heart and the arrangement and action of 

its valves4 ,but still they are like    
persons purblind or groping about in the
 dark1 for they give utterance to       
various1 contradictory1 and incoherent  
sentiments1 delivering many things upon 
conjecture1 as we have already shown4   
,the grand cause of doubt and error in  
this subject appears to me to have been 
the intimate connexion between the heart
 and the lungs4 ,when men saw both the  
pulmonary artery and the pulmonary veins
 losing themselves in the lungs1 of     
course it became a puzzle to them to    
know how or by what means the right     
ventricle should distribute the blood to
 the body1 or the left draw it from the 
venae cavae4 ,this fact is borne witness
 to by ,galen1 whose words1 when writing
 against ,erasistratus in regard to the 
origin and use of the veins and the     
coction of the blood1 are the following 
,footnote3 ,de ,placitis ,hippocratis et
 ,platonis1 vi43 ,you will reply1 he    
says1 that the effect is so2 that the   
blood is prepared in the liver1 and is  

thence transferred to the heart to      
receive its proper form and last        
perfection2 a statement which does not  
appear devoid of reason2 for no great   
and perfect work is ever accomplished at
 a single effort1 or receives its final 
polish from one instrument4 ,but if this
 be actually so1 then show us another   
vessel which draws the absolutely       
perfect blood from the heart1 and       
distributes it as the arteries do the   
spirits over the whole body4 ,here then 
is a reasonable opinion not allowed1    
because1 forsooth1 besides not seeing   
the true means of transit1 he could not 
discover the vessel which should        
transmit the blood from the heart to the
 body at large6  ,but had anyone been   
there in behalf of ,erasistratus1 and of
 that opinion which we now espouse1 and 
which ,galen himself acknowledges in    
other respects consonant with reason1 to
 have pointed to the aorta as the vessel
 which distributes the blood from the   
heart to the rest of the body1 ,i wonder

 what would have been the answer of that
 most ingenious and learned man8 ,had he
 said that the artery transmits spirits 
and not blood1 he would indeed          
sufficiently have answered              
,erasistratus1 who imagined that the    
arteries contained nothing but spirits2 
but then he would have contradicted     
himself1 and given a foul denial to that
 for which he had keenly contended in   
his writings against this very          
,erasistratus1 to wit1 that blood in    
substance is contained in the arteries1 
and not spirits2 a fact which he        
demonstrated not only by many powerful  
arguments1 but by experiments4  ,but if 
the divine ,galen will here allow1 as in
 other places he does1 that all the     
arteries of the body arise from the     
great artery1 and that this takes its   
origin from the heart2 that all these   
vessels naturally contain and carry     
blood2 that the three semilunar valves  
situated at the orifice of the aorta    
prevent the return of the blood into the

 heart1 and that nature never connected 
them with this1 the most noble viscus of
 the body1 unless for some important    
end2 if1 ,i say1 this father of         
physicians concedes all these           
things1--and ,i quote his own words1--,i
 do not see how he can deny that the    
great artery is the very vessel to carry
 the blood1 when it has attained its    
highest term for term of perfection1    
from the heart for distribution to all  
parts of the body4 ,or would he         
perchance still hesitate1 like all who  
have come after him1 even to the present
 hour1 because he did not perceive the  
route by which the blood was transferred
 from the veins to the arteries1 in     
consequence1 as ,i have already said1 of
 the intimate connexion between the     
heart and the lungs8 ,and that this     
difficulty puzzled anatomists not a     
little1 when in their dissections they  
found the pulmonary artery and left     
ventricle full of thick1 black1 and     
clotted blood1 plainly appears1 when    

they felt themselves compelled to affirm
 that the blood made its way from the   
right to the left ventricle by          
transuding through the septum of the    
heart4 ,but this fancy ,i have already  
refuted4 ,a new pathway for the blood   
must therefore be prepared and thrown   
open1 and being once exposed1 no further
 difficulty will1 ,i believe1 be        
experienced by anyone in admitting what 
,i have already proposed in regard to   
the pulse of the heart and arteries1    
viz41 the passage of the blood from the 
veins to the arteries1 and its          
distribution to the whole of the body by
 means of these vessels4     ,,chapter  
,,vi  ,,of ,,the ,,course ,,by ,,which  
,,the ,,blood ,,is ,,carried ,,from     
,,the ,,vena ,,cava ,,into ,,the        
,,arteries1 ,,or ,,from ,,the ,,right   
,,into ,,the ,,left ,,ventricle ,,of    
,,the ,,heart   ,since the intimate     
connexion of the heart with the lungs1  
which is apparent in the human subject1 
has been the probable cause of the      

errors that have been committed on this 
point1 they plainly do amiss who1       
pretending to speak of the parts of     
animals generally1 as anatomists for the
 most part do1 confine their researches 
to the human body alone1 and that when  
it is dead4 ,they obviously do not act  
otherwise than he who1 having studied   
the forms of a single commonwealth1     
should set about the composition of a   
general system of polity2 or who1 having
 taken cognizance of the nature of a    
single field1 should imagine that he had
 mastered the science of agriculture2 or
 who1 upon the ground of one particular 
proposition1 should proceed to draw     
general conclusions4  ,had anatomists   
only been as conversant with the        
dissection of the lower animals as they 
are with that of the human body1 the    
matters that have hitherto kept them in 
a perplexity of doubt would1 in my      
opinion1 have met them freed from every 
kind of difficulty4  ,and first1 in     
fishes1 in which the heart consists of  

but a single ventricle1 being devoid of 
lungs1 the thing is sufficiently        
manifest4 ,here the sac1 which is       
situated at the base of the heart1 and  
is the part analogous to the auricle in 
man1 plainly forces the blood into the  
heart1 and the heart1 in its turn1      
conspicuously transmits it by a pipe or 
artery1 or vessel analogous to an       
artery2 these are facts which are       
confirmed by simple ocular inspection1  
as well as by a division of the vessel1 
when the blood is seen to be projected  
by each pulsation of the heart4  ,the   
same thing is also not difficult of     
demonstration in those animals that     
have1 as it were1 no more than a single 
ventricle to the heart1 such as toads1  
frogs1 serpents1 and lizards1 which have
 lungs in a certain sense1 as they have 
a voice4 ,i have many observations by me
 on the admirable structure of the lungs
 of these animals1 and matters          
appertaining1 which1 however1 ,i cannot 
introduce in this place4 ,their anatomy 

plainly shows us that the blood is      
transferred in them from the veins to   
the arteries in the same manner as in   
higher animals1 viz41 by the action of  
the heart2 the way1 in fact1 is patent1 
open1 manifest2 there is no difficulty1 
no room for doubt about it2 for in them 
the matter stands precisely as it would 
in man were the septum of his heart     
perforated or removed1 or one ventricle 
made out of two2 and this being the     
case1 ,i imagine that no one will doubt 
as to the way by which the blood may    
pass from the veins into the arteries4  
,but as there are actually more animals 
which have no lungs than there are      
furnished with them1 and in like manner 
a greater number which have only one    
ventricle than there are with two1 it is
 open to us to conclude1 judging from   
the mass or multitude of living         
creatures1 that for the major part1 and 
generally1 there is an open way by which
 the blood is transmitted from the veins
 through the sinuses or cavities of the 

heart into the arteries4  ,i have1      
however1 cogitating with myself1 seen   
further1 that the same thing obtained   
most obviously in the embryos of those  
animals that have lungs2 for in the     
foetus the four vessels belonging to the
 heart1 viz41 the vena cava1 the        
pulmonary artery1 the pulmonary vein1   
and the great artery or aorta1 are all  
connected otherwise than in the adult1 a
 fact sufficiently known to every       
anatomist4 ,the first contact and union 
of the vena cava with the pulmonary     
veins1 which occurs before the cava     
opens properly into the right ventricle 
of the heart1 or gives off the coronary 
vein1 a little above its escape from the
 liver1 is by a lateral anastomosis2    
this is an ample foramen1 of an oval    
form1 communicating between the cava and
 the pulmonary vein1 so that the blood  
is free to flow in the greatest         
abundance by that foramen from the vena 
cava into the pulmonary vein1 and left  
auricle1 and from thence into the left  

ventricle4 ,further1 in this foramen    
ovale1 from that part which regards the 
pulmonary vein1 there is a thin tough   
membrane1 larger than the opening1      
extended like an operculum or cover2    
this membrane in the adult blocking up  
the foramen1 and adhering on all sides1 
finally closes it up1 and almost        
obliterates every trace of it4 ,in the  
foetus1 however1 this membrane is so    
contrived that falling loosely upon     
itself1 it permits a ready access to the
 lungs and heart1 yielding a passage to 
the blood which is streaming from the   
cava1 and hindering the tide at the same
 time from flowing back into that vein4 
,all things1 in short1 permit us to     
believe that in the embryo the blood    
must constantly pass by this foramen    
from the vena cava into the pulmonary   
vein1 and from thence into the left     
auricle of the heart2 and having once   
entered there1 it can never regurgitate4
  ,another union is that by the         
pulmonary artery1 and is effected when  

that vessel divides into two branches   
after its escape from the right         
ventricle of the heart4 ,it is as if to 
the two trunks already mentioned a third
 were superadded1 a kind of arterial    
canal1 carried obliquely from the       
pulmonary artery1 to perforate and      
terminate in the great artery or aorta4 
,so that in the dissection of the       
embryo1 as it were1 two aortas1 or two  
roots of the great artery1 appear       
springing from the heart4 ,this canal   
shrinks gradually after birth1 and after
 a time becomes withered1 and finally   
almost removed1 like the umbilical      
vessels4  ,the arterial canal contains  
no membrane or valve to direct or impede
 the flow of blood in this or in that   
direction3 for at the root of the       
pulmonary artery1 of which the arterial 
canal is the continuation in the foetus1
 there are three semilunar valves1 which
 open from within outwards1 and oppose  
no obstacle to the blood flowing in this
 direction or from the right ventricle  

into the pulmonary artery and aorta2 but
 they prevent all regurgitation from the
 aorta or pulmonic vessels back upon the
 right ventricle2 closing with perfect  
accuracy1 they oppose an effectual      
obstacle to everything of the kind in   
the embryo4 ,so that there is also      
reason to believe that when the heart   
contracts1 the blood is regularly       
propelled by the canal or passage       
indicated from the right ventricle into 
the aorta4  ,what is commonly said in   
regard to these two great               
communications1 to wit1 that they exist 
for the nutrition of the lungs1 is both 
improbable and inconsistent2 seeing that
 in the adult they are closed up1       
abolished1 and consolidated1 although   
the lungs1 by reason of their heat and  
motion1 must then be presumed to require
 a larger supply of nourishment4 ,the   
same may be said in regard to the       
assertion that the heart in the embryo  
does not pulsate1 that it neither acts  
nor moves1 so that nature was forced to 

make these communications for the       
nutrition of the lungs4 ,this is plainly
 false2 for simple inspection of the    
incubated egg1 and of embryos just taken
 out of the uterus1 shows that the heart
 moves in them precisely as in adults1  
and that nature feels no such necessity4
 ,i have myself repeatedly seen these   
motions1 and ,aristotle is likewise     
witness of their reality4 ,the pulse1 he
 observes1 inheres in the very          
constitution of the heart1 and appears  
from the beginning as is learned both   
from the dissection of living animals   
and the formation of the chick in the   
egg4 ,footnote3 ,lib de ,spiritu1 cap4  
v4 ,but we further observe that the     
passages in question are not only       
pervious up to the period of birth in   
man1 as well as in other animals1 as    
anatomists in general have described    
them1 but for several months            
subsequently1 in some indeed for several
 years1 not to say for the whole course 
of life2 as1 for example1 in the goose1 

snipe1 and various birds and many of the
 smaller animals4 ,and this circumstance
 it was1 perhaps1 that imposed upon     
,botallus1 who thought he had discovered
 a new passage for the blood from the   
vena cava into the left ventricle of the
 heart2 and ,i own that when ,i met with
 the same arrangement in one of the     
larger members of the mouse family1 in  
the adult state1 ,i was myself at first 
led to something of a like conclusion4  
,from this it will be understood that in
 the human embryo1 and in the embryos of
 animals in which the communications are
 not closed1 the same thing happens1    
namely1 that the heart by its motion    
propels the blood by obvious and open   
passages from the vena cava into the    
aorta through the cavities of both the  
ventricles1 the right one receiving the 
blood from the auricle1 and propelling  
it by the pulmonary artery and its      
continuation1 named the ductus          
arteriosus1 into the aorta2 the left1 in
 like manner1 charged by the contraction

 of its auricle1 which has received its 
supply through the foramen ovale from   
the vena cava1 contracting1 and         
projecting the blood through the root of
 the aorta into the trunk of that       
vessel4  ,in embryos1 consequently1     
whilst the lungs are yet in a state of  
inaction1 performing no function1       
subject to no motion any more than if   
they had not been present1 nature uses  
the two ventricles of the heart as if   
they formed but one1 for the            
transmission of the blood4 ,the         
condition of the embryos of those       
animals which have lungs1 whilst these  
organs are yet in abeyance and not      
employed1 is the same as that of those  
animals which have no lungs4  ,so it    
clearly appears in the case of the      
foetus that the heart by its action     
transfers the blood from the vena cava  
into the aorta1 and that by a route as  
obvious and open1 as if in the adult the
 two ventricles were made to communicate
 by the removal of their septum4 ,we    

therefore find that in the greater      
number of animals-- in all1 indeed1 at a
 certain period of their existence--the 
channels for the transmission of the    
blood through the heart are conspicuous4
 ,but we have to inquire why in some    
creatures--those1 namely1 that have warm
 blood1 and that have attained to the   
adult age1 man among the number--we     
should not conclude that the same thing 
is accomplished through the substance of
 the lungs1 which in the embryo1 and at 
a time when the function of these organs
 is in abeyance1 nature effects by the  
direct passages described1 and which1   
indeed1 she seems compelled to adopt    
through want of a passage by the lungs2 
or why it should be better 7for nature  
always does that which is best7 that she
 should close up the various open routes
 which she had formerly made use of in  
the embryo and foetus1 and still uses in
 all other animals4 ,not only does she  
thereby open up no new apparent channels
 for the passages of the blood1 but she 

even shuts up those which formerly      
existed4  ,and now the discussion is    
brought to this point1 that they who    
inquire into the ways by which the blood
 reaches the left ventricle of the      
heart3 and pulmonary veins from the vena
 cava1 will pursue the wisest course if 
they seek by dissection to discover the 
causes why in the larger and more       
perfect animals of mature age nature has
 rather chosen to make the blood        
percolate the parenchyma of the lungs1  
than1 as in other instances1 chosen a   
direct and obvious course--for ,i assume
 that no other path or mode of transit  
can be entertained4 ,it must be because 
the larger and more perfect animals are 
warmer1 and when adult their heat       
greater--ignited1 as ,i might say1 and  
requiring to be damped or mitigated1    
that the blood is sent through the      
lungs1 in order that it may be tempered 
by the air that is inspired1 and        
prevented from boiling up1 and so       
becoming extinguished1 or something else

 of the sort4 ,but to determine these   
matters1 and explain them               
satisfactorily1 were to enter on a      
speculation in regard to the office of  
the lungs and the ends for which they   
exist4 ,upon such a subject1 as well as 
upon what pertains to respiration1 to   
the necessity and use of the air1 etc41 
as also to the variety and diversity of 
organs that exist in the bodies of      
animals in connexion with these matters1
 although ,i have made a vast number of 
observations1 ,i shall not speak till ,i
 can more conveniently set them forth in
 a treatise apart1 lest ,i should be    
held as wandering too wide of my present
 purpose1 which is the use and motion of
 the heart1 and be charged with speaking
 of things beside the question1 and     
rather complicating and quitting than   
illustrating it4 ,and now returning to  
my immediate subject1 ,i go on with what
 yet remains for demonstration1 viz41   
that in the more perfect and warmer     
adult animals1 and man1 the blood passes

 from the right ventricle of the heart  
by the pulmonary artery1 into the lungs1
 and thence by the pulmonary veins into 
the left auricle1 and from there into   
the left ventricle of the heart4 ,and1  
first1 ,i shall show that this may be   
so1 and then ,i shall prove that it is  
so in fact4     ,,chapter ,,vii  ,,the  
,,blood ,,passes ,,through ,,the        
,,substance ,,of ,,the ,,lungs ,,from   
,,the ,,right ,,ventricle ,,of ,,the    
,,heart ,,into ,,the ,,pulmonary ,,veins
 ,,and ,,left ,,ventricle   ,that this  
is possible1 and that there is nothing  
to prevent it from being so1 appears    
when we reflect on the way in which     
water permeating the earth produces     
springs and rivulets1 or when we        
speculate on the means by which the     
sweat passes through the skin1 or the   
urine through the substance of the      
kidneys4 ,it is well known that persons 
who use the ,spa waters or those of ,la 
,madonna1 in the territories of ,padua1 
or others of an acidulous or vitriolated

 nature1 or who simply swallow drinks by
 the gallon1 pass all off again within  
an hour or two by the bladder4 ,such a  
quantity of liquid must take some short 
time in the concoction3 it must pass    
through the liver 7it is allowed by all 
that the juices of the food we consume  
pass twice through this organ in the    
course of the day72 it must flow through
 the veins1 through the tissues of the  
kidneys1 and through the ureters into   
the bladder4  ,to those1 therefore1 whom
 ,i hear denying that the blood1 aye1   
the whole mass of the blood1 may pass   
through the substance of the lungs1 even
 as the nutritive juices percolate the  
liver1 asserting such a proposition to  
be impossible1 and by no means to be    
entertained as credible1 ,i reply1 with 
the poet1 that they are of that race of 
men who1 when they will1 assent full    
readily1 and when they will not1 by no  
manner of means2 who1 when their assent 
is wanted1 fear1 and when it is not1    
fear not to give it4  ,the substance of 

the liver is extremely dense1 so is that
 of the kidney2 the lungs1 however1 are 
of a much looser texture1 and if        
compared with the kidneys are absolutely
 spongy4 ,in the liver there is no      
forcing1 no impelling power2 in the     
lungs the blood is forced on by the     
pulse of the right ventricle1 the       
necessary effect of whose impulse is the
 distension of the vessels and the pores
 of the lungs4 ,and then the lungs1 in  
respiration1 are perpetually rising and 
falling3 motions1 the effect of which   
must needs be to open and shut the pores
 and vessels1 precisely as in the case  
of a sponge1 and of parts having a      
spongy structure1 when they are         
alternately compressed and again are    
suffered to expand4 ,the liver1 on the  
contrary1 remains at rest1 and is never 
seen to be dilated or constricted4      
,lastly1 if no one denies the           
possibility in man1 oxen1 and the larger
 animals generally1 of the whole of the 
ingested juices passing through the     

liver1 in order to reach the vena cava1 
for this reason1 that if nourishment is 
to go on1 these juices must needs get   
into the veins1 and there is no other   
way but the one indicated1 why should   
not the same arguments be held of avail 
for the passage of the blood in adults  
through the lungs8 ,why not maintain1   
with ,columbus1 that skilful and learned
 anatomist1 that it must be so from the 
capacity and structure of the pulmonary 
vessels1 and from the fact of the       
pulmonary veins and ventricle           
corresponding with them1 being always   
found to contain blood1 which must needs
 have come from the veins1 and by no    
other passage save through the lungs8   
,columbus1 and we also1 from what       
precedes1 from dissections1 and other   
arguments1 conceive the thing to be     
clear4 ,but as there are some who admit 
nothing unless upon authority1 let them 
learn that the truth ,i am contending   
for can be confirmed from ,galen's own  
words1 namely1 that not only may the    

blood be transmitted from the pulmonary 
artery into the pulmonary veins1 then   
into the left ventricle of the heart1   
and from thence into the arteries of the
 body1 but that this is effected by the 
ceaseless pulsation of the heart and the
 motion of the lungs in breathing4      
,there are1 as everyone knows1 three    
sigmoid or semilunar valves situated at 
the orifice of the pulmonary artery1    
which effectually prevent the blood sent
 into the vessel from returning into the
 cavity of the heart4 ,now ,galen1      
explaining the use of these valves1 and 
the necessity for them1 employs the     
following language3 ,footnote3 ,de ,usu 
partium1 lib4 vi1 cap4 #aj ,there is    
everywhere a mutual anastomosis and     
inosculation of the arteries with the   
veins1 and they severally transmit both 
blood and spirit1 by certain invisible  
and undoubtedly very narrow passages4   
,now if the mouth of the pulmonary      
artery had stood in like manner         
continually open1 and nature had found  

no contrivance for closing it when      
requisite1 and opening it again1 it     
would have been impossible that the     
blood could ever have passed by the     
invisible and delicate mouths1 during   
the contractions of the thorax1 into the
 arteries2 for all things are not alike 
readily attracted or repelled2 but that 
which is light is more readily drawn in1
 the instrument being dilated1 and      
forced out again when it is contracted1 
than that which is heavy2 and in like   
manner is anything drawn more rapidly   
along an ample conduit1 and again driven
 forth1 than it is through a narrow     
tube4 ,but when the thorax is contracted
 the pulmonary veins1 which are in the  
lungs1 being driven inwardly1 and       
powerfully compressed on every side1    
immediately force out some of the spirit
 they contain1 and at the same time     
assume a certain portion of blood by    
those subtle mouths1 a thing that could 
never come to pass were the blood at    
liberty to flow back into the heart     

through the great orifice of the        
pulmonary artery4 ,but its return       
through this great opening being        
prevented1 when it is compressed on     
every side1 a certain portion of it     
distils into the pulmonary veins by the 
minute orifices mentioned4 ,and shortly 
afterwards1 in the next chapter1 he     
says3 ,the more the thorax contracts1   
the more it strives to force out the    
blood1 the more exactly do these        
membranes 7viz41 the semilunar valves7  
close up the mouth of the vessel1 and   
suffer nothing to regurgitate4 ,the same
 fact he has also alluded to in a       
preceding part of the tenth chapter3    
,were there no valves1 a three-fold     
inconvenience would result1 so that the 
blood would then perform this lengthened
 course in vain2 it would flow inwards  
during the disastoles of the lungs and  
fill all their arteries2 but in the     
systoles1 in the manner of the tide1 it 
would ever and anon1 like the ,euripus1 
flow backwards and forwards by the same 

way1 with a reciprocating motion1 which 
would nowise suit the blood4 ,this1     
however1 may seem a matter of little    
moment3 but if it meantime appear that  
the function of respiration suffer1 then
 ,i think it would be looked upon as no 
trifle1 etc4 ,shortly afterwards he     
says3 ,and then a third inconvenience1  
by no means to be thought lightly of1   
would follow1 were the blood moved      
backwards during the expirations1 had   
not our ,maker instituted those         
supplementary membranes4 ,in the        
eleventh chapter he concludes3 ,that    
they 7the valves7 have all a common use1
 and that it is to prevent regurgitation
 or backward motion2 each1 however1     
having a proper function1 the one set   
drawing matters from the heart1 and     
preventing their return1 the other      
drawing matters into the heart1 and     
preventing their escape from it4 ,for   
nature never intended to distress the   
heart with needless labour1 neither to  
bring aught into the organ which it had 

been better to have kept away1 nor to   
take from it again aught which it was   
requisite should be brought4 ,since1    
then1 there are four orifices in all1   
two in either ventricle1 one of these   
induces1 the other educes4 ,and again he
 says3 ,farther1 since there is one     
vessel1 which consists of a simple      
covering implanted in the heart1 and    
another which is double1 extending from 
it 7,galen is here speaking of the right
 side of the heart1 but ,i extend his   
observations to the left side also71 a  
kind of reservoir had to be provided1 to
 which both belonging1 the blood should 
be drawn in by one1 and sent out by the 
other4  ,galen adduces this argument for
 the transit of the blood by the right  
ventricle from the vena cava into the   
lungs2 but we can use it with still     
greater propriety1 merely changing the  
terms1 for the passage of the blood from
 the veins through the heart into the   
arteries4 ,from ,galen1 however1 that   
great man1 that father of physicians1 it

 clearly appears that the blood passes  
through the lungs from the pulmonary    
artery into the minute branches of the  
pulmonary veins1 urged to this both by  
the pulses of the heart and by the      
motions of the lungs and thorax2 that   
the heart1 moreover1 is incessantly     
receiving and expelling the blood by and
 from its ventricles1 as from a magazine
 or cistern1 and for this end it is     
furnished with four sets of valves1 two 
serving for the induction and two for   
the eduction of the blood1 lest1 like   
the ,euripus1 it should be              
incommodiously sent hither and thither1 
or flow back into the cavity which it   
should have quitted1 or quit the part   
where its presence was required1 and so 
the heart might be oppressed with labour
 in vain1 and the office of the lungs be
 interfered with4 ,footnote3 ,see the   
,commentary of the learned ,hofmann upon
 the ,sixth ,book of ,galen1 ,de ,usu   
partium1 a work which ,i first saw after
 ,i had written what precedes4 ,finally1

 our position that the blood is         
continually permeating from the right to
 the left ventricle1 from the vena cava 
into the aorta1 through the porosities  
of the lungs1 plainly appears from this1
 that since the blood is incessantly    
sent from the right ventricle into the  
lungs by the pulmonary artery1 and in   
like manner is incessantly drawn from   
the lungs into the left ventricle1 as   
appears from what precedes and the      
position of the valves1 it cannot do    
otherwise than pass through             
continuously4 ,and then1 as the blood is
 incessantly flowing into the right     
ventricle of the heart1 and is          
continually passed out from the left1 as
 appears in like manner1 and as is      
obvious1 both to sense and reason1 it is
 impossible that the blood can do       
otherwise than pass continually from the
 vena cava into the aorta4  ,dissection 
consequently shows distinctly what takes
 place in the majority of animals1 and  
indeed in all1 up to the period of their

 maturity2 and that the same thing      
occurs in adults is equally certain1    
both from ,galen's words1 and what has  
already been said1 only that in the     
former the transit is effected by open  
and obvious passages1 in the latter by  
the hidden porosities of the lungs and  
the minute inosculations of vessels4 ,it
 therefore appears that1 although one   
ventricle of the heart1 the left to wit1
 would suffice for the distribution of  
the blood over the body1 and its        
eduction from the vena cava1 as indeed  
is done in those creatures that have no 
lungs1 nature1 nevertheless1 when she   
ordained that the same blood should also
 percolate the lungs1 saw herself       
obliged to add the right ventricle1 the 
pulse of which should force the blood   
from the vena cava through the lungs    
into the cavity of the left ventricle4  
,in this way1 it may be said1 that the  
right ventricle is made for the sake of 
the lungs1 and for the transmission of  
the blood through them1 not for their   

nutrition2 for it were unreasonable to  
suppose that the lungs should require so
 much more copious a supply of          
nutriment1 and that of so much purer and
 more spirituous a nature as coming     
immediately from the ventricle of the   
heart1 that either the brain1 with its  
peculiarly pure substance1 or the eyes1 
with their lustrous and truly admirable 
structure1 or the flesh of the heart    
itself1 which is more suitably nourished
 by the coronary artery4     ,,chapter  
,,viii  ,,of ,,the ,,quantity ,,of      
,,blood ,,passing ,,through ,,the       
,,heart ,,from ,,the ,,veins ,,to ,,the 
,,arteries2 ,,and ,,of ,,the ,,circular 
,,motion ,,of ,,the ,,blood   ,thus far 
,i have spoken of the passage of the    
blood from the veins into the arteries1 
and of the manner in which it is        
transmitted and distributed by the      
action of the heart2 points to which    
some1 moved either by the authority of  
,galen or ,columbus1 or the reasonings  
of others1 will give in their adhesion4 

,but what remains to be said upon the   
quantity and source of the blood which  
thus passes is of a character so novel  
and unheard-of that ,i not only fear    
injury to myself from the envy of a few1
 but ,i tremble lest ,i have mankind at 
large for my enemies1 so much doth wont 
and custom become a second nature4      
,doctrine once sown strikes deep its    
root1 and respect for antiquity         
influences all men4 ,still the die is   
cast1 and my trust is in my love of     
truth and the candour of cultivated     
minds4 ,and sooth to say1 when ,i       
surveyed my mass of evidence1 whether   
derived from vivisections1 and my       
various reflections on them1 or from the
 study of the ventricles of the heart   
and the vessels that enter into and     
issue from them1 the symmetry and size  
of these conduits1--for nature doing    
nothing in vain1 would never have given 
them so large a relative size without a 
purpose1--or from observing the         
arrangement and intimate structure of   

the valves in particular1 and of the    
other parts of the heart in general1    
with many things besides1 ,i frequently 
and seriously bethought me1 and long    
revolved in my mind1 what might be the  
quantity of blood which was transmitted1
 in how short a time its passage might  
be effected1 and the like4 ,but not     
finding it possible that this could be  
supplied by the juices of the ingested  
aliment without the veins on the one    
hand becoming drained1 and the arteries 
on the other getting ruptured through   
the excessive charge of blood1 unless   
the blood should somehow find its way   
from the arteries into the veins1 and so
 return to the right side of the heart1 
,i began to think whether there might   
not be a ,,motion1 ,,as ,,it ,,were1    
,,in ,a ,,circle4 ,now1 this ,i         
afterwards found to be true2 and ,i     
finally saw that the blood1 forced by   
the action of the left ventricle into   
the arteries1 was distributed to the    
body at large1 and its several parts1 in

 the same manner as it is sent through  
the lungs1 impelled by the right        
ventricle into the pulmonary artery1 and
 that it3 then passed through the veins 
and along the vena cava1 and so round to
 the left ventricle in the manner       
already indicated4 ,this motion we may  
be allowed to call circular1 in the same
 way as ,aristotle says that the air and
 the rain emulate the circular motion of
 the superior bodies2 for the moist     
earth1 warmed by the sun1 evaporates2   
the vapours drawn upwards are condensed1
 and descending in the form of rain1    
moisten the earth again4 ,by this       
arrangement are generations of living   
things produced2 and in like manner are 
tempests and meteors engendered by the  
circular motion1 and by the approach and
 recession of the sun4  ,and similarly  
does it come to pass in the body1       
through the motion of the blood1 that   
the various parts are nourished1        
cherished1 quickened by the warmer1 more
 perfect1 vaporous1 spirituous1 and1 as 

,i may say1 alimentive blood2 which1 on 
the other hand1 owing to its contact    
with these parts1 becomes cooled1       
coagulated1 and so to speak effete4 ,it 
then returns to its sovereign1 the      
heart1 as if to its source1 or to the   
inmost home of the body1 there to       
recover its state of excellence or      
perfection4 ,here it renews its         
fluidity1 natural heat1 and becomes     
powerful1 fervid1 a kind of treasury of 
life1 and impregnated with spirits1 it  
might be said with balsam4 ,thence it is
 again dispersed4 ,all this depends on  
the motion and action of the heart4     
,the heart1 consequently1 is the        
beginning of life2 the sun of the       
microcosm1 even as the sun in his turn  
might well be designated the heart of   
the world2 for it is the heart by whose 
virtue and pulse the blood is moved1    
perfected1 and made nutrient1 and is    
preserved from corruption and           
coagulation2 it is the household        
divinity which1 discharging its         

function1 nourishes1 cherishes1 quickens
 the whole body1 and is indeed the      
foundation of life1 the source of all   
action4 ,but of these things we shall   
speak more opportunely when we come to  
speculate upon the final cause of this  
motion of the heart4  ,as the           
blood-vessels1 therefore1 are the canals
 and agents that transport the blood1   
they are of two kinds1 the cava and the 
aorta2 and this not by reason of there  
being two sides of the body1 as         
,aristotle has it1 but because of the   
difference of office1 not1 as is        
commonly said1 in consequence of any    
diversity of structure1 for in many     
animals1 as ,i have said1 the vein does 
not differ from the artery in the       
thickness of its walls1 but solely in   
virtue of their distinct functions and  
uses4 ,a vein and an artery1 both styled
 veins by the ancients1 and that not    
without reason1 as ,galen has remarked1 
for the artery is the vessel which      
carries the blood from the heart to the 

body at large1 the vein of the present  
day bringing it back from the general   
system to the heart2 the former is the  
conduit from1 the latter the channel to1
 the heart2 the latter contains the     
cruder1 effete blood1 rendered unfit for
 nutrition2 the former transmits the    
digested1 perfect1 peculiarly nutritive 
fluid4     ,,chapter ,,ix  ,,that       
,,there ,,is ,a ,,circulation ,,of ,,the
 ,,blood ,,is ,,confirmed ,,from ,,the  
,,first ,,proposition   ,but lest anyone
 should say that we give them words     
only1 and make mere specious assertions 
without any foundation1 and desire to   
innovate without sufficient cause1 three
 points present themselves for          
confirmation1 which1 being stated1 ,i   
conceive that the truth ,i contend for  
will follow necessarily1 and appear as a
 thing obvious to all4 ,first1 the blood
 is incessantly transmitted by the      
action of the heart from the vena cava  
to the arteries in such quantity that it
 cannot be supplied from the ingesta1   

and in such a manner that the whole must
 very quickly pass through the organ2   
second1 the blood under the influence of
 the arterial pulse enters and is       
impelled in a continuous1 equable1 and  
incessant stream through every part and 
member of the body1 in much larger      
quantity than were sufficient for       
nutrition1 or than the whole mass of    
fluids could supply2 third1 the veins in
 like manner return this blood          
incessantly to the heart from parts and 
members of the body4 ,these points      
proved1 ,i conceive it will be manifest 
that the blood circulates1 revolves1    
propelled and then returning1 from the  
heart to the extremities1 from the      
extremities to the heart1 and thus that 
it performs a kind of circular motion4  
,let us assume1 either arbitrarily or   
from experiment1 the quantity of blood  
which the left ventricle of the heart   
will contain when distended1 to be1 say1
 two ounces1 three ounces1 or one ounce 
and a half--in the dead body ,i have    

found it to hold upwards of two ounces4 
,let us assume further how much less the
 heart will hold in the contracted than 
in the dilated state2 and how much blood
 it will project into the aorta upon    
each contraction2 and all the world     
allows that with the systole something  
is always projected1 a necessary        
consequence demonstrated in the third   
chapter1 and obvious from the structure 
of the valves2 and let us suppose as    
approaching the truth that the fourth1  
or fifth1 or sixth1 or even but the     
eighth part of its charge is thrown into
 the artery at each contraction2 this   
would give either half an ounce1 or     
three drachms1 or one drachm of blood as
 propelled by the heart at each pulse   
into the aorta2 which quantity1 by      
reason of the valves at the root of the 
vessel1 can by no means return into the 
ventricle4 ,now1 in the course of half  
an hour1 the heart will have made more  
than one thousand beats1 in some as many
 as two1 three1 and even four thousand4 

,multiplying the number of drachms      
propelled by the number of pulses1 we   
shall have either one thousand half     
ounces1 or one thousand times three     
drachms1 or a like proportional quantity
 of blood1 according to the amount which
 we assume as propelled with each stroke
 of the heart1 sent from this organ into
 the artery--a larger quantity in every 
case than is contained in the whole     
body6 ,in the same way1 in the sheep or 
dog1 say but a single scruple of blood  
passes with each stroke of the heart1 in
 one half-hour we should have one       
thousand scruples1 or about three pounds
 and a half1 of blood injected into the 
aorta2 but the body of neither animal   
contains above four pounds of blood1 a  
fact which ,i have myself ascertained in
 the case of the sheep4  ,upon this     
supposition1 therefore1 assumed merely  
as a ground for reasoning1 we see the   
whole mass of blood passing through the 
heart1 from the veins to the arteries1  
and in like manner through the lungs4   

,but let it be said that this does not  
take place in half an hour1 but in an   
hour1 or even in a day2 any way1 it is  
still manifest that more blood passes   
through the heart in consequence of its 
action1 than can either be supplied by  
the whole of the ingesta1 or than can be
 contained in the veins at the same     
moment4  ,nor can it be allowed that the
 heart in contracting sometimes propels 
and sometimes does not propel1 or at    
most propels but very little1 a mere    
nothing1 or an imaginary something3 all 
this1 indeed1 has already been refuted1 
and is1 besides1 contrary both to sense 
and reason4 ,for if it be a necessary   
effect of the dilatation of the heart   
that its ventricles become filled with  
blood1 it is equally so that1           
contracting1 these cavities should expel
 their contents2 and this not in any    
trifling measure4 ,for neither are the  
conduits small1 nor the contractions few
 in number1 but frequent1 and always in 
some certain proportion1 whether it be a

 third or a sixth1 or an eighth1 to the 
total capacity of the ventricles1 so    
that a like proportion of blood must be 
expelled1 and a like proportion received
 with each stroke of the heart1 the     
capacity of the ventricle contracted    
always bearing a certain relation to the
 capacity of the ventricle when dilated4
 ,and since1 in dilating1 the ventricles
 cannot be supposed to get filled with  
nothing1 or with an imaginary something1
 so in contracting they never expel     
nothing or aught imaginary1 but always a
 certain something1 viz41 blood1 in     
proportion to the amount of the         
contraction4 ,whence it is to be        
concluded that if at one stroke the     
heart of man1 the ox1 or the sheep1     
ejects but a single drachm of blood and 
there are one thousand strokes in half  
an hour1 in this interval there will    
have been ten pounds five ounces        
expelled2 if with each stroke two       
drachms are expelled1 the quantity      
would1 of course1 amount to twenty      

pounds and ten ounces2 if half an ounce1
 the quantity would come to forty-one   
pounds and eight ounces2 and were there 
one ounce1 it would be as much as       
eighty-three pounds and four ounces2 the
 whole of which1 in the course of       
one-half hour1 would have been          
transfused from the veins to the        
arteries4 ,the actual quantity of blood 
expelled at each stroke of the heart1   
and the circumstances under which it is 
either greater or less than ordinary1 ,i
 leave for particular determination     
afterwards1 from numerous observations  
which ,i have made on the subject4      
,meantime this much ,i know1 and would  
here proclaim to all1 that the blood is 
transfused at one time in larger1 at    
another in smaller1 quantity2 and that  
the circuit of the blood is accomplished
 now more rapidly1 now more slowly1     
according to the temperament1 age1 etc41
 of the individual1 to external and     
internal circumstances1 to naturals and 
non-naturals--sleep1 rest1 food1        

exercise1 affections of the mind1 and   
the like4 ,but1 supposing even the      
smallest quantity of blood to be passed 
through the heart and the lungs with    
each pulsation1 a vastly greater amount 
would still be thrown into the arteries 
and whole body than could by any        
possibility be supplied by the food     
consumed4 ,it could be furnished in no  
other way than by making a circuit and  
returning4  ,this truth1 indeed1        
presents itself obviously before us when
 we consider what happens in the        
dissection of living animals2 the great 
artery need not be divided1 but a very  
small branch only 7as ,galen even proves
 in regard to man71 to have the whole of
 the blood in the body1 as well that of 
the veins as of the arteries1 drained   
away in the course of no long time--some
 half-hour or less4 ,butchers are well  
aware of the fact and can bear witness  
to it2 for1 cutting the throat of an ox 
and so dividing the vessels of the neck1
 in less than a quarter of an hour they 

have all the vessels bloodless--the     
whole mass of blood has escaped4 ,the   
same thing also occasionally occurs with
 great rapidity in performing           
amputations and removing tumors in the  
human subject4  ,nor would this argument
 lose of its force1 did any one say that
 in killing animals in the shambles1 and
 performing amputations1 the blood      
escaped in equal1 if not perchance in   
larger quantity by the veins than by the
 arteries4 ,the contrary of this        
statement1 indeed1 is certainly the     
truth2 the veins1 in fact1 collapsing1  
and being without any propelling power1 
and further1 because of the impediment  
of the valves1 as ,i shall show         
immediately1 pour out but very little   
blood2 whilst the arteries spout it     
forth with force abundantly1            
impetuously1 and as if it were propelled
 by a syringe4 ,and then the experiment 
is easily tried of leaving the vein     
untouched and only dividing the artery  
in the neck of a sheep or dog1 when it  

will be seen with what force1 in what   
abundance1 and how quickly1 the whole   
blood in the body1 of the veins as well 
as of the arteries1 is emptied4 ,but the
 arteries receive blood from the veins  
in no other way than by transmission    
through the heart1 as we have already   
seen2 so that if the aorta be tied at   
the base of the heart1 and the carotid  
or any other artery be opened1 no one   
will now be surprised to find it empty1 
and the veins only replete with blood4  
,and now the cause is manifest1 why in  
our dissections we usually find so large
 a quantity of blood in the veins1 so   
little in the arteries2 why there is    
much in the right ventricle1 little in  
the left1 which probably led the        
ancients to believe that the arteries   
7as their name implies7 contained       
nothing but spirits during the life of  
an animal4 ,the true cause of the       
difference is perhaps this1 that as     
there is no passage to the arteries1    
save through the lungs and heart1 when  

an animal has ceased to breathe and the 
lungs to move1 the blood in the         
pulmonary artery is prevented from      
passing into the pulmonary veins1 and   
from thence into the left ventricle of  
the heart2 just as we have already seen 
the same transit prevented in the       
embryo1 by the want of movement in the  
lungs and the alternate opening1 and    
shutting of their hidden and invisible  
porosities and apertures4 ,but the heart
 not ceasing to act at the same precise 
moment as the lungs1 but surviving them 
and continuing to pulsate for a time1   
the left ventricle and arteries go on   
distributing their blood to the body at 
large and sending it into the veins2    
receiving none from the lungs1 however1 
they are soon exhausted1 and left1 as it
 were1 empty4 ,but even this fact       
confirms our views1 in no trifling      
manner1 seeing that it can be ascribed  
to no other than the cause we have just 
assumed4  ,moreover1 it appears from    
this that the more frequently or        

forcibly the arteries pulsate1 the more 
speedily will the body be exhausted of  
its blood during hemorrhage4 ,hence1    
also1 it happens1 that in fainting fits 
and in states of alarm1 when the heart  
beats more languidly and less forcibly1 
hemorrhages are diminished and arrested4
  ,still further1 it is from this1 that 
after death1 when the heart has ceased  
to beat1 it is impossible1 by dividing  
either the jugular or femoral veins and 
arteries1 by any effort1 to force out   
more than one-half of the whole mass of 
the blood4 ,neither could the butchers  
ever bleed the carcass effectually did  
he neglect to cut the throat of the ox  
which he has knocked on the head and    
stunned1 before the heart had ceased    
beating4  ,finally1 we are now in a     
condition to suspect wherefore it is    
that no one has yet said anything to the
 purpose upon the anastomosis of the    
veins and arteries1 either as to where  
or how it is effected1 or for what      
purpose4 ,i now enter upon the          

investigation of the subject4           
,,chapter ,x  ,,the ,,first ,,position3 
,,of ,,the ,,quantity ,,of ,,blood      
,,passing ,,from ,,the ,,veins ,,to     
,,the ,,arteries4 ,,and ,,that ,,there  
,,is ,a ,,circuit ,,of ,,the ,,blood1   
,,freed ,,from ,,objections1 ,,and      
,,farther ,,confirmed ,,by ,,experiment 
,so far our first position is confirmed1
 whether the thing be referred to       
calculation or to experiment and        
dissection1 viz41 that the blood is     
incessantly poured into the arteries in 
larger quantities than it can be        
supplied by the food2 so that the whole 
passing over in a short space of time1  
it is matter of necessity that the blood
 perform a circuit1 that it return to   
whence it set out4  ,but if anyone shall
 here object that a large quantity may  
pass through and yet no necessity be    
found for a circulation1 that all may   
come from the meat and drink consumed1  
and quote as an illustration the        
abundant supply of milk in the          

mammae--for a cow will give three1 four1
 and even seven gallons and more in a   
day1 and a woman two or three pints     
whilst nursing a child or twins1 which  
must manifestly be derived from the food
 consumed2 it may be answered that the  
heart by computation does as much and   
more in the course of an hour or two4   
,and if not yet convinced1 he shall     
still insist that when an artery is     
divided1 a preternatural route is1 as it
 were1 opened1 and that so the blood    
escapes in torrents1 but that the same  
thing does not happen in the healthy and
 uninjured body when no outlet is made2 
and that in arteries filled1 or in their
 natural state1 so large a quantity of  
blood cannot pass in so short a space of
 time as to make any return             
necessary--to all this it may be        
answered that1 from the calculation     
already made1 and the reasons assigned1 
it appears that by so much as the heart 
in its dilated state contains1 in       
addition to its contents in the state of

 constriction1 so much in a general way 
must it emit upon each pulsation1 and in
 such quantity must the blood pass1 the 
body being entire and naturally         
constituted4  ,but in serpents1 and     
several fishes1 by tying the veins some 
way below the heart you will perceive a 
space between the ligature and the heart
 speedily to become empty2 so that1     
unless you would deny the evidence of   
your senses1 you must needs admit the   
return of the blood to the heart4 ,the  
same thing will also plainly appear when
 we come to discuss our second position4
  ,let us here conclude with a single   
example1 confirming all that has been   
said1 and from which everyone may obtain
 conviction through the testimony of his
 own eyes4  ,if a live snake be laid    
open1 the heart will be seen pulsating  
quietly1 distinctly1 for more than an   
hour1 moving like a worm1 contracting in
 its longitudinal dimensions1 7for it is
 of an oblong shape71 and propelling its
 contents4 ,it becomes of a paler colour

 in the systole1 of a deeper tint in the
 diastole2 and almost all things else   
are seen by which ,i have already said  
that the truth ,i contend for is        
established1 only that here everything  
takes place more slowly1 and is more    
distinct4 ,this point in particular may 
be observed more clearly than the       
noonday sun3 the vena cava enters the   
heart at its lower part1 the artery     
quits it at the superior part2 the vein 
being now seized either with forceps or 
between the finger and the thumb1 and   
the course of the blood for some space  
below the heart interrupted1 you will   
perceive the part that intervenes       
between the fingers and the heart almost
 immediately to become empty1 the blood 
being exhausted by the action of the    
heart2 at the same time the heart will  
become of a much paler colour1 even in  
its state of dilatation1 than it was    
before2 it is also smaller than at      
first1 from wanting blood3 and then it  
begins to beat more slowly1 so that it  

seems at length as if it were about to  
die4 ,but the impediment to the flow of 
blood being removed1 instantly the      
colour and the size of the heart are    
restored4  ,if1 on the contrary1 the    
artery instead of the vein be compressed
 or tied1 you will observe the part     
between the obstacle and the heart1 and 
the heart itself1 to become inordinately
 distended1 to assume a deep purple or  
even livid colour1 and at length to be  
so much oppressed with blood that you   
will believe it about to be choked2 but 
the obstacle removed1 all things        
immediately return to their natural     
state and colour1 size1 and impulse4    
,here then we have evidence of two kinds
 of death3 extinction from deficiency1  
and suffocation from excess4 ,examples  
of both have now been set before you1   
and you have had opportunity of viewing 
the truth contended for with your own   
eyes in the heart4     ,,chapter ,,xi   
,,the ,,second ,,position ,,is          
,,demonstrated   ,that this may the more

 clearly appear to everyone1 ,i have    
here to cite certain experiments1 from  
which it seems obvious that the blood   
enters a limb by the arteries1 and      
returns from it by the veins2 that the  
arteries are the vessels carrying the   
blood from the heart1 and the veins the 
returning channels of the blood to the  
heart2 that in the limbs and extreme    
parts of the body the blood passes      
either immediately by anastomosis from  
the arteries into the veins1 or         
mediately by the porosities of the      
flesh1 or in both ways1 as has already  
been said in speaking of the passage of 
the blood through the lungs whence it   
appears manifest that in the circuit the
 blood moves from that place to this    
place1 and from that point to this one2 
from the centre to the extremities1 to  
wit2 and from the extreme parts back to 
the centre4 ,finally1 upon grounds of   
calculation1 with the same elements as  
before1 it will be obvious that the     
quantity can neither be accounted for by

 the ingeata1 nor yet be held necessary 
to nutrition4  ,the same thing will also
 appear in regard to ligatures1 and     
wherefore they are said to draw2 though 
this is neither from the heat1 nor the  
pain1 nor the vacuum they occasion1 nor 
indeed from any other cause yet thought 
of2 it will also explain the uses and   
advantages to be derived from ligatures 
in medicine1 the principle upon which   
they either suppress or occasion        
hemorrhage2 how they induce sloughing   
and more extensive mortification in     
extremities2 and how they act in the    
castration of animals and the removal of
 warts and fleshy tumours4 ,but it has  
come to pass1 from no one having duly   
weighed and understood the cause and    
rationale of these various effects1 that
 though almost all1 upon the faith of   
the old writers1 recommend ligatures in 
the treatment of disease1 yet very few  
comprehend their proper employment1 or  
derive any real assistance from them in 
effecting cures4  ,ligatures are either 

very tight or of medium tightness4 ,a   
ligature ,i designate as tight or       
perfect when it so constricts an        
extremity that no vessel can be felt    
pulsating beyond it4 ,such a ligature we
 use in amputations to control the flow 
of blood2 and such also are employed in 
the castration of animals and the       
ablation of tumours4 ,in the latter     
instances1 all afflux of nutriment and  
heat being prevented by the ligature1 we
 see the testes and large fleshy tumours
 dwindle1 die1 and finally fall off4    
,ligatures of medium tightness ,i regard
 as those which compress a limb firmly  
all round1 but short of pain1 and in    
such a way as still suffers a certain   
degree of pulsation to be felt in the   
artery beyond them4 ,such a ligature is 
in use in blood-letting1 an operation in
 which the fillet applied above the     
elbow is not drawn so tight but that the
 arteries at the wrist may still be felt
 beating under the finger4  ,now let    
anyone make an experiment upon the arm  

of a man1 either using such a fillet as 
is employed in blood-letting1 or        
grasping the limb lightly with his hand1
 the best subject for it being one who  
is lean1 and who has large veins1 and   
the best time after exercise1 when the  
body is warm1 the pulse is full1 and the
 blood carried in larger quantity to the
 extremities1 for all then is more      
conspicuous2 under such circumstances   
let a ligature be thrown about the      
extremity1 and drawn as tightly as can  
be borne1 it will first be perceived    
that beyond the ligature1 neither in the
 wrist nor anywhere else1 do the        
arteries pulsate1 at the same time that 
immediately above the ligature the      
artery begins to rise higher at each    
diastole1 to throb mere violently1 and  
to swell in its vicinity with a kind of 
tide1 as if it strove to break through  
and overcome the obstacle to its        
current2 the artery here1 in short1     
appears as if it were preternaturally   
full4 ,the hand under such circumstances

 retains its natural colour and         
appearance2 in the course of time it    
begins to fall somewhat in temperature1 
indeed1 but nothing is drawn into it4   
,after the bandage has been kept on for 
some short time in this way1 let it be  
slackened a little1 brought to that     
state or term of medium tightness which 
is used in bleeding1 and it will be seen
 that the whole hand and arm will       
instantly become deeply coloured and    
distended1 and the veins show themselves
 tumid and knotted2 after ten or twelve 
pulses of the artery1 the hand will be  
perceived excessively distended1        
injected1 gorged with blood1 drawn1 as  
it is said1 by this medium ligature1    
without pain1 or heat1 or any horror of 
a vacuum1 or any other cause yet        
indicated4  ,if the finger be applied   
over the artery as it is pulsating by   
the edge of the fillet1 at the moment of
 slackening it1 the blood will be felt  
to glide through1 as it were1 underneath
 the finger2 and he1 too1 upon whose arm

 the experiment is made1 when the       
ligature is slackened1 is distinctly    
conscious of a sensation of warmth1 and 
of something1 viz41 a stream of blood   
suddenly making its way along the course
 of the vessels and diffusing itself    
through the hand1 which at the same time
 begins to feel hot1 and becomes        
distended4  ,as we had noted1 in        
connexion with the tight ligature1 that 
the artery above the bandage was        
distended and pulsated1 not below it1   
so1 in the case of the moderately tight 
bandage1 on the contrary1 do we find    
that the veins below1 never above1 the  
fillet1 swell1 and become dilated1      
whilst the arteries shrink2 and such is 
the degree of distension of the veins   
here1 that it is only very strong       
pressure that will force the blood      
beyond the fillet1 and cause any of the 
veins in the upper part of the arm to   
rise4  ,from these facts it is easy for 
every careful observer to learn that the
 blood enters an extremity by the       

arteries2 for when they are effectually 
compressed nothing is drawn to the      
member2 the hand preserves its colour2  
nothing flows into it1 neither is it    
distended2 but when the pressure is     
diminished1 as it is with the bleeding  
fillet1 it is manifest that the blood is
 instantly thrown in with force1 for    
then the hand begins to swell2 which is 
as much as to say1 that when the        
arteries pulsate the blood is flowing   
through them1 as it is when the         
moderately tight ligature is applied2   
but where they do not pulsate1 as1 when 
a tight ligature is used1 they cease    
from transmitting anything1 they are    
only distended above the part where the 
ligature is applied4 ,the veins again   
being compressed1 nothing can flow      
through them2 the certain indication of 
which is1 that below the ligature they  
are much more tumid than above it1 and  
than they usually appear when there is  
no bandage upon the arm4  ,it therefore 
plainly appears that the ligature       

prevents the return of the blood through
 the veins to the parts above it1 and   
maintains those beneath it in a state of
 permanent distension4 ,but the         
arteries1 in spite of its pressure1 and 
under the force and impulse of the      
heart1 send on the blood from the       
internal parts of the body to the parts 
beyond the ligature4 ,and herein        
consists the difference between the     
tight and the medium ligature1 that the 
former not only prevents the passage of 
the blood in the veins1 but in the      
arteries also2 the latter1 however1     
whilst it does not prevent the force of 
the pulse from extending beyond it1 and 
so propelling the blood to the          
extremities of the body1 compresses the 
veins1 and greatly or altogether impedes
 the return of the blood through them4  
,seeing1 therefore1 that the moderately 
tight ligature renders the veins turgid 
and distended1 and the whole hand full  
of blood1 ,i ask1 whence is this8 ,does 
the blood accumulate below the ligature 

coming through the veins1 or through the
 arteries1 or passing by certain hidden 
porosities8 ,through the veins it cannot
 come2 still less can it come through   
invisible channels2 it must needs1 then1
 arrive by the arteries1 in conformity  
with all that has been already said4    
,that it cannot flow in by the veins    
appears plainly enough from the fact    
that the blood cannot be forced towards 
the heart unless the ligature be        
removed2 when this is done suddenly all 
the veins collapse1 and disgorge        
themselves of their contents into the   
superior parts1 the hand at the same    
time resumes its natural pale colour1   
the tumefaction and the stagnating blood
 having disappeared4  ,moreover1 he     
whose arm or wrist has thus been bound  
for some little time with the medium    
bandage1 so that it has not only got    
swollen and livid but cold1 when the    
fillet is undone is aware of something  
cold making its way upwards along with  
the returning blood1 and reaching the   

elbow or the axilla4 ,and ,i have myself
 been inclined to think that this cold  
blood rising upwards to the heart was   
the cause of the fainting that often    
occurs after blood-letting3 fainting    
frequently supervenes even in robust    
subjects1 and mostly at the moment of   
undoing the fillet1 as the vulgar say1  
from the turning of the blood4          
,farther1 when we see the veins below   
the ligature instantly swell up and     
become gorged1 when from extreme        
tightness it is somewhat relaxed1 the   
arteries meantime continuing unaffected1
 this is an obvious indication that the 
blood passes from the arteries into the 
veins1 and not from the veins into the  
arteries1 and that there is either an   
anastomosis of the two orders of        
vessels1 or porosities in the flesh and 
solid parts generally that are permeable
 to the blood ,it is farther an         
indication that the veins have frequent 
communications with one another1 because
 they all become turgid together1 whilst

 under the medium ligature applied above
 the elbow2 and if any single small vein
 be pricked with a lancet1 they all     
speedily shrink1 and disburthening      
themselves into this they subside almost
 simultaneously4  ,these considerations 
will enable anyone to understand the    
nature of the attraction that is exerted
 by ligatures1 and perchance of fluxes  
generally2 how1 for example1 when the   
veins are compressed by a bandage of    
medium tightness applied above the      
elbow1 the blood cannot escape1 whilst  
it still continues to be driven in1 by  
the forcing power of the heart1 by which
 the parts are of necessity filled1     
gorged with blood4 ,and how should it be
 otherwise8 ,heat and pain and a vacuum 
draw1 indeed2 but in such wise only that
 parts are filled1 not preternaturally  
distended or gorged1 and not so suddenly
 and violently overwhelmed with the     
charge of blood forced in upon them1    
that the flesh is lacerated and the     
vessels ruptured4 ,nothing of the kind  

as an effect of heat1 or pain1 or the   
vacuum force1 is either credible or     
demonstrable4  ,besides1 the ligature is
 competent to occasion the afflux in    
question without either pain1 or heat1  
or a vacuum4 ,were pain in any way the  
cause1 how should it happen that1 with  
the arm bound above the elbow1 the hand 
and fingers should swell being the      
bandage1 and their veins become         
distended8 ,the pressure of the bandage 
certainly prevents the blood from       
getting there by the veins4 ,and then1  
wherefore is there neither swelling nor 
repletion of the veins1 nor any sign or 
symptom of attraction or afflux1 above  
the ligature8 ,but this is the obvious  
cause of the preternatural attraction   
and swelling below the bandage1 and in  
the hand and fingers1 that the blood is 
entering abundantly1 and with force1 but
 cannot pass out again4  ,now is not    
this the cause of all tumefaction1 as   
indeed ,avicenna has it1 and of all     
oppressive redundancy in parts1 that the

 access to them is open1 but the egress 
from them is4 closed8 ,whence it comes  
that they are gorged and tumefied4 ,and 
may not the same thing happen in local  
inflammations1 where1 so long as the    
swelling is on the increase1 and has not
 reached its extreme term1 a full pulse 
is felt in the part1 especially when the
 disease is of the more acute kind1 and 
the swelling usually takes place most   
rapidly4 ,but these are matters for     
after discussion4 ,or does this1 which  
occurred in my own case1 happen from the
 same cause8 ,thrown from a carriage    
upon one occasion1 ,i struck my forehead
 a blow upon the place where a twig of  
the artery advances from the temple1 and
 immediately1 within the time in which  
twenty beats could have been made ,i    
felt a tumour the size of an egg        
developed1 without either heat or any   
great pain3 the near vicinity of the    
artery had caused the blood to be       
effused into the bruised part with      
unusual force and velocity4  ,and now1  

too1 we understand why in phlebotomy we 
apply our ligature above the part that  
is punctured1 not below it2 did the flow
 come from above1 not from below1 the   
constriction in this case would not only
 be of no service1 but would prove a    
positive hindrance2 it would have to be 
applied below the orifice1 in order to  
have the flow more free1 did the blood  
descend by the veins from superior to   
inferior parts2 but as it is elsewhere  
forced through the extreme arteries into
 the extreme veins1 and the return in   
these last is opposed by the ligature1  
so do they fill and swell1 and being    
thus filled and distended1 they are made
 capable of projecting their charge with
 force1 and to a distance1 when any one 
of them is suddenly punctured2 but the  
ligature being slackened1 and the       
returning channels thus left open1 the  
blood forthwith no longer escapes1 save 
by drops2 and1 as all the world knows1  
if in performing phlebotomy the bandage 
be either slackened too much or the limb

 be bound too tightly1 the blood escapes
 without force1 because in the one case 
the returning channels are not          
adequately obstructed2 in other the     
channels of influx1 the arteries1 are   
impeded4     ,,chapter ,,xii  ,,that    
,,there ,,is ,a ,,circulation ,,of ,,the
 ,,blood ,,is ,,shown ,,from ,,the      
,,second ,,position ,,demonstrated   ,if
 these things be so1 another point which
 ,i have already referred to1 viz41 the 
continual passage of the blood through  
the heart will also be confirmed4 ,we   
have seen1 that the blood passes from   
the arteries into the veins1 not from   
the veins into the arteries2 we have    
seen1 farther1 that almost the whole of 
the blood may be withdrawn from a       
puncture made in one of the cutaneous   
veins of the arm if a bandage properly  
applied be used2 we have seen1 still    
farther1 that the blood flows so freely 
and rapidly that not only is the whole  
quantity which was contained in the arm 
beyond the ligature1 and before the     

puncture was made1 discharged1 but the  
whole which is contained in the body1   
both that of the arteries and that of   
the veins4  ,whence we must admit1      
first1 that the blood is sent along with
 an impulse1 and that it is urged with  
force below the ligature2 for it escapes
 with force1 which force it receives    
from the pulse and power of the heart2  
for the force and motion of the blood   
are derived from the heart alone4       
,second1 that the afflux proceeds from  
the heart1 and through the heart by a   
course from the great veins2 for it gets
 into the parts below the ligature      
through the arteries1 not through the   
veins2 and the arteries nowhere receive 
blood from the veins1 nowhere receive   
blood save and except from the left     
ventricle of the heart4 ,nor could so   
large a quantity of blood be drawn from 
one vein 7a ligature having been duly   
applied71 nor with such impetuousity1   
such readiness1 such celerity1 unless   
through the medium of the impelling     

power of the heart4  ,but if all things 
be as they are now represented1 we shall
 feel ourselves at liberty to calculate 
the quantity of the blood1 and to reason
 on its circular motion4 ,should anyone1
 for instance1 performing phlebotomy1   
suffer the blood to flow in the manner  
it usually does1 with force and freely1 
for some half hour or so1 no question   
but that the greatest part of the blood 
being abstracted1 faintings and syncopes
 would ensue1 and that not only would   
the arteries but the great veins also be
 nearly emptied of their contents4 ,it  
is only consonant with reason to        
conclude that in the course of the half 
hour hinted at1 so much as has escaped  
has also passed from the great veins    
through the heart into the aorta4 ,and  
further1 if we calculate how many ounces
 flow through one arm1 or how many pass 
in twenty or thirty pulsations under the
 medium ligature1 we shall have some    
grounds for estimating how much passes  
through the other arm in the same space 

of time3 how much through both lower    
extremities1 how much through the neck  
on either side1 and through all the     
other arteries and veins of the body1   
all of which have been supplied with    
fresh blood1 and as this blood must have
 passed through the lungs and ventricles
 of the heart1 and must have come from  
the great veins1 we shall perceive that 
a circulation is absolutely necessary1  
seeing that the quantities hinted at    
cannot be supplied immediately from the 
ingesta1 and are vastly more than can be
 requisite for the mere nutrition of the
 parts4  ,it is still further to be     
observed1 that in practising phlebotomy 
the truths contended for are sometimes  
confirmed in another way2 for having    
tied up the arm properly1 and made the  
puncture duly1 still1 if from alarm or  
any other causes1 a state of faintness  
supervenes1 in which the heart always   
pulsates more languidly1 the blood does 
not flow freely1 but distils by drops   
only4 ,the reason is1 that with a       

somewhat greater than usual resistance  
offered to the transit of the blood by  
the bandage1 coupled with the weaker    
action of the heart1 and its diminished 
impelling power1 the stream cannot make 
its way under the ligature2 and farther1
 owing to the weak and languishing state
 of the heart1 the blood is not         
transferred in such quantity as wont    
from the veins to the arteries through  
the sinuses of that organ4 ,so also1 and
 for the same reasons1 are the menstrual
 fluxes of women1 and indeed hemorrhages
 of every kind1 controlled4 ,and now1 a 
contrary state of things occurring1 the 
patient getting rid of his fear and     
recovering his courage1 the pulse       
strength is increased1 the arteries     
begin again to beat with greater force1 
and to drive the blood even into the    
part that is bound2 so that the blood   
now springs from the puncture in the    
vein1 and flows in continuous stream4   
,,chapter ,,xiii  ,,the ,,third         
,,position ,,is ,,confirmed3 ,,and ,,the

 ,,circulation ,,of ,,the ,,blood ,,is  
,,demonstrated ,,from ,,it   ,thus far  
we have spoken of the quantity of blood 
passing through the heart and the lungs 
in the centre of the body1 and in like  
manner from the arteries into the veins 
in the peripheral parts and the body at 
large4 ,we have yet to explain1 however1
 in what manner the blood finds its way 
back to the heart from the extremities  
by the veins1 and how and in what way   
these are the only vessels that convey  
the blood from the external to the      
central parts2 which done1 ,i conceive  
that the three fundamental propositions 
laid down for the circulation of the    
blood will be so plain1 so well         
established1 so obviously true1 that    
they may claim general credence4 ,now   
the remaining position will be made     
sufficiently clear from the valves which
 are found in the cavities of the veins 
themselves1 from the uses of these1 and 
from experiments cognisable by the      
senses4  ,the celebrated ,hieronymus    

,fabricius of ,aquapendente1 a most     
skilful anatomist1 and venerable old    
man1 or1 as the learned ,riolan will    
have it1 ,jacobus ,silvius1 first gave  
representations of the valves in the    
veins1 which consist of raised or loose 
portions of the inner membranes of these
 vessels1 of extreme delicacy1 and a    
sigmoid or semilunar shape4 ,they are   
situated at different distances from one
 another1 and diversely in different    
individuals2 they are connate at the    
sides of the veins2 they are directed   
upwards towards the trunks of the veins2
 the two--for there are for the most    
part two together--regard each other1   
mutually touch1 and are so ready to come
 into contact by their edges1 that if   
anything attempts to pass from the      
trunks into the branches of the veins1  
or from the greater vessels into the    
less1 they completely prevent it2 they  
are farther so arranged1 that the horns 
of those that succeed are opposite the  
middle of the convexity of those that   

and so on alternately4  ,the discoverer 
of these valves did not rightly         
understand their use1 nor have          
succeeding anatomists added anything to 
our knowledge3 for their office is by no
 means explained when we are told that  
it is to hinder the blood1 by its       
weight1 from all flowing into inferior  
parts2 for the edges of the valves in   
the jugular veins hang downwards1 and   
are so contrived that they prevent the  
blood from rising upwards2 the valves1  
in a word1 do not invariably look       
upwards1 but always toward the trunks of
 the veins1 invariably towards the seat 
of the heart4 ,i1 and indeed others1    
have sometimes found valves in the      
emulgent veins1 and in those of the     
mesentery1 the edges of which were      
directed towards the vena cava and vena 
portae4 ,let it be added that there are 
no valves in the arteries1 and that     
dogs1 oxen1 etc41 have invariably valves
 at the divisions of their crural veins1
 in the veins that meet towards the top 

of the os sacrum1 and in those branches 
which come from the haunches1 in which  
no such effect of gravity from the erect
 position was to be apprehended4        
,neither are there valves in the jugular
 veins for the purpose of guarding      
against apoplexy1 as some have said2    
because in sleep the head is more apt to
 be influenced by the contents of the   
carotid arteries4 ,neither are the      
valves present1 in order that the blood 
may be retained in the divarications or 
smaller trunks and minuter branches1 and
 not be suffered to flow entirely into  
the more open and capacious channels2   
for they occur where there are no       
divarications2 although it must be owned
 that they are most frequent at the     
points where branches join4 ,neither do 
they exist for the purpose of rendering 
the current of blood more slow from the 
centre of the body2 for it seems likely 
that the blood would be disposed to flow
 with sufficient slowness of its own    
accord1 as it would have to pass from   

larger into continually smaller vessels1
 being separated from the mass and      
fountain head1 and attaining from warmer
 into colder places4  ,but the valves   
are solely made and instituted lest the 
blood should pass from the greater into 
the lesser veins1 and either rupture    
them or cause them to become varicose2  
lest1 instead of advancing from the     
extreme to the central parts of the     
body1 the blood should rather proceed   
along the veins from the centre to the  
extremities2 but the delicate valves1   
while they readily open in the right    
direction1 entirely prevent all such    
contrary motion1 being so situated and  
arranged1 that if anything escapes1 or  
is less perfectly obstructed by the     
cornua of the one above1 the fluid      
passing1 as it were1 by the chinks      
between the cornua1 it is immediately   
received on the convexity of the one    
beneath1 which is placed transversely   
with reference to the former1 and so is 
effectually hindered from getting any   

farther4  ,and this ,i have frequently  
experienced in my dissections of the    
veins3 if ,i attempted to pass a probe  
from the trunk of the veins into one of 
the smaller branches1 whatever care ,i  
took ,i found it impossible to introduce
 it far any way1 by reason of the       
valves2 whilst1 on the contrary1 it was 
most easy to push it along in the       
opposite direction1 from without        
inwards1 or from the branches towards   
the trunks and roots4 ,in many places   
two valves are so placed and fitted1    
that when raised they come exactly      
together in the middle of the vein1 and 
are there united by the contact of their
 margins2 and so accurate is the        
adaptation1 that neither by the eye nor 
by any other means of examination1 can  
the slightest chink along the line of   
contact be perceived4 ,but if the probe 
be now introduced from the extreme      
towards the more central parts1 the     
valves1 like the floodgates of a river1 
give way1 and are most readily pushed   

aside4 ,the effect of this arrangement  
plainly is to prevent all motion of the 
blood from the heart and vena cava1     
whether it be upwards towards the head1 
or downwards towards the feet1 or to    
either side towards the arms1 not a drop
 can pass2 all motion of the blood1     
beginning2 in the larger and tending    
towards the smaller veins1 is opposed   
and resisted by them2 whilst the motion 
that proceeds from the lesser to end in 
the larger branches is favoured1 or1 at 
all events1 a free and open passage is  
left for it4  ,but that this truth may  
be made the more apparent1 let an arm be
 tied up above the elbow as if for      
phlebotomy 7,a1 ,a1 fig4 #a74 ,at       
intervals in the course of the veins1   
especially in labouring people and those
 whose veins are large1 certain knots or
 elevations 7,b1 ,c1 ,d1 ,e1 ,f7 will be
 perceived1 and this not only at the    
places where a branch is received 7,e1  
,f71 but also where none enters 7,c1    
,d73 these knots or risings are all     

formed by valves1 which thus show       
themselves externally4 ,and now if you  
press the blood from the space above one
 of the valves1 from ,h to ,o1 7fig4    
#b17 and keep the point of a finger upon
 the vein inferiorly1 you will see no   
influx of blood from above2 the portion 
of the vein between the point of the    
finger and the valve ,o will be         
obliterated2 yet will the vessel        
continue sufficiently distended above   
the valve 7,o1 ,g74 ,the blood being    
thus pressed out and the vein emptied1  
if you now apply a finger of the other  
hand upon the distended part of the vein
 above the valve ,o1 7fig4 #c17 and     
press downwards1 you will find that you 
cannot force the blood through or beyond
 the valve2 but the greater effort you  
use1 you will only see the portion of   
vein that is between the finger and the 
valve become more distended1 that       
portion of the vein which is below the  
valve remaining all the while empty 7,h1
 ,o1 fig4 #c74  ,it would therefore     

appear that the function of the valves  
in the veins is the same as that of the 
three sigmoid valves which we find at   
the commencement of the aorta and       
pulmonary artery1 viz41 to prevent all  
reflux of the blood that is passing over
 them4  ,,note4--,woodcuts of the veins 
of the arm to which these letters and   
figures refer appear here in the        
original4--,c4 ,n4 ,b4 ,c  ,farther1 the
 arm being bound as before1 and the     
veins looking full and distended1 if you
 press at one part in the course of a   
vein with the point of a finger 7,l1    
fig4 #d71 and then with another finger  
streak the blood upwards beyond the next
 valve 7,n71 you will perceive that this
 portion of the vein continues empty    
7,l1 ,n71 and that the blood cannot     
retrograde1 precisely as we have already
 seen the case to be in fig4 #b2 but the
 finger first applied 7,h1 fig4 #b1 ,l1 
fig4 #d71 being removed1 immediately the
 vein is filled from below1 and the arm 
becomes as it appears at ,d ,c1 fig4 #a4

 ,that the blood in the veins therefore 
proceeds from inferior or more remote   
parts1 and towards the heart1 moving in 
these vessels in this and not in the    
contrary direction1 appears most        
obviously4 ,and although in some places 
the valves1 by not acting with such     
perfect accuracy1 or where there is but 
a single valve1 do not seem totally to  
prevent the passage of the blood from   
the centre1 still the greater number of 
them plainly do so2 and then1 where     
things appear contrived more            
negligently1 this is compensated either 
by the more frequent occurrence or more 
perfect action of the succeeding valves1
 or in some other way3 the veins in     
short1 as they are the free and open    
conduits of the blood returning ,,to the
 heart1 so are they effectually         
prevented from serving as its channels  
of distribution ,,from the heart4  ,but 
this other circumstance has to be noted3
 ,the arm being bound1 and the veins    
made turgid1 and the valves prominent1  

as before1 apply the thumb or finger    
over a vein in the situation of one of  
the valves in such a way as to compress 
it1 and prevent any blood from passing  
upwards from the hand2 then1 with a     
finger of the other hand1 streak the    
blood in the vein upwards till it has   
passed the next valve above 7,n1 fig4   
#d71 the vessel now remains empty2 but  
the finger at ,l being removed for an   
instant1 the vein is immediately filled 
from below2 apply the finger again1 and 
having in the same manner streaked the  
blood upwards1 again remove the finger  
below1 and again the vessel becomes     
distended as before2 and this repeat1   
say a thousand times1 in a short space  
of time4 ,and now compute the quantity  
of blood which you have thus pressed up 
beyond the valve1 and then multiplying  
the assumed quantity by one thousand1   
you will find that so much blood has    
passed through a certain portion of the 
vessel2 and ,i do now believe that you  
will find yourself convinced of the     

circulation of the blood1 and of its    
rapid motion4 ,but if in this experiment
 you say that a violence is done to     
nature1 ,i do not doubt but that1 if you
 proceed in the same way1 only taking as
 great a length of vein as possible1 and
 merely remark with what rapidity the   
blood flows upwards1 and fills the      
vessel from below1 you will come to the 
same conclusion4     ,,chapter ,,xiv    
,,conclusion ,,of ,,the ,,demonstration 
,,of ,,the ,,circulation   ,and now ,i  
may be allowed to give in brief my view 
of the circulation of the blood1 and to 
propose it for general adoption4  ,since
 all things1 both argument and ocular   
demonstration1 show that the blood      
passes through the lungs1 and heart by  
the force of the ventricles1 and is sent
 for distribution to all parts of the   
body1 where it makes its way into the   
veins and porosities of the flesh1 and  
then flows by the veins from the        
circumference on every side to the      
centre1 from the lesser to the greater  

veins1 and is by them finally discharged
 into the vena cava and right auricle of
 the heart1 and this in such a quantity 
or in such a flux and reflux thither by 
the arteries1 hither by the veins1 as   
cannot possibly be supplied by the      
ingesta1 and is much greater than can be
 required for mere purposes of          
nutrition2 it is absolutely necessary to
 conclude that the blood in the animal  
body is impelled in a circle1 and is in 
a state of ceaseless motion2 that this  
is the act or function which the heart  
performs by means of its pulse2 and that
 it is the sole and only end of the     
motion and contraction of the heart4    
,,chapter ,,xv  ,,the ,,circulation ,,of
 ,,the ,,blood ,,is ,,further           
,,confirmed ,,by ,,probable ,,reasons   
,it will not be foreign to the subject  
if ,i here show further1 from certain   
familiar reasonings1 that the           
circulation is matter both of           
convenience and necessity4 ,in the first
 place1 since death is a corruption     

which takes place through deficiency of 
heat1 ,footnote3 ,aristoteles ,de       
,respirations1 lib4 ii et iii3 ,de      
,part4 ,animal4 et alibi4 and since all 
living things are warm1 all dying things
 cold1 there must be a particular seat  
and fountain1 a kind of home and hearth1
 where the cherisher of nature1 the     
original of the native fire1 is stored  
and preserved2 from which heat and life 
are dispensed to all parts as from a    
fountain head2 from which sustenance may
 be derived2 and upon which concoction  
and nutrition1 and all vegetative energy
 may depend4 ,now1 that the heart is    
this place1 that the heart is the       
principle of life1 and that all passes  
in the manner just mentioned1 ,i trust  
no one will deny4  ,the blood1          
therefore1 required to have motion1 and 
indeed such a motion that it should     
return again to the heart2 for sent to  
the external parts of the body far from 
its fountain1 as ,aristotle says1 and   
without motion it would become          

congealed4 ,for we see motion generating
 and keeping up heat and spirits under  
ail circumstances1 and rest allowing    
them to escape and be dissipated4 ,the  
blood1 therefore1 becoming thick or     
congealed by the cold of the extreme and
 outward parts1 and robbed of its       
spirits1 just as it is in the dead1 it  
was imperative that from its fount and  
origin1 it should again receive heat and
 spirits1 and all else requisite to its 
preservation--that1 by returning1 it    
should be renovated and restored4  ,we  
frequently see how the extremities are  
chilled by the external cold1 how the   
nose and cheeks and hands look blue1 and
 how the blood1 stagnating in them as in
 the pendent or lower parts of a corpse1
 becomes of a dusky hue2 the limbs at   
the same time getting torpid1 so that   
they can scarcely be moved1 and seem    
almost to have lost their vitality4 ,now
 they can by no means be so effectually1
 and especially so speedily restored to 
heat and colour and life1 as by a new   

efflux and contact of heat from its     
source4 ,but how can parts attract in   
which the heat and life are almost      
extinct8 ,or how should they whose      
passages are filled with condensed and  
frigid blood1 admit fresh               
aliment--renovated blood --unless they  
had first got rid of their old contents8
 ,unless the heart were truly that      
fountain where life and heat are        
restored to the refrigerated fluid1 and 
whence new blood1 warm1 imbued with     
spirits1 being sent out by the arteries1
 that which has become cooled and effete
 is forced on1 and all the particles    
recover their heat which was failing1   
and their vital stimulus wellnigh       
exhausted4  ,hence it is that if the    
heart be unaffected1 life and health may
 be restored to almost all the other    
parts of the body2 but if the heart be  
chilled1 or smitten with any serious    
disease1 it seems matter of necessity   
that the whole animal fabric should     
suffer and fall into decay4 ,when the   

source is corrupted1 there is nothing1  
as ,aristotle says1 ,footnote3 ,de      
,part4 ,animal41 iii4 which can be of   
service either to it or aught that      
depends on it4 ,and hence1 by the way1  
it may perchance be why grief1 and love1
 and envy1 and anxiety1 and all         
affections of the mind of a similar kind
 are accompanied with emaciation and    
decay1 or with disordered fluids and    
crudity1 which engender all manner of   
diseases and consume the body of man4   
,for every affection of the mind that is
 attended with either pain or pleasure1 
hope or fear1 is the cause of an        
agitation whose influence extends to the
 heart1 and there induces change from   
the natural constitution1 in the        
temperature1 the pulse and the rest1    
which impairing all nutrition in its    
source and abating the powers at large1 
it is no wonder that various forms of   
incurable disease in the extremities and
 in the trunk are the consequence1      
inasmuch as in such circumstances the   

whole body labours under the effects of 
vitiated nutrition and a want of native 
heat4  ,moreover1 when we see that all  
animals live through food digested in   
their interior1 it is imperative that   
the digestion and distribution be       
perfect1 and1 as a consequence1 that    
there be a place and receptacle where   
the aliment is perfected and whence it  
is distributed to the several members4  
,now this place is the heart1 for it is 
the only organ in the body which        
contains blood for the general use2 all 
the others receive it merely for their  
peculiar or private advantage1 just as  
the heart also has a supply for its own 
especial behoof in its coronary veins   
and arteries4 ,but it is of the store   
which the heart contains in its auricles
 and ventricles that ,i here speak4     
,then the heart is the only organ which 
is so situated and constituted that it  
can distribute the blood in due         
proportion to the several parts of the  
body1 the quantity sent to each being   

according to the dimensions of the      
artery which supplies it1 the heart     
serving as a magazine or fountain ready 
to meet its demands4  ,further1 a       
certain impulse or force1 as well as an 
impeller or forcer1 such as the heart1  
was required to effect this distribution
 and motion of the blood2 both because  
the blood is disposed from slight       
causes1 such as cold1 alarm1 horror1 and
 the like1 to collect in its source1 to 
concentrate like parts to a whole1 or   
the drops of water spilt upon a table to
 the mass of liquid2 and because it is  
forced from the capillary veins into the
 smaller ramifications1 and from these  
into the larger trunks by the motion of 
the extremities and the compression of  
the muscles generally4 ,the blood is    
thus more disposed to move from the     
circumference to the centre than in the 
opposite direction1 even were there no  
valves to oppose its motion2 wherefore1 
that it may leave its source and enter  
more confined and colder channels1 and  

flow against the direction to which it  
spontaneously inclines1 the blood       
requires both force and impelling power4
 ,now such is the heart and the heart   
alone1 and that in the way and manner   
already explained4     ,,chapter ,,xvi  
,,the ,,circulation ,,of ,,the ,,blood  
,,is ,,further ,,proved ,,from ,,certain
 ,,consequences   ,there are still      
certain problems1 which1 taken as       
consequences of this truth assumed as   
proven1 are not without their use in    
exciting belief1 as it were1 a          
posteriore2 and which1 although they may
 seem to be involved in much doubt and  
obscurity1 nevertheless readily admit of
 having reasons and causes assigned for 
them4 ,of such a nature are those that  
present themselves in connexion with    
contagions1 poisoned wounds1 the bites  
of serpents and rabid animals1 lues     
venerea and the like4 ,we sometimes see 
the whole system contaminated1 though   
the part first infected remains sound2  
the lues venerea has occasionally made  

its attack with pains in the shoulders  
and head1 and other symptoms1 the       
genital organs being all the while      
unaffected2 and then we know that the   
wound made by a rabid dog having healed1
 fever and a train of disastrous        
symptoms may nevertheless supervene4    
,whence it appears that the contagion   
impressed upon or deposited in a        
particular part1 is by-and-by carried by
 the returning current of blood to the  
heart1 and by that organ is sent to     
contaminate the whole body4  ,in tertian
 fever1 the morbific cause seeking the  
heart in the first instance1 and hanging
 about the heart and lungs1 renders the 
patient short-winded1 disposed to       
sighing1 and indisposed to exertion1    
because the vital principle is oppressed
 and the blood forced into the lungs and
 rendered thick4 ,it does not pass      
through them1 7as ,i have myself seen in
 opening the bodies of those who had    
died in the beginning of the attack17   
when the pulse is always frequent1      

small1 and occasionally irregular2 but  
the heat increasing1 the matter becoming
 attenuated1 the passages forced1 and   
the transit made1 the whole body begins 
to rise in temperature1 and the pulse   
becomes fuller and stronger4 ,the       
febrile paroxysm is fully formed1 whilst
 the preternatural heat kindled in the  
heart is thence diffused by the arteries
 through the whole body along with the  
morbific matter1 which is in this way   
overcome and dissolved by nature4  ,when
 we perceive1 further1 that medicines   
applied externally exert their influence
 on the body just as if they had been   
taken internally1 the truth we are      
contending for is confirmed4 ,colocynth 
and aloes in this way move the belly1   
cantharides excites the urine1 garlic   
applied to the soles of the feet assists
 expectoration1 cordials strengthen1 and
 an infinite number of examples of the  
same kind might be cited4 ,perhaps it   
will not1 therefore1 be found           
unreasonable1 if we say that the veins1 

by means of their orifices1 absorb some 
of the things that are applied          
externally and carry this inwards with  
the blood1 not otherwise1 it may be1    
than those of the mesentery imbibe the  
chyle from the intestines and carry it  
mixed with the blood to the liver4 ,for 
the blood entering the mesentery by the 
coeliac artery1 and the superior and    
inferior mesenteries1 proceeds to the   
intestines1 from which1 along with the  
chyle that has been attracted into the  
veins1 it returns by their numerous     
ramifications into the vena portae of   
the liver1 and from this into the vena  
cava1 and this in such wise that the    
blood in these veins has the same colour
 and consistency as in other veins1 in  
opposition to what many believe to be   
the fact4 ,nor indeed can we imagine two
 contrary motions in any capillary      
system--the chyle upwards1 the blood    
downwards4 ,this could scarcely take    
place1 and must be held as altogether   
improbable4 ,but is not the thing rather

 arranged as it is by the consummate    
providence of nature8 ,for were the     
chyle mingled with the blood1 the crude 
with the digested1 in equal proportions1
 the result would not be concoction1    
transmutation1 and sanguification1 but  
rather1 and because they are severally  
active and passive1 a mixture or        
combination1 or medium compound of the  
two1 precisely as happens when wine is  
mixed with water and syrup4 ,but when a 
very minute quantity of chyle is mingled
 with a very large quantity of          
circulating blood1 a quantity of chyle  
that bears no kind of proportion to the 
mass of blood1 the effect is the same1  
as ,aristotle says1 as when a drop of   
water is added to a cask of wine1 or the
 contrary2 the mass does not then       
present itself as a mixture1 but is     
still sensibly either wine or water4    
,so in the mesenteric veins of an animal
 we do not find either chyme or chyle   
and blood1 blended together or distinct1
 but only blood1 the same in colour1    

consistency1 and other sensible         
properties1 as it appears in the veins  
generally4 ,still as there is a certain 
though small and inappreciable portion  
of chyle or incompletely digested matter
 mingled with the blood1 nature has     
interposed the liver1 in whose          
meandering channels it suffers delay and
 undergoes additional change1 lest      
arriving prematurely and crude at the   
heart1 it should oppress the vital      
principle4 ,hence in the embryo1 there  
is almost no use for the liver1 but the 
umbilical vein passes directly through1 
a foramen or an anastomosis existing    
from the vena portae4 ,the blood returns
 from the intestines of the foetus1 not 
through the liver1 but into the         
umbilical vein mentioned1 and flows at  
once into the heart1 mingled with the   
natural blood which is returning from   
the placenta2 whence also it is that in 
the development of the foetus the liver 
is one of the organs that is last       
formed4 ,i have observed all the        

members1 perfectly marked out in the    
human foetus1 even the genital organs1  
whilst there was yet scarcely any trace 
of the liver4 ,and indeed at the period 
when all the parts1 like the heart      
itself in the beginning1 are still      
white1 and except in the veins there is 
no appearance of redness1 you shall see 
nothing in the seat of the liver but a  
shapeless collection1 as it were1 of    
extravasated blood1 which you might take
 for the effects of a contusion or      
ruptured vein4  ,but in the incubated   
egg there are1 as it were1 two umbilical
 vessels1 one from the albumen passing  
entire through the liver1 and going     
straight to the heart2 another from the 
yelk1 ending in the vena portae2 for it 
appears that the chick1 in the first    
instance1 is entirely formed and        
nourished by the white2 but by the yelk 
after it has come to perfection and is  
excluded from the shell2 for this part  
may still be found in the abdomen of the
 chick many days after its exclusion1   

and is a substitute for the milk to     
other animals4  ,but these matters will 
be better spoken of in my observations  
on the formation of the foetus1 where   
many propositions1 the following among  
the number1 will be discussed3          
,wherefore is this part formed or       
perfected first1 that last1 and of the  
several members1 what part is the cause 
of another8 ,and there are many points  
having special reference to the heart1  
such as wherefore does it first acquire 
consistency1 and appear to possess life1
 motion1 sense1 before any other part of
 the body is perfected1 as ,aristotle   
says in his third book1 ,de partibus    
,animalium8 ,and so also of the blood1  
wherefore does it precede all the rest8 
,and in what way does it possess the    
vital and animal principle1 and show a  
tendency to motion1 and to be impelled  
hither and thither1 the end for which   
the heart appears to be made8 ,in the   
same way1 in considering the pulse1 why 
should one kind of pulse indicate death1

 another recovery8 ,and so of all the   
other kinds of pulse1 what may be the   
cause and indication of each8 ,likewise 
we must consider the reason of crises   
and natural critical discharges2 of     
nutrition1 and especially the           
distribution of the nutriment2 and of   
defluxions of every description4        
,finally1 reflecting on every part of   
medicine1 physiology1 pathology1        
semeiotics and therapeutics1 when ,i see
 how many questions can be answered1 how
 many doubts resolved1 how much         
obscurity illustrated by the truth we   
have declared1 the light we have made to
 shine1 ,i see a field of such vast     
extent in which ,i might proceed so far1
 and expatiate so widely1 that this my  
tractate would not only swell out into a
 volume1 which was beyond my purpose1   
but my whole life1 perchance1 would not 
suffice for its completion4  ,in this   
place1 therefore1 and that indeed in a  
single chapter1 ,i shall only endeavour 
to refer the various particulars that   

present themselves in the dissection of 
the heart and arteries to their several 
uses and causes2 for so ,i shall meet   
with many things which receive light    
from the truth ,i have been contending  
for1 and which1 in their turn1 render it
 more obvious4 ,and indeed ,i would have
 it confirmed and illustrated by        
anatomical arguments above all others4  
,there is but a single point which      
indeed would be more correctly placed   
among our observations on the use of the
 spleen1 but which it will not be       
altogether impertinent to notice in this
 place incidentally4 ,from the splenic  
branch which passes into the pancreas1  
and from the upper part1 arise the      
posterior coronary1 gastric1 and        
gastroepiploic veins1 all of which are  
distributed upon the stomach in numerous
 branches and twigs1 just as the        
mesenteric vessels are upon the         
intestines4 ,in a similar way1 from the 
inferior part of the same splenic       
branch1 and along the back of the colon 

and rectum proceed the hemorrhoidal     
veins4 ,the blood returning by these    
veins1 and bringing the cruder juices   
along with it1 on the one hand from the 
stomach1 where they are thin1 watery1   
and not yet perfectly chylified2 on the 
other thick and more earthy1 as derived 
from the faeces1 but all poured into    
this splenic branch1 are duly tempered  
by the admixture of contraries2 and     
nature mingling together these two kinds
 of juices1 difficult of coction by     
reason of most opposite defects1 and    
then diluting them with a large quantity
 of warm blood1 7for we see that the    
quantity returned from the spleen must  
be very large when we contemplate the   
size of its arteries17 they are brought 
to the porta of the liver in a state of 
higher preparation4 ,the defects of     
either extreme are supplied and         
compensated by this arrangement of the  
veins4     ,,chapter ,,xvii  ,,the      
,,motion ,,and ,,circulation ,,of ,,the 
,,blood ,,are ,,confirmed ,,from ,,the  

,,particulars ,,apparent ,,in ,,the     
,,structure ,,of ,,the ,,heart1 ,,and   
,,from ,,those ,,things ,,which         
,,dissection ,,unfolds   ,i do not find 
the heart as a distinct and separate    
part in all animals2 some1 indeed1 such 
as the zoophytes1 have no heart2 this is
 because these animals are coldest1 of  
one great bulk1 of soft texture1 or of a
 certain uniform sameness or simplicity 
of structure2 among the number ,i may   
instance grubs and earth-worms1 and     
those that are engendered of            
putrefaction and do not preserve their  
species4 ,these have no heart1 as not   
requiring any impeller of nourishment   
into the extreme parts2 for they have   
bodies which are connate and homogeneous
 and without limbs2 so that by the      
contraction and relaxation of the whole 
body they assume and expel1 move and    
remove1 the aliment4 ,oysters1 mussels1 
sponges1 and the whole genus of         
zoophytes or plant-animals have no      
heart1 for the whole body is used as a  

heart1 or the whole animal is a heart4  
,in a great number of animals1--almost  
the whole tribe of insects--we cannot   
see distinctly by reason of the         
smallness of the body2 still in bees1   
flies1 hornets1 and the like we can     
perceive something pulsating with the   
help of a magnifying-glass2 in pediculi1
 also1 the same thing may be seen1 and  
as the body is transparent1 the passage 
of the food through the intestines1 like
 a black spot or stain1 may be perceived
 by the aid of the same                 
magnifying-glass4  ,but in some of the  
pale-blooded and colder animals1 as in  
snails1 whelks1 shrimps1 and shell-fish1
 there is a part which pulsates1 --a    
kind of vesicle or auricle without a    
heart1--slowly1 indeed1 and not to be   
perceived except in the warmer season of
 the year4 ,in these creatures this part
 is so contrived that it shall pulsate1 
as there is here a necessity for some   
impulse to distribute the nutritive     
fluid1 by reason of the variety of      

organic parts1 or of the density of the 
substance2 but the pulsations occur     
unfrequently1 and sometimes in          
consequence of the cold not at all1 an  
arrangement the best adapted to them as 
being of a doubtful nature1 so that     
sometimes they appear to live1 sometimes
 to die2 sometimes they show the        
vitality of an animal1 sometimes of a   
vegetable4 ,this seems also to be the   
case with the insects which conceal     
themselves in winter1 and lie1 as it    
were1 defunct1 or merely manifesting a  
kind of vegetative existence4 ,but      
whether the same thing happens in the   
case of certain animals that have red   
blood1 such as frogs1 tortoises1        
serpents1 swallows1 may be very properly
 doubted4  ,in all the larger and warmer
 animals which have red blood1 there was
 need of an impeller of the nutritive   
fluid1 and that1 perchance1 possessing a
 considerable amount of power4 ,in      
fishes1 serpents1 lizards1 tortoises1   
frogs1 and others of the same kind there

 is a heart present1 furnished with both
 an auricle and a ventricle1 whence it  
is perfectly true1 as ,aristotle has    
observed1 ,footnote3 ,de ,part4         
,animal41 lib4 iii4 that no sanguineous 
animal is without a heart1 by the       
impelling power of which the nutritive  
fluid is forced1 both with greater      
vigour and rapidity1 to a greater       
distance2 and not merely agitated by an 
auricle1 as it ,is in lower forms4 ,and 
then in regard to animals that are yet  
larger1 warmer1 and more perfect1 as    
they abound in blood1 which is always   
hotter and more spirituous1 and which   
possess bodies of greater size and      
consistency1 these require a larger1    
stronger1 and more fleshy heart1 in     
order that the nutritive fluid may be   
propelled with yet greater force and    
celerity4 ,and further1 inasmuch as the 
more perfect animals require a still    
more perfect nutrition1 and a larger    
supply of native heat1 in order that the
 aliment may be thoroughly concocted and

 acquire the last degree of perfection1 
they required both lungs and a second   
ventricle1 which should force the       
nutritive fluid through them4  ,every   
animal that has lungs has1 therefore1   
two ventricles to its heart--one right1 
the other left2 and wherever there is a 
right1 there also is there a left       
ventricle2 but the contrary of this does
 not hold good3 where there is a left   
there is not always a right ventricle4  
,the left ventricle ,i call that which  
is distinct in office1 not in place from
 the other1 that one1 namely1 which     
distributes the blood to the body at    
large1 not to the lungs only4 ,hence the
 left ventricle seems to form the       
principle part of the heart2 situated in
 the middle1 more strongly marked1 and  
constructed with greater care1 the heart
 seems formed for the sake of the left  
ventricle1 and the right but to minister
 to it4 ,the right neither reaches to   
the apex of the heart nor is it nearly  
of such strength1 being three times     

thinner in its walls1 and in some sort  
jointed on to the left 7as ,aristotle   
says71 though1 indeed1 it is of greater 
capacity1 inasmuch as it has not only to
 supply material to the left ventricle1 
but likewise to furnish aliment to the  
lungs4  ,it is to be observed1 however1 
that all this is otherwise in the       
embryo1 where there is not such a       
difference between the two ventricles4  
,there1 as in a double nut1 they are    
nearly equal in all respects1 the apex  
of the right reaching to the apex of the
 left1 so that the heart presents itself
 as a sort of double- pointed cone4 ,and
 this is so1 because in the foetus1 as  
already said1 whilst the blood is not   
passing through the lungs from the right
 to the left cavities of the heart1 it  
flows by the foramen ovale and ductus   
arteriosus directly from the vena cava  
into the aorta1 whence it is distributed
 to the whole body4 ,both ventricles    
have1 therefore1 the same office to     
perform1 whence their equality of       

constitution4 ,it is only when the lungs
 come to be used and it is requisite    
that the passages indicated should be   
blocked up that the difference in point 
of strength and other things between the
 two ventricles begins to be apparent4  
,in the altered circumstances the right 
has only to drive the blood through the 
lungs1 whilst the left has to propel it 
through the whole body4  ,there are1    
moreover1 within the heart numerous     
braces1 in the form of fleshy columns   
and fibrous bands1 which ,aristotle1 in 
his third book on ,respiration1 and the 
,parts of ,animals1 entitles nerves4    
,these are variously extended1 and are  
either distinct or contained in grooves 
in the walls and partition1 where they  
occasion numerous pits or depressions4  
,they constitute a kind of small        
muscles1 which are superadded and       
supplementary to the heart1 assisting it
 to execute a more powerful and perfect 
contraction1 and so proving subservient 
to the complete expulsion of the blood4 

,they are1 in some sort1 like the       
elaborate and artful arrangement of     
ropes in a ship1 bracing the heart on   
every side as it contracts1 and so      
enabling it more effectually and        
forcibly to expel the charge of blood   
from its ventricles4 ,this much is      
plain1 at all events1 that in some      
animals they are less strongly marked   
than in others2 and1 in all that have   
them1 they are more numerous and        
stronger in the left than in the right  
ventricle2 and while some have them     
present in the left1 yet they are absent
 in the right ventricle4 ,in man they   
are more numerous in the left than in   
the right ventricle1 more abundant in   
the ventricles than in the auricles2 and
 occasionally there appear to be none   
present in the auricles4 ,they are      
numerous in the large1 more muscular and
 hardier bodies of countrymen1 but fewer
 in more slender frames and in females4 
,in those animals in which the          
ventricles of the heart are smooth      

within and entirely without fibres of   
muscular bands1 or anything like hollow 
pits1 as in almost all the smaller      
birds1 the partridge and the common     
fowl1 serpents1 frogs1 tortoises1 and   
most fishes1 there are no chordae       
tendineae1 nor bundles of fibres1       
neither are there any tricuspid valves  
in the ventricles4  ,some animals have  
the right ventricle smooth internally1  
but the left provided with fibrous      
bands1 such as the goose1 swan1 and     
larger birds2 and the reason is the same
 here as elsewhere4 ,as the lungs are   
spongy and loose and soft1 no great     
amount of force is required to force the
 blood through them2 therefore the right
 ventricle is either without the bundles
 in question1 or they are fewer and     
weaker1 and not so fleshy or like       
muscles4 ,those of the left ventricle1  
however1 are both stronger and more     
numerous1 more fleshy and muscular1     
because the left ventricle requires to  
be stronger1 inasmuch as the blood which

 it propels has to be driven through the
 whole body4 ,and this1 too1 is the     
reason why the left ventricle occupies  
the middle of the heart1 and has        
parietes three times thicker and        
stronger than those of the right ,hence 
all animals--and among men it is        
similar--that are endowed with          
particularly strong frames1 and with    
large and fleshy limbs at a great       
distance from the heart1 have this      
central organ of greater thickness1     
strength1 and muscularity4 ,this is     
manifest and necessary4 ,those1 on the  
contrary1 that are of softer and more   
slender make have the heart more        
flaccid1 softer1 and internally either  
less or not at all fibrous4 ,consider1  
farther1 the use of the several valves1 
which are all so arranged that the      
blood1 once received into the ventricles
 of the heart1 shall never regurgitate2 
once forced into the pulmonary artery   
and aorta1 shall not flow back upon the 
ventricles4 ,when the valves are raised 

and brought together1 they form a       
three-cornered line1 such as is left by 
the bite of a leech2 and the more they  
are forced1 the more firmly do they     
oppose the passage of the blood4 ,the   
tricuspid valves are placed1 like       
gate-keepers1 at the entrance into the  
ventricles from the venae cavae and     
pulmonary veins1 lest the blood when    
most forcibly impelled should flow back4
 ,it is for this reason that they are   
not found in all animals1 nor do they   
appear to have been constructed with    
equal care1 in all animals in which they
 are found4 ,in some they are more      
accurately fitted1 in others more       
remissly or carelessly contrived1 and   
always with a view to their being closed
 under a greater or a slighter force of 
the ventricle4 ,in the left ventricle1  
therefore1 in order that the occlusion  
may be the more perfect against the     
greater impulse1 there are only two     
valves1 like a mitre1 and produced into 
an elongated cone1 so that they come    

together and touch to their middle2 a   
circumstance which perhaps led          
,aristotle into the error of supposing  
this ventricle to be double1 the        
division taking place transversely4 ,for
 the same reason1 and that the blood may
 not regurgitate upon the pulmonary     
veins1 and thus the force of the        
ventricle in propelling the blood       
through the system at large come to be  
neutralized1 it is that these mitral    
valves excel those of the right         
ventricle in size and strength and      
exactness of closing4 ,hence it is      
essential that there can be no heart    
without a ventricle1 since this must be 
the source and store-house of the blood4
 ,the same law does not hold good in    
reference to the brain4 ,for almost no  
genus of birds has a ventricle in the   
brain1 as is obvious in the goose and   
swan1 the brains of which nearly equal  
that of a rabbit in size2 now rabbits   
have ventricles in the brain1 whilst the
 goose has none4 ,in like manner1       

wherever the heart has a single         
ventricle1 there is an auricle appended1
 flaccid1 membranous1 hollow1 filled    
with blood2 and where there are two     
ventricles1 there are likewise two      
auricles4 ,on the other hand1 some      
animals have an auricle without any     
ventricle2 or1 at all events1 they have 
a sac analogous to an auricle2 or the   
vein itself1 dilated at a particular    
part1 performs pulsations1 as is seen in
 hornets1 bees1 and other insects1 which
 certain experiments of my own enable me
 to demonstrate1 have not only a pulse1 
but a respiration in that part which is 
called the tail1 whence it is that this 
part is elongated and contracted now    
more rarely1 now more frequently1 as the
 creature appears to be blown and to    
require a large quantity of air4 ,but of
 these things1 more in our ,treatise ,on
 ,respiration4  ,it is in like manner   
evident that the auricles pulsate1      
contract1 as ,i have said before1 and   
throw the blood into the ventricles2 so 

that wherever there is a ventricle1 an  
auricle is necessary1 not merely that it
 may serve1 according to the general    
belief1 as a source and magazine for the
 blood3 for what were the use of its    
pulsations had it only to contain8  ,the
 auricles are prime movers of the blood1
 especially the right auricle1 which1 as
 already said1 is the first to live1 the
 last to die2 whence they are           
subservient to sending the blood into   
the ventricles1 which1 contracting      
continuously1 more readily and forcibly 
expel the blood already in motion2 just 
as the ball- player can strike the ball 
more forcibly and further if he takes it
 on the rebound than if he simply threw 
it4 ,moreover1 and contrary to the      
general opinion1 neither the heart nor  
anything else can dilate or distend     
itself so as to draw anything into its  
cavity during the diastole1 unless1 like
 a sponge1 it has been first compressed 
and is returning to its primary         
condition4 ,but in animals all local    

motion proceeds from1 and has its origin
 in1 the contraction of some part2      
consequently it is by the contraction of
 the auricles that the blood is thrown  
into the ventricles1 as ,i have already 
shown1 and from there1 by the           
contraction of the ventricles1 it is    
propelled and distributed4 ,concerning  
local motions1 it is true that the      
immediate moving organ in every motion  
of an animal primarily endowed with a   
motive spirit 7as ,aristotle has it     
,footnote3 ,in the book de ,spiritu1 and
 elsewhere47 is contractile2 in which   
way the word veopou is derived from     
veuw1 nuto1 contraho2 and if ,i am      
permitted to proceed in my purpose of   
making a particular demonstration of the
 organs of motion in animals from       
observations in my possession1 ,i trust 
,i shall be able to make sufficiently   
plain how ,aristotle was acquainted with
 the muscles1 and advisedly referred all
 motion in animals to the nerves1 or to 
the contractile element1 and1 therefore1

 called those little bands in the heart 
nerves4  ,but that we may proceed with  
the subject which we have in hand1 viz41
 the use of the auricles in filling the 
ventricles1 we should expect that the   
more dense and compact the heart1 the   
thicker its parietes1 the stronger and  
more muscular must be the auricle to    
force and fill it1 and vice versa4 ,now 
this is actually so3 in some the auricle
 presents itself as a sanguinolent      
vesicle1 as a thin membrane containing  
blood1 as in fishes1 in which the sac   
that stands in lieu of the auricles is  
of such delicacy and ample capacity that
 it seems to be suspended or to float   
above the heart4 ,in those fishes in    
which the sac is somewhat more fleshy1  
as in the carp1 barbel1 tench1 and      
others1 it bears a wonderful and strong 
resemblance to the lungs4  ,in some men 
of sturdier frame and stouter make the  
right auricle is so strong1 and so      
curiously constructed on its inner      
surface of bands and variously          

interlacing fibres1 that it seems to    
equal in strength the ventricle of the  
heart in other subjects2 and ,i must say
 that ,i am astonished to find such     
diversity in this particular in         
different individuals4 ,it is to be     
observed1 however1 that in the foetus   
the auricles are out of all proportion  
large1 which is because they are present
 before the heart makes its appearance  
or suffices for its office even when it 
has appeared1 and they1 therefore1 have1
 as it were1 the duty of the whole heart
 committed to them1 as has already been 
demonstrated4 ,but what ,i have observed
 in the formation of the foetus1 as     
before remarked 7and ,aristotle had     
already confirmed all in studying the   
incubated egg71 throws the greatest     
light and likelihood upon the point4    
,whilst the foetus is yet in the form of
 a soft worm1 or1 as is commonly said1  
in the milk1 there is a mere bloody     
point or pulsating vesicle1 a portion   
apparently of the umbilical vein1       

dilated at its commencement or base4    
,afterwards1 when the outline of the    
foetus is distinctly indicated and it   
begins to have greater bodily           
consistence1 the vesicle in question    
becomes more fleshy and stronger1       
changes its position1 and passes into   
the auricles1 above which the body of   
the heart begins to sprout1 though as   
yet it apparently performs no office4   
,when the foetus is farther advanced1   
when the bones can be distinguished from
 the fleshy parts and movements take    
place1 then it also has a heart which   
pulsates1 and1 as ,i have said1 throws  
blood by either ventricle from the vena 
cava into the arteries4  ,thus nature1  
ever perfect and divine1 doing nothing  
in vain1 has neither given a heart where
 it was not required1 nor produced it   
before its office had become necessary2 
but by the same stages in the           
development of every animal1 passing    
through the forms of all1 as ,i may say 
7ovum1 worm1 foetus71 it acquires       

perfection in each4 ,these points will  
be found elsewhere confirmed by numerous
 observations on the formation of the   
foetus4  ,finally1 it is not without    
good grounds that ,hippocrates in his   
book1 ,de ,corde1 entitles it a muscle2 
its action is the same2 so is its       
functions1 viz41 to contract and move   
something else-- in this case the charge
 of the blood4  ,farther1 we can infer  
the action and use of the heart from the
 arrangement of its fibres and its      
general structures1 as in muscles       
generally4 ,all anatomists admit with   
,galen that the body of the heart is    
made up of various courses of fibres    
running straight1 obliquely1 and        
transversely1 with reference to one     
another2 but in a heart which has been  
boiled1 the arrangement of the fibres is
 seen to be different4 ,all the fibres  
in the parietes and septum are circular1
 as in the sphincters2 those1 again1    
which are in the columns extend         
lengthwise1 and are oblique             

longitudinally2 and so it comes to pass 
that when all the fibres contract       
simultaneously1 the apex of the cone is 
pulled towards its base by the columns1 
the walls are drawn circularly together 
into a globe--the whole heart1 in short1
 is contracted and the ventricles       
narrowed4 ,it is1 therefore1 impossible 
not to perceive that1 as the action of  
the organ is so plainly contraction1 its
 function is to propel the blood into   
the arteries4  ,nor are we the less to  
agree with ,aristotle in regard to the  
importance of the heart1 or to question 
if it receives sense and motion from the
 brain1 blood from the liver1 or whether
 it be the origin of the veins and of   
the blood1 and such like4 ,they who     
affirm these propositions overlook1 or  
do not rightly understand1 the principal
 argument1 to the effect that the heart 
is the first part which exists1 and that
 it contains within itself blood1 life1 
sensation1 and motion1 before either the
 brain or the liver were created or had 

appeared distinctly1 or1 at all events1 
before they could perform any function4 
,the heart1 ready furnished with its    
proper organs of motion1 like a kind of 
internal creature1 existed before the   
body4 ,the first to be formed1 nature   
willed that it should afterwards        
fashion1 nourish1 preserve1 complete the
 entire animal1 as its work and         
dwelling- place3 and as the prince in a 
kingdom1 in whose hands lie the chief   
and highest authority1 rules over all1  
the heart is the source and foundation  
from which all power is derived1 on     
which all power depends in the animal   
body4  ,many things having reference to 
the arteries farther illustrate and     
confirm this truth4 ,why does not the   
pulmonary vein pulsate1 seeing that it  
is numbered among the arteries8 ,or     
wherefore is there a pulse in the       
pulmonary artery8 ,because the pulse of 
the arteries is derived from the impulse
 of the blood4 ,why does an artery      
differ so much from a vein in the       

thickness and strength of its coats8    
,because it sustains the shock of the   
impelling heart and streaming blood4    
,hence1 as perfect nature does nothing  
in vain1 and suffices under all         
circumstances1 we find that the nearer  
the arteries are to the heart1 the more 
do they differ from the veins in        
structure2 here they are both stronger  
and more ligamentous1 whilst in extreme 
parts of the body1 such as the feet and 
hands1 the brain1 the mesentery1 and the
 testicles1 the two orders of vessels   
are so much alike that it is impossible 
to distinguish between them with the    
eye4 ,now this is for the following very
 sufficient reasons3 the more remote the
 vessels are from the heart1 with so    
much the less force are they distended  
by the stroke of the heart1 which is    
broken by the great distance at which it
 is given4 ,add to this that the impulse
 of the heart exerted upon the mass of  
blood1 which must needs fill the trunks 
and branches of the arteries1 is        

diverted1 divided1 as it were1 and      
diminished at every subdivision1 so that
 the ultimate capillary divisions of the
 arteries look like veins1 and this not 
merely in constitution1 but in function4
 ,they have either no perceptible pulse1
 or they rarely exhibit one1 and never  
except where the heart beats more       
violently than usual1 or at a part where
 the minute vessel is more dilated or   
open than elsewhere4 ,it1 therefore1    
happens that at times we are aware of a 
pulse in the teeth1 in inflammatory     
tumours1 and in the fingers2 at another 
time we feel nothing of the sort4 ,by   
this single symptom ,i have ascertained 
for certain that young persons whose    
pulses are naturally rapid were         
labouring under fever2 and in like      
manner1 on compressing the fingers in   
youthful and delicate subjects during a 
febrile paroxysm1 ,i have readily       
perceived the pulse there4 ,on the other
 hand1 when the heart pulsates more     
languidly1 it is often impossible to    

feel the pulse not merely in the        
fingers1 but the wrist1 and even at the 
temple1 as in persons afflicted with    
lipothymiae asphyxia1 or hysterical     
symptoms1 and in the debilitated and    
moribund4  ,here surgeons are to be     
advised that1 when the blood escapes    
with force in the amputation of limbs1  
in the removal of tumours1 and in       
wounds1 it constantly comes from an     
artery2 not always indeed per saltum1   
because the smaller arteries do not     
pulsate1 especially if a tourniquet has 
been applied4  ,for the same reason the 
pulmonary artery not only has the       
structure of an artery1 but it does not 
differ so widely from the veins in the  
thickness of its walls as does the      
aorta4 ,the aorta sustains a more       
powerful shock from the left than the   
pulmonary artery does from the right    
ventricle1 and the walls of this last   
vessel are thinner and softer than those
 of the aorta in the same proportion as 
the walls of the right ventricle of the 

heart are weaker and thinner than those 
of the left ventricle4 ,in like manner  
the lungs are softer and laxer in       
structure than the flesh and other      
constituents of the body1 and in a      
similar way the walls of the branches of
 the pulmonary artery differ from those 
of the vessels derived from the aorta4  
,and the same proportion in these       
particulars is universally preserved4   
,the more muscular and powerful men are1
 the firmer their flesh2 the stronger1  
thicker1 denser1 and more fibrous their 
hearts1 the thicker1 closer1 and        
stronger are the auricles and arteries4 
,again1 in those animals the ventricles 
of whose hearts are smooth on their     
inner surface1 without villi or valves1 
and the walls of which are thin1 as in  
fishes1 serpents1 birds1 and very many  
genera of animals1 the arteries differ  
little or nothing in the thickness of   
their coats from the veins4  ,moreover1 
the reason why the lungs have such ample
 vessels1 both arteries and veins 7for  

the capacity of the pulmonary veins     
exceeds that of both crural and jugular 
vessels71 and why they contain so large 
a quantity of blood1 as by experience   
and ocular inspection we know they do1  
admonished of the fact indeed by        
,aristotle1 and not led into error by   
the appearances found in animals which  
have been bled to death1 is1 because the
 blood has its fountain1 and storehouse1
 and the workshop of its last           
perfection1 in the heart and lungs4     
,why1 in the same way1 we find in the   
course of our anatomical dissections the
 pulmonary vein and left ventricle so   
full of blood1 of the same black colour 
and clotted character as that with which
 the right ventricle and pulmonary      
artery are filled1 is because the blood 
is incessantly passing from one side of 
the heart to the other through the      
lungs4 ,wherefore1 in fine1 the         
pulmonary artery has the structure of an
 artery1 and the pulmonary veins have   
the structure of veins4 ,in function and

 constitution and everything else the   
first is an artery1 the others are      
veins1 contrary to what is commonly     
believed2 and the reason why the        
pulmonary artery has so large an orifice
 is because it transports much more     
blood than is requisite for the         
nutrition of the lungs4  ,all these     
appearances1 and many others1 to be     
noted in the course of dissection1 if   
rightly weighed1 seem clearly to        
illustrate and fully to confirm the     
truth contended for throughout these    
pages1 and at the same time to oppose   
the vulgar opinion2 for it would be very
 difficult to explain in any other way  
to what purpose all is constructed and  
arranged as we have seen it to be4      
,,the ,,three ,,original ,,publications 
,,on ,,vaccination ,,against ,,smallpox 
,,by ,,edward ,,jenner   ,,introductory 
,,note   ,edward ,jenner was born at his
 father's vicarage at ,berkeley1        
,gloucestershire1 ,england1 on ,may #ag1
 #agdi4 ,after leaving school1 he was   

apprenticed to a local surgeon1 and in  
#aggj he went to ,london and became a   
resident pupil under the great surgeon  
and anatomist1 ,john ,hunter1 with whom 
he remained on intimate terms for the   
rest of ,hunter's life4 ,in #aggc he    
took up practise at ,berkeley1 where1   
except for numerous visits to ,london1  
he spent the rest of his life4 ,he died 
of apoplexy on ,january #bf1 #ahbc4     
,jenner's scientific interests were     
varied1 but the importance of his work  
in vaccination has overshadowed his     
other results4 ,early in his career he  
had begun to observe the phenomena of   
cowpox1 a disease common in the rural   
parts of the western counties of        
,england1 and he was familiar with the  
belief1 current among the peasantry1    
that a person who had suffered from the 
cowpox could not take smallpox4         
,finally1 in #agif1 he made his first   
experiment in vaccination1 inoculating a
 boy of eight with cowpox1 and1 after   
his recovery1 with smallpox2 with the   

result that the boy did not take the    
latter disease4  ,jenner's first paper  
on his discovery was never printed2 but 
in #agih appeared the first of the      
following treatises4 ,its reception by  
the medical profession was highly       
discouraging2 but progress began when   
,cline1 the surgeon of ,st4 ,thomas's   
,hospital1 used the treatment with      
success4 ,jenner continued his          
investigations1 publishing his results  
from time to time1 and gradually gaining
 recognition2 though opposition to his  
theory and practise was at first        
vehement1 and has never entirely        
disappeared4 ,in #ahjb1 ,parliament     
voted him #aj1jjj pounds1 and in #ahjf1 
#bj1jjj pounds1 in recognition of the   
value of his services1 and the          
sacrifices they had entailed4 ,as early 
as #ahjg1 ,bavaria made vaccination     
compulsory2 and since that date most of 
the ,european governments have          
officially encouraged or compelled the  
practise2 and smallpox has ceased to be 

the almost universal scourge it was     
before ,jenner's discovery4  ,to ,c4,h4 
,,parry1 ,m4,d4 ,,at ,,bath  ,,my ,,dear
 ,,friend3  ,in the present age of      
scientific investigation it is          
remarkable that a disease of so peculiar
 a nature as the cow-pox1 which has     
appeared in this and some of the        
neighbouring counties for such a series 
of years1 should so long have escaped   
particular attention4 ,finding the      
prevailing notions on the subject1 both 
among men of our profession and others1 
extremely vague and indeterminate1 and  
conceiving that facts might appear at   
once both curious and useful1 ,i have   
instituted as strict an inquiry into the
 causes and effects of this singular    
malady as local circumstances would     
admit4  ,the following pages are the    
result1 which1 from motives of the most 
affectionate regard1 are dedicated to   
you1 by  ,your sincere friend1  ,,edward
 ,,jenner4  ,,berkeley1                 
,,gloucestershire1 ,june #bast1 #agih4  

,,vaccination ,,against ,,smallpox  ,i  
,,an ,,inquiry ,,into ,,the ,,causes    
,,and ,,effects ,,of ,,the ,,variole    
,,vaccine1 ,,or ,,cow-,,pox4 #agih      
,the deviation of man from the stage in 
which he was originally placed by nature
 seems to have proved to him a prolific 
source of diseases4 ,from the love of   
splendour1 from the indulgences of      
luxury1 and from his fondness for       
amusement he has familiarised himself   
with a great number of animals1 which   
may not originally have been intended   
for his associates4  ,the wolf1 disarmed
 of ferocity1 is now pillowed in the    
lady's lap4 ,footnote3 ,the late ,mr4   
,john ,hunter proved1 by experiments1   
that the dog is the wolf in a degenerate
 state4 ,the cat1 the little tiger of   
our island1 whose natural home is the   
forest1 is equally domesticated and     
caressed4 ,the cow1 the hog1 the sheep1 
and the horse1 are all1 for a variety of
 purposes1 brought under his care and   
dominion4  ,there is a disease to which 

the horse1 from his state of            
domestication1 is frequently subject4   
,the farriers have called it the grease4
 ,it is an inflammation and swelling in 
the heel1 from which issues matter      
possessing properties of a very peculiar
 kind1 which seems capable of generating
 a disease in the human body 7after it  
has undergone the modification which ,i 
shall presently speak of71 which bears  
so strong a resemblance to the smallpox 
that ,i think it highly probable it may 
be the source of the disease4  ,in this 
dairy country a great number of cows are
 kept1 and the office of milking is     
performed indiscriminately by men and   
maid servants4 ,one of the former having
 been appointed to apply dressings to   
the heels of a horse affected with the  
grease1 and not paying due attention to 
cleanliness1 incautiously bears his part
 in milking the cows1 with some         
particles of the infectious matter      
adhering to his fingers4 ,when this is  
the case1 it commonly happens that a    

disease is communicated to the cows1 and
 from the cows to the dairymaids1 which 
spreads through the farm until the most 
of the cattle and domestics feel its    
unpleasant consequences4 ,this disease  
has obtained the name of the cow-pox4   
,it appears on the nipples of the cows  
in the form of irregular pustules4 ,at  
their first appearance they are commonly
 of a palish blue1 or rather of a colour
 somewhat approaching to livid1 and are 
surrounded by an erysipelatous          
inflammation4 ,these pustules1 unless a 
timely remedy be applied1 frequently    
degenerate into phagedenic ulcers1 which
 prove extremely troublesome4 ,footnote3
 ,they who attend sick cattle in this   
country find a speedy remedy for        
stopping the progress of this complaint 
in those applications which act         
chemically upon the morbid matter1 such 
as the solutions of the vitriolum zinci 
and the vitriolum cupri1 etc4 ,the      
animals become indisposed1 and the      
secretion of milk is much lessened4     

,inflamed spots now begin to appear on  
different parts of the hands of the     
domestics employed in milking1 and      
sometimes on the wrists1 which quickly  
run on to suppuration1 first assuming   
the appearance of the small vesications 
produced by a burn4 ,most commonly they 
appear about the joints of the fingers  
and at their extremities2 but whatever  
parts are affected1 if the situation    
will admit1 these superficial           
suppurations put on a circular form1    
with their edges more elevated than     
their centre1 and of a colour distantly 
approaching to blue4 ,absorption takes  
place1 and tumours appear in each       
axilla4 ,the system becomes             
affected--the pulse is quickened2 and   
shiverings1 succeeded by heat1 with     
general lassitude and pains about the   
loins and limbs1 with vomiting1 come on4
 ,the head is painful1 and the patient  
is now and then even affected with      
delirium4 ,these symptoms1 varying in   
their degrees of violence1 generally    

continue from one day to three or four1 
leaving ulcerated sores about the hands1
 which1 from the sensibility of the     
parts1 are very troublesome1 and        
commonly heal slowly1 frequently        
becoming phagedenic1 like those from    
whence they sprung4 ,the lips1 nostrils1
 eyelids1 and other parts of the body   
are sometimes affected with sores2 but  
these evidently arise from their being  
heedlessly rubbed or scratched with the 
patient's infected fingers4 ,no         
eruptions on the skin have followed the 
decline of the feverish symptoms in any 
instance that has come under my         
inspection1 one only excepted1 and in   
this case a very few appeared on the    
arms3 they were very minute1 of a vivid 
red colour1 and soon died away without  
advancing to maturation2 so that ,i     
cannot determine whether they had any   
connection with the preceding symptoms4 
,thus the disease makes its progress    
from the horse ,footnote3 ,jenner's     
conclusion that grease and cow-pox were 

the same disease has since been proved  
erroneous2 but this error has not       
invalidated his main conclusion as to   
the relation of cow-pox and             
smallpox4--,,editor4 to the nipple of   
the cow1 and from the cow to the human  
subject  ,morbid matter of various      
kinds1 when absorbed into the system1   
may produce effects in some degree      
similar2 but what renders the cow-pox   
virus so extremely singular is that the 
person who has been thus affected is    
forever after secure from the infection 
of the smallpox2 neither exposure to the
 variolous effluvia1 nor the insertion  
of the matter into the skin1 producing  
this distemper4  ,in support of so      
extraordinary a fact1 ,i shall lay      
before my reader a great number of      
instances4 ,footnote3 ,it is necessary  
to observe that pustulous sores         
frequently appear spontaneously on the  
nipples of cows1 and instances have     
occurred1 though very rarely1 of the    
hands of the servants employed in       

milking being affected with sores in    
consequence1 and even of their feeling  
an indisposition from absorption4 ,these
 pustules arc of a much milder nature   
than those which arise from that        
contagion which constitutes the true    
cow-pox4 ,they are always free from the 
bluish or livid tint so conspicuous in  
the pustules in that disease4 ,no       
erysipelas attends them1 nor do they    
shew any phagedenic disposition as in   
the other case1 but quickly terminate in
 a scab without creating any apparent   
disorder in the cow4 ,this complaint    
appears at various seasons of the year1 
but most commonly in the spring1 when   
the cows are first taken from their     
winter food and fed with grass4 ,it is  
very apt to appear also when they are   
suckling their young4 ,but this disease 
is not to be considered as similar in   
any respect to that of which ,i am      
treating1 as it is incapable of         
producing any specific effects on the   
human constitution4 ,however1 it is of  

the greatest consequence to point it out
 here1 lest the want of discrimination  
should occasion an idea of security from
 the infection of the smallpox1 which   
might prove delusive4  ,,case           
,i4--,joseph ,merret1 now an under      
gardener to the ,earl of ,berkeley1     
lived as a servant with a farmer near   
this place in the year #aggj1 and       
occasionally assisted in milking his    
master's cows4 ,several horses belonging
 to the farm began to have sore heels1  
which ,merret frequently attended4 ,the 
cows soon became affected with the      
cow-pox1 and soon after several sores   
appeared on his hands4 ,swellings and   
stiffness in each axilla followed1 and  
he was so much indisposed for several   
days as to be incapable of pursuing his 
ordinary employment4 ,previously to the 
appearance of the distemper among the   
cows there was no fresh cow brought into
 the farm1 nor any servant employed who 
was affected with the cow-pox4  ,in     
,april1 #agie1 a general inoculation    

taking place here1 ,merret was          
inoculated with his family2 so that a   
period of twenty-five years had elapsed 
from his having the cow-pox to this     
time4 ,however1 though the variolous    
matter was repeatedly inserted into his 
arm1 ,i found it impracticable to infect
 him with it2 an efflorescence only1    
taking on an erysipelatous look about   
the centre1 appearing on the skin near  
the punctured parts4 ,during the whole  
time that his family had the smallpox1  
one of whom had it very full1 he        
remained in the house with them1 but    
received no injury from exposure to the 
contagion4  ,it is necessary to observe 
that the utmost care was taken to       
ascertain1 with the most scrupulous     
precision1 that no one whose case is    
here adduced had gone through the       
smallpox previous to these attempts to  
produce that disease4  ,had these       
experiments been conducted in a large   
city1 or in a populous neighbourhood1   
some doubts might have been entertained2

 but here1 where population is thin1 and
 where such an event as a person's      
having had the smallpox is always       
faithfully recorded1 as risk of         
inaccuracy in this particular can arise4
  ,,case ,,ii4--,sarah ,portlock1 of    
this place1 was infected with the       
cow-pox when a servant at a farmer's in 
the neighbourhood1 twenty-seven years   
ago4 ,footnote3 ,i have purposely       
selected several cases in which the     
disease had appeared at a very distant  
period previous to the experiments made 
with variolous matter1 to shew that the 
change produced in the constitution is  
not affected by time4  ,in the year     
#agib1 conceiving herself1 from this    
circumstance1 secure from the infection 
of the smallpox1 she nursed one of her  
own children who had accidentally caught
 the disease1 but no indisposition      
ensued4 ,during the time she remained in
 the infected room1 variolous matter was
 inserted into both her arms1 but       
without any further effect than in the  

preceding case4  ,,case ,,iii4--,john   
,phillips1 a tradesman of this town1 had
 the cow- pox at so early a period as   
nine years of age4 ,at the age of       
sixty-two ,i inoculated him1 and was    
very careful in selecting matter in its 
most active state4 ,it was taken from   
the arm of a boy just before the        
commencement of the eruptive fever1 and 
instantly inserted4 ,it very speedily   
produced a sting-like feel in the part4 
,an efflorescence appeared1 which on the
 fourth day was rather extensive1 and   
some degree of pain and stiffness were  
felt about the shoulder2 but on the     
fifth day these symptoms began to       
disappear1 and in a day or two after    
went entirely off1 without producing any
 effect on the system4  ,,case          
,,iv4--,mary ,barge1 of ,woodford1 in   
this parish1 was inoculated with        
variolous matter in the year #agia4 ,an 
efflorescence of a palish red colour    
soon appeared about the parts where the 
matter was inserted1 and spread itself  

rather extensively1 but died away in a  
few days without producing any variolous
 symptoms4 ,footnote3 ,it is remarkable 
that variolous matter1 when the system  
is disposed to reject it1 should excite 
inflammation on the part to which it is 
applied more speedily than when it      
produces the smallpox4 ,indeed1 it      
becomes almost a criterion by which we  
can determine whether the infection will
 be received or not4 ,it seems as if a  
change1 which endures through life1 had 
been produced in the action1 or         
disposition to action1 in the vessels of
 the skin2 and it is remarkable1 too1   
that whether this change has been       
effected by the smallpox or the cow-pox 
that the disposition to sudden cuticular
 inflammation is the same on the        
application of variolous matter4 ,she   
has since been repeatedly employed as a 
nurse to smallpox patients1 without     
experiencing any ill consequences4 ,this
 woman had the cow-pox when she lived in
 the service of a farmer in this parish 

thirty-one years before4  ,,case        
,v4--,mrs4 ,h---1 a respectable         
gentlewoman of this town1 had the       
cow-pox when very young4 ,she received  
the infection in rather an uncommon     
manner3 it was given by means of her    
handling some of the same utensils      
,footnote3 ,when the cow-pox has        
prevailed in the dairy1 it has often    
been communicated to those who have not 
milked the cows1 by the handle of the   
milk pail4 which were in use among the  
servants of the family1 who had the     
disease from milking infected cows4 ,her
 hands had many of the cow-pox sores    
upon them1 and they were communicated to
 her nose1 which became inflamed and    
very much swollen4 ,soon after this     
event ,mrs4 ,h---- was exposed to the   
contagion of the smallpox1 where it was 
scarcely possible for her to have       
escaped1 had she been susceptible of it1
 as she regularly attended a relative   
who had the disease in so violent a     
degree that it proved fatal to him4  ,in

 the year #aggh the smallpox prevailed  
very much at ,berkeley1 and ,mrs4       
,h----1 not feeling perfectly satisfied 
respecting her safety 7no indisposition 
having followed her exposure to the     
smallpox71 ,i inoculated her with active
 variolous matter4 ,the same appearance 
followed as in the preceding cases--an  
efflorescence on the arm without any    
effect on the constitution4  ,,case     
,,vi4--,it is a fact so well known among
 our dairy farmers that those who have  
had the smallpox either escape the      
cow-pox or are disposed to have it      
slightly1 that as soon as the complaint 
shews itself among the cattle1          
assistants are procured1 if possible1   
who are thus rendered less susceptible  
of it1 otherwise the business of the    
farm could scarcely go forward4  ,in the
 month of ,may1 #agif1 the cow-pox broke
 out at ,mr4 ,baker's1 a farmer who     
lives near this place4 ,the disease was 
communicated by means of a cow which was
 purchased in an infected state at a    

neighbouring fair1 and not one of the   
farmer's cows 7consisting of thirty7    
which were at that time milked escaped  
the contagion4 ,the family consisted of 
a man servant1 two dairymaids1 and a    
servant boy1 who1 with the farmer       
himself1 were twice a day employed in   
milking the cattle4 ,the whole of this  
family1 except ,sarah ,wynne1 one of the
 dairymaids1 had gone through the       
smallpox4 ,the consequence was that the 
farmer and the servant boy escaped the  
infection of the cow-pox entirely1 and  
the servant man and one of the maid     
servants had each of them nothing more  
then a sore on one of their fingers1    
which produced no disorder in the       
system4 ,but the other dairymaid1 ,sarah
 ,wynne1 who never had the smallpox1 did
 not escape in so easy a manner4 ,she   
caught the complaint from the cows1 and 
was affected with the symptoms described
 on page #aed in so violent a degree    
that she was confined to her bed1 and   
rendered incapable for several days of  

pursuing her ordinary vocations in the  
farm4  ,march #bh1 #agig1 ,i inoculated 
this girl and carefully rubbed the      
variolous matter into two slight        
incisions made upon the left arm4 ,a    
little inflammation appeared in the     
usual manner around the parts where the 
matter was inserted1 but so early as the
 fifth day it vanished entirely without 
producing any effect on the system4     
,,case ,,vii4--,although the preceding  
history pretty clearly evinces that the 
constitution is far less susceptible of 
the contagion of the cow-pox after it   
has felt that of the smallpox1 and      
although in general1 as ,i have         
observed1 they who have had the         
smallpox1 and are employed in milking   
cows which are infected with the cow-   
pox1 either escape the disorder1 or have
 sores on the hands without feeling any 
general indisposition1 yet the animal   
economy is subject to some variation in 
this respect1 which the following       
relation will point out3  ,in the summer

 of the year #agif the cow-pox appeared 
at the farm of ,mr4 ,andrews1 a         
considerable dairy adjoining to the town
 of ,berkeley4 ,it was communicated1 as 
in the preceding instance1 by an        
infected cow purchased at a fair in the 
neighbourhood4 ,the family consisted of 
the farmer1 his wife1 two sons1 a man   
and a maid servant2 all of whom1 except 
the farmer 7who was fearful of the      
consequences71 bore a part in milking   
the cows4 ,the whole of them1 exclusive 
of the man servant1 had regularly gone  
through the smallpox2 but in this case  
no one who milked the cows escaped the  
contagion4 ,all of them had sores upon  
their hands1 and some degree of general 
indisposition1 preceded by pains and    
tumours in the axillas3 but there was no
 comparison in the severity of the      
disease as it was felt by the servant   
man1 who had escaped the smallpox1 and  
by those of the family who had not1 for1
 while he was confined to his bed1 they 
were able1 without much inconvenience1  

to follow their ordinary business4      
,february the #acth1 #agig1 ,i availed  
myself of an opportunity of inoculating 
,william ,rodway1 the servant man above 
alluded to4 ,variolous matter was       
inserted into both his arms3 in the     
right1 by means of superficial          
incisions1 and into the left by slight  
punctures into the cutis4 ,both were    
perceptibly inflamed on the third day4  
,after this the inflammation about the  
punctures soon died away1 but a small   
appearance of erysipelas was manifest   
about the edges of the incisions till   
the eighth day1 when a little uneasiness
 was felt for the space of half an hour 
in the right axilla4 ,the inflammation  
then hastily disappeared without        
producing the most distant mark of      
affection of the system4  ,,case        
,,viii4--,elizabeth ,wynne1 aged        
fifty-seven1 lived as a servant with a  
neighbouring farmer thirty-eight years  
ago4 ,she was then a dairymaid1 and the 
cow-pox broke out among the cows4 ,she  

caught the disease with the rest of the 
family1 but1 compared with them1 had it 
in a very slight degree1 one very small 
sore only breaking out on the little    
finger of her left hand1 and scarcely   
any perceptible indisposition1 following
 it4  ,as the malady had shewn itself in
 so slight a manner1 and as it had taken
 place at so distant a period of her    
life1 ,i was happy with the opportunity 
of trying the effects of variolous      
matter upon her constitution1 and on the
 #bhth of ,march1 #agig1 ,i inoculated  
her by making two superficial incisions 
on the left arm1 on which the matter was
 cautiously rubbed4 ,a little           
efflorescence soon appeared1 and a      
tingling sensation was felt about the   
parts where the matter was inserted     
until the third day1 when both began to 
subside1 and so early as the fifth day  
it was evident that no indisposition    
would follow4  ,,case ,,ix4--,although  
the cow-pox shields the constitution    
from the smallpox1 and the smallpox     

proves a protection against its own     
future poison1 yet it appears that the  
human body is again and again           
susceptible of the infectious matter of 
the cow-pox1 as the following history   
will demonstrate4  ,william ,smith1 of  
,pyrton in this parish1 contracted this 
disease when he lived with a            
neighbouring farmer in the year #aghj4  
,one of the horses belonging to the farm
 had sore heels1 and it fell to his lot 
to attend him4 ,by these means the      
infection was carried to the cows1 and  
from the cows it was communicated to    
,smith4 ,on one of his hands were       
several ulcerated sores1 and he was     
affected with such symptoms as have been
 before described4  ,in the year #agia  
the cow-pox broke out at another farm   
where he then lived as a servant1 and he
 became affected with it a second time2 
and in the year #agid he was so         
unfortunate as to catch it again4 ,the  
disease was equally as severe the second
 and third time as it was on the first4 

,footnote3 ,this is not the case in     
general--a second attack is commonly    
very slight1 and so1 ,i am informed1 it 
is among the cows4  ,in the spring of   
the year #agie he was twice inoculated1 
but no affection of the system could be 
produced from the variolous matter2 and 
he has since associated with those who  
had the smallpox in its most contagious 
state without feeling any effect from   
it4  ,,case ,x4--,simon ,nichols lived  
as a servant with ,mr4 ,bromedge1 a     
gentleman who resides on his own farm in
 this parish1 in the year #aghb4 ,he was
 employed in applying dressings to the  
sore heels of one of his master's       
horses1 and at the same time assisted in
 milking the cows4 ,the cows became     
affected in consequence1 but the disease
 did not shew itself on their nipples   
till several weeks after he had begun to
 dress the horse4 ,he quitted ,mr4      
,bromedge's service1 and went to another
 farm without any sores upon him2 but   
here his hands soon began to be affected

 in the common way1 and he was much     
indisposed with the usual symptoms4     
,concealing the nature of the malady    
from ,mr4 ,cole1 his new master1 and    
being there also employed in milking1   
the cowpox was communicated to the cows4
  ,some years afterward ,nichols was    
employed in a farm where the smallpox   
broke out1 when ,i inoculated him with  
several other patients1 with whom he    
continued during the whole time of their
 confinement4 ,his arm inflamed1 but    
neither the inflammation nor his        
associating with the inoculated family  
produced the least effect upon his      
constitution4  ,,case ,,xi4--,william   
,stinchcomb was a fellow servant with   
,nichols at ,mr4 ,bromedge's farm at the
 time the cattle had the cow-pox1 and he
 was1 unfortunately1 infected by them4  
,his left hand was very severely        
affected with several corroding ulcers1 
and a tumour of considerable size       
appeared in the axilla of that side4    
,his right hand had only one small      

tumour upon it1 and no sore discovered  
itself in the corresponding axilla4  ,in
 the year #agib ,stinchcomb was         
inoculated with variolous matter1 but no
 consequences ensued beyond a little    
inflammation in the arm for a few days4 
,a large party were inoculated at the   
same time1 some of whom had the disease 
in a more violent degree than is        
commonly seen from inoculation4 ,he     
purposely associated with them1 but     
could not receive the smallpox4  ,during
 the sickening of some of his companions
 their symptoms so strongly recalled to 
his mind his own state when sickening   
with the cow--pox that he very          
pertinently remarked their striking     
similarity4  ,,case ,,xii4--,the paupers
 of the village of ,tortworth1 in this  
county1 were inoculated by ,mr4 ,henry  
,jenner1 ,surgeon1 of ,berkeley1 in the 
year #agie4 ,among them1 eight patients 
presented themselves who had at         
different periods of their lives had the
 cow-pox4 ,one of them1 ,hester         

,walkley1 ,i attended with that disease 
when she lived in the service of a      
farmer in the same village in the year  
#aghb2 but neither this woman1 nor any  
other of the patients who had gone      
through the cow-pox1 received the       
variolous infection either from the arm 
or from mixing in the society of the    
other patients who were inoculated at   
the same time4 ,this state of security  
proved a fortunate circumstance1 as many
 of the poor women were at the same time
 in a state of pregnancy4  ,,case       
,,xiii4--,one instance has occurred to  
me of the system being affected from the
 matter issuing from the heels of       
horses1 and of its remaining afterwards 
unsusceptible of the variolous          
contagion2 another1 where the smallpox  
appeared obscurely2 and a third1 in     
which its complete existence was        
positively ascertained4  ,first1 ,thomas
 ,pearce is the son of a smith and      
farrier near to this place4 ,he never   
had the cow-pox2 but1 in consequence of 

dressing horses with sore heels at his  
father's1 when a lad1 he had sores on   
his fingers which suppurated1 and which 
occasioned a pretty severe              
indisposition4 ,six years afterwards ,i 
inserted variolous matter into his arm  
repeatedly1 without being able to       
produce any thing more than slight      
inflammation1 which appeared very soon  
after the matter was applied1 and       
afterwards ,i exposed him to the        
contagion of the smallpox with as little
 effect4 ,footnote3 ,it is a remarkable 
fact1 and well known to many1 that we   
are frequently foiled in our endeavours 
to communicate the smallpox by          
inoculation to blacksmiths1 who in the  
country are farriers4 ,they often1 as in
 the above instance1 either resist the  
contagion entirely1 or have the disease 
anomalously4 ,shall we not be able to   
account for this on a rational          
principle8  ,,case ,,xiv4--,secondly1   
,mr4 ,james ,cole1 a farmer in this     
parish1 had a disease from the same     

source as related in the preceding case1
 and some years after was inoculated    
with variolous matter4 ,he had a little 
pain in the axilla and felt a slight    
indisposition for three or four hours4  
,a few eruptions shewed themselves on   
the forehead1 but they very soon        
disappeared without advancing to        
maturation4  ,,case ,,xv4--,although in 
the former instances the system seemed  
to be secured1 or nearly so1 from       
variolous infection1 by the absorption  
of matter from the sores produced by the
 diseased heels of horses1 yet the      
following case decisively proves that   
this cannot be entirely relied upon     
until a disease has been generated by   
the morbid matter from the horse on the 
nipple of the cow1 and passed through   
that medium to the human subject4  ,mr4 
,abraham ,riddiford1 a farmer at ,stone 
in this parish1 in consequence of       
dressing a mare that had sore heels1 was
 affected with very painful sores in    
both his hands1 tumours in each axilla1 

and severe and general indisposition4 ,a
 surgeon in the neighbourhood attended  
him1 who knowing the similarity between 
the appearance of the sores upon his    
hands and those produced by the cow-pox1
 and being acquainted also with the     
effects of that disease on the human    
constitution1 assured him that he never 
need to fear the infection of the       
smallpox2 but this assertion proved     
fallacious1 for1 on being exposed to the
 infection upwards of twenty years      
afterwards1 he caught the disease1 which
 took its regular course in a very mild 
way4 ,there certainly was a difference  
perceptible1 although it is not easy to 
describe it1 in the general appearance  
of the pustules from that which we      
commonly see4 ,other practitioners who  
visited the patient at my request agreed
 with me in this point1 though there was
 no room left for suspicion as to the   
reality of the disease1 as ,i inoculated
 some of his family from the pustules1  
who had the smallpox1 with its usual    

appearances1 in consequence4  ,,case    
,,xvi4--,sarah ,nelmes1 a dairymaid at a
 farmer's near this place1 was infected 
with the cow-pox from her master's cows 
in ,may1 #agif4 ,she received the       
infection on a part of her hand which   
had been previously in a slight degree  
injured by a scratch from a thorn4 ,a   
large pustulous sore and the usual      
symptoms accompanying the disease were  
produced in consequence4 ,the pustule   
was so expressive of the true character 
of the cow-pox1 as it commonly appears  
upon the hand1 that ,i have given a     
representation of it in the annexed     
plate4 ,the two small pustules on the   
wrists arose also from the application  
of the virus to some minute abrasions of
 the cuticle1 but the livid tint1 if    
they ever had any1 was not conspicuous  
at the time ,i saw the patient4 ,the    
pustule on the forefinger shews the     
disease in an earlier stage4 ,it did not
 actually appear on the hand of this    
young woman1 but was taken from that of 

another1 and is annexed for the purpose 
of representing the malady after it has 
newly appeared4  ,,case ,,xvii4--,the   
more accurately to observe the progress 
of the infection ,i selected a healthy  
boy1 about eight years old1 for the     
purpose of inoculation for the cow-pox4 
,the matter was taken from a sore on the
 hand of a dairymaid ,footnote3 ,from   
the sore on the hand of ,sarah ,nelmes4 
,see the preceding case41 who was       
infected by her master's cows1 and it   
was inserted1 on the #adth of ,may1     
#agif1 into the arm of the boy by means 
of two superficial incisions1 barely    
penetrating the cutis1 each about half  
an inch long4  ,on the seventh day he   
complained of uneasiness in the axilla1 
and on the ninth he became a little     
chilly1 lost his appetite1 and had a    
slight headache4 ,during the whole of   
this day he was perceptibly indisposed1 
and spent the night with some degree of 
restlessness1 but on the day following  
he was perfectly well4  ,the appearance 

of the incisions in their progress to a 
state of maturation were much the same  
as when produced in a similar manner by 
variolous matter4 ,the only difference  
which ,i perceived was in the state of  
the limpid fluid arising from the action
 of the virus1 which assumed rather a   
darker hue1 and in that of the          
efflorescence spreading round the       
incisions1 which had more of an         
erysipelatous look than we commonly     
perceive when variolous matter has been 
made use of in the same manner2 but the 
whole died away 7leaving on the         
inoculated parts scabs and subsequent   
eschars7 without giving me or my patient
 the least trouble4  ,in order to       
ascertain whether the boy1 after feeling
 so slight an affection of the system   
from the cow--pox virus1 was secure from
 the contagion of the smallpox1 he was  
inoculated the #ast of ,july following  
with variolous matter1 immediately taken
 from a pustule4 ,several slight        
punctures and incisions were made on    

both his arms1 and the matter was       
carefully inserted1 but no disease      
followed4 ,the same appearances were    
observable on the arms as we commonly   
see when a patient has had variolous    
matter applied1 after having either the 
cow--pox or smallpox4 ,several months   
afterwards he was again inoculated with 
variolous matter1 but no sensible effect
 was produced on the constitution4      
,here my researches were interrupted    
till the spring of the year #agih1 when1
 from the wetness of the early part of  
the season1 many of the farmers' horses 
in this neighbourhood were affected with
 sore heels1 in consequence of which the
 cow--pox broke out among several of our
 dairies1 which afforded me an          
opportunity of making further           
observations upon this curious disease4 
,a mare1 the property of a person who   
keeps a dairy in a neighbouring parish1 
began to have sore heels the latter end 
of the month of ,february1 #agih1 which 
were occasionally washed by the servant 

men of the farm1 ,thomas ,virgoe1       
,william ,wherret1 and ,william ,haynes1
 who in consequence became affected with
 sores in their hands1 followed by      
inflamed lymphatic glands in the arms   
and axillae1 shiverings succeeded by    
heat1 lassitude1 and general pains in   
the limbs4 ,a single paroxysm terminated
 the disease2 for within twenty--four   
hours they were free from general       
indisposition1 nothing remaining but the
 sores on their hands4 ,haynes and      
,virgoe1 who had gone through the       
smallpox from inoculation1 described    
their feelings as very similar to those 
which affected them on sickening with   
that malady4 ,wherret never had had the 
smallpox4 ,haynes was daily employed as 
one of the milkers at the farm1 and the 
disease began to shew itself among the  
cows about ten days after he first      
assisted in washing the mare's heels4   
,their nipples became sore in the usual 
way1 with bluish pustules2 but as       
remedies were early applied1 they did   

not ulcerate to any extent4  ,,case     
,,xviii4--,john ,baker1 a child of five 
years old1 was inoculated ,march #af1   
#agih1 with matter taken from a pustule 
on the hand of ,thomas ,virgoe1 one of  
the servants who had been infected from 
the mare's heels4 ,he became ill on the 
sixth day with symptoms similar to those
 excited by cow--pox matter4 ,on the    
eighth day he was free from             
indisposition4  ,there was some         
variation in the appearance of the      
pustule on the arm4 ,although it        
somewhat resembled a smallpox pustule1  
yet its similitude was not so           
conspicuous as when excited by matter   
from the nipple of the cow1 or when the 
matter has passed from thence through   
the medium of the human subject4  ,this 
experiment was made to ascertain the    
progress and subsequent effects of the  
disease when thus propagated4 ,we have  
seen that the virus from the horge1 when
 it proves infectious to the human      
subject1 is not to be relied upon as    

rendering the system secure from        
variolous infection1 but that the matter
 produced by it upon the nipple of the  
cow is perfectly so4 ,whether its       
passing from the horse through the human
 constitution1 as in the present        
instance1 will produce a similar effect1
 remains to be decided4 ,this would mow 
have been effected1 but the boy was     
rendered unit for inoculation from      
having felt the effects of a contagious 
fever in a workhouse soon after this    
experiment was made4  ,,case            
,,xix4--,william ,summers1 a child of   
five years and a half old1 was          
inoculated the same day with ,baker1    
with matter taken from the nipples of   
one of the infected cows1 at the farm   
alluded to4 ,he became indisposed on the
 sixth day1 vomited once1 and felt the  
usual slight symptoms till the eighth   
day1 when he appeared perfectly well4   
,the progress of the pustule1 formed by 
the infection of the virus1 was similar 
to that noticed in ,case ,,xvii1 with   

this exception1 its being free from the 
livid tint observed in that instance4   
,,case ,,xx4-,from ,william ,summers the
 disease was transferred to ,william    
,pead1 a boy of eight years old1 who was
 inoculated ,march #bhth4 ,on the sixth 
day he complained of pain in the axilla1
 and on the seventh was affected with   
the common symptoms of a patient        
sickening with the smallpox from        
inoculation1 which did not terminate    
till the third day after the seizure4   
,so perfect was the similarity to the   
variolous fever that ,i was induced to  
examine the skin1 conceiving there might
 have been some eruptions1 but none     
appeared4 ,the efflorescent blush around
 the part punctured in the boy's arm was
 so truly characteristic of that which  
appears on variolous inoculation that ,i
 have given a representation of it4 ,the
 drawing was made when the pustule was  
beginning to die away and the areola    
retiring from the centre4  ,,case       
,,xxi4-,april #eth3 ,several children   

and adults were inoculated from the arm 
of ,william ,pead4 ,the greater part of 
them sickened on the sixth day1 and were
 well on the seventh1 but in three of   
the number a secondary indisposition    
arose in consequence of an extensive    
erysipelatous inflammation which        
appeared on the inoculated arms4 ,it    
seemed to arise from the state of the   
pustule1 which spread out1 accompanied  
with some degree of pain1 to about half 
the diameter of a sixpence4 ,one of     
these patients was an infant of half a  
year old4 ,by the application of        
mercurial ointment to the inflamed parts
 7a treatment recommended under similar 
circumstances in the inoculated         
smallpox7 the complaint subsided without
 giving much trouble4  ,hannah ,excell1 
an healthy girl of seven years old1 and 
one of the patients above mentioned1    
received the infection from the         
insertion of the virus under the cuticle
 of the arm in three distinct points4   
,the pustules which arose in consequence

 so much resembled1 on the twelfth day1 
those appearing from the infection of   
variolous matter1 that an experienced   
inoculator would scarcely have          
discovered a shade of difference at that
 period4 ,experience now tells me that  
almost the only variation which follows 
consists in the pustulous fluids        
remaining limpid nearly to the time of  
its total disappearance2 and not1 as in 
the direct smallpox1 becoming purulent4 
,,case ,,xxii4--,from the arm of this   
girl matter was taken and inserted      
,april #abth into the arms of ,john     
,macklove1 one year and a half old1     
,robert ,f4 ,jenner1 eleven months old1 
,mary ,pead1 five years old1 and ,mary  
,james1 six years old4 ,footnote3       
,perhaps a few touches with the lapis   
septicus would have proved equally      
efficacious4 ,among these1 ,robert ,f4  
,jenner did not receive the infection4  
,the arms of the other three inflamed   
properly and began to affect the system 
in the usual manner2 but being under    

some apprehensions from the preceding   
cases that a troublesome erysipelas     
might arise1 ,i determined on making an 
experiment with the view of cutting off 
its source4 ,accordingly1 after the     
patients had felt an indisposition of   
about twelve hours1 ,i applied in two of
 these cases out of the three1 on the   
vesicle formed by the virus1 a little   
mild caustic1 composed of equal parts of
 quick--lime and soap1 and suffered it  
to remain on the part six hours4        
,footnote3 ,what effect would a similar 
treatment produce in inoculation for the
 smallpox8 ,it seemed to give the       
children but little uneasiness1 and     
effectually answered my intention in    
preventing the appearance of erysipelas4
 ,indeed1 it seemed to do more1 for in  
half an hour after its application the  
indisposition of the children ceased4   
,these precautions were perhaps         
unnecessary1 as the arm of the third    
child1 ,mary ,pead1 which was suffered  
to take its common course1 scabbed      

quickly1 without any erysipelas4  ,,case
 ,,xxiii4--,from this child's arm matter
 was taken and transferred to that of   
,j4 ,barge1 a boy of seven years old4   
,he sickened on the eighth day1 went    
through the disease with the usual      
slight symptoms1 and without any        
inflammation on the arm beyond the      
common efflorescence surrounding the    
pustule1 an appearance so often seen in 
inoculated smallpox4  ,after the many   
fruitless attempts to give the smallpox 
to those who had had the cow-pox1 it did
 not appear necessary1 nor was it       
convenient to me1 to inoculate the whole
 of those who had been the subjects of  
these late trials2 yet ,i thought it    
right to see the effects of variolous   
matter on some of them1 particularly    
,william ,summers1 the first of these   
patients who had been infected with     
matter taken from the cow4 ,he was1     
therefore1 inoculated with variolous    
matter from a fresh pustule2 but1 as in 
the preceding cases1 the system did not 

feel the effects of it in the smallest  
degree4 ,i had an opportunity also of   
having this boy and ,william ,pead      
inoculated by my nephew1 ,mr4 ,henry    
,jenner1 whose report to me is as       
follows3 ,i have inoculated ,pead and   
,barge1 two of the boys whom you lately 
infected with the cow-pox4 ,on the      
second day the incisions were inflamed  
and there was a pale inflammatory stain 
around them4 ,on the third day these    
appearances were still increasing and   
their arms itched considerably4 ,on the 
fourth day the inflammation was         
evidently subsiding1 and on the sixth   
day it was scarcely perceptible4 ,no    
symptom of indisposition followed4  ,to 
convince myself that the variolous      
matter made use of was in a perfect     
state ,i at the same time inoculated a  
patient with some of it who never had   
gone through the cow-pox1 and it        
produced the smallpox in the usual      
regular manner4  ,these experiments     
afforded me much satisfaction2 they     

proved that the matter1 in passing from 
one human subject to another1 through   
five gradations1 lost none of its       
original properties1 ,j4 ,barge being   
the fifth who received the infection    
successively from ,william ,summers1 the
 boy to whom it was communicated from   
the cow4  ,i shall now conclude this    
inquiry with some general observations  
on the subject1 and on some others which
 are interwoven with it4  ,although ,i  
presume it may be unnecessary to produce
 further testimony in support of my     
assertion that the cow--pox protects the
 human constitution from the infection  
of the smallpox1 yet it affords me      
considerable satisfaction to say that   
,lord ,somerville1 the ,president of the
 ,board of ,agriculture1 to whom this   
paper was shewn by ,sir ,joseph ,banks1 
has found upon inquiry that the         
statements were confirmed by the        
concurring testimony of ,mr4 ,dolland1 a
 surgeon1 who resides in a dairy country
 remote from this1 in which these       

observations were made4 ,with respect to
 the opinion adduced that the source of 
the infection is a peculiar morbid      
matter arising in the horse1 although ,i
 have not been able to prove it from    
actual experiments conducted immediately
 under my own eye1 yet the evidence ,i  
have adduced appears sufficient to      
establish it4  ,they who are not in the 
habit of conducting experiments may not 
be aware of the coincidence of          
circumstances necessary for their being 
managed so as to prove perfectly        
decisive2 nor how often men engaged in  
professional pursuits are liable to     
interruptions which disappoint them     
almost at the instant of their being    
accomplished3 however1 ,i feel no room  
for hesitation respecting the common    
origin of the disease1 being well       
convinced that it never appears among   
the cows 7except it can be traced to a  
cow introduced among the general herd   
which has been previously infected1 or  
to an infected servant7 unless they have

 been milked by some one who1 at the    
same time1 has the care of a horse      
affected with diseased heels4  ,the     
spring of the year #agig1 which ,i      
intended particularly to have devoted to
 the completion of this investigation1  
proved1 from its dryness1 remarkably    
adverse to my wishes2-for it frequently 
happens1 while the farmers' horses are  
exposed to the cold rains which fall at 
that season1 that their heels become    
diseased1 and no cow-pox then appeared  
in the neighbourhood4  ,the active      
quality of the virus from the horses'   
heels is greatly increased after it has 
acted on the nipples of the cow1 as it  
rarely happens that the horse affects   
his dresser with sores1 and as rarely   
that a milkmaid escapes the infection   
when she milks infected cows4 ,it is    
most active at the commencement of the  
disease1 even before it has acquired a  
pus-like appearance2 indeed1 ,i am not  
confident whether this property in the  
matter does not entirely cease as soon  

as it is secreted in the form of pus4 ,i
 am induced to think it does cease      
,footnote3 ,it is very easy to procure  
pus from old sores on the heels of      
horses4 ,this ,i have often inserted    
into scratches made with a lancet1 on   
the sound nipples of cows1 and have seen
 no other effects from it than simple   
inflamation41 and that it is the thin1  
darkish- looking fluid only1 oozing from
 the newly-formed cracks in the heels1  
similar to what sometimes appears from  
erysipelatous blisters1 which gives the 
disease4 ,nor am ,i certain that the    
nipples of the cows are at all times in 
a state to receive the infection4 ,the  
appearance of the disease in the spring 
and the early part of the summer1 when  
they are disposed to be affected with   
spontaneous eruptions so much more      
frequently than at other seasons1       
induces me to think that the virus from 
the horse must be received upon them    
when they are in this state1 in order to
 produce effects3 experiments1 however1 

must determine these points4 ,but it is 
clear that when the cow-pox virus is    
once generated1 that the cows cannot    
resist the contagion1 in whatever state 
their nipples may chance to be1 if they 
are milked with an infected hand4       
,whether the matter1 either from the cow
 or the horse1 will affect the sound    
skin of the human body1 ,i cannot       
positively determine2 probably it will  
not1 unless on those parts where the    
cuticle is extremely thin1 as on the    
lips1 for example4 ,i have known an     
instance of a poor girl who produced an 
ulceration on her lip by frequently     
holding her finger to her mouth to cool 
the raging of a cow-pox sore by blowing 
upon it4 ,the hands of the farmers'     
servants here1 from the nature of their 
employments1 are constantly exposed to  
those injuries which occasion abrasions 
of the cuticle1 to punctures from       
thorns1 and such like accidents2 so that
 they are always in a state to feel the 
consequence of exposure to infectious   

matter4  ,it is singular to observe that
 the cow--pox virus1 although it renders
 the constitution unsusceptible of the  
variolous1 should nevertheless1 leave it
 unchanged with respect to its own      
action4 ,i have already produced an     
instance ,footnote3 ,see ,case ,,ix4 to 
point out this1 and shall now           
corroborate it with another4  ,elizabeth
 ,wynne1 who had the cow-pox in the year
 #agei1 was inoculated with variolous   
matter1 without effect1 in the year     
#agig1 and again caught the cow-pox in  
the year #agih4 ,when ,i saw her1 which 
was on the eighth day after she received
 the infection1 ,i found her affected   
with general lassitude1 shiverings1     
alternating with heat1 coldness of the  
extremities1 and a quick and irregular  
pulse4 ,these symptoms were preceded by 
a pain in the axilla4 ,on her hand was  
one large pustulous sore1 which         
resembled that delineated in ,plate ,no4
 ,i4 7,plate appears in original47  ,it 
is curious also to observe that the     

virus1 which with respect to its effects
 is undetermined and uncertain          
previously to its passing from the horse
 through the medium of the cow1 should  
then not only become more active1 but   
should invariably and completely possess
 those specific properties which induce 
in the human constitution symptoms      
similar to those of the variolous fever1
 and effect in it that peculiar change  
which for ever renders it unsusceptible 
of the variolous contagion4  ,may it not
 then be reasonably conjectured that the
 source of the smallpox is morbid matter
 of a peculiar kind1 generated by a     
disease in the horse1 and that          
accidental circumstances may have again 
and again arisen1 still working new     
changes upon it until it has acquired   
the contagious and malignant form under 
which we now commonly see it making its 
devastations amongst us8 ,and1 from a   
consideration of the change which the   
infectious matter undergoes from        
producing a disease on the cow1 may we  

not conceive that many contagious       
diseases1 now prevalent among us1 may   
owe their present appearance not to a   
simple1 but to a compound1 origin8 ,for 
example1 is it difficult to imagine that
 the measles1 the scarlet fever1 and the
 ulcerous sore throat with a spotted    
skin have all sprung from the same      
source1 assuming some variety in their  
forms according to the nature of their  
new combinations8 ,the same question    
will apply respecting the origin of many
 other contagious diseases which bear a 
strong analogy to each other4  ,there   
are certainly more forms than one1      
without considering the common variation
 between the confluent and distinct1 in 
which the smallpox appears in what is   
called the natural way4 ,about seven    
years ago a species of smallpox spread  
through many of the towns and villages  
of this part of ,gloucestershire3 it was
 of so mild a nature that a fatal       
instance was scarcely ever ,heard of1   
and consequently so little dreaded by   

the lower orders of the community that  
they scrupled not to hold the same      
intercourse with each other as if no    
infectious disease had been present     
among them4 ,i never saw nor heard of an
 instance of its being confluent4 ,the  
most accurate manner1 perhaps1 in which 
,i can convey an idea of it is by saying
 that had fifty individuals been taken  
promiscuously and infected by exposure  
to this contagion1 they would have had  
as mild and light a disease as if they  
had been inoculated with variolous      
matter in the usual way4 ,the harmless  
manner in which it shewed itself could  
not arise from any peculiarity either in
 the season or the weather1 for ,i      
watched its progress upwards of a year  
without perceiving any variation in its 
general appearance4 ,i consider it then 
as a variety of the smallpox4 ,footnote3
 ,my friend1 ,dr4 ,hicks1 of ,bristol1  
who1 during the prevalence of this      
distemper1 was resident at ,gloucester1 
and physician of the hospital there     

7where it was soon after its first      
appearance in this country71 had        
opportunities of making numerous        
observations upon it1 which it is his   
intention to communicate to the public44
  ,in some of the preceding cases ,i    
have noticed the attention that was paid
 to the state of the variolous matter   
previous to the experiment of inserting 
it into the arms of those who had gone  
through the cow-pox4 ,this ,i conceived 
to be of great importance in conducting 
these experiments1 and1 were it always  
properly attended to by those who       
inoculate for the smallpox1 it might    
prevent much subsequent mischief and    
confusion4 ,with the view of enforcing  
so necessary a precaution ,i shall take 
the liberty of digressing so far as to  
point out some unpleasant facts relative
 to mismanagement in this particular1   
which have fallen under my own          
observation4  ,a medical gentleman 7now 
no more71 who for many years inoculated 
in this neighbourhood1 frequently       

preserved the variolous matter intended 
for his use on a piece of lint or       
cotton1 which1 in its fluid state1 was  
put into a vial1 corked1 and conveyed   
into a warm pocket2 a situation         
certainly favourable for speedily       
producing putrefaction in it4 ,in this  
state 7not unfrequently after it had    
been taken several days from the        
pustules7 it was inserted into the arms 
of his patients1 and brought on         
inflammation of the incised parts1      
swellings of the axillary glands1 fever1
 and sometimes eruptions4 ,but what was 
this disease8 ,certainly not the        
smallpox2 for the matter having from    
putrefaction lost or suffered a         
derangement in its specific properties1 
was no longer capable of producing that 
malady1 those who had been inoculated in
 this manner being as much subject to   
the contagion of the smallpox as if they
 had never been under the influence of  
this artificial disease2 and many1      
unfortunately1 fell victims to it1 who  

thought themselves in perfect security4 
,the same unfortunate circumstance of   
giving a disease1 supposed to be the    
smallpox1 with inefficacious variolous  
matter1 having occurred under the       
direction of some other practitioners   
within my knowledge1 and probably from  
the same incautious method of securing  
the variolous matter1 ,i avail myself of
 this opportunity of mentioning what ,i 
conceive to be of great importance2 and1
 as a further cautionary hint1 ,i shall 
again digress so far as to add another  
observation on the subject of           
inoculation4  ,whether it be yet        
ascertained by experiment that the      
quantity of variolous matter inserted   
into the skin makes any difference with 
respect to the subsequent mildness or   
violence of the disease1 ,i know not2   
but ,i have the strongest reason for    
supposing that if either the punctures  
or incisions be made so deep as to go   
through it and wound the adipose        
membrane1 that the risk of bringing on a

 violent disease is greatly increased4  
,i have known an inoculator whose       
practice was to cut deep enough 7to use 
his own expression7 to see a bit of fat4
 and there to lodge the matter4 ,the    
great number of bad cases1 independent  
of inflammations and abscesses on the   
arms1 and the fatality which attended   
this practice1 was almost inconceivable2
 and ,i cannot account for it on any    
other principle than that of the matter 
being placed in this situation instead  
of the skin4  ,it was the practice of   
another1 whom ,i well remember1 to pinch
 up a small portion of the skin on the  
arms of his patients and to pass through
 it a needle1 with a thread attached to 
it previously dipped in variolous       
matter4 ,the thread was lodged in the   
perforated part1 and consequently left  
in contact with the cellular membrane4  
,this practice was attended with the    
same ill success as the former4         
,although it is very improbable that any
 one would now inoculate in this rude   

way by design1 yet these observations   
may tend to place a double guard over   
the lancet1 when infants1 whose skins   
are comparatively so very thin1 fall    
under the care of the inoculator4  ,a   
very respectable friend of mine1 ,dr4   
,hardwicke1 of ,sodbury1 in this county1
 inoculated great numbers of patients   
previous to the introduction of the more
 modern method by ,sutton1 and with such
 success that a fatal instance occurred 
as rarely as since that method has been 
adopted4 ,it was the doctor's practice  
to make as slight an incision as        
possible upon the skin1 and there to    
lodge a thread saturated with the       
variolous matter4 ,when his patients    
became indisposed1 agreeably to the     
custom then prevailing1 they were       
directed to go to bed and were kept     
moderately warm4 ,is it not probable    
then that the success of the modern     
practice may depend more upon the method
 of invariably depositing the virus in  
or upon the skin1 than on the subsequent

 treatment of the disease8  ,i do not   
mean to insinuate that exposure to cool 
air1 and suffering the patient to drink 
cold water when hot and thirsty1 may not
 moderate the eruptive symptoms and     
lessen the number of pustules2 yet1 to  
repeat my former observation1 ,i cannot 
account for the uninterrupted success1  
or nearly so1 of one practitioner1 and  
the wretched state of the patients under
 the care of another1 where1 in both    
instances1 the general treatment did not
 differ essentially1 without conceiving 
it to arise from the different modes of 
inserting the matter for the purpose of 
producing the disease4 ,as it is not the
 identical matter inserted which is     
absorbed into the constitution1 but that
 which is1 by some peculiar process in  
the animal economy1 generated by it1 is 
it not probable that different parts of 
the human body may prepare or modify the
 virus differently8 ,although the skin1 
for example1 adipose membrane1 or mucous
 membranes are all capable of producing 

the variolous virus by the stimulus     
given by the particles originally       
deposited upon them1 yet ,i am induced  
to conceive that each of these parts is 
capable of producing some variation in  
the qualities of the matter previous to 
its affecting the constitution4 ,what   
else can constitute the difference      
between the smallpox when communicated  
casually or in what has been termed the 
natural way1 or when brought on         
artificially through the medium of the  
skin8  ,after all1 are the variolous    
particles1 possessing their true        
specific and contagious principles1 ever
 taken up and conveyed by the lymphatics
 unchanged into the blood vessels8 ,i   
imagine not4 ,were this the case1 should
 we not find the blood sufficiently     
loaded with them in some stages of the  
smallpox to communicate the disease by  
inserting it under the cuticle1 or by   
spreading it on the surface of an ulcer8
 ,yet experiments have determined the   
impracticability of its being given in  

this way2 although it has been proved   
that variolous matter1 when much diluted
 with water and applied to the skin in  
the usual manner1 will produce the      
disease4 ,but it would be digressing    
beyond a proper boundary to go minutely 
into this subject here4  ,at what period
 the cow-pox was first noticed here is  
not upon record4 ,our oldest farmers    
were not unacquainted with it in their  
earliest days1 when it appeared among   
their farms without any deviation from  
the phaenomena which it now exhibits4   
,its connection with the smallpox seems 
to have been unknown to them4 ,probably 
the general introduction of inoculation 
first occasioned the discovery4  ,its   
rise in this country may not have been  
of very remote date1 as the practice of 
milking cows might formerly have been in
 the hands of women only2 which ,i      
believe is the case now in some other   
dairy countries1 and1 consequently1 that
 the cows might not in former times have
 been exposed to the contagious matter  

brought by the men servants from the    
heels of horses4 ,footnote3 ,i have been
 informed from respectable authority    
that in ,ireland1 although dairies      
abound in many parts of the island1 the 
disease is entirely unknown4 ,the reason
 seems obvious4 ,the business of the    
dairy is conducted by women only4 ,were 
the meanest vassal among the men        
employed there as a milker at a dairy1  
he would feel his situation unpleasant  
beyond all endurance4 ,indeed1 a        
knowledge of the source of the infection
 is new in the minds of most of the     
farmers in this neighbourhood1 but it   
has at length produced good             
consequences2 and it seems probable1    
from the precautions they are now       
disposed to adopt1 that the appearance  
of the cow-pox here may either be       
entirely extinguished or become         
extremely rare4  ,should it be asked    
whether this investigation is a matter  
of mere curiosity1 or whether it tends  
to any beneficial purpose1 ,i should    

answer that1 notwithstanding the happy  
effects of inoculation1 with all the    
improvements which the practice has     
received since its first introduction   
into this country1 it not very          
unfrequently produces deformity of the  
skin1 and sometimes1 under the best     
management1 proves fatal4  ,these       
circumstances must naturally create in  
every instance some degree of painful   
solicitude for its consequences4 ,but as
 ,i have never known fatal effects arise
 from the cow-pox1 even when impressed  
in the most unfavourable manner1        
producing extensive inflammations and   
suppurations on the hands2 and as it    
clearly appears that this disease leaves
 the constitution in a state of perfect 
security from the infection of the      
smallpox1 may we not infer that a mode  
of inoculation may be introduced        
preferable to that at present adopted1  
especially among those families which1  
from previous circumstances1 we may     
judge to be predisposed to have the     

disease unfavourably8 ,it is an excess  
in the number of pustules which we      
chiefly dread in the smallpox2 but in   
the cow- pox no pustules appear1 nor    
does it seem possible for the contagious
 matter to produce the disease from     
effluvia1 or by any other means than    
contact1 and that probably not simply   
between the virus and the cuticle2 so   
that a single individual in a family    
might at any time receive it without the
 risk of infecting the rest or of       
spreading a distemper that fills a      
country with terror4  ,several instances
 have come under my observation which   
justify the assertion that the disease  
cannot be propagated by effluvia4 ,the  
first boy whom ,i inoculated with the   
matter of cow-pox slept in a bed1 while 
the experiment was going forward1 with  
two children who never had gone through 
either that disease or the smallpox1    
without infecting either of them4  ,a   
young woman who had the cow-pox to a    
great extent1 several sores which       

maturated having appeared on the hands  
and wrists1 slept in the same bed with a
 fellow-dairymaid who never had been    
infected with either the cow-pox or the 
smallpox1 but no indisposition followed4
  ,another instance has occurred of a   
young woman on whose hands were several 
large suppurations from the cow-pox1 who
 was at the same time a daily nurse to  
an infant1 but the complaint was not    
communicated to the child4  ,in some    
other points of view the inoculation of 
this disease appears preferable to the  
variolous inoculation4  ,in             
constitutions predisposed to scrophula1 
how frequently we see the inoculated    
smallpox rouse into activity that       
distressful malady6 ,this circumstance  
does not seem to depend on the manner in
 which the distemper has shewn itself1  
for it has as frequently happened among 
those who have had it mildly as when it 
has appeared in the contrary way4       
,there are many who1 from some          
peculiarity in the habit1 resist the    

common effects of variolous matter      
inserted into the skin1 and who are in  
consequence haunted through life with   
the distressing idea of being insecure  
from subsequent infection4 ,a ready mode
 of dissipating anxiety originating from
 such a cause must now appear obvious4  
,and1 as we have seen that the          
constitution may at any time be made to 
feel the febrile attack of cow-pox1     
might it not1 in many chronic diseases1 
be introduced into the system1 with the 
probability of affording relief1 upon   
well-known physiological principles8    
,although ,i say the system may at any  
time be made to feel the febrile attack 
of cow-pox1 yet ,i have a single        
instance before me where the virus acted
 locally only1 but it is not in the     
least probable that the same person     
would resist the action both of the     
cow-pox virus and the variolous4        
,elizabeth ,sarfenet lived as a         
dairymaid at ,newpark farm1 in this     
parish4 ,all the cows and the servants  

employed in milking had the cow-pox2 but
 this woman1 though she had several     
sores upon her fingers1 felt no tumours 
in the axillae1 nor any general         
indisposition4 ,on being afterwards     
casually exposed to variolous infection1
 she had the smallpox in a mild way4    
,hannah ,pick1 another of the dairymaids
 who was a fellow-servant with          
,elizabeth ,sarfenet when the distemper 
broke out at the farm1 was1 at the same 
time1 infected2 but this young woman had
 not only sores upon her hands1 but felt
 herself also much indisposed for a day 
or two4 ,after this1 ,i made several    
attempts to give her the smallpox by    
inoculation1 but they all proved        
fruitless4 ,from the former case then we
 see that the animal economy is subject 
to the same laws in one disease as the  
other4  ,the following case1 which has  
very lately occurred1 renders it highly 
probable that not only the heels of the 
horse1 but other parts of the body of   
that animal1 are capable of generating  

the virus which produces the cow-pox4   
,an extensive inflammation of the       
erysipelatous kind appeared without any 
apparent cause upon the upper part of   
the thigh of a sucking colt1 the        
property of ,mr4 ,millet1 a farmer at   
,rockhampton1 a village near ,berkeley4 
,the inflammation continued several     
weeks1 and at length terminated in the  
formation of three or four small        
abscesses4 ,the inflamed parts were     
fomented1 and dressings were applied by 
some of the same persons who were       
employed in milking the cows4 ,the      
number of cows milked was twenty-four1  
and the whole of them had the cow-pox4  
,the milkers1 consisting of the farmer's
 wife1 a man and a maidservant1 were    
infected by the cows4 ,the man-servant  
had previously gone through the         
smallpox1 and felt but little of the    
cow-pox4 ,the servant maid had some     
years before been infected with the     
cow-pox1 and she also felt it now in a  
slight degree2 but the farmer's wife1   

who never had gone through either of the
 diseases1 felt its effects very        
severely4  ,that the disease produced   
upon the cows by the colt and from      
thence conveyed to those who milked them
 was the ,,true and not the ,,spurious  
cow-pox1 there can be scarcely any room 
for suspicion2 yet it would have been   
more completely satisfactory had the    
effects of variolous matter been        
ascertained on the farmer's wife1 but   
there was a peculiarity in her situation
 which prevented my making the          
experiment4  ,thus far have ,i proceeded
 in an inquiry founded1 as it must      
appear1 on the basis of experiment2 in  
which1 however1 conjecture has been     
occasionally admitted in order to       
present to persons well situated for    
such discussions objects for a more     
minute investigation4 ,in the mean time 
,i shall myself continue to prosecute   
this inquiry1 encouraged by the hope of 
its becoming essentially beneficial to  
mankind4     ,,ii  ,,further            

,,observations ,,on ,,the ,,variola     
,,vaccinae1 ,,or ,,cow-,,pox4 #agii     
,although it has not been in my power to
 extend the inquiry into the causes and 
effects of the variolae vaccinae much   
beyond its original limits1 yet1        
perceiving that it is beginning to      
excite a general spirit of              
investigation1 ,i think it of           
importance1 without delay1 to           
communicate such facts as have since    
occurred1 and to point out the          
fallacious sources from whence a disease
 imitative of the true variolae vaccinae
 might arise1 with the view of          
preventing those who may inoculate from 
producing a spurious disease2 and1      
further1 to enforce the precaution      
suggested in the former treatise on the 
subject1 of subduing the inoculated     
pustule as soon as it has sufficiently  
produced its influence on the           
constitution4 ,from a want of due       
discrimination of the real existence of 
the disease1 either in the brute or in  

the human subject1 and also of that     
stage of it in which it is capable of   
producing the change in the animal      
economy which renders it unsusceptible  
of the contagion of the smallpox1       
unpleasant consequences might ensue1 the
 source of which1 perhaps1 might not be 
suspected by one inexperienced in       
conducting such experiments4  ,my late  
publication contains a relation of most 
of the facts which had come under my own
 inspection at the time it was written1 
interspersed with some conjectural      
observations4 ,since then ,dr4 ,g4      
,pearson has established an inquiry into
 the validity of my principal assertion1
 the result of which cannot but be      
highly flattering to my feelings4 ,it   
contains not a single case which ,i     
think can be called an exception to the 
fact ,i was so firmly impressed         
with--that the cow-pox protects the     
human body from the smallpox4 ,i have   
myself received some further            
confirmations1 which shall be subjoined4

 ,i have lately also been favoured with 
a letter from a gentleman of great      
respectability 7,dr4 ,ingenhousz71      
informing me that1 on making an inquiry 
into the subject in the county of       
,wilts1 he discovered that a farmer near
 ,calne had been infected with the      
smallpox after having had the cow-pox1  
and that the disease in each instance   
was so strongly characterized as to     
render the facts incontrovertible4 ,the 
cow-pox1 it seems1 from the doctor's    
information1 was communicated to the    
farmer from his cows at the time that   
they gave out an offensive stench from  
their udders4  ,some other instances    
have likewise been represented to me of 
the appearance of the disease1          
apparently marked with its              
characteristic symptoms1 and yet that   
the patients have afterwards had the    
smallpox4 ,on these cases ,i shall1 for 
the present1 suspend any particular     
remarks1 but hope that the general      
observations ,i have to offer in the    

sequel will prove of sufficient weight  
to render the idea of their ever having 
had existence1 but as cases of spurious 
cow-pox1 extremely doubtful4  ,ere ,i   
proceed let me be permitted to observe  
that truth1 in this and every other     
physiological inquiry that has occupied 
my attention1 has ever been the object  
of my pursuit1 and should it appear in  
the present instance that ,i have been  
led into error1 fond as ,i may appear of
 the offspring of my labours1 ,i had    
rather see it perish at once than exist 
and do a public injury4  ,i shall       
proceed to enumerate the sources1 or    
what appear to me as such1 of a spurious
 cow-pox4  ,first3 ,that arising from   
pustules on the nipples or udder of the 
cow2 which pustules contain no specific 
virus4  ,secondly3 ,from matter         
7although originally possessing the     
specific virus7 which has suffered a    
decomposition1 either from putrefaction 
or from any other cause less obvious to 
the senses4  ,thirdly3 ,from matter     

taken from an ulcer in an advanced      
stage1 which ulcer arose from a true cow
 pock4  ,fourthly3 ,from matter produced
 on the human skin from contact with    
some peculiar morbid matter generated by
 a horse4  ,on these subjects ,i shall  
offer some comments3 ,first1 to what    
length pustulous diseases of the udder  
and nipples of the cow may extend it is 
not in my power to determine2 but       
certain it is that these parts of the   
animal are subject to some variety of   
maladies of this nature2 and as many of 
these eruptions 7probably all of them7  
are capable of giving a disease to the  
human body1 would it not be discreet for
 those engaged in this investigation to 
suspend controversy and cavil until they
 can ascertain with precision what ,,is 
and what ,,is ,,not the cow-pox8  ,for  
example3 ,a farmer who is not conversant
 with any of these maladies1 but who may
 have heard of the cow-pox in general   
terms1 may acquaint a neighbouring      
surgeon that the distemper appears at   

his farm4 ,the surgeon1 eager to make an
 experiment1 takes away matter1         
inoculates1 produces a sore1 uneasiness 
in the axilla1 and perhaps some         
affection of the system4 ,this is one   
way in which a fallacious idea of       
security both in the mind of the        
inoculater and the patient may arise2   
for a disease may thus have been        
propagated from a simple eruption only4 
,one of the first objects then of this  
pursuit1 as ,i have observed1 should be1
 to learn how to distinguish with       
accuracy between that peculiar pustule  
which is the true cow pock1 and that    
which is spurious4 ,until experience has
 determined this1 we view our object    
through a mist4 ,let us1 for instance1  
suppose that the smallpox and the       
chicken-pox were at the same time to    
spread among the inhabitants of a       
country which had never been visited by 
either of these distempers1 and where   
they were quite unknown before3 what    
confusion would arise6 ,the resemblance 

between the symptoms of the eruptive    
fever and between the pustules in either
 case would be so striking that a       
patient who had gone through the        
chicken-pox to any extent would feel    
equally easy with regard to his future  
security from the smallpox as the person
 who had actually passed through that   
disease4 ,time and future observation   
would draw the line of distinction4  ,so
 ,i presume it will be with the cow-pox 
until it is more generally understood4  
,all cavilling1 therefore1 on the mere  
report of those who ,,tell ,,us they    
have had this distemper1 and are        
afterwards found susceptible of the     
smallpox1 should be suspended4 ,to      
illustrate this ,i beg leave to give the
 following history3  ,sarah ,merlin1 of 
the parish of ,eastington in this       
county1 when about thirteen or fourteen 
years of age lived as a servant with    
farmer ,clarke1 who kept a dairy        
consisting of about eighteen cows at    
,stonehouse1 a neighbouring village4    

,the nipples and udders of three of the 
cows were extensively affected with     
large white blisters4 ,these cows the   
girl milked daily1 and at the time she  
assisted1 with two others1 in milking   
the rest of the herd4 ,it soon appeared 
that the disease was communicated to the
 girl4 ,the rest of the cows escaped the
 infection1 although they were milked   
several days after the three above      
specified1 had these eruptions on the   
nipples and udders1 and even after the  
girl's hand became sore4 ,the two others
 who were engaged in milking1 although  
they milked the cows indiscriminately1  
received no injury4 ,on the fingers of  
each of the girl's hands there appeared 
several large white blisters--she       
supposes about three or four on each    
finger4 ,the hands and arms inflamed and
 swelled1 but no constitutional         
indisposition followed4 ,the sores were 
anointed with some domestic ointment and
 got well without ulcerating4  ,as this 
malady was called the cow-pox1 and      

recorded as such in the mind of the     
patient1 she became regardless of the   
smallpox2 but1 on being exposed to it   
some years afterwards she was infected1 
and had a full burthen4  ,now had any   
one conversant with the habits of the   
disease heard this history1 they would  
have had no hesitation in pronouncing it
 a case of spurious cow-pox2 considering
 its deviation in the ,,numerous        
blisters which appeared on the girl's   
hands2 their termination without        
ulceration2 its not proving more        
generally contagious at the farm1 either
 among the cattle or those employed in  
milking2 and considering also that ,,the
 ,,patient ,,felt ,,no ,,general        
,,indisposition1 ,,although ,,there     
,,was ,,so ,,great ,a ,,number ,,of     
,,vesicles4  ,this is perhaps the most  
deceptious form in which an eruptive    
disease can be communicated from the    
cow1 and it certainly requires some     
attention in discriminating it4 ,the    
most perfect criterion by which the     

judgment may be guided is perhaps that  
adopted by those who attend infected    
cattle4 ,these white blisters on the    
nipples1 they say1 ,,never ,,eat ,,into 
,,the ,,fleshy ,,parts like those which 
are commonly of a bluish cast1 and which
 constitute the ,,true ,,cow-,,pox1 but 
that they affect the skin only1 quickly 
end in scabs1 and are not nearly so     
infectious4  ,that which appeared to me 
as one cause of spurious eruptions1 ,i  
have already remarked in the former     
treatise1 namely1 the transition that   
the cow makes in the spring from a poor 
to a nutritious diet1 and from the      
udder's becoming at this time more      
vascular than usual for the supply of   
milk4 ,but there is another source of   
inflammation and pustules which ,i      
believe is not uncommon in all the dairy
 counties in the west of ,england4 ,a   
cow intended to be exposed for sale1    
having naturally a small udder1 is      
previously for a day or two neither     
milked artificially nor is her calf     

suffered to have access to her4 ,thus   
the milk is preternaturally accumulated1
 and the udder and nipples become       
greatly distended4 ,the consequences    
frequently are inflammation and         
eruptions which maturate4  ,whether a   
disease generated in this way has the   
power of affecting the constitution in  
any ,,peculiar manner ,i cannot presume 
positively to determine4 ,it has been   
conjectured to have been a cause of the 
true cow-pox1 though my inquiries have  
not led me to adopt this supposition in 
any one instance2 on the contrary1 ,i   
have known the milkers affected by it1  
but always found that an affection thus 
induced left the system as susceptible  
of the smallpox as before4  ,what is    
advanced in my second position ,i       
consider also of very great importance1 
and ,i could wish it to be strongly     
impressed on the minds of all who may be
 disposed to conclude hastily on my     
observations1 whether engaged in their  
investigation by experiments or not to  

place this in its clearest point of view
 7as the similarity between the action  
of the smallpox and the cow-pox matter  
is so obvious7 it will be necessary to  
consider what we sometimes observe to   
take place in inoculation for the       
smallpox when imperfect variolous matter
 is made use of4 ,the concise history on
 this subject that was brought forward  
respecting what ,i had observed in this 
neighbourhood ,footnote3 ,inquiry into  
the ,causes and ,effects of the         
,variolae ,vaccinae1 p4#ef of the       
original article4 ,i perceive1 by a     
reference since made to the ,memoirs of 
the ,medical ,society of ,london1 may be
 considered as no more than a           
corroboration of the facts very clearly 
detailed by ,mr4 ,kite ,footnote3 ,see  
an account of some anomalous appearances
 consequent to the inoculation of the   
smallpox1 by ,charles ,kite1 ,surgeon1  
of ,gravesend1 in the ,memoirs of the   
,medical ,society of ,london1 vol4 iv1  
p4 #aad44 ,to this copious evidence ,i  

have to add still more in the following 
communications from ,mr4 ,earle1        
surgeon1 of ,frampton-upon-,severn1 in  
this county1 which ,i deem the more     
valuable1 as he has with much candour   
permitted me to make them public3       
,,sir3  ,i have read with satisfaction  
your late publication on the ,variolae  
,vaccinae1 and being1 among many other  
curious circumstances1 particularly     
struck with that relating to the        
inefficacy of smallpox matter in a      
particular state1 ,i think it proper to 
lay before you the following facts which
 came within my own knowledge1 and which
 certainly tend to strengthen the       
opinions advanced in pages #ef and #eg  
of your treatise4  ,in ,march1 #aghd1 a 
general inoculation took place at       
,arlingham in this county4 ,i inoculated
 several patients with active variolous 
matter1 all of whom had the disease in a
 favourable way2 but the matter being   
all used1 and not being able to procure 
any more in the state ,i wished1 ,i was 

under the necessity of taking it from a 
pustule which1 experience has since     
proved1 was advanced too far to answer  
the purpose ,i intended4 ,of five       
persons inoculated with this last       
matter1 four took the smallpox          
afterwards in the natural way1 one of   
whom died1 three recovered1 and the     
other1 being cautioned by me to avoid as
 much as possible the chance of catching
 it1 escaped from the disease through   
life4 ,he died of another disorder about
 two years ago4  ,although one of these 
cases ended unfortunate1 yet ,i cannot  
suppose that any medical man will think 
me careless or inattentive in their     
management2 for ,i conceive the         
appearances were such as might have     
induced any one to suppose that the     
persons were perfectly safe from future 
infection4 ,inflammation in every case  
took place in the arm1 and fever came on
 with a considerable degree of pain in  
the axilla4 ,in some of their arms the  
inflammation and suppuration were more  

violent than is commonly observed when  
perfect matter is made use of2 in one   
there was an ulcer which cast off       
several large sloughs4 ,about the ninth 
day eruptions appeared1 which died away 
earlier than common without maturation4 
,from these circumstances ,i should     
suppose that no medical practitioner    
would scarcely have entertained a doubt 
but that these patients had been        
infected with a true smallpox2 yet ,i   
must confess that some small degree of  
doubt presented itself to me at the     
speedy disappearance of the eruptions2  
and in order1 as far as ,i could1 to    
ascertain their safety1 ,i sent one of  
them to a much older practitioner than  
myself4 ,this gentleman1 on hearing the 
circumstances of the case1 pronounced   
the patient perfectly secure from future
 infection4  ,the following facts are   
also a striking proof of the truth of   
your observations on this subject3  ,in 
the year #aghi ,i inoculated three      
children of ,mr4 ,coaley1 of ,hurst farm

 in this county4 ,the arms inflamed     
properly1 fever and pain in the axillae 
came on precisely the same as in the    
former cases1 and in ten days eruptions 
appeared1 which disappeared in the      
course of two days4 ,i must observe that
 the matter here made use of was        
procured for me by a friend2 but no     
doubt it was in an improper state2 for1 
from the similarity of these cases to   
those which happened at ,arlingham five 
years before1 ,i was somewhat alarmed   
for their safety1 and desired to        
inoculate them again3 which being       
permitted1 ,i was particularly careful  
to procure matter in its most perfect   
state4 ,all the children took the       
smallpox from this second inoculation1  
and all had a very full burthen4 ,these 
facts ,i conceive strikingly corroborate
 your opinion relative to the different 
states of matter2 for in both instances 
that ,i have mentioned it was capable of
 producing something strongly resembling
 the true smallpox1 although it         

afterwards proved not to be so4  ,as ,i 
think the communication of these cases  
is a duty ,i owe to the public1 you are 
at liberty to make what use you please  
of this letter4 ,i remain1 c41  ,john   
,earle4  ,,frampton-,,upon ,,severn1    
,,gloucestershire1 ,november #aj1 #agih4
  ,p4 ,s4 ,i think it necessary to      
observe that ,i can pronounce1 with the 
greatest certainty1 that the matter with
 which the ,arlingham patients were     
inoculated was taken from a true        
smallpox pustule4 ,i took it myself from
 a subject that had a very full burthen4
  ,certain then it is that variolous    
matter may undergo such a change from   
the putrefactive process1 as well as    
from some of the more obscure and latent
 processes of nature1 as will render it 
incapable of giving the smallpox in such
 a manner as to secure the human        
constitution from future infection1     
although we see at the same time it is  
capable of exciting a disease which     
bears so strong a resemblance to it as  

to produce inflammation and matter in   
the incised skin 7frequently1 indeed1   
more violent than when it produces its  
effects perfectly71 swelling of the     
axillary glands1 general indisposition1 
and eruptions4 ,so strongly persuaded   
was the gentleman1 whose practice ,i    
have mentioned in page #ef of the late  
treatise1 that he could produce a mild  
smallpox by his mode of managing the    
matter1 that he spoke of it as a useful 
discovery until convinced of his error  
by the fatal consequence which ensued4  
,after this ought we to be in the       
smallest degree surprised to find1 among
 a great number of individuals who1 by  
living in dairies1 have been casually   
exposed to the cow-pox virus when in a  
state analogous to that of the smallpox 
above described1 some who may have had  
the disease so imperfectly as not to    
render them secure from variolous       
attacks8 ,for the matter1 when burst    
from the pustules on the nipples of the 
cow1 by being exposed1 from its lodgment

 there1 to the heat of an inflamed      
surface1 and from being at the same time
 in a situation to be occasionally      
moistened with milk1 is often likely to 
be in a state conducive to putrefaction2
 and thus1 under some modification of   
decomposition1 it must1 of course1      
sometimes find access to the hand of the
 milker in such a way as to infect him4 
,what confusion should we have were     
there no other mode of inoculating the  
smallpox than such as would happen from 
handling the diseased skin of a person  
labouring under that distemper in some  
of its advanced and loathsome stages6   
,it must be observed that every case of 
cow-pox in the human species1 whether   
communicated by design or otherwise1 is 
to be considered as a case of           
inoculation4 ,and here ,i may be allowed
 to make an observation on the case of  
the farmer communicated to me by ,dr4   
,ingenhousz4 ,that he was exposed to the
 matter when it had undergone the       
putrefactive change is highly probable  

from the doctor's observing that the    
sick cows at the farm gave out an       
,,offensive ,,stench ,,from ,,their     
,,udders4 ,however1 ,i must remark that 
it is unusual for cattle to suffer to   
such an extent1 when disordered with the
 cowpox1 as to make a bystander sensible
 of any ill smell4 ,i have often stood  
among a herd which had the distemper    
without being conscious of its presence 
from any particular effluvia4 ,indeed1  
in this neighbourhood it commonly       
receives an early check from escharotic 
applications of the ,,cow ,,leech4 ,it  
has been conceived to be contagious     
without contact2 but this idea cannot be
 well founded because the cattle in one 
meadow do not infect those in another   
7although there may be no other         
partition than a hedge7 unless they be  
handled or milked by those who bring the
 infectious matter with them2 and of    
course1 the smallest particle           
imaginable1 when applied to a part      
susceptible of its influence1 may       

produce the effect4 ,among the human    
species it appears to be very clear that
 the disease is produced by contact     
only4 ,all my attempts1 at least1 to    
communicate it by effluvia have hitherto
 proved ineffectual4  ,as well as the   
perfect change from that state in which 
variolous matter is capable of producing
 full and decisive effects on the       
constitution1 to that wherein its       
specific properties are entirely lost1  
it may reasonably be supposed that it is
 capable of undergoing a variety of     
intermediate changes4 ,the following    
singular occurrences in ten cases of    
inoculation1 obligingly communicated to 
me by ,mr4 ,trye1 ,senior ,surgeon to   
the ,infirmary at ,glocester1 seem to   
indicate that the variolous matter1     
previously to its being taken from the  
patient for the intended purpose1 was   
beginning to part with some of its      
original properties1 or1 in other words1
 that it had suffered a partial         
decomposition4 ,mr4 ,trye says3 ,i      

inoculated ten children with matter     
taken at one time and from the same     
subject4 ,i observed no peculiarity in  
any of them previously to their         
inoculation1 nor did any thing          
remarkable appear in their arms till    
after the decline of the disease4 ,two  
infants of three months old had         
erysipelas about the incisions1 in one  
of them extending from the shoulders to 
the fingers' ends4 ,another infant had  
abscesses in the cellular substance in  
the neighbourhood of the incisions1 and 
five or six of the rest had axillary    
abscesses4 ,the matter was taken from   
the distinct smallpox late in its       
progress1 and when some pustules had    
been dried4 ,it was received upon glass 
and slowly dried by the fire4 ,all the  
children had pustules which maturated1  
so that ,i suppose them all secure from 
future infection2 at least1 as secure as
 any others whom ,i have ever           
inoculated4 ,my practice never afforded 
a sore arm before4  ,in regard to my    

former observation on the improper and  
dangerous mode of preserving variolous  
matter1 ,i shall here remark that it    
seems not to have been clearly          
understood4 ,finding that it has been   
confounded with the more eligible modes 
of preservation1 ,i will explain myself 
further4 ,when the matter is taken from 
a fit pustule and properly prepared for 
preservation1 it may certainly be kept  
without losing its specific properties a
 great length of time2 for instance1    
when it is previously dried in the open 
air on some compact body1 as a quill or 
a piece of glass1 and afterwards secured
 in a small vial4 ,footnote3 ,thus      
prepared1 the cow-pox virus was found   
perfectly active1 and possessing all its
 specific properties1 at the end of     
three months4 ,but when kept several    
days in a state of moisture1 and during 
that time exposed to a warm temperature1
 ,i do not think it can be relied upon  
as capable of giving a perfect disease1 
although1 as ,i have before observed1   

the progress of the symptoms arising    
from the action of the imperfect matter 
bear so strong a resemblance to the     
smallpox when excited completely4       
,thirdly4 ,that the first formed virus1 
or what constitutes the true cow-pox    
pustule1 invariably possesses the power 
,i have ascribed to it1 namely1 that of 
affecting the constitution with a       
specific disease1 is a truth that no    
subsequent occurrence has yet led me to 
doubt4 ,but as ,i am now endeavouring to
 guard the public as much as possible   
against erroneous conclusions1 ,i shall 
observe that when this pustule has      
degenerated into an ulcer 7to which     
state it is often disposed to pass      
unless timely checked71 ,i suspect that 
matter possessing very different        
properties may sooner or later be       
produced2 and although it may have      
passed that stage wherein the specific  
properties of the matter secreted are no
 longer present in it1 yet when applied 
to a sore 7as in the casual way7 it     

might dispose that sore to ulcerate1 and
 from its irritation the system would   
probably become affected2 and thus1 by  
assuming some of its strongest          
characters1 it would imitate the genuine
 cow-pox4  ,from the preceding          
observations on the matter of smallpox  
when decomposed it must1 ,i conceive1 be
 admitted that cow-pox matter in the    
state now described may produce a       
disease1 the effects of which may be    
felt both locally and generally1 yet    
that the disease thus induced may not be
 effectual in obviating the future      
effects of variolous contagion4 ,in the 
case of ,mary ,miller1 related by ,mr4  
,kite in the volume above alluded to1 it
 appears that the inflammation and      
suppuration of the inoculated arm were  
more than usually severe1 although the  
system underwent no specific change from
 the action of the virus2 which appears 
from the patient's sickening seven weeks
 afterwards with the natural smallpox1  
which went through its course4 ,some of 

the cases communicated by ,mr4 ,earle   
tend further to confirm this fact1 as   
the matter there manifestly produced    
ulceration on the inoculated part to a  
considerable extent4  ,fourthly4        
,whether the cow-pox is a spontaneous   
disease in the cow1 or is to be         
attributed to matter conveyed to the    
animal1 as ,i have conceived1 from the  
horse1 is a question which1 though ,i   
shall not attempt now fully to discuss1 
yet ,i shall digress so far as to adduce
 some further observations1 and to give 
my reasons more at large for taking up  
an opinion that to some had appeared    
fanciful4 ,the aggregate of these       
observations1 though not amounting to   
positive proof1 forms presumptive       
evidence of so forcible a kind that ,i  
imagine it might1 on any other person1  
have made the same impression it did on 
me1 without fixing the imputation of    
credulity4  ,first3 ,i conceived this   
was the source1 from observing that     
where the cow-pox had appeared among the

 dairies here 7unless it could be traced
 to the introduction of an infected cow 
or servant7 it had been preceded at the 
farm by a horse diseased in the manner  
already described1 which horse had been 
attended by some of the milkers4        
,secondly3 ,from its being a popular    
opinion throughout this great dairy     
country1 and from its being insisted on 
by those who here attend sick cattle4   
,thirdly3 ,from the total absence of the
 disease in ,ireland and ,scotland1     
where the men-servants are not employed 
in the dairies4 ,footnote3 ,this        
information was communicated to me from 
the first authority4  ,fourthly3 ,from  
having observed that morbid matter      
generated by the horse frequently       
communicates1 in a casual way1 a disease
 to the human subject so like the       
cow-pox that1 in many cases1 it would be
 difficult to make the distinction      
between one and the other4 ,footnote3   
,the sound skin does not appear to be   
susceptible of this virus when inserted 

into it1 but1 when previously diseased  
from little accidents1 its effects are  
often conspicuous4  ,fifthly3 ,from     
being induced to suppose1 from          
experiments1 that some of those who had 
been thus affected from the horse       
resisted the smallpox4  ,sixthly3 ,from 
the progress and general appearance of  
the pustule on the arm of the boy whom  
,i inoculated with matter taken from the
 hand of a man infected by a horse2 and 
from the similarity to the cow-pox of   
general constitutional symptoms which   
followed4 ,footnote3 ,this case 7on     
which ,i laid no inconsiderable stress  
in my late treatise1 as presumptive     
evidence of the fact adduced7 seems to  
have been either mistaken or overlooked 
by those who have commented upon it4    
7,see ,case ,,xviii1 p4 #cf47 ,the boy1 
unfortunately1 died of a fever at a     
parish workhouse before ,i had an       
opportunity of observing what effects   
would have been produced by the matter  
of smallpox4  ,i fear it would be       

trespassing too far to adduce the       
general testimony of our farmers in     
support of this opinion2 yet ,i beg     
leave to introduce an extract of a      
letter on this subject from the ,rev4   
,mr4 ,moore1 of ,chalford ,hill1 in this
 county3  ,in the month of ,november1   
#agig1 my horse had diseased heels1     
which was certainly what is termed the  
grease2 and at a short subsequent period
 my cow was also affected with what a   
neighbouring farmer 7who was conversant 
with the complaints of cattle7          
pronounced to be the cow-pox1 which he  
at the same time observed my servant    
would be infected with3 and this proved 
to be the case2 for he had eruptions on 
his hands1 face1 and many1 parts of the 
body1 the pustules appearing large1 and 
not much like the smallpox1 for which he
 had been inoculated a year and a half  
before1 and had then a very heavy       
burthen4 ,the pustules on the face might
 arise from contact with his hands1 as  
he had a habit of rubbing his forehead1 

where the sores were the largest and the
 thickest4  ,the boy associated with the
 farmer's sons during the continuance of
 the disease1 neither of whom had had   
the smallpox1 but they felt no ill      
effects whatever4 ,he was not much      
indisposed1 as the disease did not      
prevent him from following his          
occupations as usual4 ,no other person  
attended the horse or milked the cow but
 the lad above mentioned4 ,i am firmly  
of opinion that the disease in the heels
 of the horse1 which was a virulent     
grease1 was the origin of the servant's 
and the cow's malady4  ,but to return to
 the more immediate object of this      
proposition4  ,from the similarity of   
symptoms1 both constitutional and local1
 between the cow-pox and the disease    
received from morbid matter generated by
 a horse1 the common people in this     
neighbourhood1 when infected with this  
disease1 through a strange perversion of
 terms1 frequently call it the cow-pox4 
,let us suppose1 then1 such a malady to 

appear among some of the servants at a  
farm1 and at the same time that the     
cow-pox were to break out among the     
cattle2 and let us suppose1 too1 that   
some of the servants were infected in   
this way1 and that others received the  
infection from the cows4 ,it would be   
recorded at the farm1 and among the     
servants themselves wherever they might 
afterwards be dispersed1 that they had  
all had the cow-pox4 ,but it is clear   
that an individual thus infected from   
the horse would neither be for a        
certainty secure himself1 nor would he  
impart security to others were they     
inoculated by virus thus generated4 ,he 
still would be in danger of taking the  
smallpox4 ,yet were this to happen      
before the nature of the cowpox be more 
maturely considered by the public my    
evidence on the subject might be        
depreciated unjustly4 ,for an           
exemplification of what is here advanced
 relative to the nature of the infection
 when received directly from the horse  

see ,inquiry into the ,causes and       
,effects of the ,variolae ,vaccinae1 pp4
 #bg1 #bh1 #bi1 #cj1 and p4 #ce2 and by 
way of further example1 ,i beg leave to 
subjoin the following intelligence      
received from ,mr4 ,fewster1 ,surgeon1  
of ,thornbury1 in this county1 a        
gentleman perfectly well acquainted with
 the appearances of the cow-pox on the  
human subject3  ,william ,morris1 aged  
thirty-two1 servant to ,mr4 ,cox of     
,almondsbury1 in this county1 applied to
 me the #b;d of ,april1 #agih4 ,he told 
me that1 four days before1 be found a   
stiffness and swelling in both his      
hands1 which were so painful it was with
 difficulty he continued his work2 that 
he had been seized with pain in his     
head1 small of the back1 and limbs1 and 
with frequent chilly fits succeeded by  
fever4 ,on examination ,i found him     
still affected with these symptoms1 and 
that there was a great prostration of   
strength4 ,many parts of his hands on   
the inside were chapped1 and on the     

middle joint of the thumb of the right  
hand there was a small phagedenic ulcer1
 about the size of a large pea1         
discharging an ichorous fluid4 ,on the  
middle finger of the same hand there was
 another ulcer of a similar kind4 ,these
 sores were of a ,,circular form1 and he
 described their first appearance as    
being somewhat like blisters arising    
from a burn4 ,he complained of excessive
 pain1 which extended up his arm into   
the axilla4 ,these symptoms and         
appearances of the sores were so exactly
 like the cow-pox that ,i pronounced he 
had taken the distemper from milking    
cows4 ,he assured me he had not milked a
 cow for more than half a year1 and that
 his master's cows had nothing the      
matter with them4 ,i then asked him if  
his master had a ,,greasy horse1 which  
he answered in the affirmative1 and     
further said that he had constantly     
dressed him twice a day for the         
,footnote3 ,,hc--,vol4#hh last three    
weeks or more1 and remarked that the    

smell of his hands was much like that of
 the horses's heels4 ,on the #eth of    
,april ,i again saw him1 and found him  
still complaining of pain in both hands1
 nor were his febrile symptoms at all   
relieved4 ,the ulcers had now spread to 
the size of a seven-shilling gold coin1 
and another ulcer1 which ,i had not     
noticed before1 appeared on the first   
joint of the forefinger of the left     
hand1 equally painful with that on the  
right4 ,i ordered him to bathe his hands
 in warm bran and water1 applied        
escharotics to the ulcers1 and wrapped  
his hands up in a soft cataplasm4 ,the  
next day he was much relieved1 and in   
something more than a fortnight got     
well4 ,he lost his nails from the thumb 
and fingers that were ulcerated4  ,the  
sudden disappearance of the symptoms in 
this case after the application of the  
escharotics to the sores is worthy of   
observation2 it seems to show that they 
were kept up by the irritation of the   
ulcers4  ,the general symptoms which ,i 

have already described of the cow- pox1 
when communicated in a casual way to any
 great extent1 will1 ,i am convinced1   
from the many cases ,i have seen1 be    
found accurate2 but from the very slight
 indisposition which ensues in cases of 
inoculation1 where the pustule1 after   
affecting the constitution1 quickly runs
 into a scab spontaneously1 or is       
artificially suppressed by some proper  
application1 ,i am induced to believe   
that the violence of the symptoms may be
 ascribed to the inflammation and       
irritation of the ulcers 7when          
ulceration takes place to any extent1 as
 in the casual cow-pox71 and that the   
constitutional symptoms which appear    
during the presence of the sore1 while  
it assumes the character of a pustule   
only1 are felt but in a very trifling   
degree4 ,this mild affection of the     
system happens when the disease makes   
but a slight local impression on those  
who have been accidentally infected by  
cows2 and1 as far as ,i have seen1 it   

has uniformly happened among those who  
have been inoculated1 when a pustule    
only and no great degree of inflammation
 or any ulceration has taken place from 
the inoculation4 ,the following cases   
will strengthen this opinion4  ,the     
cow-pox appeared at a farm in the       
village of ,stonehouse1 in this county1 
about ,michaelmas last1 and continued   
gradually to pass from one cow to       
another till the end of ,november1 ,on  
the twenty-sixth of that month some     
ichorous matter was taken from a cow and
 dried upon a quill4 ,on the #b;d of    
,december some of it was inserted into a
 scratch1 made so superficial that no   
blood appeared1 on the arms of ,susan   
,phipps1 a child seven years old4 ,the  
common inflammatory appearances took    
place in consequence1 and advanced till 
the fifth day1 when they had so much    
subsided that ,i did not conceive any   
thing further would ensue4  #fth3       
,appearances stationary4  #gth3 ,the    
inflammation began to advance4  #hth3 ,a

 vesication1 perceptible on the edges1  
forming1 as in the inoculated smallpox1 
an appearance not unlike a grain of     
wheat1 with the cleft1 or indentation in
 the centre4  #ith3 ,pain in the axilla4
  #ajth3 ,a little headache2 pulse1     
#aaj2 tongue not discoloured2           
countenance in health4  #aath1 #abth3   
,no perceptible illness2 pulse about    
#ajj4  #acth3 ,the pustule was now      
surrounded by an efflorescence1         
interspersed with very minute confluent 
pustules to the extent of about an inch4
 ,some of these pustules advanced in    
size and maturated4 ,so exact was the   
resemblance of the arm at this stage to 
the general appearance of the inoculated
 smallpox that ,mr4 ,d41 a neighbouring 
surgeon1 who took some matter from it1  
and who had never seen the cow-pox      
before1 declared he could not perceive  
any difference4 ,footnote3 ,that the    
cow-pox was a supposed guardian of the  
constitution from the action of the     
smallpox has been a prevalent idea for a

 long time past2 but the similarity in  
the constitutional effects between one  
disease and the other could never have  
been so accurately observed had not the 
inoculation of the cow-pox placed it in 
a new and stronger point of view4 ,this 
practice1 too1 has shewn us1 what before
 lay concealed1 the rise and progress of
 the pustule formed by the insertion of 
the virus1 which places in a most       
conspicuous light its striking          
resemblance to the pustule formed from  
the inoculated smallpox4 ,the child's   
arm now shewed a disposition to scab1   
and remained nearly stationary for two  
or three days1 when it began to run into
 an ulcerous state1 and ,,then commenced
 a febrile indisposition accompanied    
with an increase of axillary tumour4    
,the ulcer continued spreading near a   
week1 during which time the child       
continued ill1 when it increased to a   
size nearly as large as a shilling4 ,it 
began now to discharge pus2 granulations
 sprang up1 and it healed4 ,this child  

had before been of a remarkably sickly  
constitution1 but is now in very high   
health4  ,mary ,hearn1 twelve years of  
age1 was inoculated with matter taken   
from the arm of ,susan ,phipps4  #fth   
day3 ,a pustule beginning to appear1    
slight pain in the axilla4  #gth3 ,a    
distinct vesicle formed4  #hth3 ,the    
vesicle increasing2 edges very red2 no  
deviation in its appearance at this time
 from the inoculated smallpox4  #ith3   
,no indisposition2 pustule advancing4   
#ajth3 ,the patient felt this evening a 
slight febrile attack4  #aath3 ,free    
from indisposition4  #abth1 #acth3 ,the 
same4  #adth3 ,an efflorescence of a    
faint red colour extending several      
inches round the arm4 ,the pustule1     
beginning to shew a disposition to      
spread1 was dressed with an ointment    
composed of hydrarg4 nit4 rub4 and ung4 
cerce4 ,the efflorescence itself was    
covered with a plaster of ung4 hydr4    
fort4 ,in six hours it was examined1    
when it was found that the efflorescence

 had totally disappeared4  ,the         
application of the ointment with the    
hydr4 nit4 rub4 was made use of for     
three days1 when1 the state of the      
pustule remaining stationary1 it was    
exchanged for the ung4 hydr4 nit4 ,this 
appeared to have a more active effect   
than the former1 and in two or three    
days the virus seemed to be subdued1    
when a simple dressing was made use of2 
but the sore again shewing a disposition
 to inflame1 the ung4 hydr4 nit4 was    
again applied1 and soon answered the    
intended purpose effectually4 ,the girl1
 after the tenth day1 when1 as has been 
observed1 she became a little ill1      
shewed not the least symptom of         
indisposition4 ,she was afterwards      
exposed to the action of variolous2     
matter1 and completely resisted it4     
,susan ,phipps also went through a      
similar trial4 ,conceiving these cases  
to be important1 ,i have given them in  
detail3 first1 to urge the precaution of
 using such means as may stop the       

progress of the pustule2 and1 secondly1 
to point out 7what appears to be the    
fact7 that the most material            
indisposition1 or at least that which is
 felt most sensibly1 ,,does ,,not       
,,arise ,,primarily ,,from ,,the ,,first
 ,,action ,,of ,,the ,,virus ,,on ,,the 
,,constitution1 ,,but ,,that ,,it       
,,often ,,comes ,,on1 ,,if ,,the        
,,pustule ,,is ,,left ,,to ,,chance1    
,,as ,a ,,secondary ,,disease4 ,this    
leads me to conjecture1 what experiment 
must finally determine1 that they who   
have had the smallpox are not afterwards
 susceptible of the primary action of   
the cow-pox virus2 for seeing that the  
simple virus itself1 when it has not    
passed beyond the boundary of a vesicle1
 excites in the system so little        
commotion1 is it not probable the       
trifling illness1 thus induced may be   
lost in that which so quickly1 and      
oftentimes so severely1 follows in the  
casual cow- pox from the presence of    
corroding ulcers8 ,this consideration   

induces me to suppose that ,i may have  
been mistaken in my former observation  
on this subject4  ,in this respect1 as  
well as many others1 a parallel may be  
drawn between this disease and the      
smallpox4 ,in the latter1 the patient   
first feels the effect of what is called
 the absorption of the virus4 ,the      
symptoms then often nearly retire1 when 
a fresh attack commences1 different from
 the first1 and the illness keeps pace  
with the progress of the pustules       
through their different stages of       
maturation1 ulceration1 etc4 ,although  
the application ,i have mentioned in the
 case of ,mary ,hearn proved sufficient 
to check the progress of ulceration and 
prevent any secondary symptoms1 yet1    
after the pustule has duly exerted its  
influence1 ,i should prefer the         
destroying it quickly and effectually to
 any other mode4 ,the term caustic to a 
tender ear 7and ,i conceive none feel   
more interested in this inquiry than the
 anxious guardians of a nursery7 may    

sound harsh and unpleasing1 but every   
solicitude that may arise on this       
account will no longer exist when it is 
understood that the pustule1 in a state 
fit to be acted upon1 is then quite     
superficial1 and that it does not occupy
 the space of a silver penny4 ,footnote3
 ,i mention escharotics for stopping the
 progress of the pustule because ,i am  
acquainted with their efficacy2 probably
 more simple means might answer the     
purpose quite as well1 such as might be 
found among the mineral and vegetable   
astringents4  ,as a proof of the        
efficacy of this practice1 even before  
the virus has fully exerted itself on   
the system1 ,i shall lay before my      
reader the following history3  ,by a    
reference to the treatise on the        
,variolae ,vaccinae it will be seen     
that1 in the month of ,april1 #agih1    
four children were inoculated with the  
matter of cow-pox1 and that in two of   
these cases the virus on the arm was    
destroyed soon after it had produced a  

perceptible sickening4 ,mary ,james1    
aged seven years1 one of the children   
alluded to1 was inoculated in the month 
of ,december following with fresh       
variolous matter1 and at the same time  
was exposed to the effluvia of a patient
 affected with the smallpox4 ,the       
appearance and progress of the infected 
arm was1 in every respect similar to    
that which we generally observe when    
variolous matter has been inserted into 
the skin of a person who has not        
previously undergone either the cow-pox 
or the smallpox4 ,on the eighth day1    
conceiving there was infection in it1   
she was removed from her residence among
 those who had not had the smallpox4 ,i 
was now anxiously waiting the result1   
conceiving1 from the state of the girl's
 arm1 she would fall sick about this    
time4 ,on visiting her on the evening of
 the following day 7the ninth7 all ,i   
could learn from the woman who attended 
her was that she felt somewhat hotter   
than usual during the night1 but was not

 restless2 and that in the morning there
 was the faint appearance of a rash     
about her wrists4 ,this went off in a   
few hours1 and was not at all           
perceptible to me on my visit in the    
evening4 ,not a single eruption         
appeared1 the skin having been          
repeatedly and carefully examined4 ,the 
inoculated arm continued to make the    
usual progress to the end1 through all  
the stages of inflammation1 maturation1 
and scabbing4  ,on the eighth day matter
 was taken from the arm of this girl    
7,mary ,james7 and inserted into the    
arms of her mother and brother 7neither 
of whom had had either the smallpox or  
the cow-pox71 the former about fifty    
years of age1 the latter six4  ,on the  
eighth day after the insertion the boy  
felt indisposed1 and continued unwell   
two days1 when a measles-like rash      
appeared on his hands and wrists1 and   
was thinly scattered over his arms4 ,the
 day following his body was marbled over
 with an appearance somewhat similar1   

but he did not complain1 nor did he     
appear indisposed4 ,a few pustules now  
appeared1 the greater part of which went
 away without maturating4  ,on the ninth
 day the mother began to complain4 ,she 
was a little chilly and had a headache  
for two days1 but ,,no ,,pustule        
,,appeared on the skin1 nor had she any 
appearance of a rash4  ,the family was  
attended by an elderly woman as a nurse1
 who in her infancy had been exposed to 
the contagion of the smallpox1 but had  
resisted it4 ,this woman was now        
infected1 but had the disease in the    
slightest manner1 a very few eruptions  
appearing1 two or three of which only   
maturated4  ,from a solitary instance   
like that adduced of ,mary ,james1 whose
 constitution appears to have resisted  
the action of the variolous virus1 after
 the influence of the cow-pox virus had 
been so soon arrested in its progress1  
no positive conclusion can be fairly    
drawn2 nor from the history of the three
 other patients who were subsequently   

infected1 but1 nevertheless1 the facts  
collectively may be deemed interesting4 
,that one mild variety of the smallpox  
has appeared ,i have already plainly    
shewn2 ,footnote3 ,see ,inquiry into the
 ,causes and ,effects of the ,variolae  
,vaccinae1 p4 #ed 7of original article71
 and by the means now mentioned we      
probably have it in our power to produce
 at will another4  ,at the time when the
 pustule was destroyed in the arm of    
,mary ,james ,i was informed she had    
been indisposed about twelve hours2 but 
,i am now assured by those who were with
 her that the space of time was much    
less4 ,be that as it may1 in cases of   
cow-pox inoculation ,i would not        
recommend any application to subdue the 
action of the pustule until convincing  
proofs had appeared of the patient's    
having felt its effects at least twelve 
hours4 ,no harm1 indeed1 could ensue    
were a longer period to elapse before   
the application was made use of4 ,in    
short1 it should be suffered to have as 

full an effect as it could1 consistently
 with the state of the arm4  ,as the    
cases of inoculation multiply1 ,i am    
more and more convinced of the extreme  
mildness of the symptoms arising merely 
from the primary action of the virus on 
the constitution1 and that those        
symptoms which1 as in the accidental    
cow-pox1 affect the patient with        
severity1 are entirely secondary1       
excited by the irritating processes of  
inflammation and ulceration2 and it     
appears to me that this singular virus  
possesses an irritating quality of a    
peculiar kind1 but as a single cow-pox  
pustule is all that is necessary to     
render the variolous virus ineffectual1 
and as we possess the means of allaying 
the irritation1 should any arise1 it    
becomes of little or no consequence4    
,it appears then1 as far as an inference
 can be drawn from the present progress 
of cow-pox inoculation1 that it is an   
accidental circumstance only which can  
render this a violent disease1 and a    

circumstance of that nature which1      
fortunately1 it is in the power of      
almost every one to avoid4 ,i allude to 
the communication of the disease from   
cows4 ,in this case1 should the hands of
 the milker be affected with little     
accidental sores to any extent1 every   
sore would become the nidus of infection
 and feel the influence of the virus2   
and the degree of violence in the       
constitutional symptoms would be in     
proportion to the number and to the     
state of these local affections4 ,hence 
it follows that a person1 either by     
accident or design1 might be so filled  
with these wounds from contact with the 
virus that the constitution might sink  
under the pressure4  ,seeing that we    
possess the means of rendering the      
action of the sores mild1 which1 when   
left to chance1 are capable of producing
 violent effects2 and seeing1 too1 that 
these sores bear a resemblance to the   
smallpox1 especially the confluent1     
should it not encourage the hope that   

some topical application might be used  
with advantage to counteract the fatal  
tendency of that disease1 when it       
appears in this terrific form8 ,at what 
stage or stages of the disease this may 
be done with the most promising         
expectation of success ,i will not      
pretend now to determine4 ,i only throw 
out this idea as the basis of further   
reasoning and experiment4  ,i have often
 been foiled in my endeavours to        
communicate the cow- pox by inoculation4
 ,an inflammation will sometimes succeed
 the scratch or puncture1 and in a few  
days disappear without producing any    
further effect4 ,sometimes it will even 
produce an ichorous fluid1 and yet the  
system will not be affected4 ,the same  
thing we know happens with the smallpox 
virus4  ,four or five servants were     
inoculated at a farm contiguous to this 
place1 last summer1 with matter just    
taken from an infected cow4 ,a little   
inflammation appeared on all their arms1
 but died away without producing a      

pustule2 yet all these servants caught  
the disease within a month afterwards   
from milking the infected cows1 and some
 of them had it severely4 ,at present no
 other mode than that commonly practiced
 for inoculating the smallpox has been  
used for giving the cow-pox2 but it is  
probable this might be varied with      
advantage4 ,we should imitate the casual
 communication more clearly were we     
first1 by making the smallest           
superficial incision or puncture on the 
skin1 to produce a little scab1 and     
then1 removing it1 to touch the abraded 
part with the virus4 ,a small portion of
 a thread imbrued in the virus 7as in   
the old method of inoculating the       
smallpox7 and laid upon the slightly    
incised skin might probably prove a     
successful way of giving the disease2 or
 the cutis might be exposed in a minute 
point by an atom of blistering plaster1 
and the virus brought in contact with   
it4 ,in the cases just alluded to1 where
 ,i did not succeed in giving the       

disease constitutionally1 the experiment
 was made with matter taken in a        
purulent state from a pustule on the    
nipple of a cow4  ,is ,,pure ,,pus1     
though contained in a smallpox pustule1 
ever capable of producing the smallpox  
perfectly8 ,i suspect it is not4 ,let us
 consider that it is always preceded by 
the limpid fluid1 which1 in             
constitutions susceptible of variolous  
contagion1 is always infectious2 and    
though1 on opening a pustule1 its       
contents may appear perfectly purulent1 
yet a given quantity of the limpid fluid
 may1 at the same time1 be blended with 
it1 though it would be imperceptible to 
the only test of our senses1 the eye4   
,the presence1 then1 of this fluid1 or  
its mechanical diffusion through pus1   
may at all times render active what is  
apparently ,,mere ,,pus1 while its total
 absence 7as in stale pustules7 may be  
attended with the imperfect effects we  
have seen4  ,it would be digressing too 
widely to go far into the doctrine of   

secretion1 but as it will not be quite  
extraneous1 ,i shall just observe that  
,i consider both the pus and the limpid 
fluid of the pustule as secretions1 but 
that the organs established by nature to
 perform the office of secreting these  
fluids may differ essentially in their  
mechanical structure4 ,what but a       
difference in the organization of       
glandular bodies constitutes the        
difference in the qualities of the      
fluids secreted8 ,from some peculiar    
derangement in the structure or1 in     
other words1 some deviation in the      
natural action of a gland destined to   
create a mild1 innoxious fluid1 a poison
 of the most deadly nature may be       
created2 for example3 ,that gland1 which
 in its sound state secretes pure       
saliva1 may1 from being thrown into     
diseased action1 produce a poison of the
 most destructive quality4 ,nature      
appears to have no more difficulty in   
forming minute glands among the vascular
 parts of the body than she has in      

forming blood vessels1 and millions of  
these can be called into existence1 when
 inflammation is excited1 in a few      
hours4 ,footnote3 ,mr4 ,home1 in his    
excellent dissertation on pus and mucus1
 justifies this assertion4  ,in the     
present early stage of the inquiry 7for 
early it certainly must be deemed71     
before we know for an absolute certainty
 how soon the virus of the cow-pox may  
suffer a change in its specific         
properties1 after it has quitted the    
limpid state it possesses when farming a
 pustule1 it would be prudent for those 
who have been inoculated with it to     
submit to variolous inoculation4 ,no    
injury or inconvenience can accrue from 
this2 and were the same method practiced
 among those who1 from inoculation1 have
 felt the smallpox in an unsatisfactory 
manner at any period of their lives1 it 
might appear that ,i had not been too   
officious in offering a cautionary1 hint
 in recommending a second inoculation   
with matter in its most perfect state4  

,and here let me suppose1 for argument's
 sake 7not from conviction71 that one   
person in an hundred after having had   
the cow-pox should be found susceptible 
of the smallpox1 would this invalidate  
the utility of the practice8 ,for1      
waiving all other considerations1 who   
will deny that the inoculated smallpox1 
although abstractedly it may be         
considered as harmless1 does not involve
 in itself something that in numberless 
instances proves baneful to the human   
frame4  ,that in delicate constitutions 
it sometimes excites scrofula is a fact 
that must generally be subscribed to1 as
 it is so obvious to common observation4
 ,this consideration is important4  ,as 
the effects of the smallpox inoculation 
on those who have had the cow-pox will  
be watched with the most scrupulous eye 
by those who prosecute this inquiry1 it 
may be proper to bring to their         
recollection some facts relative to the 
smallpox1 which ,i must consider here as
 of consequence1 but which hitherto seem

 not to have made a due impression4  ,it
 should be remembered that the          
constitution cannot1 by previous        
infection1 be rendered totally          
unsusceptible of the variolous poison2  
neither the casual nor the inoculated   
smallpox1 whether it produces the       
disease in a mild or in a violent way1  
can perfectly extinguish the            
susceptibility4 ,the skin1 we know1 is  
ever ready to exhibit1 though often in a
 very limited degree1 the effects of the
 poison when inserted there2 and how    
frequently do we see1 among nurses1 when
 much exposed to the contagion1         
eruptions1 and these sometimes preceded 
by sensible illness6 yet should any     
thing like an eruption appear1 or the   
smallest degree of indisposition1 upon  
the insertion of the variolous matter on
 those who have gone through the        
cow-pox1 my assertions respecting the   
peculiarities of the disease might be   
unjustly discredited4  ,i know a        
gentleman who1 many years ago1 was      

inoculated for the smallpox1 but having 
no pustules1 or scarcely any            
constitutional affection that was       
perceptible1 he was dissatisfied1 and   
has since been repeatedly inoculated4 ,a
 vesicle has always been produced in the
 arm in consequence1 with axillary      
swelling and a slight indisposition2    
this is by no means a rare occurrence4  
,it is probable that fluid thus excited 
upon the skin would always produce the  
smallpox4  ,on the arm of a person who  
had gone through the cow-pox many years 
before ,i once produced a vesication by 
the insertion of variolous matter1 and1 
with a little of the fluid1 inoculated a
 young woman who had a mild1 but very   
efficacious1 smallpox in consequence1   
although no constitutional effect was   
produced on the patient from whom the   
matter was taken4 ,the following        
communication from ,mr4 ,fewster affords
 a still clearer elucidation of this    
fact4 ,mr4 ,fewster says3 ,on the #c;d  
of ,april1 #agig1 ,i inoculated ,master 

,h--1 aged fourteen months1 for the     
smallpox4 ,at the usual time he         
sickened1 had a plentiful eruption1     
particularly on his face1 and got well4 
,his nursemaid1 aged twenty-four1 had   
many years before gone through the      
smallpox1 in the natural way1 which was 
evident from her being much pitted with 
it4 ,she had used the child to sleep on 
her left arm1 with her left cheek in    
contact with his face1 and during his   
inoculation he had mostly slept in that 
manner4 ,about a week after the child   
got well she 7the nurse7 desired me to  
look at her face1 which she said was    
very painful4 ,there was a plentiful    
eruption on the left cheek1 ,,but ,,not 
,,on ,,any ,,other ,,part ,,of ,,the    
,,body1 which went on to maturation4    
,on enquiry ,i found that three days    
before the appearance of the eruption   
she was taken with slight chilly fits1  
pain in her head and limbs1 and some    
fever4 ,on the appearance of the        
eruption these pains went off1 and now1 

the second day of the eruption1 she     
complains of a little sore throat4      
,whether the above symptoms are the     
effects of the smallpox or a recent cold
 ,i do not know4 ,on the fifth day of   
the eruption ,i charged a lancet from   
two of the pustules1 and on the next day
 ,i inoculated two children1 one two    
years1 the other four months old1 with  
the matter4 ,at the same time ,i        
inoculated the mother and eldest sister 
with variolous matter taken from ,master
 ,h--4 ,on the fifth day of their       
inoculation ,,all their arms were       
inflamed alike2 and on the eighth day   
the eldest of those inoculated from the 
nurse sickened1 and the youngest on the 
eleventh4 ,they had both a plentiful    
eruption1 from which ,i inoculated      
several others1 who had the disease very
 favourably4 ,the mother and the other  
child sickened about the same time1 and 
likewise had a plentiful eruption4      
,soon after1 a man in the village       
sickened with the smallpox and had a    

confluent kind4 ,to be convinced that   
the children had had the disease        
effectually ,i took them to his house   
and inoculated them in both arms with   
matter taken from him1 but without      
effect4  ,these are not brought forward 
as uncommon occurrences1 but as         
exemplifications of the human system's  
susceptibility of the variolous         
contagion1 although it has been         
previously sensible of its action4      
,happy is it for mankind that the       
appearance of the small-pox a second    
time on the same person1 beyond a       
trivial extent1 is so extremely rare    
that it is looked upon as a phaenomenon6
 ,indeed1 since the publication of ,dr4 
,heberden's paper on the ,varicellae1 or
 chicken-pox1 the idea of such an       
occurrence1 in deference to authority so
 truly respectable1 has been generally  
relinquished4 ,this ,i conceive has been
 without just reason2 for after we have 
seen1 among many others1 so strong a    
case as that recorded by ,mr4 ,edward   

,withers1 ,surgeon1 of ,newbury1 ,berks1
 in the fourth volume of the ,memoirs of
 the ,medical ,society of ,london 7from 
which ,i take the following extracts71  
no one1 ,i think1 will again doubt the  
fact4  ,mr4 ,richard ,langford1 a farmer
 of ,west ,shefford1 in this county     
7,berks71 about fifty years of age1 when
 about a month old had the smallpox at a
 time when three others of the family   
had the same disease1 one of whom1 a    
servant man1 died of it4 ,mr4           
,langford's countenance was strongly    
indicative of the malignity of the      
distemper1 his face being so remarkably 
pitted and seamed as to attract the     
notice of all who saw him1 so that no   
one could entertain a doubt of his      
having had that disease in a most       
inveterate manner4 ,mr4 ,withers        
proceeds to state that ,mr4 ,langford   
was seized a second time1 had a bad     
confluent smallpox1 and died on the     
twenty-first day from the seizure2 and  
that four of the family1 as also a      

sister of the patient's1 to whom the    
disease was conveyed by her son's       
visiting his uncle1 falling down with   
the smallpox1 fully satisfied the       
country with regard to the nature of the
 disease1 which nothing short of this   
would have done2 the sister died4  ,this
 case was thought so extraordinary a one
 as to induce the rector of the parish  
to record the particulars in the parish 
register4  ,it is singular that in most 
cases of this kind the disease in the   
first instance has been confluent2 so   
that the extent of the ulceration on the
 skin 7as in the cow-pox7 is not the    
process in nature which affords security
 to the constitution4  ,as the subject  
of the smallpox is so interwoven with   
that which is the more immediate object 
of my present concern1 it must plead my 
excuse for so often introducing it4 ,at 
present it must be considered is a      
distemper not well understood4 ,the     
inquiry ,i have instituted into the     
nature of the cow-pox will probably     

promote its more perfect investigation4 
,the inquiry of ,dr4 ,pearson into the  
history of the cow-pox having produced  
so great a number of attestations in    
favour of my assertion that it proves a 
protection to the human body from the   
smallpox1 ,i have not been assiduous in 
seeking for more2 but as some of my     
friends have been so good as to         
communicate the following1 ,i shall     
conclude these observations with their  
insertion4  ,extract of a letter from   
,mr4 ,drake1 ,surgeon1 at ,stroud1 in   
this county1 and late ,surgeon to the   
,north ,gloucester ,regiment of         
,militia3  ,in the spring of the year   
#agif ,i inoculated men1 women1 and     
children to the amount of about seventy4
 ,many of the men did not receive the   
infection1 although inoculated at least 
three times and kept in the same room   
with those who actually underwent the   
disease during the whole time occupied  
by them in passing through it4 ,being   
anxious they should1 in future1 be      

secure against it1 ,i was very          
particular in my inquiries to find out  
whether they ever had previously had it1
 or at any time been in the             
neighbourhood of people labouring under 
it4 ,but1 after all1 the only           
satisfactory information ,i could obtain
 was that they had had the cow-pox4 ,as 
,i was then ignorant of such a disease  
affecting the human subject1 ,i         
flattered myself what they imagined to  
be the cow-pox was in reality the       
smallpox in a very slight degree4 ,i    
mentioned the circumstance in the       
presence of the officers1 at the time   
expressing my doubts if it were not     
smallpox1 and was not a little surprised
 when ,i was told by the ,colonel that  
he had frequently heard you mention the 
cow-pox as a disease endemial to        
,gloucestershire1 and that if a person  
were ever affected by it1 you supposed  
him afterwards secure from the smallpox4
 ,this excited my curiosity1 and when ,i
 visited ,gloucestershire ,i was very   

inquisitive concerning the subject1 and 
from the information ,i have since      
received1 both from your publication and
 from conversation with medical men of  
the greatest accuracy in their          
observations1 ,i am fully convinced that
 what the men supposed to be cow-pox was
 actually so1 and ,i can safely affirm  
that they effectually resisted the      
smallpox4  ,mr4 ,fry1 ,surgeon1 at      
,dursley in this county1 favours me with
 the following communication3  ,during  
the spring of the year #agig ,i         
inoculated fourteen hundred and         
seventy-five patients1 of all ages1 from
 a fortnight old to seventy years2      
amongst whom there were many who had    
previously gone through the cow-pox4    
,the exact number ,i cannot state2 but  
if ,i say there were nearly thirty1 ,i  
am certainly within the number4 ,there  
was not a single instance of the        
variolous matter producing any          
constitutional effect on these people1  
nor any greater degree of local         

inflammation than it would have done in 
the arm of a person who had before gone 
through the smallpox1 notwithstanding it
 was invariably inserted four1 five1 and
 sometimes six different times1 to      
satisfy the minds of the patients4 ,in  
the common course of inoculation        
previous to the general one scarcely a  
year passed without my meeting with one 
or two instances of persons who had gone
 through the cow-pox1 resisting the     
action of the variolous contagion4 ,i   
may fairly say that the number of people
 ,i have seen inoculated with the       
smallpox who1 at former periods1 had    
gone through the cow-pox1 are not less  
than forty2 and in no one instance have 
,i known a patient receive the smallpox1
 notwithstanding they invariably        
continued to associate with other       
inoculated patients during the progress 
of the disease1 and many of them        
purposely exposed themselves to the     
contagion of the natural smallpox2      
whence ,i am fully convinced that a     

person who had fairly had the cow-pox is
 no longer capable of being acted upon  
by the variolous matter4  ,i also       
inoculated a very considerable number of
 those who had had a disease which ran  
through the neighbourhood a few years   
ago1 and was called by the common people
 the swine-pox1 not one of whom received
 the smallpox4 ,footnote3 ,this was that
 mild variety of the smallpox which ,i  
have noticed in the late ,treatise on   
the ,cow-,pox 7p4 #bcc74  ,there were   
about half a dozen instances of people  
who never had either the cow-or         
swine-pox1 yet did not receive the      
smallpox1 the system not being in the   
least deranged1 or the arms inflamed1   
although they were repeatedly           
inoculated1 and associated with others  
who were labouring under the disease2   
one of them was the son of a farrier4   
,mr4 ,tierny1 ,assistant ,surgeon of the
 ,south ,gloucester ,regiment of        
,militia1 has obliged me with the       
following information3  ,that in the    

summer of the year of #agih he          
inoculated a great number of the men    
belonging to the regiment1 and that     
among them he found eleven who1 from    
having lived in dairies1 had gone       
through the cow-pox4 ,that all of them  
resisted the smallpox except one1 but   
that on making the most rigid and       
scrupulous enquiry at the farm in       
,gloucestershire1 where the man said he 
lived when he had the disease1 and among
 those with whom1 at the same time1 he  
declared he had associated1 and         
particularly of a person in the parish1 
whom he said had dressed his fingers1 it
 most clearly appeared that he aimed at 
an imposition1 and that he never had    
been affected with the cow-pox4         
,footnote3 ,the public cannot be too    
much upon their guard respecting persons
 of this description4 ,mr4 ,tierny      
remarks that the arms of many who were  
inoculated after having had the cow-pox 
inflamed very quickly1 and that in      
several a little ichorous fluid was     

formed4  ,mr4 ,cline1 who in ,july last 
was so obliging at my request as to try 
the efficacy of the cow-pox virus1 was  
kind enough to give me a letter on the  
result of it1 from which the following  
is an extract3  ,my ,,dear ,,sir3  ,the 
cow-pox experiment has succeeded        
admirably4 ,the child sickened on the   
seventh day1 and the fever1 which was   
moderate1 subsided on the eleventh4 ,the
 inflammation arising from the insertion
 of the virus extended to about four    
inches in diameter1 and then gradually  
subsided1 without having been attended  
with pain or other inconvenience4 ,there
 were no eruptions4  ,i have since      
inoculated him with smallpox matter in  
three places1 which were slightly       
inflamed on the third day1 and then     
subsided4  ,dr4 ,lister1 who was        
formerly physician to the ,smallpox     
,hospital1 attended the child with me1  
and he is convinced that it is not      
possible to give him the smallpox4 ,i   
think the substituting the cow-pox      

poison for the smallpox promises to be  
one of the greatest improvements that   
has ever been made in medicine2 and the 
more ,i think on the subject1 the more  
,i am impressed with its importance4    
,with great esteem  ,i am1 etc41        
,,henry ,,cline4  ,lincoln's ,inn       
,fields1 ,august #b1 #agih4  ,from      
communications1 with which ,i have been 
favoured from ,dr4 ,pearson1 who has    
occasionally reported to me the result  
of his private practice with the vaccine
 virus in ,london1 and from ,dr4        
,woodville1 who also has favoured me    
with an account of his more extensive   
inoculation with the same virus at the  
,smallpox ,hospital1 it appears that    
many of their patients have been        
affected with eruptions1 and that these 
eruptions have maturated in a manner    
very similar to the variolous4 ,the     
matter they made use of was taken in the
 first instance from a cow belonging to 
one of the great milk farms in ,london4 
,having never seen maturated pustules   

produced either in my own practice among
 those who were casually infected by    
cows1 or those to whom the disease had  
been communicated by inoculation1 ,i was
 desirous of seeing the effect of the   
matter generated in ,london1 on subjects
 living in the country4 ,a thread       
imbrued in some of this matter was sent 
to me1 and with it two children were    
inoculated1 whose cases ,i shall        
transcribe from my notes4  ,stephen     
,jenner1 three years and a half old4    
#c;d day3 ,the arm shewed a proper and  
decisive inflammation4  #fth3 ,a vesicle
 arising4  #gth3 ,the pustule of a      
cherry colour4  #hth3 ,increasing in    
elevation4 ,a few spots now appear on   
each arm near the insertion of the      
inferior tendons of the biceps muscles4 
,they are very small and of a vivid red 
colour4 ,the pulse natural2 tongue of   
its natural hue2 no loss of appetite or 
any symptom of indisposition4  #ith3    
,the inoculated pustule on the arm this 
evening began to inflame1 and gave the  

child uneasiness2 he cried and pointed  
to the seat of it1 and was immediately  
afterwards affected with febrile        
symptoms4 ,at the expiration of two     
hours after the seizure a plaster of    
ung4 hydrarg4 fort1 was applied1 and its
 effect was very quickly perceptible1   
for in ten minutes he resumed his usual 
looks and playfulness4 ,on examining the
 arm about three hours after the        
application of the plaster its effects  
in subduing the inflammation were very  
manifest4  #ajth3 ,the spots on the arms
 have disappeared1 but there are three  
visible in the face4  #aath3 ,two spots 
on the face are gone2 the other barely  
perceptible4  #acth3 ,the pustule       
delineated in the second plate in the   
,treatise on the ,variolae ,vaccinae is 
a correct representation of that on the 
child's arm as it appears at this time4 
#adth3 ,two fresh spots appear on the   
face4 ,the pustule on the arm nearly    
converted into a scab4 ,as long as any  
fluid remained in it it was limpid4     

,james ,hill1 four years old1 was       
inoculated on the same day1 and with    
part of the same matter which infected  
,stephen ,jenner4 ,it did not appear to 
have taken effect till the fifth day4   
#gth3 ,a perceptible vesicle3 this      
evening the patient became a little     
chilly2 no pain or tumour discoverable  
in the axilla4  #hth3 ,perfectly well4  
#ith3 ,the same4  #ajth3 ,the vesicle   
more elevated than ,i have been         
accustomed to see it1 and assuming more 
perfectly the variolous character than  
is common with the cow-pox at this      
stage4  #aath3 ,surrounded by an        
inflammatory redness1 about the size of 
a shilling1 studded over with minute    
vesicles4 ,the pustule contained a      
limpid fluid till the fourteenth day1   
after which it was incrusted over in the
 usual manner2 but this incrustation or 
scab being accidentally rubbed off1 it  
was slow in healing4  ,these children   
were afterwards fully exposed to the    
smallpox contagion without effect4      

,having been requested by my friend1    
,mr4 ,henry ,hicks1 of ,eastington1 in  
this county1 to inoculate two of his    
children1 and at the same time some of  
his servants and the people employed in 
his manufactory1 matter was taken from  
the arm of this boy for the purpose4    
,the numbers inoculated were eighteen4  
,they all took the infection1 and either
 on the fifth or sixth day a vesicle was
 perceptible on the punctured part4     
,some of them began to feel a little    
unwell on the eighth day1 but the       
greater number on the ninth4 ,their     
illness1 as in the former cases         
described1 was of short duration1 and   
not sufficient to interrupt1 but at very
 short intervals1 the children from     
their amusements1 or the servants and   
manufacturers from following their      
ordinary business4  ,three of the       
children whose employment in the        
manufactory was in some degree laborious
 had an inflammation on their arms      
beyond the common boundary about the    

eleventh or twelfth day1 when the       
feverish symptoms1 which before were    
nearly gone off1 again returned1        
accompanied with increase of axillary   
tumour4 ,in these cases 7clearly        
perceiving that the symptoms were       
governed by the state of the arms7 ,i   
applied on the inoculated pustules1 and 
renewed the application three or four   
times within an hour1 a pledget of lint1
 previously soaked in aqua lythargyri   
acetati ,footnote3 ,goulard's extract of
 ,saturn4 and covered the hot           
efflorescence surrounding them with     
cloths dipped in cold water4  ,the next 
day ,i found this simple mode of        
treatment had succeeded perfectly4 ,the 
inflammation was nearly gone off1 and   
with it the symptoms which it had       
produced4  ,some of these patients have 
since been inoculated with variolous    
matter1 without any effect beyond a     
little inflammation on the part where it
 was inserted4  ,why the arms of those  
inoculated with the vaccine matter in   

the country should be more disposed to  
inflame than those inoculated in ,london
 it may be difficult to determine4 ,from
 comparing my own cases with some       
transmitted to me by ,dr4 ,pearson and  
,dr4 ,woodville1 this appears to be the 
fact2 and what strikes me as still more 
extraordinary with respect to those     
inoculated in ,london is the appearance 
of maturating eruptions1 ,in the two    
instances only which ,i have mentioned  
7the one from the inoculated1 the other 
from the casual1 cow-pox7 a few red     
spots appeared1 which quickly went off  
without maturating4 ,the case of the    
,rev4 ,mr4 ,moore's servant may1 indeed1
 seem like a deviation from the common  
appearances in the country1 but the     
nature of these eruptions was not       
ascertained beyond their not possessing 
the property of communicating the       
disease by their effluvia4 ,perhaps the 
difference we perceive may be owing to  
some variety in the mode of action of   
the virus upon the skin of those who    

breathe the air of ,london and those who
 live in the country4 ,that the         
erysipelas assumes a different form in  
,london from what we see it put on in   
this country is a fact very generally   
acknowledged4 ,in calling the           
inflammation that is excited by the     
cow-pox virus erysipelatous1 perhaps ,i 
may not be critically exact1 but it     
certainly approaches near to it4 ,now1  
as the diseased action going forward in 
the part infected with the virus may    
undergo different modifications         
according to the peculiarities of the   
constitution on which it is to produce  
its effect1 may it not account for the  
variation which has been observed8  ,to 
this it may probably be objected that   
some of the patients inoculated1 and who
 had pustules in consequence1 were newly
 come from the country2 but ,i conceive 
that the changes wrought in the human   
body through the medium of the lungs may
 be extremely rapid4 ,yet1 after all1   
further experiments made in ,london with

 vaccine virus generated in the country 
must finally throw a light on what now  
certainly appears obscure and           
mysterious4  ,the principal variation   
perceptible to me in the action of the  
vaccine virus generated in ,london from 
that produced in the country was its    
proving more certainly infectious and   
giving a less disposition in the arm to 
inflame4 ,there appears also a greater  
elevation of the pustule above the      
surrounding skin4 ,in my former cases   
the pustule produced by the insertion of
 the virus was more like one of those   
which are so thickly spread over the    
body in a bad kind of confluent         
smallpox4 ,this was more like a pustule 
of the distinct smallpox1 except that ,i
 saw no instance of pus being formed in 
it1 the matter remaining limpid till the
 period of scabbing4  ,wishing to see   
the effects of the disease on an infant 
newly born1 my nephew1 ,mr4 ,henry      
,jenner1 at my request1 inserted the    
vaccine virus into the arm of a child   

about twenty hours old4 ,his report to  
me is that the child went through the   
disease without apparent illness1 yet   
that it was found effectually to resist 
the action of variolous matter with     
which it was subsequently inoculated4   
,i have had an opportunity of trying the
 effects of the cow-pox matter on a boy1
 who1 the day preceding its insertion1  
sickened with the measles4 ,the eruption
 of the measles1 attended with cough1 a 
little pain in the chest2 and the usual 
symptoms accompanying the disease1      
appeared on the third day and spread all
 over him4 ,the disease went through its
 course without any deviation from its  
usual habits2 and1 notwithstanding this1
 the cow-pox virus excited its common   
appearances1 both on the arm and on the 
constitution1 without any febrile       
interruption2 on the sixth day there was
 a vesicle4  #hth3 ,pain in the axilla1 
chilly1 and affected with headache4     
#ith3 ,nearly well4  #abth3 ,the pustule
 spread to the size of a large          

split-pea1 but without any surrounding  
efflorescence4 ,it soon afterwards      
scabbed1 and the boy recovered his      
general health rapidly4 ,but it should  
be observed that before it scabbed the  
efflorescence which had suffered a      
temporary suspension advanced in the    
usual manner4  ,here we see a deflation 
from the ordinary habits of the         
smallpox1 as it has been observed that  
the presence of the measles suspends the
 action of the variolous matter4  ,the  
very general investigation that is now  
taking place1 chiefly through           
inoculation 7and ,i again repeat my     
earnest hope that it may be conducted   
with that calmness and moderation which 
should ever accompany a philosophical   
research71 must soon place the vaccine  
disease in its just point of view4 ,the 
result of all my trials with the virus  
on the human subject has been uniform4  
,in every instance the patient who has  
felt its influence1 has completely lost 
the susceptibility for the variolous    

contagion2 and as these instances are   
now become numerous1 ,i conceive that1  
joined to the observations in the former
 part of this paper1 they sufficiently  
preclude me from the necessity of       
entering into controversies with those  
who have circulated reports adverse to  
my assertions1 on no other evidence than
 what has been casually collected4      
,,iii  ,a ,,continuation ,,of ,,facts   
,,and ,,observations ,,relative ,,to    
,,the ,,various ,,vaccines1 ,,or        
,,cow-,,pox4 #ahjj   ,since my former   
publications on the vaccine inoculation 
,i have had the satisfaction of seeing  
it extend very widely4 ,not only in this
 country is the subject pursued with    
ardour1 but from my correspondence with 
many respectable medical gentlemen on   
the ,continent 7among whom are ,dr4 ,de 
,carro1 of ,vienna1 and ,dr4 ,ballhorn1 
of ,hanover7 ,i find it is as warmly    
adopted abroad1 where it has afforded   
the greatest satisfaction4 ,i have the  
pleasure1 too1 of seeing that the feeble

 efforts of a few individuals to        
depreciate the new practice are sinking 
fast into contempt beneath the immense  
mass of evidence which has arisen up in 
support of it4  ,upwards of six thousand
 persons have now been inoculated with  
the virus of cow-pox1 and the far       
greater part of them have since been    
inoculated with that of smallpox1 and   
exposed to its infection in every       
rational way that could be devised1     
without effect4  ,it was very improbable
 that the investigation of a disease so 
analogous to the smallpox should go     
forward without engaging the attention  
of the physician of the ,smallpox       
,hospital in ,london4  ,accordingly1    
,dr4 ,woodville1 who fills that         
department with so much respectability1 
took an early opportunity of instituting
 an inquiry into the nature of the      
cow-pox4 ,this inquiry was begun in the 
early part of the present year1 and in  
,may1 ,dr4 ,woodville published the     
result1 which differs essentially from  

mine in a point of much importance4 ,it 
appears that three-fifths of the        
patients inoculated were affected with  
eruptions1 for the most part so         
perfectly resembling the smallpox as not
 to be distinguished from them4 ,on this
 subject it is necessary that ,i should 
make some comments4  ,when ,i consider  
that out of the great number of cases of
 casual inoculation immediately from    
cows which from time to time presented  
themselves to my observation1 and the   
many similar instances which have been  
communicated to me by medical gentlemen 
in this neighbourhood2 when ,i consider1
 too1 that the matter with which my     
inoculations were conducted in the years
 #agig1 '#ih1 and '#ii1 was taken from  
some different cows1 and that in no     
instance any thing like a variolous     
pustule appeared1 ,i cannot feel        
disposed to imagine that eruptions1     
similar to those described by ,dr4      
,woodville1 have ever been produced by  
the pure uncontaminated cow-pock virus2 

on the contrary1 ,i do suppose that     
those which the doctor speaks of        
originated in the action of variolous   
matter which crept into the constitution
 with the vaccine4 ,and this ,i presume 
happened from the inoculation of a great
 number of the patients with variolous  
matter 7some on the third1 others on the
 fifth1 day7 after the vaccine had been 
applied2 and it should be observed that 
the matter thus propagated became the   
source of future inoculations in the    
hands of many medical gentlemen who     
appeared to have been previously        
unacquainted with the nature of the     
cow-pox4  ,another circumstance         
strongly1 in my opinion1 supporting this
 supposition is the following3 ,the     
cow-pox has been known among our dairies
 time immemorial4 ,if pustules1 then1   
like the variolous1 were to follow the  
communication of it from the cow to the 
milker1 would not such a fact have been 
known and recorded at our farms8 ,yet   
neither our farmers nor the medical     

people of the neighbourhood have noticed
 such an occurrence4  ,a few scattered  
pimples ,i have sometimes1 though very  
rarely1 seen1 the greater part of which 
have generally disappeared quickly1 but 
some have remained long enough to       
suppurate at their apex4 ,that local    
cuticular inflammation1 whether         
springing up spontaneously or arising   
from the application of acrid           
substances1 such for instance1 as       
cantharides1 pix ,burgundica1 antimonium
 tartarizatum1 etc41 will often produce 
cutaneous affections1 not only near the 
seat of the inflammation1 but on some   
parts of the skin far beyond its        
boundary1 is a well-known fact4 ,it is1 
doubtless1 on this principle that the   
inoculated cow-pock pustule and its     
concomitant efflorescence may1 in very  
irritable constitutions1 produce this   
affection4 ,the eruption ,i allude to   
has commonly appeared some time in the  
third week after inoculation4 ,but this 
appearance is too trivial to excite the 

least regard4  ,the change which took   
place in the general appearance during  
the progress of the vaccine inoculation 
at the ,smallpox ,hospital should       
likewise be considered4  ,although at   
first it took on so much of the         
variolous character as to produce       
pustules in three cases out of five1 yet
 in ,dr4 ,woodville's last report1      
published in ,june1 he says3 ,since the 
publication of my reports of            
inoculations for the cow-pox1 upwards of
 three hundred cases have been under my 
care2 and out of this number only       
thirty-nine had pustules that           
suppurated2 viz41 out of the first      
hundred1 nineteen had pustules2 out of  
the second1 thirteen2 and out of the    
last hundred and ten1 only seven had    
pustules4 ,thus it appears that the     
disease has become considerably milder2 
which ,i am inclined to attribute to a  
greater caution used in the choice of   
the matter1 with which the infection was
 communicated2 for1 lately1 that which  

has been employed for this purpose has  
been taken only from those patients in  
whom the cow-pox proved very mild and   
well characterized4 ,footnote3 ,in a few
 weeks after the cow-pox inoculation was
 introduced at the ,smallpox ,hospital  
,i was favoured with some virus from    
this stock4 ,in the first instance it   
produced a few pustules1 which did not  
maturate2 but in the subsequent cases   
none appeared4--,e4 ,j4  ,the inference 
,i am induced to draw from these        
premises is very different4 ,the        
decline1 and1 finally1 the total        
extinction nearly1 of these pustules1 in
 my opinion1 are more fairly            
attributable to the cow-pox virus1      
assimilating the variolous1 ,footnote3  
,in my first publication on this subject
 ,i expressed an opinion that the       
smallpox and the cow-pox were the same  
diseases under different modifications4 
,in this opinion ,dr4 ,woodville has    
concurred ,the axiom of the immortal    
,hauter1 that two diseased actions      

cannot take place at the same time in   
one and the same part1 will not be      
injured by the admission of this theory4
 the former probably being the original1
 the latter the same disease under a    
peculiar1 and at present an             
inexplicable1 modification4  ,one       
experiment tending to elucidate the     
point under discussion ,i had myself an 
opportunity of instituting4 ,on the     
supposition of its being possible that  
the cow which ranges over the fertile   
meadows in the vale of ,gloucester might
 generate a virus differing in some     
respects in its qualities from that     
produced by the animal artificially     
pampered for the production of milk for 
the metropolis1 ,i procured1 during my  
residence there in the spring1 some cow 
pock virus from a cow at one of the     
,london milk- farms4 ,footnote3 ,it was 
taken by ,mr4 ,tanner1 then a student at
 the ,veterinary ,college1 from a cow at
 ,mr4 ,clark's farm at ,kentish ,town4  
,it was immediately conveyed into       

,gloucestershire to ,dr4 ,marshall1 who 
was then extensively engaged in the     
inoculation of the cow-pox1 the general 
result of which1 and of the inoculation 
in particular with this matter1 ,i shall
 lay before my reader in the following  
communication from the doctor3  ,,dear  
,,sir3  ,my neighbour1 ,mr4 ,hicks1     
having mentioned your wish to be        
informed of the progress of the         
inoculation here for the cow-pox1 and he
 also having taken the trouble to       
transmit to you my minutes of the cases 
which have fallen under my care1 ,i hope
 you will pardon the further trouble ,i 
now give you in stating the observations
 ,i have made upon the subject4 ,when   
first informed of it1 having two        
children who had not had the smallpox1  
,i determined to inoculate them for the 
cow-pox whenever ,i should be so        
fortunate as to procure matter proper   
for the purpose4 ,i was1 therefore1     
particularly happy when ,i was informed 
that ,i could procure matter from some  

of those whom you had inoculated4 ,in   
the first instance ,i had no intention  
of extending the disease further than my
 own family1 but the very extensive     
influence which the conviction of its   
efficacy in resisting the smallpox has  
had upon the minds of the people in     
general has rendered that intention     
nugatory1 as you will perceive1 by the  
continuation of my cases enclosed in    
this letter1 ,footnote3 ,doctor         
,marshall has detailed these cases with 
great accuracy1 but their publication   
would now be deemed superfluous4--,e4,j4
 by which it will appear that since the 
#bb;d of ,march ,i have inoculated an   
hundred and seven persons2 which1       
considering the retired situation ,i    
resided in1 is a very great number4     
,there are also other considerations    
which1 besides that of its influence in 
resisting the smallpox1 appear to have  
had their weight2 the peculiar mildness 
of the disease1 the known safety of it1 
and its not having in any instance      

prevented the patient from following his
 ordinary business4 ,in all the cases   
under my care there have only occurred  
two or three which required any         
application1 owing to erysipelatous     
inflammation on the arm1 and they       
immediately yielded to it4 ,in the      
remainder the constitutional illness has
 been slight but sufficiently marked1   
and considerably less than ,i ever      
observed in the same number inoculated  
with the smallpox4 ,in only one or two  
of the cases have any other eruptions   
appeared than those around the spot     
where the matter was inserted1 and those
 near the infected part4 ,neither does  
there appear in the cow-pox to be the   
least exciting cause to any other       
disease1 which in the smallpox has been 
frequently observed1 the constitution   
remaining in as full health and vigour  
after the termination of the disease as 
before the infection4 ,another important
 consideration appears to be the        
impossibility of the disease being      

communicated except by the actual       
contact of the matter of the pustule1   
and consequently the perfect safety of  
the remaining part of the family1       
supposing only one or two should wish to
 be inoculated at the same time4  ,upon 
the whole1 it appears evident to me that
 the cow-pox is a pleasanter1 shorter1  
and infinitely more safe disease than   
the inoculated smallpox when conducted  
in the most careful and approved manner2
 neither is the local affection of the  
inoculated part1 or the constitutional  
illness1 near so violent4 ,i speak with 
confidence on the subject1 having had an
 opportunity of observing its effects   
upon a variety of constitutions1 from   
three months old to sixty years2 and to 
which ,i have paid particular attention4
 ,in the cases alluded to here you will 
observe that the removal from the       
original source of the matter had made  
no alteration or change in the nature or
 appearance of the disease1 and that it 
may be continued1 ad infinitum 7,i      

imagine71 from one person to another 7if
 care be observed in taking the matter  
at a proper period7 without any         
necessity of recurring to the original  
matter of the cow4  ,i should be happy  
if any endeavours of mine could tend    
further to elucidate the subject1 and   
shall be much gratified is sending you  
any further observations ,i may be      
enabled to make4       ,i have the      
pleasure to subscribe myself1           
,dear sir1 etc41               ,,joseph 
,h4 ,,marshall  ,,eastington1           
,,gloucestershire1 ,april #bf1 #agii4   
,the gentleman who favoured me with the 
above account has continued to prosecute
 his inquiries with unremitting         
industry1 and has communicated the      
result in another letter1 which at his  
request ,i lay before the public without
 abbreviation4  ,dr4 ,marshall's second 
letter3  ,,dear ,,sir3  ,since the date 
of my former letter ,i have continued to
 inoculate with the cow-pox virus4      
,including the cases before enumerated1 

the number now amounts to four hundred  
and twenty-three4 ,it would be tedious  
and useless to detail the progress of   
the disease in each individual--it is   
sufficient to observe that ,i noticed no
 deviation in any respect from the cases
 ,i formerly adduced4 ,the general      
appearances of the arm exactly          
corresponded with the account given in  
your first publication4 ,when they were 
disposed to become troublesome by       
erysipelatous inflammation1 an          
application of equal parts of vinegar   
and water always answered the desired   
intention4 ,i must not omit to inform   
you that when the disease had duly acted
 upon the constitution ,i have          
frequently used the vitriolic acid4 ,a  
portion of a drop applied with the head 
of a probe or any convenient utensil    
upon the pustule1 suffered to remain    
about forty seconds1 and afterwards     
washed off with sponge and water1 never 
failed to stop its progress and expedite
 the formation of a scab4  ,i have      

already subjected two hundred and eleven
 of my patients to the action of        
variolous matter1 but ,,every ,,one     
,,resisted ,,it4  ,the result of my     
experiments 7which were made with every 
requisite caution7 has fully convinced  
me that the ,,true ,,cow-,,pox is a safe
 and infallible preventive from the     
smallpox2 that in no case which has     
fallen under my observation has it been 
in any considerable degree troublesome1 
much less have ,i seen any thing like   
danger2 for in no instance were the     
patients prevented from following their 
ordinary employments4  ,in ,dr4         
,woodville's publication on the cow-pox 
,i notice an extraordinary fact4 ,he    
says that the generality of his patients
 had pustules4 ,it certainly appears    
extremely extraordinary that in all my  
cases there never was but one pustule1  
which appeared on a patient's elbow on  
the inoculated arm1 and maturated4 ,it  
appeared exactly like that on the       
incised part4  ,the whole of my         

observations1 founded as it appears on  
an extensive experience1 leads me to    
these obvious conclusions2 that those   
cases which have been or may be adduced 
against the preventive powers of the    
cow-pox could not have been those of the
 true kind1 since it must appear to be  
absolutely impossible that ,i should    
have succeeded in such a number of cases
 without a single exception if such a   
preventive power did not exist4 ,i      
cannot entertain a doubt that the       
inoculated cow-pox must quickly         
supersede that of the smallpox4 ,if the 
many important advantages which must    
result from the new practice are duly   
considered1 we may reasonably infer that
 public benefit1 the sure test of the   
real merit of discoveries1 will render  
it generally extensive4  ,to you1 ,sir1 
as the discoverer of this highly        
beneficial practice1 mankind are under  
the highest obligations4 ,as a private  
individual ,i participate in the general
 feeling2 more particularly as you have 

afforded me an opportunity of noticing  
the effects of a singular disease1 and  
of viewing the progress of the most     
curious experiment that ever was        
recorded in the history of physiology4  
,i remain1 dear sir1 etc41              
,,joseph ,h4 ,,marshall4  ,p4,s4 ,i     
should have observed that1 of the       
patients ,i inoculated and enumerated in
 my letter1 one hundred and twenty-seven
 were infected with the matter you sent 
me from the ,london cow4 ,i discovered  
no dissimilarity of symptoms in these   
cases from those which ,i inoculated    
from matter procured in this country4   
,no pustules have occurred1 except in   
one or two cases1 where a single one    
appeared on the inoculated arm4 ,no     
difference was apparent in the local    
inflammation4 ,there was no suspension  
of ordinary employment among the        
labouring people1 nor was any medicine  
required4  ,i have frequently inoculated
 one or two in a family1 and the        
remaining part of it some weeks         

afterwards4 ,the uninfected have slept  
with the infected during the whole      
course of the disease without being     
affected2 so that ,i am fully convinced 
that the disease cannot be taken but by 
actual contact with the matter4  ,a     
curious fact has lately fallen under my 
observation1 on which ,i leave you to   
comment4  ,i visited a patient with the 
confluent smallpox and charged a lancet 
with some of the matter4 ,two days      
afterwards ,i was desired to inoculate a
 woman and four children with the       
cow-pox1 and ,i inadvertently took the  
vaccine matter on the same lancet which 
was before charged with that of         
smallpox4 ,in three days ,i discovered  
the mistake1 and fully expected that my 
five patients would be infected with    
smallpox2 but ,i was agreeably surprised
 to find the disease to be genuine      
cow-pox1 which proceeded without        
deviating in any particular from my     
former cases4 ,i afterwards inoculated  
these patients with variolous matter1   

but all of them resisted its action4  ,i
 omitted mentioning another great       
advantage that now occurs to me in the  
inoculated cow-pox2 ,i mean1 the safety 
with which pregnant women may have the  
disease communicated to them4 ,i have   
inoculated a great number of females in 
that situation1 and never observed their
 cases to differ in any respect from    
those of my other patients4 ,indeed1 the
 disease is so mild that it seems as if 
it might at all times be communicated   
with the most perfect safety4  ,i shall 
here take the opportunity of thanking   
,dr4 ,marshall and those other gentlemen
 who have obligingly presented me with  
the result of their inoculations2 but1  
as they all agree in the same point as  
that given in the above communication1  
namely1 the security of the patient from
 the effects of the smallpox after the  
cow-pox1 their perusal1 ,i presume1     
would afford us no satisfaction that has
 not been amply given already4          
,particular occurrences ,i shall1 of    

course1 detail4 ,some of my             
correspondents have mentioned the       
appearance of smallpox-like eruptions at
 the commencement of their inoculations2
 but in these cases the matter was      
derived from the original stock at the  
,smallpox ,hospital4  ,i have myself    
inoculated a very considerable number   
from the matter produced by ,dr4        
,marshall's patients1 originating in the
 ,london cow1 without observing pustules
 of any kind1 and have dispersed it     
among others who have used it with a    
similar effect4 ,from this source ,mr4  
,h4 ,jenner informs me he has inoculated
 above an hundred patients without      
observing eruptions4 ,whether the nature
 of the virus will undergo any change   
from being farther removed from its     
original source in passing successively 
from one person to another time alone   
can determine4 ,that which ,i am now    
employing has been in use near eight    
months1 and not the least change is     
perceptible in its mode of action either

 locally or constitutionally4 ,there is1
 therefore1 every reason to expect that 
its effects will remain unaltered and   
that we shall not be under the necessity
 of seeking fresh supplies from the cow4
  ,the following observations were      
obligingly sent me by ,mr4 ,tierny1     
,assistant ,surgeon to the ,south       
,gloucester ,regiment of ,militia1 to   
whom ,i am indebted for a former report 
on this subject3  ,i inoculated with the
 cow-pox matter from the eleventh to the
 latter part of ,april1 twenty-five     
persons1 including women and children4  
,some on the eleventh were inoculated   
with the matter ,mr4 ,shrapnell 7surgeon
 to the regiment7 had from you1 the     
others with matter taken from these4    
,the progress of the puncture was       
accurately observed1 and its appearance 
seemed to differ from the smallpox in   
having less inflammation around its     
basis on the first days--that is1 from  
the third to the seventh2 but after this
 the inflammation increased1 extending  

on the tenth or eleventh day to a circle
 of an inch and a half from its centre1 
and threatening very sore arms2 but this
 ,i am happy to say was not the case2   
for1 by applying mercurial ointment to  
the inflamed part1 which was repeated   
daily until the inflammation went off1  
the arm got well without any further    
application or trouble4 ,the            
constitutional symptoms which appeared  
on the eighth or ninth day after        
inoculation scarcely deserved the name  
of disease1 as they were so slight as to
 be scarcely perceptible1 except that ,i
 could connect a slight headache and    
languor1 with a stiffness and rather    
painful sensation in the axilla4 ,this  
latter symptom was the most striking--it
 remained from twelve to forty-eight    
hours4 ,in no case did ,i observe the   
smallest pustule1 or even discolouration
 of the skin1 like an incipient pustule1
 except about the part where the virus  
has been applied4  ,after all these     
symptoms had subsided and the arms were 

well1 ,i inoculated four of this number 
with variolous matter1 taken from a     
patient in another regiment4 ,in each of
 these it was inserted several times    
under the cuticle1 producing slight     
inflammation on the second or third day1
 and always disappearing before the     
fifth or sixth1 except in one who had   
the cow-pox in ,gloucestershire before  
he joined us1 and who also received it  
at this time by inoculation4 ,in this   
man the puncture inflamed and his arm   
was much sorer than from the insertion  
of the cow-pox virus2 but there was no  
pain in the axilla1 nor could any       
constitutional affection be observed4   
,i have only to add that ,i am now fully
 satisfied of the efficacy of the       
cow-pox in preventing the appearance of 
the smallpox1 and that it is a most     
happy and salutary substitute for it4 ,i
 remain1 etc41  ,m4 ,j4 ,,tierny4       
,although the susceptibility of the     
virus of the cow-pox is1 for the most   
part1 lost in those who have had the    

smallpox1 yet in some constitutions it  
is only partially destroyed1 and in     
others it does not appear to be in the  
least diminished4  ,by far the greater  
number on whom trials were made resisted
 it entirely2 yet ,i found some on whose
 arm the pustule from inoculation was   
formed completely1 but without producing
 the common efflorescent blush around   
it1 or any constitutional illness1 while
 others have had the disease in the most
 perfect manner4 ,a case of the latter  
kind having been presented to me by ,mr4
 ,fewster1 ,surgeon1 of ,thornbury1 ,i  
shall insert it3  ,three children were  
inoculated with the vaccine matter you  
obligingly sent me4 ,on calling to look 
at their arms three days after ,i was   
told that ,john ,hodges1 one of the     
three1 had been inoculated with the     
smallpox when a year old1 and that he   
had a full burthen1 of which his face   
produced plentiful marks1 a circumstance
 ,i was not before made acquainted with4
 ,on the sixth day the arm of the boy   

appeared as if inoculated with variolous
 matter1 but the pustule was rather more
 elevated4 ,on the ninth day he         
complained of violent pain in his head  
and back1 accompanied with vomiting and 
much fever4 ,the next day he was very   
well and went to work as usual4 ,the    
punctured part began to spread1 and     
there was the areola around the         
inoculated part to a considerable       
extent4  ,as this is contrary to an     
assertion made in the ,medical and      
,physical ,journal1 ,no4 #h1 ,i thought 
it right to give you this information1  
and remain1      ,dear sir1 etc41       
,j4 ,,fewster4  ,it appears1 then1 that 
the animal economy with regard to the   
action of this virus is under the same  
laws as it is with respect to the       
variolous virus1 after previously       
feeling its influence1 as far as        
comparisons can be made between the two 
diseases4  ,some striking instances of  
the power of the cow-pox in suspending  
the progress of the smallpox after the  

patients had been several days casually 
exposed to the infection have been laid 
before me by ,mr4 ,lyford1 ,surgeon1 of 
,winchester1 and my nephew1 the ,rev4   
,g4 ,c ,jenner4 ,mr4 ,lyford1 after     
giving an account of his extensive and  
successful practice in the vaccine      
inoculation in ,hampshire1 writes as    
follows3  ,the following case occurred  
to me a short time since1 and may       
probably be worth your notice4 ,i was   
sent for to a patient with the smallpox1
 and on inquiry found that five days    
previous to my seeing him the eruption  
began to appear4 ,during the whole of   
this time two children who had not had  
the smallpox1 were constantly in the    
room with their father1 and frequently  
on the bed with him4 ,the mother        
consulted me on the propriety of        
inoculating them1 but objected to my    
taking the matter from their father1 as 
he was subject to erysipelas4 ,i advised
 her by all means to have them          
inoculated at that time1 as ,i could not

 procure any variolous matter elsewhere4
 ,however1 they were inoculated with    
vaccine matter1 but ,i cannot say ,i    
flattered myself with its proving       
successful1 as they had previously been 
so long and still continued to be       
exposed to the variolous infection4     
,notwithstanding this ,i was agreeably  
surprised to find the vaccine disease   
advance and go through its regular      
course2 and1 if ,i may be allowed the   
expression1 to the total extinction of  
the smallpox4  ,mr4 ,jenner's cases were
 not less satisfactory4 ,he writes as   
follows3  ,a son of ,thomas ,stinchcomb1
 of ,woodford1 near ,berkeley1 was      
infected with the natural smallpox at   
,bristol1 and came home to his father's 
cottage4 ,four days after the eruptions 
had appeared upon the boy1 the family   
7none of which had ever had the         
smallpox71 consisting of the father1    
mother1 and five children1 was          
inoculated with vaccine virus4 ,on the  
arm of the mother it failed to produce  

the least effect1 and she1 of course1   
had the smallpox1 ,footnote3 ,under     
similar circumstances ,i think it would 
be advisable to insert the matter into  
each arm1 which would be more likely to 
insure the success of the               
operation4--,e4 ,j4 but the rest of the 
family had the cow-pox in the usual way1
 and were not affected with the         
smallpox1 although they were in the same
 room1 and the children slept in the    
same bed with their brother who was     
confined to it with the natural         
smallpox2 and subsequently with their   
mother4  ,i attended this family with my
 brother1 ,mr4 ,h4 ,jenner4  ,the       
following cases are of too singular a   
nature to remain unnoticed4  ,miss ,r--1
 a young lady about five years old1 was 
seized on the evening of the eighth day 
after inoculation with vaccine virus1   
with such symptoms as commonly denote   
the accession of violent fever4 ,her    
throat was also a little sore1 and there
 were some uneasy sensations about the  

muscles of the neck4 ,the day following 
a rash was perceptible on her face and  
neck1 so much resembling the            
efflorescence of the scarlatina anginosa
 that ,i was induced to ask whether     
,miss ,r--had been exposed to the       
contagion of that disease4 ,an answer in
 the affirmative1 and the rapid         
spreading of the redness over the skin1 
at once relieved me from much anxiety   
respecting the nature of the malady1    
which went through its course in the    
ordinary way1 but not without symptoms  
which were alarming both to myself and  
,mr4 ,lyford1 who attended with me4     
,there was no apparent deviation in the 
ordinary progress of the pustule to a   
state of maturity from what we see in   
general2 yet there was a total          
suspension of the areola or florid      
discolouration around it1 until the     
scarlatina had retired from the         
constitution4 ,as soon as the patient   
was freed from this disease this        
appearance advanced in the usual way4   

,footnote3 ,i witnessed a similar fact  
in a case of measles4 ,the pustule from 
the cow-pock virus advanced to maturity1
 while the measles existed in the       
constitution1 but no ,,efflorescence    
appeared around it until the measles had
 ceased to exert its influence4  ,the   
case of ,miss ,h--,r--is not less       
interesting than that of her sister1    
above related4 ,she was exposed to the  
contagion of the scarlatina at the same 
time1 and sickened almost at the same   
hour4 ,the symptoms continued severe    
about twelve hours1 when the            
scarlatina-rash shewed itself faintly   
upon her face1 and partly upon her neck4
 ,after remaining two or three hours it 
suddenly disappeared1 and she became    
perfectly free from every complaint4 ,my
 surprise at this sudden transition from
 extreme sickness to health in great    
measure ceased when ,i observed that the
 inoculated pustule had occasioned1 in  
this case1 the common efflorescent      
appearance around it1 and that as it    

approached the centre it was nearly in  
an erysipelatous state4 ,but the most   
remarkable part of this history is that1
 on the fourth day afterwards1 so soon  
as the efflorescence began to die away  
upon the arm and the pustule to dry up1 
the scarlatina again appeared1 her      
throat became sore1 the rash spread all 
over her4 ,she went fairly through the  
disease with its common symptoms4  ,that
 these were actually cases of scarlatina
 was rendered certain by two servants in
 the family falling ill at the same time
 with the distemper1 who had been       
exposed to the infection with the young 
ladies4  ,some there are who suppose the
 security from the smallpox obtained    
through the cow-pox will be of a        
temporary nature only4 ,this supposition
 is refuted not only by analogy with    
respect to the habits of diseases of a  
similar nature1 but by incontrovertible 
facts1 which appear in great numbers    
against it4 ,to those already adduced in
 the former part of my first treatise   

,footnote3 ,see pages #bag1 #bah1 #bai1 
#bba1 #bbc1 etc4 many more might be     
adduced were it deemed necessary2 but   
among the cases ,i refer to1 one will be
 found of a person who had the cow-pox  
fifty-three years before the effect of  
the smallpox was tried upon him4 ,as he 
completely resisted it1 the intervening 
period ,i conceive must necessarily     
satisfy any reasonable mind4 ,should    
further evidence be thought necessary1  
,i shall observe that1 among the cases  
presented to me by ,mr4 ,fry1 ,mr4      
,darke1 ,mr4 ,tierny1 ,mr4 ,h4 ,jenner1 
and others1 there were many whom they   
inoculated ineffectually with variolous 
matter1 who had gone through the cow-pox
 many years before this trial was made4 
,it has been imagined that the cow-pox  
is capable of being communicated from   
one person to another by effluvia       
without the intervention of inoculation4
 ,my experiments1 made with the design  
of ascertaining this important point1   
all tend to establish my original       

position1 that it is not infectious     
except by contact1 ,i have never        
hesitated to suffer those on whose arms 
there were pustules exhaling the        
effluvia from associating or even       
sleeping with others who never had      
experienced either the cow-pox or the   
smallpox4 ,and1 further1 ,i have        
repeatedly1 among children1 caused the  
uninfected to breathe over the          
inoculated vaccine 'pustules during     
their whole progress1 yet these         
experiments were tried without the least
 effect4 ,however1 to submit a matter so
 important to a still further scrutiny1 
,i desired ,mr4 ,h4 ,jenner to make any 
further experiments which might strike  
him as most likely to establish or      
refute what had been advanced on this   
subject4 ,he has since informed me that 
he inoculated children at the breast1   
whose mothers had not gone through      
either the smallpox or the cow-pox2 that
 he had inoculated mothers whose sucking
 infants had never undergone either of  

these diseases2 that the effluvia from  
the inoculated pustules1 in either case1
 had been inhaled from day to day during
 the whole progress of their maturation1
 and that there was not the least       
perceptible effect from these exposures4
 ,one woman he inoculated about a week  
previous to her accouchement1 that her  
infant might be the more fully and      
conveniently exposed to the pustule2    
but1 as in the former instances1 no     
infection was given1 although the child 
frequently slept on the arm of its      
mother with its nostrils and mouth      
exposed to the pustule in the fullest   
state of maturity4 ,in a word1 is it not
 impossible for the cow-pox1 whose      
,,only manifestation appears to consist 
in the pustules ,,created ,,by          
,,contact1 to produce ,,itself by       
effluvia8  ,in the course of a late     
inoculation ,i observed an appearance   
which it may be proper here to relate4  
,the punctured part on a boy's arm 7who 
was inoculated with fresh limpid virus7 

on the sixth day1 instead of shewing a  
beginning vesicle1 which is usual in the
 cow-pox at that period1 was encrusted  
over with a rugged1 amber-coloured scab4
 ,the scab continued to spread and      
increase in thickness for some days1    
when1 at its edges1 a vesicated ring    
appeared1 and the disease went through  
its ordinary course1 the boy having had 
soreness in the axilla and some slight  
indisposition4 ,with the fluid matter   
taken from his arm five persons were    
inoculated4 ,in one it took no effect4  
,in another it produced a perfect       
pustule without any deviation from the  
common appearance2 but in the other     
three the progress of the inflammation  
was exactly similar to the instance     
which afforded the virus for their      
inoculation2 there was a creeping scab  
of a loose texture1 and subsequently the
 formation of limpid fluid at its edges4
 ,as these people were all employed in  
laborious exercises1 it is possible that
 these anomalous appearances might owe  

their origin to the friction of the     
clothes on the newly inflamed part of   
the arm4 ,i have not yet had an         
opportunity of exposing them to the     
smallpox4  ,in the early part of this   
inquiry ,i felt far more anxious        
respecting the inflammation of the      
inoculated arm than at present2 yet that
 this affection will go on to a greater 
extent than could be wished is a        
circumstance sometimes to be expected4  
,as this can be checked1 or even        
entirely subdued1 by very simple means1 
,i see no reason why the patient should 
feel an uneasy hour because an          
application may not be absolutely       
necessary4 ,about the tenth or eleventh 
day1 if the pustule has proceeded       
regularly1 the appearance of the arm    
will almost to a certainty indicate     
whether this is to be expected or not4  
,should it happen1 nothing more need be 
done than to apply a single drop of the 
aqua lythargyri acetati ,footnote3      
,extract of ,saturn4 upon the pustule1  

and1 having suffered it to remain two or
 three minutes1 to cover the            
efflorescence surrounding the pustule   
with a piece of linen dipped in the aqua
 lythargyri compos4 ,footnote3 ,goulard 
water4 ,for further information on this 
subject see the first ,treatise on the  
,var4 ,vac41 ,dr4 ,marshall's letters1  
etc4 ,the former may be repeated twice  
or thrice during the day1 the latter as 
often as it may feel agreeable to the   
patient4  ,when the scab is prematurely 
rubbed off 7a circumstance not          
unfrequent among children and working   
people71 the application of a little    
aqua lythargyri acet4 to the part       
immediately coagulates the surface1     
which supplies its place1 and prevents a
 sore4  ,in my former treatises on this 
subject ,i have remarked that the human 
constitution frequently retains its     
susceptibility to the smallpox contagion
 7both from effluvia and contact7 after 
previously feeling its influence4 ,in   
further corroboration of this           

declaration many facts have been        
communicated to me by various           
correspondents4 ,i shall select one of  
them4  ,,dear ,,sir3  ,society at large 
must1 ,i think1 feel much indebted to   
you for your ,inquiries and             
,observations on the ,nature and        
,effects of the ,variolae ,vaccinae1    
etc41 etc4 ,as ,i conceive what ,i am   
now about to communicate to be of some  
importance1 ,i imagine it cannot be     
uninteresting to you1 especially as it  
will serve to corroborate your assertion
 of the susceptibility of the human     
system of the variolous contagion1      
although it has previously been made    
sensible of its action4 ,in ,november1  
#agic1 ,i was desired to inoculate a    
person with the smallpox4 ,i took the   
variolous matter from a child under the 
disease in the natural way1 who had a   
large burthen of distinct pustules4 ,the
 mother of the child being desirous of  
seeing my method of communicating the   
disease by inoculation1 after having    

opened a pustule1 ,i introduced the     
point of my lancet in the usual way on  
the back part of my own hand1 and       
thought no more of it until ,i felt a   
sensation in the part which reminded me 
of the transaction4 ,this happened upon 
the third day2 on the fourth there were 
all the appearances common to           
inoculation1 at which ,i was not at all 
surprised1 nor did ,i feel myself uneasy
 upon perceiving the inflammation       
continue to increase to the sixth and   
seventh day1 accompanied with a very    
small quantity of fluid1 repeated       
experiments having taught me it might   
happen so with persons who had undergone
 the disease1 and yet would escape any  
constitutional affection2 but ,i was not
 so fortunate2 for on the eighth day ,i 
was seized with all the symptoms of the 
eruptive fever1 but in a much more      
violent degree than when ,i was before  
inoculated1 which was about eighteen    
years previous to this1 when ,i had a   
considerable number of pustules4 ,i must

 confess ,i was now greatly alarmed1    
although ,i had been much engaged in the
 smallpox1 having at different times    
inoculated not less than two thousand   
persons4 ,i was convinced my present    
indisposition proceeded from the        
insertion of the variolous matter1 and1 
therefore1 anxiously looked for an      
eruption4 ,on the tenth day ,i felt a   
very unpleasant sensation of stillness  
and heat on each side of my face near my
 ear1 and the fever began to decline4   
,the affection in my face soon          
terminated in three or four pustules    
attended with inflammation1 but which   
did not maturate1 and ,i was presently  
well4       ,i remain1 dear sir1 etc41  
,,thomas ,,miles4  ,this inquiry is not 
now so much in its infancy as to        
restrain me from speaking more          
positively than formerly on the         
important point of scrophula as         
connected with the smallpox4  ,every    
practitioner in medicine who has        
extensively inoculated with the         

smallpox1 or has attended many of those 
who have had the distemper in the       
natural way1 must acknowledge that he   
has frequently seen scrophulous         
affections1 in some form or another1    
sometimes rather quickly shewing        
themselves after the recovery of the    
patients4 ,conceiving this fact to be   
admitted1 as ,i presume it must be by   
all who have carefully attended to the  
subject1 may ,i not ask whether it does 
not appear probable that the general    
introduction of the smallpox into       
,europe has not been among the most     
conductive means in exciting that       
formidable foe to health8 ,having       
attentively watched the effects of the  
cow-pox in this respect1 ,i am happy in 
being able to declare that the disease  
does not appear to have the least       
tendency to produce this destructive    
malady4  ,the scepticism that appeared1 
even among the most enlightened of      
medical men when my sentiments on the   
important subject of the cow-pox were   

first promulgated1 was highly laudable4 
,to have admitted the truth of a        
doctrine1 at once so novel and so unlike
 any thing that ever had appeared in the
 annals of medicine1 without the test of
 the most rigid scrutiny1 would have    
bordered upon temerity2 but now1 when   
that scrutiny has taken place1 not only 
among ourselves1 but in the first       
professional circles in ,europe1 and    
when it has been uniformly found in such
 abundant instances that the human      
frame1 when once it has felt the        
influence of the genuine cow-pox in the 
way that has been described1 is never   
afterwards at any period of its         
existence assailable by the smallpox1   
may ,i not with perfect confidence      
congratulate my country and society at  
large on their beholding1 in the mild   
form of the cow-pox1 an antidote that is
 capable of extirpating from the earth a
 disease which is every hour devouring  
its victims2 a disease that has ever    
been considered as the severest scourge 

of the human race6     ,,the            
,,contagiousness ,,of ,,puerperal       
,,fever ,,by ,,oliver ,,wendell ,,holmes
   ,,introductory ,,note   ,oliver      
,wendell ,holmes was born in ,cambridge1
 ,massachusetts1 ,august #bi1 #ahji1 and
 educated at ,phillips ,academy1        
,andover1 and ,harvard ,college4 ,after 
graduation1 he entered the ,law ,school1
 but soon gave up law for medicine4 ,he 
studied first in ,boston1 and later     
spent two years in medical schools in   
,europe1 mainly in ,paris4 ,on his      
return he began to practise in ,boston1 
but in two years he was appointed       
professor of anatomy at ,dartmouth      
,college1 a position which he held from 
#ahch to #ahdj1 when he again took up   
his ,boston practise4 ,it was soon after
 this1 in #ahdc1 that he published his  
essay on the ,contagiousness of         
,puerperal ,fever1 his only contribution
 of high distinction to medical science4
 ,from #ahdg to #ahhb he was ,parkman   
professor of anatomy and physiology in  

the ,harvard ,medical ,school4 ,he died 
in ,boston1 ,october #g1 #ahid4  ,in    
spite of the importance of the paper    
here printed1 ,holmes's reputation as a 
scientist was overshadowed by that won  
by him as a wit and a man of letters4   
,when he was only twenty-one his ,old   
,ironsides brought him into notice2 and 
through his poetry and fiction1 and the 
sparkling talk of the ,breakfast ,table 
series1 he took a high place among the  
most distinguished group of writers that
 ,america has yet produced4     ,,the   
,,contagiousness ,,of ,,puerperal       
,,fever  ,note4--,this essay appeared   
first in #ahdc1 in ,the ,new ,england   
,quarterly ,journal of ,medicine1 and   
was reprinted in the ,medical ,essays in
 #ahee4   ,in collecting1 enforcing and 
adding to the evidence accumulated upon 
this most serious subject1 ,i would not 
be understood to imply that there exists
 a doubt in the mind of any             
well-informed member of the medical     
profession as to the fact that puerperal

 fever is sometimes communicated from   
one person to another1 both directly and
 indirectly4 ,in the present state of   
our knowledge upon this point ,i should 
consider such doubts merely as a proof  
that the sceptic had either not examined
 the evidence1 or1 having examined it1  
refused to accept its plain and         
unavoidable consequences4 ,i should be  
sorry to think1 with ,dr4 ,rigby1 that  
it was a case of oblique vision2 ,i     
should be unwilling to force home the   
argumentum ad hominem of ,dr4 ,blundell1
 but ,i would not consent to make a     
question of a momentous fact which is no
 longer to be considered as a subject   
for trivial discussions1 but to be acted
 upon with silent promptitude4 ,it      
signifies nothing that wise and         
experienced practitioners have sometimes
 doubted the reality of the danger in   
question2 no man has the right to doubt 
it any longer4 ,no negative facts1 no   
opposing opinions1 be they what they    
may1 or whose they may1 can form any    

answer to the series of cases now within
 the reach of all who choose to explore 
the records of medical science4  ,if    
there are some who conceive that any    
important end would be answered by      
recording such opinions1 or by          
collecting the history of all the cases 
they could find in which no evidence of 
the influence of contagion existed1 ,i  
believe they are in error4 ,suppose a   
few writers of authority can be found to
 profess a disbelief in contagion1--and 
they are very few compared with those   
who think differently1--is it quite     
clear that they formed their opinions on
 a view of all the facts1 or is it not  
apparent that they relied mostly on     
their own solitary experience8 ,still   
further1 of those whose names are       
quoted1 is it not true that scarcely a  
single one could1 by any possibility1   
have known the half or the tenth of the 
facts bearing on the subject which have 
reached such a frightful amount within  
the last few years8 ,again1 as to the   

utility of negative facts1 as we may    
briefly call them1--instances1 namely1  
in which exposure has not been followed 
by disease1--although1 like other       
truths1 they may be worth knowing1 ,i do
 not see that they are like to shed any 
important light upon the subject before 
us4 ,every such instance requires a good
 deal of circumstantial explanation     
before it can be accepted4 ,it is not   
enough that a practitioner should have  
had a single case of puerperal fever not
 followed by others4 ,it must be known  
whether he attended others while this   
case was in progress1 whether he went   
directly from one chamber to others1    
whether he took any1 and what1          
precautions4 ,it is important to know   
that several women were exposed to      
infection derived from the patient1 so  
that allowance may be made for want of  
predisposition4 ,now1 if of negative    
facts so sifted there could be          
accumulated a hundred for every one     
plain instance of communication here    

recorded1 ,i trust it need not be said  
that we are bound to guard and watch    
over the hundredth tenant of our fold1  
though the ninety and nine may be sure  
of escaping the wolf at its entrance4   
,if any one is disposed1 then1 to take a
 hundred instances of lives1 endangered 
or sacrificed out of those ,i have      
mentioned1 and make it reasonably clear 
that within a similar time and compass  
,,ten ,,thousand escaped the same       
exposure1 ,i shall1 thank him for his   
industry1 but ,i must be permitted to   
hold to my own practical conclusions1   
and beg him to adopt or at least to     
examine them also4 ,children that walk  
in calico before open fires are not     
always burned to death2 the instances to
 the contrary may be worth recording2   
but by no means if they are to be used  
as arguments against woollen frocks and 
high fenders4  ,i am not sure that this 
paper will escape another remark which  
it might be wished were founded in      
justice4 ,it may be said that the facts 

are too generally known and acknowledged
 to require any formal argument or      
exposition1 that there is nothing new in
 the positions advanced1 and no need of 
laying additional statements before the 
profession4 ,but on turning to two      
works1 one almost universally1 and the  
other extensively1 appealed to as       
authority in this country1 ,i see ample 
reason to overlook this objection4 ,in  
the last edition of ,dewees's ,treatise 
on the ,diseases of ,females it is      
expressly said1 ,in this country1 under 
no circumstance that puerperal fever has
 appeared hitherto1 does it afford the  
slightest ground for the belief that it 
is contagious4 ,in the ,philadelphia    
,practice of ,midwifery not one word can
 be found in the chapter devoted to this
 disease which would lead the reader to 
suspect that the idea of contagion had  
ever been entertained4 ,it seems proper1
 therefore1 to remind those who are in  
the habit of referring to the works for 
guidance that there may possibly be some

 sources of danger they have slighted or
 omitted1 quite as important as a       
trifling irregularity of diet1 or a     
confined state of the bowels1 and that  
whatever confidence a physician may have
 in his own mode of treatment1 his      
services are of questionable value      
whenever he carries the bane as well as 
the antidote about his person4  ,the    
practical point to be illustrated is the
 following3 ,,the ,,disease ,,known ,,as
 ,,puerperal ,,fever ,,is ,,so ,,far    
,,contagious ,,as ,,to ,,be ,,frequently
 ,,carried ,,from ,,patient ,,to        
,,patient ,,by ,,physicians ,,and       
,,nurses4  ,let me begin by throwing out
 certain incidental questions1 which1   
without being absolutely essential1     
would render the subject more           
complicated1 and by making such         
concessions and assumptions as may be   
fairly supposed to be without the pale  
of discussion4  #a4 ,it is granted that 
all the forms of what is called         
puerperal fever may not be1 and probably

 are not1 equally contagious or         
infectious4 ,i do not enter into the    
distinctions which have been drawn by   
authors1 because the facts do not appear
 to me sufficient to establish any      
absolute line of demarcation between    
such forms as may be propagated by      
contagion and those which are never so  
propagated4 ,this general result ,i     
shall only support by the authority of  
,dr4 ,ramsbotham1 who gives1 as the     
result of his experience1 that the same 
symptoms belong to what he calls the    
infectious and the sporadic forms of the
 disease1 and the opinion of ,armstrong 
in his original ,essay4 ,if others can  
show any such distinction1 ,i leave it  
to them to do it4 ,but there are cases  
enough that show the prevalence of the  
disease among the patients of a single  
practitioner when it was in no degree   
epidemic2 in the proper sense of the    
term4 ,i may refer to those of ,mr4     
,roberton and of ,dr4 ,peirson1         
hereafter to be cited1 as examples4  #b4

 ,i shall not enter into any dispute    
about the particular ,,mode of          
infection1 whether it be by the         
atmosphere the physician carries about  
him into the sick-chamber1 or by the    
direct application of the virus to the  
absorbing surfaces with which his hand  
comes in contact4 ,many facts and       
opinions are in favour of each of these 
modes of transmission4 ,but it is       
obvious that1 in the majority of cases1 
it must be impossible to decide by which
 of these channels the disease is       
conveyed1 from the nature of the        
intercourse between the physician and   
the patient4  #c4 ,it is not pretended  
that the contagion of puerperal fever   
must always be followed by the disease4 
,it is true of all contagious diseases  
that they frequently spare those who    
appear to be fully submitted to their   
influence4 ,even the vaccine virus1     
fresh from the subject1 fails every day 
to produce its legitimate effect1 though
 every precaution is taken to insure its

 action4 ,this is still more remarkably 
the case with scarlet fever and some    
other diseases4  #d4 ,it is granted that
 the disease may be produced and        
variously modified by many causes       
besides contagion1 and more especially  
by epidemic and endemic influences4 ,but
 this is not peculiar to the disease in 
question4 ,there is no doubt that       
smallpox is propagated to a great extent
 by contagion1 yet it goes through the  
same records of periodical increase and 
diminution which have been remarked in  
puerperal fever4 ,if the question is    
asked how we are to reconcile the great 
variations in the mortality of puerperal
 fever in different seasons and places  
with the supposition of contagion1 ,i   
will answer it by another question from 
,mr4 ,farr's letter to the              
,registrar-,general4 ,he makes the      
statement that ,,five die weekly of     
smallpox in the metropolis when the     
disease is not epidemic1 and adds1 ,the 
problem for solution is1 ,why do the    

five deaths become #aj1 #ae1 #bj1 #ca1  
#eh1 #hh1 weekly1 and then progressively
 fall through the same measured steps8  
#e4 ,i take it for granted that if it   
can be shown that great numbers of lives
 have been and are sacrificed to        
ignorance or blindness on this point1 no
 other error of which physicians or     
nurses may be occasionally suspected    
will be alleged in palliation of this2  
but that whenever and wherever they can 
be shown to carry disease and death     
instead of health and safety1 the common
 instincts of humanity will silence     
every attempt to explain away their     
responsibility4  ,the treatise of ,dr4  
,gordon1 of ,aberdeen1 was published in 
the year #agie1 being among the earlier 
special works upon the disease4 ,a part 
of his testimony has been occasionally  
copied into other works1 but his        
expressions are so clear1 his experience
 is given with such manly distinctness  
and disinterested honesty1 that it may  
be quoted as a model which might have   

been often followed with advantage4     
,this disease seized such women only as 
were visited or delivered by a          
practitioner1 or taken care of by a     
nurse1 who had previously attended      
patients affected with the disease4  ,i 
had evident proofs of its infectious    
nature1 and that the infection was as   
readily communicated as that of the     
smallpox or measles1 and operated more  
speedily than any other infection with  
which ,i am acquainted4  ,i had evident 
proofs that every person who had been   
with a patient in the puerperal fever   
became charged with an atmosphere of    
infection1 which was communicated to    
every pregnant woman who happened to    
come within its sphere4 ,this is not an 
assertion1 but a fact1 admitting of     
demonstration1 as may be seen by a      
perusal of the foregoing                
table--referring to a table of          
seventy-seven cases1 in many of which   
the channel of propagation was evident4 
,he adds3 ,it is a disagreeable         

declaration for me to mention1 that ,i  
myself was the means of carrying the    
infection to a great number of women4   
,he then enumerates a number of         
instances in which the disease was      
conveyed by midwives and others to the  
neighboring villages1 and declares that 
these facts fully prove that the cause  
of the puerperal fever1 of which ,i     
treat1 was a specific contagion1 or     
infection1 altogether unconnected with a
 noxious constitution of the atmosphere4
  ,but his most terrible evidence is    
given in these words3 ,i ,,arrived ,,at 
,,that ,,certainty ,,in ,,the ,,matter  
,,that ,i ,,could ,,venture ,,to        
,,foretell ,,what ,,women ,,would ,,be  
,,affected ,,with ,,the ,,disease1      
,,upon ,,hearing ,,by ,,what ,,midwife  
,,they ,,were ,,to ,,be ,,delivered1    
,,or ,,by ,,what ,,nurse ,,they ,,were  
,,to ,,be ,,attended1 ,,during ,,their  
,,lying-,,in3 ,,and ,,almost ,,in       
,,every ,,instance ,,my ,,prediction    
,,was ,,verified4  ,even previously to  

,gordon1 ,mr4 ,white1 of ,manchester1   
had said3 ,i am acquainted with two     
gentlemen in another town1 where the    
whole business of midwifery is divided  
betwixt them1 and it is very remarkable 
that one of them loses several patients 
every year of the puerperal fever1 and  
the other never so much as meets with   
the disorder--a difference which he     
seems to attribute to their various     
modes of treatment4 ,footnote3 ,on the  
,management of ,lying-in ,women4 p4     
#abj4  ,dr4 ,armstrong has given a      
number of instances in his ,essay on    
,puerperal ,fever of the prevalence of  
the disease among the patients of a     
single practitioner4 ,at ,sunderland1 in
 all1 forty- three cases occurred from  
the #ast of ,january to the #ast of     
,october1 when the disease ceased2 and  
of this number1 forty were witnessed by 
,mr4 ,gregson and his assistant1 ,mr4   
,gregory1 the remainder having been     
separately seen by three accoucheurs4   
,there is appended to the ,london       

edition of this ,essay a letter from    
,mr4 ,gregson1 in which that gentleman  
says1 in reference to the great number  
of cases occurring in his practice1 ,the
 cause of this ,i cannot pretend fully  
to explain1 but ,i should be wanting in 
common liberality if ,i were to make any
 hesitation in asserting that the       
disease which appeared in my practice   
was highly contagious1 and communicable 
from one puerperal woman to another4 ,it
 is customary among the lower and middle
 ranks of people to make frequent       
personal visits to puerperal women      
resident in the same neighborhood1 and  
,i have ample evidence for affirming    
that the infection of the disease was   
often carried about in that manner2 and1
 however painful to my feelings1 ,i must
 in candour declare that it is very     
probable the contagion was conveyed1 in 
some instances1 by myself1 though ,i    
took every possible care to prevent such
 a thing from happening the moment that 
,i ascertained that the distemper was   

infectious4 ,dr4 ,armstrong goes on to  
mention six other instances within his  
knowledge1 in which the disease had at  
different times and places been limited1
 in the same singular manner1 to the    
practice of individuals1 while it       
existed scarcely1 if at all1 among the  
patients of others around them4 ,two of 
the gentlemen became so convinced of    
their conveying the contagion that they 
withdrew for a time from practice4  ,i  
find a brief notice1 in an ,american    
journal1 of another series of cases1    
first mentioned by ,mr4 ,davies1 in the 
,medical ,repository4 ,this gentleman   
stated his conviction that the disease  
is contagious4  ,in the autumn of #ahbb 
he met with twelve cases1 while his     
medical friends in the neighbourhood did
 not meet with any1 'or at least very   
few4' ,he could attribute this          
circumstance to no other cause than his 
having been present at the examination  
after death1 of two cases1 some time    
previous1 and of his having imparted the

 disease to his patients1               
notwithstanding every precaution4       
,footnote3 ,philad4 ,med4 ,journal for  
#ahbe1 p4 #djh4  ,dr4 ,gooch says3 ,it  
is not uncommon for the greater number  
of cases to occur in the practice of one
 man1 whilst the other practitioners of 
the neighborhood1 who are not more      
skilful or more busy1 meet with few or  
none4 ,a practitioner opened the body of
 a woman who had died of puerperal      
fever1 and continued to wear the same   
clothes4 ,a lady whom he delivered a few
 days afterwards was attacked with and  
died of a similar disease2 two more of  
his lying-in patients1 in rapid         
succession1 met with the same fate2     
struck by the thought that he might have
 carried contagion in his clothes1 he   
instantly changed them1 and met with no 
more cases of the kind4 ,footnote3 ,a   
similar anecdote is related by ,sir     
,benjamin ,brodie1 of the late ,dr4     
,john ,clark1 ,lancet1 ,may #b1 #ahdj4  
,a woman in the country who was employed

 as washerwoman and nurse washed the    
linen of one who had died of puerperal  
fever2 the next lying-in patient she    
nursed died of the same disease2 a third
 nursed by her met the same fate1 till  
the neighbourhood1 getting afraid of    
her1 ceased to employ her4 ,footnote3   
,an ,account of ,some of the ,most      
,important ,diseases ,peculiar to       
,women1 p4 #d4  ,in the winter of the   
year #ahbd1 several instances occurred  
of its prevalence among the patients of 
particular practitioners1 whilst others 
who were equally busy met with few or   
none4 ,one instance of this kind was    
very remarkable4 ,a general             
practitioner1 in large midwifery        
practice1 lost so many patients from    
puerperal fever that he determined to   
deliver no more for some time1 but that 
his partner should attend in his place4 
,this plan was pursued for one month1   
during which not a case of the disease  
occurred in their practice4 ,the elder  
practitioner1 being then sufficiently   

recovered1 returned to his practice1 but
 the first patient he attended was      
attacked by the disease and died4 ,a    
physician who met him in consultation   
soon afterwards1 about a case of a      
different kind1 and who knew nothing of 
his misfortune1 asked him whether       
puerperal fever was at all prevalent in 
his neighbourhood1 on which he burst    
into tears1 and related the above       
circumstances4  ,among the cases which  
,i saw this season in consultation1 four
 occurred in one month in the practice  
of one medical man1 and all of them     
terminated fatally4 ,footnote3 ,gooch1  
op4 cit41 p4 #ga4  ,dr4 ,ramsbotham     
asserted1 in a lecture at the ,london   
,hospital1 that he had known the disease
 spread through a particular district1  
or be confined to the practice of a     
particular person1 almost every patient 
being attacked with it1 while others had
 not a single case4 ,it seemed capable1 
he thought1 of conveyance1 not only by  
common modes1 but through the dress of  

the attendants upon the patient4        
,footnote3 ,lond4 ,med4 ,gaz41 ,may #b1 
#ahce4  ,in a letter to be found in the 
,london ,medical ,gazette for ,january1 
#ahdj1 ,mr4 ,roberton1 of ,manchester1  
makes the statement which ,i here give  
in a somewhat condensed form4  ,a       
midwife delivered a woman on the #dth of
 ,december1 #ahcj1 who died soon after  
with the symptoms of puerperal fever4   
,in one month from this date the same   
midwife delivered thirty women1 residing
 in different parts of an extensive     
suburb1 of which number sixteen caught  
the disease and all died4 ,these were   
the only cases which had occurred for a 
considerable time in ,manchester4 ,the  
other midwives connected with the same  
charitable institution as the woman     
already mentioned are twenty-five in    
number1 and deliver1 on an average1     
ninety women a week1 or about three     
hundred and eighty a month4 ,none of    
these women had a case of puerperal     
fever4 ,yet all this time this woman was

 crossing the other midwives in every   
direction1 scores of the patients of the
 charity being delivered by them in the 
very same quarters where her cases of   
fever were happening4  ,mr4 ,roberton   
remarks that little more than half the  
women she delivered during this month   
took the fever2 that on some days all   
escaped1 on others only one or more out 
of three or four2 a circumstance similar
 to what is seen in other infectious    
maladies4  ,dr4 ,blundell says3 ,those  
who have never made the experiment can  
have but a faint conception how         
difficult it is to obtain the exact     
truth respecting any occurrence in which
 feelings and interests are concerned4  
,omitting particulars1 then1 ,i content 
myself with remarking1 generally1 that  
from more than one district ,i have     
received accounts of the prevalence of  
puerperal fever in the practice of some 
individuals1 while its occurrence in    
that of others1 in the same             
neighborhood1 was not observed4 ,some1  

as ,i have been told1 have lost ten1    
twelve1 or a greater number of patients1
 in scarcely broken succession2 like    
their evil genius1 the puerperal fever  
has seemed to stalk behind them wherever
 they went4 ,some have deemed it prudent
 to retire for a time from practice4 ,in
 fine1 that this fever may occur        
spontaneously1 ,i admit2 that its       
infectious nature may be plausibly      
disputed1 ,i do not deny2 but ,i add1   
considerately1 that in my own family ,i 
had rather that those ,i esteemed the   
most should be delivered1 unaided1 in a 
stable1 by the mangerside1 than that    
they should receive the best help1 in   
the fairest apartment1 but exposed to   
the vapors of this pitiless disease4    
,gossiping friends1 wet-nurses1 monthly 
nurses1 the practitioner himself1 these 
are the channels by which1 as ,i        
suspect1 the infection is principally   
conveyed4 ,footnote3 ,lect4 on          
,midwifery1 p4 #cie4  ,at a meeting of  
the ,royal ,medical and ,chirurgical    

,society ,dr4 ,king4 mentioned that some
 years since a practitioner at ,woolwich
 lost sixteen patients from puerperal   
fever in the same year4 ,he was         
compelled to give up practice for one or
 two years1 his business being divided  
among the neighboring practitioners4 ,no
 case of puerperal fever occurred       
afterwards1 neither had any of the      
neighboring surgeons any cases of this  
disease4  ,at the same meeting ,mr4     
,hutchinson mentioned the occurrence of 
three consecutive cases of puerperal    
fever1 followed subsequently by two     
others1 all in the practice of one      
accoucheur4 ,footnote3 ,lancet1 ,may #c1
 #ahdj4 ,dr4 ,lee makes the following   
statement3 ,in the last two weeks of    
,september1 #ahbg1 five fatal cases of  
uterine inflammation came under our     
observation4 ,all the individuals so    
attacked had been attended in labor by  
the same midwife1 and no example of a   
febrile or inflammatory disease of a    
serious nature occurred during that     

period among the other patients of the  
,westminster ,general ,dispensary1 who  
had been attended by the other midwives 
belonging to that institution4          
,footnote3 ,lond4 ,cyc4 of ,pract4      
,med41 art41 ,fever1 ,puerperal  ,the   
recurrence of long series of cases like 
those ,i have cited1 reported by those  
most interested to disbelieve in        
contagion1 scattered along through an   
interval of half a century1 might have  
been thought sufficient to satisfy the  
minds of all inquirers that here was    
something more than a singular          
coincidence4 ,but if1 on a more extended
 observation1 it should be found that   
the same ominous groups of cases        
clusterings about individual            
practitioners were observed in a remote 
country1 at different times1 and in     
widely separated regions1 it would seem 
incredible that any should be found too 
prejudiced or indolent to accept the    
solemn truth knelled into their ears by 
the funeral bells from both sides of the

 ocean--the plain conclusion that the   
physician and the disease entered1 hand 
in hand1 into the chamber of the        
unsuspecting patient4  ,that such series
 of cases have been observed in this    
country1 and in this neighborhood1 ,i   
proceed to show4  ,in ,dr4 ,francis's   
,notes to ,denman's ,midwifery a passage
 is cited from ,dr4 ,hosack in which he 
refers to certain puerperal cases which 
proved fatal to several lying-in women1 
and in some of which the disease was    
supposed to be conveyed by the          
accoucheurs themselves4 ,footnote3      
,denman's ,midwifery1 p4 #fgc1 third    
,am4 ed4  ,a writer in the ,new ,york   
,medical and ,physical ,journal for     
,october1 #ahbi1 in speaking of the     
occurrence of puerperal fever confined  
to one man's practice1 remarks3 ,we have
 known cases of this kind occur1 though 
rarely1 in ,new ,york4  ,i mention these
 little hints about the occurrence of   
such cases partly because they are the  
first ,i have met with in ,american     

medical literature1 but more especially 
because they serve to remind us that    
behind the fearful array of published   
facts there lies a dark list of similar 
events1 unwritten in the records of     
science1 but long remembered by many a  
desolated fireside4  ,certainly nothing 
can be more open and explicit than the  
account given by ,dr4 ,peirson1 of      
,salem1 of the cases seen by him4 ,in   
the first nineteen days of ,january1    
#ahbi1 he had five consecutive cases of 
puerperal fever1 every patient he       
attended being attacked1 and the three  
first cases proving fatal4 ,in ,march of
 the same year he had two moderate      
cases1 in ,june1 another case1 and in   
,july1 another1 which proved fatal4 ,up 
to this period1 he remarks1 ,i am not   
informed that a single case had occurred
 in the practice of any other physician4
 ,since that period ,i have had no fatal
 case in my practice1 although ,i have  
had several dangerous cases4 ,i have    
attended in all twenty cases of this    

disease1 of which four have been fatal4 
,i am not aware that there has been any 
other case in the town of distinct      
puerperal peritonitis1 although ,i am   
willing to admit my information may be  
very defective on this point4 ,i have   
been told of some 'mixed cases1' and    
'morbid affections after delivery4'     
,footnote3 ,remarks on ,puerperal       
,fever1 pp4 #ab and #ac4  ,in the       
,quarterly ,summary of the ,transactions
 of the ,college of ,physicians of      
,philadelphia ,footnote3 ,for ,may1     
,june1 and ,july1 #ahdb4 may be found   
some most extraordinary developments    
respecting a series of cases occurring  
in the practice of a member of that     
body4  ,dr4 ,condie called the attention
 of the ,society to the prevalence1 at  
the present time1 of puerperal fever of 
a peculiarly insidious and malignant    
character4 ,in the practice of one      
gentleman extensively engaged as an     
obstetrician nearly every female he has 
attended in confinement1 during several 

weeks past1 within the above limits 7the
 southern sections and neighboring      
districts71 had been attacked by the    
fever4  ,an important query presents    
itself1 the doctor observed1 in         
reference to the particular form of     
fever now prevalent4 ,is it1 namely1    
capable of being propagated by          
contagion1 and is a physician who has   
been in attendance upon a case of the   
disease warranted in continuing1 without
 interruption1 his practice as an       
obstetrician8 ,dr4 ,c41 although not a  
believer in the contagious character of 
many of those affections generally      
supposed to be propagated in this       
manner1 has1 nevertheless1 become       
convinced by the facts that have fallen 
under his notice that the puerperal     
fever now prevailing is capable of being
 communicated by contagion4 ,how1       
otherwise1 can be explained the very    
curious circumstance of the disease in  
one district being exclusively confined 
to the practice of a single physician1 a

 ,fellow of this ,college1 extensively  
engaged in obstetrical practice1 while  
no instance of the disease has occurred 
in the patients under the care of any   
other accoucheur practising within the  
same district2 scarcely a female that   
has been delivered for weeks past has   
escaped an attack8  ,dr4 ,rutter1 the   
practitioner referred to1 observed that1
 after the occurrence of a number of    
cases of the disease in his practice1 he
 had left the city and remained absent  
for a week1 but1 on returning1 no       
article of clothing he then wore having 
been used by him before1 one of the very
 first cases of parturition he attended 
was followed by an attack of the fever  
and terminated fatally2 he cannot       
readily1 therefore1 believe in the      
transmission of the disease from female 
to female in the person or clothes of   
the physician4  ,the meeting at which   
these remarks were made was held on the 
#c;d of ,may1 #ahdb4 ,in a letter dated 
,december #bj1 #ahdb1 addressed to ,dr4 

,meigs1 and to be found in the ,medical 
,examiner1 ,footnote3 ,for ,january #ba1
 #ahdc4 he speaks of those horrible     
cases of puerperal fever1 some of which 
you did me the favor to see with me     
during the past summer1 and talks of his
 experience in the disease1 now         
numbering nearly seventy cases1 all of  
which have occurred within less than a  
twelve-month past4  ,and ,dr4 ,meigs    
asserts1 on the same page1 ,indeed1 ,i  
believe that his practice in that       
department of the profession was greater
 than that of any other gentleman1 which
 was probably the cause of his seeing a 
greater number of the cases4 ,this from 
a professor of midwifery1 who some time 
ago assured a gentleman whom he met in  
consultation that the night on which    
they met was the eighteenth in          
succession that he himself had been     
summoned from his repose1 ,footnote3    
,medical ,examiner for ,december #aj1   
#ahdb4 seems hardly satisfactory4  ,i   
must call the attention of the inquirer 

most particularly to the ,quarterly     
,report above referred to1 and the      
letters of ,dr4 ,meigs and ,dr4 ,rutter1
 to be found in the ,medical ,examiner4 
,whatever impression they may produce   
upon his mind1 ,i trust they will at    
least convince him that there is some   
reason for looking into this apparently 
uninviting subject4  ,at a meeting of   
the ,college of ,physicians just        
mentioned ,dr4 ,warrington stated that a
 few days after assisting at an autopsy 
of puerperal peritonitis1 in which he   
laded out the contents of the abdominal 
cavity with his hands1 he was called    
upon to deliver three women in rapid    
succession4 ,all of these women were    
attacked with different forms of what is
 commonly called puerperal fever4 ,soon 
after these he saw two other patients1  
both on the same day1 with the same     
disease4 ,of these five patients1 two   
died4  ,at the same meeting ,dr4 ,west  
mentioned a fact related to him by ,dr4 
,samuel ,jackson1 of ,northumberland4   

,seven females1 delivered by ,dr4       
,jackson in rapid succession1 while     
practising in ,northumberland ,county1  
were all attacked with puerperal fever1 
and five of them died4 ,women1 he said1 
who had expected me to attend upon them1
 now becoming alarmed1 removed out of my
 reach1 and others sent for a physician 
residing several miles distant4 ,these  
women1 as well as those attended by     
midwives1 all did well2 nor did we hear 
of any deaths in child-bed within a     
radius of fifty miles1 excepting two1   
and these ,i afterwards ascertained to  
have been caused by other diseases4 ,he 
underwent1 as he thought1 a thorough    
purification1 and still his next patient
 was attacked with the disease and died4
 ,he was led to suspect that the        
contagion might have been carried in the
 gloves which he had worn in attendance 
upon the previous cases4 ,two months or 
more after this he had two other cases4 
,he could find nothing to account for   
these unless it were the instruments for

 giving enemata1 which had been used in 
two of the former cases and were        
employed by these patients4 ,when the   
first case occurred1 he was attending   
and dressing a limb extensively         
mortified from erysipelas1 and went     
immediately to the accouchement with his
 clothes and gloves most thoroughly     
imbued with its effluvia4 ,and here ,i  
may mention that this very ,dr4 ,samael 
,jackson1 of ,northumberland1 is one of 
,dr4 ,dewees's authorities against      
contagion4  ,the three following        
statements are now for the first time   
given to the public4 ,all of the cases  
referred to occurred within this ,state1
 and two of the three series in ,boston 
and its immediate vicinity4  ,i4 ,the   
first is a series of cases which took   
place during the last spring in a town  
at some distance from this neighborhood4
 ,a physician of that town1 ,dr4 ,c1    
,had the following consecutive cases3   
,no4 #a1 delivered ,march #bj1 died     
,march #bd4     #b1           ,april #i1

     ,april #ad4     #c1                
#aj1          #ad4     #d1              
#aa1          #ah4     #e1              
#bg1        ,may #c4     #f1            
#bh1  had some symptoms1 recovered4     
#g1             ,may #h1  had some      
symptoms1 also recovered4  ,these were  
the only cases attended by this         
physician during the period referred to1
 ,they were all attended by him until   
their termination1 with the exception of
 the patient ,no4 #f1 who fell into the 
hands of another physician on the #b;d  
of ,may4 7,dr4 ,c4 left town for a few  
days at this time47 ,dr4 ,c4 attended   
cases immediately before and after the  
above-named periods1 none of which1     
however1 presented any peculiar symptoms
 of the disease4  ,about the #ast of    
,july he attended another patient in a  
neighboring village1 who died two or    
three days after delivery4  ,the first  
patient1 it is stated1 was delivered on 
the #bjth of ,march4 ,on the #aith ,dr4 
,c4 made the autopsy of a man who had   

died suddenly1 sick only forty-eight    
hours2 had oedema of the thigh and      
gangrene extending from a little above  
the ankle into the cavity of the        
abdomen4 ,dr4 ,c4 wounded himself very  
slightly in the right hand during the   
autopsy4 ,the hand was quite painful the
 night following1 during his attendance 
on the patient ,no4 #a4 ,he did not see 
this patient after the #bjth1 being     
confined to the house1 and very sick    
from the wound just mentioned1 from this
 time until the #c;d of ,april4         
,several cases of erysipelas occurred in
 the house where the autopsy mentioned  
above took place1 soon after the        
examination4 ,there were also many cases
 of erysipelas in town at the time of   
the fatal puerperal cases which have    
been mentioned4  ,the nurse who laid out
 the body of the patient ,no4 #c was    
taken on the evening of the same day    
with sore throat and erysipelas1 and    
died in ten days from the first attack4 
,the nurse who laid out the body of the 

patient ,no4 #d was taken on the day    
following with symptoms like those of   
this patient1 and died in a week1       
without any external marks of           
erysipelas4  ,no other cases of similar 
character with those of ,dr4 ,c4        
occurred in the practice of any of the  
physicians in the town or vicinity at   
the time4 ,deaths following confinement 
have occurred in the practice of other  
physicians during the past year1 but    
they were not cases of puerperal fever4 
,no post-mortem examinations were held  
in any of these puerperal cases4  ,some 
additional statements in this letter are
 deserving of insertion3  ,a physician  
attended a woman in the immediate       
neighborhood of the cases numbered #b1  
#c1 and #d4 ,this patient was confined  
the morning of ,march #ast1 and died on 
the night of ,match #gth4 ,it is        
doubtful whether this should be         
considered a case of puerperal fever4   
,she had suffered from canker1          
indigestion1 and diarrhoea for a year   

previous to her delivery4 ,her          
complaints were much aggravated for two 
or three months previous to delivery2   
she had become greatly emaciated1 and   
weakened to such an extent that it had  
not been expected that she would long   
survive her confinement1 if indeed she  
reached that period4 ,her labor was easy
 enough2 she flowed a good deal1 seemed 
exceedingly prostrated1 had ringing in  
her ears1 and other symptoms of         
exhaustion2 the pulse was quick and     
small4 ,on the second and third day     
there was some tenderness and           
tumefaction of the abdomen1 which       
increased somewhat on the fourth and    
fifth4 ,he had cases in midwifery before
 and after this1 which presented nothing
 peculiar4  ,it is also mentioned in the
 same letter that another physician had 
a case during the last summer and       
another last fall1 both of which        
recovered4  ,another gentleman reports a
 case last ,december1 a second case five
 weeks1 and another three weeks1 since4 

,all these recovered1 ,a case also      
occurred very recently in the practice  
of a physician in the village where the 
eighth patient of ,dr4 ,c4 resides1     
which proved fatal ,this patient had    
some patches of erysipelas on the legs  
and arms4 ,the same physician has       
delivered three cases since1 which have 
all done well4 ,there have been no other
 cases in this town or its vicinity     
recently4 ,there have been some few     
cases of erysipelas4 ,it deserves notice
 that the partner of ,dr4 ,c1 who       
attended the autopsy of the man above   
mentioned and took an active part in it1
 who also suffered very slightly from a 
prick under the thumb-nail received     
during the examination1 had twelve cases
 of midwifery between ,march #bfth and  
,april #abth1 all of which did well1 and
 presented no peculiar symptoms4 ,it    
should also be stated that during these 
seventeen days he was in attendance on  
all the cases of erysipelas in the house
 where the autopsy had been performed4  

,i owe these facts to the prompt        
kindness of a gentleman whose           
intelligence and character are          
sufficient guaranty for their accuracy4 
,the two following letters were         
addressed to my friend ,dr4 ,storer by  
the gentleman in whose practice the     
cases of puerperal fever occurred4 ,his 
name renders it unnecessary to refer    
more particularly to these gentlemen1   
who on their part have manifested the   
most perfect freedom and courtesy in    
affording these accounts of their       
painful experience4  ,january #ch1      
#ahdc4  ,,ii 444 ,the time to which you 
allude was in #ahcj4 ,the first case was
 in ,february1 during a very cold time4 
,she was confined the #dth1 and died the
 #abth4 ,between the #ajth and #bhth of 
this month ,i attended six women in     
labor1 all of whom did well except the  
last1 as also two who were confined     
,march #ast and #eth4 ,mrs4 ,e41        
confined ,february #bhth1 sickened1 and 
died ,march #hth4 ,the next day1 #ith1  

,i inspected the body1 and the night    
after attended a lady1 ,mrs4 ,b41 who   
sickened1 and died #afth4 ,the #ajth1 ,i
 attended another1 ,mrs4 ,g41 who       
sickened1 but recovered4 ,march #afth ,i
 went from ,mrs4 ,g4's room to attend a 
,mrs4 ,h41 who sickened1 and died #bast4
 ,the #agth1 ,i inspected ,mrs4 ,b4 ,on 
the #aith1 ,i went directly from ,mrs4  
,h4's room to attend another lady1 ,mrs4
 ,g41 who also sickened1 and died #bb;d4
 ,while ,mrs4 ,b4 was sick1 on #aeth1 ,i
 went directly from her room a few rods1
 and attended another woman1 who was not
 sick4 ,up to #bjth of this month ,i    
wore the same clothes4 ,i now refused to
 attend any labor1 and did not till     
,april #bast1 when1 having thoroughly   
cleansed myself1 ,i resumed my practice1
 and had no more puerperal fever4  ,the 
cases were not confined to a narrow     
space4 ,the two nearest were half a mile
 from each other1 and half that distance
 from my residence4 ,the others were    
from two to three miles apart1 and      

nearly that distance from my residence4 
,there were no other cases in their     
immediate vicinity which came to my     
knowledge4 ,the general health of all   
the women was pretty good1 and all the  
labors as good as common1 except the    
first4 ,this woman1 in consequence of my
 not arriving in season1 and the child  
being half-born at some time before ,i  
arrived1 was very much exposed to the   
cold at the time of confinement1 and    
afterwards1 being confined in a very    
open1 cold room4 ,of the six cases1 you 
perceive only one recovered4  ,in the   
winter of #ahag two of my patients had  
puerperal fever1 one very badly1 the    
other not so badly4 ,both recovered4    
,one other had swelled leg or phlegmasia
 dolens1 and one or two others did not  
recover as well as usual4  ,in the      
summer of #ahce another disastrous      
period occurred in my practice4 ,july   
#ast ,i attended a lady in labor1 who   
was afterwards quite ill and feverish2  
but at the time ,i did not consider her 

case a decided puerperal fever4 ,on the 
#hth ,i attended one who did well4 ,on  
the #abth1 one who was seriously sick4  
,this was also an equivocal case1       
apparently arising from constipation and
 irritation of the rectum4 ,these women 
were ten miles apart and five from my   
residence4 ,on #aeth and #b,oth two who 
did well4 ,on #beth ,i attended another4
 ,this was a severe labor1 and followed 
by unequivocal puerperal fever1 or      
peritonitis4 ,she recovered4 ,august    
#bnd and #crd1 in about twenty-four     
hours1 ,i attended four persons4 ,two of
 them did very well2 one was attacked   
with some of the common symptoms1 which1
 however1 subsided in a day or two1 and 
the other had decided puerperal fever1  
but recovered4 ,this woman resided five 
miles from me4 ,up to this time ,i wore 
the same coat4 ,all my other clothes had
 frequently been changed4 ,on #fth1 ,i  
attended two women1 one of whom was not 
sick at all2 but the other1 ,mrs4 ,l41  
was afterwards taken ill4 ,on #ajth1 ,i 

attended a lady1 who did very well4 ,i  
had previously changed all my clothes1  
and had no garment on which had been in 
a puerperal room4 ,on #abth1 ,i was     
called to ,mrs4 ,s41 in labor4 ,while   
she was ill1 ,i left her to visit ,mrs4 
,l41 one of the ladies who was confined 
on #fth4 ,mrs4 ,l4 had been more unwell 
than usual1 but ,i had not considered   
her case anything more than common till 
this visit4 ,i had on a surtout at this 
visit1 which1 on my return to ,mrs4 ,s41
 ,i left in another room4 ,mrs4 ,s4 was 
delivered on #acth with forceps4 ,these 
women both died of decided puerperal    
fever4  ,while ,i attended these women  
in their fevers ,i changed my clothes1  
and washed my hands in a solution of    
chloride of lime after each visit4 ,i   
attended seven women in labor during    
this period1 all of whom recovered      
without sickness4  ,in my practice ,i   
have had several single cases of        
puerperal fever1 some of whom have died 
and some have recovered4 ,until the year

 #ahcj ,i had no suspicion that the     
disease could be communicated from one  
patient to another by a nurse or        
midwife2 but ,i now think the foregoing 
facts strongly favor that idea4 ,i was  
so much convinced of this fact that ,i  
adopted the plan before related4  ,i    
believe my own health was as good as    
usual at each of the above periods4 ,i  
have no recollection to the contrary4   
,i believe ,i have answered all your    
questions4 ,i have been more particular 
on some points perhaps than necessary2  
but ,i thought you could form your own  
opinion better than to take mine4 ,in   
#ahcj ,i wrote to ,dr4 ,channing a more 
particular statement of my cases4 ,if ,i
 have not answered your questions       
sufficiently1 perhaps ,dr4 ,c4 may have 
my letter to him1 and you can find your 
answer there4 ,footnote3 ,in a letter to
 myself this gentleman also stated1 ,i  
do not recollect that there was any     
erysipelas or any other disease         
particularly prevalent at the time4     

,boston1 ,february #c1 #ahdc4  ,,iii4   
,my ,dear ,sir3 ,i received a note from 
you last evening requesting me to answer
 certain questions therein proposed1    
touching the cases of puerperal fever   
which came under my observation the past
 summer4 ,it gives me pleasure to comply
 with your request1 so far as it is in  
my power so to do1 but1 owing to the    
hurry in preparing for a journey1 the   
notes of the cases ,i had then taken    
were lost or mislaid4 ,the principal    
facts1 however1 are too vivid upon my   
recollection to be soon forgotten4 ,i   
think1 therefore1 that ,i shall be able 
to give you all the information you may 
require4  ,all the cases that occurred  
in my practice took place between the   
#gth of ,may and the #agth of ,june1    
#ahdb4  ,they were not confined to any  
particular part of the city4 ,the first 
two cases were patients residing at the 
,south ,end1 the next was at the extreme
 ,north ,end1 one living in ,sea ,street
 and the other in ,roxbury4 ,the        

following is the order in which they    
occurred3  ,,case #a4--,mrs4-- was      
confined on the #gth of ,may1 at #e     
o'clock1 ,p4 ,m41 after a natural labor 
of six hours4 ,at #ab o'clock at night1 
on the #ith 7thirty-one hours after     
confinement71 she was taken with severe 
chill1 previous to which she was as     
comfortable as women usually are under  
the circumstances4 ,she died on the     
#ajth4  ,,case #b4--,mrs4-- was confined
 on the #ajth of ,june 7four weeks after
 ,mrs4 ,c71 at #aa ,a4 ,m41 after a     
natural1 but somewhat severe1 labor of  
five hours4 ,at #g o'clock1 on the      
morning of the #aath1 she had a chill4  
,died on the #abth4  ,,case             
#c4--,mrs4--1 confined on the #adth of  
,june1 was comfortable until the #ahth1 
when symptoms of puerperal fever were   
manifest4 ,she died on the #bjth4       
,,case #d4--,mrs4--1 confined ,june     
#agth1 at #e o'clock1 ,a4 ,m41 was doing
 well until the morning of the #aith4   
,she died on the evening of the #bast4  

,,case #e4--,mrs4--was confined with her
 ,,fifth child on the #agth of ,june1 at
 #f o'clock in the evening4 ,this       
patient had been attacked with puerperal
 fever1 at three of her previous        
confinements1 but the disease yielded to
 depletion and other remedies without   
difficulty4 ,this time1 ,i regret to    
say1 ,i was not so fortunate4 ,she was  
not attacked1 as were the other         
patients1 with a chill1 but complained  
of extreme pain in the abdomen1 and     
tenderness on pressure1 almost from the 
moment of her confinement4 ,in this1 as 
in the other cases1 the disease resisted
 all remedies1 and she died in great    
distress on the #bb;d of the same month4
 ,owing to the extreme heat of the      
season and my own indisposition1 none of
 the subjects were examined after death4
 ,dr4 ,channing1 who was in attendance  
with me on the three last cases1        
proposed to have a post-mortem          
examination of the subject of case ,no4 
#e1 but from some cause which ,i do not 

now recollect it was not obtained4  ,you
 wish to know whether ,i wore the same  
clothes when attending the different    
cases4 ,i cannot positively say1 but ,i 
should think ,i did not1 as the weather 
became warmer after1 the first two      
cases2 ,i therefore think it probable   
that ,i made a change of at least a     
,,part of my dress4 ,i have had no other
 case of puerperal fever in my own      
practice for three years1 save those    
above related1 and ,i do not remember to
 have lost a patient before with this   
disease4 ,while absent1 last ,july1 ,i  
visited two patients sick with puerperal
 fever1 with a friend of mine in the    
country4 ,both of them recovered4  ,the 
cases that ,i have recorded were not    
confined to any particular constitution 
or temperament1 but it seized upon the  
strong and the weak1 the old and the    
young--one being over forty years1 and  
the youngest under eighteen years of    
age444 ,if the disease is of an         
erysipelatous nature1 as many suppose1  

contagionists may perhaps find some     
ground for their belief in the fact     
that1 for two weeks previous to my first
 case of puerperal fever1 ,i had been   
attending a severe case of erysipelas1  
and the infection may have been conveyed
 through me to the patient2 but1 on the 
other hand1 why is not this the case    
with other physicians1 or with the same 
physician at all times1 for since my    
return from the country ,i have had a   
more inveterate case of erysipelas than 
ever before1 and no difficulty whatever 
has attended any of my midwifery cases8 
,i am assured1 on unquestionable        
authority1 that about three years since 
a gentleman in extensive midwifery      
business1 in a neighboring ,state1 lost 
in the course of a few weeks eight      
patients in child-bed1 seven of them    
being undoubted cases of puerperal      
fever4 ,no other physician of the town  
lost a single patient of this disease   
during the same period4 ,and from what  
,i have heard in conversation with some 

of our most experienced practitioners1  
,i am inclined to think many cases of   
the kind might be brought to light by   
extensive inquiry4  ,this long catalogue
 of melancholy histories assumes a still
 darker aspect when we remember how     
kindly nature deals with the parturient 
female1 when she is not immersed in the 
virulent atmosphere of an impure        
lying-in hospital1 or poisoned in her   
chamber by the unsuspected breath of    
contagion4 ,from all causes together not
 more than four deaths in a thousand    
births and miscarriages happened in     
,england and ,wales during the period   
embraced by the first ,report of the    
,registrar-,general4 ,footnote3 ,first  
,report1 p4 #aje4 ,in the second ,report
 the mortality was shown to be about    
five in one thousand4 ,footnote3 ,second
 ,report1 p4 #gc4 ,in the ,dublin       
,lying-in ,hospital1 during the seven   
years of ,dr4 ,collins's mastership1    
there was one case of puerperal fever to
 #agh deliveries1 or less than six to   

the thousand1 and one death from this   
disease in #bgh cases1 or between three 
and four to the thousand4 ,footnote3    
,collins's ,treatise on ,midwifery1 p4  
#bbh1 etc4 ,yet during this period the  
disease was endemic in the hospital1 and
 might have gone on to rival the horrors
 of the pestilence of the ,maternite1   
had not the poison been destroyed by a  
thorough purification4  ,in private     
practice1 leaving out of view the cases 
that are to be ascribed to the          
self-acting system of propagation1 it   
would seem that the disease must be far 
from common4 ,mr4 ,white1 of            
,manchester1 says3 ,out of the whole    
number of lying-in patients whom ,i have
 delivered 7and ,i may safely call it a 
great one71 ,i have never lost one1 nor 
to the best of my recollection has one  
been greatly endangered1 by the         
puerperal1 miliary1 low nervous1 putrid 
malignant1 or milk fever4 ,footnote3    
,op4 cit41 p4 #aae4 ,dr4 ,joseph ,clarke
 informed ,dr4 ,collins that in the     

course of ,,forty-,,five years' most    
extensive practice he lost but ,,four   
patients from this disease4 ,footnote3  
,op4 cit41 p4#bbh4 ,one of the most     
eminent practitioners of ,glasgow who   
has been engaged in very extensive      
practice for upwards of a quarter of a  
century testifies that he never saw more
 than twelve cases of real puerperal    
fever4 ,footnote3 ,lancet1 ,may #d1     
#ahcc4  ,i have myself been told by two 
gentlemen practicing in this city1 and  
having for many years a large midwifery 
business1 that they had neither of them 
lost a patient from this disease1 and by
 one of them that he had only seen it in
 consultation with other physicians4 ,in
 five hundred cases of midwifery1 of    
which ,dr4 ,storer has given an abstract
 in the first number of this journal1   
there was only one instance of fatal    
puerperal peritonitis4  ,in the view of 
these facts it does appear a singular   
coincidence that one man or woman should
 have ten1 twenty1 thirty1 or seventy   

cases of this rare disease following his
 or her footsteps with the keenness of a
 beagle1 through the streets and lanes  
of a crowded city1 while the scores that
 cross the same paths on the same       
errands know it only by name4 ,it is a  
series of similar coincidences which has
 led us to consider the dagger1 the     
musket1 and certain innocent-looking    
white powders as having some little     
claim to be regarded as dangerous4 ,it  
is the practical inattention to similar 
coincidences which has given rise to the
 unpleasant but often necessary         
documents called ,,indictments1 which   
has sharpened a form of the cephalotome 
sometimes employed in the case of       
adults1 and adjusted that modification  
of the fillet which delivers the world  
of those who happen to be too much in   
the way while such striking coincidences
 are taking place4  ,i shall now mention
 a few instances in which the disease   
appears to have been conveyed by the    
process of direct inoculation4  ,dr4    

,campbell1 of ,edinburgh1 states that in
 ,october1 #ahba1 he assisted at the    
post-mortem examination of a patient who
 died with puerperal fever4 ,he carried 
the pelvic viscera in his pocket to the 
class-room4 ,the same evening he        
attended a woman in labor without       
previously changing his clothes2 this   
patient died4 ,the next morning he      
delivered a woman with the forceps2 she 
died also1 and of many others who were  
seized with the disease within a few    
weeks1 three shared the same fate in    
succession4  ,in ,june1 #ahbc1 he       
assisted some of his pupils at the      
autopsy of a case of puerperal fever4   
,he was unable to wash his hands with   
proper care1 for want of the necessary  
accommodations4 ,on getting home he     
found that two patients required his    
assistance4 ,he went without further    
ablution or changing his clothes2 both  
these patients died with puerperal      
fever4 ,footnote3 ,lond4 ,med4 ,gazette1
 ,december #aj1 #ahca4 ,this same ,dr4  

,campbell is one of ,dr4 ,churchill's   
authorities against contagion4  ,mr4    
,roberton says that in one instance     
within his knowledge a practitioner     
passed the catheter for a patient with  
puerperal fever late in the evening2 the
 same night he attended a lady who had  
the symptoms of the disease on the      
second day4 ,in another instance a      
surgeon was called while in the act of  
inspecting the body of a woman who had  
died of this fever1 to attend a labor2  
within forty-eight hours this patient   
was seized with the fever ,footnote3    
,ibid4 for ,january #ahcb4  ,on the     
#afth of ,march1 #ahca1 a medical       
practitioner examined the body of a     
woman who had died a few days after     
delivery1 from puerperal peritonitis4   
,on the evening of the #agth he         
delivered a patient1 who was seized with
 puerperal fever on the #aith1 and died 
on the #bdth4 ,between this period and  
the #fth of ,april the same practitioner
 attended two other patients1 both of   

whom were attacked with the same disease
 and died4 ,footnote3 ,london ,cyc4 of  
,pract4 ,med41 art41 ,fever1 ,puerperal4
  ,in the autumn of #ahbi a physician   
was present at the examination of a case
 of puerperal fever1 dissected out the  
organs1 and assisted in sewing up the   
body4 ,he had scarcely reached home when
 he was summoned to attend a young lady 
in labor4 ,in sixteen hours she was     
attacked with the symptoms of puerperal 
fever1 and narrowly escaped with her    
life4 ,footnote3 ,ibid4  ,in ,december1 
#ahcj1 a midwife1 who had attended two  
fatal cases of puerperal fever at the   
,british ,lying-in ,hospital1 examined a
 patient who had just been admitted1 to 
ascertain if labor had commenced4 ,this 
patient remained two days in the        
expectation that labor would come on1   
when she returned home and was then     
suddenly taken in labor and delivered   
before she could set out for the        
hospital4 ,she went on favorably for two
 days1 and was then taken with puerperal

 fever and died in thirty-six hours4    
,footnote3 ,ibid4  ,a young             
practitioner1 contrary to advice1       
examined the body of a patient who had  
died from puerperal fever2 there was no 
epidemic at the time2 the case appeared 
to be purely sporadic4 ,he delivered    
three other women shortly afterwards2   
they all died with puerperal fever1 the 
symptoms of which broke out very soon   
after labor4 ,the patients of his       
colleague did well1 except one1 where he
 assisted to remove some coagula from   
the uterus2 she was attacked in the same
 manner as those whom he had attended1  
and died also4 ,the writer in the       
,british and ,foreign ,medical ,review1 
from whom ,i quote this statement1--and 
who is no other than ,dr4 ,rigby1--adds3
 ,we trust that this fact alone will    
forever silence such doubts1 and stamp  
the well-merited epithet of 'criminal1' 
as above quoted1 upon such attempts     
,footnote3 ,brit4 and ,for4 ,medical    
,review for ,january1 #ahdb1 p4 #aab4   

,from the cases given by ,mr4 ,ingleby  
,i select the following3 ,two gentlemen1
 after having been engaged in conducting
 the post- mortem examination of a case 
of puerperal fever1 went in the same    
dress1 each respectively1 to a case of  
midwifery4 ,the one patient was seized  
with the rigor about thirty hours       
afterwards4 ,the other patient was      
seized with a rigor the third morning   
after delivery4 ,,one ,,recovered1 ,,one
 ,,died4 ,footnote3 ,edin4 ,med4 and    
,surg4 ,journal1 ,april #ahch4 ,one of  
these same gentlemen attended another   
woman in the same clothes two days after
 the autopsy referred to4 ,the rigor did
 not take place until the evening of the
 fifth day from the first visit4        
,,result ,,fatal4 ,these cases belonged 
to a series of seven1 the first of which
 was thought to have originated in a    
case of erysipelas4 ,several cases of a 
mild character followed the foregoing   
seven1 and their nature being now most  
unequivocal1 my friend declined visiting

 all midwifery cases for a time1 and    
there was no recurrence of the disease4 
,these cases occurred in #ahcc4 ,five of
 them proved fatal4 ,mr4 ,ingleby gives 
another series of seven cases which     
occurred to a practitioner in #ahcf1 the
 first of which was also attributed to  
his having opened several erysipelatous 
abscesses a short time previously4  ,i  
need not refer to the case lately read  
before this society1 in which a         
physician went1 soon after performing an
 autopsy of a case of puerperal fever1  
to a woman in labor1 who was seized with
 the same disease and perished4 ,the    
forfeit of that error has been already  
paid4  ,at a meeting of the ,medical and
 ,chirurgical ,society before referred  
to1 ,dr4 ,merriman related an instance  
occurring in his own practice1 which    
excites a reasonable suspicion that two 
lives were sacrificed to a still less   
dangerous experiment4 ,he was at the    
examination of a case of puerperal fever
 at two o'clock in the afternoon4 ,,he  

,,took ,,care ,,not ,,to ,,touch ,,the  
,,body4 ,at nine o'clock the same       
evening he attended a woman in labor2   
she was so nearly delivered that he had 
scarcely anything to do4 ,the next      
morning she had severe rigors1 and in   
forty-eight hours she was a corpse4 ,her
 infant had erysipelas and died in two  
days4 ,footnote3 ,lancet1 ,may #b1      
#ahdj4  ,in connection with the facts   
which have been stated it seems proper  
to allude to the dangerous and often    
fatal effects which have followed from  
wounds received in the post-mortem      
examination of patients who have died of
 puerperal fever4 ,the fact that such   
wounds are attended with peculiar risk  
has been long noticed4 ,i find that     
,chaussier was in the habit of          
cautioning his students against the     
danger to which they were exposed in    
these dissections4 ,footnote3 ,stein1   
,l',art d',accoucher1 #agid2 ,dict4 des 
,sciences ,medicales1 art41 ,puerperal4 
,the head pharmacien of the ,hotel      

,dieu1 in his analysis of the fluid     
effused in puerperal peritonitis1 says  
that practitioners are convinced of its 
deleterious qualities1 and that it is   
very dangerous to apply it to the       
denuded skin4 ,footnote3 ,journal de    
,pharmacie1 ,january #ahcf4 ,sir        
,benjamin ,brodie speaks of it as being 
well known that the inoculation of lymph
 or pus from the peritoneum of a        
puerperal patient is often attended with
 dangerous and even fatal symptoms4     
,three cases in confirmation of this    
statement1 two of them fatal1 have been 
reported to this society within a few   
months4  ,of about fifty cases of       
injuries of this kind1 of various       
degrees of severity1 which ,i have      
collected from different sources1 at    
least twelve were instances of infection
 from puerperal peritonitis4 ,some of   
the others are so stated as to render it
 probable that they may have been of the
 same nature4 ,five other cases were of 
peritoneal inflammation2 three in males4

 ,three were what was called enteritis1 
in one instance complicated with        
erysipelas2 but it is well known that   
this term has been often used to signify
 inflammation of the peritoneum covering
 the intestines4 ,on the other hand1 no 
case of typhus or typhoid fever is      
mentioned as giving rise to dangerous   
consequences1 with the exception of the 
single instance of an undertaker        
mentioned by ,mr4 ,travers1 who seems to
 have been poisoned by a fluid which    
exuded from the body4 ,the other        
accidents were produced by dissection1  
or some other mode of contact with      
bodies of patients who had died of      
various affections4 ,they also differed 
much in severity1 the cases of puerperal
 origin being among the most formidable 
and fatal4 ,now a moment's reflection   
will show that the number of cases of   
serious consequences ensuing from the   
dissection of the bodies of those who   
had perished of puerperal fever is so   
vastly disproportioned to the relatively

 small number of autopsies made in this 
complaint as compared with typhus or    
pneumonia 7from which last disease not  
one case of poisoning happened71 and    
still more from all diseases put        
together1 that the conclusion is        
irresistible that a most fearful morbid 
poison is often generated in the course 
of this disease4 ,whether or not it is  
sui generis confined to this disease1 or
 produced in some others1 as1 for       
instance1 erysipelas1 ,i need not stop  
to inquire4  ,in connection with this   
may be taken the following statement of 
,dr4 ,rigby3 ,that the discharges from a
 patient under puerperal fever are in   
the highest degree contagious we have   
abundant evidence in the history of     
lying-in hospitals4 ,the puerperal      
abscesses are also contagious1 and may  
be communicated to healthy lying-in     
women by washing with the same sponge2  
this fact has been repeatedly proved in 
the ,vienna ,hospital2 but they are     
equally communicable to women not       

pregnant2 on more than one occasion the 
women engaged in washing the soiled     
bed-linen of the ,general ,lying-in     
,hospital have been attacked with       
abscesses in the fingers or hands1      
attended with rapidly spreading         
inflammation of the cellular            
tissue4,footnote3 ,system of ,midwifery1
 p4 #bib  ,now add to all this the      
undisputed fact that within the walls of
 lying-in hospitals there is often      
generated a miasm1 palpable as the      
chlorine used to destroy it1 tenacious  
so as in some cases almost to defy      
extirpation1 deadly in some institutions
 as the plague2 which has killed women  
in a private hospital of ,london so fast
 that they were buried two in one coffin
 to conceal its horrors2 which enabled  
,tonnelle to record two hundred and     
twenty- two autopsies at the ,maternite 
of ,paris2 which has led ,dr4 ,lee to   
express his deliberate conviction that  
the loss of life occasioned by these    
institutions completely defeats the     

objects of their founders2 and out of   
this train of cumulative evidence1 the  
multiplied groups of cases clustering   
about individuals1 the deadly results of
 autopsies1 the inoculation by fluids   
from the living patient1 the murderous  
poison of hospitals--does there not     
result a conclusion that laughs all     
sophistry to scorn1 and renders all     
argument an insult8  ,i have had        
occasion to mention some instances in   
which there was an apparent relation    
between puerperal fever and erysipelas4 
,the length to which this paper has     
extended does not allow me to enter into
 the consideration of this most         
important subject4 ,i will only say that
 the evidence appears to me altogether  
satisfactory that some most fatal series
 of puerperal fever have been produced  
by an infection originating in the      
matter or effluvia of erysipelas4 ,in   
evidence of some connection between the 
two diseases1 ,i need not go back to the
 older authors1 as ,pouteau or ,gordon1 

but will content myself with giving the 
following references1 with their dates2 
from which it will be seen that the     
testimony has been constantly coming    
before the profession for the last few  
years3  ,london ,cyclopaedia of         
,practical ,medicine1 article ,puerperal
 ,fever1 #ahcc4  ,mr4 ,ceeley's ,account
 of the ,puerperal ,fever at ,aylesbury1
 ,lancet1 #ahce4  ,dr4 ,ramsbotham's    
,lecture1 ,london ,medical ,gazette1    
#ahce4  ,mr4 ,yates ,ackerly's ,letter  
in the same journal1 #ahch4  ,mr4       
,ingleby on ,epidemic ,puerperal ,fever1
 ,edinburgh ,medical and ,surgical      
,journal1 #ahch4  ,mr4 ,paley's ,letter1
 ,london ,medical ,gazette1 #ahci4      
,remarks at the ,medical and            
,chirurgical ,society1 ,lancet1 #ahdj4  
,dr4 ,rigby's ,system of ,midwifery1    
#ahda4  ,nunneley on ,erysipelas1 a work
 which contains a large number of       
references on the subject1 #ahda4       
,british and ,foreign ,quarterly        
,review1 #ahdb4  ,dr4 ,s4 ,jackson1 of  

,northumberland1 as already quoted from 
the ,summary of the ,college of         
,physicians1 #ahdb4  ,and1 lastly1 a    
startling series of cases by ,mr4       
,storrs1 of ,doncaster1 to be found in  
the ,american ,journal of the ,medical  
,sciences for ,january1 #ahdc4  ,the    
relation of puerperal fever with other  
continued fevers would seem to be remote
 and rarely obvious4 ,hey refers to two 
cases of synochus occurring in the      
,royal ,infirmary of ,edinburgh1 in     
women who had attended upon puerperal   
patients4 ,dr4 ,collins refers to       
several instances in which puerperal    
fever has appeared to originate from a  
continued proximity to patients         
suffering with typhus4 ,footnote3       
,treatise on ,midwifery1 p4 #bbh4  ,such
 occurrences as those just mentioned1   
though most important to be remembered  
and guarded against1 hardly attract our 
notice in the midst of the gloomy facts 
by which they are surrounded4 ,of these 
facts1 at the risk of fatiguing         

repetitions1 ,i have summoned a         
sufficient number1 as ,i believe1 to    
convince the most incredulous that every
 attempt to disguise the truth which    
underlies them all is useless4  ,it is  
true that some of the historians of the 
disease1 especially ,hulme1 ,hull1 and  
,leake1 in ,england2 ,tonnelle1 ,duges1 
and ,baudelocque1 in ,france1 profess   
not to have found puerperal fever       
contagious4 ,at the most they give us   
mere negative facts1 worthless against  
an extent of evidence which now overlaps
 the widest range of doubt1 and doubles 
upon itself in the redundancy of        
superfluous demonstration4 ,examined in 
detail1 this and much of the show of    
testimony brought up to stare the       
daylight of conviction out of           
countenance1 proves to be in a great    
measure unmeaning and inapplicable1 as  
might be easily shown were it necessary4
 ,nor do ,i feel the necessity of       
enforcing the conclusion which arises   
spontaneously from the facts which have 

been enumerated by formally citing the  
opinions of those grave authorities who 
have for the last half-century been     
sounding the unwelcome truth it has cost
 so many lives to establish4  ,it is to 
the ,british practitioner1 says ,dr4    
,rigby1 that we are indebted for        
strongly insisting upon this important  
and dangerous character of puerperal    
fever4 ,footnote3 ,british and ,foreign 
,med4 ,rev4 for ,january1 #ahdb4  ,the  
names of ,gordon1 ,john ,clarke1        
,denman1 ,burns1 ,young1 ,footnote3     
,encyc4 ,britannica1 xiii1 #dfg1 art41  
,medicine4 ,hamilton1,footnote3         
,outlines of ,midwifery1 p4 #aji4       
,haighton1 ,footnote3 ,oral ,lectures1  
etc4 ,good1 ,footnote3 ,study of        
,medicine1 ii1 #aie4 ,waller1 ,footnote3
 ,medical and ,physical ,journal1 ,july1
 #ahcj4 ,blundell1 ,gooch1 ,ramsbotham1 
,douglas1 ,footnote3 ,dublin ,hospital  
,reports for #ahbb4 ,lee1 ,ingleby1     
,locock1 ,footnote3 ,library of         
,practical ,medicine1 ,i4 #cgc1         

,abercrombie ,footnote3 ,researches on  
,diseases of the ,stomach1 etc4 p4      
#ahda1 ,alison ,footnote3 ,library of   
,practical ,medicine1 i1 #ie41 ,travers1
 ,footnote3 ,further ,researches on     
,constitutional ,irritation1 p4 #abh1   
,rigby1 and ,watson ,footnote3 ,london  
,medical ,gazette1 ,february1 #ahdb many
 of whose writings ,i have already      
referred to1 may have some influence    
with those who prefer the weight of     
authorities to the simple deductions of 
their own reason from the facts aid     
before them4 ,a few ,continental writers
 have adopted similar conclusions       
,footnote3 ,see ,british and ,foreign   
,medical ,review1 vol4 iil1 p4 #ebe1 and
 vol4 iv1 p4 #eag4 ,also ,ed4 ,med4 and 
,surg4 ,journal for ,july #ahbd1 and    
,american ,journal of ,med4 ,sciences   
for ,january1 #ahda4 ,it gives me       
pleasure to remember that1 while the    
doctrine has been unceremoniously       
discredited in one of the leading       
journals ,footnote3 ,p,isid4 ,med4      

,journal1 vol4 xii1 p4 #cfd1 and made   
very light of by teachers in two of the 
principal medical schools of this       
country1 ,dr4 ,channing has for many    
years inculcated1 and enforced by       
examples1 the danger to be apprehended  
and the precautions to be taken in the  
disease under consideration4  ,i have no
 wish to express any harsh feeling with 
regard to the painful subject which has 
come before us4 ,if there are any so far
 excited by the story of these dreadful 
events that they ask for some word of   
indignant remonstrance to show that     
science does not turn the hearts of its 
followers into ice or stone1 let me     
remind them that such words have been   
uttered by those who speak with an      
authority ,i could not claim ,footnote3 
,dr4 ,blundell and ,dr4 ,bigby in the   
works already cited4 ,it is as a lesson 
rather than as a reproach that ,i call  
up the memory of these irreparable      
errors and wrongs4 ,no tongue can tell  
the heart-breaking calamity they have   

caused2 they have closed the eyes just  
opened upon a new world of love and     
happiness2 they have bowed the strength 
of manhood into the dust2 they have cast
 the helplessness of infancy into the   
stranger's arms1 or bequeathed it1 with 
less cruelty1 the death of its dying    
parent4 ,there is no tone deep enough   
for regret1 and no voice loud enough for
 warning4 ,the woman about to become a  
mother4 or with her new-born infant upon
 her bosom1 should be the object of     
trembling care and sympathy wherever she
 bears her tender burden or stretches   
her aching limbs4 ,the very outcast of  
the streets has pity upon her sister in 
degradation when the seal of promised   
maternity is impressed upon her4 ,the   
remorseless vengeance of the law1       
brought down upon its victim by a       
machinery as sure as destiny1 is        
arrested in its fall at a word which    
reveals her transient claim for mercy4  
,the solemn prayer of the liturgy       
singles out her sorrows from the        

multiplied trials of life1 to plead for 
her in the hour of peril4 ,god forbid   
that any member of the profession to    
which she trusts her life1 doubly       
precious at that eventful period1 should
 hazard it negligently1 unadvisedly1 or 
selfishly6  ,there may be some among    
those whom ,i address who are disposed  
to ask the question1 ,what course are we
 to follow in relation to this matter8  
,the facts are before them1 and the     
answer must be left to their own        
judgment and conscience4 ,if any should 
care to know my own conclusions1 they   
are the following2 and in taking the    
liberty to state them very freely and   
broadly1 ,i would ask the inquirer to   
examine them as freely in the light of  
the evidence which has been laid before 
him4  #a4 ,a physician holding himself  
in readiness to attend cases of         
midwifery should never take any active  
part in the post-mortem examination of  
cases of puerperal fever4  #b4 ,if a    
physician is present at such autopsies1 

he should use thorough ablution1 change 
every article of dress1 and allow       
twenty-four hours or more to elapse     
before attending to any case of         
midwifery4 ,it may be well to extend the
 same caution to cases of simple        
peritonitis4  #c4 ,similar precautions  
should be taken after the autopsy or    
surgical treatment of cases of          
erysipelas1 if the physician is obliged 
to unite such offices with his          
obstetrical duties1 which is in the     
highest degree inexpedient4  #d4 ,on the
 occurrence of a single case of         
puerperal fever ,in his practice1 the   
physician is bound to consider the next 
female he attends in labor1 unless some 
weeks at least have elapsed1 as in      
danger of being infected by him1 and it 
is his duty to take every precaution to 
diminish her risk of disease and death4 
#e4 ,if within a short period two cases 
of puerperal fever happen close to each 
other1 in the practice of the same      
physician1 the disease not existing or  

prevailing in the neighborhood1 he would
 do wisely to relinquish his obstetrical
 practice for at least one month1 and   
endeavor to free himself by every       
available means from any noxious        
influence he may carry about with him4  
#f4 ,the occurrence of three or more    
closely connected cases1 in the practice
 of one individual1 no others existing  
in the neighborhood1 and no other       
sufficient cause being alleged for the  
coincidence1 is prima facie evidence    
that he is the vehicle of contagion4    
#g4 ,it is the duty of the physician to 
take every precaution that the disease  
shall not be introduced by nurses or    
other assistants1 by making proper      
inquiries concerning them1 and giving   
timely warning of every suspected source
 of danger4  #h4 ,whatever indulgence   
may be granted to those who have        
heretofore been the ignorant causes of  
so much misery1 the time has come when  
the existence of a private pestilence in
 the sphere of a single physician should

 be looked upon1 not as a misfortune1   
but a crime2 and in the knowledge of    
such occurrences the duties of the      
practitioner to his profession should   
give way to his paramount obligations to
 society4     ,,additional ,,references 
,,and ,,cases4   ,fifth ,annual ,report 
of the ,registrar-,general of ,england1 
#ahdc1 ,appendix4 ,letter from ,william 
,fair1 ,esq4--,several new series of    
cases are given in the letter of ,mr4   
,storrs1 contained in the appendix to   
this report4 ,mr4 ,storrs suggests      
precautions similar to those ,i have    
laid down1 and these precautions are    
strongly enforced by ,mr4 ,farr1 who is1
 therefore1 obnoxious to the same       
criticisms as myself4  ,hall and        
,dexter1 in ,am4 ,journal of ,med4 ,sc4 
for ,january1 #ahdd4-- ,cases of        
puerperal fever seeming to originate in 
erysipelas4  ,elkington1 of ,birmingham1
 in ,provincial ,med4 ,journal1 cited in
 ,am4 ,journ4 ,med4 ,sc4 for ,april1    
#ahdd4--,six cases in less than a       

fortnight1 seeming to originate in a    
case of erysipelas4  ,west's ,reports1  
in ,brit4 and ,for4 ,med4 ,review for   
,october1 #ahde1 and ,january1          
#ahdg4--;,affection of the arm1         
resembling malignant pustule1 after     
removing the placenta of a patient who  
died from puerperal fever4 ,reference to
 cases at ,wurzburg1 as proving         
contagion1 and to ,keiller's cases in   
the ,monthly ,journal for ,february1    
#ahdf1 as showing connection of         
puerperal fever and erysipelas4         
,kneeland4--,contagiousness of          
,puerperal ,fever4 ,am4 ,jour4 ,med4    
,sc41 ,january1 #ahdf4 ,also1           
,connection between ,puerperal ,fever   
,epidemic ,erysipelas4 ,ibid41 ,april1  
#ahdf4  ,robert ,storrs4-,contagious    
,effects of ,puerperal ,fever on the    
,male ,subject2 or on ,persons not      
,child-bearing4 7,from ,provincial ,med4
 and ,surg4 ,journal47 ,am4 ,jour4 ,med4
 ,sc41 ,january1 #ahdf4 ,numerous cases4
 ,see also ,dr4 ,reid's case in same    

journal for ,april1 #ahdf4  ,routh's    
paper in ,proc4 of ,royal ,med4 ,chir4  
,soc41 ,am4 ,jour4 ,med4 ,sc41 ,april1  
#ahdi1 also in ,b4 and ,f4 ,med4 ,chir4 
,review1 ,april1 #ahej4  ,hill1 of      
,leuchars4--,a ,series of ,cases        
,illustrating the ,contagious ,nature of
 ,erysipelas and ,puerperal ,fever1 and 
their ,intimate ,pathological           
,connection4 7,from ,monthly ,journal of
 ,med4 ,sc47 ,am4 ,jour4 ,med4 ,sc41    
,july1 #ahej4  ,skoda on the ,causes of 
,puerperal ,fever4 7,peritonitis in     
rabbits1 from inoculation with different
 morbid secretions47 ,am4 ,jour4 ,med4  
,sc41 ,october1 #ahej4  ,arneth4--,paper
 read before the ,national ,academy of  
,medicine4 ,annales d',hygiene1 ,tome   
,,lxv4 #b;e ,partie4 7,means of         
,disinfection proposed by ,m4           
,semmelweis4 ,semmelweiss47 ,lotions of 
chloride of lime and use of nail-brush  
before admission to lying-in wards1     
,alleged sudden and great decrease of   
mortality from puerperal fever4 ,cause  

of disease attributed to inoculation    
with cadaveric matters47 ,see also      
,routh's paper1 mentioned above4        
,moir4--,remarks at a meeting of the    
,edinburgh ,medico-chirurgical ,society4
 ,refers to cases of ,dr4 ,kellie1 of   
,leith4 ,sixteen in succession1 all     
fatal4 ,also to several instances of    
individual pupils having had a          
succession of cases in various quarters 
of the town1 while others1 practising as
 extensively in the same localities1 had
 none4 ,also to several special cases   
not mentioned elsewhere4 ,am4 ,jour4    
,med4 ,sc4 for ,october1 #ahea4 7,from  
,new ,monthly ,journal of ,med4         
,science47  ,simpson4--,observations at 
a ,meeting of the ,edinburgh            
,obstetrical ,society4 7,an eminent     
gentleman1 according to ,dr4 ,meigs1    
whose name is as well known in ,america 
as in 7his7 native land1 ,obstetrics1   
,phil41 #aheb1 pp4 #cfh1 #cge47 ,the    
student is referred to this paper for a 
valuable resume of many of the facts1   

and the necessary inferences1 relating  
to this subject4 ,also for another      
series of cases1 ,mr4 ,sidey's1 five or 
six in rapid succession4 ,dr4 ,simpson  
attended the dissection of two of ,dr4  
,sidey's cases1 and freely handled the  
diseased parts4 ,his next four child-bed
 patients were affected with puerperal  
fever1 and it was the first time he had 
seen it in practice4 ,as ,dr4 ,simpson  
is a gentleman 7,dr4 ,meigs1 as above71 
and as a gentleman's hands are clean    
7,dr4 ,meigs' sixth letter71 it follows 
that a gentleman with clean hands may   
carry the disease4 ,am4 ,jour4 ,med4    
,sc41 ,october1 #ahea4  ,peddie4--,the  
five or six cases of ,dr4 ,sidey1       
followed by the four of ,dr4 ,simpson1  
did not end the series4 ,a practitioner 
in ,leith having examined in ,dr4       
,simpson's house1 a portion of the      
uterus obtained from one of the         
patients1 had immediately afterwards    
three fatal cases of puerperal fever4   
,dr4 ,peddie referred to two distinct   

series of consecutive cases in his own  
practice4 ,he had since taken           
precautions1 and not met with any such  
cases4 ,am4 ,jour4 ,med ,october1 #ahea4
  ,copland4--,considers it proved that  
puerperal fever may be propagated by the
 hands and the clothes1 or either1 of a 
third person1 the bed-clothes or        
body-clothes of a patient4 ,mentions a  
new series of cases1 one of which he    
saw1 with the practitioner who had      
attended them4 ,she was ,,the ,,sixth he
 had had within a few days4 ,,all       
,,died4 ,dr4 ,copland insisted that     
contagion had caused these cases2       
advised precautionary measures1 and the 
practitioner had no other cases for a   
considerable time4 ,considers it        
,,criminal1 after the evidence          
adduced1--which be could have           
quadrupled1--and the weight of authority
 brought forward1 for a practitioner to 
be the medium of transmitting contagion 
and death to his patients4 ,dr4 ,copland
 lays down rules similar to those       

suggested by myself1 and is therefore   
entitled to the same epithet for so     
doing4 ,medical ,dictionary1 ,new ,york1
 #ahec4 ,article1 ,puerperal ,states and
 ,diseases4  ,if there is any appetite  
for facts so craving as to be yet       
unappeased1--lassata1 necdum            
satiata1--more can be obtained4 ,dr4    
,hodge remarks that the frequency and   
importance of this singular circumstance
 that the disease is occasionally more  
prevalent with one practitioner than    
another1 has been exceedingly overrated4
 ,more than thirty strings of cases1    
more than two hundred and fifty         
sufferers from puerperal fever1 more    
than one hundred and thirty deaths1     
appear as the results of a sparing      
estimate of such among the facts ,i have
 gleaned as could be numerically valued4
 ,these facts constitute1 we may take it
 for granted1 but a small fraction of   
those that have actually occurred4 ,the 
number of them might be greater1 but 't 
is enough1 't will serve1 in ,mercutio's

 modest phrase1 so far as frequency is  
concerned4 ,for a just estimate of the  
importance of the singular circumstance1
 it might be proper to consult the      
languid survivors1 the widowed husbands1
 and the motherless children1 as well as
 the unfortunate accoucheur4     ,,on   
,,the ,,antiseptic ,,principle ,,of     
,,the ,,practice ,,of ,,surgery ,,by    
,,joseph ,,lister   ,,introductory      
,,note   ,joseph ,lister was born at    
,upton1 ,essex1 ,england1 in #ahbg1 and 
received ,aw general education at the   
,university of ,london4 ,after          
graduation he studied medicine in       
,london and ,edinburgh1 and became      
lecturer in surgery at the ,university  
in the latter city4 ,later he was       
professor of surgery at ,glasgow1 at    
,edinburgh1 and at ,king's ,college     
,hospital1 ,london1 and surgeon to      
,queen ,victoria4 ,he was made a baronet
 in #ahhc2 retired from teaching in     
#ahic2 and was raised to the peerage in 
#ahig1 with the title of ,baron ,lister4

  ,even before the work of ,pasteur on  
fermentation and putrefaction1 ,lister  
had been convinced of the importance of 
scrupulous cleanliness and the          
usefulness of deodorants in the         
operating room2 and when1 through       
,pasteur's researches1 he realised that 
the formation of ,,pus was due to       
bacteria1 he proceeded to develop his   
antiseptic surgical methods4 ,the       
immediate success of the new treatment  
led to its general adoption1 with       
results of such beneficence as to make  
it rank as one of the great discoveries 
of the age4     ,,on ,,the ,,antiseptic 
,,principle ,,of ,,the ,,practice ,,of  
,,surgery 7#ahfg7   ,in the course of an
 extended investigation into the nature 
of inflammation1 and the healthy and    
morbid conditions of the blood in       
relation to it1 ,i arrived several years
 ago at the conclusion that the         
essential cause of suppuration in wounds
 is decomposition brought about by the  
influence of the atmosphere upon blood  

or serum retained within them1 and1 in  
the case of contused wounds1 upon       
portions of tissue destroyed by the     
violence of the injury4  ,to prevent the
 occurrence of suppuration with all its 
attendant risks was an object manifestly
 desirable1 but till lately apparently  
unattainable1 since it seemed hopeless  
to attempt to exclude the oxygen which  
was universally regarded as the agent by
 which putrefaction was effected4 ,but  
when it had been shown by the researches
 of ,pasteur that the septic properties 
of the atmosphere depended not on the   
oxygen1 or any gaseous constituent1 but 
on minute organisms suspended in it1    
which owed their energy to their        
vitality1 it occurred to me that        
decomposition in the injured part might 
be avoided without excluding the air1 by
 applying as a dressing some material   
capable of destroying the life of the   
floating particles4 ,upon this principle
 ,i have based a practice of which ,i   
will now attempt to give a short        

account4  ,the material which ,i have   
employed is carbolic or phenic acid1 a  
volatile organic compound1 which appears
 to exercise a peculiarly destructive   
influence upon low forms of life1 and   
hence is the most powerful antiseptic   
with which we are at present acquainted4
  ,the first class of cases to which ,i 
applied it was that of compound         
fractures1 in which the effects of      
decomposition in the injured part were  
especially striking and pernicious4 ,the
 results have been such as to establish 
conclusively the great principle that   
all local inflammatory mischief and     
general febrile disturbances which      
follow severe injuries are due to the   
irritating and poisonous influence of   
decomposing blood or sloughs4 ,for these
 evils are entirely avoided by the      
antiseptic treatment1 so that limbs     
which would otherwise be unhesitatingly 
condemned to amputation may be retained1
 with confidence of the best results4   
,in conducting the treatment1 the first 

object must be the destruction of any   
septic germs which may have been        
introduced into the wounds1 either at   
the moment of the accident or during the
 time which has since elapsed4 ,this is 
done by introducing the acid of full    
strength into all accessible recesses of
 the wound by means of a piece of rag   
held in dressing forceps and dipped into
 the liquid4 ,footnote3 ,the addition of
 a few drops of water to a considerable 
quantity of the acid1 induces it to     
assume permanently the liquid form4     
,this ,i did not venture to do in the   
earlier cases2 but experience has shown 
that the compound which carbolic acid   
forms with the blood1 and also any      
portions of tissue killed by its caustic
 action1 including even parts of the    
bone1 are disposed of by absorption and 
organisation1 provided they are         
afterwards kept from decomposing4 ,we   
are thus enabled to employ the          
antiseptic treatment efficiently at a   
period after the occurrence of the      

injury at which it would otherwise      
probably fail4 ,thus ,i have now under  
my care1 in ,glasgow ,infirmary1 a boy  
who was admitted with compound fracture 
of the leg as late as eight and one-half
 hours after the accident1 in whom1     
nevertheless1 all local and             
constitutional disturbance was avoided  
by means of carbolic acid1 and the bones
 were soundly united five weeks after   
his admission4  ,the next object to be  
kept in view is to guard effectually    
against the spreading of decomposition  
into the wound along the stream of blood
 and serum which oozes out during the   
first few days after the accident1 when 
the acid originally applied has been    
washed out or dissipated by absorption  
and evaporation4 ,this part of the      
treatment has been greatly improved     
during the past few weeks4 ,the method  
which ,i have hitherto published 7see   
,lancet for ,mar4 #afth1 #bcrd1 #cjth1  
and ,april #bgth of the present year7   
consisted in the application of a piece 

of lint dipped in the acid1 overlapping 
the sound skin to some extent and       
covered with a tin cap1 which was daily 
raised in order to touch the surface of 
the lint with the antiseptic4 ,this     
method certainly succeeded well with    
wounds of moderate size2 and indeed ,i  
may say that in all the many cases of   
this kind which have been so treated by 
myself or my house-surgeons1 not a      
single failure has occurred4 ,when1     
however1 the wound is very large1 the   
flow of blood and serum is so profuse1  
especially during the first twenty-four 
hours1 that the antiseptic application  
cannot prevent the spread of            
decomposition into the interior unless  
it overlaps the sound skin for a very   
considerable distance1 and this was     
inadmissible by the method described    
above1 on account of the extensive      
sloughing of the surface of the cutis   
which it would involve4 ,this difficulty
 has1 however1 been overcome by         
employing a paste composed of common    

whiting 7carbonate of lime71 mixed with 
a solution of one part of carbolic acid 
in four parts of boiled linseed oil so  
as to form a firm putty4 ,this          
application contains the acid in too    
dilute a form to excoriate the skin1    
which it may be made to cover to any    
extent that may be thought desirable1   
while its substance serves as a         
reservoir of the antiseptic material4   
,so long as any discharge continues1 the
 paste should be changed daily1 and1 in 
order to prevent the chance of mischief 
occurring during the process1 a piece of
 rag dipped in the solution of carbolic 
acid in oil is put on next the skin1 and
 maintained there permanently1 care     
being taken to avoid raising it along   
with the putty4 ,this rag is always kept
 in an antiseptic condition from contact
 with the paste above it1 and destroys  
any germs which may fall upon it during 
the short time that should alone be     
allowed to pass in the changing of the  
dressing4 ,the putty should be in a     

layer about a quarter of an inch thick1 
and may be advantageously applied rolled
 out between two pieces of thin calico1 
which maintain it in the form of a      
continuous sheet1 which may be wrapped  
in a moment round the whole             
circumference of a limb if this be      
thought desirable1 while the putty is   
prevented by the calico from sticking to
 the rag which is next the              
skin4,footnote3 ,in order to prevent    
evaporation of the acid1 which passes   
readily through any organic tissue1 such
 as oiled silk or gutta percha1 it is   
well to cover the paste with a sheet of 
block tin4 or tinfoil strengthened with 
adhesive plaster4 ,the tin sheet lead   
used for lining tea chests will also    
answer the purpose1 and may be obtained 
from any wholesale grocer4 ,when all    
discharge has ceased1 the use of the    
paste is discontinued1 but the original 
rag is left adhering to the skin till   
healing by scabbing is supposed to be   
complete4 ,i have at present in the     

hospital a man with severe compound     
fracture of both bones of the left leg1 
caused by direct violence1 who1 after   
the cessation of the sanibus discharge  
under the use of the paste1 without a   
drop of pus appearing1 has been treated 
for the last two weeks exactly as if the
 fracture was a simple one4 ,during this
 time the rag1 adhering by means of a   
crust of inspissated blood collected    
beneath it1 has continued perfectly dry1
 and it will be left untouched till the 
usual period for removing the splints in
 a simple fracture1 when we may fairly  
expect to find a sound cicatrix beneath 
it4 ,we cannot1 however1 always         
calculate on so perfect a result as     
this4 ,more or less pus may appear after
 the lapse of the first week1 and the   
larger the wound1 the more likely this  
is to happen4 ,and here ,i would desire 
earnestly to enforce the necessity of   
persevering with the antiseptic         
application in spite of the appearance  
of suppuration1 so long as other        

symptoms are favorable4 ,the surgeon is 
extremely apt to suppose that any       
suppuration is an indication that the   
antiseptic treatment has failed1 and    
that poulticing or water dressing should
 be resorted to4 ,but such a course     
would in many cases sacrifice a limb or 
a life4 ,i cannot1 however1 expect my   
professional brethren to follow my      
advice blindly in such a matter1 and    
therefore ,i feel it necessary to place 
before them1 as shortly as ,i can1 some 
pathological principles intimately      
connected1 not only with the point we   
are immediately considering1 but with   
the whole subject of this paper4 ,if a  
perfectly healthy granulating sore be   
well washed and covered with a plate of 
clean metal1 such as block tin1 fitting 
its surface pretty accurately1 and      
overlapping the surrounding skin an inch
 or so in every direction and retained  
in position by adhesive plaster and a   
bandage1 it will be found1 on removing  
it after twenty-four or forty-eight     

hours1 that little or nothing that can  
be called pus is present1 merely a      
little transparent fluid1 while at the  
same time there is an entire absence of 
the unpleasant odour invariably         
perceived when water dressing is        
changed4 ,here the clean metallic       
surface presents no recesses like those 
of porous lint for the septic germs to  
develope in1 the fluid exuding from the 
surface of the granulations has flowed  
away undecomposed1 and the result is the
 absence of suppuration4 ,this simple   
experiment illustrates the important    
fact that granulations have no inherent 
tendency to form pus1 but do so only    
when subjected to preternatural         
stimulus4 ,further1 it shows that the   
mere contact of a foreign body does not 
of itself stimulate granulations to     
suppurate2 whereas the presence of      
decomposing organic matter does4 ,these 
truths are even more strikingly         
exemplified by the fact that ,i have    
elsewhere recorded 7,lancet1 ,march     

#bcrd1 #ahfg71 that a piece of dead bone
 free from decomposition may not only   
fail to induce the granulations around  
it to suppurate1 but may actually be    
absorbed by them2 whereas a bit of dead 
bone soaked with putrid pus infallibly  
induces suppuration in its vicinity4    
,another instructive experiment is1 to  
dress a granulating sore with some of   
the putty above described1 overlapping  
the sound skin extensively2 when we     
find1 in the course of twenty-four      
hours1 that pus has been produced by the
 sore1 although the application has been
 perfectly antiseptic2 and1 indeed1 the 
larger the amount of carbolic acid in   
the paste1 the greater is the quantity  
of pus formed1 provided we avoid such a 
proportion as would act as a caustic4   
,the carbolic acid1 though it prevents  
decomposition1 induces                  
suppuration--obviously by acting as a   
chemical stimulus2 and we may safely    
infer that putrescent organic materials 
7which we know to be chemically acrid7  

operate in the same way4  ,in so far1   
then1 carbolic acid and decomposing     
substances are alike2 viz41 that they   
induce suppuration by chemical          
stimulation1 as distinguished from what 
may be termed simple inflammatory       
suppuration1 such as that in which      
ordinary abscesses originate--where the 
pus appears to be formed in consequence 
of an excited action of the nerves1     
independently of any other stimulus4    
,there is1 however1 this enormous       
difference between the effects of       
carbolic acid and those of              
decomposition2 viz41 that carbolic acid 
stimulates only the surface to which it 
is at first applied1 and every drop of  
discharge that forms weakens the        
stimulant by diluting it2 but           
decomposition is a self-propagating and 
self-aggravating poison1 and1 if it     
occur at the surface of a severely      
injured limb1 it will spread into all   
its recesses so far as any extravasated 
blood or shreds of dead tissue may      

extend1 and lying in those recesses1 it 
will become from hour to hour more      
acrid1 till it requires the energy of a 
caustic sufficient to destroy the       
vitality of any tissues naturally weak  
from inferior vascular supply1 or       
weakened by the injury they sustained in
 the accident4  ,hence it is easy to    
understand how1 when a wound is very    
large1 the crust beneath the rag may    
prove here and there insufficient to    
protect the raw surface from the        
stimulating influence of the carbolic   
acid in the putty2 and the result will  
be first the conversion of the tissues  
so acted on into granulations1 and      
subsequently the formation of more or   
less pus4 ,this1 however1 will be merely
 superficial1 and will not interfere    
with the absorption and organisation of 
extravasated blood or dead tissues in   
the interior4 ,but1 on the other hand1  
should decomposition set in before the  
internal parts have become securely     
consolidated1 the most disastrous       

results may ensue4  ,i left behind me in
 ,glasgow a boy1 thirteen years of age1 
who1 between three and four weeks       
previously1 met with a most severe      
injury to the left arm1 which he got    
entangled in a machine at a fair4 ,there
 was a wound six inches long and three  
inches broad1 and the skin was very     
extensively undermined beyond its       
limits1 while the soft parts were       
generally so much lacerated that a pair 
of dressing forceps introduced at the   
wound and pushed directly inwards       
appeared beneath the skin at the        
opposite aspect of the limb4 ,from this 
wound several tags of muscle were       
hanging1 and among them was ,one        
consisting of about three inches of the 
triceps in almost ,its entire thickness2
 while the lower fragment of the bone1  
which was broken high up1 was protruding
 four inches and a half1 stripped of    
muscle1 the skin being tucked in under  
it4 ,without the assistance of the      
antiseptic treatment1 ,i should         

certainly have thought of nothing else  
but amputation at the shoulder-joint2   
but1 as the radial pulse could be felt  
and the fingers had sensation1 ,i did   
not hesitate to try to save the limb and
 adopted the plan of treatment above    
described1 wrapping the arm from the    
shoulder to below the elbow in the      
antiseptic application1 the whole       
interior of the wound1 together with the
 protruding bone1 having previously been
 freely treated with strong carbolic    
acid4 ,about the tenth day1 the         
discharge1 which up to that time had    
been only sanious and serous1 showed a  
slight admixture of slimy pus2 and this 
increased till 7a few days before ,i    
left7 it amounted to about three drachms
 in twenty-four hours4 ,but the boy     
continued as he had been after the      
second day1 free from unfavorable       
symptoms1 with pulse1 tongue1 appetite1 
and sleep natural and strength          
increasing1 while the limb remained as  
it had been from the first1 free from   

swelling1 redness1 or pain4 ,i4         
therefore1 persevered with the          
antiseptic dressing2 and1 before ,i     
left1 the discharge was already somewhat
 less1 while the bone was becoming firm4
 ,i think it likely that1 in that boy's 
case1 ,i should have found merely a     
superficial sore had ,i taken off all   
the dressings at the end of the three   
weeks2 though1 considering the extent of
 the injury1 ,i thought it prudent to   
let the month expire before disturbing  
the rag next the skin4 ,but ,i feel sure
 that1 if ,i had resorted to ordinary   
dressing when the pus first appeared1   
the progress of the case would have been
 exceedingly different4  ,the next class
 of cases to which ,i have applied the  
antiseptic treatment is that of         
abscesses4 ,here also the results have  
been extremely satisfactory1 and in     
beautiful harmony with the pathological 
principles indicated above4 ,the        
pyogenic membrane1 like the granulations
 of a sore1 which it resembles in       

nature1 forms pus1 not from any inherent
 disposition to do so1 but only because 
it is subjected to some preternatural   
stimulation4 ,in an ordinary abscess1   
whether acute or chronic1 before it is  
opened the stimulus which maintains the 
suppuration is derived from the presence
 of pus pent up within the cavity4 ,when
 a free opening is made in the ordinary 
way1 this stimulus is got rid of1 but   
the atmosphere gaining access to the    
contents1 the potent stimulus of        
decomposition comes into operation1 and 
pus is generated in greater abundance   
than before4 ,but when the evacuation is
 effected on the antiseptic principle1  
the pyogenic membrane1 freed from the   
influence of the former stimulus without
 the substitution of a new one1 ceases  
to suppurate 7like the granulations of a
 sore under metallic dressing71         
furnishing merely a trifling amount of  
clear serum1 and1 whether the opening be
 dependent or not1 rapidly contracts and
 coalesces4 ,at the same time any       

constitutional symptoms previously      
occasioned by the accumulation of the   
matter are got rid of without the       
slightest risk of the irritative fever  
or hectic hitherto so justly dreaded in 
dealing with large abscesses4  ,in order
 that the treatment may be satisfactory1
 the abscess must be seen before it is  
opened4 ,then1 except in very rare and  
peculiar cases ,footnote3 ,as an        
instance of one of these exceptional    
cases1 ,i may mention that of an abscess
 in the vicinity of the colon1 and      
afterwords proved by post-mortem        
examination to have once communicated   
with it4 ,here the pus was extremely    
offensive when evacuated1 and exhibited 
vibros under the microscope41 there are 
no septic organisms in the contents1 so 
that it is needless to introduce        
carbolic acid into the interior4        
,indeed1 such a procedure would be      
objectionable1 as it would stimulate the
 pyogenic membrane to unnecessary       
suppuration4 ,all that is requisite is  

to guard against the introduction of    
living atmospheric germs from without1  
at the same time that free opportunity  
is afforded for the escape of the       
discharge from within4  ,i have so      
lately given elsewhere a detailed       
account of the method by which this is  
effected 7,lancet1 ,july #bgth1 #ahfg71 
that ,i shall not enter into it at      
present further than to say that the    
means employed are the same as those    
described above for the superficial     
dressing of compound fractures2 viz41 a 
piece of rag dipped into the solution of
 carbolic add in oil to serve as an     
antiseptic curtain1 under cover of which
 the abscess is evacuated by free       
incision1 and the antiseptic paste to   
guard against decomposition occurring in
 the stream of pus that flows out       
beneath it2 the dressing being changed  
daily until the sinus is closed4  ,the  
most remarkable results of this practice
 in a pathological point of view have   
been afforded by cases where the        

formation of pus depended on disease of 
bone4 ,here the abscesses1 instead of   
forming exceptions to the general class 
in the obstinacy of the suppuration1    
have resembled the rest in yielding in a
 few days only a trifling discharge1 and
 frequently the production of pus has   
ceased from the moment of the evacuation
 of the original contents4 ,hence it    
appears that caries1 when no longer     
labouring as heretofore under the       
irritation of decomposing matter1 ceases
 to be an opprobrium of surgery1 and    
recovers like other inflammatory        
affections4 ,in the publication before  
alluded to1 ,i have mentioned the case  
of a middle-aged man with a psoas       
abscess depending in diseased bone1 in  
whom the sinus finally closed after     
months of patient perseverance with the 
antiseptic treatment4 ,since that       
article was written ,i have had another 
instance of abscess equally gratifying1 
but the differing in the circumstance   
that the disease and the recovery were  

more rapid in their course4 ,the patient
 was a blacksmith1 who had suffered four
 and a half months before ,i saw him    
from symptoms of ulceration of cartilage
 in the left elbow4 ,these had latterly 
increased in severity so as to deprive  
him entirely of his night's rest and of 
appetite4 ,i found the region of the    
elbow greatly swollen1 and on careful   
examination found a fluctuating point at
 the outer aspect of the articulation4  
,i opened it on the antiseptic          
principle1 the incision evidently       
penetrating to the joint1 giving exit to
 a few drachms of pus4 ,the medical     
gentleman under whose care he was 7,dr4 
,macgregor1 of ,glasgow7 supervised the 
daily dressing with the carbolic acid   
paste till the patient went to spend two
 or three weeks at the coast1 when his  
wife was entrusted with it4 ,just two   
months after ,i opened the abscess1 he  
called to show me the limb1 stating that
 the discharge had been1 for at least   
two weeks1 as little as it was then1 a  

trifling moisture upon the paste1 such  
as might be accounted for by the little 
sore caused by the incision4 ,on        
applying a probe guarded with an        
antiseptic rag1 ,i found that the sinus 
was soundly closed1 while the limb was  
free from swelling or tenderness2 and1  
although he had not attempted to        
exercise it much1 the joint could       
already be moved through a considerable 
angle4 ,here the antiseptic principle   
had effected the restoration of a joint1
 which1 on any other known system of    
treatment1 must have been excised4      
,ordinary contused wounds are1 of       
course1 amenable to the same treatment  
as compound fractures1 which are a      
complicated variety of them4 ,i will    
content myself with mentioning a single 
instance of this class of cases4 ,in    
,april last1 a volunteer was discharging
 a rifle when it burst1 and blew back   
the thumb with its metacarpal bone1 so  
that it could be bent back as on a hinge
 at the trapezial joint1 which had      

evidently been opened1 while all the    
soft parts between the metacarpal bones 
of the thumb and forefinger were torn   
through4 ,i need not insist before my   
present audience on the ugly character  
of such an injury4 ,my house- surgeon1  
,mr4 ,hector ,cameron1 applied carbolic 
acid to the whole raw surface1 and      
completed the dressing as if for        
compound fracture4 ,the hand remained   
free from pain1 redness or swelling1 and
 with the exception of a shallow groove1
 all the wound consolidated without a   
drop of matter1 so that if it had been a
 clean cut1 it would have been regarded 
as a good example of primary union4 ,the
 small granulating surface soon healed1 
and at present a linear cicatrix alone  
tells of the injury he has sustained1   
while his thumb has all its movements   
and his hand a fine grasp4  ,if the     
severest forms of contused and lacerated
 wounds heal thus kindly under the      
antiseptic treatment1 it is obvious that
 its application to simple incised      

wounds must be merely a matter of       
detail4 ,i have devoted a good deal of  
attention to this class1 but ,i have not
 as yet pleased myself altogether with  
any of the methods ,i have employed4 ,i 
am1 however1 prepared to go so far as to
 say that a solution of carbolic acid in
 twenty parts of water1 while a mild and
 cleanly application1 may be relied on  
for destroying any septic germs that may
 fall upon the wound during the         
performance of an operation2 and also   
that1 for preventing the subsequent     
introduction of others1 the paste above 
described1 applied as for compound      
fractures1 gives excellent results4     
,thus ,i have had a case of strangulated
 inguinal hernia in which it was        
necessary to take away half a pound of  
thickened omentum1 heal without any     
deep-seated suppuration or any          
tenderness of the sac or any fever2 and 
amputations1 including one immediately  
below the knee1 have remained absolutely
 free from constitutional symptoms4     

,further1 ,i have found that when the   
antiseptic treatment is efficiently     
conducted1 ligatures may be safely cut  
short and left to be disposed of by     
absorption or otherwise4 ,should this   
particular branch of the subject yield  
all that it promises1 should it turn out
 on further trial that when the knot is 
applied on the antiseptic principle1 we 
may calculate as securely as if it were 
absent on the occurrence of healing     
without any deep- seated suppuration1   
the deligation of main arteries in their
 continuity will be deprived of the two 
dangers that now attend it1 viz41 those 
of secondary haemorrhage and an         
unhealthy state of the wound4 ,further1 
it seems not unlikely that the present  
objection to tying an artery in the     
immediate vicinity of a large branch may
 be done away with2 and that even the   
innominate1 which has lately been the   
subject of an ingenious experiment by   
one of the ,dublin surgeons1 on account 
of its well-known fatality under the    

ligature for secondary haemorrhage1 may 
cease to have this unhappy character    
when the tissues in the vicinity of the 
thread1 instead of becoming softened    
through the influence of an irritating  
decomposing substance1 are left at      
liberty to consolidate firmly near an   
unoffending though foreign body4  ,it   
would carry me far beyond the limited   
time which1 by the rules of the         
,association1 is alone at my disposal1  
were ,i to enter into the various       
applications of the antiseptic principle
 in the several special departments of  
surgery4  ,there is1 however1 one point 
more that ,i cannot but advert to1 viz41
 the influence of this mode of treatment
 upon the general healthiness of an     
hospital4 ,previously to its            
introduction the two large wards in     
which most of my cases of accident and  
of operation are treated were among the 
unhealthiest in the whole surgical      
division of the ,glasgow ,royal         
,infirmary1 in consequence apparently of

 those wards being unfavorably placed   
with reference to the supply of fresh   
air2 and ,i have felt ashamed when      
recording the results of my practice1 to
 have so often to allude to hospital    
gangrene or pyaemia4 ,it was            
interesting1 though melancholy1 to      
observe that whenever all or nearly all 
the beds contained cases with open      
sores1 these grievous complications were
 pretty sure to show themselves2 so that
 ,i came to welcome simple fractures1   
though in themselves of little interest 
either for myself or the students1      
because their presence diminished the   
proportion of open sores among the      
patients4 ,but since the antiseptic     
treatment has been brought into full    
operation1 and wounds and abscesses no  
longer poison the atmosphere with putrid
 exhalations1 my wards1 though in other 
respects under precisely the same       
circumstances as before1 have completely
 changed their character2 so that during
 the last nine months not a single      

instance of pysemia1 hospital gangrene1 
or erysipelas has occurred in them4  ,as
 there appears to be no doubt regarding 
the cause of this change1 the importance
 of the fact can hardly be exaggerated4 
,,the ,,physiological ,,theory ,,of     
,,fermentation                      ,,by
 ,,louis ,,pasteur                      
,,translated ,,by                  ,f4  
,,faulkner ,,and ,d4 ,c4 ,,robb         
,,and ,,revised    ,,the ,,germ ,,theory
 ,,and ,,its ,,applications ,,to        
,,medicine ,,and ,,surgery              
,,by ,,mm4 ,,pasteur1 ,,jourbert1 ,,and 
,,chamberland                           
,,translated ,,by                       
,h4 ,c4 ,,ernst1 ,m4 ,d4    ,,professor 
,,of ,,bacteriology ,,in ,,the ,,harvard
 ,,medical ,,school   ,,on ,,the        
,,extension ,,of ,,the ,,germ ,,theory  
,,to ,,the ,,etiology ,,of ,,certain    
,,common ,,diseases                     
,,by ,,louis ,,pasteur                  
,,translated ,,by ,h4 ,c4 ,,ernst1 ,m4  
,d4   ,,introductory ,,note  ,louis     

,pasteur was born at ,dole1 ,jura1      
,france1 ,december #bg1 #ahbb1 and died 
near ,saint-,cloud1 ,september #bh1     
#ahie4 ,his interest in science1 and    
especially in chemistry1 developed      
early1 and by the time he was twenty-six
 he was professor of the physical       
sciences at ,dijon4 ,the most important 
academic positions held by him later    
were those as professor of chemistry at 
,strasburg1 #ahdi2 dean of the ,faculty 
of ,sciences at ,lille1 #ahed2 science  
director of the ,ecole ,normale         
,superieure1 ,paris1 #aheg2 professor of
 geology1 physics1 and chemistry at the 
,ecole des ,beaux ,arts2 ,professor of  
chemistry at the ,sorbonne1 #ahfg4      
,after #ahge he carried on his          
researches at the ,pasteur ,institute4  
,he was a member of the ,institute1 and 
received many honors from learned       
societies at home and abroad4  ,in      
respect of the number and importance1   
practical as well as scientific1 of his 
discoveries1 ,pasteur has hardly a rival

 in the history of science4 ,he may be  
regarded as the founder of modern       
stereo-chemistry2 and his discovery that
 living organisms are the cause of      
fermentation is the basis of the whole  
modern germ- theory of disease and of   
the antiseptic method of treatment4 ,his
 investigations of the diseases of beer 
and wine2 of pebrine1 a disease         
affecting silk-worms2 of anthrax1 and of
 fowl cholera1 were of immense          
commercial importance and led to        
conclusions which have revolutionised   
physiology1 pathology1 and therapeutics4
 ,by his studies in the culture of      
bacteria of attenuated virulence he     
extended widely the practise of         
inoculation with a milder form of       
various diseases1 with a view to        
producing immunity4  ,the following     
papers present some of the most         
important of his contributions1 and     
exemplify his extraordinary powers of   
lucid exposition and argument4     ,,to 
,,the ,,memory ,,of ,,my ,,father       

,,formerly ,a ,,soldier ,,under ,,the   
,,first ,,empire ,,chevalier ,,of ,,the 
,,legion ,,of ,,honor  ,the longer ,i   
live1 the better ,i understand the      
kindness of thy heart and the high      
quality of thy mind4  ,the efforts which
 ,i have devoted to these ,studies1 as  
well as those which preceded them1 are  
the fruit of thy counsel and example4   
,desiring to honor these filial         
remembrances1 ,i dedicate this work to  
thy memory4  ,l4 ,,pasteur4             
,,author',s ,,preface  ,our misfortunes 
inspired me with the idea of these      
researches4 ,i undertook them           
immediately after the war of #ahgj1 and 
have since continued them without       
interruption1 with the determination of 
perfecting them1 and thereby benefiting 
a branch of industry wherein we are     
undoubtedly surpassed by ,germany4  ,i  
am convinced that ,i have found a       
precise1 practical solution of the      
arduous problem which ,i proposed to    
myself--that of a process of            

manufacture1 independent of season and  
locality1 which should obviate the      
necessity of having recourse to the     
costly methods of cooling employed in   
existing processes1 and at the same time
 secure the preservation of its products
 for any length of time4  ,these new    
studies are based on the same principles
 which guided me in my researches on    
wine1 vinegar1 and the silkworm         
disease-- principles1 the applications  
of which are practically unlimited4 ,the
 etiology of contagious diseases may1   
perhaps1 receive from them an unexpected
 light4  ,i need not hazard any         
prediction concerning the advantages    
likely to accrue to the brewing industry
 from the adoption of such a process of 
brewing as my study of the subject has  
enabled me to devise1 and from an       
application of the novel facts upon     
which this process is founded4 ,time is 
the best appraiser of scientific work1  
and ,i am not unaware that an industrial
 discovery rarely produces all its fruit

 in the hands of its first inventor4  ,i
 began my researches at                 
,clermont-,ferrand1 in the laboratory1  
and with the help1 of my friend ,m4     
,duclaux1 professor of chemistry at the 
,faculty of ,sciences of that town4 ,i  
continued them in ,paris1 and afterwards
 at the great brewery of ,tourtel       
,brothers1 of ,tantonville1 which is    
admitted to be the first in ,france4 ,i 
heartily thank these gentlemen for their
 extreme kindness4 ,i owe also a public 
tribute of gratitude to ,m4 ,kuhn1 a    
skillful brewer of ,chamalieres1 near   
,clermont-,ferrand1 as well as to ,m4   
,velten of ,marseilles1 and to ,,mm4 de 
,tassigny1 of ,reims1 who have placed at
 my disposal their establishments and   
their products1 with the most           
praiseworthy eagerness4  ,l4 ,,pasteur4 
,paris1 ,june #a1 #ahgi4     ,,the      
,,physiological ,,theory ,,of           
,,fermentation  ,i4 ,,on ,,the          
,,relations ,,existing ,,between        
,,oxygen ,,and ,,yeast   ,it is         

characteristic of science to reduce     
incessantly the number of unexplained   
phenomena4 ,it is observed1 for         
instance1 that fleshy fruits are not    
liable to fermentation so long as their 
epidermis remains uninjured4 ,on the    
other hand1 they ferment very readily   
when they are piled up in heaps more or 
less open1 and immersed in their        
saccharine juice4 ,the mass becomes     
heated and swells2 carbonic acid gas is 
disengaged1 and the sugar disappears and
 is replaced by alcohol4 ,now1 as to the
 question of the origin of these        
spontaneous phenomena1 so remarkable in 
character as well as usefulness for     
man's service1 modern knowledge has     
taught us that fermentation is the      
consequence of a development of         
vegetable cells the germs of which do   
not exist in the saccharine juices      
within fruits2 that many varieties of   
these cellular plants exist1 each giving
 rise to its own particular             
fermentation4 ,the principal products of

 these various fermentations1 although  
resembling each other in their nature1  
differ in their relative proportions and
 in the accessory substances that       
accompany them1 a fact which alone is   
sufficient to account for wide          
differences in the quality and          
commercial value of alcoholic beverages4
  ,now that the discovery of ferments   
and their living nature1 and our        
knowledge of their origin1 may have     
solved the mystery of the spontaneous   
appearance of fermentations in natural  
saccharine juices1 we may ask whether we
 must still regard the reactions that   
occur in these fermentations as         
phenomena inexplicable by the ordinary  
laws of chemistry4 ,we can readily see  
that fermentations occupy a special     
place in the series of chemical and     
biological phenomena4 ,what gives to    
fermentations certain exceptional       
characters of which we are only now     
beginning to suspect the causes1 is the 
mode of life in the minute plants       

designated under the generic name of    
ferments1 a mode of life which is       
essentially different from that in other
 vegetables1 and from which result      
phenomena equally exceptional throughout
 the whole range of the chemistry of    
living beings4  ,the least reflection   
will suffice to convince us that the    
alcoholic ferments must possess the     
faculty of vegetating and performing    
their functions out of contact with air4
 ,let us consider1 for instance1 the    
method of vintage practised in the      
,jura4 ,the bunches are laid at the foot
 of the vine in a large tub1 and the    
grapes there stripped from them4 ,when  
the grapes1 some of which are uninjured1
 others bruised1 and all moistened by   
the juice issuing from the latter1 fill 
the tub--where they form what is called 
the vintage--they are conveyed in       
barrels to large vessels fixed in       
cellars of a considerable depth4 ,these 
vessels are not filled to more than     
three-quarters of their capacity4       

,fermentation soon takes place in them1 
and the carbonic acid gas finds escape  
through the bunghole1 the diameter of   
which1 in the case of the largest       
vessels1 is not more than ten or twelve 
centimetres 7about four inches74 ,the   
wine is not drawn off before the end of 
two or three months4 ,in this way it    
seems highly probable that the yeast    
which produces the wine under such      
conditions must have developed1 to a    
great extent at least1 out of contact   
with oxygen4 ,no doubt oxygen is not    
entirely absent from the first2 nay1 its
 limited presence is even a necessity to
 the manifestation of the phenomena     
which follow4 ,the grapes are stripped  
from the bunch in contact with air1 and 
the must which drops from the wounded   
fruit takes a little of this gas into   
solution4 ,this small quantity of air so
 introduced into the must1 at the       
commencement of operations1 plays a most
 indispensable part1 it being from the  
presence of this that the spores of     

ferments which are spread over the      
surface of the grapes and the woody part
 of the bunches derive the power of     
starting their vital phenomena          
,footnote3 ,it has been marked in       
practice that fermentation is           
facilitated by leaving the grapes on the
 bunches4 ,the reason of this has not   
yet been discovered4 ,still we have no  
doubt that it may be attributed1        
principally1 to the fact that the       
interatices between the grapes1 and the 
spaces between the bunch leaves         
throughout1 considerably increase the   
volume of air placed at the service of  
the germs of ferment44 ,this air1       
however1 especially when the grapes have
 been stripped from the bunches1 is in  
such small proportion1 and that which is
 in contact with the liquid mass is so  
promptly expelled by the carbonic acid  
gas1 which is evolved as soon as a      
little yeast has formed1 that it will   
readily be admitted that most of the    
yeast is produced apart from the        

influence of oxygen1 whether free or in 
solution4 ,we shall revert to this fact1
 which is of great importance4 ,at      
present we are only concerned in        
pointing out that1 from the mere        
knowledge of the practices of certain   
localities1 we are induced to believe   
that the cells of yeast1 after they have
 developed from their spores1 continue  
to live and multiply without the        
intervention of oxygen1 and that the    
alcoholic ferments have a mode of life  
which is probably quite exceptional1    
since it is not generally met with in   
other species1 vegetable or animal4     
,another equally exceptional            
characteristic of yeast and fermentation
 in general consists in the small       
proportion which the yeast that forms   
bears to the sugar that decomposes4 ,in 
all other known beings the weight of    
nutritive matter assimilated corresponds
 with the weight of food used up1 any   
difference that may exist being         
comparatively small4 ,the life of yeast 

is entirely different4 ,for a certain   
weight of yeast formed1 we may have ten 
times1 twenty times1 a hundred times as 
much sugar1 or even more decomposed1 as 
we shall experimentally prove by-and-   
bye2 that is to say1 that whilst the    
proportion varies in a precise manner1  
according to conditions which we shall  
have occasion to specify1 it is also    
greatly out of proportion to the weight 
of the yeast4 ,we repeat1 the life of no
 other being1 under its normal          
physiological conditions1 can show      
anything similar4 ,the alcoholic        
ferments1 therefore1 present themselves 
to us as plants which possess at least  
two singular properties3 they can live  
without air1 that is without oxygen1 and
 they can cause decomposition to an     
amount which1 though variable1 yet1 as  
estimated by weight of product formed1  
is out of all proportion to the weight  
of their own substance4 ,these are facts
 of so great importance1 and so         
intimately connected with the theory of 

fermentation1 that it is indispensable  
to endeavour to establish them          
experimentally1 with all the exactness  
of which they will admit4  ,the question
 before us is whether yeast is in       
reality an anaerobian ,footnote3        
,capable of living without free         
oxygen--a term invented by              
,pasteur4--,en4 plant1 and what         
quantities of sugar it may cause to     
ferment1 under the various conditions   
under which we cause it to act4  ,the   
following experiments were undertaken to
 solve this double problem3--,we took a 
double-necked flask1 of three litres    
7five pints7 capacity1 one of the tubes 
being curved and forming an escape for  
the gas2 the other one1 on the right    
hand side 7,fig4 #a71 being furnished   
with a glass tap4 ,we filled this flask 
with pure yeast water1 sweetened with #e
 per cent1 of sugar candy1 the flask    
being so full that there was not the    
least trace of air remaining above the  
tap or in the escape tube2 this         

artificial wort had1 however1 been      
itself aerated4 ,the curved tube was    
plunged in a porcelain vessel full of   
mercury1 resting on a firm support4 ,in 
the small cylindrical funnel above the  
tap1 the capacity of which was from #aj 
cc4 to #ae cc4 7about half a fluid      
ounce7 we caused to ferment1 at a       
temperature of #bj degrees or #be       
degrees ,c4 7about #ge degrees ,f471    
five or six cubic centimetres of the    
saccharine liquid1 by means of a trace  
of yeast1 which multiplied rapidly1     
causing fermentation1 and forming a     
slight deposit of yeast at the bottom of
 the funnel above the tap4 ,we then     
opened the tap1 and some of the liquid  
in the funnel entered the flask1        
carrying with it the small deposit of   
yeast1 which was sufficient to          
impregnate the saccharine liquid        
contained in the flask4 ,in this manner 
it is possible to introduce as small a  
quantity of yeast as we wish1 a quantity
 the weight of which1 we may say1 is    

hardly appreciable4 ,the yeast sown     
multiplies rapidly and produces         
fermentation1 the carbonic gas from     
which is expelled into the mercury4 ,in 
less than twelve days all the sugar had 
disappeared1 and the fermentation had   
finished4 ,there was a sensible deposit 
of yeast adhering to the sides of the   
flask2 collected and dried it weighed   
#b4be grammes 7#cd grains74 ,it is      
evident that in this experiment the     
total amount of yeast formed1 if it     
required oxygen to enable it to live1   
could not have absorbed1 at most1 more  
than the volume which was originally    
held in solution in the saccharine      
liquid1 when that was exposed to the air
 before being introduced into the flask4
  ,illustration with caption3 ,fig4 #a  
,some exact experiments conducted by ,m4
 ,raulin in our laboratory have         
established the fact that saccharine    
worts1 like water1 soon become saturated
 when shaken briskly with an excess of  
air1 and also that they always take into

 solution a little less air than        
saturated pure water contains under the 
same conditions of temperature and      
pressure4 ,at a temperature of #be      
degrees ,c4 7#gg degrees ,f471          
therefore1 if we adopt the coefficient  
of the solubility of oxygen in water    
given in ,bunsen's tables1 we find that 
#a litre 7#a #c_/d pints7 of water      
saturated with air contains #e4e cc4    
7#j4c cubic inch7 of oxygen4 ,the three 
litres of yeast- water in the flask1    
supposing it to have been saturated1    
contains less than #af4e cc4 7#a cubic  
inch7 of oxygen1 or1 in weight1 less    
than #bc milligrammes 7#j4ce grains74   
,this was the maximum amount of oxygen1 
supposing the greatest possible quantity
 to have been absorbed1 that was        
required by the yeast formed in the     
fermentation of #aej grammes 7#d4h ,troy
 ounces7 of sugar4 ,we shall better     
understand the significance of this     
result later on4 ,let us repeat the     
foregoing experiment1 but under altered 

conditions4 ,let us fill1 as before1 our
 flask with sweetened yeast-water1 but  
let this first be boiled1 so as to expel
 all the air it contains4 ,to effect    
this we arrange our apparatus as        
represented in the accompanying sketch4 
7,fig #b47 ,we place our flask1 ,a1 on a
 tripod above a gas flame1 and in place 
of the vessel of mercury substitute a   
porcelain dish1 under which we can put a
 gas flame1 and ,which contains some    
fermentable1 saccharine liquid1 similar 
to that with which the flask is filled4 
,we boil the liquid in the flask and    
that in the basin simultaneously1 and   
then let them cool down together1 so    
that as the liquid in the flask cools   
some of the liquid is sucked from the   
basin into the flask4 ,from a trial     
experiment which we conducted1          
determining the quantity of oxygen that 
remained in solution in the liquid after
 cooling1 according to ,m4              
,schutzenberger's valuable method1 by   
means of hydrosulphite of soda          

,footnote3 ,na,h,s,o#b1 now called      
sodium hyposulphite4--,d4,c4,r41 we     
found that the three litres in the      
flask1 treated as we have described1    
contained less than one milligramme     
7#j4jae grain7 of oxygen4 ,at the same  
time we conducted another experiment1 by
 way of comparison 7,fig4 #c74 ,we took 
a flask1 ,b1 of larger capacity than the
 former one1 which we filled about half 
with the same volume as before of a     
saccharine liquid of identically the    
same composition4 ,this liquid had been 
previously freed from alterative germs  
by boiling4 ,in the funnel surmounting  
,a1 we put a few cubic centimetres of   
saccharine liquid in a state of         
fermentation1 and when this small       
quantity of liquid was in full          
fermentation1 and the yeast in it was   
young and vigorous1 we opened the tap1  
closing it again immediately1 so that a 
little of the liquid and yeast still    
remained in the funnel4 ,by this means  
we caused the liquid in ,a to ferment4  

,we also impregnated the liquid in ,b   
with some yeast taken from the funnel of
 ,a4 ,we then replaced the porcelain    
dish in which the curved escape tube of 
,a had been plunged1 by a vessel filled 
with mercury4 ,the following is a       
description of two of these comparative 
fermentations and the results they gave4
  ,illustration with caption3 ,fig #b   
,illustration with caption3 ,fig4 #c    
,the fermentable liquid was composed of 
yeast-water sweetened with #e per cent1 
of sugar--candy2 the ferment employed   
was sacchormyces pastorianus4  ,the     
impregnation took place on ,january     
#bjth4 ,the flasks were placed in an    
oven at #be degrees 7#gg degrees ,f474  
,,flask ,a1 ,,without ,,air4  ,january  
#bast4--,fermentation commenced2 a      
little frothy liquid issued from the    
escape tube and covered the mercury4    
,the following days1 fermentation was   
active4 ,examining the yeast mixed with 
the froth that was expelled into the    
mercury by the evolution of carbonic    

acid gas1 we find that it was very fine1
 young1 and actively budding4  ,february
 #crd4--,fermentation still continued1  
showing itself by a number of little    
bubbles rising from the bottom of the   
liquid1 which had settled bright4 ,the  
yeast was at the bottom in the form of a
 deposit4  ,february                    
#gth4--,fermentation still continued1   
but very languidly4  ,february #ith4--,a
 very languid fermentation still went   
on1 discernible in little bubbles rising
 from the bottom of the flask4  ,,flask 
,b1 ,,with ,,air4  ,january #bast4--,a  
sensible development of yeast4  ,the    
following days1 fermentation was active1
 and there was an abundant froth on the 
surface of the liquid4  ,february       
#ast4--,all symptoms of fermentation had
 ceased4  ,as the fermentation in ,a    
would have continued a long time1 being 
so very languid1 and as that in ,b had  
been finished for several days1 we      
brought to a close our two experiments  
on ,february #ith4 ,to do this we poured

 off the liquids in ,a and ,b1          
collecting the yeasts on tared filters4 
,filtration was an easy matter1 more    
especially in the case of ,a4 ,examining
 the yeasts under the microscope1       
immediately after decantation1 we found 
that both of them remained very pure4   
,the yeast in ,a was in little clusters1
 the globules of which were collected   
together1 and appeared by their         
well-defined borders to be ready for an 
easy revival in contact with air4  ,as  
might have been expected1 the liquid in 
flask ,b did not contain the least trace
 of sugar2 that in the flask ,a still   
contained some1 as was evident from the 
non-completion of fermentation1 but not 
more than #d4f grammes 7#ga grains74    
,now1 as each flask originally contained
 three litres of liquid holding in      
solution #e per cent of sugar1 it       
follows that #aej grammes 7#b1caj       
grains7 of sugar had fermented in the   
flask ,b1 and #ade4d grammes 7#b1bci4b  
grains7 in the flask ,a4 ,the weights of

 yeast after drying at #ajj degrees ,c4 
7#bab degrees ,f47 were--  ,for the     
flask ,b1 with air4 444 44#a1igj grammes
 7#cj4d grains74 ,for the flask ,a1     
without air 444 #a1cfh grammes          
,footnote3 ,this appears to be a        
misprint for #a4fch grammes#be4c        
grains4--,d4 ,c4 ,r44  ,the proportions 
were #a of yeast to #gf of fermented    
sugar in the first case1 and #a of yeast
 to #hi of fermented sugar in the       
second4  ,from these facts the following
 consequences may be deduced3  #a4 ,the 
fermentable liquid 7flask ,b71 which    
since it had been in contact with air1  
necessarily held air in solution1       
although not to the point of saturation1
 inasmuch as it had been once boiled to 
free it from all foreign germs1         
furnished a weight of yeast sensibly    
greater than that yielded by the liquid 
which contained no air at all 7flask ,a7
 or1 at least1 which could only have    
contained an exceedingly minute         
quantity4  #b4 ,this same slightly      

aerated fermentable liquid fermented    
much more rapidly than the other4 ,in   
eight or ten days it contained no more  
sugar2 while the other1 after twenty    
days1 still contained an appreciable    
quantity4  ,is this last fact to be     
explained by the greater quantity of    
yeast formed in ,b8 ,by no means4 ,at   
first1 when the air has access to the   
liquid1 much yeast is formed and little 
sugar disappears1 as we shall prove     
immediately2 nevertheless the yeast     
formed in contact with the air is more  
active than the other4 ,fermentation is 
correlative first to the development of 
the globules1 and then to the continued 
life of those globules once formed4 ,the
 more oxygen these last globules have at
 their disposal during their formation1 
the more vigorous1 transparent1 and     
turgescent1 and1 as a consequence of    
this last quality1 the more active they 
are in decomposing sugar4 ,we shall     
hereafter revert to these facts4  #c4   
,in the airless flask the proportion of 

yeast to sugar was #a_/ei2 it was only  
#a_/gi in the flask which had air at    
first4  ,the proportion that the weight 
of yeast bears to the weight of the     
sugar is1 therefore1 variable1 and this 
variation depends1 to a certain extent1 
upon the presence of air and the        
possibility of oxygen being absorbed by 
the yeast4 ,we shall presently show that
 yeast possesses the power of absorbing 
that gas and emitting carbonic acid1    
like ordinary fungi1 that even oxygen   
may be reckoned amongst the number of   
food-stuffs that may be assimilated by  
this plant1 and that this fixation of   
oxygen in yeast1 as well as the         
oxidations resulting from it1 have the  
most marked effect on the life of yeast1
 on the multiplication of its cells1 and
 on their activity as ferments acting   
upon sugar1 whether immediately or      
afterwards1 apart from supplies of      
oxygen or air4  ,in the preceding       
experiment1 conducted without the       
presence of air1 there is one           

circumstance particularly worthy of     
notice4 ,this experiment succeeds1 that 
is to say1 the yeast sown in the medium 
deprived of oxygen develops1 only when  
this yeast is in a state of great       
vigour4 ,we have already explained the  
meaning of this last expression4 ,but we
 wish now to call attention to a very   
evident fact in connection with this    
point4 ,we impregnate a fermentable     
liquid2 yeast develops and fermentation 
appears4 ,this lasts for several days   
and then ceases4 ,let us suppose that1  
from the day when fermentation first    
appears in the production of a minute   
froth1 which gradually increases until  
it whitens the surface of the liquid1 we
 take1 every twenty-four hours1 or at   
longer intervals1 a trace of the yeast  
deposited on the bottom of the vessel   
and use it for starting fresh           
fermentations4 ,conducting these        
fermentations all under precisely the   
same conditions of temperature1         
character and volume of liquid1 let us  

continue this for a prolonged time1 even
 after the original fermentation is     
finished4 ,we shall have no difficulty  
in seeing that the first signs of action
 in each of our series of second        
fermentations appear always later and   
later in proportion to the length of    
time that has elapsed from the          
commencement of the original            
fermentation4 ,in other words1 the time 
necessary for the development of the    
germs and the production of that amount 
of yeast sufficient to cause the first  
appearance of fermentation varies with  
the state of the impregnating cells1 and
 is longer in proportion as the cells   
are further removed from the period of  
their formation4 ,it is essential1 in   
experiments of this kind1 that the      
quantities of yeast successively taken  
should be as nearly as possible equal in
 weight or volume1 since1 celeris       
paribus1 fermentations manifest         
themselves more quickly the larger the  
quantity of yeast employed in           

impregnation4  ,if we compare under the 
microscope the appearance and character 
of the successive quantities of yeast   
taken1 we shall see plainly that the    
structure of the cells undergoes a      
progressive change4 ,the first sample   
which we take1 quite at the beginning of
 the original fermentation1 generally   
gives us cells rather larger than those 
later on1 and possessing a remarkable   
tenderness4 ,their walls are exceedingly
 thin1 the consistency and softness of  
their protoplasm is akin to fluidity1   
and their granular contents appear in   
the form of scarcely visible spots4 ,the
 borders of the cells soon become more  
marked1 a proof that their walls undergo
 a thickening2 their protoplasm also    
becomes denser1 and the granulations    
more distinct4 ,cells of the same organ1
 in the states of infancy and old age1  
should not differ more than the cells of
 which we are speaking1 taken in their  
extreme states4 ,the progressive changes
 in the cells1 after they have acquired 

their normal form and volume1 clearly   
demonstrate the existence of a chemical 
work of a remarkable intensity1 during  
which their weight increases1 although  
in volume they undergo no sensible      
change1 a fact that we have often       
characterized as the continued life of  
cells already formed4 ,we may call this 
work a process of maturation on the part
 of the cells1 almost the same that we  
see going on in the case of adult beings
 in general1 which continue to live for 
a long time1 even after they have become
 incapable of reproduction1 and long    
after their volume has become           
permanently fixed4  ,this being so1 it  
is evident1 we repeat1 that1 to multiply
 in a fermentable medium1 quite out of  
contact with oxygen1 the cells of yeast 
must be extremely young1 full of life   
and health1 and still under the         
influence of the vital activity which   
they owe to the free oxygen which has   
served to form them1 and which they have
 perhaps stored up for a time4 ,when    

older1 they reproduce themselves with   
much difficulty when deprived of air1   
and gradually become more languid2 and  
if they do multiply1 it is in strange   
and monstrous forms4 ,a little older    
still1 they remain absolutely inert in a
 medium deprived of free oxygen4 ,this  
is not because they are dead2 for in    
general they may be revived in a        
marvellous manner in the same liquid if 
it has been first aerated before they   
are sown4 ,it would not surprise us to  
learn that at this point certain        
preconceived ideas suggest themselves to
 the mind of an attentive reader on the 
subject of the causes that may serve to 
account for such strange phenomena in   
the life of these beings which our      
ignorance hides under the expressions of
 ,,youth and ,,age2 this1 however1 is a 
subject which we cannot pause to        
consider here4  ,at this point we must  
observe--for it is a matter of great    
importance--that in the operations of   
the brewer there is always a time when  

the yeasts are in this state of vigorous
 youth of which we have been speaking1  
acquired under the influence of free    
oxygen1 since all the worts and the     
yeasts of commerce are necessarily      
manipulated in contact with air1 and so 
impregnated more or less with oxygen4   
,the yeast immediately seizes upon this 
gas and acquires a state of freshness   
and activity1 which permits it to live  
afterwards out of contact with air1 and 
to act as a ferment4 ,thus1 in ordinary 
brewery practice1 we find the yeast     
already formed in abundance even before 
the earliest external signs of          
fermentation have made their appearance4
 ,in this first phase of its existence1 
yeast lives chiefly like an ordinary    
fungus4  ,from the same circumstances it
 is clear that the brewer's             
fermentations may1 speaking quite       
strictly1 last for an indefinite time1  
in consequence of the unceasing supply  
of fresh wort1 and from the fact1       
moreover1 that the exterior air is      

constantly being introduced during the  
work1 and that the air contained in the 
fresh worts keeps up the vital activity 
of the yeast1 as the act of breathing   
keeps up the vigour and life of cells in
 all living beings4 ,if the air could   
not renew itself in any way1 the vital  
activity which the cells originally     
received1 under its influence1 would    
become more and more exhausted1 and the 
fermentation eventually come to an end4 
,we may recount one of the results      
obtained in other experiments similar to
 the last1 in which1 however1 we        
employed yeast which was still older    
than that used for our experiment with  
flask ,a 7,fig4 #b71 and moreover took  
still greater precautions to prevent the
 presence of air4 ,instead of leaving   
the flask1 as well as the dish1 to cool 
slowly1 after having expelled all air by
 boiling1 we permitted the liquid in the
 dish to continue boiling whilst the    
flask was being cooled by artificial    
means2 the end of the escape tube was   

then taken out of the still boiling dish
 and plunged into the mercury trough4   
,in impregnating the liquid1 instead of 
employing the contents of the small     
cylindrical funnel whilst still in a    
state of fermentation1 we waited until  
this was finished4 ,under these         
conditions1 fermentation was still going
 on in our flask1 after a lapse of three
 months4 ,we stopped it and found that  
#j4bee gramme 7#c4i grains7 of yeast had
 been formed1 and that #de grammes 7#fic
 grains7 of sugar had fermented1 the    
ratio between the weights of yeast and  
sugar being thus #j4bee divided by #de  
#a divided by #agf4 ,in this experiment 
the yeast developed with much           
difficulty1 by reason of the conditions 
to which it had been subjected4 ,in     
appearance the cells varied much1 some  
were to be found large1 elongated1 and  
of tubular aspect1 some seemed very old 
and were extremely granular1 whilst     
others were more transparent4 ,all of   
them might be considered abnormal cells4

  ,in such experiments we encounter     
another difficulty4 ,if the yeast sown  
in the non-aerated fermentable liquid is
 in the least degree impure1 especially 
if we use sweetened yeast-water1 we may 
be sure that alcoholic fermentation will
 soon cease1 if1 indeed1 it ever        
commences1 and that accessory           
fermentations will go on4 ,the vibrios  
of butyric fermentation1 for instance1  
will propagate with remarkable facility 
under these circumstances4 ,clearly     
then1 the purity of the yeast at the    
moment of impregnation1 and the purity  
of the liquid in the funnel1 are        
conditions indispensable to success4    
,to secure the latter of these          
conditions1 we close the funnel1 as     
shown in ,,fig4 #b1 by means of a cork  
pierced with two holes1 through one of  
which a short tube passes1 to which a   
short length of india-rubber tubing     
provided with a glass stopper is        
attached2 through the other hole a thin 
curved tube is passed4 ,thus fitted1 the

 funnel can answer the same purposes as 
our double-necked flasks4 ,a few cubic  
centimetres of sweetened yeast-water are
 put in it and boiled1 so that the steam
 may destroy any germs adhering to the  
sides2 and when cold the liquid is      
impregnated by means of a trace of pure 
yeast1 introduced through the glass-    
stoppered tube4 ,if these precautions   
are neglected1 it is scarcely possible  
to secure a successful fermentation in  
our flasks1 because the yeast sown is   
immediately held in check by a          
development of anaerobian vibrios4 ,for 
greater security1 we may add to the     
fermentable liquid1 at the moment when  
it is prepared1 a very small quantity of
 tartaric acid1 which will prevent the  
development of butyric vibrios4         
,illustration with caption3 ,fig4 #d4   
,the variation of the ratio between the 
weight of the yeast and that of the     
sugar decomposed by it now claims       
special attention4 ,side by side with   
the experiments which we have just      

described1 we conducted a third lot by  
means of the flask ,c 7,fig4 #d71       
holding #d4g litres 7#h #a_/b pints71   
and fitted up like the usual two-necked 
flasks1 with the object of freeing the  
fermentable liquid from foreign germs1  
by boiling it to begin with1 so that we 
might carry on our work under conditions
 of purity4 ,the volume of yeast-water  
7containing #e per cent4 of sugar7 was  
only #bjj cc4 7#g fl4 oz471 and         
consequently1 taking into account the   
capacity of the flask1 ,it formed but a 
very thin layer at the bottom4 ,on the  
day after impregnation the deposit of   
yeast was already considerable1 and     
forty-eight hours afterwards the        
fermentation was completed4 ,on the     
third day we collected the yeast after  
having analyzed the gas contained in the
 flask4 ,this analysis was easily       
accomplished by placing the flask in a  
hot-water bath1 whilst the end of the   
curved tube was plunged under a cylinder
 of mercury4 ,the gas contained #da4d   

per cent4 of carbonic acid1 and1 after  
the absorption1 the remaining air       
contained3--  ,oxygen 4 444 4 444 4 444 
4 444 4 444 4 444 4 444 444 #ai4g       
,nitrogen 4 444 4 444 4 444 4 444 4 444 
4 444 4 444 4 #hj4c                     
#ajj4j  ,taking into consideration the  
volume of this flask1 this shows a      
minimum of #ej cc4 7#c4je cub4 in47 of  
oxygen to have been absorbed by the     
yeast4 ,the liquid contained no more    
sugar1 and the weight of the yeast1     
dried at a temperature of #ajj degrees  
,c 7#bab degrees ,f471 was #j4dd        
grammes4 ,the ratio between the weights 
of yeast and sugar is #j4dd_/aja_/bb4g  
,footnote3 #bjj cc4 of liquid were used1
 which1 as containing #c per cent41 had 
in solution #aj grammes of              
sugar4--,d4,c4,r44 ,on this occasion1   
where we had increased the quantity of  
oxygen held in solution1 so as to yield 
itself for assimilation at the beginning
 and during the earlier developments of 
the yeast1 we found instead of the      

previous ratio of #a_/gf that of #a_/bc4
  ,illustration with caption3 ,fig4 #e  
,the next experiment was to increase the
 proportion of oxygen to a still greater
 extent1 by rendering the diffusion of  
gas a more easy matter than in a flask1 
the air in which is in a state of       
perfect quiescence4 ,such a state of    
matters hinders the supply of oxygen1   
inasmuch as the carbonic acid1 as soon  
as it is liberated1 at once forms an    
immovable layer on the surface of the   
liquid1 and so separates off the oxygen4
 ,to effect the purpose of our present  
experiment1 we used flat basins having  
glass bottoms and low sides1 also of    
glass1 in which the depth of the liquid 
is not more than a few millimetres 7less
 than #a_/d inch7 7,fig4 #e74 ,the      
following is one of our experiments so  
conducted3--,on ,april #afth1 #ahfj1 we 
sowed a trace of beer yeast 7high yeast7
 in #bjj cc4 7#g fl4 oz47 of a          
saccharine liquid containing #a4gbj     
grammes 7#bf4b grains7 of sugar-candy4  

,from ,april #ahth our yeast was in good
 condition and well developed4 ,we      
collected it1 after having added to the 
liquid a few drops of concentrated      
sulphuric acid1 with the object of      
checking the fermentation to a great    
extent1 and facilitating filtration4    
,the sugar remaining in the filtered    
liquid1 determined by ,fehling's        
solution1 showed that #a4jd grammes 7#af
 grains7 of sugar had disappeared4 ,the 
weight of the yeast1 dried at #ajj      
degrees ,c4 7#bab degrees ,f471 was     
#j4abg gramme 7#b grains71 which gives  
us the ratio between the weight of the  
yeast and that of the fermented sugar   
#j4abc_/a4jda_/h4a1 which is            
considerably higher than the preceding  
ones4  ,we may still further increase   
this ratio by making our estimation as  
soon as possible after the impregnation1
 or the addition of the ferment4 ,it    
will be readily understood why yeast1   
which is composed of cells that bud and 
subsequently detach themselves from one 

another1 soon forms a deposit at the    
bottom of the vessels4 ,in consequence  
of this habit of growth1 the cells      
constantly covering each other prevents 
the lower layers from having access to  
the oxygen held in solution in the      
liquid1 which is absorbed by the upper  
ones4 ,hence1 these which are covered   
and deprived of this gas act on the     
sugar without deriving any vital benefit
 from the oxygen--a circumstance which  
must tend to diminish the ratio of which
 we are speaking4 ,once more repeating  
the preceding experiment1 but stopping  
it as soon as we think that the weight  
of yeast formed may be determined by the
 balance 7we find that this may be done 
twenty-four hours after impregnation    
with an inappreciable quantity of       
yeast71 in this case the ratio between  
the weights of yeast and sugar is       
gr_/#jbd yeast_/#j gr4 #ji sugar#a_/d4  
,this is the highest ratio we have been 
able to obtain4  ,under these conditions
 the fermentation of sugar is extremely 

languid3 the ratio obtained is very     
nearly the same that ordinary fungoid   
growths would give4 ,the carbonic acid  
evolved is principally formed by the    
decompositions which result from the    
assimilation of atmospheric oxygen4 ,the
 yeast1 therefore1 lives and performs   
its functions after the manner of       
ordinary fungi3 so far it is no longer a
 ferment1 so to say2 moreover1 we might 
expect to find it to cease to be a      
ferment at all if we could only surround
 each cell separately with all the air  
that it required4 ,this is what the     
preceding phenomena teach us2 we shall  
have occasion to compare them later on  
with others which relate to the vital   
action exercised on yeast by the sugar  
of milk4  ,we may here be permitted to  
make a digression4  ,in his work on     
fermentations1 which ,m4 ,schutzenberger
 has recently published1 the author     
criticises the deductions that we have  
drawn from the preceding experiments1   
and combats the explanation which we    

have given of the phenomena of          
fermentation4 ,footnote3 ,international 
,science ,series1 vol4 xx1 pp4 #agi-ahb4
 ,london1 #ahgf4--;,d4 ,c4 ,r4 ,it is an
 easy matter to show the weak point of  
,m4 ,schutzenberger's reasoning4 ,we    
determined the power of the ferment by  
the relation of the weight of sugar     
decomposed to the weight of the yeast   
produced4 ,m4 ,schutzenberger asserts   
that in doing this we lay down a        
doubtful hypothesis1 and he thinks that 
this power1 which he terms              
,,fermentative ,,energy1 may be         
estimated more correctly by the quantity
 of sugar decomposed by the unit-weight 
of yeast in unit-time2 moreover1 since  
our experiments show that yeast is very 
vigorous when it has a sufficient supply
 of oxygen1 and that1 in such a case1 it
 can decompose much sugar in a little   
time1 ,m4 ,schutzenberger concludes that
 it must then have great power as a     
ferment1 even greater than when it      
performs its functions without the aid  

of air1 since under this condition it   
decomposes sugar very slowly4 ,in short1
 he is disposed to draw from our        
observations the very opposite          
conclusion to that which we arrived at4 
,m1 ,schutzenberger has failed to notice
 that the power of a ferment is         
independent of the time during which it 
performs its functions4 ,we placed a    
trace of yeast in one litre of          
saccharine wort2 it propagated1 and all 
the sugar was decomposed4 ,now1 whether 
the chemical action involved in this    
decomposition of sugar had required for 
its completion one day1 or one month1 or
 one year1 such a factor was of no more 
importance in this matter than the      
mechanical labour required to raise a   
ton of materials from the ground to the 
top of a house would be affected by the 
fact that it had taken twelve hours     
instead of one4 ,the notion of time has 
nothing to do with the definition of    
work4 ,m4 ,schutzenberger has not       
perceived that in introducing the       

consideration of time into the          
definition of the power of a ferment1 he
 must introduce at the same time1 that  
of the vital activity of the cells which
 is independent of their character as a 
ferment4 ,apart from the consideration  
of the relation existing between the    
weight of fermentable substance         
decomposed and that of ferment produced1
 there is no occasion to speak of       
fermentations or of ferments4 ,the      
phenomena of fermentation and of        
ferments have been placed apart from    
others1 precisely because1 in certain   
chemical actions1 that ratio has been   
out of proportion2 but the time that    
these phenomena require for their       
accomplishment has nothing to do with   
either their existence proper1 or with  
their power4 ,the cells of a ferment    
may1 under some circumstances1 require  
eight days for revival and propagation1 
whilst1 under other conditions1 only a  
few hours are necessary2 so that1 if we 
introduce the notion of time into our   

estimate of their power of              
decomposition1 we may be led to conclude
 that in the first case that power was  
entirely wanting1 and that in the second
 case it was considerable1 although all 
the time we are dealing with the same   
organism--the identical ferment4  ,m4   
,schutzenberger is astonished that      
fermentation can take place in the      
presence of free oxygen1 if1 as we      
suppose1 the decomposition of the sugar 
is the consequence of the nutrition of  
the yeast1 at the expense of the        
combined oxygen1 which yields itself to 
the ferment4 ,at all events1 he argues1 
fermentation ought to be slower in the  
presence of free oxygen4 ,but why should
 it be slower8 ,we have proved that in  
the presence of oxygen the vital        
activity of the cells increases1 so     
that1 as far as rapidity of action is   
concerned1 its power cannot be          
diminished4 ,it might1 nevertheless1 be 
weakened as a ferment1 and this is      
precisely what happens4 ,free oxygen    

imparts to the yeast a vital activity1  
but at the same time impairs its power  
as yeast--qua yeast1 inasmuch as under  
this condition it approaches the state  
in which it can carry on its vital      
processes after the manner of an        
ordinary fungus2 the mode of life1 that 
is1 in which the ratio between the      
weight of sugar decomposed and the      
weight of the new cells produced will be
 the same as holds generally among      
organisms which are not ferments4 ,in   
short1 varying our form of expression a 
little1 we may conclude with perfect    
truth1 from the sum total of observed   
facts1 that the yeast which lives in the
 presence of oxygen and can assimilate  
as much of that gas as is necessary to  
its perfect nutrition1 ceases absolutely
 to be a ferment at all4 ,nevertheless1 
yeast formed under these conditions and 
subsequently brought into the presence  
of sugar1 ,,out ,,of ,,the ,,influence  
,,of ,,air1 would decompose more ,,in ,a
 ,,given ,,time than in any other of its

 states4 ,the reason is that yeast which
 has formed in contact with air1 having 
the maximum of free oxygen that it can  
assimilate is fresher and possessed of  
greater vital activity than that which  
has been formed without air or with an  
insufficiency of air4 ,m4               
,schutzenberger would associate this    
activity with the notion of time in     
estimating the power of the ferment2 but
 he forgets to notice that yeast can    
only manifest this maximum of energy    
under a radical change of its life      
conditions2 by having no more air at its
 disposal and breathing no more free    
oxygen4 ,in other words1 when its       
respiratory power becomes null1 its     
fermentative power is at its greatest4  
,m4 ,schutzenberger asserts exactly the 
opposite 7p4 #aea of his work-- ,paris1 
#ahge7 ,footnote3 ,page #ahb1 ,english  
edition1 and so gratuitously places     
himself in opposition to facts4  ,in    
presence of abundant air supply1 yeast  
vegetates with extraordinary activity4  

,we see this in the weight of new yeast1
 comparatively large1 that may be formed
 in the course of a few hours4 ,the     
microscope still more clearly shows this
 activity in the rapidity of budding1   
and the fresh and active appearance of  
all the cells4 ,fig4 #f represents the  
yeast of our last experiment at the     
moment when we stopped the fermentation4
 ,nothing has been taken from           
imagination1 all the groups have been   
faithfully sketched as they were4       
,footnote3 ,this figure is on a scale of
 #cjj diameters1 most of the figures in 
this work being of #djj diameters4      
,illustration with caption3 ,fig4 #f    
,in passing it is of interest to note   
how promptly the preceding results were 
turned to good account practically4 ,in 
well-managed distilleries1 the custom of
 aerating the wort and the juices to    
render them more adapted to             
fermentation1 has been introduced4 ,the 
molasses mixed with water1 is permitted 
to run in thin threads through the air  

at the moment when the yeast is added4  
,manufactories have been erected in     
which the manufacture of yeast is almost
 exclusively carried on4 ,the saccharine
 worts1 after the addition of yeast1 are
 left to themselves1 in contact with    
air1 in shallow vats of large           
superficial area1 realizing thus on an  
immense scale the conditions of the     
experiments which we undertook in #ahfa1
 and which we have already described in 
determining the rapid and easy          
multiplication of yeast in contact with 
air4  ,the next experiment was to       
determine the volume of oxygen absorbed 
by a known quantity of yeast1 the yeast 
living in contact with air1 and under   
such conditions that the absorption of  
air was comparatively easy and abundant4
  ,illustration with caption3 ,fig4 #g  
,with this object we repeated the       
experiment that we performed with the   
large-bottomed flask 7,fig4 #d71        
employing a vessel shaped like ,fig4 ,b 
7,fig4 #g71 which is1 in point of fact1 

the flask ,a with its neck drawn out and
 closed in a flame1 after the           
introduction of a thin layer of some    
saccharine juice impregnated with a     
trace of pure yeast4 ,the following are 
the data and results of an experiment of
 this kind4  ,we employed #fj cc4 7about
 #b fluid ounces7 of yeast-water1       
sweetened with two percent4 of sugar and
 impregnated with a trace of yeast4     
,after having subjected our vessel to a 
temperature of #be degrees ,c4 7#gg     
degrees ,f47 in an oven for fifteen     
hours1 the drawn-out point was brought  
under an inverted jar filled with       
mercury and the point broken off4 ,a    
portion of the gas escaped and was      
collected in the jar4 ,for #be cc4 of   
this gas we found1 after absorption by  
potash #bj4f1 and after absorption by   
pyrogallic acid1 #ag4c4 ,taking into    
account the volume which remained free  
in the flask1 which held #cae cc41 there
 was a total absorption of #ad4e cc4    
7#j4hc cub4 in47 of oxygen4 ,footnote3  

,it may be useful for the non-scientific
 reader to put it thus3 that the #be cc4
 which escaped1 being a fair sample of  
the whole gas in the flask1 and         
containing 7#a7 #be-bj4fd4d cc41        
absorbed by potash and therefore due to 
carbonic acid1 and 7#b7 #bj4f-ag4cc4c   
cc41 absorbed by pyrogallate1 and       
therefore due to oxygen1 and the        
remaining #ag4c cc4 being nitrogen1 the 
whole gas in the flask1 which has a     
capacity of #cab cc41 will contain      
oxygen in the above portion and         
therefore its amount may be determined  
provided we know the total gas in the   
flask before opening4 ,on the other hand
 we know that air normally contains     
approximately1 #a-e its volume of       
oxygen1 the rest being nitrogen1 so     
that1 by ascertaining the diminution of 
the proportion in the flask1 we can find
 how many cubic centimeters have been   
absorbed by the yeast4 ,the author1     
however1 has not given all the data     
necessary for accurate                  

calculation4--,d4,c4,r4 ,the weight of  
the yeast1 in a state of dryness1 was   
#j4jce gramme4  ,it follows that in the 
production of #ce milligrammes 7#j4ebd  
grain7 of yeast there was an absorption 
of #ad or #ae cc4 7about #g_/h cub4 in47
 of oxygen1 even supposing that the     
yeast was formed entirely under the     
influence of that gas3 this is          
equivalent to not less than #dad cc4 for
 #a gramme of yeast 7or about #cc cubic 
inches for every #bj grains74 ,footnote3
 ,this number is probably too small2 it 
is scarcely possible that the increase  
of weight in the yeast1 even under the  
exceptional conditions of the experiment
 described1 was not to some extent at   
least due to oxidation apart from free  
oxygen1 inasmuch as some of the cells   
were covered by others4 ,the increased  
weight of the yeast is always due to the
 action of two distant modes of vital   
energy-- activity1 namely1 in presence  
and activity in absence of air4 ,we     
might endeavor to shorten the duration  

of the experiment still further1 in     
which case we would still more          
assimilate the life of the yeast to that
 of ordinary moulds4  ,such is the large
 volume of oxygen necessary for the     
development of one gramme of yeast when 
the plant can assimilate this gas after 
the manner of an ordinary fungus4  ,let 
us now return to the first experiment   
described in the paragraph on page #bib 
in which a flask of three litres        
capacity was filled with fermentable    
liquid1 which1 when caused to ferment1  
yielded #b4be grammes of yeast1 under   
circumstances where it could not obtain 
a greater supply of free oxygen than    
#af4e cc4 7about one cubic inch74       
,according to what we have just stated1 
if this #b4be grammes 7#cd grains7 of   
yeast had not been able to live without 
oxygen1 in other words1 if the original 
cells had been unable to multiply       
otherwise than by absorbing free oxygen1
 the amount of that gas required could  
not have been less than #b4be ,x #dl#d  

cc41 that is1 #ica4e cc4 7#ef4he cubic  
inches74 ,the greater part of the #b4be 
grammes1 therefore1 had evidently been  
produced as the growth of an anaerobian 
plant4  ,ordinary fungi likewise require
 large quantities of oxygen for their   
development1 as we may readily prove by 
cultivating any mould in a closed vessel
 full of air1 and then taking the weight
 of plant formed and measuring the      
volume of oxygen absorbed4 ,to do this1 
we take a flask of the shape shown in   
,fig4 #h1 capable of holding about #cjj 
cc4 7#aj #a_/b fluid ounces71 and       
containing a liquid adapted to the life 
of moulds4 ,we boil this liquid1 and    
seal the drawn-out point after the steam
 has expelled the air wholly or in part2
 we then open the flask in a garden or  
in a room4 ,should a fungus-spore enter 
the flask1 as will invariably be the    
case in a certain number of flasks out  
of several used in the experiment1      
except under special circumstances1 it  
will develop there and gradually absorb 

all the oxygen contained in the air of  
the flask4 ,measuring the volume of this
 air1 and weighing1 after drying1 the   
amount of plant formed1 we find that for
 a certain quantity of oxygen absorbed  
we have a certain weight of mycelium1 or
 of mycelium together with its organs of
 fructification4 ,in an experiment of   
this kind1 in which the plant was       
weighed a year after its development1 we
 found for #j4jjh gramme 7#j4abc gram7  
of ,,mycelium1 dried at #ajj degrees ,c4
 7#bab degrees ,f471 an absorption that 
amounted to not less than #dc cc4 7#b4e 
cubic inches7 of oxygen at #be degrees4 
,these numbers1 however1 must vary      
sensibly with the nature of the mould   
employed1 and also with the greater or  
less activity of its development1       
because the phenomena is complicated by 
the presence of accessory oxidations1   
such as we find in the case of mycoderma
 vini and aceti1 to which cause the     
large absorption of oxygen in our last  
experiment may doubtless be attributed4 

,footnote3 ,in these experiments1 in    
which the moulds remain for a long time 
in contact with a saccharine wort out of
 contact with oxygen--the oxygen being  
promptly absorbed by the vital action of
 the plant 7see our ,memoire sur les    
,generations dites ,spontanees1 p4 #ed4 
note7--there is no doubt that an        
appreciable quantity of alcohol is      
formed because the plant does not       
immediately lose vital activity after   
the absorption of oxygen4  ,a #cjj cc4  
7#aj-oz47 flask1 containing #ajj cc4 of 
must1 after the air in it had been      
expelled by boiling1 was open and       
immediately re-closed on ,august #aeth1 
#ahgc4 ,a fungoid growth--a unique one1 
of greenish-grey colour--developed from 
spontaneous impregnation1 and           
decolourized the liquid1 which          
originally was of a yellowish- brown4   
,some large crystals1 sparkling like    
diamonds1 of neutral tartrate of lime1  
were precipitated1 about a year         
afterwards1 long after the death of the 

plant1 we examined this liquid4 ,it     
contained #j4c gramme 7#d4f grains7 of  
alcohol1 and #j4jec gramme 7#j4h grain7 
of vegetable matter1 dried at #ajj      
degrees ,c4 7#bab degrees ,f474 ,we     
ascertained that the spores of the      
fungus were dead at the moment when the 
flask was opened4 ,when sown1 they did  
not develop in the least degree4  ,the  
conclusions to be drawn from the whole  
of the preceding facts can scarcely     
admit of doubt4 ,as for ourselves1 we   
have no hesitation in finding them the  
foundation of the true theory of        
fermentation4 ,in the experiments which 
we have described1 fermentation by      
yeast1 that is to say1 by the type of   
ferments properly so called1 is         
presented to us1 in a word1 as the      
direct consequence of the processes of  
nutrition1 assimilation and life1 when  
these are carried on without the agency 
of free oxygen4 ,the heat required in   
the accomplishment of that work must    
necessarily have been borrowed from the 

decomposition of the fermentable matter1
 that is from the saccharine substance  
which1 like other unstable substances1  
liberates heat in undergoing            
decomposition4 ,fermentation by means of
 yeast appears1 therefore1 to be        
essentially connected with the property 
possessed by this minute cellular plant 
of performing its respiratory functions1
 somehow or other1 with oxygen existing 
combined in sugar4 ,its fermentative    
power--which power must not be          
confounded with the fermentative        
activity or the intensity of            
decomposition in a given time--varies   
considerably between two limits1 fixed  
by the greatest and least possible      
access to free oxygen which the plant   
has in the process of nutrition4 ,if we 
supply it with a sufficient quantity of 
free oxygen for the necessities of its  
life1 nutrition1 and respiratory        
combustions1 in other words1 if we cause
 it to live after the manner of a mould1
 properly so called1 it ceases to be a  

ferment1 that is1 the ratio between the 
weight of the plant developed and that  
of the sugar decomposed1 which forms its
 principal food1 is similar in amount to
 that in the case of fungi4 ,footnote3  
,we find in ,m4 ,raulin's note that the 
minimum ratio between the weight of     
sugar and the weight of organized       
matter1 that is1 the weight of fungoid  
growth which it helps to form1 may be   
expressed as #aj_/c4bc4a4 ,,jules       
,,raulin1 ,etudes chimiques sur la      
vegetation4 ,recherches sur le          
developpement d'une mucedinee dans un   
milieu artificiel1 p4 #aib1 ,paris1     
#ahgj4 ,we have seen in the case of     
yeast that this ratio may be as low as  
,proofers note3 unreadable symbol ,on   
the other hand1 if we deprive the yeast 
of air entirely1 or cause it to develop 
in a saccharine medium deprived of free 
oxygen1 it will multiply just as if air 
were present1 although with less        
activity1 and under these circumstances 
its fermentative character will be most 

marked2 under these circumstances1      
moreover1 we shall find the greatest    
disproportion1 all other conditions     
being the same1 between the weight of   
yeast formed and the weight of sugar    
decomposed4 ,lastly1 if free oxygen     
occurs in varying quantities1 the       
ferment-power of the yeast may pass     
through all the degrees comprehended    
between the two extreme limits of which 
we have just spoken4 ,it seems to us    
that we could not have a better proof of
 the direct relation that fermentation  
bears to life1 carried on in the absence
 of free oxygen1 or with a quantity of  
that gas insufficient for all the acts  
of nutrition and assimilation4  ,another
 equally striking proof of the truth of 
this theory is the fact previously      
demonstrated that the ordinary moulds   
assume the character of a ferment when  
compelled to live without air1 or with  
quantities of air too scant to permit of
 their organs having around them as much
 of that element as is necessary for    

their life as aerobian plants4          
,ferments1 therefore1 only possess in a 
higher degree a character which belongs 
to many common moulds1 if not to all1   
and which they share1 probably1 more or 
less1 with all living cells1 namely the 
power of living either an aerobian or   
anaerobian life1 according to the       
conditions under which they are placed4 
,it may be readily understood how1 in   
their state of aerobian life1 the       
alcoholic ferments have failed to       
attract attention4 ,these ferments are  
only cultivated out of contract with    
air1 at the bottom of liquids which soon
 become saturated with carbonic acid    
gas4 ,air is only present in the earlier
 developments of their germs1 and       
without attracting the attention of the 
operator1 whilst in their state of      
anaerobian growth their life and action 
are of prolonged duration4 ,we must have
 recourse to special experimental       
apparatus to enable us to demonstrate   
the mode of life of alcoholic ferments  

under the influence of free oxygen2 it  
is their state of existence apart from  
air1 in the depths of liquids1 that     
attracts all our attention4 ,the results
 of their action are1 however1          
marvellous1 if we regard the products   
resulting from them1 in the important   
industries of which they are the life   
and soul4 ,in the case of ordinary      
moulds1 the opposite holds good4 ,what  
we want to use special experimental     
apparatus for with them1 is to enable us
 to demonstrate the possibility of their
 continuing to live for a time out of   
contact with air1 and all our attention1
 in their case1 is attracted by the     
facility with which they develop under  
the influence of oxygen4 ,thus the      
decomposition of saccharine liquids1    
which is the consequence of the life of 
fungi without air1 is scarcely          
perceptible1 and so is of no practical  
importance4 ,their aerial life1 on the  
other hand1 in which they respire and   
accomplish their process of oxidation   

under the influence of free oxygen is a 
normal phenomenon1 and one of prolonged 
duration which cannot fail to strike the
 least thoughtful of observers4 ,we are 
convinced that a day will come when     
moulds will be utilised in certain      
industrial operations1 on account of    
their power in destroying organic       
matter4 ,the conversion of alcohol into 
vinegar in the process of acetification 
and the production of gallic acid by the
 action of fungi on wet gall nuts1 are  
already connected with this kind of     
phenomena4 ,footnote3 ,we shall show1   
some day1 that the processes of         
oxidation due to growth of fungi cause1 
in certain decompositions1 liberation of
 ammonia to a considerable extent1 and  
that by regulating their action we might
 cause them to extract the nitrogen from
 a host of organic debris1 as also1 by  
checking the production of such         
organisms1 we might considerably        
increase the proportion of nitrates in  
the artificial nitrogenous substances4  

,by cultivating the various moulds on   
the surface of damp bread in a current  
of air we have obtained an abundance of 
ammonia1 derived from the decomposition 
of the albuminoids effected by the      
fungoid life4 ,the decomposition of     
asparagus and several other animal or   
vegetable substances has similar        
results4 ,on this last subject1 the     
important work of ,m4 ,van ,tieghem     
7,annales ,scientifiques de l',ecole    
,normale1 ,vol4 vi47 may be consulted4  
,the possibility of living without      
oxygen1 in the case of ordinary moulds1 
is connected with certain morphological 
modifications which are more marked in  
proportion as this faculty is itself    
more developed4 ,these changes in the   
vegetative forms are scarcely           
perceptible1 in the case of penicillium 
and mycoderma vini1 but they are very   
evident in the case of aspergillus1     
consisting of a marked tendency on the  
part of the submerged mycelial filaments
 to increase in diameter1 and to develop

 cross partitions at short intervals1 so
 that they sometimes bear a resemblance 
to chains of conidia4 ,in mucor1 again1 
they are very marked1 the inflated      
filaments which1 closely interwoven1    
present chains of cells1 which fall off 
and bud1 gradually producing a mass of  
cells4 ,if we consider the matter       
carefully1 we shall see that yeast      
presents the same characteristics4 99 99
 99 99  ,it is a great presumption in   
favor of the truth of theoretical ideas 
when the results of experiments         
undertaken on the strength of those     
ideas are confirmed by various facts    
more recently added to science1 and when
 those ideas force themselves more and  
more on our minds1 in spite of a prima  
facie improbability4 ,this is exactly   
the character of those ideas which we   
have just expounded4 ,we pronounced them
 in #ahfa1 and not only have they       
remained unshaken since1 but they have  
served to foreshadow new facts1 so that 
it is much easier to defend them in the 

present day than it was to do so fifteen
 years ago4 ,we first called attention  
to them in various notes1 which we read 
before the ,chemical ,society of ,paris1
 notably at its meetings of ,april #abth
 and ,june #bhth1 #ahfa1 and in papers  
in the ,comtes rendus de l',academie des
 ,sciences4 ,it may be of some interest 
to quote here1 in its entirety1 our     
communication of ,june #bhth1 #ahfa1    
entitled1 ,influences of ,oxygen on the 
,development of ,yeast and on ,alcoholic
 ,fermentation1 which we extract from   
the ,bulletin de la ,societe ,chimique  
de ,paris3--  ,m4 ,pasteur gives the    
result of his researches on the         
fermentation of sugar and the           
development of yeast-cells1 according as
 that fermentation takes place apart    
from the influence of free oxygen or in 
contact with that gas4 ,his experiments1
 however1 have nothing in common with   
those of ,gay- ,lussac1 which were      
performed with the juice of grapes      
crushed under conditions where they     

would not be affected by air1 and then  
brought into contact with oxygen4       
,yeast1 when perfectly developed1 is    
able to bud and grow in a saccharine and
 albuminous liquid1 in the complete     
absence of oxygen or air4 ,in this case 
but little yeast is formed1 and a       
comparatively large quantity of sugar   
disappears--sixty or eighty parts for   
one of yeast formed4 ,under these       
conditions fermentation is very         
sluggish4  ,if the experiment is made in
 contact with the air1 and with a great 
surface of liquid1 fermentation is      
rapid4 ,for the same quantity of sugar  
decomposed much more yeast is formed4   
,the air with which the liquid is in    
contact is absorbed by the yeast4 ,the  
yeast develops very actively1 but its   
fermentative character tends to         
disappear under these conditions2 we    
find1 in fact1 that for one part of     
yeast formed1 not more than from four to
 ten parts of sugar are transformed4    
,the fermentative character of this     

yeast nevertheless1 continues1 and      
produces even increased effects1 if it  
is made to act on sugar apart from the  
influence of free oxygen4  ,it seems1   
therefore1 natural to admit that when   
yeast functions as a ferment by living  
apart from the influence of air1 it     
derives oxygen from the sugar1 and that 
this is the origin of its fermentative  
character4  ,m4 ,pasteur explains the   
fact of the immense activity at the     
commencement of fermentations by the    
influence of the oxygen of the air held 
in solution in the liquids1 at the time 
when the action commences4 ,the author  
has found1 moreover1 that the yeast of  
beer sown in an albuminous liquid1 such 
as yeast-water1 still multiplies1 even  
when there is not a trace of sugar in   
the liquid1 provided always that        
atmospheric oxygen is present in large  
quantities4 ,when deprived of air1 under
 these conditions1 yeast does not       
germinate at all4 ,the same experiments 
may be repeated with albuminous liquid1 

mixed with a solution of non-           
fermentable sugar1 such as ordinary     
crystallized milk-sugar4 ,the results   
are precisely the same4  ,yeast formed  
thus in the absence of sugar does not   
change its nature2 it is still capable  
of causing sugar to ferment1 if brought 
to bear upon that substance apart from  
air4 ,it must be remarked1 however1 that
 the development of yeast is effected   
with great difficulty when it has not a 
fermentable substance for its food4 ,in 
short1 the yeast of beer acts in exactly
 the same manner as an ordinary plant1  
and the analogy would be complete if    
ordinary plants had such an affinity for
 oxygen as permitted them to breathe by 
appropriating this element from unstable
 compounds1 in which case1 according to 
,m4 ,pasteur1 they would appear as      
ferments for those substances4  ,m4     
,pasteur declares that he hopes to be   
able to realize this result1 that is to 
say1 to discover the conditions under   
which certain inferior plants may live  

apart from air in the presence of sugar1
 causing that substance to ferment as   
the yeast of beer would do4  ,this      
summary and the preconceived views that 
it set forth have lost nothing of their 
exactness2 on the contrary1 time has    
strengthened them4 ,the surmises of the 
last two paragraphs have received       
valuable confirmation from recent       
observations made by ,messrs4           
,lechartier and ,bellamy1 as well as by 
ourselves1 an account of which we must  
put before our readers4 ,it is          
necessary1 however1 before touching upon
 this curious feature in connection with
 fermentations to insist on the accuracy
 of a passage in the preceding summary2 
the statement1 namely1 that yeast could 
multiply in an albuminous liquid1 in    
which it found a non- fermentable sugar1
 milk-sugar1 for example4 ,the following
 is an experiment on this point3--,on   
,august #aeth1 #ahge1 we sowed a trace  
of yeast in #aej cc4 7rather more than  
#e fluid ounces7 of yeast-- water1      

containing #b #a_/b per cent1 of        
milk-sugar4 ,the solution was prepared  
in one of our double-necked flasks1 with
 the necessary precautions to secure the
 absence of germs1 and the yeast sown   
was itself perfectly pure4 ,three months
 afterwards1 ,november #aeth1 #ahge1 we 
examined the liquid for alcohol2 it     
contained only the smallest trace2 as   
for the yeast 7which had sensibly       
developed71 collected and dried on a    
filter paper1 it weighed #j4jej gramme  
7#j4gf grain74 ,in this case we have the
 yeast multiplying without giving rise  
to the least fermentation1 like a       
fungoid growth1 absorbing oxygen1 and   
evolving carbonic acid1 and there is no 
doubt that the cessation of its         
development in this experiment was due  
to the progressive deprivation of oxygen
 that occurred4 ,as soon as the gaseous 
mixture in the flask consisted entirely 
of carbonic acid and nitrogen1 the      
vitality of the yeast was dependent on1 
and in proportion to1 the quantity of   

air which entered the flask in          
consequence of variations of            
temperature4 ,the question now arose1   
was this yeast1 which had developed     
wholly as an ordinary fungus1 still     
capable of manifesting the character of 
a ferment8 ,to settle this point we had 
taken the precaution on ,august #aeth1  
#ahge1 of preparing another flask1      
exactly similar to the preceding one in 
every respect1 and which gave results   
identical with those described4 ,we     
decanted this ,november #aeth1 pouring  
some wort on the deposit of the plant1  
which remained in the flask4 ,in less   
than five hours from the time we placed 
it in the oven1 the plant started       
fermentation in the wort1 as we could   
see by the bubbles of gas rising to form
 patches on the surface of the liquid4  
,we may add that yeast in the medium    
which we have been discussing will not  
develop at all without air4  ,the       
importance of these results can escape  
no one2 they prove clearly that the     

fermentative character is not an        
invariable phenomenon of yeast-life1    
they show that yeast is a plant which   
does not differ from ordinary plants1   
and which manifests its fermentative    
power solely in consequence of          
particular conditions under which it is 
compelled to live4 ,it may carry on its 
life as a ferment or not1 and after     
having lived without manifesting the    
slightest symptom of fermentative       
character1 it is quite ready to manifest
 that character when brought under      
suitable conditions4 ,the fermentative  
property1 therefore1 is not a power     
peculiar to cells of a special nature4  
,it is not a permanent character of a   
particular structure1 like1 for         
instance1 the property of acidity or    
alkalinity4 ,it is a peculiarity        
dependent on external circumstances and 
on the nutritive conditions of the      
organism4     ,,ii4 ,,fermentation ,,in 
,,saccharine ,,fruits ,,immersed ,,in   
,,carbonic ,,acid ,,gas   ,the theory   

which we have1 step by step1 evolved1 on
 the subject of the cause of the        
chemical phenomena of fermentation1 may 
claim a character of simplicity and     
generality that is well worthy of       
attention4 ,fermentation is no longer   
one of those isolated and mysterious    
phenomena which do not admit of         
explanation4 ,it is the consequence of a
 peculiar vital process of nutrition    
which occurs tinder certain conditions1 
differing from those which characterize 
the life of all ordinary beings1 animal 
or vegetable1 but by which the latter   
may be affected1 more or less1 in a way 
which brings them1 to some extent within
 the class of ferments1 properly so     
called4 ,we can even conceive that the  
fermentative character may belong to    
every organized form1 to every animal or
 vegetable cell1 on the sole condition  
that the chemico-vital acts of          
assimilation and excretion must be      
capable of taking place in that cell for
 a brief period1 longer or shorter it   

may be1 without necessity for recourse  
to supplies of atmospheric oxygen2 in   
other words1 the cell must be able to   
derive its needful heat from the        
decomposition of some body which yields 
a surplus of heat in the process4  ,as a
 consequence of these conclusions it    
should be an easy matter to show1 in the
 majority of living beings1 the         
manifestation of the phenomena of       
fermentation2 for there are1 probably1  
none in which all chemical action       
entirely disappears1 upon the sudden    
cessation of life4 ,one day1 when we    
were expressing these views in our      
laboratory1 in the presence of ,m4      
,dumas1 who seemed inclined to admit    
their truth1 we added3 ,we should like  
to make a wager that if we were to      
plunge a bunch of grapes into carbonic  
acid gas1 there would be immediately    
produced alcohol and carbonic acid gas1 
in consequence of a renewed action      
starting in the interior cells of the   
grapes1 in such a way that these cells  

would assume the functions of yeast     
cells4 ,we will make the experiment1 and
 when you come to-morrow--it was our    
good fortune to have ,m4 ,dumas working 
in our laboratory at that time--we will 
give you an account of the result4 ,our 
predictions were realized4 ,we then     
endeavoured to find1 in the presence of 
,m4 ,dumas1 who assisted us in our      
endeavour1 cells of yeast in the grapes2
 but it was quite impossible to discover
 any4 ,footnote3 ,to determine the      
absence of cells of ferment in fruits   
that have been immersed in carbonic acid
 gas1 we must first of all carefully    
raise the pellicle of the fruit1 taking 
care that the subjacent parenchyma does 
not touch the surface of the pellicle1  
since the organized corpuscles existing 
on the exterior of the fruit might      
introduce an error into our             
miscroscopical observations4            
,experiments on grapes have given us an 
explanation of a fact generally known1  
the cause of which1 however1 had        

hitherto escaped our knowledge4 ,we all 
know that the taste and aroma of the    
vintage1 that is1 of the grapes stripped
 from the bunches and thrown into tubs1 
where they get soaked in the juice that 
issues from the wounded specimens1 are  
very different from the taste and aroma 
of an uninjured bunch4 ,now grapes that 
have been immersed in an atmosphere of  
carbonic acid gas have exactly the      
flavour and smell of the vintage2 the   
reason is that1 in the vintage tub1 the 
grapes are immediately surrounded by an 
atmosphere of carbonic acid gas1 and    
undergo1 in consequence1 the            
fermentation peculiar to grapes that    
have been plunged into this gas4 ,these 
facts deserve to be studied from a      
practical point of view4 ,it would be   
interesting1 for example1 to learn what 
difference there would be in the quality
 of two wines1 the grapes of which1 in  
the once case1 had been perfectly       
crushed1 so as to cause as great a      
separation of the cells of the          

parenchyma as possible2 in the other    
case1 left1 for the most part1 whole1 as
 in the case in the ordinary vintage4   
,the first wine would be deprived of    
those fixed and fragrant principles     
produced by the fermentation of which we
 have just spoken1 when the grapes are  
immersed in carbonic acid gas1 by such a
 comparison as that which we suggest we 
should be able to form a priori judgment
 on the merits of the new system1 which 
had not been carefully studied1 although
 already widely adopted1 of milled1     
cylindrical crushers1 for pressing the  
vintage4  ,encouraged by this result1 we
 undertook fresh experiments on grapes1 
on a melon1 on oranges1 on plums1 and on
 rhubarb leaves1 gathered in the garden 
of the ,ecole ,normale1 and1 in every   
case1 our substance1 when immersed in   
carbonic acid gas1 gave rise to the     
production of alcohol and carbonic acid4
 ,we obtained the following surprising  
results from some prunes de             
,monsieur3,footnote3 ,we have sometimes 

found small quantities of alcohol in    
fruits and other vegetable organs1      
surrounded with ordinary air1 but always
 in small proportion1 and in a manner   
which suggested its accidental          
character4 ,it is east to understand    
how1 in the thickness of certain fruits1
 certain parts of those fruits might be 
deprived of air1 under which            
circumstances they would have been      
acting under conditions similar to those
 under which fruits act when wholly     
immersed in the carbonic acid gas4      
,moreover1 it would be useful to        
determine whether alcohol is not a      
normal product of vegatation4--,on ,july
 #ba1 #ahgb1 we placed twenty-four of   
these plums under a glass bell1 which we
 immediately filled with carbonic acid  
gas4 ,the plums had been gathered on the
 previous day4 ,by the side of the bell 
we placed other twenty-four plums1 which
 were left there uncovered4 ,eight days 
afterwards1 in the course of which time 
there had been a considerable evolution 

of carbonic acid from the bell1 we      
withdrew the plums and compared them    
with those which had been left exposed  
to the air4 ,the difference was         
striking1 almost incredible4 ,whilst the
 plums which had been surrounded with   
air 7the experiments of ,berard have    
long since taught us that1 under this   
latter condition1 fruits absorb oxygen  
from the air and emit carbonic acid gas 
in almost equal volume7 had become very 
soft and watery and sweet1 the plums    
taken from under the jar had remained   
very firm and hard1 the flesh was by no 
means watery1 but they had lost much    
sugar4 ,lastly1 when submitted to       
distillation1 after crushing1 they      
yielded #f4e grammes 7#ii4g grains7 of  
alcohol1 more than #a per cent1 of the  
total weight of the plums4 ,what better 
proof than these facts could we have of 
the existence of a considerable chemical
 action in the interior of fruit1 an    
action which derives the heat necessary 
for its manifestation from the          

decomposition of the sugar present in   
the cells8 ,moreover1 and this          
circumstance is especially worthy of our
 attention1 in all these experiments we 
found that there was a liberation of    
heat1 of which the fruits and other     
organs were the seat1 as soon as they   
were plunged in the carbonic acid gas4  
,this heat is so considerable that it   
may at times be detected by the hand1 if
 the two sides of the bell1 one of which
 is in contact with the objects1 are    
touched alternately4 ,it also makes     
itself evident in the formation of      
little drops on those parts of the bell 
which are less directly exposed to the  
influence of the heat resulting from the
 decomposition of the sugar of the      
cells4 ,footnote3 ,in these studies of  
plants living immersed in carbonic acid 
gas1 we have come across a fact which   
corroborated those which we have already
 given in reference to the facility with
 which lactic and viscous ferments1 and 
generally speaking1 those which we have 

termed the disease ferments or beer1    
develop when deprived of air1 and which 
shows1 consequently1 how very marked    
their aerobian character is4 ,if we     
immerse beet-roots or turnips in        
carbonic acid gas1 we produce           
well-defined fermentations in those     
roots4 ,their whole surface readily     
permits the escape of the highly acid   
liquids1 and they become filled with    
lactic1 viscous1 and other ferments1    
,this shows us the great danger which   
may result from the use of pits1 in     
which the beet-roots are preserved1 when
 the air is not renewed1 and that the   
original oxygen is expelled by the vital
 processes of fungi or other deoxidizing
 chemical actions4 ,we nave directed the
 attention of the manufacturers of      
beet-root sugar to this point4  ,in     
short1 fermentation is a very general   
phenomenon4 ,it is life without air1 or 
life without free oxygen1 or1 more      
generally still1 it is the result of a  
chemical process accomplished on a      

fermentable substance capable of        
producing heat by its decomposition1 in 
which process the entire heat used up is
 derived from a part of the heat that   
the decomposition of the fermentable    
substance sets free4 ,the class of      
fermentations properly so called1 is1   
however1 restricted by the small number 
of substances capable of decomposing    
with the production of heat1 and at the 
same time of serving for the nourishment
 of lower forms of life1 when deprived  
of the presence and action of air4      
,this1 again1 is a consequence of our   
theory1 which is well worthy of notice1 
,the facts that we have just mentioned  
in reference to the formation of alcohol
 and carbonic acid in the substance of  
ripe fruits1 under special conditions1  
and apart from the action of ferment1   
are already known to science4 ,they were
 discovered in #ahfi by ,m4 ,lechartier1
 formerly a pupil in the ,ecole ,normale
 ,superieure1 and his coadjutor1 ,m4    
,bellamy4 ,footnote3 ,lechartier and    

,bellamy1 ,comptes rendus de l',academie
 des ,sciences1 vol4 lxix41 pp41 #cff   
and #dff1 #ahfi4 ,in #ahba1 in a very   
remarkable work1 especially when we     
consider the period when it appeared1   
,berard demonstrated several important  
propositions in connection with the     
maturation of fruits3  ,i4 ,all fruits1 
even those that are still green1 and    
likewise even those that are exposed to 
the sun1 absorb oxygen and set free an  
almost equal volume of carbonic acid    
gas4 ,this is a condition of their      
proper ripening4  ,,ii4 ,ripe fruits    
placed in a limited atmosphere1 after   
having absorbed all the oxygen and set  
free an almost equal volume of carbonic 
acid1 continue to emit that gas in      
notable quantity1 even when no bruise is
 to be seen--as though by a kind of     
fermentation1 as ,berard actually       
observes--and lose their saccharine     
particles1 a circumstance which causes  
the fruits to appear more acid1 although
 the actual weight of their acid may    

undergo no augmentation whatever4  ,in  
this beautiful work1 and in all         
subsequent ones of which the ripening of
 fruits has been the subject1 two facts 
of great theoretical value have escaped 
the notice of the authors2 these are the
 two facts which ,messrs4 ,lechartier   
and ,bellamy pointed out for the first  
time1 namely1 the production of alcohol 
and the absence of cells of ferments4   
,it is worthy of remark that these two  
facts1 as we have shown above1 were     
actually fore-shadowed in the theory of 
fermentation that we advocated as far   
back as #ahfa1 and we are happy to add  
that ,messrs4 ,lechartier and ,bellamy1 
who at first had prudently drawn no     
theoretical conclusions from their work1
 now entirely agree with the theory we  
have advanced4 ,footnote3 ,those        
gentlemen express themselves thus3 ,in a
 note presented to the ,academy in      
,november1 #ahgb1 we published certain  
experiments which showed that carbonic  
acid and alcohol may be produced in     

fruits kept in a closed vessel1 out of  
contact with atmospheric oxygen1 without
 our being able to discover alcoholic   
ferment in the interior of those fruits4
  ,m4 ,pasteur1 as a logical deduction  
from the principle which he has         
established in connection with the      
theory of fermentation1 considers that  
,,the ,,formation ,,of ,,alcohol ,,may  
,,be ,,attributed ,,to ,,the ,,fact     
,,that ,,the ,,physical ,,and ,,chemical
 ,,precesses ,,of ,,life ,,in ,,the     
,,cells ,,of ,,fruit ,,continue ,,under 
,,new ,,conditions1 ,,in ,a ,,manner    
,,similar ,,to ,,those ,,of ,,the       
,,cells ,,of ,,ferment4 ,experiments1   
continued during #ahgb1 #ahgc1 and      
#ahgd1 on different fruits have         
furnished results all of which seem to  
us to harmonize with this proposition1  
and to establish it on a firm basis of  
proof4--,comptes rendus1 t4 lxxix41 p4  
#idi1 #ahgd4 ,their mode of reasoning is
 very different from that of the savants
 with whom we discussed the subject     

before the ,academy1 on the occasion    
when the communication which we         
addressed to the ,academy in ,october1  
#ahgb1 attracted attention once more to 
the remarkable observations of ,messrs4 
,lechartier and ,bellamy4 ,footnote3    
,,pasteur1 ,faites nouveaux pour servir 
a la connaissance de la theorie des     
fermentations proprement dites4         
7,comptes rendus de l',academie des     
,sciences1 t4 lxxv41 p4 #ghd47 ,see in  
the same volume the discussion that     
followed2 also1 ,,pasteur1 ,note sur la 
production de l'alcool par les fruits1  
same volume1 p4 #ajed1 in which we      
recount the observations anterior to our
 own1 made by ,messrs4 ,lechartier and  
,bellamy in #ahfi4 ,m4 ,fremy1 in       
particular1 was desirous of finding in  
these observations a confirmation of his
 views on the subject of hemi- organism1
 and a condemnation of ours1            
notwithstanding the fact that the       
preceding explanations1 and1 more       
particularly our ,note of #ahfa1 quoted 

word for word in the preceding section1 
furnish the most conclusive evidence in 
favor of those ideas which we advocate4 
,indeed1 as far back as #ahfa we pointed
 out very clearly that if we could find 
plants able to live when deprived of    
air1 in the presence of sugar1 they     
would bring about a fermentation of that
 substance1 in the same manner that     
yeast does4 ,such is the case with the  
fungi already studied2 such1 too1 is the
 case with the fruits employed in the   
experiments of ,messrs4 ,lechartier and 
,bellamy1 and in our own experiments1   
the results of which not only confirm   
those obtained by these gentlemen1 but  
even extend them1 in so far as we have  
shown that fruits1 when surrounded with 
carbonic acid gas immediately produce   
alcohol4 ,when surrounded with air1 they
 live in their aerobian state and we    
have no fermentation2 immersed          
immediately afterwards in carbonic acid 
gas1 they now assume their anaerobian   
state1 and at once begin to act upon the

 sugar in the manner of ferments1 and   
emit heat4 ,as for seeing in these facts
 anything like a confirmation of the    
theory of hemi-organism1 imagined by ,m4
 ,fremy1 the idea of such a thing is    
absurd4 ,the following1 for instance1 is
 the theory of the fermentation of the  
vintage1 according to ,m4 ,fremy4       
,footnote3 ,comptes rendus1 meeting of  
,january #aeth1 #ahgb4        ,to speak 
here of alcoholic fermentation alone1   
our author says1 ,i hold that in the    
production of wine it is the juice of   
the fruit itself that1 in contact with  
air1 produces grains of ferment1 by the 
transformation of the albuminous matter2
 ,pasteur1 on the other hand1 maintains 
that the fermentation is produced by    
germs existing outside of the grapes4   
,footnote3 ,as a matter of fact1 ,m4    
,fremy applies his theory of            
hemi-organism1 not only to the alcoholic
 fermentation of grape juice1 but to all
 other fermentations4 ,the following    
passage occurs in one of his notes      

7,comptes rendus de l',academie1 t4     
lxxv41 p4 #igi1 ,october #bhth1 #ahgb73 
,experiments on ,germinated             
,barley4--,the object of these was to   
show that when barley1 left to itself in
 sweetened water1 produces in succession
 alcoholic1 lactic1 butyric1 and acetic 
fermentations1 these modifications are  
brought about by ferments which are     
produced inside the grains themselves1  
and not by atmospheric germs4 ,more than
 forty different experiments were       
devoted to this part of my work4  ,need 
we add that this assertion is based on  
no substantial foundation8 ,the cells   
belonging to the grains of barley1 or   
their albuminous contents1 never do     
produce cells of alcoholic ferment1 or  
of lactic ferment1 or butyric vibrios4  
,whenever those ferments appear1 they   
may be traced to germs of those         
organisms1 diffused throughout the      
interior of the grains1 or adhering to  
the exterior surface1 or existing in the
 water employed1 or on the side of the  

vessels used4 ,there are many ways of   
demonstrating this1 of which the        
following is one3 ,since the results of 
our experiments have shown that         
sweetened water1 phosphates1 and chalk  
very readily give rise to lactic and    
butyric fermentations1 what reason is   
there for supposing that if we          
substitute grains of barley for chalk1  
the lactic and butyric ferments will    
spring from those grains1 in consequence
 of a transformation of their cells and 
albuminous substances8 ,surely there is 
no ground for maintaining that they are 
produced by hemi-organism1 since a      
medium composed of sugar1 or chalk1 or  
phosphates of ammonia1 potash1 or       
magnesia contains no albuminous         
substances4 ,this is an indirect but    
irresistible argument against the       
hemi-organism theory4  ,now what bearing
 on this purely imaginary theory can the
 fact have1 that a whole fruit1 immersed
 in carbonic acid gas1 immediately      
produces alcohol and carbonic acid8 ,in 

the preceding passage which we have     
borrowed from ,m4 ,fremy1 an            
indispensable condition of the          
transformation of the albuminous matter 
is the contact with air and the crushing
 of the grapes4 ,here1 however1 we are  
dealing with ,,uninjured ,,fruits ,,in  
,,contact ,,with ,,carbonic ,,acid      
,,gas4 ,our theory1 on the other hand1  
which1 we may repeat1 we have advocated 
since #ahfa1 maintains that all cells   
become fermentative when their vital    
action is protracted in the absence of  
air1 which are precisely the conditions 
that hold in the experiments on fruits  
immersed in carbonic acid gas4 ,the     
vital energy is not immediately         
suspended in their cells1 and the latter
 are deprived of air4 ,consequently1    
fermentation must result4 ,moreover1 we 
may add1 if we destroy the fruit1 or    
crush it before immersing it in the gas1
 it no longer produces alcohol or       
fermentation of any kind1 a circumstance
 that may be attributed to the fact of  

the destruction of vital action in the  
crushed fruit4 ,on the other hand1 in   
what way ought this crushing to affect  
the hypothesis of hemi-organism8 ,the   
crushed fruit ought to act quite as     
well1 or even better than that which is 
uncrushed4 ,in short1 nothing can be    
more directly opposed to the theory of  
the mode of manifestation of that hidden
 force to which the name of             
hemi-organism has been given1 than the  
discovery of the production of these    
phenomena of fermentation in fruits     
surrounded with carbonic acid gas2      
whilst the theory1 which sees in        
fermentation a consequence of vital     
energy in absence of air1 finds in these
 facts the strictest confirmation of an 
express prediction1 which from the first
 formed an integral part of its         
statement4  ,we should not be justified 
in devoting further time to opinions    
which are not supported by any serious  
experiment4 ,abroad1 as well as in      
,france1 the theory of the              

transformation of albuminous substances 
into organized ferments had been        
advocated long before it had been taken 
up by ,m4 ,fremy4 ,it no longer commands
 the slightest credit1 nor do any       
observers of note any longer give it the
 least attention2 it might even be said 
that it has become a subject of         
ridicule4  ,an attempt has also been    
made to prove that we have contradicted 
ourselves1 inasmuch as in #ahfj we      
published our opinion that alcoholic    
fermentation can never occur without a  
simultaneous occurrence of organization1
 development1 and multiplication of     
globules2 or continued life1 carried on 
from globules already formed4 ,footnote3
 ,,pasteur1 ,memoire sur la fermentation
 alcoolique1 #ahfj3 ,annales de ,chimie 
et de ,physique4 ,the word globules is  
here used for cells4 ,in our researches 
we have always endeavoured to prevent   
any confusion of ideas4 ,we stated at   
the beginning of our ,memoir of #ahfj   
that3 ,we apply the term alcoholic to   

that fermentation which sugar undergoes 
under the influence of the ferment known
 as ,,beer ,,yeast4 ,this is1 the       
fermentation which produces wine and all
 alcoholic beverages4 ,this1 too1 is    
regarded as the type for a host of      
similar phenomena designated1 by general
 usage1 under the generic name of       
fermentation1 and qualified by the name 
of one of the essential products of the 
special phenomenon under observation4   
,bearing in mind this fact in reference 
to the nomenclature that we have adopted
 it will be seen that the expression    
,,alcoholic ,,fermentation cannot be    
applied to every phenomenon of          
fermentation in which alcohol is        
produced1 inasmuch as there may be a    
number of phenomena having this         
character in common4 ,if we had not at  
starting defined that particular one    
amongst the number of very distinct     
phenomena1 which1 to the exclusion of   
the others1 should bear the name of     
alcoholic fermentation1 we should       

inevitably have given rise to a         
confusion of language that would soon   
pass from words to ideas1 and tend to   
introduce unnecessary complexity into   
researches which are already1 in        
themselves1 sufficiently complex to     
necessitate the adoption of scrupulous  
care to prevent their becoming still    
more involved4 ,it seems to us that any 
further doubt as to the meaning of the  
words ,,alcoholic ,,fermentation1 and   
the sense in which they are employed1 is
 impossible1 inasmuch as ,lavoisier1    
,gay-,lussac1 and ,thenard have applied 
this term to the fermentation of sugar  
by means of beer yeast4 ,it would be    
both dangerous and unprofitable to      
discard the example set by these        
illustrious masters1 to whom we are     
indebted for our earliest knowledge of  
this subject4 ,nothing1 however1 can be 
truer than that opinion1 and at the     
present moment1 after fifteen years of  
study devoted to the subject since the  
publication to which we have referred1  

we need no longer say1 we think1 but    
instead1 we affirm1 that it is correct4 
,it is1 as a matter of fact1 to         
alcoholic fermentation1 properly so     
called1 that the charge to which we have
 referred relates--to that fermentation 
which yields1 besides alcohol1 carbonic 
acid1 succinic acid1 glycerine1 volatile
 acids1 and other products4 ,this       
fermentation undoubtedly requires the   
presence of yeast--cells under the      
conditions that we have named4 ,those   
who have contradicted us have fallen    
into the error of supposing that the    
fermentation of fruits is an ordinary   
alcoholic fermentation1 identical with  
that produced by beer yeast1 and that1  
consequently1 the cells of that yeast   
must1 according to own theory1 be always
 present4 ,there is not the least       
authority for such a supposition4 ,when 
we come to exact quantitative           
estimations--and these are to be found  
in the figures supplied by ,messrs4     
,lechartier and ,bellamy--it will be    

seen that the proportions of alcohol and
 carbonic acid gas produced in the      
fermentation of fruits differ widely    
from those that we find in alcoholic    
fermentations properly so called1 as    
must necessarily be the case since in   
the former the fermentaction is effected
 by the cells of a fruit1 but in the    
latter by cells of ordinary alcoholic   
ferment4 ,indeed we have a strong       
conviction that each fruit would be     
found to give rise to special action1   
the chemical equation of which would be 
different from that in the case of other
 fruits4 ,as for the circumstance that  
the cells of these fruits cause         
fermentation without multiplying1 this  
comes under the kind of activity which  
we have already distinguished by the    
expression ,,continuous ,,life ,,in     
,,cells ,,already ,,formed4  ,we will   
conclude this section with a few remarks
 on the subject of equations of         
fermentations1 which have been suggested
 to us principally in attempts to       

explain the results derived from the    
fermentation of fruits immersed in      
carbonic acid gas4  ,originally1 when   
fermentations were put amongst the class
 of decompositions by contact-action1 it
 seemed probable1 and1 in fact1 was     
believed1 that every fermentation has   
its own well- defined equation which    
never varied4 ,in the present day1 on   
the contrary1 it must be borne in mind  
that the equation of a fermentation     
varies essentially with the conditions  
under which that fermentation is        
accomplished1 and that a statement of   
this equation is a problem no less      
complicated than that in the case of the
 nutrition of a living being4 ,to every 
fermentation may be assigned an equation
 in a general sort of way1 an equation1 
however1 which1 in numerous points of   
detail1 is liable to the thousand       
variations connected with the phenomena 
of life4 ,moreover1 there will be as    
many distinct fermentations brought     
about by one ferment as there are       

fermentable substances capable of       
supplying the carbon element of the food
 of that same ferment1 in the same way  
that the equation of the nutrition of an
 animal will vary with the nature of the
 food which it consumes4 ,as regards    
fermentation producing alcohol1 which   
may be effected by several different    
ferments1 there will be as in the case  
of a given sugar1 as many general       
equations as there are ferments1 whether
 they be ferment-cells properly so      
called1 or cells of the organs of living
 beings functioning as ferments4 ,in the
 same way the equation of nutrition     
varies in the case of different animals 
nourished on the same food4 ,and it is  
from the same reason that ordinary wort 
produces such a variety of beers when   
treated with the numerous alcoholic     
ferments which we have described4 ,these
 remarks are applicable to all ferments 
alike2 for instance1 butyric ferment is 
capable of producing a host of distinct 
fermentations1 in consequence of its    

ability to derive the carbonaceous part 
of its food from very different         
substances1 from sugar1 or lactic acid1 
or glycerine1 or mannite1 and many      
others4  ,when we say that every        
fermentation has its own peculiar       
ferment1 it must be understood that we  
are speaking of the fermentation        
considered as a whole1 including all the
 accessory products4 ,we do not mean to 
imply that the ferment in question is   
not capable of acting on some other     
fermentable substance and giving rise to
 fermentation of a very different kind4 
,moreover1 it is quite erroneous to     
suppose that the presence of a single   
one of the products of a fermentation   
implies the co-existence of a particular
 ferment4 ,if1 for example1 we find     
alcohol among the products of a         
fermentation1 or even alcohol and       
carbonic acid gas together1 this does   
not prove that the ferment must be an   
alcoholic ferment1 belonging to         
alcoholic fermentations1 in the strict  

sense of the term4 ,nor1 again1 does the
 mere presence of lactic acid           
necessarily imply the presence of lactic
 ferment4 ,as a matter of fact1         
different fermentations may give rise to
 one or even several identical products4
 ,we could not say with certainty1 from 
a purely chemical point of view1 that we
 were dealing1 for example1 with an     
alcoholic fermentation properly so      
called1 and that the yeast of beer must 
be present in it1 if we had not first   
determined the presence of all the      
numerous products of that particular    
fermentation under conditions similar to
 those under which the fermentation in  
question had occurred4 ,in works on     
fermentation the reader will often find 
those confusions against which we are   
now attempting to guard him4 ,it is     
precisely in consequence of not having  
had their attention drawn to such       
observations that some have imagined    
that the fermentation in fruits immersed
 in carbonic acid gas is in             

contradiction to the assertion which we 
originally made in our ,memoir on       
alcoholic fermentation published in     
#ahfj1 the exact words of which we may  
here repeat3--,the chemical phenomena of
 fermentation are related essentially to
 a vital activity1 beginning and ending 
with the latter2 we believe that        
alcoholic fermentation never occurs--we 
were discussing the question of ordinary
 alcoholic fermentation produced by the 
yeast of beer--without the simultaneous 
occurrence of organization1 development1
 and multiplication of globules1 or     
continued life1 carried on by means of  
the globules already formed4 ,the       
general results of the present ,memoir  
seem to us to be it direct opposition to
 the opinions of ,,mm4 ,liebig and      
,berzelius4 ,these conclusions1 we      
repeat1 are as true now as they ever    
were1 and are as applicable to the      
fermentation of fruits1 of which nothing
 was known in #ahfj1 as they are to the 
fermentation produced by the means of   

yeast4 ,only1 in the case of fruits1 it 
is the cells of the parenchyma that     
function as ferment1 by a continuation  
of their activity in carbonic acid gas  
whilst in the other case the ferment    
consists of cells of yeast4  ,there     
should be nothing very surprising in the
 fact that fermentation can originate in
 fruits and form alcohol without the    
presence of yeast1 if the fermentation  
of fruits were not confounded completely
 with alcoholic fermentation yielding   
the same products and in the same       
proportions4 ,it is through the misuse  
of words that the fermentation of fruits
 has been termed alcoholic1 in a way    
which has misled many persons4          
,footnote3 ,see1 for example1 the       
communications of ,,mm4 ,colin and      
,poggiale1 and the discussion on them4  
,in the ,bulletin de l',academie de     
,medecine1 ,march #b;d1 #ith1 and #cjth1
 and ,february #afth and #bcrd1 #ahge4  
,in this fermentation1 neither alcohol  
nor carbonic acid gas exists in those   

proportions in which they are found in  
fermentation produced by yeast2 and1    
although we may determine in it the     
presence of succinic acid1 glycerine1   
and a small quantity of volatile acids  
,footnote3 ,we have elsewhere determined
 the formation of minute quantities of  
volatile acids in alcoholic             
fermentation4 ,m4 ,bechamp1 who studied 
these1 recognized several belonging to  
the series of fatty acids1 acetic acid1 
butyric acid c4 ,the presence of        
succinic acid is not accidental1 but    
constant2 if we put aside volatile acids
 that form in quantities which we may   
call infinitely small1 we may say that  
succinic acid is the only normal acid of
 alcoholic fermentation4--,,pasteur1    
,comptes rendus de l' ,academie1 t4     
xlvii41 ,p4 #bbd1 #aheh the relative    
proportions of these substances will be 
different from what they are in the case
 of alcoholic fermentation4     ,,iii4  
,,reply ,,to ,,certain ,,critical       
,,observations ,,of ,,the ,,german      

,,naturalists1 ,,oscar ,,brefeld ,,and  
,,moritz ,,traube4   ,the essential     
point of the theory of fermentation     
which we have been concerned in proving 
in the preceding paragraphs may be      
briefly put in the statement that       
ferments properly so called constitute a
 class of beings possessing the faculty 
of living out of contact with free      
oxygen2 or1 more concisely still1 we may
 say that fermentation is a result of   
life without air4  ,if our affirmation  
were inexact1 if ferment cells did      
require for their growth or for their   
increase in number or weight1 as all    
other vegetable cells do1 the presence  
of oxygen1 whether gaseous or held in   
solution in liquids1 this new theory    
would lose all value1 its very raison   
d'etre would be gone1 at least as far as
 the most important part of             
fermentations is concerned4 ,this is    
precisely what ,m4 ,oscar ,brefeld has  
endeavoured to prove in a ,memoir read  
to the ,physico-,medical ,society of    

,wurzburg on ,july #bfth1 #ahgc1 in     
which1 although we have ample evidence  
of the great experimental skill of its  
author1 he has nevertheless1 in our     
opinion1 arrived at conclusions entirely
 opposed to fact4  ,from the experiments
 which ,i have just described1 he says1 
it follows1 in the most indisputable    
manner1 that ,a ,,ferment ,,cannot      
,,increase ,,without ,,free ,,oxygen4   
,pasteur's supposition that a ferment1  
unlike all other living organisms1 can  
live and increase at the expense of     
oxygen held in combination1 is1         
consequently1 altogether wanting in any 
solid basis of experimental proof4      
,moreover1 since1 according to the      
theory of ,pasteur1 it is precisely this
 faculty of living and increasing at the
 expense of the oxygen held in          
combination that constitutes the        
phenomenon of fermentation1 it follows  
that the whole theory1 commanding though
 it does such general assent1 is shown  
to be untenable2 it is simply           

inaccurate4  ,the experiments to which  
,dr4 ,brefeld alludes1 consisted in     
keeping under continued study with the  
microscope1 in a room specially prepared
 for the purpose1 one or more cells of  
ferment in wort in an atmosphere of     
carbonic acid gas free from the least   
traces of free oxygen4 ,we have1        
however1 recognized the fact that the   
increase of a ferment out of contact    
with air is only possible in the case of
 a very young specimen2 but our author  
employed brewer's yeast taken after     
fermentation1 and to this fact we may   
attribute the non-success of his        
growths4 ,dr4 ,brefeld1 without knowing 
it1 operated on yeast in one of the     
states in which it requires gaseous     
oxygen to enable it to germinate again4 
,a perusal of what we have previously   
written on the subject of the revival of
 yeast according to its age will show   
how widely the time required for such   
revival may vary in different cases4    
,what may be perfectly true of the state

 of a yeast to-day may not be so        
to-morrow1 since yeast is continually   
undergoing modifications4 ,we have      
already shown the energy and activity   
with which a ferment can vegetate in the
 presence of free oxygen1 and we have   
pointed out the great extent to which a 
very small quantity2 of oxygen held in  
solution in fermenting liquids can      
operate at the beginning of             
fermentation4 ,it is this oxygen that   
produces revival in the cells of the    
ferment and enables them to resume the  
faculty of germinating and continuing   
their life1 and of multiplying when     
deprived of air4  ,in our opinion1 a    
simple reflection should have guarded   
,dr4 ,brefeld against the interpretation
 which he has attached to his           
observations4 ,if a cell of ferment     
cannot bud or increase without absorbing
 oxygen1 either free or held in solution
 in the liquid1 the ratio between the   
weight of the ferment formed during     
fermentation and that of oxygen used up 

must be constant4 ,we had1 however1     
clearly established1 as far back as     
#ahfa1 the fact that this ratio is      
extremely variable1 a fact1 moreover1   
which is placed beyond doubt by the     
experiments described in the preceding  
section4 ,though but small quantities of
 oxygen are absorbed1 a considerable    
weight of ferment may be generated2     
whilst if the ferment has abundance of  
oxygen at its disposal1 it will absorb  
much1 and the weight of yeast formed    
will be still greater4 ,the ratio       
between the weight of ferment formed and
 that of sugar decomposed may pass      
through all stages within certain very  
wide limits1 the variations depending on
 the greater or less absorption of free 
oxygen4 ,and in this fact1 we believe1  
lies one of the most essential supports 
of the theory which we advocate4 ,in    
denouncing the impossibility1 as he     
considered it1 of a ferment living      
without air or oxygen1 and so acting in 
defiance of that law which governs all  

living beings1 animal or vegetable1 ,dr4
 ,brefeld ought also to have borne in   
mind the fact which we have pointed out1
 that alcoholic yeast is not the only   
organized ferment which lives in an     
anaerobian state4 ,it is really a small 
matter that one more ferment should be  
placed in a list of exceptions to the   
generality of living beings1 for whom   
there is a rigid law in their vital     
economy which requires for continued    
life a continuous respiration1 a        
continuous supply of free oxygen4 ,why1 
for instance1 has ,dr4 ,brefeld omitted 
the facts bearing on the life of the    
vibrios of butyric fermentation8        
,doubtless he thought we were equally   
mistaken in these3 a few actual         
experiments would have put him right4   
,these remarks on the criticisms of ,dr4
 ,brefeld are also applicable to certain
 observations of ,m4 ,moritz ,traube's1 
although1 as regards the principal      
object of ,dr4 ,brefeld's attack1 we are
 indebted to ,m4 ,traube for our        

defence4 ,this gentleman maintained the 
exactness of our results before the     
,chemical ,society of ,berlin1 proving  
by fresh experiments that yeast is able 
to live and multiply without the        
intervention of oxygen4 ,my researches1 
he said1 confirm in an indisputable     
manner ,m4 ,pasteur's assertion that the
 multiplication of yeast can take place 
in media which contain no trace of free 
oxygen4 444 ,m4 ,brefeld's assertion to 
the contrary is erroneous4 ,but         
immediately afterwards ,m4 ,traube adds3
 ,have we here a confirmation of        
,pasteur's theory8 ,by no means4 ,the   
results of my experiments demonstrate on
 the contrary that this theory has no   
true foundation4 ,what were these       
results8 ,whilst proving that yeast     
could live without air1 ,m4 ,traube1 as 
we ourselves did1 found that it had     
great difficulty in living under these  
conditions2 indeed he never succeeded in
 obtaining more than the first stages of
 true fermentation4 ,this was doubtless 

for the two following reasons3 first1 in
 consequence of the accidental          
production of secondary and diseased    
fermentations which frequently prevent  
the propagation of alcoholic ferment2   
and1 secondly1 in consequence of the    
original exhausted condition of the     
yeast employed4 ,as long ago as #ahfa1  
we pointed out the slowness and         
difficulty of the vital action of yeast 
when deprived of air2 and a little way  
back1 in the preceding section1 we have 
called attention to certain             
fermentations that cannot be completed  
under such conditions without going into
 the causes of these peculiarities4 ,m4 
,traube expresses himself thus3         
,pasteur's conclusion1 that yeast in the
 absence of air is able to derive the   
oxygen necessary for its development    
from sugar1 is erroneous2 its increase  
is arrested even when the greater part  
of the sugar still remains undecomposed4
 ,,it ,,is ,,in ,a ,,mixture ,,of       
,,albuminous ,,substances ,,that        

,,yeast1 ,,when ,,deprived ,,of ,,air1  
,,finds ,,the ,,materials ,,for ,,its   
,,development4 ,this last assertion of  
,m4 ,traube's is entirely disproved by  
those fermentation experiments in which1
 after suppressing the presence of      
albuminous substances1 the action1      
nevertheless1 went on in a purely       
inorganic medium1 out of contact with   
air1 a fact1 of which we shall give     
irrefutable proofs4 ,footnote3 ,traube's
 conceptions are governed by a theory of
 fermentation entirely his own1 a       
hypothetical one1 as he admits1 of which
 the following is a brief summary3 ,we  
have no reason to doubt1 ,traube says1  
that the protoplasm of vegetable cells  
is itself1 or contains within it1 a     
chemical ferment which causes the       
alcoholic fermentation of sugar2 its    
efficacy seems closely connected with   
the presence of the cell1 inasmuch as1  
up to the present time1 we have         
discovered no means of isolating it from
 the cells with success4 ,in the        

presence of air this ferment oxidizes   
sugar by bringing oxygen to bear upon   
it2 in the absence of air it decomposes 
the sugar by taking away oxygen from one
 group of atoms of the molecule of sugar
 and bringing it to act upon other      
atoms2 on the one hand yielding a       
product of alcohol by reduction1 on the 
other hand a product of carbonic acid   
gas by oxidation4  ,traube supposes that
 this chemical ferment exists in yeast  
and in all sweet fruits1 but only when  
the cells are intact1 for he has proved 
for himself that thoroughly crushed     
fruits give rise to no fermentation     
whatever in carbonic acid gas4 ,in this 
respect this imaginary chemical ferment 
would differ entirely from those which  
we call ,,soluble ,,ferments1 since     
diastase1 emulsine1 c41 may be easily   
isolated4  ,for a full account of the   
views of ,brefeld and ,traube1 and the  
discussion which they carried on on the 
subject of the results of our           
experiments1 our readers may consult the

 ,journal of the ,chemical ,society of  
,berlin1 vii41 p4 #hgb4 ,the numbers for
 ,september and ,december1 #ahgd1 in the
 same volume1 contain the replies of the
 two authors4   ,,iv4 ,,fermentation    
,,of ,,dextro-,,tartrate ,,of ,,lime4   
,footnote3 ,see ,,pasteur1 ,comptes     
rendus de l',academie des ,sciences1 t4 
lvi41 p4 #daf4   ,tartrate of lime1 in  
spite of its insolubility in waters is  
capable of complete fermentation in a   
mineral medium4  ,if we put some pure   
tartrate of lime1 in the form of a      
granulated1 crystalline powder1 into    
pure water1 together with some sulphate 
of ammonia and phosphates of potassium  
and magnesium1 in very small            
proportions1 a spontaneous fermentation 
will take place in the deposit in the   
course of a few days1 although no germs 
of ferment have been added4 ,a living1  
organized ferment1 of the vibrionic     
type1 filiform1 with tortuous motions1  
and often of immense length1 forms      
spontaneously by the development of some

 germs derived in some way from the     
inevitable particles of dust floating in
 the air or resting on the surface of   
the vessels or material which we employ4
 ,the germs of the vibrios concerned in 
putrefaction are diffused around us on  
every side1 and1 in all probability1 it 
is one or more of these germs that      
develop in the medium in question4 ,in  
this way they effect the decomposition  
of the tartrate1 from which they must   
necessarily obtain the carbon of their  
food without which they cannot exist1   
while the nitrogen is furnished by the  
ammonia of the ammoniacal salt1 the     
mineral principles by the phosphate of  
potassium and magnesium1 and the sulphur
 by the sulphate of ammonia4 ,how       
strange to see organization1 life1 and  
motion originating under such           
conditions6 ,stranger still to think    
that this organization1 life1 and motion
 are effected without the participation 
of free oxygen4 ,once the germ gets a   
primary impulse on its living career by 

access of oxygen1 it goes on reproducing
 indefinitely1 absolutely without       
atmospheric air4 ,here then we have a   
fact which it is important to establish 
beyond the possibility of doubt1 that we
 may prove that yeast is not the only   
organized ferment able to live and      
multiply when out of the influence of   
free oxygen4  ,into a flask1 like that  
represented in ,,fig4 #i1 of #b4e litres
 7about four pints7 in capacity1 we put3
       ,pure1 crystallized1 neutral     
tartrate of lime4 44 #ajj grammes       
,phosphate of ammonia4 444 4 444 4  44  
444 4 444  #a grammes      ,phosphate of
 magnesium4 444 4 444 4 444 4 444 44 #a 
grammes      ,phosphate of potassium4   
444 4 444 4 444 4 44   #j4e grammes     
,sulphate of ammonia4 444 4 444 4 444 4 
444  44 #j4e grammes      7#a gramme    
#ae4dc grains7  ,to this we added pure  
distilled water1 so as entirely to fill 
the flask4  ,in order to expel all the  
air dissolved in the water and adhering 
to the solid substances1 we first placed

 our flask in a bath of chloride of     
calcium in a large cylindrical white    
iron pot set over a flame4 ,the exit    
tube of the flask was plunged in a test 
tube of ,bohemian glass three-quarters  
full of distilled water1 and also heated
 by a flame4 ,we boiled the liquids in  
the flask and test-tube for a sufficient
 time to expel all the air contained in 
them4 ,we then withdrew the heat from   
under the test- tube1 and immediately   
afterwards covered the water which it   
contained with a layer of oil and then  
permitted the whole apparatus to cool   
down4  ,illustration with caption3 ,fig4
 #i  ,next day we applied a finger to   
the open extremity of the exit- tube1   
which we then plunged in a vessel of    
mercury4 ,in this particular experiment 
which we are describing1 we permitted   
the flask to remain in this state for a 
fort-night4 ,it might have remained     
there for a century without ever        
manifesting the least sign of           
fermentation1 the fermentation of the   

tartrate being a consequence of life1   
and life after boiling no longer existed
 in the flask4 ,when it was evident that
 the contents of the flask were         
perfectly inert1 we impregnated them    
rapidly1 as follows3 all the liquid     
contained in the exit-tube was removed  
by means of a fine caoutchouc tube1 and 
replaced by about #a c4 7about #ag      
minims7 of liquid and deposit from      
another flask1 similar to the one we    
have just described1 but which had been 
fermenting spontaneously for twelve     
days2 we lost no time in refilling      
completely the exit tube with water     
which had been first boiled and then    
cooled down in carbonic acid gas4 ,this 
operation lasted only a few minutes4    
,the exit-tube was again plunged under  
mercury4 ,subsequently the tube was not 
moved from under the mercury1 and as it 
formed part of the flask1 and there was 
neither cork nor india-rubber1 any      
introduction of air was consequently    
impossible4 ,the small quantity of air  

introduced during the impregnation was  
insignificant and it might even be shown
 that it injured rather than assisted   
the growth of the organisms1 inasmuch as
 these consisted of adult individuals   
which had lived without air and might be
 liable to be damaged or even destroyed 
by it4 ,be this as it may1 in a         
subsequent experiment we shall find the 
possibility removed of any aeration     
taking place in this way1 however       
infinitesimal1 so that no doubts may    
linger on this subject4  ,the following 
days the organisms multiplied1 the      
deposit of tartrate gradually           
disappeared1 and a sensible ferment     
action was manifest on the surface1 and 
throughout the bulk of the liquid4 ,the 
deposit seemed lifted up in places1 and 
was covered with a layer of dark-grey   
colour1 puffed up1 and having an organic
 and gelatinous appearance4 ,for several
 days1 in spite of this action in the   
deposit1 we detected no disengagement of
 gas1 except when the flask was slightly

 shaken1 in which case rather large     
bubbles adhering to the deposit rose1   
carrying with them some solid particles1
 which quickly fell back again1 whilst  
the bubbles diminished in size as they  
rose1 from being partially taken into   
solution1 in consequence of the liquid  
not being saturated4 ,the smallest      
bubbles had even time to dissolve       
completely before they could reach the  
surface of the liquid4 ,in course of    
time the liquid was saturated1 and the  
tartrate was gradually displaced by     
mammillated crusts1 or clear1           
transparent crystals of carbonate of    
lime at the bottom and on the sides of  
the vessel4  ,the impregnation took     
place on ,february #ajth1 and on ,march 
#aeth the liquid was nearly saturated4  
,the bubbles then began to lodge in the 
bent part of the exit-tube1 at the top  
of the flask4 ,a glass measuring-tube   
containing mercury was now placed with  
its open end over the point of the      
exit-tube under the mercury in the      

trough1 so that no bubble might escape4 
,a steady evolution of gas went on from 
the #agth to the #ahth1 #ag4d cc4 7#a4jf
 cubic inches7 having been collected4   
,this was proved to be nearly absolutely
 pure carbonic acid1 as indeed might    
have been suspected from the fact that  
the evolution did not begin before a    
distinct saturation of the liquid was   
observed4 ,footnote3 ,carbonic add being
 considerably more soluble than other   
gases possible under the                
circumstances4--,,ed4  ,the liquid1     
which was turbid on the day after its   
impregnation1 had1 in spite of the      
liberation of gas1 again become so      
transparent that we could read our      
handwriting through the body of the     
flask4 ,notwithstanding this1 there was 
still a very active operation going on  
in the deposit1 but it was confined to  
that spot4 ,indeed1 the swarming vibrios
 were bound to remain there1 the        
tartrate of lime being still more       
insoluble in water saturated with       

carbonate of lime than it is in pure    
water4 ,a supply of carbonaceous food1  
at all events1 was absolutely wanting in
 the bulk of the liquid4 ,every day we  
continued to collect and analyze the    
total amount of gas disengaged4 ,to the 
very last it was composed of pure       
carbonic acid gas4 ,only during the     
first few days did the absorption by the
 concentrated potash leave a very minute
 residue4 ,by ,april #bfth all          
liberation of gas had ceased1 the last  
bubbles having risen in the course of   
,april #bcrd4 ,the flask had been all   
the time in the oven1 at a temperature  
between #be degrees ,c4 and #bh degrees 
,c4 7#gg degrees ,f4 and #hc degrees    
,f474 ,the total volume of gas collected
 was #b4ace litres 7#acj4b cubic        
inches74 ,to obtain the whole volume of 
gas formed we had to add to this what   
was held in the liquid in the state of  
acid carbonate of lime4 ,to determine   
this we poured a portion of the liquid  
from the flask into another flask of    

similar shape1 but smaller1 up to the   
gaugemark on the neck4 ,footnote3 ,we   
had to avoid filling the small flask    
completely1 for fear of causing some of 
the liquid to pass on to the surface of 
the mercury in the measuring tube4 ,the 
liquid condensed by boiling forms pure  
water1 the solvent affinity of which for
 carbonic acid1 at the temperature we   
employ1 is well known4 ,this smaller    
flask had been previously filled with   
carbonic acid4 ,the carbonic acid of the
 fermented liquid was then expelled by  
means of heat1 and collected over       
mercury4 ,in this way we found a volume 
of #h4cbb litres 7#ejh cubic inches7 of 
gas in solution1 which1 added to the    
#b4ace litres1 gave a total of #aj4deg  
litres 7#fch4b cubic inches7 at #bj     
degrees and #gfj mm41 which1 calculated 
to #j degrees1 ,c4 and #gfj mm4         
atmospheric pressure 7#cb degrees ,f4   
and #cj inches7 gave a weight of #ai4gjj
 grammes 7#cjb4b grains7 of carbonic    
acid4  ,exactly half of the lime in the 

tartrate employed got used up in the    
soluble salts formed during             
fermentation2 the other half was partly 
precipitated in the form of carbonate of
 lime1 partly dissolved in the liquid by
 the carbonic acid4 ,the soluble salts  
seemed to us to be a mixture or         
combination of #a equivalent of         
metacetate of lime1 with #b equivalents 
of the acetate1 for every #aj           
equivalents of carbonic acid produced1  
the whole corresponding to the          
fermentation of #c equivalents of       
neutral tartrate of lime4 ,footnote3    
,the following is a curious consequence 
of these numbers and of the nature of   
the products of this fermentation4 ,the 
carbonic acid liberated being quite     
pure1 especially when the liquid has    
been boiled to expel all air from the   
flask1 and capable of perfect solution1 
it follows that the volume of liquid    
being sufficient and the weight of      
tartrate suitably chosen--we may set    
aside tartrate of lime in an insoluble1 

crystalline powder1 alone with          
phosphates at the bottom of a closed    
vessel full of water1 and find soon     
afterwards in their place carbonate of  
lime1 and in the liquid soluble salts of
 lime1 with a mass of organic matter at 
the bottom1 without any liberation of   
gas or appearance of fermentation ever  
taking place1 except as far as the vital
 action and transformation in the       
tartrate are concerned4 ,it is easy to  
calculate that a vessel or flask of five
 litres 7rather more than a gallon7     
would be large enough for the           
accomplishment of this remarkable and   
singularly quiet transformation1 in the 
case of #ej grammes 7#gfg grains7 of    
tartrate of lime44 ,this point1 however1
 is worthy of being studied with greater
 care3 the present statement of the     
nature of the products formed is given  
with all reserve4 ,for our point1       
indeed1 the matter is of little         
importance1 since the equation of the   
fermentation does not concern us4       

,after the completion of fermentation   
there was not a trace of tartrate of    
lime remaining at the bottom of the     
vessel3 it had disappeared gradually as 
it got broken up into the different     
products of fermentation1 and its place 
was taken by some crystallized carbonate
 of lime--the excess1 namely1 which had 
been unable to dissolve by the action of
 the carbonic acid4 ,associated1        
moreover1 with this carbonate of lime   
there was a quantity of some kind of    
animal matter1 which1 under the         
microscope1 appeared to be composed of  
masses of granules mixed with very fine 
filaments of varying lengths1 studded   
with minute dots1 and presenting all the
 characteristics of a nitrogenous       
organic substance4 ,footnote3 ,we       
treated the whole deposit with dilute   
hydrochloric acid1 which dissolved the  
carbonate of lime and the insoluble     
phosphates of calcium and magnesium2    
afterwards filtering the liquid through 
a weighed filter paper4 ,dried at #ajj  

degrees ,c4 7#bab degrees ,f471 the     
weight of the organic matter thus       
obtained was #j4ed gramme 7#h4c grains71
 which was rather more than #a_/bjj of  
the weight of fermentable matter4 ,that 
this was really the ferment is evident  
enough from all that we have already    
said4 ,to convince ourselves more       
thoroughly of the fact1 and at the same 
time to enable us to observe the mode of
 activity of the organism1 we instituted
 the following supplementary            
observation4 ,side by side with the     
experiment just described1 we conducted 
a similar one1 which we intermitted     
after the fermentation was somewhat     
advanced1 and about half of the tartrate
 dissolved4 ,breaking off with a file   
the exit-tube at the point where the    
neck began to narrow off1 we took some  
of the deposit from the bottom by means 
of a long straight piece of tubing1 in  
order to bring it under microscopical   
examination4 ,we found it to consist of 
a host of long filaments of extreme     

tenuity1 their diameter being about     
#a_/ajjjth of a millimetre 7#j4jjjjci   
in472 their length varied1 in some cases
 being as much as #a_/bjth of a         
millimetre 7#j4jjai in474 ,a crowd of   
these long vibrios were to be seen      
creeping slowly along1 with a sinuous   
movement1 showing three1 four1 or even  
five flexures4 ,the filaments that were 
at rest had the same aspect as these    
last1 with the exception that they      
appeared punctuate1 as though composed  
of a series of granules arranged in     
irregular order4 ,no doubt these were   
vibrios in which vital action had       
ceased1 exhausted specimens which we may
 compare with the old granular ferment  
of beer1 whilst those in motion may be  
compared with young and vigorous yeast4 
,the absence of movement in the former  
seems to prove that this view is        
correct4 ,both kinds showed a tendency  
to form clusters1 the compactness of    
which impeded the movements of those    
which were in motion4 ,moreover1 it was 

noticeable that the masses of these     
latter rested on tartrate not yet       
dissolved1 whilst the granular clusters 
of the others rested directly on the    
glass1 at the bottom of the flask1 as   
if1 having decomposed the tartrate1 the 
only carbonaceous food at their         
disposal1 they had then died on the spot
 where we captured them1 from inability 
to escape1 precisely in consequence of  
that state of entanglement which they   
combined to form1 during the period of  
their active development4 ,besides these
 we observed vibrios of the same        
diameter1 but of much smaller length1   
whirling round with great rapidity1 and 
darting backwards and forwards2 these   
were probably identical with the longer 
ones1 and possessed greater freedom of  
movement1 no doubt in consequence of    
their shortness4 ,not one of these      
vibrios could be found throughout the   
mass of the liquid4  ,illustration with 
caption3 ,figure #aj4  ,we may remark   
that as there was a somewhat putrid     

odour from the deposit in which the     
vibrios swarmed1 the action must have   
been one of reduction1 and no doubt to  
this fact was due the greyish coloration
 of the deposit4 ,we suppose that the   
substances employed1 however pure1      
always contain some trace of iron1 which
 becomes converted into the sulphide1   
the black colour of which would modify  
the originally white deposit of         
insoluble tartrate and phosphate4  ,but 
what is the nature of these vibrios8 ,we
 have already said that we believe that 
they are nothing but the ordinary       
vibrios of putrefaction1 reduced to a   
state of extreme tenuity by the special 
conditions of nutrition involved in the 
fermentable medium used2 in a word1 we  
think that the fermentation in question 
might be called putrefaction of tartrate
 of lime4 ,it would be easy enough to   
determine this point by growing the     
vibrios of such fermentation in media   
adapted to the production of the        
ordinary forms of vibrio2 but this is an

 experiment which we have not ourselves 
tried4  ,one word more on the subject of
 these curious beings4 ,in a great many 
of them there appears to be something   
like a clear spot1 a kind of bead1 at   
one of their extremities4 ,this is an   
illusion arising from the fact that the 
extremity of these vibrios is curved1   
hanging downwards1 thus causing a       
greater refraction at that particular   
point1 and leading us to think that the 
diameter is greater at that extremity4  
,we may easily undeceive ourselves if we
 watch the movements of the vibrio1 when
 we will readily recognize the bend1    
especially as it is brought into the    
vertical plane passing over the rest of 
the filament4 ,in this way we will see  
the bright spot1 ,,the ,,head1          
disappear1 and then reappear4  ,the     
chief inference that it concerns us to  
draw from the preceding facts is one    
which cannot admit of doubt1 and which  
we need not insist on any               
further--namely that vibrios1 as met    

with in the fermentation of neutral     
tartrate of lime1 are able to live and  
multiply when entirely deprived of air4 
,v4--,,another ,,example ,,of ,,life    
,,without ,,air--,,fermentation ,,of    
,,lactate ,,of ,,lime   ,as another     
example of life without air1 accompanied
 by fermentation properly so called1 we 
may lastly cite the fermentation of     
lactate of lime in a mineral medium4    
,in the experiment described in the last
 paragraph1 it will be remembered that  
the ferment liquid and the germs        
employed in its impregnation came in    
contact with air1 although only for a   
very brief time4 ,now1 notwithstanding  
that we possess exact observations which
 prove that the diffusion of oxygen and 
nitrogen in a liquid absolutely deprived
 of air1 so far from taking place       
rapidly1 is1 on the contrary1 a very    
slow process indeed2 yet we were anxious
 to guard the experiment that we are    
about to describe from the slightest    
possible trace of oxygen at the moment  

of impregnation4  ,we employed a liquid 
prepared as follows3 ,into from #i to   
#aj litres 7somewhat over #b gallons7 of
 pure water the following salts         
,footnote3 ,should the solution of      
lactate of lime be turbid1 it may be    
clarified by filtration1 after          
previously adding a small quantity of   
phosphate of ammonia1 which throws down 
phosphate of lime4 ,it is only after    
this process of clarification and       
filtration that the phosphates of the   
formula are added4 ,the solution soon   
becomes turbid if left in contact with  
air1 in consequence of the spontaneous  
formation of bacteria4 were introduced  
successively1 viz3       ,pure lactate  
of lime4 444 4 444 4 444 4 444 4 44 #bbe
 grammes      ,phosphate of ammonia4 444
 4 444 4 444 4 444 4 44 #j4ge grammes   
,phosphate of potassium4 444 4 444 4 444
 4 444 44 #j4d grammes      ,sulphate of
 magnesium4 444 4 444 4 444 4 444 444   
#j4d grammes      ,sulphate of ammonia4 
444 4 444 4 444 4 444 4 444 #j4b grammes

      7#a gramme  #ae4dc grains47       
,illustration with caption3 ,fig4 #aa   
,on ,march #bcrd1 #ahge1 we filled a #f 
litre 7about #aa pints7 flask1 of the   
shape represented in ,,fig4 #aa1 and    
placed it over a heater4 ,another flame 
was placed below a vessel containing the
 same liquid1 into which the curved tube
 of the flask plunged4 ,the liquids in  
the flask and in the basin were raised  
to boiling together1 and kept in this   
condition for more than half-an-hour1 so
 as to expel all the air held in        
solution4 ,the liquid was several times 
forced out of the flask by the steam1   
and sucked back again2 but the portion  
which re-entered the flask was always   
boiling4 ,on the following day when the 
flask had cooled1 we transferred the end
 of the delivery tube to a vessel full  
of mercury and placed the whole         
apparatus in an oven at a temperature   
varying between #be degrees ,c4 and #cj 
degrees ,c4 7#gg degrees ,f4 and #hf    
degrees ,f47 then1 after having refilled

 the small cylindrical tap-funnel with  
carbonic acid1 we passed into it with   
all necessary precautions #aj cc4 7#j4ce
 fl4 oz7 of a liquid similar to that    
described1 which had been already in    
active fermentation for several days out
 of contact with air and now swarmed    
with vibrios4 ,we then turned the tap of
 the funnel1 until only a small quantity
 of liquid was left1 just enough to     
prevent the access of air4 ,in this way 
the impregnation was accomplished       
without either the ferment-liquid or the
 ferment- germs having been brought in  
contact1 even for the shortest space1   
with the external air4 ,the             
fermentation1 the occurrence of which at
 an earlier or later period depends for 
the most part on the condition of the   
impregnating germs1 and the number      
introduced in the act1 in this case     
began to manifest itself by the         
appearance of minute bubbles from ,march
 #bith4 ,but not until ,april #ith did  
we observe bubbles of larger size rise  

to the surface4 ,from that date onward  
they continued to come in increasing    
number1 from certain points at the      
bottom of the flask1 where a deposit of 
earthy phosphates existed2 and at the   
same time the liquid1 which for the     
first few days remained perfectly clear1
 began to grow turbid in consequence of 
the development of vibrios4 ,it was on  
the same day that we first observed a   
deposit on the sides of carbonate of    
lime in crystals4  ,it is a matter of   
some interest to notice here that1 in   
the mode of procedure adopted1          
everything combined to prevent the      
interference of air4 ,a portion of the  
liquid expelled at the beginning of the 
experiment1 partly because of the       
increased temperature in the oven and   
partly also by the force of the gas1 as 
it began to be evolved from the         
fermentative action1 reached the surface
 of the mercury1 where1 being the most  
suitable medium we know for the growth  
of bacteria1 it speedily swarmed with   

these organisms4 ,footnote3 ,the        
naturalist ,cohn1 of ,breslau1 who      
published an excellent work on bacteria 
in #ahgb1 described1 after ,mayer1 the  
composition of a liquid peculiarly      
adapted to the propagation of these     
organisms1 which it would be well to    
compare for its utility in studies of   
this kind with our solution of lactate  
and phosphates4 ,the following is       
,cohn's formula3       ,distilled water4
 444 4 444 4 444 4 44#bj cc4 7#j4g fl4  
oz47      ,phosphate of potassium4 444 4
 444 444#j4a gramme 7#a4e grains7       
,sulphate of magnesium4 444 4 444 4     
#j4a gramme 7#a4e grains7      ,tribasic
 phosphate of lime4 444 444  #j4ja      
gramme 7#j4ae grain7      ,tartrate of  
ammonia4 444 4 444 4 444 #j4b gramme 7#c
 grains7  ,this liquid1 the author says1
 has a feeble acid reaction and forms a 
perfectly clear solution4 ,in this way  
any passage of air1 if such a thing were
 possible1 between the mercury and the  
sides of the delivery-tube was          

altogether prevented1 since the bacteria
 would consume every trace of oxygen    
which might be dissolved in the liquid  
lying on the surface of the mercury4    
,hence it is impossible to imagine that 
the slightest trace of oxygen could have
 got into the liquid in the flask4      
,before passing on we may remark that in
 this ready absorption of oxygen by     
bacteria we have a means of depriving   
fermentable liquids of every trace of   
that gas with a facility and success    
equal or even greater than by the       
preliminary method of boiling4 ,such a  
solution as we have described1 if kept  
at summer heat1 without any previous    
boiling1 becomes turbid in the course of
 twenty-four hours from a ,,spontaneous 
development of bacteria2 and it is easy 
to prove that they absorb all the oxygen
 held in solution4 ,footnote3 ,on the   
rapid absorption of oxygen by bacteria1 
see also our ,memoire of #ahgb1 sur les 
,generations dites ,spontanees1         
especially the note on page #gh4 ,if we 

completely fill a flask of a few litres 
capacity 7about a gallon7 7,fig4 #i7    
with the liquid described1 taking care  
to have the delivery-tube also filled1  
and its opening plunged under mercury1  
and1 forty- eight hours afterwards by   
means of a chloride of calcium bath1    
expel from the liquid on the surface of 
the mercury all the gas which it holds  
in solution1 this gas1 when analyzed1   
will be found to be composed of a       
mixture of nitrogen and carbonic acid   
gas1 ,,without ,,the ,,least ,,trace    
,,of ,,oxygen4 ,here1 then1 we have an  
excellent means of depriving the        
fermentable liquid of air2 we simply    
have completely to fill a flask with the
 liquid1 and place it in the oven1      
merely avoiding any addition of butyric 
vibrios1 before the lapse of two or     
three days4 ,we may wait even longer2   
and then1 if the liquid does become     
impregnated spontaneously with vibrio   
germs1 the liquid1 which at first was   
turbid from the presence of bacteria1   

will become bright again1 since the     
bacteria1 when deprived of life1 or1 at 
least1 of the power of moving1 after    
they have exhausted all the oxygen in   
solution1 will fall inert to the bottom 
of the vessel4 ,on several occasions we 
have determined this interesting fact1  
which tends to prove that the butyric   
vibrios cannot be regarded as another   
form of bacteria1 inasmuch as1 on the   
hypothesis of an original relation      
between the two productions1 butyric    
fermentation ought in every case to     
follow the growth of bacteria4  ,we may 
also call attention to another striking 
experiment1 well suited to show the     
effect of differences in the composition
 of the medium upon the propagation of  
microscopic beings4 ,the fermentation   
which we last described commenced on    
,march #bgth and continued until ,may   
#ajth2 that to which we are now to      
refer1 however1 was completed in four   
days1 the liquid employed being similar 
in composition and quantity to that     

employed in the former experiment4 ,on  
,april #bc1 #ahge1 we filled a flask of 
the same shape as that represented in   
,fig4 #aa1 and of similar capacity1     
viz41 #f litres1 with a liquid composed 
as described at page #fi4 ,this liquid  
had been previously left to itself for  
five days in large open flasks1 in      
consequence of which it had developed an
 abundant growth of bacteria4 ,on the   
fifth day a few bubbles1 rising from the
 bottom of the vessels1 at long         
intervals1 betokened the commencement of
 butyric fermentation1 a fact1 moreover1
 confirmed by the microscope1 in the    
appearance of the vibrios of this       
fermentation in specimens of the liquid 
taken from the bottom of the vessels1   
the middle of its mass1 and even in the 
layer on the surface that was swarming  
with bacteria4 ,we transferred the      
liquid so prepared to the #f litre flask
 arranged over the mercury4 ,by evening 
a tolerably active fermentation had     
begun to manifest itself4 ,on the #bdth 

this fermentation was proceeding with   
astonishing rapidity1 which continued   
during the #beth and #bfth4 ,during the 
evening of the #bfth it slackened1 and  
on the #bgth all signs of fermentation  
had ceased4 ,this was not1 as might be  
supposed1 a sudden stoppage due to some 
unknown cause2 the fermentation was     
actually completed1 for when we examined
 the fermented liquid on the #bhth we   
could not find the smallest quantity of 
lactate of lime4 ,if the needs of       
industry should ever require the        
production of large quantities of       
butyric acid1 there would1 beyond doubt1
 be found in the preceding fact valuable
 information in devising an easy method 
of preparing that product in abundance4 
,footnote3 ,in what way are we to       
account for so great a difference       
between the two fermentations that we   
have just described8 ,probably it was   
owing to some modification effected in  
the medium by the previous life of the  
bacteria1 or to the special character of

 the vibrios used in impregnation4 ,or1 
again1 it might have been due to the    
action of the air1 which1 under the     
conditions of our second experiment1 was
 not absolutely eliminated1 since we    
took no precaution against its          
introduction at the moment of filling   
our flask1 and this would tend to       
facilitate the multiplication of        
anaerobian vibrios1 just as1 under      
similar conditions1 would have been the 
case if we had been dealing with a      
fermentation by ordinary yeast4  ,before
 we go any further1 let us devote some  
attention to the vibrios of the         
preceding fermentations4  ,on ,may      
#bgth1 #ahfb1 we completely filled a    
flask capable of holding #b4ghj litres  
7about five pints7 with the solution of 
lactate and phosphates4 ,footnote3 ,in  
this case the liquid was composed as    
follows3 ,a saturated solution of       
lactate of lime1 at a temperature of #be
 degrees ,c4 7#gg degrees ,f471 was     
prepared1 containing for every #a,,oo   

cc4 7#c #a_/b fl4 oz47 #be4fe grammes   
7#cid grains7 of the lactate1 ,c#f ,h#e 
,o#e ,ca ,o 7,,new ,,notation1 ,c#f     
,h#aj ,ca ,o#f7 ,this solution was      
rendered very clear by the addition of  
#a gramme of phosphate of ammonia and   
subsequent filtration4 ,for a volume of 
#h litres 7#ad pints7 of this clear     
saturated solution we used 7#a gramme   
#ae4dc grains73       ,phosphate of     
ammonia4 444 4 444 4 444 4 444   #b     
grammes      ,phosphate of potassium4   
444 4 444 4 444 4 444 #a gramme         
,phosphate of magnesium4 444 4 444 4 444
 4 444 #a gramme      ,sulphate of      
ammonia4 444 4 444 4 444 4 444  #j4e    
gramme  ,we refrained from impregnating 
it with any germs4 ,the liquid became   
turbid from a development of bacteria   
and then underwent butyric fermentation4
 ,by ,june #ith the fermentation had    
become sufficiently active to enable us 
to collect in the course of twenty-four 
hours1 over mercury1 as in all our      
experiments1 about #ajj cc4 7about #f   

cubic inches7 of gas4 ,by ,june #aath1  
judging from the volume of gas liberated
 in the course of twenty-four hours1 the
 activity of the fermentation had       
doubled4 ,we examined a drop of the     
turbid liquid4 ,here are the notes      
accompanying the sketch 7,fig4 #ab7 as  
they stand in our note-book3 ,a swarm of
 vibrios1 so active in their movements  
that the eye has great difficulty in    
following them4 ,they may be seen in    
pairs throughout the field1 apparently  
making efforts to separate from each    
other4 ,the connection would seem to be 
by some invisible1 gelatinous thread1   
which yields so far to their efforts    
that they succeed in breaking away from 
actual contact1 but yet are1 for a      
while1 so far restrained that the       
movements of one have a visible effect  
on those of the other4 ,by and by1      
however1 we see a complete separation   
effected1 and each moves on its separate
 way with an activity greater than it   
ever had before4  ,illustration with    

caption3 ,fig4 #ab  ,one of the best    
methods that can be employed for the    
microscopical examination of these      
vibrios1 quite out of contact with air1 
is the following4 ,after butyric        
fermentation has been going on for      
several days in a flask1 7,fig4 #ac71 we
 connect this flask by an india-rubber  
tube with one of the flattened bulbs    
previously described1 which we then     
place on the stage of the microscope    
7,fig4 #ac74 ,when we wish to make an   
observation we close1 under the mercury1
 at the point ,b1 the end of the drawn- 
out and bent delivery-tube4 ,the        
continued evolution of gas soon exerts  
such a pressure within the flask1 that  
when we open the tap ,r1 the liquid is  
driven into the bulb ,,ll1 until it     
becomes quite full and the liquid flows 
over into the glass ,v4 ,in this manner 
we may bring the vibrios under          
observation without their coming into   
contact with the least trace of air1 and
 with as much success as if the bulb1   

which takes the place of an object      
glass1 had been plunged into the very   
centre of the flask4 ,the movements and 
fissiparous multiplication of the       
vibrios may thus be seen in all their   
beauty1 and it is indeed a most         
interesting sight4 ,the movements do not
 immediately cease when the temperature 
is suddenly lowered1 even to a          
considerable extent1 #ae degrees ,c4    
7#ei degrees ,f47 for example2 they are 
only slackened4 ,nevertheless1 it is    
better to observe them at the           
temperatures most favourable to         
fermentation1 even in the oven where the
 vessels employed in the experiment are 
kept at a temperature between #be       
degrees ,c4 and #cj degrees ,c4 7#gg    
degrees ,f4 and #hf degrees ,f474       
,illustration3 ,fig4 #ac  ,we may now   
continue our account of the fermentation
 which we were studying when we made    
this last digression4 ,on ,june #agth   
that fermentation produced three times  
as much gas as it did on ,june #aath1   

when the residue of hydrogen1 after     
absorption by potash1 was #gb4f per     
cent42 whilst on the #agth it was only  
#di4b per cent4 ,let us again discuss   
the microscopic aspect of the turbid    
liquid at this stage4 ,appended is the  
sketch we made 7,fig4 #ad7 and our notes
 on it3 ,a most beautiful object3       
vibrios all in motion1 advancing or     
undulating4 ,they have grown            
considerably in bulk and length since   
the #aath2 many of them are joined      
together in long sinuous chains1 very   
mobile at the articulations1 visibly    
less active and more wavering in        
proportion to the number that go to form
 the chain1 of the length of the        
individuals4 ,this description is       
applicable to the majority of the       
vibrios which occur in cylindrical rods 
and are homogeneous in aspect4 ,there   
are others1 of rare occurrence in       
chains1 which have a clear corpuscle1   
that is to say1 a portion more          
refractive than other parts of the      

segments1 at one of their extremities4  
,sometimes the foremost segment has the 
corpuscle at one end1 sometimes the     
other4 ,the long segments of the        
commoner kind attain a length of from   
#aj to #cj and even #de thousandths of a
 millimetre4 ,their diameter is from #a 
#a_/b to #b1 very rarely #c1 thousandths
 of a millimetre4 ,footnote3 #a         
millimetre  #j4jci inch3 hence the      
dimensions indicated will be--length1   
from #j4jjjci to #j4jjaag1 or even      
#j4jjagf in42 diameter1 from #j4jjjjeh  
to #j4jjjjgh1 rarely #j4jjjaag in4--,d4 
,c4 ,r4  ,illustration3 ,figure #ad4    
,on ,june #bhth1 fermentation was quite 
finished2 there was no longer any trace 
of gas1 nor any lactate in solution4    
,all the infusoria were lying motionless
 at the bottom of the flask4 ,the liquid
 clarified by degrees1 and in the course
 of a few days became quite bright4     
,here we may inquire1 were these        
motionless infusoria1 which from        
complete exhaustion of the lactate1 the 

source of the carbonaceous part of their
 food1 were now lying inert at the      
bottom of the fermenting vessel--were   
they dead beyond the power of revival8  
,footnote3 ,the carbonaceous supply1 as 
we remarked1 had failed them1 and to    
this failure the absence of vital       
action1 nutrition1 and multiplication   
was attributable4 ,the liquid1 however1 
contained butyrate of lime1 a salt      
possessing properties similar to those  
of the lactate4 ,why could not this salt
 equally well support the life of the   
vibrios8 ,the explanation of the        
difficulty seems to us to lie simply in 
the fact that lactic acid produces heat 
by its decomposition1 whilst butyric    
acid does not1 and the vibrios seem to  
require heat during the chemical process
 of their nutrition4 ,the following     
experiment leads us to believe that they
 were not perfectly lifeless1 and that  
they might behave in the same manner as 
the yeast of beer1 which1 after it has  
decomposed all the sugar in a           

fermentable liquid1 is ready to revive  
and multiply in a fresh saccharine      
medium4 ,on ,april #bbnd1 #ahge1 we left
 in the oven at a temperature of #be    
degrees ,c4 7#gg degrees ,f47 a         
fermentation of lactate of lime that had
 been completed4 ,the delivery tube of  
the flask ,a1 7,fig4 #ae71 in which it  
had taken place1 had never been         
withdrawn from under the mercury4 ,we   
kept the liquid under observation daily1
 and saw it gradually become brighter2  
this went on for fifteen days4 ,we then 
filled a similar flask1 ,b1 with the    
solution of lactate1 which we boiled1   
not only to kill the germs of vibrios   
which the liquid might contain1 but also
 to expel the air that it held in       
solution4 ,when the flask1 ,b1 had      
cooled1 we connected the two flasks1    
avoiding the introduction of air1       
,footnote3 ,to do this it is sufficient1
 first1 to fill the curved ends of the  
stop-cocked tubes of the flasks1 as well
 as the india-rubber tube ,c ,c which   

connects them1 with boiling water that  
contains no air4 after having slightly  
shaken the flask1 ,a1 to stir up the    
deposit at the bottom4 ,there was then a
 pressure due to carbonic acid at the   
end of the delivery tube of this latter 
flask1 at the point ,a1 so that on      
opening the taps ,r and ,s1 the deposit 
at the bottom of flask ,a was driven    
over into flask ,b1 which in consequence
 was impregnated with the deposit of a  
fermentation that had been completed    
fifteen days before4 ,two days after    
impregnation the flask ,b began to show 
signs of fermentation4 ,it follows that 
the deposit of vibrios of a completed   
butyric fermentation may be kept1 at    
least for a certain time1 without losing
 the power of causing fementation4 ,it  
furnishes a butyric ferment1 capable of 
revival and action in a suitable fresh  
fermentable medium4  ,illustration3     
,fig4 #ae  ,the reader who has          
attentively studied the facts which we  
have placed before him cannot1 in our   

opinion1 entertain the least doubt on   
the subject of the possible             
multiplication of the vibrios of a      
fermentation of lactate of lime out of  
contact with atmospheric oxygen4 ,if    
fresh proofs of this important          
proposition were necessary1 they might  
be found in the following observations1 
from which it may be inferred that      
atmospheric oxygen is capable of        
suddenly checking a fermentation        
produced by butyric vibrios1 and        
rendering them absolutely motionless1 so
 that it cannot be necessary to enable  
them to live4 ,on ,may #gth1 #ahfb1 we  
placed in the oven a flask holding      
#b4ehj litres 7#d #a_/b pints71 and     
filled with the solution of lactate of  
lime and phosphates1 which we had       
impregnated on the #ith with two drops  
of a liquid in butyric fermentation4 ,in
 the course of a few days fermentation  
declared itself3 on the #ahth it was    
active2 on the #cjth it was very active4
 ,on ,june #ast it yielded hourly #ce   

cc4 7#b4c cubic inches7 of gas1         
containing ten per cent1 of hydrogen4   
,on the #bnd we began the study of the  
action of air on the vibrios of this    
fermentation4 ,to do this we cut off the
 delivery-tube on a level with its point
 of junction to the flask1 then with a  
#ej cc4 pipette we took out that        
quantity 7#a #c_/d fl4 oz47 of liquid   
which was1 of course1 replaced at once  
by air4 ,we then reversed the flask with
 the opening under the mercury1 and     
shook it every ten minutes for more than
 an hour4 ,wishing to make sure1 to     
begin with1 that the oxygen had been    
absorbed we connected under the mercury 
the beak of the flask by means of a thin
 india-rubber tube filled with water1   
with a small flask1 the neck of which   
had been drawn out and was filled with  
water2 we then raised the large flask   
with the smaller kept above it4 ,a      
,mohr's clip1 which closed the          
india-rubber tube1 and which we then    
opened1 permitted the water contained in

 the small flask to pass into the large 
one1 whilst the gas1 on the contrary1   
passed upwards from the large flask into
 the small one4 ,we analyzed the gas    
immediately1 and found that1 allowing   
for the carbonic acid and hydrogen1 it  
did not contain more than #ad4b per     
cent4 of oxygen1 which corresponds to an
 absorption of #f4f cc41 or of #c4c cc4 
7#j4b cubic inch7 of oxygen for the #ej 
cc4 7#c4je cubic inches7 of air         
employed4 ,lastly1 we again established 
connection by an india- rubber tube     
between the flasks1 after having seen by
 microscopical examination that the     
movements of the vibrios were very      
languid4 ,fermentation had become less  
vigorous without having actually ceased1
 no doubt because some portions of the  
liquid had not been brought into contact
 with the atmospheric oxygen1 in spite  
of the prolonged shaking that the flask 
had undergone after the introduction of 
the air4 ,whatever the cause might have 
been1 the significance of the phenomenon

 is not doubtful4 ,to assure ourselves  
further of the effect of air on the     
vibrios1 we half filled two test tubes  
with the fermenting liquid taken from   
another fermentation which had also     
attained its maximum of intensity1 into 
one of which we passed a current of air1
 into the other carbonic acid gas4 ,in  
the course of half an hour1 all the     
vibrios in the aerated tube were dead1  
or at least motionless1 and fermentation
 had ceased4 ,in the other tube1 after  
three hours' exposure to the effects of 
the carbonic acid gas1 the vibrios were 
still very active1 and fermentation was 
going on4  ,there is a most simple      
method of observing the deadly effect of
 atmospheric air upon vibrios4 ,we have 
seen in the microscopical examination   
made by means of the apparatus          
represented in ,,fig4 #ac1 how          
remarkable were the movements of the    
vibrios when absolutely deprived of air1
 and how easy it was to discern them4   
,we will repeat this observation1 and at

 the same time make a comparative study 
of the same liquid under the microscope 
in the ordinary way1 that is to say1 by 
placing a drop of the liquid on an      
object-glass1 and covering it with a    
thin glass slip1 a method which must    
necessarily bring the drop into contact 
with air1 if only for a moment4 ,it is  
surprising what a remarkable difference 
is observed immediately between the     
movements of the vibrios in the bulb and
 those under the glass4 ,in the case of 
the latter1 we generally see all        
movement at once cease near the edges of
 the glass1 where the drop of liquid is 
in direct contact with the air2 the     
movements continue for a longer or      
shorter time about the centre1 in       
proportion as the air is more or less   
intercepted by the vibrios at the       
circumference of the liquid4 ,it does   
not require much skill in experiments of
 this kind to enable one to see plainly 
that immediately after the glass has    
been placed on the drop1 which has been 

affected all over by atmospheric air1   
the whole of the vibrios seem to        
languish and to manifest symptoms of    
illness--we can think of no better      
expression to explain what we see taking
 place--and that they gradually recover 
their activity about the centre1 in     
proportion as they find themselves in a 
part of the medium that is less affected
 by the presence of oxygen4  ,some of   
the most curious facts are to be found  
in connection with an observation1 the  
correlative and inverse of the          
foregoing1 on the ordinary aerobian     
bacteria4 ,if we examine below the      
microscope a drop of liquid full of     
these organisms under a coverslip1 we   
very soon observe a cessation of motion 
in all the bacteria which lie in the    
central portion of the liquid1 where the
 oxygen rapidly disappears to supply the
 necessities of the bacteria existing   
there2 whilst1 on the other hand1 near  
the edges of the cover-glass the        
movements are very active1 in           

consequence of the constant supply of   
air4 ,in spite of the speedy death of   
the bacteria beneath the centre of the  
glass1 we see life prolonged there if by
 chance a bubble of air has been        
enclosed4 ,all round this bubble a vast 
number of bacteria collect in a thick1  
moving circle1 but as soon as all the   
oxygen of the bubble has been absorbed  
they fall apparently lifeless1 and are  
scattered by the movement of the liquid4
 ,footnote3 ,we find this fact1 which we
 published as long ago as #ahfc1        
confirmed in a work of ,h4 ,hoffman's1  
published in #ahfa under the title of   
,memoire sur les bacteries1 which has   
appeared in ,french 7,annales des       
,sciences naturelles1 #eth series1 vol4 
ix474 ,on this subject we may cite an   
observation that has not yet been       
published4 ,aerobian bacteria lose all  
power of movement when suddenly plunged 
into carbonic acid gas2 they recover it1
 however1 as if they had only been      
suffering from anaesthesia1 as soon as  

they are brought into the air again4    
,we may here be permitted to add1 as a  
purely historical matter1 that it was   
these two observations just described1  
made successively one day in #ahfa1 on  
vibrios and bacteria1 that first        
suggested to us the idea of the         
possibility of life without air1 and    
caused us to think that the vibrios     
which we met so frequently in our lactic
 fermentations must be the true butyric 
ferment4  ,we may pause to consider an  
interesting question in reference to the
 two characters under which vibrios     
appear in butyric fermentations4 ,what  
is the reason that some vibrios exhibit 
refractive corpuscles1 generally of a   
lenticular form1 such as we see in      
,,fig4 #ad4 ,we are strongly inclined to
 believe that these corpuscles have to  
do with a special mode of reproduction  
in the vibrios1 common alike to the     
anaerobian forms which we are studying1 
and the ordinary aerobian forms in which
 also the corpuscles of which we are    

speaking may occur4 ,the explanation of 
the phenomenon1 from our point of view1 
would be that1 after a certain number of
 fisiparous generations1 and under the  
influence of variations in the          
composition of the medium1 which is     
constantly changing through fermentation
 as well as through the active life of  
the vibrios themselves1 cysts1 which are
 simply the refractive corpuscles1 form 
along them at different points4 ,from   
these gemmules we have ultimately       
produced vibrios1 ready to reproduce    
others by the process of transverse     
division for a certain time1 to be      
themselves encysted1 later on4 ,various 
observations incline us to believe that1
 in their ordinary form of minute1 soft1
 exuberant rods1 the vibrios perish when
 submitted to desiccation1 but when they
 occur in corpuscular or encysted form  
they possess unusual powers of          
resistance and may be brought to the    
state of dry dust and be wafted about by
 winds4 ,none of the matter which       

surrounds the corpuscle or cyst seems to
 take part in the preservation of the   
germ1 when the cyst is formed1 for it is
 all re-absorbed1 gradually leaving the 
cyst bare4 ,the cysts appear as masses  
of corpuscles1 in which the most        
practiced eye cannot detect anything of 
an organic nature1 or anything to remind
 one of the vibrios which produced them2
 nevertheless1 these minute bodies are  
endowed with a latent vital action1 and 
only await favourable conditions to     
develop long rods of vibrios4 ,we are   
not1 it is true1 in a position to adduce
 any very forcible proofs in support of 
these opinions4 ,they have been         
suggested to us by experiments1 none of 
which1 however1 have been absolutely    
decisive in their favour4 ,we may cite  
one of our observations on this subject4
  ,in a fermentation of glycerine in a  
mineral medium--the glycerine was       
fermenting under the influence of       
butyric vibrios--after we had determined
 the1 we may say1 exclusive presence of 

lenticular vibrios1 with refractive     
corpuscles1 we observed the             
fermentation1 which for some unknown    
reason had been very languid1 suddenly  
become extremely active1 but now through
 the influence of the ordinary vibrios4 
,the gemmules with brilliant corpuscles 
had almost disappeared2 we could see but
 very few1 and those now consisted of   
the refractive bodies alone1 the bulk of
 the vibrios accompanying them having   
undergone some process of re-absorption4
  ,another observation which still more 
closely accords with this hypothesis is 
given in our work on silk-worm disease  
7vol4 #a1 p4 #bef74 ,we there           
demonstrated that1 when we place in     
water some of the dust formed of        
desiccated vibrios1 containing a host of
 these refractive corpuscles1 in the    
course of a very few hours large vibrios
 appear1 well-developed rods fully      
grown1 in which the brilliant points are
 absent2 whilst in the water no process 
of development from smaller vibrios is  

to be discerned1 a fact which seems to  
show that the former had issued fully   
grown from the refractive corpuscles1   
just as we see colpoda issue with their 
adult aspect from the dust of their     
cysts4 ,this observation1 we may remark1
 furnishes one of the best proofs that  
can be adduced against the spontaneous  
generation of vibrios or bacteria1 since
 it is probable that the same           
observation applies to bacteria4 ,it is 
true that we cannot say of mere points  
of dust examined under the microscope1  
that one particular germ belongs to     
vibrio1 another to bacterium2 but how is
 it possible to doubt that the vibrios  
issue1 as we see them1 from an ovum of  
some kind1 a cyst1 or germ1 of          
determinate character1 when1 after      
having placed some of those             
indeterminate motes of dust into clean  
water1 we suddenly see1 after an        
interval of not more than one or two    
hours1 an adult vibrio crossing the     
field of the microscope1 without our    

having been able to detect any          
intermediate state between its birth and
 adolescence8  ,illustration3 ,fig4 #af 
,it is a question whether differences in
 the aspect and nature of vibrios1 which
 depend upon their more or less advanced
 age1 or are occasioned by the influence
 of certain conditions on the medium in 
which they propagate1 do not bring about
 corresponding changes in the course of 
the fermentation and the nature of its  
products4 ,judging at least from the    
variations in the proportions of        
hydrogen1 and carbonic acid gas produced
 in butyric fermentations1 we are       
inclined to think that this must be the 
case2 nay1 more1 we find that hydrogen  
is not even a constant product in these 
fermentations4 ,we have met with butyric
 fermentations of lactate of lime which 
did not yield the minutest trace of     
hydrogen1 or anything besides carbonic  
acid4 ,fig4 #af represents the vibrios  
which we observed in a fermentation of  
this kind4 ,they present no special     

features4 ,butyl alcohol is1 according  
to our observations1 an ordinary        
product1 although it varies and is by no
 means a necessary concomitant of these 
fermentations4 ,it might be supposed1   
since butylic alcohol may be produced   
and hydrogen be in deficit1 that the    
proportion of the former of these       
products would attain its maximum when  
the latter assumed a minimum4 ,this1    
however1 is by no means the case2 even  
in those few fermentations that we have 
met with in which hydrogen was absent1  
there was no formation of butylic       
alcohol4  ,from a consideration of all  
the facts detailed in this section we   
can have no hesitation in concluding    
that1 on the one hand1 in cases of      
butyric fermentation1 the vibrios which 
abound in them and constitute their     
ferment1 live without air or free       
oxygen2 and that1 on the other hand1 the
 presence of gaseous oxygen operates    
prejudicially against the movements and 
activity of those vibrios4 ,but how does

 it follow that the presence of minute  
quantities of air brought into contact  
with a liquid undergoing butyric        
fermention would prevent the continuance
 of that fermentation or even exercise  
any check upon it8 ,we have not made any
 direct experiments upon this subject2  
but we should not be surprised to find  
that1 so far from hindering1 air may1   
under such circumstances1 facilitate the
 propagation of the vibrios and         
accelerate fermentation4 ,this is       
exactly what happens in the case of     
yeast4 ,but how could we reconcile this1
 supposing it were proved to be the     
case1 with the fact just insisted on as 
to the danger of bringing the butyric   
vibrios into contact with air8 ,it may  
be possible that ,,life ,,without ,,air 
results from habit1 whilst ,,death      
,,through ,,air may be brought about by 
a sudden change in the conditions of the
 existence of the vibrios4 ,the         
following remarkable experiment is      
well-known3 ,a bird is placed in a glass

 jar of one or two litres 7#fj to #abj  
cubic inches7 in capacity which is then 
closed4 ,after a time the creature shows
 every sign of intense uneasiness and   
asphyxia long before it dies2 a similar 
bird of the same size is introduced into
 the jar2 the death of the latter takes 
place instanteously1 whilst the life of 
the former may still be prolonged under 
these conditions for a considerable     
time1 and there is no1 difficulty even  
in restoring the bird to perfect health 
by taking it out of the jar4 ,it seems  
impossible to deny that we have here a  
case of the adaptation of an organism to
 the gradual contamination of the       
medium2 and so it may likewise happen   
that the anaerobian vibrios of a butyric
 fermentation1 which develop and        
multiply absolutely without free oxygen1
 perish immediately when suddenly taken 
out of their airless medium1 and that   
the result might be different if they   
had been gradually brought under the    
action of air in small quantities at a  

time4  ,we are compelled here to admit  
that vibrios frequently abound in       
liquids exposed to the air1 and that    
they appropriate the atmospheric oxygen1
 and could not withstand a sudden       
removal from its influence4 ,must we1   
then1 believe that such vibrios are     
absolutely different from those of      
butyric fermentations8 ,it would1       
perhaps1 be more natural to admit that  
in the one case there is an adaptation  
to life with air1 and in the other case 
an adaptation to life without air2 each 
of the varieties perishing when suddenly
 transferred from its habitual condition
 to that of the other1 whilst by a      
series of progressive changes one might 
be modified into the other4 ,footnote3  
,these doubts might be easily removed by
 putting the matter to the test of      
direct experiment4 ,we know that in the 
case of alcoholic ferments1 although    
these can actually live without air1    
propagation is wonderfully assisted by  
the presence of minute quantities of    

air2 and certain experiments which we   
have not yet published lead us to       
believe that1 after having lived without
 air1 they cannot be suddenly exposed   
with impunity to the influence of large 
quantities of oxygen4  ,we must not     
forget1 however1 that aerobian torulae  
and anaerobian ferments present an      
example of organisms apparently         
identical1 in which1 however1 we have   
not yet been able to discover any ties  
of a common origin4 ,hence we are forced
 to regard them as a distinct species2  
and so it is possible that there may    
likewise be aerobian and anaerobian     
vibrios without any transformation of   
the one into the other4  ,the question  
has been raised whether vibrios1        
especially those which we have shown to 
be the ferment of butyric and many other
 fermentations1 are in their nature1    
animal or vegetable4 ,m4 ,ch4 ,robin    
attaches great importance to the        
solution of this question1 of which he  
speaks as follows3 ,footnote3 ,,robin1  

,sur la nature des fermentations1 c4    
7,journal de l',academie et de la       
,physiologie1 ,july and ,august1 #ahge1 
,p4 #chf74 ,the determination of the    
nature1 whether animal or vegetable1 of 
organisms1 either as a whole or in      
respect to their anatomical parts1      
assimilative or reproductive1 is a      
problem which has been capable of       
solution for a quarter of a century4    
,the method has been brought to a state 
of remarkable precision1 experimentally1
 as well as in its theoretical aspects1 
since those who devote their attention  
to the organic sciences consider it     
indispensable in every observation and  
experiment to determine accurately1     
before anything else1 whether the object
 of their study is animal or vegetable  
in its nature1 whether adult or         
otherwise4 ,to neglect this is as       
serious an omission for such students as
 for chemists would be the neglecting to
 determine whether it is nitrogen or    
hydrogen1 urea or stearine1 that has    

been extracted from a tissue1 or which  
it is whose combinations they are       
studying in this or that chemical       
operation4 ,now1 scarcely any one of    
those who study fermentations1 properly 
so-called1 and putrefactions1 ever pay  
any attention to the preceding data4 444
 ,among the observers to whom ,i allude1
 even ,m4 ,pasteur is to be found1 who1 
even in his most recent communications1 
omits to state definitely what is the   
nature of many of the ferments which he 
has studied1 with the exception1        
however1 of those which belong to the   
cryptogamic group called torulaceae4    
,various passages in his work seem to   
show that he considers the cryptogamic  
organisms called bacteria1 as well as   
those known as vibrios1 as belonging to 
the animal kingdom 7see ,bulletin de    
l',academie de ,medecine1 ,paris1 #ahge1
 pp4 #bdi1 #bea1 especially #bef1 #bff1 
#bfg1 #bhi1 and #bij74 ,these would be  
very different1 at least                
physiologically1 the former being       

anaerobian1 that is to say1 requiring no
 air to enable them to live1 and being  
killed by oxygen1 should it be dissolved
 in the liquid to any considerable      
extent4  ,we are unable to see the      
matter in the same light as our learned 
colleague does2 to our thinking1 we     
should be labouring under a great       
delusion were we to suppose that it is  
quite as serious an omission not to     
determine the animal or vegetable nature
 of a ferment as it would be to confound
 nitrogen with hydrogen or urea with    
stearine4 ,the importance of the        
solutions of disputed questions often   
depends on the point of view from which 
these are regarded4 ,as far as the      
result of our labours is concerned1 we  
devoted our attention to these two      
questions exclusively3 #a4 ,is the      
ferment1 in every fermentation properly 
so called1 an organized being8 #b4 ,can 
this organized being live without air8  
,now1 what bearing can the question of  
the animal or vegetable nature of the   

ferment1 of the organized being1 have   
upon the investigation of these two     
problems8 ,in studying butyric          
fermentation1 for example1 we           
endeavoured to establish these two      
fundamental points2 #a4 ,the ,,butyric  
,,ferment ,,is ,a ,,vibrio4 #b4 ,,this  
,,vibrio ,,may ,,dispense ,,with ,,air  
,,in ,,its ,,life1 ,,and1 ,,as ,a       
,,matter ,,of ,,fact1 ,,does ,,dispense 
,,with ,,it ,,in ,,the ,,act ,,of       
,,producing ,,butyric ,,fermentation4   
,we did not consider it at all necessary
 to pronounce any opinion as to the     
animal or vegetable nature of this      
organism1 and1 even up to the present   
moment1 the idea that vibrio is an      
animal and not a plant is in our minds1 
a matter of sentiment rather than of    
conviction4  ,m4 ,robin1 however1 would 
have no difficulty in determining the   
limits of the two kingdoms4 ,according  
to him1 every variety of cellulose is1  
we may say1 insoluble in ammonia1 as    
also are the reproductive elements of   

plants1 whether male or female4         
,whatever phase of evolution the        
elements which reproduce a new          
individual may have reached1 treatment  
with this reagent1 either cold or raised
 to boiling1 leaves them absolutely     
intact under the eyes of the observer1  
except that their contents1 from being  
partially dissolved1 become more        
transparent4 ,every vegetable whether   
microscopic or not1 every mycelium and  
every spore1 thus preserves in its      
entirety its special characteristics of 
form1 volume and structural             
arrangements2 whilst in the case of     
microscopic animals1 or the ova and     
microscopic embryos of different members
 of the animal kingdom1 the very        
opposite is the case4  ,we should be    
glad to learn that the employment of a  
drop of ammonia would enable us to      
pronounce an opinion with this degree of
 confidence on the nature of the lowest 
microscopic beings2 but is ,m4 ,robin   
absolutely correct in his assumptions8  

,that gentleman himself remarks that    
spermatozoa1 which belong to animal     
organisms1 are insoluble in ammonia1 the
 effect of which is merely to make them 
paler4 ,if a difference of action in    
certain reagents1 in ammonia1 for       
example1 were sufficient to determine   
the limits of the animal and vegetable  
kingdoms1 might we not argue that there 
must be a very great and natural        
difference between moulds and bacteria1 
inasmuch as the presence of a small     
quantity of acid in the nutritive medium
 facilitates the growth and propagation 
of the former1 whilst it is able to     
prevent the life of bacteria and        
vibrios8 ,although as is well known1    
movement is not an exclusive            
characteristic of animals1 yet we have  
always been inclined to regard vibrios  
as animals1 on account of the peculiar  
character of their movements4 ,how      
greatly they differ in this respect from
 the diatomacae1 for example6 ,when the 
vibrio encounters an obstacle it turns1 

or after assuring itself by some visual 
effort or other that it cannot overcome 
it1 it retraces its steps4 ,the         
colpoda--undoubted infusoria--behave in 
an exactly similar manner4 ,it is true  
one may argue that the zoospores of     
certain cryptogamia exhibit similar     
movements2 but do not these zoospores   
possess as much of an animal nature as  
do the spermatozoa8 ,as far as bacteria 
are concerned1 when1 as already         
remarked1 we see them crowd round a     
bubble of air in a liquid to prolong    
their life1 oxygen having failed them   
everywhere else1 how can we avoid       
believing that they are animated by an  
instinct for life1 of the same kind that
 we find in animals8 ,m4 ,robin seems to
 us to be wrong in supposing that it is 
possible to draw any absolute line of   
separation between the animal and       
vegetable kingdoms4 ,the settlement of  
this line however1 we repeat again1 no  
matter what it may be1 has no serious   
bearing upon the questions that have    

been the subject of our researches4  ,in
 like manner the difficulty which ,m4   
,robin has raised in objecting to the   
employment of the word ,,germ1 when we  
cannot specify whether the nature of    
that germ is animal or vegetable1 is in 
many respects an unnecessary one4 ,in   
all the questions which we have         
discussed1 whether we were speaking of  
fermentation or spontaneous generation1 
the word ,,germ has been used in the    
sense of ,,origin ,,of ,,living         
,,organism4 ,if ,liebig1 for example1   
said of an albuminous substance that it 
gave birth to ferment1 could we         
contradict him more plainly than by     
replying ,no2 ferment is an organized   
being1 the germ of which is always      
present1 and the albuminous substance   
merely serves by its occurrence to      
nourish the germ and its successive     
generations8  ,in our ,memoir of #ahfb1 
on so-called ,,spontaneous generations1 
would it not have been an entire mistake
 to have attempted to assign specific   

names to the microscopic organisms which
 we met with in the course of our       
observations8 ,not only would we have   
met with extreme difficulty in the      
attempt1 arising from the state of      
extreme confusion which even in the     
present day exists in the classification
 and nomenclature of these microscopic  
organisms1 but we should have been      
forced to sacrifice clearness in our    
work besides2 at all events1 we should  
have wandered from our principal object1
 which was the determination of the     
presence or absence of life in general1 
and had nothing to do with the          
manifestation of a particular kind of   
life in this or that species1 animal or 
vegetable4 ,thus we have systematically 
employed the vaguest nomenclature1 such 
as mucors1 torulae1 bacteria1 and       
vibrios4 ,there was nothing arbitrary in
 our doing this1 whereas there is much  
that is arbitrary in adopting a definite
 system of nomenclature1 and applying it
 to organisms but imperfectly known1 the

 differences or resemblances between    
which are only recognizable through     
certain characteristics1 the true       
signification of which is obscure4      
,take1 for example1 the extensive array 
of widely different systems which have  
been invented during the last few years 
for the species of the genera bacterium 
and vibrio in the works of ,cohn1 ,h4   
,hoffmann1 ,hallier1 and ,billroth4 ,the
 confusion which prevails here is very  
great1 although we do not of course by  
any means place these different works on
 the same footing as regards their      
respective merits4  ,m4 ,robin is1      
however1 right in recognizing the       
impossibility of maintaining in the     
present day1 as he formerly did1 ,that  
fermentation is an exterior phenomenon1 
going on outside cryptogamic cells1 a   
phenomenon of contact4 ,it is probably1 
he adds1 an interior and molecular      
action at work in the innermost recesses
 of the substance of each cell4 ,from   
the day when we first proved that it is 

possible for all organized ferments1    
properly so called1 to spring up and    
multiply from their respective germs1   
sown1 whether consciously or by         
accident1 in a mineral medium free from 
organic and nitrogenous matters other   
than ammonia1 in which medium the       
fermentable matter alone is adapted to  
provide the ferment with whatever carbon
 enters into its composition1 from that 
time forward the theories of ,liebig1 as
 well of ,berzelius1 which ,m4 ,robin   
formerly defended1 have had to give     
place to others more in harmony with    
facts4 ,we trust that the day will come 
when ,m4 ,robin will likewise           
acknowledge that he has been in error on
 the subject of the doctrine of         
spontaneous generation1 which he        
continues to affirm1 without adducing   
any direct proofs in support of it1 at  
the end of the article to which we have 
been here replying4  ,we have devoted   
the greater part of this chapter to the 
establishing with all possible exactness

 the extremely important physiological  
fact of life without air1 and its       
correlation to the phenomena of         
fermentations properly so called--that  
is to say1 of those which are due to the
 presence of microscopic cellular       
organisms4 ,this is the chief basis of  
the new theory that we propose for the  
explanation of these phenomena4 ,the    
details into which we have entered were 
indispensable on account of the novelty 
of the subject no less than on account  
of the necessity we were under of       
combating the criticisms of the two     
,german naturalists1 ,drs4 ,oscar       
,brefeld and ,traube1 whose works had   
cast some doubts on the correctness of  
the facts upon which we had based the   
preceding propositions4 ,we have much   
pleasure in adding that at the very     
moment we were revising the proofs of   
this chapter1 we received from ,m4      
,brefeld an essay1 dated ,berlin1       
,january1 #ahgf1 in which1 after        
describing his later experimental       

researches1 he owns with praiseworthy   
frankness that ,dr4 ,traube and he were 
both of them mistaken4 ,life without air
 is now a proposition which he accepts  
as perfectly demonstrated4 ,he has      
witnessed it in the case of ,mucor      
racemosus and has also verified it in   
the case of yeast4 ,if1 he says1 after  
the results of my previous researches1  
which ,i conducted with all possible    
exactness1 ,i was inclined to consider  
,pasteur's assertion as inaccurate and  
to attack them1 ,i have no hesitation   
now in recognizing them as true1 and in 
proclaiming the service which ,pasteur  
has rendered to science in being the    
first to indicate the exact relation of 
things in the phenomenon of             
fermentation4 ,in his later researches1 
,dr4 ,brefeld has adopted the method    
which we have long employed for         
demonstrating the life and              
multiplication of butyric vibrios in the
 entire absence of air1 as well as the  
method of conducting growths in mineral 

media associated with fermentable       
substance4 ,we need not pause to        
consider certain other secondary        
criticisms of ,dr4 ,brefeld4 ,a perusal 
of the present work will1 we trust1     
convince him that they are based on no  
surer foundation than were his former   
criticisms4  ,to bring one's self to    
believe in a truth that has just dawned 
upon one is the first step towards      
progress2 to persuade others is the     
second4 ,there is a third step1 less    
useful perhaps1 but highly gratifying   
nevertheless1 which is1 to convince     
one's opponents4  ,we therefore1 have   
experienced great satisfaction in       
learning that we have won over to our   
ideas an observer of singular ability1  
on a subject which is of the utmost     
importance to the physiology of cells4  
,,vi4 ,,reply ,,to ,,the ,,critical     
,,observations ,,of ,,liebig1           
,,published ,,in #ahgj4  ,footnote3     
,,liebig1 ,sur la fermentation et la    
source de la force musculaire 7,annales 

de ,chimie et de ,physique1 #dth series1
 t4 xxiii41 p4 #e1 #ahgj74  ,in the     
,memoir which we published1 in #ahfj1 on
 alcoholic fermentation1 and in several 
subsequent works1 we were led to a      
different conclusion on the causes of   
this very remarkable phenomenon from    
that which ,liebig had adopted4 ,the    
opinions of ,mitscherlich and ,berzelius
 had ceased to be tenable in the        
presence of the new facts which we had  
brought to light4 ,from that time we    
felt sure that the celebrated chemist of
 ,munich had adopted our conclusions1   
from the fact that he remained silent on
 this question for a long time1 although
 it had been until then the constant    
subject of his study1 as is shown by all
 his works4 ,suddenly there appeared in 
the ,annales de ,chimie et de ,physique 
a long essay1 reproduced from a lecture 
delivered by him before the ,academy of 
,bavaria in #ahfh and #ahfi4 ,in this   
,liebig again maintained1 not1 however1 
without certain modifications1 the views

 which he had expressed in his former   
publications1 and disputed the          
correctness of the principal facts      
enunciated in our ,memoir of #ahfj1 on  
which were based the arguments against  
his theory4  ,i had admitted1 he says1  
that the resolution of fermentable      
matter into compounds of a simpler kind 
must be traced to some process of       
decomposition taking place in the       
ferment1 and that the action of this    
same ferment on the fermentable matter  
must continue or cease according to the 
prolongation or cessation of the        
alteration produced in the ferment4 ,the
 molecular change in the sugar1 would1  
consequently1 be brought about by the   
destruction or modification of one or   
more of the component parts of the      
ferment1 and could only take place      
through the contact of the two          
substances4 ,m4 ,pasteur regards        
fermentation in the following light3    
,the chemical action of fermentation is 
essentially a phenomenon correlative    

with a vital action1 beginning and      
ending with it4 ,he believes that       
alcoholic fermentation can never occur  
without the simultaneous occurrence of  
organization1 development1 and          
multiplication of globules1 or          
continuous life1 carried on from        
globules already formed4 ,but the idea  
that the decomposition of sugar during  
fermentation is due to the development  
of the cellules of the ferment1 is in   
contradiction with the fact that the    
ferment is able to bring about the      
fermentation of a pure solution of      
sugar4 ,the greater part of the ferment 
is composed of a substance that is rich 
in nitrogen and contains sulphur4 ,it   
contains1 moreover1 an appreciable      
quantity of phosphates1 hence it is     
difficult to conceive how1 in the       
absence of these elements in a pure     
solution of sugar undergoing            
fermentation1 the number of cells is    
capable of any increase4                
,notwithstanding ,liebig's belief to the

 contrary1 the idea that the            
decomposition of sugar during           
fermentation is intimately connected    
with a development of the cellules of   
the ferment1 or a prolongation of the   
life of cellules already formed1 is in  
no way opposed to the fact that the     
ferment is capable of bringing about the
 fermentation of a pure solution of     
sugar4 ,it is manifest to any one who   
has studied such fermentation with the  
microscope1 even in those cases where   
the sweetened water has been absolutely 
pure1 that ferment-cells do multiply1   
the reason being that the cells carry   
with them all the food-supplies         
necessary for the life of the ferment4  
,they may be observed budding1 at least 
many of them1 and there can be no doubt 
that those which do not bud still       
continue to live2 life has other ways of
 manifesting itself besides development 
and cell-proliferation4  ,if we refer to
 the figures on page #ha of our ,memoir 
of #ahfj1 ,experiments ,d1 ,e1 ,f1 ,h1  

,i1 we shall see that the weight of     
yeast1 in the case of the fermentation  
of a pure solution of sugar1 undergoes a
 considerable increase1 even without    
taking into account the fact that the   
sugared water gains from the yeast      
certain soluble parts1 since in the     
experiments just mentioned1 the weights 
of solid yeast1 washed and dried at #ajj
 degrees ,c4 7#bab degrees ,f471 are    
much greater than those of the raw yeast
 employed1 dried at the same            
temperature4  ,in these experiments we  
employed the following weights of yeast1
 expressed in grammes 7#a gramme#ae4dc  
grains73  7#a7 #b4cac  7#b7 #b4fbf  7#c7
 #a4aih  7#d7 #j4fii  7#e7 #j4cbf  7#f7 
#j4dgf  which became1 after             
fermentation1 we repeat1 without taking 
into account the matters which the      
sugared water gained from the yeast3    
grammes4   grains4 7#a7 #b4dhf          
,increase #j4agc    #b4fe  7#b7 #b4ifc  
,increase #j4ccg    #e4af  7#c7 #a4gjj  
,increase #j4ejb    #g4g  7#d7 #j4gab   

,increase #j4jac    #j4b  7#e7 #j4cbe   
,increase #j4jji    #j4ad  7#f7 #j4eij  
,increase #j4aad    #a4ge  ,have we not 
in this marked increase in weight a     
proof of life1 or1 to adopt an          
expression which may be preferred1 a    
proof of a profound chemical work of    
nutrition and assimilation8  ,we may    
cite on this subject one of our earlier 
experiments1 which is to be found in the
 ,comptes rendus de l',academie for the 
year #aheg1 and which clearly shows the 
great influence exerted on fermentation 
by the soluble portion that the sugared 
water takes up from the globules of     
ferment3  ,we take two equal quantities 
of fresh yeast that have been washed    
very freely4 ,one of these we cause to  
ferment in water containing nothing but 
sugar1 and1 after removing from the     
other all its soluble particles--by     
boiling it in an excess of water and    
then filtering it to separate the       
globules--we add to the filtered liquid 
as much sugar as was used in the first  

case along with a mere trace of fresh   
yeast insufficient1 as far as its weight
 is concerned1 to affect the results of 
our experiment4 ,the globules which we  
have sown bud1 the liquid becomes       
turbid1 a deposit of yeast gradually    
forms1 and1 side by side with these     
appearances1 the decomposition of the   
sugar is effected1 and in the course of 
a few hours manifests itself clearly4   
,these results are such as we might have
 anticipated4 ,the following fact1      
however1 is of importance4 ,in effecting
 by these means the organization into   
globules of the soluble part of the     
yeast that we used in the second case1  
we find that a considerable quantity of 
sugar is decomposed4 ,the following are 
the results of our experiment2 #e       
grammes of yeast caused the fermentation
 of #ab4i grammes of sugar in six days1 
at the end of which time it was         
exhausted4 ,the soluble portion of a    
like quantity of #e grammes of the same 
yeast caused the fermentation of #aj    

grammes of sugar in nine days1 after    
which the yeast developed by the sowing 
was likewise exhausted4  ,how is it     
possible to maintain that1 in the       
fermentation of water containing nothing
 but sugar1 the soluble portion of the  
yeast does not act1 either in the       
production of new globules or the       
perfection of old ones1 when we see1 in 
the preceding experiment1 that after    
this nitrogenous and mineral portion has
 been removed by boiling1 it immediately
 serves for the production of new       
globules1 which1 under the influence of 
the sowing of a mere trace of globules1 
causes the fermentation of so much      
sugar8 ,footnote3 ,it is important that 
we should here remark that1 in the      
fermentation of pure solution of sugar  
by means of yeast1 the oxygen originally
 dissolved in the water1 as well as that
 appropriated by the globules of yeast  
in their contact with air1 has a        
considerable effect on the activity of  
the fermentation4 ,as a matter of fact1 

if we pass a strong current of carbonic 
acid through the sugared water and the  
water in which the yeast has been       
treated1 the fermentation will be       
rendered extremely sluggish1 and the few
 new cells of yeast which form will     
assume strange and abnormal aspects4    
,indeed this might have been expected1  
for we have seen that yeast1 when       
somewhat old1 is incapable of           
development or of causing fermentation  
even in a fermentable medium containing 
all the nutritive principles of yeast if
 the liquid has been deprived of air2   
much more should we expect this to be   
the case in pure sugared water1 likewise
 deprived of air4  ,in short1 ,liebig is
 not justified in saying that the       
solution of pure sugar1 caused to       
ferment by means of yeast1 contains none
 of the elements needed for the growth  
of yeast1 neither nitrogen1 sulphur nor 
phosphorus1 and that1 consequently1 it  
should not be possible1 by our theory1  
for the sugar to ferment4 ,on the       

contrary1 the solution does contain all 
these elements1 as a consequence of the 
introduction and presence of the yeast4 
,let us proceed without examination of  
,liebig's criticisms3  ,to this1 he goes
 on to say1 must be added the           
decomposing action which yeast exercises
 on a great number of substances1 and   
which resembles that which sugar        
undergoes4 ,i have shown that malate of 
lime ferments readily enough through the
 action of yeast1 and that it splits up 
into three other calcareous salts1      
namely1 the acetate1 the carbonate and  
the succinate4 ,if the action of yeast  
consists in its increase and            
multiplication1 it is difficult to      
conceive this action in the case of     
malate of lime and other calcareous     
salts of vegetable acids4  ,this        
statement1 with all due deference to the
 opinion of our illustrious critic1 is  
by no means correct4 ,yeast has no      
action on malate of lime1 or on other   
calcareous salts formed by vegetable    

acids4 ,liebig had previously1 much to  
his own satisfaction1 brought forward   
urea as being capable of transformation 
into carbonate of ammonia during        
alcoholic fermentation in contact with  
yeast4 ,this has been proved to be      
erroneous4 ,it is an error of the same  
kind that ,liebig again brings forward  
here4 ,in the fermentation of which he  
speaks 7that of malate of lime71 certain
 spontaneous ferments are produced1 the 
germs of which are associated with the  
yeast1 and develop in the mixture of    
yeast and malate4 ,the yeast merely     
serves as a source of food for these new
 ferments without taking any direct part
 in the fermentations of which we are   
speaking4 ,our researches leave no doubt
 on this point1 as is evident from the  
observations on the fermentation of     
tartrate of lime previously given4  ,it 
is true that there are circumstances    
under which yeast brings about          
modifications in different substances4  
,doebereiner and1 ,mitscherlich1 more   

especially1 have shown that yeast       
imparts to water a soluble material1    
which liquefies cane-sugar and produces 
inversion in it by causing it to take up
 the elements of water1 just as diastase
 behaves to starch or emulsin to        
amygdalin4  ,m4 ,berthelot also has     
shown that this substance may be        
isolated by precipitating it with       
alcohol1 in the same way as diastase is 
precipitated from its solutions4        
,footnote3 ,,doebereiner1 ,journal de   
,chimie de ,schweigger1 vol4 xii41 p4   
#abi1 and ,journal de ,pharmacie1 vol4  
i41 p4 #cdb4  ,,mitscherlich1           
,monatsberichte d4 ,kon4 ,preuss4 ,akad4
 d4 ,wissen1 eu ,berlin1 and ,rapports  
annuels da ,berzelius1 ,paris1 #ahdc1   
#crd year4 ,on the occasion of a        
communication on the inversion of       
cane-sugar by ,h4 ,rose1 published in   
#ahdj1 ,m4 ,mitscherlich observed3 ,the 
inversion of cane-sugar in alcoholic    
fermentation is not due to the globules 
of yeast1 but to a soluble matter in the

 water with which they mix4 ,the liquid 
obtained by straining off the ferment on
 a filter paper possesses the property  
of converting cane-sugar into           
uncrystallizable sugar4  ,,berthelot1   
,comptes rendus de l',academie4 ,meeting
 of ,may #bhth1 #ahfj1 ,m4 ,berthelot   
confirms the preceding experiment of    
,mitscherlich1 and proves1 moreover1    
that the soluble matter of which the    
author speaks may be precipitated with  
alcohol without losing its invertive    
power4  ,m4 ,bechamp has applied        
,mitscherlich's observation1 concerning 
the soluble fermentative part of yeast1 
to fungoid growths1 and has made the    
interesting discovery that fungoid      
growths1 like yeast1 yield to water a   
substance that inverts sugar4 ,when the 
production of fungoid growths is        
prevented by means of an antiseptic1 the
 inversion of sugar does not take place4
  ,we may here say a few words          
respecting ,m4 ,bechamp's claim to      
priority of discovery4 ,it is a         

well-known fact that we were the first  
to demonstrate that living ferments     
might be completely developed if their  
germs were placed in pure water together
 with sugar1 ammonia1 and phosphates4   
,relying on this established fact1 that 
moulds are capable of development in    
sweetened water in which1 according to  
,m4 ,bechamp1 they invert the sugar1 our
 author asserts that he has proved that 
living organized ferments may originate 
in media which contain no albuminous    
substances4 7,see ,comptes rendus1 vol4 
ixxv41 p4 #aeai47 ,to be logical1 ,m4   
,bechamp might say that he has proved   
that certain moulds originate in pure   
sweetened water without nitrogen or     
phosphates or other mineral elements1   
for such a deduction might very well be 
drawn from his work1 in which we do not 
find the least expression of            
astonishment at the possibility of      
moulds developing in pure water         
containing nothing but sugar without    
other mineral or organic principles4    

,m4 ,bechamp's first note on the        
inversion of sugar was published in     
#ahee4 ,in it we find nothing relating  
to the influence of moulds4 ,his second1
 in which that influence is noticed1 was
 published in ,january1 #aheh1 that is1 
subsequently to our work on lactic      
fermentation1 which appeared in         
,november1 #aheg4 ,in that work we      
established for the first time that the 
lactic ferment is a living1 organized   
being1 that albuminous substances have  
no share in the production of           
fermentation1 and that they only serve  
as the food of the ferment4 ,m4         
,bechamp's note was even subsequent to  
our first work on alcoholic             
fermentation1 which appeared on         
,december #bast1 #aheg4 ,it is since the
 appearance of these two works of ours  
that the preponderating influence of the
 life of microscopic organism in the    
phenomena of fermentation has been      
better understood4 ,immediately after   
their appearance ,m4 ,bechamp1 who from 

#ahee had made no observation on the    
action of fungoid growths on sugar1     
although he had remarked their presence1
 modified his former conclusions4       
7,comptes rendus1 ,january #dth1 #aheh47
 ,these are remarkable facts1 which are1
 however1 at present but vaguely        
connected with the alcoholic            
fermentation of sugar by means of yeast4
 ,the researches in which we have proved
 the existence of special forms of      
living ferments in many fermentations1  
which one might have supposed to have   
been produced by simple contact action1 
had established beyond doubt the        
existence of profound differences       
between those fermentations1 which we   
have distinguished as fermentations     
proper1 and the phenomena connected with
 soluble substances4 ,the more we       
advance1 the more clearly we are able to
 detect these differences4 ,m4 ,dumas   
has insisted on the fact that the       
ferments of fermentation proper multiply
 and reproduce themselves in the process

 whilst the others are destroyed4       
,footnote3 ,there are two classes of    
ferments2 the first1 of which the yeast 
of beer may be taken as the type1       
perpetuate and renew themselves if they 
can find in the liquid in which they    
produce fermentation food enough for    
their wants2 the second1 of which       
diastase is the type1 always sacrifice  
themselves in the exercise of their     
activity4 7,,dumas1 ,comptes rendus de  
l',academie1 t4 lxxv41 p4 #bgg1 #ahgb47 
,still more recently ,m4 ,muntz has     
shown that chloroform prevents          
fermentations proper1 but does not      
interfere with the action of diastase   
7,comptes rendus1 #ahge74 ,m4           
,bouchardat had already established the 
fact that hydrocyanic acid1 salts of    
mercury1 ether1 alcohol1 creosote1 and  
the oils of turpentine1 lemon1 cloves1  
and mustard destroy or check alcoholic  
fermentations1 whilst in no way         
interfering with the glucoside          
fermentations 7,annales de ,chimie et de

 ,physique4 #crd series1 t4 xiv41       
#ahde74 ,we may add in praise of ,m4    
,bouchardat's sagacity1 that that       
skilful observer has always considered  
these results as a proof that alcoholic 
fermentation is dependent on the life of
 the yeast-cell1 and that a distinction 
should be made between the two orders of
 fermentation4  ,m4 ,paul ,bert1 in his 
remarkable studies on the influence of  
barometric pressure on the phenomena of 
life1 has recognized the fact that      
compressed oxygen is fatal to certain   
ferments1 whilst under similar          
conditions it does not interfere with   
the action of those substances classed  
under the name of ,,soluble ,,ferments1 
such as diastase 7the ferment which     
inverts cane sugar7 emulsin and others4 
,during their stay in compressed air1   
ferments proper ceased their activity1  
nor did they resume it1 even after      
exposure to air at ordinary pressures1  
provided the access of germs was        
prevented4  ,we now come to ,liebig's   

principal objection1 with which he      
concludes his ingenious argument1 and to
 which no less than eight or nine pages 
of the ,annales are devoted4  ,our      
author takes up the question of the     
possibility of causing yeast to grow in 
sweetened water1 to which a salt of     
ammonia and some yeast-ash have been    
added--a fact which is evidently        
incompatible with his theory that a     
ferment is always an albuminous         
substance on its way to decomposition4  
,in this case the albuminous substance  
does not exist2 we have only the mineral
 substances which will serve to produce 
it4 ,we know that ,liebig regarded      
yeast1 and1 generally speaking1 any     
ferment whatever1 as being a            
nitrogenous1 albuminous substance which1
 in the same way as emulsin1 for        
example1 possesses the power of bringing
 about certain chemical decompositions4 
,he connected fermentation with the easy
 decomposition of that albuminous       
substance1 and imagined that the        

phenomenon occurred in the following    
manner3 ,the albuminous substance on its
 way to decomposition possesses the     
power of communicating to certain other 
bodies that same state of mobility by   
which its own atoms are already         
affected2 and through its contact with  
other bodies it imparts to them the     
power of decomposing or of entering into
 other combinations4 ,here ,liebig      
failed to perceive that the ferment1 in 
its capacity of a living organism1 had  
anything to do with the fermentation4   
,this theory dates back as far as #ahdc4
 ,in #ahdf ,messrs4 ,boutron and ,fremy1
 in a ,memoir on lactic fermentation1   
published in the ,annales de ,chimie et 
de ,physique1 strained the conclusions  
deducible from it to a most             
unjustifiable extent4 ,they asserted    
that one and the same nitrogenous       
substance might undergo various         
modifications in contact with air1 so as
 to become successively alcoholic1      
lactic1 butyric1 and other ferments4    

,there is nothing more convenient than  
purely hypothetical theories1 theories  
which are not the necessary consequences
 of facts2 when fresh facts which cannot
 be reconciled with the original        
hypothesis are discovered1 new          
hypotheses can be tacked on to the old  
ones4 ,this is exactly what ,liebig and 
,fremy have done1 each in his turn1     
under the pressure of our studies1      
commenced in #aheg4 ,in #ahfd ,fremy    
devised the theory of hemi-organism1    
which meant nothing more than that he   
gave up ,liebig's theory of #ahdc1      
together with the additions which       
,boutron and he had made to it in #ahdf2
 in other words1 he abandoned the idea  
of albuminous substances being ferments1
 to take up another idea1 that          
albuminous substances in contact with   
air are peculiarly adapted to undergo   
organization into new beings--that is1  
the living ferments which we had        
discovered--and that the ferments of    
beer and of the grape have a common     

origin4  ,this theory of hemi-organism  
was word for word the antiquated opinion
 of ,turpin4 99 99 99 ,the public1      
especially a certain section of the     
public did not go very deeply into an   
examination of the subject4 ,it was the 
period when the doctrine of spontaneous 
generation was being discussed with much
 warmth4 ,the new word hemi-organism1   
which was the only novelty in ,m4       
,fremy's theory1 deceived people4 ,it   
was thought that ,m4 ,fremy had really  
discovered the solution of the question 
of the day4 ,it is true that it was     
rather difficult to understand the      
process by which an albuminous substance
 could become all at once a living and  
budding cell4 ,this difficulty was      
solved by ,m4 ,fremy1 who declared that 
it was the result of some power that was
 not yet understood1 the power of       
organic impulse4 ,footnote3 ,,fremy1    
,comptes rendus de l',academie1 vol4    
lviii41 p4 #ajfe1 #ahfd4  ,liebig1 who1 
as well as ,m4 ,fremy1 was compelled to 

renounce his original opinions          
concerning the nature of ferments1      
devised the following obscure theory    
7,memoir by ,liebig1 #ahgj1 already     
cited73  ,there seems to be no doubt as 
to the part which the vegetable organism
 plays in the phenomenon of             
fermentation4 ,it is through it alone   
that an albuminous substance and sugar  
are enabled to unite and form this      
particular combination1 this unstable   
form under which alone1 as a component  
part of the mycoderm1 they manifest an  
action on sugar4 ,should the mycoderm   
cease to grow1 the bond which unites the
 constituent parts of the cellular      
contents is loosened1 and it is through 
the motion produced therein that the    
cells of yeast bring about a            
disarrangement or separation of the     
elements of the sugar into molecules4   
,one might easily believe that the      
translator for the ,annales has made    
some mistake1 so great is the obscurity 
of this passage4  ,whether we take this 

new form of the theory or the old one1  
neither can be reconciled at all with   
the development of yeast and            
fermentation in a saccharine mineral    
medium1 for in the latter experiment    
fermentation is correlative to the life 
of the ferment and to its nutrition1 a  
constant change going on between the    
ferment and its food-matters1 since all 
the carbon assimilated by the ferment is
 derived from sugar1 its nitrogen from  
ammonia and phosphorus from the         
phosphates in solution4 ,and even all   
said1 what purpose can be served by the 
gratuitous hypothesis of contact-action 
or communicated motion8 ,the experiment 
of which we are speaking is thus a      
fundamental one2 indeed1 it is its      
possibility that constitutes the most   
effective point in the controversy4 ,no 
doubt ,liebig might say1 but it is the  
motion of life and of nutrition which   
constitutes your experiment1 and this is
 the communicated motion that my theory 
requires4 ,curiously enough1 ,liebig    

does endeavour1 as a matter of fact1 to 
say this1 but he does so timidly and    
incidentally3 ,from a chemical point of 
view1 which point of view ,i would not  
willingly abandon1 a ,,vital ,,action is
 a phenomenon of motion1 and1 in this   
double sense of ,,life ,m4 ,pasteur's   
theory agrees with my own1 and is not in
 contradiction with it 7page #f74 ,this 
is true4 ,elsewhere ,liebig says3  ,it  
is possible that the only correlation   
between the physiological act and the   
phenomenon of fermentation is the       
production1 in the living cell1 of the  
substance which1 by some special        
property analogous to that by which     
emulsin exerts a decomposing action on  
salicin and amygdalin1 may bring about  
the decomposition of sugar into other   
organic molecules2 the physiological    
act1 in this view1 would be necessary   
for the production of this substance1   
but would have nothing else to do with  
the fermentation 7page #aj74 ,to this1  
again1 we have no objection to raise4   

,liebig1 however1 does not dwell upon   
these considerations1 which he merely   
notices in passing1 because he is well  
aware that1 as far as the defence of his
 theory is concerned1 they would be mere
 evasions4 ,if he had insisted on them1 
or based his opposition solely upon     
them1 our answer would have been simply 
this3 ,if you do not admit with us that 
fermentation is correlated with the life
 and nutrition of the ferment1 we agree 
upon the principal point4 ,so agreeing1 
let us examine1 if you will1 the actual 
cause of fermentation2--this is a second
 question1 quite distinct from the      
first4 ,science is built up of          
successive solutions given to questions 
of ever increasing subtlety1 approaching
 nearer and nearer towards the very     
essence of phenomena4 ,if we proceed to 
discuss together the question of how    
living1 organized beings act in         
decomposing fermentable substances1 we  
will be found to fall out once more on  
your hypothesis of communicated motion1 

since according to our ideas1 the actual
 cause of fermentation is to be sought1 
in most cases1 in the fact of life      
without air1 which is the characteristic
 of many ferments4  ,let us briefly see 
what ,liebig thinks of the experiment in
 which fermentation is produced by the  
impregnation of a saccharine mineral    
medium1 a result so greatly at variance 
with his mode of viewing the question4  
,footnote3 ,see our ,memoir of #ahfj    
7,annales de ,chimie et de ,physique1   
vol4 lviii1 p4 #fa1 and following1      
especially pp4 #fi and #gj1 where the   
details of the experiment will be       
found74 ,after deep consideration he    
pronounces this experiment to be        
inexact1 and the result ill-founded4    
,liebig1 however1 was not one to reject 
a fact without grave reasons for doing  
so1 or with the sole object of evading a
 troublesome discussion4 ,i have        
repeated this experiment1 he says1 a    
great number of times1 with the greatest
 possible care1 and have obtained the   

same results as ,m4 ,pasteur1 excepting 
as regards the formation and increase of
 the ferment4 ,it was1 however1 the     
formation and increase of the ferment   
that constituted the point of the       
experiment4 ,our discussion was1        
therefore1 distinctly limited to this3  
,liebig denied that the ferment was     
capable of development in a saccharine  
mineral medium1 whilst we asserted that 
this development did actually take      
place1 and was comparatively easy to    
prove4 ,in #ahga we replied to ,m4      
,liebig before the ,paris ,academy of   
,sciences in a ,note1 in which we       
offered to prepare in a mineral medium1 
in the presence of a commission to be   
chosen for the purpose1 as great a      
weight of ferment as ,liebig could      
reasonably demand4 ,footnote3 ,,pasteur1
 ,comptes rendus de l',academie des     
,sciences1 vol4 lxxiii41 p4 #adai4      
#ahga4 ,we were bolder than we should1  
perhaps1 have been in #ahfj2 the reason 
was that our knowledge of the subject   

had been strengthened by ten years of   
renewed research4 ,liebig did not accept
 our proposal1 nor did he even reply to 
our ,note4 ,up to the time of his death1
 which took place on ,april #ahth1      
#ahgc1 he wrote nothing more on the     
subject4 ,footnote3 ,in his ,memoir of  
#ahgj1 ,liebig made a remarkable        
admission3 ,my late friend ,pelouze1 he 
says1 had communicated to me nine years 
ago certain results of ,m4 ,pasteur's   
researches on fermentation4 ,i told him 
that just then ,i was not disposed to   
alter my opinion on the cause of        
fermentation1 and that if it were       
possible1 by means of ammonia1 to       
produce or multiply the yeast in        
fermenting liquors1 industry would soon 
avail itself of the fact1 and that ,i   
would wait to see if it did so2 up to   
the present time1 however1 there had not
 been the least change in the           
manufacture of yeast4 ,we do not know   
what ,m4 ,pelouze's reply was2 but it is
 not difficult to conceive so sagacious 

an observer remarking to his illustrious
 friend that the possibility of deriving
 pecuniary advantage from the wide      
application of a new scientific fact had
 never been regarded as the criterion of
 the exactness of that fact4 ,we could  
prove1 moreover1 by the undoubted       
testimony of very distinguished         
practical men1 notably by that of ,m4   
,pezeyre1 director of distilleries1 that
 upon this point also ,liebig was       
mistaken4  ,when we published1 in #ahfj1
 the details of the experiment in       
question1 we pointed out at some length 
the difficulties of conducting it       
successfully1 and the possible causes of
 failure4 ,we called attention          
particularly to the fact that saccharine
 mineral media are much more suited for 
the nutrition of bacteria1 lactic       
ferment1 and other lowly forms1 than    
they are to that of yeast1 and in       
consequence readily become filled with  
various organisms from the spontaneous  
growth of germs derived from the        

particles of dust floating in the       
atmosphere4 ,the reason why we do not   
observe the growth of alcoholic         
ferments1 especially at the commencement
 of the experiments1 is because of the  
unsuitableness of those media for the   
life of yeast4 ,the latter may1         
nevertheless1 form in them subsequent to
 this development of other organized    
forms1 by reason of the modification    
produced in the original mineral medium 
by the albuminous matters that they     
introduce into it4 ,it is interesting to
 peruse1 in our ,memoir of #ahfj1       
certain facts of the same kind relating 
to fermentation by means of             
albumens--that of the blood for example1
 from which1 we may mention             
incidentally1 we were led to infer the  
existence of several distinct albumens  
in the serum1 a conclusion which1 since 
then1 has been confirmed by various     
observers1 notably by ,m4 ,bechamp4     
,now1 in his experiments on fermentation
 in sweetened water1 with yeast-ash and 

a salt of ammonia1 there is no doubt    
that ,liebig had failed to avoid those  
difficulties which are entailed by the  
spontaneous growth of other organisms   
than yeast4 ,moreover1 it is possible   
that1 to have established the certainty 
of this result1 ,liebig should have had 
recourse to a closer microscopical      
observation than from certain passages  
in his ,memoir he seems to have adopted4
 ,we have little doubt that his pupils  
could tell us that ,liebig did not even 
employ that instrument without which any
 exact study of fermentation is not     
merely difficult but well-nigh          
impossible4 ,we ourselves1 for the      
reasons1 mentioned1 did not obtain a    
simple alcoholic fermentation any more  
than ,liebig did4 ,in that particular   
experiment1 the details of which we gave
 in our ,memoir of #ahfj1 we obtained   
lactic and alcoholic fermentation       
together2 an appreciable quantity of    
lactic acid formed and arrested the     
propagation of the lactic and alcoholic 

ferments1 so that more than half of the 
sugar remained in the liquid without    
fermenting4 ,this1 however1 in no way   
detracted from the correctness of the   
conclusion which we deduced from the    
experiment1 and from other similar ones2
 it might even be said that1 from a     
general and philosophical point of      
view--which is the only one of interest 
here--the result was doubly             
satisfactory1 inasmuch as we            
demonstrated that mineral media were    
adapted to the simultaneous development 
of several organized ferments instead of
 only one4 ,the fortuitous association  
of different ferments could not         
invalidate the conclusion that all the  
nitrogen of the cells of the alcoholic  
and lactic ferments was derived from the
 nitrogen in the ammoniacal salts1 and  
that all the carbon of those ferments   
was taken from the sugar1 since1 in the 
medium employed in our experiment1 the  
sugar was the only substance that       
contained carbon4 ,liebig carefully     

abstained from noticing this fact1 which
 would have been fatal to the very      
groundwork of his criticisms1 and       
thought that he was keeping up the      
appearance of a grave contradiction by  
arguing that we had never obtained a    
simple alcoholic fermentation4 ,it would
 be unprofitable to dwell longer upon   
the subject of the difficulties which   
the propagation of yeast in a saccharine
 mineral medium formerly presented4 ,as 
a matter of fact1 the progress of our   
studies has imparted to the question an 
aspect very different from that which it
 formerly wore2 it was this circumstance
 which emboldened us to offer1 in our   
reply to ,liebig before the ,academy of 
,sciences in #ahga1 to prepare1 in a    
saccharine mineral medium1 in the       
presence of a commission to be appointed
 by our opponent1 any quantity of       
ferment that he might require1 and to   
effect the fermentation of any weight of
 sugar whatsoever4  ,our knowledge of   
the facts detailed in the preceding     

chapter concerning pure ferments1 and   
their manipulation in the presence of   
pure air1 enables us completely to      
disregard those causes of embarrassment 
that result from the fortuitous         
occurrence of the germs of organisms    
different in character from the ferments
 introduced by the air or from the sides
 of vessels1 or even by the ferment     
itself4  ,let us once more take one of  
our double-necked flasks1 which we will 
suppose is capable of containing three  
or four litres 7six to eight pints74    
,let us put into it the following3      
,pure distilled water4      ,sugar      
candy4 444 4 444 4 444 4 444 4 444 4    
#bjj grammes      ,bitartrate of        
potassium4 444 4 444 4 #a4j grammes     
,bitartrate of ammonia4 444 4 444 444   
#j4e grammes      ,sulphate of          
ammonia414 444 4 444 444 #a4e grammes   
,ash of yeast4 444 4 444 4 444 4 444 4  
444 #a4e grammes      7#a gramme  #ae4dc
 grains7  ,let us boil the mixture1 to  
destroy all germs of organisms that may 

exist in the air or liquid or on the    
sides of the flask1 and then permit it  
to cool1 after having placed1 by way of 
extra precaution a small quantity of    
asbestos in the end of the fine curved  
tube4 ,let us next introduce a trace of 
ferment into the liquid1 through the    
other neck1 which1 as we have described1
 is terminated by a small piece of      
india-rubber tube closed with a glass   
stopper4  ,here are the details of such 
an experiment3--  ,on ,december #ith1   
#ahgc1 we sowed some pure               
ferment--saccharomyces pastorianus4     
,from ,december #aa1 that is1 within so 
short a time as forty-eight hours after 
impregnation1 we saw a multitude of     
extremely minute bubbles rising almost  
continuously from the bottom1 indication
 that at this point the fermentation had
 commenced4 ,on the following days1     
several patches of froth appeared on the
 surface of the liquid4 ,we left the    
flask undisturbed in the oven1 at a     
temperature of #be degrees ,c4 7#gg     

degrees ,f47 ,on ,april #bd1 #ahgd1 we  
tested some of the liquid1 obtained by  
means of the straight tube1 to see if it
 still contained any sugar4 ,we found   
that it contained less than two grammes1
 so that #aih grammes 7#d4b oz4 ,troy7  
had already disappeared4 ,some time     
afterwards the fermentation came to an  
end2 we carried on the experiment1      
nevertheless1 until ,april #ah1 #ahge4  
,there was no development of any        
organism absolutely foreign to the      
ferment1 which was itself abundant1 a   
circumstance that1 added to the         
persistent vitality of the ferment1 in  
spite of the unsuitableness of the      
medium for its nutrition1 permitted the 
perfect completion of fermentation4     
,there was not the minutest quantity of 
sugar remaining4 ,the total weight of   
ferment1 after washing and drying at    
#ajj degrees ,c4 7#bab degrees ,f471 was
 #b4efc grammes 7#ci4e grains74  ,in    
experiments of this kind1 in which the  
ferment has to be weighed1 it is better 

not to use any yeast-ash that cannot be 
dissolved completely1 so as to be       
capable of easy separation from the     
ferment formed4 ,raulin's liquid        
,footnote3 ,m4 ,jules ,raulin has       
published a well-known and remarkable   
work on the discovery of the mineral    
medium best adapted by its composition  
to the life of certain fungoid growth2  
he has given a formula for the          
composition of such a medium4 ,it is    
this that we call here ,raulin's liquid 
for abbreviation4       ,water 4 4 4 4 4
 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 #a1ejj       
,sugar candy 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4
 4 #gj      ,tartaric acid 4 4 4 4 4 4 4
 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 #d      ,nitrate of      
ammonia 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4  #d       
,phosphate of ammonia 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 
4  #j4f      ,carbonate of potassium 4 4
 4 4 4 4 4 4 4  #j4f      ,carbonate of 
magnesia 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 #j4d       
,sulphate of ammonia 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4
 4 #j4be      ,sulphate of zinc 4 4 4 4 
4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4  #j4jg      ,sulphate of

 iron 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4  #j4jg    
,silicate of potassium 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4
 4 #j4jg      --,j4 ,raulin1 ,paris1    
,victor ,masson1 #ahgj4 ,these pour le  
doctorat4 may be used in such cases with
 success4  ,all the alcoholic ferments  
are not capable to the same extent of   
development by means of phosphates1     
ammoniacal salts1 and sugar4 ,there are 
some whose development is arrested a    
longer or shorter time before the       
transformation of all the sugar4 ,in a  
series of comparative experiments1 #bjj 
grammes of sugar-candy being used in    
each case1 we found that whilst         
saccharomyces pastorianus effected a    
complete fermentation of the sugar1 the 
caseous ferment did not decompose more  
than two-thirds1 and the ferment we have
 designated ,,new ,,high ,,ferment not  
more than one-fifth3 and keeping the    
flasks for a longer time in the oven had
 no effect in increasing the proportions
 of sugar fermented in these two last   
cases4  ,we conducted a great number of 

fermentations in mineral media1 in      
consequence of a circumstance which it  
may be interesting to mention here4 ,a  
person who was working in our laboratory
 asserted that the success of our       
experiments depended upon the impurity  
of the sugar-candy which we employed1   
and that if this sugar had been         
pure--much purer than was the ordinary1 
white1 commercial sugar-candy1 which up 
to that time we had always used--the    
ferment could not have multiplied4 ,the 
persistent objections of our friend1 and
 our desire to convince him1 caused us  
to repeat all our previous experiments  
on the subject1 using sugar of great    
purity1 which had been specially        
prepared for us1 with the utmost care1  
by a skilful confectioner1 ,seugnot4    
,the result only confirmed our former   
conclusions4 ,even this did not satisfy 
our obstinate friend1 who went to the   
trouble of preparing some pure sugar for
 himself1 in little crystals1 by        
repeated crystallizations of carefully  

selected commercial sugar-candy2 he then
 repeated our experiments himself4 ,this
 time his doubts were overcome4 ,it even
 happened that the fermentations with   
the perfectly pure sugar instead of     
being slow were very active1 when       
compared with those which we had        
conducted with1 the commercial          
sugar-candy4     ,we may here add a few 
words on the non-transformation of yeast
 into penicillium glaucum4  ,if at any  
time during fermentation we pour off the
 fermenting liquid1 the deposit of yeast
 remaining in the vessel may continue   
there1 in contact with air1 without our 
ever being able to discover the least   
formation of penicillium glaucum in it4 
,we may keep a current of pure air      
constantly passing through the flask2   
the experiment will give the same       
result4 ,nevertheless1 this is a medium 
peculiarly adapted to the development of
 this mould1 inasmuch as if we were to  
introduce merely a few spores of        
penicillium an abundant vegetation of   

that growth will afterwards appear on   
the deposit4 ,the descriptions of       
,messrs4 ,turpin1 ,hoffmann1 and ,trecul
 have1 therefore1 been based on one of  
these illusions which we meet with so   
frequently in microscopical             
observations4  ,when we laid these facts
 before the ,academy1 ,footnote3        
,,pasteur1 ,comptes rendus de           
l',academie1 vol4 lxxviii41 pp4         
#bac-baf4 ,m4 ,trecul professed his     
inability to comprehend them3 ,footnote3
 ,,trecul1 ,comptes rendus de           
l',academie1 vol4 lxxviii41 pp4 #bag1   
#bah4 ,according to ,m4 ,pasteur1 he    
said1 the yeast of beer is ,,anaerobian1
 that is to say1 it lives in a liquid   
deprived of free oxygen2 and to become  
mycoderma or penicillium it is above all
 things necessary that it should be     
placed in air1 since1 without this1 as  
the name signifies1 an aerobian being   
cannot exist4 ,to bring about the       
transformation of the yeast of beer into
 mycoderma cerevisiae or into           

penicillium glaucum we must accept the  
conditions under which these two forms  
are obtained4 ,if ,m4 ,pasteur will     
persist in keeping his yeast in media   
which are incompatible with the desired 
modification1 it is clear that the      
results which he obtains must always be 
negative4  ,contrary to this perfectly  
gratuitous assertion of ,m4 ,trecul's we
 do not keep our yeast in media which   
are calculated to prevent its           
transformation into penicillium4 ,as we 
have just seen1 the principal aim and   
object of our experiment was to bring   
this minute plant into contact with air1
 and under conditions that would allow  
the penicillium to develop with perfect 
freedom4 ,we conducted our experiments  
exactly as ,turpin and ,hoffmann        
conducted theirs1 and exactly as they   
stipulate that such experiments should  
be conducted--with the one sole         
difference1 indispensable to the        
correctness of our observations1 that we
 carefully guarded ourselves against    

those causes of error which they did not
 take the least trouble to avoid4 ,it is
 possible to produce a ready entrance   
and escape of pure air in the case of   
the double-necked flasks which we have  
so often employed in the course of this 
work1 without having recourse to the    
continuous passage of a current of air4 
,having made a file-mark on the thin    
curved neck at a distance of two or     
three centimetres 7an inch7 from the    
flask1 we must cut round the neck at    
this point with a glazier's diamond1 and
 then remove it1 taking care to cover   
the opening immediately with a sheef of 
paper which has been passed through the 
flame1 and which we must fasten with a  
thread round the part of the neck still 
left4 ,in this manner we may increase or
 prolong the fructification of fungoid  
growths1 or the life of the aerobian    
ferments in our flasks4  ,what we have  
said of ,penicillium glaucum will apply 
equally to ,mycoderma cerevisiae4       
,notwithstanding that ,turpin and       

,trecul may assert to the contrary1     
yeast1 in contact with air as it was    
under the conditions of the experiment  
just described1 will not yield          
,mycoderma vini or ,mycoderma cerevisiae
 any more than it will ,penicillium4    
,the experiments described in the       
preceding paragraphs on the increase of 
organized ferments in mineral media of  
the composition described1 are of the   
greatest physiological interest4        
,amongst other results1 they show that  
all the proteic matter of ferments may  
be produced by the vital activity of the
 cells1 which1 apart altogether from the
 influence of light or free oxygen      
7unless indeed1 we are dealing with     
aerobian moulds which require free      
oxygen71 have the power of developing a 
chemical activity between carbohydrates1
 ammoniacal salts1 phosphates1 and      
sulphates of potassium and magnesium4   
,it may be admitted with truth that a   
similar effect obtains in the case of   
the higher plants1 so that in the       

existing state of science we fail to    
conceive what serious reason can be     
urged against our considering this      
effect as general4 ,it would be         
perfectly logical to extend the results 
of which we are speaking to all plants1 
and to believe that the proteic matter  
of vegetables1 and perhaps of animals   
also1 is formed exclusively by the      
activity of the cells operating upon the
 ammoniacal and other mineral salts of  
the sap or plasma of the blood1 and the 
carbo-hydrates1 the formation of which1 
in the case of the higher plants1       
requires only the concurrence of the    
chemical impulse of green light4        
,viewed in this manner1 the formation of
 the proteic substances1 would be       
independent of the great act of         
reduction of carbonic acid gas under the
 influence of light4 ,these substances  
would not be built up from the elements 
of water1 ammonia1 and carbonic acid    
gas1 after the decomposition of this    
last2 they would be formed where they   

are found in the cells themselves1 by   
some process of union between the       
carbo-hydrates imported by the sap1 and 
the phosphates of potassium and         
magnesium and salts of ammonia4 ,lastly1
 in vegetable growth1 by means of a     
carbo-hydrate and a mineral medium1     
since the carbo-hydrate is capable of   
many variations1 and it would be        
difficult to understand how it could be 
split up into its elements before       
serving to constitute the proteic       
substances1 and even cellulose          
substances1 as these are carbo-hydrates4
 ,we have commenced certain studies in  
this direction4  ,if solar radiation is 
indispensable to the decomposition of   
carbonic acid and the building up of the
 primary substances in the case of      
higher vegetable life1 it is still      
possible that certain inferior organisms
 may do without it and nevertheless     
yield the most complex substances1 fatty
 or carbo-hydrate1 such as cellulose1   
various organic acids1 and proteic      

matter2 not1 however1 by borrowing their
 carbon from the carbonic acid which is 
saturated with oxygen1 but from other   
matters still capable of acquiring      
oxygen1 and so of yielding heat in the  
process1 such as alcohol and acetic     
acid1 for example1 to cite merely carbon
 compounds most removed from            
organization4 ,as these last compounds1 
and a host of others equally adapted to 
serve as the carbonaceous food of       
mycoderms and the mucedines1 may be     
produced synthetically by means of      
carbon and the vapour of water1 after   
the methods that science owes to        
,berthelot1 it follows that1 in the case
 of certain inferior beings1 life would 
be possible even if it should be that   
the solar light was extinguished4       
,footnote3 ,see on this subject the     
verbal observations which we addressed  
to the ,academy of ,sciences at its     
meetings of ,april #ajth and #bdth1     
#ahgf4     ,,the ,,germ ,,theory ,,and  
,,its ,,applications ,,to ,,medicine    

,,and ,,surgery  ,footnote3 ,read before
 the ,french ,academy of ,sciences1     
,april #bith1 #ahgh4 ,published in      
,comptes ,rendus de l' ,academie des    
,sciences1 lxxxvi41 pp4 #ajcg-dc4  ,the 
,sciences gain by mutual support4 ,when1
 as the result of my first              
communications on the fermentations in  
#aheg-aheh1 it appeared that the        
ferments1 properly so-called1 are living
 beings1 that the germs of microscopic  
organisms abound in the surface of all  
objects1 in the air and in water2 that  
the theory of spontaneous generation is 
chimerical2 that wines1 beer1 vinegar1  
the blood1 urine and all the fluids of  
the body undergo none of their usual    
changes in pure air1 both ,medicine and 
,surgery received fresh stimulation4 ,a 
,french physician1 ,dr4 ,davaine1 was   
fortunate in making the first           
application of these principles to      
,medicine1 in #ahfc4  ,our researches of
 last year1 left the etiology of the    
putrid disease1 or septicemia1 in a much

 less advanced condition than that of   
anthrax4 ,we had demonstrated the       
probability that septicemia depends upon
 the presence and growth of a           
microscopic body1 but the absolute proof
 of this important conclusion was not   
reached4 ,to demonstrate experimentally 
that a microscopic organism actually is 
the cause of a disease and the agent of 
contagion1 ,i know no other way1 in the 
present state of ,science1 than to      
subject the microbe 7the new and happy  
term introduced by ,m4 ,sedillot7 to the
 method of cultivation out of the body4 
,it may be noted that in twelve         
successive cultures1 each one of only   
ten cubic centimeters volume1 the       
original drop will be diluted as if     
placed in a volume of fluid equal to the
 total volume of the earth4 ,it is just 
this form of test to which ,m4 ,joubert 
and ,i subjected the anthrax            
bacteridium4 ,footnote3 ,in making the  
translation1 it seems wiser to adhere to
 ,pasteur's nomenclature4 ,bacillus     

anthracis would be the term employed    
to-day4-- ,translator4 ,having          
cultivated it a great number of times in
 a sterile fluid1 each culture being    
started with a minute drop from the     
preceding1 we then demonstrated that the
 product of the last culture was capable
 of further development and of acting in
 the animal tissues by producing anthrax
 with all its symptoms4 ,such is--as we 
believe--the indisputable proof that    
,,anthrax ,,is ,a ,,bacterial ,,disease4
  ,our researches concerning the septic 
vibrio had not so far been convincing1  
and it was to fill up this gap that we  
resumed our experiments4 ,to this end1  
we attempted the cultivation of the     
septic vibrio from an animal dead of    
septicemia4 ,it is worth noting that all
 of our first experiments failed1       
despite the variety of culture media we 
employed--urine1 beer yeast water1 meat 
water1 etc4 ,our culture media were not 
sterile1 but we found--most commonly--a 
microscopic organism showing no         

relationship to the septic vibrio1 and  
presenting the form1 common enough      
elsewhere1 of chains of extremely minute
 spherical granules possessed of no     
virulence whatever4 ,footnote3 ,it is   
quite possible that ,pasteur was here   
dealing with certain septicemic         
streptococci that are now know to lose  
their virulence with extreme rapidity   
under artificial                        
cultivation4--,translator4 ,this was an 
impurity1 introduced1 unknown to us1 at 
the same time as the septic vibrio2 and 
the germ undoubtedly passed from the    
intestines--always inflamed and         
distended in septicemic animals-- into  
the abdominal fluids from which we took 
our original cultures of the septic     
vibrio4 ,if this explanation of the     
contamination of our cultures was       
correct1 we ought to find a pure culture
 of the septic vibrio in the heart's    
blood of an animal recently dead of     
septicemia4 ,this was what happened1 but
 a new difficulty presented itself2 all 

our cultures remained sterile4          
,furthermore this sterility was         
accompanied by loss in the culture media
 of 7the original7 virulence4  ,it      
occurred to us that the septic vibrio   
might be an obligatory anaerobe and that
 the sterility of our inoculated culture
 fluids might be due to the destruction 
of the septic vibrio by the atmospheric 
oxygen dissolved in the fluids4 ,the    
,academy may remember that ,i have      
previously demonstrated facts of this   
nature in regard to the vibrio of       
butyric fermentation1 which not only    
lives without air but is killed by the  
air4  ,it was necessary therefore to    
attempt to cultivate the septic vibrio  
either in a vacuum or in the presence of
 inert gases--such as carbonic acid4    
,results justified our attempt2 the     
septic vibrio grew easily in a complete 
vacuum1 and no less easily in the       
presence of pure carbonic acid4  ,these 
results have a necessary corollary4 ,if 
a fluid containing septic vibrios be    

exposed to pure air1 the vibrios should 
be killed and all virulence should      
disappear4 ,this is actually the case4  
,if some drops of septic serum be spread
 horizontally in a tube and in a very   
thin layer1 the fluid will become       
absolutely harmless in less than half a 
day1 even if at first it was so virulent
 as to produce death upon the           
inoculation of the smallest portion of a
 drop4  ,furthermore all the vibrios1   
which crowded the liquid as motile      
threads1 are destroyed and disappear4   
,after the action of the air1 only fine 
amorphous granules can be found1 unfit  
for culture as well as for the          
transmission of any disease whatever4   
,it might be said that the air burned   
the vibrios4  ,if it is a terrifying    
thought that life is at the mercy of the
 multiplication of these minute bodies1 
it is a consoling hope that ,science    
will not always remain powerless before 
such enemies1 since for example at the  
very beginning of the study we find that

 simple exposure to air is sufficient at
 times to destroy them4  ,but1 if oxygen
 destroys the vibrios1 how can          
septicemia exist1 since atmospheric air 
is present everywhere8 ,how can such    
facts be brought in accord with the germ
 theory8 ,how can blood1 exposed to air1
 become septic through the dust the air 
contains8  ,all things are hidden1      
obscure and debatable if the cause of   
the phenomena be unknown1 but everything
 is clear if this cause be known4 ,what 
we have just said is true only of a     
septic fluid containing adult vibrios1  
in active development by fission3       
conditions are different when the       
vibrios are transformed into their      
germs1 ,footnote3 ,by the terms germ and
 germ corpuscles1 ,pasteur undoubtedly  
means spores1 but the change is not     
made1 in accordance with note #c1       
above4--,translator4 that is into the   
glistening corpuscles first described   
and figured in my studies on silk-worm  
disease1 in dealing with worms dead of  

the disease called flacherie4 ,only the 
adult vibrios disappear1 burn up1 and   
lose their virulence in contact with    
air3 the germ corpuscles1 under these   
conditions1 remain always ready for new 
cultures1 and for new inoculations4     
,all this however does not do away with 
the difficulty of understanding how     
septic germs can exist on the surface of
 objects1 floating in the air and in    
water4  ,where can these corpuscles     
originate8 ,nothing is easier than the  
production of these germs1 in spite of  
the presence of air in contact with     
septic fluids4  ,if abdominal serous    
exudate containing septic vibrios       
actively growing by fission be exposed  
to the air1 as we suggested above1 but  
with the precaution of giving a         
substantial thickness to the layer1 even
 if only one centimeter be used1 this   
curious phenomenon will appear in a few 
hours4 ,the oxygen is absorbed in the   
upper layers of the fluid--as is        
indicated by the change of color4 ,here 

the vibrios are dead and disappear4 ,in 
the deeper layers1 on the other hand1   
towards the bottom of this centimeter of
 septic fluid we suppose to be under    
observation1 the vibrios continue to    
multiply by fission--protected from the 
action of oxygen by those that have     
perished above them3 little by little   
they pass over to the condition of germ 
corpuscles with the gradual             
disappearance of the thread forms4 ,so  
that instead of moving threads of       
varying length1 sometimes greater than  
the field of the microscope1 there is to
 be seen only a number of glittering    
points1 lying free or surrounded by a   
scarcely perceptible amorphous mass4    
,footnote3 ,in our note of ,july #afth1 
#ahgg1 it is stated that the septic     
vibrio is not destroyed by the oxygen of
 the air nor by oxygen at high tension1 
but that under these conditions it is   
transformed into germ-corpuscles4 ,this 
is1 however1 an incorrect interpretation
 of facts4 ,the vibrio is destroyed by  

oxygen1 and it is only where it is in a 
thick layer that it is transformed to   
germ-corpuscles in the presence of      
oxygen and that its virulence is        
preserved4 ,thus is formed1 containing  
the latent germ life1 no longer in      
danger from the destructive action of   
oxygen1 thus1 ,i repeat1 is formed the  
septic dust1 and we are able to         
understand what has before seemed so    
obscure2 we can see how putrescible     
fluids can be inoculated by the dust of 
the air1 and how it is that putrid      
diseases are permanent in the world4    
,the ,academy will permit me1 before    
leaving these interesting results1 to   
refer to one of their main theoretical  
consequences4 ,at the very beginning of 
these researches1 for they reveal an    
entirely new field1 what must be        
insistently demanded8 ,the absolute     
proof that there actually exist         
transmissible1 contagious1 infectious   
diseases of which the cause lies        
essentially and solely in the presence  

of microscopic organisms4 ,the proof    
that for at least some diseases1 the    
conception of spontaneous virulence must
 be forever abandoned--as well as the   
idea of contagion and an infectious     
element suddenly originating in the     
bodies of men or animals and able to    
originate diseases which propagate      
themselves under identical forms3 and   
all of those opinions fatal to medical  
progress1 which have given rise to the  
gratuitous hypotheses of spontaneous    
generation1 of albuminoid ferments1 of  
hemiorganisms1 of archebiosis1 and many 
other conceptions without the least     
basis in observation4 ,what is to be    
sought for in this instance is the proof
 that along with our vibrio there does  
not exist an independent virulence      
belonging to the surrounding fluids or  
solids1 in short that the vibrio is not 
merely an epiphenomenon of the disease  
of which it is the obligatory           
accompaniment4 ,what then do we see1 in 
the results that ,i have just brought   

out8 ,a septic fluid1 taken at the      
moment that the vibrios are not yet     
changed into germs1 loses its virulence 
completely upon simple exposure to the  
air1 but preserves this virulence1      
although exposed to air on the simple   
condition of being in a thick layer for 
some hours4 ,in the first case1 the     
virulence once lost by exposure to air1 
the liquid is incapable of taking it on 
again upon cultivation3 but1 in the     
second case1 it preserves its virulence 
and can propagate1 even after exposure  
to air4 ,it is impossible1 then1 to     
assert that there is a separate virulent
 substance1 either fluid or solid1      
existing1 apart from the adult vibrio or
 its germ4 ,nor can it be supposed that 
there is a virus which loses its        
virulence at the moment that the adult  
vibrio dies2 for such a substance should
 also lose its virulence when the       
vibrios1 changed to germs1 are exposed  
to the air4 ,since the virulence        
persists under these conditions it can  

only be due to the germ corpuscles--the 
only thing present4 ,there is only one  
possible hypothesis as to the existence 
of a virus in solution1 and that is that
 such a substance1 which was present in 
our experiment in nonfatal amounts1     
should be continuously furnished by the 
vibrio itself1 during its growth in the 
body of the living animal4 ,but it is of
 little importance since the hypothesis 
supposes the forming and necessary      
existence of the vibrio4 ,footnote3 ,the
 regular limits1 oblige me to omit a    
portion of my speech4  ,i hasten to     
touch upon another series of            
observations which are even more        
deserving the attention of the surgeon  
than the preceding3 ,i desire to speak  
of the effects of our microbe of pus    
when associated with the septic vibrio4 
,there is nothing more easy to          
superpose--as it were--two distinct     
diseases and to produce what might be   
called a ,,septicemic ,,purulent        
,,infection1 or a ,,purulent            

,,septicemia4 ,whilst the               
microbe-producing pus1 when acting      
alone1 gives rise to a thick pus1 white1
 or sometimes with a yellow or bluish   
tint1 not putrid1 diffused or enclosed  
by the so-called pyogenic membrane1 not 
dangerous1 especially if localized in   
cellular tissue1 ready1 if the          
expression may be used for rapid        
resorption2 on the other hand the       
smallest abscess produced by this       
organism when associated with the septic
 vibrio takes on a thick gangrenous     
appearance1 putrid1 greenish and        
infiltrating the softened tissues4 ,in  
this case the microbe of pus carried so 
to speak by the septic vibrio1          
accompanies it throughout the body3 the 
highly-inflamed muscular tissues1 full  
of serous fluid1 showing also globules  
of pus here and there1 are like a       
kneading of the two organisms4  ,by a   
similar procedure the effects of the    
anthrax bacteridium and the microbe of  
pus may be combined and the two diseases

 may be superposed1 so as to obtain a   
purulent anthrax or an anthracoid       
purulent infection4 ,care must be taken 
not to exaggerate the predominance of   
the new microbe over the bacteridum4 ,if
 the microbe be associated with the     
latter in sufficient amount it may crowd
 it out completely--prevent it from     
growing in the body at all4 ,anthrax    
does not appear1 and the infection1     
entirely local1 becomes merely an       
abscess whose cure is easy4 ,the        
microbe- producing pus and the septic   
vibrio 7not7 ,footnote3 ,there is       
undoubtedly a mistake in the original4  
,pasteur could not have meant to say    
that both bacteria are anaerobes4 ,the  
word not is introduced to correct the   
error4--,translator4 being both         
anaerobes1 as we have demonstrated1 it  
is evident that the latter will not much
 disturb its neighbor4 ,nutrient        
substances1 fluid or solid1 can scarcely
 be deficient in the tissues from such  
minute organisms4 ,but the anthrax      

bacteridium is exclusively aerobic1 and 
the proportion of oxygen is far from    
being equally distributed throughout the
 tissues3 innumerable conditions can    
diminish or exhaust the supply here and 
there1 and since the microbe-producing  
pus is also aerobic1 it can be          
understood how1 by using a quantity     
slightly greater than that of the       
bacteridium it might easily deprive the 
latter of the oxygen necessary for it4  
,but the explanation of the fact is of  
little importance3 it is certain that   
under some conditions the microbe we are
 speaking of entirely prevents the      
development of the bacteridium4         
,summarizing--it appears from the       
preceding facts that it is possible to  
produce at will1 purulent infections    
with no elements of putrescence1        
putrescent purulent infections1         
anthracoid purulent infections1 and     
finally combinations of these types of  
lesions varying according to the        
proportions of the mixtures of the      

specific organisms made to act on the   
living tissues4  ,these are the         
principal facts ,i have to communicate  
to the ,academy in my name and in the   
names of my collaborators1 ,messrs4     
,joubert and ,chamberland4 ,some weeks  
ago 7,session of the #aath of ,march    
last7 a member of the ,section of       
,medicine and ,surgery1 ,m4 ,sedillot1  
after long meditation on the lessons of 
a brilliant career1 did not hesitate to 
assert that the successes as well as the
 failures of ,surgery find a rational   
explanation in the principles upon which
 the germ theory is based1 and that this
 theory would found a new               
,surgery--already begun by a celebrated 
,english surgeon1 ,dr4 ,lister1         
,footnote3 ,see ,lord ,lister's paper in
 the present volume4--,ed4 who was among
 the first to understand its fertility4 
,with no professional authority1 but    
with the conviction of a trained        
experimenter1 ,i venture here to repeat 
the words of an eminent confrere4       

,,on ,,the ,,extension ,,of ,,the ,,germ
 ,,theory ,,to ,,the ,,etiology ,,of    
,,certain ,,common ,,diseases           
,footnote3 ,read before the ,french     
,academy of ,sciences1 ,may #c1 #ahhj4  
,published in ,comptes rendus1 de       
l',academie des ,sciences1 xc41 pp4     
#ajcc-dd4   ,when ,i began the studies  
now occupying my attention1 ,footnote3  
,in #ahhj4 ,especially engaged in the   
study of chicken cholera and the        
attenuation of virulence--,translator4  
,i was attempting to extend the germ    
theory to certain common diseases4 ,i do
 not know when ,i can return to that    
work4 ,therefore in my desire to see it 
carried on by others1 ,i take the       
liberty of presenting it to the public  
in its present condition4  ,i4          
,furuncles4 ,in ,may1 #ahgi1 one of the 
workers in my laboratory had a number of
 furuncles1 appearing at short          
intervals1 sometimes on one part of the 
body and sometimes on another4          
,constantly impressed with the thought  

of the immense part played by           
microscopic organisms in ,nature1 ,i    
queried whether the pus in the furuncles
 might not contain one of these         
organisms whose presence1 development1  
and chance transportation here and there
 in the tissues after entrance would    
produce a local inflammation1 and pus   
formation1 and might explain the        
recurrence of the illness during a      
longer or shorter time4 ,it was easy    
enough to subject this thought to the   
test of experiment4  ,first             
observation4--,on ,june second1 a       
puncture was made at the base of the    
small cone of pus at the apex of a      
furuncle on the nape of the neck4 ,the  
fluid obtained was at once sowed in the 
presence of pure air--of course with the
 precautions necessary to exclude any   
foreign germs1 either at the moment of  
puncture1 at the moment of sowing in the
 culture fluid1 or during the stay in   
the oven1 which was kept at the constant
 temperature of about #ce degrees ,c1   

,the next day1 the culture fluid had    
become cloudy and contained a single    
organism1 consisting of small spherical 
points arranged in pairs1 sometimes in  
fours1 but often in irregular masses4   
,two fluids were preferred in these     
experiments--chicken and yeast bouillon4
 ,according as one or the other was     
used1 appearances varied a little4      
,these should be described4 ,with the   
yeast water1 the pairs of minute        
granules are distributed throughout the 
liquid1 which is uniformly clouded4 ,but
 with the chicken bouillon1 the granules
 are collected in little masses which   
line the walls and bottom of the flasks 
while the body of the fluid remains     
clear1 unless it be shaken3 in this case
 it becomes uniformly clouded by the    
breaking up of the small masses from the
 walls of the flasks4  ,second          
observation4--,on the tenth of ,june a  
new furuncle made its appearance on the 
right thigh of the same person4 ,pus    
could not yet be seen under the skin1   

but this was already thickened and red  
over a surface the size of a franc4 ,the
 inflamed part was washed with alcohol1 
and dried with blotting paper passed    
through the flame of an alcohol lamp4 ,a
 puncture at the thickened portion      
enabled us to secure a small amount of  
lymph mixed with blood1 which was sowed 
at the same time as some blood taken    
from the finger of the hand4 ,the       
following days1 the blood from the      
finger remained absolutely sterile3 but 
that obtained from the center of the    
forming furuncle gave an abundant growth
 of the same small organism as before4  
,third observation4--,the fourteenth of 
,june1 a new furuncle appeared on the   
neck of the same person4 ,the same      
examination1 the same result1 that is to
 say the development of the microscopic 
organism previously described and       
complete sterility of the blood of the  
general circulation1 taken this time at 
the base of the furuncle outside of the 
inflamed area4  ,at the time of making  

these observations ,i spoke of them to  
,dr4 ,maurice ,reynaud1 who was good    
enough to send me a patient who had had 
furuncles for more than three months4   
,on ,june thirteenth ,i made cultures of
 the pus from a furuncle of this man4   
,the next day there was a general       
cloudiness of the culture fluids1       
consisting entirely of the preceding    
parasite1 and of this alone4  ,fourth   
observation4--,june fourteenth1 the same
 individual showed me a newly forming   
furuncle in the left axilla3 there was  
wide- spread thickening and redness of  
the skin1 but no pus was yet apparent4  
,an incision at the center of the       
thickening showed a small quantity of   
pus mixed with blood4 ,sowing1 rapid    
growth for twenty-four hours and the    
appearance of the same organism4 ,blood 
from the arm at a distance from the     
furuncle remained completely sterile4   
,june #ag1 the examination of a fresh   
furuncle on the same individual gave the
 same result1 the development of a pure 

culture of the same organism4  ,fifth   
observation4--,july twenty-first1 ,dr4  
,maurice ,reynaud informed me that there
 was a woman at the ,lariboisiere       
hospital with multiple furuncles4 ,as a 
matter of fact her back was covered with
 them1 some in active suppuration1      
others in the ulcerating stage4 ,i took 
pus from all of these furuncles that had
 not opened4 ,after a few hours1 this   
pus gave an abundant growth in cultures4
 ,the same organism1 without admixture1 
was found4 ,blood from the inflamed base
 of the furuncle remained sterile4  ,in 
brief1 it appears certain that every    
furuncle contains an aerobic microscopic
 parasite1 to which is due the local    
inflammation and the pus formation that 
follows4  ,culture fluids containing the
 minute organism inoculated under the   
skin of rabbits and guinea-pigs produce 
abscesses generally small in size and   
that promptly heal4 ,as long as healing 
is not complete the pus of the abscesses
 contains the microscopic organism which

 produced them4 ,it is therefore living 
and developing1 but its propagation at a
 distance does not occur4 ,these        
cultures of which ,i speak1 when        
injected in small quantities in the     
jugular vein of guinea pigs show that   
the minute organism does not grow in the
 blood4 ,the day after the injection    
they cannot be recovered even in        
cultures4 ,i seem to have observed as a 
general principle1 that1 provided the   
blood corpuscles are in good            
physiological condition it is difficult 
for aerobic parasites to develop in the 
blood4 ,i have always thought that this 
is to be explained by a kind of struggle
 between the affinity of the blood      
corpuscles for oxygen and that belonging
 to the parasite in cultures4 ,whilst   
the blood corpuscles carry off1 that is1
 take possession of all the oxygen1 the 
life and development of the parasite    
become extremely difficult or           
impossible4 ,it is therefore easily     
eliminated1 digested1 if one may use the

 phrase4 ,i have seen these facts many  
times in anthrax and chicken-cholera1   
diseases both of which are due to the   
presence of an aerobic parasite4  ,blood
 cultures from the general circulation  
being always sterile in these           
experiments1 it would seem that under   
the conditions of the furuncular        
diathesis1 the minute parasite does not 
exist in the blood4 ,that it cannot be  
cultivated for the reason given1 and    
that it is not abundant is evident2 but1
 from the sterility of the cultures     
reported 7five only7 it should not be   
definitely concluded that the little    
parasite may not1 at some time1 be taken
 up by the blood and transplanted from a
 furuncle when it is developing to      
another part of the body1 where it may  
be accidentally lodged1 may develop and 
produce a new furuncle4 ,i am convinced 
that if1 in cases of furuncular         
diathesis1 not merely a few drops but   
several grams of blood from the general 
circulation could be placed under       

cultivation frequent successful growths 
would be obtained4 ,footnote3 ,this     
prediction is fully carried out in the  
present day successful use of           
considerable amounts of blood in        
cultures and the resultant frequent     
demonstrations of bacteria present in   
the circulation in many infections4--   
,translator4 ,in the many experiments ,i
 have made on the blood in              
chicken-cholera1 ,i have frequently     
demonstrated that repeated cultures from
 droplets of blood do not show an even  
development even where taken from the   
same organ1 the heart for example1 and  
at the moment when the parasite begins  
its existence in the blood1 which can   
easily be understood4 ,once even1 it    
happened that only three out of ten     
chickens died after inoculation with    
infectious blood in which the parasite  
had just began to appear1 the remaining 
seven showed no symptoms whatever4 ,in  
fact1 the microbe1 at the moment of     
beginning its entrance into the blood   

may exist singly or in minute numbers in
 one droplet and not at all in its      
immediate neighbor4 ,i believe therefore
 that it would be extremely instructive 
in furunculosis1 to find a patient      
willing to submit to a number of        
punctures in different parts of the body
 away from formed or forming furuncles1 
and thus secure many cultures1          
simultaneous of otherwise1 of the blood 
of the general circulation4 ,i am       
convinced that among them would be found
 growths of the micro-organism of       
furuncles4  ,,ii4 ,on ,osteomyelitis4   
,single observation4 ,i have but one    
observation relating to this severe     
disease1 and in this ,dr4 ,lannelongue  
took the initiative4 ,the monograph on  
osteomyelitis published by this learned 
practitioner is well known1 with his    
suggestion of the possibility of a cure 
by trephining the bone and the use of   
antiseptic washes and dressings4 ,on the
 fourteenth of ,february1 at the request
 of ,dr4 ,lannelongue ,i went to the    

,sainte-,eugenie hospital1 where this   
skillful surgeon was to operate on a    
little girl of about twelve years of    
age4 ,the right knee was much swollen1  
as well as the whole leg below the calf 
and a part of the thigh above the knee4 
,there was no external opening4 ,under  
chloroform1 ,dr4 ,lannelongue made a    
long incision below the knee which let  
out a large amount of pus2 the tibia was
 found denuded for a long distance4     
,three places in the bone were          
trephined4 ,from each of these1         
quantities of pus flowed4 ,pus from     
inside and outside the bone was         
collected with all possible precautions 
and was carefully examined and          
cultivated later4 ,the direct           
microscopic study of the pus1 both      
internal and external1 was of extreme   
interest4 ,it was seen that both        
contained large numbers of the organism 
similar to that of furuncles1 arranged  
in pairs1 in fours and in packets1 some 
with sharp clear contour1 others only   

faintly visible and with very pale      
outlines4 ,the external pus contained   
many pus corpuscles1 the internal had   
none at all4 ,it was like a fatty paste 
of the furuncular organism4 ,also1 it   
may be noted1 that growth of the small  
organism had begun in less than six     
hours after the cultures were started4  
,thus ,i saw1 that it corresponded      
exactly with the organism of furuncles4 
,the diameter of the individuals was    
found to be one one-thousandth of a     
millimeter4 ,if ,i ventured to express  
myself so ,i might say that in this case
 at least the osteomyelitis was really a
 furuncle of the bone marrow4 ,footnote3
 ,this has been demonstrated1 as is well
 known4--,translator4 ,it is undoubtedly
 easy to induce osteomyelitis           
artificially in living animals4  ,,iii4 
,on puerperal fever4--,first            
observation4 ,on the twelfth of ,march1 
#ahgh1 ,dr4 ,hervieux was good enough to
 admit me to his service in the         
,maternity to visit a woman delivered   

some days before and seriously ill with 
puerperal fever4 ,the lochia were       
extremely fetid4 ,i found them full of  
micro-organisms of many kinds4 ,a small 
amount of blood was obtained from a     
puncture on the index finger of the left
 hand1 7the finger being first properly 
washed and dried with a ,,sterile       
towel17 and then sowed in chicken       
bouillon4 ,the culture remained sterile 
during the following days4  ,the        
thirteenth1 more blood was taken from a 
puncture in the finger and this time    
growth occurred4 ,as death took place on
 the sixteenth of ,march at six in the  
morning1 it seems that the blood        
contained a microscopic parasite at     
least three days before4  ,the fifteenth
 of ,march1 eighteen hours before death1
 blood from a needle-prick in the left  
foot was used4 ,this culture also was   
fertile4  ,the first culture1 of ,march 
thirteenth1 contained only the organism 
of furuncles2 the next one1 that of the 
fifteenth1 contained an organism        

resembling that of furunculosis1 but    
which always differed enough to make it 
easy usually to distinguish it4 ,in this
 way2 whilst the parasite of furuncles  
is arranged in pairs1 very rarely in    
chains of three or four elements1 the   
new one1 that of the culture of the     
fifteenth1 occurs in long chains1 the   
number of cells in each being           
indefinite4 ,the chains are flexible and
 often appear as little tangled packets 
like tangled strings of pearls4  ,the   
autopsy was performed on the seventeenth
 at two o'clock4 ,there was a large     
amount of pus in the peritoneum4 ,it was
 sowed with all possible precautions4   
,blood from the basilic and femoral     
veins was also sowed4 ,so also was pus  
from the mucous surface of the uterus1  
from the tubes1 and finally that from a 
lymphatic in the uterine wall4 ,these   
are the results of these cultures3 in   
all there were the long chains of cells 
just spoken of above1 and nowhere any   
mixture of other organisms1 except in   

the culture from the peritoneal pus1    
which1 in addition to the long chains1  
also contained the small pyogenic vibrio
 which ,i describe under the name       
,,organism ,,of ,,pus in the ,note ,i   
published with ,messrs4 ,joubert and    
,chamberland on the thirtieth of ,april1
 #ahgh4 ,footnote3 ,see preceding paper4
  ,interpretation of the disease and of 
the death4--,after confinement1 the pus 
that always naturally forms in the      
injured parts of the uterus instead of  
remaining pure becomes contaminated with
 microscopic organisms from outside1    
notably the organism in long chains and 
the pyogenic vibrio4 ,these organisms   
pass into the peritoneal cavity through 
the tubes or by other channels1 and some
 of them into the blood1 probably by the
 lymphatics4 ,the resorption of the pus1
 always extremely easy and prompt when  
it is pure1 becomes impossible through  
the presence of the parasites1 whose    
entrance must be prevented by all       
possible means from the moment of       

confinement4  ,second observation4--,the
 fourteenth of ,march1 a woman died of  
puerperal fever at the ,lariboisiere    
hospital2 the abdomen was distended     
before death4  ,pus was found in        
abundance by a peritoneal puncture and  
was sowed2 so also was blood from a vein
 in the arm4 ,the culture of pus yielded
 the long chains noted in the preceding 
observation and also the small pyogenic 
vibrio4 ,the culture from the blood     
contained only the long chains4  ,third 
observation4--,the seventeenth of ,may1 
#ahgi1 a woman1 three days past         
confinement1 was ill1 as well as the    
child she was nursing4 ,the lochia were 
full of the pyogenic vibrio and of the  
organism of furuncles1 although there   
was but a small proportion of the       
latter4 ,the milk and the lochia were   
sowed4 ,the milk gave the organism in   
long chains of granules1 and the lochia 
only the pus organism4 ,the mother died1
 and there was no autopsy4  ,on ,may    
twenty-eighth1 a rabbit was inoculated  

under the skin of the abdomen with five 
drops of the preceding culture of the   
pyogenic vibrio4 ,the days following an 
enormous abscess formed which opened    
spontaneously on the fourth of ,june4   
,an abundantly cheesy pus came from it4 
,about the abscess there was extensive  
induration4 ,on the eighth of ,june1 the
 opening of the abscess was larger1 the 
suppuration active4 ,near its border was
 another abscess1 evidently joined with 
the first1 for upon pressing it with the
 finger1 pus flowed freely from the     
opening in the first abscess4 ,during   
the whole of the month of ,june1 the    
rabbit was sick and the abscesses       
suppurated1 but less and less4 ,in ,july
 they closed2 the animal was well4      
,there could only be felt some nodules  
under the skin of the abdomen4  ,what   
disturbances might not such an organism 
carry into the body of a parturient     
woman1 after passing into the           
peritoneum1 the lymphatics or the blood 
through the maternal placenta6 ,its     

presence is much more dangerous than    
that of the parasite arranged in chains4
 ,furthermore1 its development is always
 threatening1 because1 as said in the   
work already quoted 7,april1 #ahgh7 this
 organism can be easily recovered from  
many ordinary waters4  ,i may add that  
the organism in long chains1 and that   
arranged in pairs are also extremely    
widespread1 and that one of their       
habitats is the mucous surfaces of the  
genital tract4 ,footnote3 ,when1 by the 
procedure ,i elsewhere described1 urine 
is removed in a pure condition by the   
urethra from the bladder1 if any chance 
growth occurs through some error of     
technic1 it is the two organisms of     
which ,i have been speaking that are    
almost exclusively present4  ,apparently
 there is no puerperal parasite1        
properly speaking4 ,i have not          
encountered true septicemia in my       
experiments2 but it ought to be among   
the puerperal affections4  ,fourth      
observation4--,on ,june fourteenth1 at  

the ,lariboisiere1 a woman was very ill 
following a recent confinement2 she was 
at the point of death2 in fact she did  
die on the fourteenth at midnight4 ,some
 hours before death pus was taken from  
an abscess on the arm1 and blood from a 
puncture in a finger4 ,both were sowed4 
,on the next day 7the fifteenth7 the    
flask containing the pus from the       
abscess was filled with long chains of  
granules4 ,the flask containing the     
blood was sterile4 ,the autopsy was at  
ten o'clock on the morning of the       
sixteenth4 ,blood from a vein of the    
arm1 pus from the uterine walls and that
 from a collection in the synovial sac  
of the knee were all placed in culture  
media4 ,all showed growth1 even the     
blood1 and they all contained the long  
strings of granules4 ,the peritoneum    
contained no pus4  ,interpretation of   
the disease and of the death4--,the     
injury of the uterus during confinement 
as usual furnished pus1 which gave a    
lodging place for the germs of the long 

chains of granules4 ,these1 probably    
through the lymphatics1 passed to the   
joints and to some other places1 thus   
being the origin of the metastic        
abscesses which produced death4  ,fifth 
observation4--,on ,june seventeenth1 ,m4
 ,doleris1 a well-known hospital        
interne1 brought to me some blood1      
removed with the necessary precautions1 
from a child dead immediately after     
birth1 whose mother1 before confinement 
had had febrile symptoms with chills4   
,this blood1 upon cultivation1 gave an  
abundance of the pyogenic vibrio4 ,on   
the other hand1 blood taken from the    
mother on the morning of the eighteenth 
7she had died at one o'clock that       
morning7 showed no development whatever1
 on the nineteenth nor on following     
days4 ,the autopsy on the mother took   
place on the nineteenth4 ,it is         
certainly worthy of note that the       
uterus1 peritoneum and intestines showed
 nothing special1 but the liver was full
 of metastatic abscesses4 ,at the exit  

of the hepatic vein from the liver there
 was pus1 and its walls were ulcerated  
at this place4 ,the pus from the liver  
abscesses was filled with the pyogenic  
vibrio4 ,even the liver tissues1 at a   
distance from the visible abscesses1    
gave abundant cultures of the same      
organism4  ,interpretation of the       
disease and of the death4--,the pyogenic
 vibrio1 found in the uterus1 or which  
was perhaps already in the body of the  
mother1 since she suffered from chills  
before confinement1 produced metastatic 
abscesses in the liver and1 carried to  
the blood of the child1 there induced   
one of the forms of infection called    
purulent1 which caused its death4       
,sixth observation4--,the eighteenth of 
,june1 #ahgi1 ,m4 ,doleris informed me  
that a woman confined some days before  
at the ,cochin ,hospital1 was very ill4 
,on the twentieth of ,june1 blood from a
 needle-prick in the finger was sowed2  
the culture was sterile4 ,on ,july      
fifteenth1 that is to say twenty-five   

days later1 the blood was tried again4  
,still no growth4 ,there was no organism
 distinctly recognizable in the lochia3 
the woman was nevertheless1 they told   
me1 dangerously ill and at the point of 
death4 ,as a matter of fact1 she did die
 on the eighteenth of ,july at nine in  
the morning3 as may be seen1 after a    
very long illness1 for the first        
observations were made over a month     
before3 the illness was also very       
painful1 for the patient could make no  
movement without intense suffering4  ,an
 autopsy was made on the nineteenth at  
ten in the morning1 and was of great    
interest4 ,there was purulent pleurisy  
with a considerable pocket of pus1 and  
purulent false membranes on the walls of
 the pleura4 ,the liver was bleached1   
fatty1 but of firm consistency1 and with
 no apparent metastatic abscesses4 ,the 
uterus1 of small size1 appeared healthy2
 but on the external surface whitish    
nodules filled with pus were found4     
,,there ,,was ,,nothing ,,in ,,the      

,,peritoneum1 ,,which ,,was ,,not       
,,inflamed2 but there was much pus in   
the shoulder joints and the symphysis   
pubis4  ,the pus from the abscesses1    
upon cultivation1 gave the long chains  
of granules--not only that of the       
pleura1 but that from the shoulders and 
a lymphatic of the uterus as well4 ,an  
interesting thing1 but easily           
understood1 was that the blood from a   
vein in the arm and taken three-quarters
 of an hour after death was entirely    
sterile4 ,nothing grew from the         
,fallopian tubes nor the broad          
ligaments4  ,interpretation of the      
disease and of the death4--,the pus     
found in the uterus after confinement   
became infected with germs of           
microscopic organisms which grew there1 
then passed into the uterine lymphatics1
 and from there went on to produce pus  
in the pleura and in the articulations4 
,seventh observation4--,on ,june        
eighteenth1 ,m4 ,doleris informed me    
that a woman had been confined at the   

,cochin ,hospital five days before and  
that fears were entertained as to the   
results of an operation that had been   
performed1 it having been necessary to  
do an embryotomy4 ,the lochia were sowed
 on the #ahth2 there was not the        
slightest trace of growth the next day  
nor the day after4 ,without the least   
knowledge of this woman since the       
eighteenth1 on the twentieth ,i ventured
 to assert that she would get well4 ,i  
sent to inquire about her4 ,this is the 
text of the report3 ,,the ,,woman ,,is  
,,doing ,,extremely ,,well2 ,,she ,,goes
 ,,out ,,tomorrow  ,interpretation of   
the facts4--,the pus naturally formed on
 the surface of the injured parts did   
not become contaminated with organisms  
brought from without4 ,natura medicatrix
 carried it off1 that is to say the     
vitality of the mucous surfaces         
prevented the development of foreign    
germs4 ,the pus was easily resorbed1 and
 recovery took place4  ,i beg the       
,academy to permit me1 in closing1 to   

submit certain definite views1 which ,i 
am strongly inclined to consider as     
legitimate conclusions from the facts ,i
 have had the honor to communicate to   
it4  ,under the expression ,,puerperal  
,,fever are grouped very different      
diseases1 ,footnote3 ,interesting as the
 starting point of the conception of    
diseases according to the etiological   
factor1 not by groups of                
symptoms4--,translator4 but all         
appearing to be the result of the growth
 of common organisms which by their     
presence infect the pus naturally formed
 on injured surfaces1 which spread by   
one means or another1 by the blood or   
the lymphatics1 to one or another part  
of the body1 and there induce morbid    
changes varying with the condition of   
the parts1 the nature of the parasite1  
and the general constitution of the     
subject4  ,whatever this constitution1  
does it not seem that by taking measures
 opposing the production of these common
 parasitic organisms recovery would     

usually occur1 except perhaps when the  
body contains1 before confinement1      
microscopic organisms1 in contaminated  
internal or external abscesses1 as was  
seen in one striking example 7fifth     
observation74 ,the antiseptic method ,i 
believe likely to be sovereign in the   
vast majority of cases4 ,it seems to me 
that ,,immediately ,,after ,,confinement
 the application of antiseptics should  
be begun4 ,carbolic acid can render     
great service1 but there is another     
antiseptic1 the use of which ,i am      
strongly inclined to advise1 this is    
boric acid in concentrated solution1    
that is1 four per cent4 at the ordinary 
temperature4 ,this acid1 whose singular 
influence on cell life has been shown by
 ,m4 ,dumas1 is so slightly acid that it
 is alkaline to certain test papers1 as 
was long ago shown by ,m4 ,chevreul1    
besides this it has no odor like        
carbolic acid1 which odor often disturbs
 the sick4 ,lastly1 its lack of hurtful 
effects on mucous membranes1 notably of 

the bladder1 has been and is daily      
demonstrated in the hospitals of ,paris4
 ,the following is the occasion upon    
which it was first used4 ,the ,academy  
may remember that ,i stated before it1  
and the fact has never been denied1 that
 ammoniacal urine is always produced by 
a microscopic organism1 entirely similar
 in many respects to the organism of    
furuncles4 ,later1 in a joint           
investigation with ,m4 ,joubert1 we     
found that a solution of boric acid was 
easily fatal to these organisms4 ,after 
that1 in #ahgg1 ,i induced ,dr4 ,guyon1 
in charge of the genito-urinary clinic  
at the ,necker hospital1 to try         
injections of a solution of boric acid  
in affections of the bladder4 ,i am     
informed by this skilful practitioner   
that he has done so1 and daily observes 
good results from it4 ,he also tells me 
that he performs no operation of        
lithotrity without the use of similar   
injections4 ,i recall these facts to    
show that a solution of boric acid is   

entirely harmless to an extremely       
delicate mucous membrane1 that of the   
bladder1 and that it is possible to fill
 the bladder with a warm solution of    
boric acid without even inconvenience4  
,to return to the confinement cases4    
,would it not be of great service to    
place a warm concentrated solution of   
boric acid1 and compresses1 at the      
bedside of each patient2 which she could
 renew frequently after saturating with 
the solution1 and this also after       
confinement4 ,it would also be acting   
the part of prudence to place the       
compresses1 before using1 in a hot air  
oven at #aej degrees ,c41 more than     
enough to kill the germs of the common  
organisms4 ,footnote3 ,the adoption of  
precautions1 similar to those here      
suggested1 has resulted in the          
practically complete disappearance of   
puerperal fevor4--,translator4  ,was ,i 
justified in calling this communication 
,,on ,,the ,,extension ,,of ,,the ,,germ
 ,,theory ,,to ,,the ,,etiology ,,of    

,,certain ,,common ,,diseases8 ,i have  
detailed the facts as they have appeared
 to me and ,i have mentioned            
interpretations of them3 but ,i do not  
conceal from myself that1 in medical    
territory1 it is difficult to support   
one's self wholly on subjective         
foundations4 ,i do not forget that      
,medicine and ,veterinary practice are  
foreign to me4 ,i desire judgment and   
criticism upon all my contributions4    
,little tolerant of frivolous or        
prejudiced contradiction1 contemptuous  
of that ignorant criticism which doubts 
on principle1 ,i welcome with open arms 
the militant attack which has a method  
in doubting and whose rule of conduct   
has the motto ,more light4  ,it is a    
pleasure once more to acknowledge the   
helpfulness of the aid given me by      
,messrs4 ,chamberland and ,roux during  
the studies ,i have just recorded4 ,i   
wish also to acknowledge the great      
assistance of ,m4 ,doleris4             
,,prejudices ,,which ,,have ,,retarded  

,,the ,,progress ,,of ,,geology         
,,uniformity ,,in ,,the ,,series ,,of   
,,past ,,changes ,,in ,,the ,,animate   
,,and ,,inanimate ,,world ,,by ,,sir    
,,charles ,,lyell   ,,introductory      
,,note   ,sir ,charles ,lyell was born  
near ,kirriemuir1 ,forfarshire1         
,scotland1 on ,november #ad1 #agig4 ,he 
graduated from ,exeter ,college1        
,oxford1 in #ahai1 and proceeded to the 
study of law4 ,although he practised for
 a short time1 he was much hampered in  
this profession1 as in all his work1 by 
weak eyesight2 and after the age of     
thirty he devoted himself chiefly to    
science4  ,lyell's father was a botanist
 of some distinction1 and the son seems 
to have been interested in natural      
history from an early age4 ,while still 
an undergraduate he made geological     
journeys in ,scotland and on the        
,continent of ,europe1 and throughout   
his life he upheld by precept and       
example the importance of travel for the
 geologist4  ,the first edition of his  

,principles of ,geology was published in
 #ahcj2 and the phrase used in the      
sub-title1 an attempt to explain the    
former changes of the earth's surface1  
by reference to causes now in action    
strikes the keynote of his whole work4  
,all his life he continued to urge this 
method of explanation in opposition to  
the hypotheses1 formerly much in vogue1 
which assumed frequent catastrophes to  
account for geologic changes4 ,the      
chapters here printed give his own final
 statement of his views on this         
important issue4  ,lyell's scientific   
work received wide recognition3 he was  
more than once ,president of the        
,geological ,society1 in #ahfd was      
,president of the ,british ,association1
 was knighted in #ahdh1 and made a      
baronet in #ahfd4 ,he possessed a broad 
general culture1 and his home was a     
noted center of the intellectual life of
 ,london4 ,he twice came to the ,united 
,states to lecture1 and created great   
interest4 ,on his death1 on ,february   

#bb1 #ahge1 he was buried in            
,westminster ,abbey4  ,persistent as    
were ,lyell's efforts for the           
establishment of his main theory1 he    
remained remarkably open-minded2 and    
when the evolutionary hypothesis was put
 forward he became a warm supporter of  
it4 ,darwin in his autobiography thus   
sums up ,lyell's achievement3 ,the      
science of geology is enormously        
indebted to ,lyell--more so1 as ,i      
believe1 than to any other man who ewer 
lived4     ,,the ,,progress ,,of        
,,geology  ,footnote3 ,the text of the  
two following papers is taken from the  
#aath edition of ,lyell's ,principles of
 ,geology1 the last edition revised by  
the author4   ,i  ,,prepossessions ,,in 
,,regard ,,to ,,the ,,duration ,,of     
,,past ,,time--,,prejudices ,,arising   
,,from ,,our ,,peculiar ,,position ,,as 
,,inhabitants ,,of ,,the ,,land--       
,,others ,,occasioned ,,by ,,our ,,not  
,,seeing ,,subterranean ,,changes ,,now 
,,in ,,progress--,,all ,,these ,,causes 

,,combine ,,to ,,make ,,the ,,former    
,,course ,,of ,,nature ,,appear         
,,different ,,from ,,the                
,,present--,,objections ,,to ,,the      
,,doctrine ,,that ,,causes ,,similar    
,,in ,,kind ,,and ,,energy ,,to ,,those 
,,now ,,acting1 ,,have ,,produced ,,the 
,,former ,,changes ,,of ,,the ,,earth',s
 ,,surface ,,considered   ,if we reflect
 on the history of the progress of      
geology we perceive that there have been
 great fluctuations of opinion          
respecting the nature of the causes to  
which all former changes of the earth's 
surface are referable4 ,the first       
observers conceived the monuments which 
the geologist endeavours to decipher to 
relate to an original state of the      
earth1 or to a period when there were   
causes in activity1 distinct1 in a kind 
and degree1 from those now constituting 
the economy of nature4 ,these views were
 gradually modified1 and some of them   
entirely abandoned1 in proportion as    
observations were multiplied1 and the   

signs of former mutations were skilfully
 interpreted4 ,many appearances1 which  
had for a long time been regarded as    
indicating mysterious and extraordinary 
agency1 were finally recognised as the  
necessary result of the laws now        
governing the material world2 and the   
discovery of this unlooked-for          
conformity has at length induced some   
philosophers to infer1 that1 during the 
ages contemplated in geology1 there has 
never been any interruption to the      
agency of the same uniform laws of      
change4 ,the same assemblage of general 
causes1 they conceive1 may have been    
sufficient to produce1 by their various 
combinations1 the endless diversity of  
effects1 of which the shell of the earth
 has preserved the memorials2 and1      
consistently with these principles1 the 
recurrence of analogous changes is      
expected by them in time to come4       
,whether we coincide or not in this     
doctrine we must admit that the gradual 
progress of opinion concerning the      

succession of phenomena in very remote  
eras1 resembles1 in a singular manner1  
that which has accompanied the growing  
intelligence of every people1 in regard 
to the economy of nature in their own   
times4 ,in an early state of            
advancement1 when a greater number of   
natural appearances are unintelligible1 
an eclipse1 an earthquake1 a flood1 or  
the approach of a comet1 with many other
 occurrences afterwards found to belong 
to the regular course of events1 are    
regarded as prodigies4 ,the same        
delusion prevails as to moral phenomena1
 and many of these are ascribed to the  
intervention of demons1 ghosts1 witches1
 and other immaterial and supernatural  
agents4 ,by degrees1 many of the enigmas
 of the moral and physical world are    
explained1 and1 instead of being due to 
extrinsic and irregular causes1 they are
 found to depend on fixed and invariable
 laws4 ,the philosopher at last becomes 
convinced of the undeviating uniformity 
of secondary causes2 and1 guided by his 

faith in this principle1 he determines  
the probability of accounts transmitted 
to him of former occurrences1 and often 
rejects the fabulous tales of former    
times1 on the ground of their being     
irreconcilable with the experience of   
more enlightened ages4  ,,prepossessions
 ,,in ,,regard ,,to ,,the ,,duration    
,,of ,,past ,,time4--,as a belief in the
 want of conformity in the cause by     
which the earth's crust has been        
modified in ancient and modern periods  
was1 for a long time1 universally       
prevalent1 and that1 too1 amongst men   
who were convinced that the order of    
nature had been uniform for the last    
several thousand years1 every           
circumstance which could have influenced
 their minds and given an undue bias to 
their opinions deserves particular      
attention4 ,now the reader may easily   
satisfy himself1 that1 however          
undeviating the course of nature may    
have been from the earliest epochs1 it  
was impossible for the first cultivators

 of geology to come to such a           
conclusion1 so long as they were under a
 delusion as to the age of the world1   
and the date of the first creation of   
animate beings4 ,however fantastical    
some theories of the sixteenth century  
may now appear to us1--however unworthy 
of men of great talent and sound        
judgment1--we may rest assured that1 if 
the same misconception now prevailed in 
regard to the memorials of human        
transactions1 it would give rise to a   
similar train of absurdities4 ,let us   
imagine1 for example1 that ,champollion1
 and the ,french and ,tuscan literati   
when engaged in exploring the           
antiquities of ,egypt1 had visited that 
country with a firm belief that the     
banks of the ,nile were never peopled by
 the human race before the beginning of 
the nineteenth century1 and that their  
faith in this dogma was as difficult to 
shake as the opinion of our ancestors1  
that the earth was never the abode of   
living beings until the creation of the 

present continents1 and of the species  
now existing1--it is easy to perceive   
what extravagant systems they would     
frame1 while under the influence of this
 delusion1 to account for the monuments 
discovered in ,egypt4 ,the sight of the 
pyramids1 obelisks1 colossal statues1   
and ruined temples1 would fill them with
 such astonishment1 that for a time they
 would be as men spell-bound--wholly    
incapable of reasoning with sobriety4   
,they might incline at first to refer   
the construction of such stupendous     
works to some superhuman powers of the  
primeval world4 ,a system might be      
invented resembling that so gravely     
advanced by1 ,manetho1 who relates that 
a dynasty of gods originally ruled in   
,egypt1 of whom ,vulcan1 the first      
monarch1 reigned nine thousand years2   
after whom came ,hercules and other     
demigods1 who were at last succeeded by 
human kings4  ,when some fanciful       
speculations of this kind had amused    
their imaginations for a time1 some vast

 repository of mummies would be         
discovered1 and would immediately       
undeceive those antiquaries who enjoyed 
an opportunity of personally examining  
them2 but the prejudices of others at a 
distance1 who were not eye-witnesses of 
the whole phenomena1 would not be so    
easily overcome4 ,the concurrent report 
of many travellers would1 indeed1 render
 it necessary for them to accommodate   
ancient theories to some of the new     
facts1 and much wit and ingenuity would 
be required to modify and defend their  
old positions4 ,each new invention would
 violate a greater number of known      
analogies2 for if a theory be required  
to embrace some false principle1 it     
becomes more visionary in proportion as 
facts are multiplied1 as would be the   
case if geometers were now required to  
form an astronomical system on the      
assumption of the immobility of the     
earth4  ,amongst other fanciful         
conjectures concerning the history of   
,egypt1 we may suppose some of the      

following to be started4 ',as the banks 
of the ,nile have been so recently      
colonized for the first time1 the       
curious substances called mummies could 
never in reality have belonged to men4  
,they may have been generated by some   
,,plastic ,,virtue residing in the      
interior of the earth1 or they may be   
abortions of ,nature produced by her    
incipient efforts in the work of        
creation4 ,for if deformed beings are   
sometimes born even now1 when the scheme
 of the universe is fully developed1    
many more may have been sent before     
their time scarce half made up1 when the
 planet itself was in the embryo state4 
,but if these notions appear to derogate
 from the perfection of the ,divine     
attributes1 and if these mummies be in  
all their parts true representations of 
the human form1 may we not refer them to
 the future rather than the past8 ,may  
we not be looking into the womb of      
,nature1 and not her grave8 ,may not    
these images be like the shades of the  

unborn in ,virgil's ,elysium--the       
archetypes of men not yet called into   
existence8'  ,these speculations1 if    
advocated by eloquent writers1 would not
 fail to attract many zealous votaries1 
for they would relieve men from the     
painful necessity of renouncing         
preconceived opinions4 ,incredible as   
such scepticism may appear1 it has been 
rivalled by many systems of the         
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries1 and
 among others by that of the learned    
,falloppio1 who1 as we have seen 7p4    
#cc71 regarded the tusks of fossil      
elephants as earthly concretions1 and   
the pottery or fragments of vases in the
 ,monte ,testaceo1 near ,rome1 as works 
of nature1 and not of art4 ,but when one
 generation had passed away1 and        
another1 not compromised to the support 
of antiquated dogmas1 had succeeded1    
they would review the evidence afforded 
by mummies more impartially1 and would  
no longer controvert the preliminary    
question1 that human beings had lived in

 ,egypt before the nineteenth century3  
so that when a hundred years perhaps had
 been lost1 the industry and talents of 
the philosopher would be at last        
directed to the elucidation of points of
 real historical importance4  ,but the  
above arguments are aimed against one   
only of many prejudices with which the  
earlier geologists had to contend4 ,even
 when they conceded that the earth had  
been peopled with animate beings at an  
earlier period than was at first        
supposed1 they had no conception that   
the quantity of time bore so great a    
proportion to the historical era as is  
now generally conceded4 ,how fatal every
 error as to the quantity of time must  
prove to the introduction of rational   
views concerning the state of things in 
former ages1 may be conceived by        
supposing the annals of the civil and   
military transactions of a great nation 
to be perused under the impression that 
they occurred in a period of one hundred
 instead of two thousand years4 ,such a 

portion of history would immediately    
assume the air of a romance2 the events 
would seem devoid of credibility1 and   
inconsistent with the present course of 
human affairs4 ,a crowd of incidents    
would follow each other in thick        
succession4 ,armies and fleets would    
appear to be assembled only to be       
destroyed1 and cities built merely to   
fall in ruins4 ,there would be the most 
violent transitions from foreign or     
intestine war to periods of profound    
peace1 and the works effected during the
 years of disorder or tranquillity would
 appear alike superhuman in magnitude4  
,he who should study the monuments of   
the natural world under the influence of
 a similar infatuation1 must draw a no  
less exaggerated picture of the energy  
and violence of causes1 and must        
experience the same insurmountable      
difficulty in reconciling the former and
 present state of nature1 ,if we could  
behold in one view all the volcanic     
cones thrown up in ,iceland1 ,italy1    

,sicily1 and other parts of ,europe1    
during the last five thousand years1 and
 could see the lavas which have flowed  
during the same period2 the             
dislocations1 subsidences1 and          
elevations caused during earthquakes2   
the lands added to various deltas1 or   
devoured by the sea1 together with the  
effects of devastation by floods1 and   
imagine that all these events had       
happened in one year1 we must form most 
exalted ideas of the activity of the    
agents1 and the suddenness of the       
revolutions4 ,if geologists1 therefore1 
have misinterpreted the signs of a      
succession of events1 so as to conclude 
that centuries were implied where the   
characters indicated thousands of years1
 and thousands of years where the       
language of ,nature signified millions1 
they could not1 if they reasoned        
logically from such false premises1 come
 to any other conclusion than that the  
system of the natural world had         
undergone a complete revolution4  ,we   

should be warranted in ascribing the    
erection of the great pyramid to        
superhuman power1 if we were convinced  
that it was raised in one day2 and if we
 imagine1 in the same manner1 a         
continent or mountain-chain to have been
 elevated during an equally small       
fraction of the time which was really   
occupied in upheaving it1 we might then 
be justified in inferring1 that the     
subterranean movements were once far    
more energetic than in our own times4   
,we know that2 during one earthquake the
 coast of ,chili may be raised for a    
hundred miles to the average height of  
about three feet4 ,a repetition of two  
thousand shocks1 of equal violence1     
might produce a mountain-chain one      
hundred miles long1 and six thousand    
feet high4 ,now1 should one or two only 
of these convulsions happen in a        
century1 it would be consistent with the
 order of events experienced by the     
,chilians from the earliest times3 but  
if the whole of them were to occur in   

the next hundred years1 the entire      
district must be depopulated1 scarcely  
any animals or plants could survive1 and
 the surface would be one confused heap 
of ruin and desolation4  ,one           
consequence of undervaluing greatly the 
quantity of past time1 is the apparent  
coincidence which it occasions of events
 necessarily disconnected1 or which are 
so unusual1 that it would be            
inconsistent with all calculation of    
chances to suppose them to happen at one
 and the same time4 ,when the           
unlooked-for association of such rare   
phenomena is witnessed in the present   
course of nature1 it scarcely ever fails
 to excite a suspicion of the           
preternatural in those minds which are  
not firmly convinced of the uniform     
agency of secondary causes2--as if the  
death of some individual in whose fate  
they are interested happens to be       
accompanied by the appearance of a      
luminous meteor1 or a comet1 or the     
shock of an earthquake4 ,it would be    

only necessary to multiply such         
coincidences indefinitely1 and the mind 
of every philosopher would be disturbed4
 ,now it would be difficult to          
exaggerate the number of physical       
events1 many of them most rare and      
unconnected in their nature1 which were 
imagined by the ,woodwardian hypothesis 
to have happened in the course of a few 
months3 and numerous other examples     
might be found of popular geological    
theories1 which require us to imagine   
that a long succession of events        
happened in a brief and almost momentary
 period4  ,another liability to error1  
very nearly allied to the former1 arises
 from the frequent contact of geological
 monuments referring to very distant    
periods of time4 ,we often behold1 at   
one glance1 the effects of causes which 
have acted at times incalculably remote1
 and yet there may be no striking       
circumstances to mark the occurrence of 
a great chasm in the chronological      
series of ,nature's archives4 ,in the   

vast interval of time which may really  
have elapsed between the results of     
operations thus compared1 the physical  
condition of the earth may1 by slow and 
insensible modifications1 have become   
entirely altered2 one or more races of  
organic beings may have passed away1 and
 yet have left behind1 in the particular
 region under contemplation1 no trace of
 their existence4  ,to a mind           
unconscious of these intermediate       
events1 the passage from one state of   
things to another must appear so        
violent1 that the idea of revolutions in
 the system inevitably suggests itself4 
,the imagination is as much perplexed by
 the deception1 as it might be if two   
distant points in space were suddenly   
brought into immediate proximity4 ,let  
us suppose1 for a moment1 that a        
philosopher should lie down to sleep in 
some arctic wilderness1 and then be     
transferred by a power1 such as we read 
of in tales of enchantment1 to a valley 
in a tropical country1 where1 on        

awaking1 he might find himself          
surrounded by birds of brilliant        
plumage1 and all the luxuriance of      
animal and vegetable forms of which     
,nature is so prodigal in those regions4
 ,the most reasonable supposition1      
perhaps1 which he could make1 if by the 
necromancer's art he were placed in such
 a situation1 would be1 that he was     
dreaming2 and if a geologist form       
theories under a similar delusion1 we   
cannot expect him to preserve more      
consistency in his speculations1 than in
 the train of ideas in an ordinary      
dream4  ,it may afford1 perhaps1 a more 
lively illustration of the principle    
here insisted upon1 if ,i recall to the 
reader's recollection the legend of the 
,seven ,sleepers4 ,the scene of that    
popular fable was placed in the two     
centuries which elapsed between the     
reign of the emperor ,decius and the    
death of ,theodosius the younger4 ,in   
that interval of time 7between the years
 #bdi and #dej of our era7 the union of 

the ,roman empire had been dissolved1   
and some of its fairest provinces       
overrun by the barbarians of the north4 
,the seat of government had passed from 
,rome to ,constantinople1 and the throne
 from a pagan persecutor to a succession
 of ,christian and orthodox princes4    
,the genius of the empire had been      
humbled in the dust1 and the altars of  
,diana and ,hercules were on the point  
of being transferred to ,catholic saints
 and martyrs4 ,the legend relates1 'that
 when ,decius was still persecuting the 
,christians1 seven noble youths of      
,ephesus concealed themselves in a      
spacious cavern in the side of an       
adjacent mountain1 where they were      
doomed to perish by the tyrant1 who gave
 orders that the entrance should be     
firmly secured with a pile of huge      
stones4 ,they immediately fell into a   
deep slumber1 which was miraculously    
prolonged1 without injuring the powers  
of life1 during a period of #ahg years4 
,at the end of that time the slaves of  

,adolius1 to whom the inheritance of the
 mountain had descended1 removed the    
stones to supply materials for some     
rustic edifice3 the light of the sun    
darted into the cavern1 and the seven   
sleepers were permitted to awake4 ,after
 a slumber1 as they thought1 of a few   
hours1 they were pressed by the calls of
 hunger1 and resolved that ,jamhlichus1 
one of their number1 should secretly    
return to the city to purchase bread for
 the use of his companions4 ,the youth  
could no longer recognise the once      
familiar aspect of his native country1  
and his surprise was increased by the   
appearance of a large cross triumphantly
 erected over the principal gate of     
,ephesus4 ,his singular dress and       
obsolete language confounded the baker1 
to whom he offered an ancient medal of  
,decius as the current coin of the      
empire2 and ,jamblichus1 on the         
suspicion of a secret treasure1 was     
dragged before the judge4 ,their mutual 
enquiries produced the amazing          

discovery1 that two centuries were      
almost elapsed since ,jamblichus and his
 friends had escaped from the rage of a 
pagan tyrant4'  ,this legend was        
received as authentic throughout the    
,christian world before the end of the  
sixth century1 and was afterwards       
introduced by ,mahomet as a divine      
revelation into the ,koran1 and from    
hence was adopted and adorned by all the
 nations from ,bengal to ,africa who    
professed the ,mahometan faith4 ,some   
vestiges even of a similar tradition    
have been discovered in ,scandinavia4   
',this easy and universal belief1'      
observes the philosophical historian of 
the ,decline and ,fall1 'so expressive  
of the sense of mankind1 may be ascribed
 to the genuine merit of the fable      
itself4 ,we imperceptibly advance from  
youth to age1 without observing the     
gradual1 but incessant1 change of human 
affairs2 and even1 in our larger        
experience of history1 the imagination  
is accustomed1 by a perpetual series of 

causes and effects1 to unite the most   
distant revolutions4 ,but if the        
interval between two memorable eras     
could be instantly annihilated2 if it   
were possible1 after a momentary slumber
 of two hundred years1 to display the   
new world to the eyes of a spectator who
 still retained a lively and recent     
impression of the old1 his surprise and 
his reflections would furnish the       
pleasing subject of a philosophical     
romance4' ,footnote3 ,gibbon1 ,decline  
and ,fall4 chap1 xxxiii4  ,,prejudices  
,,arising ,,from ,,our ,,peculiar       
,,position ,,as ,,inhabitants ,,of ,,the
 ,,land4--,the sources of prejudice     
hitherto considered may be deemed       
peculiar for the most part to the       
infancy of the science1 but others are  
common to the first cultivators of      
geology and to ourselves1 and are all   
singularly calculated to produce the    
same deception1 and to strengthen our   
belief that the course of ,nature in the
 earlier ages differed widely from that 

now established4 ,although these        
circumstances cannot be fully explained 
without assuming some things as proved1 
which it has been my object elsewhere to
 demonstrate1 ,footnote3 ,elements of   
,geology1 #fth edit41 #ahfe2 and        
,student's ,elements1 #ahga4 it may be  
well to allude to them briefly in this  
place4  ,the first and greatest         
difficulty1 then1 consists in an        
habitual unconsciousness that our       
position as observers is essentially    
unfavourable1 when we endeavour to      
estimate the nature and magnitude of the
 changes now in progress4 ,in           
consequence of our inattention to this  
subject1 we are liable to serious       
mistakes in contrasting the present with
 former states of the globe4 ,as        
dwellers on the land1 we inhabit about a
 fourth part of the surface2 and that   
portion is almost exclusively a theatre 
of decay1 and not of reproduction4 ,we  
know1 indeed1 that new deposits are     
annually formed in seas and lakes1 and  

that every year some new igneous rocks  
are produced in the bowels of the earth1
 but we cannot watch the progress of    
their formation1 and as they are only   
present to our minds by the aid of      
reflection1 it requires an effort both  
of the reason and the imagination to    
appreciate duly their importance4 ,it   
is1 therefore1 not surprising that we   
estimate very imperfectly the result of 
operations thus unseen by us2 and that1 
when analogous results of former epochs 
are presented to our inspection1 we     
cannot immediately recognise the        
analogy4 ,he who has observed the       
quarrying of stone from a rock1 and has 
seen it shipped for some distant port1  
and then endeavours to conceive what    
kind of edifice will be raised by the   
materials1 is in the same predicament as
 a geologist1 who1 while he is confined 
to the land1 sees the decomposition of  
rocks1 and the transportation of matter 
by rivers to the sea1 and then          
endeavours to picture to himself the new

 strata which ,nature is building       
beneath the waters4  ,,prejudices       
,,arising ,,from ,,our ,,not ,,seeing   
,,subterranean ,,changes4--,nor is his  
position less unfavourable when1        
beholding a volcanic eruption1 he tries 
to conceive what changes the column of  
lava has produced1 in its passage       
upwards1 on the intersected strata2 or  
what form the melted matter may assume  
at great depths on cooling2 or what may 
be the extent of the subterranean rivers
 and reservoirs of liquid matter far    
beneath the surface4 ,it should1        
therefore1 be remembered1 that the task 
imposed on those who study the earth's  
history requires no ordinary share of   
discretion2 for we are precluded from   
collating the corresponding parts of the
 system of things as it exists now1 and 
as it existed at former periods4 ,if we 
were inhabitants of another element--if 
the great ocean were our domain1 instead
 of the narrow limits of the land1 our  
difficulties would be considerably      

lessened2 while1 on the other hand1     
there can be little doubt1 although the 
reader may1 perhaps1 smile at the bare  
suggestion of such an idea1 that an     
amphibious being1 who should possess our
 faculties1 would still more easily     
arrive at sound theoretical opinions in 
geology1 since he might behold1 on the  
one hand1 the decomposition of rocks in 
the atmosphere1 or the transportation of
 matter by running water2 and1 on the   
other1 examine the deposition of        
sediment in the sea1 and the imbedding  
of animal and vegetable remains in new  
strata4 ,he might ascertain1 by direct  
observation1 the action of a mountain   
torrent1 as well as of a marine current2
 might compare the products of volcanos 
poured out upon the land with those     
ejected beneath the waters2 and might   
mark1 on the one hand1 the growth of the
 forest1 and1 on the other1 that of the 
coral reef4 ,yet1 even with these       
advantages1 he would be liable to fall  
into the greatest errors1 when          

endeavouring to reason on rocks of      
subterranean origin4 ,he would seek in  
vain1 within the sphere of his          
observation1 for any direct analogy to  
the process of their formation1 and     
would therefore be in danger of         
attributing them1 wherever they are     
upraised to view1 to some 'primeval     
state of nature4'  ,but if we may be    
allowed so far to indulge the           
imagination1 as to suppose a being      
entirely confined to the nether         
world--some 'dusky melancholy sprite1'  
like ,umbriel1 who could 'flit on sooty 
pinions to the central earth1' but who  
was never permitted to 'sully the fair  
face of light1' and emerge into the     
regions of water and of air2 and if this
 being should busy himself in           
investigating the structure of the      
globe1 he might frame theories the exact
 converse of those usually adopted by   
human philosophers4 ,he might infer that
 the stratified rocks1 containing shells
 and other organic remains1 were the    

oldest of created things1 belonging to  
some original and nascent state of the  
planet4 ',of these masses' he might say1
 'whether they consist of loose         
incoherent sand1 soft clay1 or solid    
stone1 none have been formed in modern  
times4 ,every year some of them are     
broken and shattered by earthquakes1 or 
melted by volcanic fire2 and when they  
cool down slowly from a state of fusion1
 they assume a new and more crystalline 
form1 no longer exhibiting that         
stratified disposition and those curious
 impressions and fantastic markings1 by 
which they were previously              
characterised4 ,this process cannot have
 been carried on for an indefinite time1
 for in that case all the stratified    
rocks would long ere this have been     
fused and crystallised4 ,it is therefore
 probable that the whole planet once    
consisted of these mysterious and       
curiously bedded formations at a time   
when the volcanic fire had not yet been 
brought into activity4 ,since that      

period there seems to have been a       
gradual development of heat2 and this   
augmentation we may expect to continue  
till the whole globe shall be in a state
 of fluidity1 or shall consist1 in those
 parts which are not melted1 of volcanic
 and crystalline rocks4'  ,such might be
 the system of the ,gnome at the very   
time that the followers of ,leibnitz1   
reasoning on what they saw on the outer 
surface1 might be teaching the opposite 
doctrine of gradual refrigeration1 and  
averring that the earth had begun its   
career as a fiery comet1 and might be   
destined hereafter to become a frozen   
mass4 ,the tenets of the schools of the 
nether and of the upper world would be  
directly opposed to each other1 for both
 would partake of the prejudices        
inevitably resulting from the continual 
contemplation of one class of phenomena 
to the exclusion of another4 ,man       
observes the annual decomposition of    
crystalline and igneous rocks1 and may  
sometimes see their conversion into     

stratified deposits2 but he cannot      
witness the reconversion of the         
sedimentary into the crystalline by     
subterranean heat4 ,he is in the habit  
of regarding all the sedimentary rocks  
as more recent than the unstratified1   
for the same reason that we may suppose 
him to fall into the opposite error if  
he saw the origin of the igneous class  
only4  ,for more than two centuries the 
shelly strata of the ,subapennine hills 
afforded matter of speculation to the   
early geologists of ,italy1 and few of  
them had any suspicion that similar     
deposits were then forming in the       
neighbouring sea4 ,some imagined that   
the strata1 so rich in organic remains1 
instead of being due to secondary       
agents1 had been so created in the      
beginning of things by the fiat of the  
,almighty4 ,others1 as we have seen1    
ascribed the imbedded fossil bodies to  
some plastic power which resided in the 
earth in the early ages of the world4   
,in what manner were these dogmas at    

length exploded8 ,the fossil relics were
 carefully compared with their living   
analogues1 and all doubts as to their   
organic origin were eventually          
dispelled4 ,so1 also1 in regard to the  
nature of the containing beds of mud1   
sand1 and limestone3 those parts of the 
bottom of the sea were examined where   
shells are now becoming annually        
entombed in new deposits1 ,donati       
explored the bed of the ,adriatic1 and  
found the closest resemblance between   
the strata there forming1 and those     
which constituted hills above a thousand
 feet high in various parts of the      
,italian peninsula4 ,he ascertained by  
dredging that living testacea were there
 grouped together in precisely the same 
manner as were their fossil analogues in
 the inland strata2 and while some of   
the recent shells of the ,adriatic were 
becoming incrusted with calcareous rock1
 be observed that others had been newly 
buried in sand and clay1 precisely as   
fossil shells occur in the ,subapennine 

hills4  ,in like manner1 the volcanic   
rocks of the ,vicentin had been studied 
in the beginning of the last century2   
but no geologist suspected1 before the  
time of ,arduino1 that these were       
composed of ancient submarine lavas4    
,during many years of controversy1 the  
popular opinion inclined to a belief    
that basalt and rocks of the same class 
had been precipitated from a chaotic    
fluid1 or an ocean which rose at        
successive periods over the continents1 
charged with the component elements of  
the rocks in question4 ,few will now    
dispute that it would have been         
difficult to invent a theory more       
distant from the truth2 yet we must     
cease to wonder that it gained so many  
proselytes1 when we remember that its   
claims to probability arose partly from 
the very circumstance of its confirming 
the assumed want of analogy between     
geological causes and those now in      
action4 ,by what train of investigations
 were geologists induced at length to   

reject these views1 and to assent to the
 igneous origin of the trappean         
formations8 ,by an examination of       
volcanos now active1 and by comparing   
their structure and the composition of  
their lavas with the ancient trap rocks4
  ,the establishment1 from time to time1
 of numerous points of identification1  
drew at length from geologists a        
reluctant admission1 that there was more
 correspondence between the condition of
 the globe at remote eras and now1 and  
more uniformity in the laws which have  
regulated the changes of its surface1   
than they at first imagined4 ,if1 in    
this state of the science1 they still   
despaired of reconciling every class of 
geological phenomena to the operations  
of ordinary causes1 even by straining   
analogy to the utmost limits of         
credibility1 we might have expected1 at 
least1 that the balance of probability  
would now have been presumed to incline 
towards the close analogy of the ancient
 and modern causes4 ,but1 after repeated

 experience of the failure of attempts  
to speculate on geological monuments1 as
 belonging to a distinct order of       
things1 new sects continued to persevere
 in the principles adopted by their     
predecessors4 ,they still began1 as each
 new problem presented itself1 whether  
relating to the animate or inanimate    
world1 to assume an original and        
dissimilar order of nature2 and when at 
length they approximated1 or entirely   
came round to an opposite opinion1 it   
was always with the feeling1 that they  
were conceding what they had been       
justified a priori in deeming           
improbable4 ,in a word1 the same men    
who1 as natural philosophers1 would have
 been most incredulous respecting any   
extraordinary deviations from the known 
course of nature1 if reported to have   
happened ,,in ,,their ,,own ,,time1 were
 equally disposed1 as geologists1 to    
expect the proofs of such deviations at 
every period of the past4 99 99 99 99   
,,uniformity ,,of ,,change   ,,ii       

,,supposed ,,alternate ,,periods ,,of   
,,repose ,,and ,,disorder--,,observed   
,,facts ,,in ,,which ,,this ,,doctrine  
,,has ,,originated--,,these ,,may ,,be  
,,explained ,,by ,,supposing ,a         
,,uniform ,,and ,,uninterrupted ,,series
 ,,of ,,changes--,,three- ,,fold        
,,consideration ,,of ,,this ,,subject3  
,,first1 ,,in ,,reference ,,to ,,the    
,,laws ,,which ,,govern ,,the           
,,formation ,,of ,,fossiliferous        
,,strata1 ,,and ,,the ,,shifting ,,of   
,,the ,,areas ,,of ,,sedimentary        
,,deposition2 ,,secondly1 ,,in          
,,reference ,,to ,,the ,,living         
,,creation1 ,,extinction ,,of ,,species1
 ,,and ,,origin ,,of ,,new ,,animals    
,,and ,,plants2 ,,thirdly1 ,,in         
,,reference ,,to ,,the ,,changes        
,,produced ,,in ,,the ,,earth',s ,,crust
 ,,by ,,the ,,continuance ,,of          
,,subterranean ,,movements ,,in         
,,certain ,,areas1 ,,and ,,their        
,,transference ,,after ,,long ,,periods 
,,to ,,new ,,areas--,,on ,,the          

,,combined ,,influence ,,of ,,all       
,,these ,,modes ,,and ,,causes ,,of     
,,change ,,in ,,producing ,,breaks ,,and
 ,,chasms ,,in ,,the ,,chain ,,of       
,,records--,,concluding ,,remarks ,,on  
,,the ,,identity ,,of ,,the ,,ancient   
,,and ,,present ,,system ,,of           
,,terrestrial ,,changes4   ,,origin ,,of
 ,,the ,,doctrine ,,of ,,alternate      
,,periods ,,of ,,repose ,,and           
,,disorder4--,it has been truly         
observed1 that when we arrange the      
fossiliferous formations in             
chronological order1 they constitute a  
broken and defective series of          
monuments3 we pass without any          
intermediate gradations from systems of 
strata which are horizontal1 to other   
systems which are highly inclined--from 
rocks of peculiar mineral composition to
 others which have a character wholly   
distinct--from one assemblage of organic
 remains to another1 in which frequently
 nearly all the species1 and a large    
part of the genera1 are different4      

,these violations of continuity are so  
common as to constitute in most regions 
the rule rather than the exception1 and 
they have been considered by many       
geologists as conclusive in favour of   
sudden revolutions in the inanimate and 
animate world4 ,we have already seen    
that according to the speculations of   
some writers1 there have been in the    
past history of the planet alternate    
periods of tranquillity and convulsion1 
the former enduring for ages1 and       
resembling the state of things now      
experienced by man1 the other brief1    
transient1 and paroxysmal1 giving rise  
to new mountains1 seas1 and valleys1    
annihilating one set of organic beings1 
and ushering in the creation of another4
  ,it will be the object of the present 
chapter to demonstrate that these       
theoretical views are not borne out by a
 fair interpretation of geological      
monuments4 ,it is true that in the solid
 framework of the globe we have a       
chronological chain of natural records1 

many links of which are wanting3 but a  
careful consideration of all the        
phenomena leads to the opinion that the 
series was originally defective--that it
 has been rendered still more so by     
time--that a great part of what remains 
is inaccessible to man1 and even of that
 fraction which is accessible           
nine-tenths or more are to this day     
unexplored4  ,the readiest way1 perhaps1
 of persuading the reader that we may   
dispense with great and sudden          
revolutions in the geological order of  
events is by showing him how a regular  
and uninterrupted series of changes in  
the animate and inanimate world must    
give rise to such breaks in the         
sequence1 and such unconformability of  
stratified rocks1 as are usually thought
 to imply convulsions and catastrophes4 
,it is scarcely necessary to state that 
the order of events thus assumed to     
occur1 for the sake of illustration1    
should be in harmony with all the       
conclusions legitimately drawn by       

geologists from the structure of the    
earth1 and must be equally in accordance
 with the changes observed by man to be 
now going on in the living as well as in
 the inorganic creation4 ,it may be     
necessary in the present state of       
science to supply some part of the      
assumed course of nature hypothetically2
 but if so1 this must be done without   
any violation of probability1 and always
 consistently with the analogy of what  
is known both of the past and present   
economy of our system4 ,although the    
discussion of so comprehensive a subject
 must carry the beginner far beyond his 
depth1 it will also1 it is hoped1       
stimulate his curiosity1 and prepare him
 to read some elementary treatises on   
geology with advantage1 and teach him   
the bearing on that science of the      
changes now in progress on the earth4   
,at the same time it may enable him the 
better to understand the intimate       
connection between the ,second and      
,third ,books of this work1 one of which

 is occupied with the changes of the    
inorganic1 the latter with those of the 
organic creation4  ,in pursuance1 then1 
of the plan above proposed1 ,i will     
consider in this chapter1 first1 the    
laws which regulate the denudation of   
strata and the deposition of sediment2  
secondly1 those which govern the        
fluctuation in the animate world2 and   
thirdly1 the mode in which subterranean 
movements affect the earth's crust4     
,,uniformity ,,of ,,change ,,considered1
 ,,first1 ,,in ,,reference ,,to         
,,denudation ,,and ,,sedimentary        
,,deposition4--,first1 in regard to the 
laws governing the deposition of new    
strata4 ,if we survey the surface of the
 globe1 we immediately perceive that it 
is divisible into areas of deposition   
and non-deposition2 or1 in other words1 
at any given time there are spaces which
 are the recipients1 others which are   
not the recipients1 of sedimentary      
matter4 ,no new strata1 for example1 are
 thrown down on dry land1 which remains 

the same from year to year2 whereas1 in 
many parts of the bottom of seas and    
lakes1 mud1 sand1 and pebbles are       
annually spread out by rivers and       
currents4 ,there are also great masses  
of limestone growing in some seas1      
chiefly composed of corals and shells1  
or1 as in the depths of the ,atlantic1  
of chalky mud made up of foraminifera   
and diatomaceae4  ,as to the dry land1  
so far from being the receptacle of     
fresh accessions of matter1 it is       
exposed almost everywhere to waste away4
 ,forests may be as dense and lofty as  
those of ,brazil1 and may swarm with    
quadrupeds1 birds1 and insects1 yet at  
the end of thousands of years one layer 
of black mould a few inches thick may be
 the sole representative of those       
myriads of trees1 leaves1 flowers1 and  
fruits1 those innumerable bones and     
skeletons of birds1 quadrupeds1 and     
reptiles1 which tenanted the fertik     
region4 ,should this land be at length  
submerged1 the waves of the sea may wash

 away in a few hours the scanty covering
 of mould1 and it may merely impart a   
darker shade of colour to the next      
stratum of marl1 sand1 or other matter  
newly thrown down4 ,so also at the      
bottom of the ocean where no sediment is
 accumulating1 seaweed1 zoophytes1 fish1
 and even shells1 may multiply for ages 
and decompose1 leaving no vestige of    
their form or substance behind4 ,their  
decay1 in water1 although more slow1 is 
as certain and eventually as complete as
 in the open air4 ,nor can they be      
perpetuated for indefinite periods in a 
fossil state1 unless imbedded in some   
matrix which is impervious to water1 or 
which at least does not allow a free    
percolation of that fluid1 impregnated1 
as it usually is1 with a slight quantity
 of carbonic or other acid4 ,such a free
 percolation may be prevented either by 
the mineral nature of the matrix itself1
 or by the superposition of an          
impermeable stratum2 but if unimpeded1  
the fossil shell or bone will be        

dissolved and removed1 particle after   
particle1 and thus entirely effaced1    
unless petrifaction or the substitution 
of some mineral for the organic matter  
happen to take place4  ,that there has  
been land as well as sea at all former  
geological periods1 we know from the    
fact that fossil trees and terrestrial  
plants are imbedded in rocks of every   
age1 except those which are so ancient  
as to be very imperfectly known to us4  
,occasionally lacustrine and fluviatile 
shells1 or the bones of amphibious or   
land reptiles1 point to the same        
conclusion4 ,the existence of dry land  
at all periods of the past implies1 as  
before mentioned1 the partial deposition
 of sediment1 or its limitation to      
certain areas2 and the next point to    
which ,i shall call the reader's        
attention is the shifting of these areas
 from one region to another4  ,first1   
then1 variations in the site of         
sedimentary deposition are brought about
 independently of subterranean          

movements4 ,there is always a slight    
change from year to year1 or from       
century to century4 ,the sediment of the
 ,rhone1 for example1 thrown into the   
,lake of ,geneva1 is now conveyed to a  
spot a mile and a half distant from that
 where it accumulated in the tenth      
century1 and six miles from the point   
where the delta began originally to     
form4 ,we may look forward to the period
 when this lake will be filled up1 and  
then the distribution of the transported
 matter will be suddenly altered1 for   
the mud and sand brought down from the  
,alps will thenceforth1 instead of being
 deposited near ,geneva1 be carried     
nearly #bjj miles southwards1 where the 
,rhone enters the ,mediterranean4  ,in  
the deltas of large rivers1 such as     
those of the ,ganges and ,indus1 the mud
 is first carried down for many         
centuries through one arm1 and on this  
being stopped up it is discharged by    
another1 and may then enter the sea at a
 point #ej or #ajj miles distant from   

its first receptacle4 ,the direction of 
marine currents is also liable to be    
changed by various accidents1 as by the 
heaping up of new sandbanks1 or the     
wearing away of cliffs and promontories4
  ,but1 secondly1 all these causes of   
fluctuation in the sedimentary areas are
 entirely subordinate to those great    
upward or downward movements of land1   
which will presently be spoken of1 as   
prevailing over large tracts of the     
globe4 ,by such elevation or subsidence 
certain spaces are gradually submerged1 
or made gradually to emerge3 in the one 
case sedimentary deposition may be      
suddenly renewed after having been      
suspended for one or more geological    
periods1 in the other as suddenly made  
to cease after having continued for     
ages4  ,if deposition be renewed after a
 long interval1 the new strata will     
usually differ greatly from the         
sedimentary rocks previously formed in  
the same place1 and especially if the   
older rocks have suffered derangement1  

which implies a change in the physical  
geography of the district since the     
previous conveyance of sediment to the  
same spot4 ,it may happen1 however1     
that1 even where the two groups1 the    
superior and the inferior1 are          
horizontal and conformable to each      
other1 they may still differ entirely in
 mineral character1 because1 since the  
origin of the older formation1 the      
geography of some distant country has   
been altered4 ,in that country rocks    
before concealed may have become exposed
 by denudation2 volcanos may have burst 
out and covered the surface with scoriae
 and lava2 or new lakes1 intercepting   
the sediment previously conveyed from   
the upper country1 may have been formed 
by subsidence2 and other fluctuations   
may have occurred1 by which the         
materials brought down from thence by   
rivers to the sea have acquired a       
distinct mineral character4  ,it is well
 known that the stream of the           
,mississippi is charged with sediment of

 a different colour from that of the    
,arkansas and ,red ,rivers1 which are   
tinged with red mud1 derived from rocks 
of porphyry and red gypseous clays in   
'the far west4' ,the waters of the      
,uruguay1 says ,darwin1 draining a      
granitic country1 are clear and black1  
those of the ,parana1 red4 ,footnote3   
,darwin's ,journal1 p4 #afc1 and edit41 
p4 #aci4 ,the mud with which the ,indus 
is loaded1 says ,burnes1 is of a clayey 
hue1 that of the ,chenab1 on the other  
hand1 is reddish1 that of the ,sutlej is
 more pale4 ,footnote3 ,journ4 ,roy4    
,geograph4 ,soc41 vol4 iii1 p4 #adb4    
,the same causes which make these       
several rivers1 sometimes situated at no
 great distance the one from the other1 
to differ greatly in the character of   
their sediment1 will make the waters    
draining the same country at different  
epochs1 especially before and after     
great revolutions in physical geography1
 to be entirely dissimilar4 ,it is      
scarcely necessary to add that marine   

currents will be affected in an         
analogous manner in consequence of the  
formation of new shoals1 the emergence  
of new islands1 the subsidence of       
others1 the gradual waste of            
neighbouring coasts1 the growth of new  
deltas1 the increase of coral reefs1    
volcanic eruptions1 and other changes4  
,,uniformity ,,of ,,change ,,considered1
 ,,secondly1 ,,in ,,regerence ,,to ,,the
 ,,living ,,creation4--,secondly1 in    
regard to the vicissitudes of the living
 creation1 all are agreed that the      
successive groups of sedimentary strata 
found in the earth's crust are not only 
dissimilar in mineral composition for   
reasons above alluded to1 but are       
likewise distinguishable from each other
 by their organic remains4 ,the general 
inference drawn from the study and      
comparison of the various groups1       
arranged in chronological order1 is     
this3 that at successive periods        
distinct tribes of animals and plants   
have inhabited the land and waters1 and 

that the organic types of the newer     
formations are more analogous to species
 now existing than those of more ancient
 rocks4 ,if we then turn to the present 
state of the animate creation1 and      
enquire whether it has now become fixed 
and stationary1 we discover that1 on the
 contrary1 it is in a state of continual
 flux--that there are many causes in    
action which tend to the extinction of  
species1 and which are conclusive       
against the doctrine of their unlimited 
durability4  ,there are also causes     
which give rise to new varieties and    
races in plants and animals1 and new    
forms are continually supplanting others
 which had endured for ages4 ,but       
natural history has been sucessfully    
cultivated for so short a period1 that a
 few examples only of local1 and perhaps
 but one or two of absolute1 extirpation
 of species can as yet be proved1 and   
these only where the interference of man
 has been conspicuous4 ,it will         
nevertheless appear evident1 from the   

facts and arguments detailed in the     
chapters which treat of the geographical
 distribution of species in the next    
volume1 that man is not the only        
exterminating agent2 and that1          
independently of his intervention1 the  
annihilation of species is promoted by  
the multiplication and gradual diffusion
 of every animal or plant4 ,it will also
 appear that every alteration in the    
physical geography and climate of the   
globe cannot fail to have the same      
tendency4 ,if we proceed still farther1 
and enquire whether new species are     
substituted from time to time for those 
which die out1 we find that the         
successive introduction of new forms    
appears to have been a constant part of 
the economy of the terrestrial system1  
and if we have no direct proof of the   
fact it is because the changes take     
place so slowly as not to come within   
the period of exact scientific          
observation4 ,to enable the reader to   
appreciate the gradual manner in which a

 passage may have taken place from an   
extinct fauna to that now living1 ,i    
shall say a few words on the fossils of 
successive ,tertiary periods4 ,when we  
trace the series of formations from the 
more ancient to the more modern1 it is  
in these ,tertiary deposits that we     
first meet with assemblages of organic  
remains having a near analogy to the    
fauna of certain parts of the globe in  
our own time4 ,in the ,eocene1 or oldest
 subdivisions1 some few of the testacea 
belong to existing species1 although    
almost all of them1 and apparently all  
the associated vertebrata1 are now      
extinct4 ,these ,eocene strata are      
succeeded by a great number of more     
modern deposits1 which depart gradually 
in the character of their fossils from  
the ,eocene type1 and approach more and 
more to that of the living creation4 ,in
 the present state of science1 it is    
chiefly by the aid of shells that we are
 enabled to arrive at these results1 for
 of all classes the testacea are the    

most generally diffused in a fossil     
state1 and may be called the medals     
principally employed by nature in       
recording the chronology of past events4
 ,in the ,upper ,miocene rocks 7,no4 #e 
of the table1 p4 #ace7 we begin to find 
a considerable number1 although still a 
minority1 of recent species1 intermixed 
with some fossils common to the         
preceding1 or ,eocene1 epoch4 ,we then  
arrive at the ,pliocene strata1 in which
 species now contemporary with man begin
 to preponderate1 and in the newest of  
which nine-tenths of the fossils agree  
with species still inhabiting the       
neighbouring sea4 ,it is in the         
,post-,tertiary strata1 where all the   
shells agree with species now living1   
that we have discovered the first or    
earliest known remains of man associated
 with the bones of quadrupeds1 some of  
which are of extinct species4  ,in thus 
passing from the older to the newer     
members of the ,tertiary system1 we meet
 with many chasms1 but none which       

separate entirely1 by a broad line of   
demarcation1 one state of the organic   
world from another4 ,there are no signs 
of an abrupt termination of one fauna   
and flora1 and the starting into life of
 new and wholly distinct forms4         
,although we are far from being able to 
demonstrate geologically an insensible  
transition from the ,eocene to the      
,miocene1 or even from the latter to the
 recent fauna1 yet the more we enlarge  
and perfect our general survey1 the more
 nearly do we approximate to such a     
continuous series1 and the more         
gradually are we conducted from times   
when many of the genera and nearly all  
the species were extinct1 to those in   
which scarcely a single species         
flourished which we do not know to exist
 at present4 ,dr4 ,a4 ,philippi1 indeed1
 after an elaborate comparison of the   
fossil tertiary shells of ,sicily with  
those now living in the ,mediterranean1 
announced1 as the result of his         
examination1 that there are strata in   

that island which attest a very gradual 
passage from a period when only thirteen
 in a hundred of the shells were like   
the species now living in the sea1 to an
 era when the recent species had        
attained a proportion of ninety-five in 
a hundred4 ,there is1 therefore1        
evidence1 he says1 in ,sicily of this   
revolution in the animate world having  
been effected 'without the intervention 
of any convulsion or abrupt changes1    
certain species having from time to time
 died out and others having been        
introduced1 until at length the existing
 fauna was elaborated4'  ,in no part of 
,europe is the absence of all signs of  
man or his works1 in strata of          
comparatively modern date1 more striking
 than in ,sicily4 ,in the central parts 
of that island we observe a lofty       
table-land and hills1 sometimes rising  
to the height of #c1jjj feet1 capped    
with a limestone1 in which from #gj to  
#he per cent of the fossil testacea are 
specifically identical with those now   

inhabiting the ,mediterranean4 ,these   
calcareous and other argillaceous strata
 of the same age are intersected by deep
 valleys which appear to have been      
gradually formed by denudation1 but have
 not varied materially in width or depth
 since ,sicily was first colonised by   
the ,greeks4 ,the limestone1 moreover1  
which is of so late a date in geological
 chronology1 was quarried for building  
those ancient temples of ,girgenti and  
,syracuse1 of which the ruins carry us  
back to a remote era in human history4  
,if we are lost in conjectures when     
speculating on the ages required to lift
 up these formations to the height of   
several thousand feet above the sea1 and
 to excavate the valleys1 how much more 
remote must be the era when the same    
rocks were gradually formed beneath the 
waters6  ,the intense cold of the       
,glacial period was spoken of in the    
tenth chapter4 ,although we have not yet
 succeeded in detecting proofs of the   
origin of man antecedently to that      

epoch1 we have yet found evidence that  
most of the testacea1 and not a few of  
the quadrupeds1 which preceded1 were of 
the same species as those which followed
 the extreme cold4 ,to whatever local   
disturbances this cold may have given   
rise in the distribution of species1 it 
seems to have done little in effecting  
their annihilation4 ,we may conclude    
therefore1 from a survey of the tertiary
 and modern strata1 which constitute a  
more complete and unbroken series than  
rocks of older date1 that the extinction
 and creation of species have been1 and 
are1 the result of a slow and gradual   
change in the organic world4            
,,uniformity ,,of ,,change ,,considered1
 ,,thirdly1 ,,in ,,reference ,,to       
,,subterranean ,,movements4--,thirdly1  
to pass on to the last of the three     
topics before proposed for discussion1  
the reader will find1 in the account    
given in the ,second ,book1 ,vol4 ,,ii41
 of the earthquakes recorded in history1
 that certain countries have from time  

immemorial1 been rudely shaken again and
 again2 while others1 comprising by far 
the largest part of the globe1 have     
remained to all appearance motionless4  
,in the regions of convulsion rocks have
 been rent asunder1 the surface has been
 forced up into ridges1 chasms have     
opened1 or the ground throughout large  
spaces has been permanently lifted up   
above or let down below its former      
level4 ,in the regions of tranquillity  
some areas have remained at rest1 but   
others have been ascertained1 by a      
comparison of measurements made at      
different periods1 to have risen by an  
insensible motion1 as in ,sweden1 or to 
have subsided very slowly1 as in        
,greenland4 ,that these same movements1 
whether ascending or descending1 have   
continued for ages in the same direction
 has been established by historical or  
geological evidence4 ,thus we find on   
the opposite coasts of ,sweden that     
brackish water deposits1 like those now 
forming in the ,baltic1 occur on the    

eastern side1 and upraised strata filled
 with purely marine shells1 now proper  
to the ocean1 on the western coast4     
,both of these have been lifted up to an
 elevation of several hundred feet above
 high-water mark4 ,the rise within the  
historical period has not amounted to   
many yards1 but the greater extent of   
antecedent upheaval is proved by the    
occurrence in inland spots1 several     
hundred feet high1 of deposits filled   
with fossil shells of species now living
 either in the ocean or the ,baltic4    
,it must in general be more difficult to
 detect proofs of slow and gradual      
subsidence than of elevation1 but the   
theory which accounts for the form of   
circular coral reefs and lagoon islands1
 and which will be explained in the     
concluding chapter of this work1 will   
satisfy the reader that there are spaces
 on the globe1 several thousand miles in
 circumference1 throughout which the    
downward movement has predominated for  
ages1 and yet the land has never1 in a  

single instance1 gone down suddenly for 
several hundred feet at once4 ,yet      
geology demonstrates that the           
persistency of subterranean movements in
 one direction has not been perpetual   
throughout all past time4 ,there have   
been great oscillations of level1 by    
which a surface of dry land has been    
submerged to a depth of several thousand
 feet1 and then at a period long        
subsequent raised again and made to     
emerge4 ,nor have the regions now       
motionless been always at rest2 and some
 of those which are at present the      
theatres of reiterated earthquakes have 
formerly enjoyed a long continuance of  
tranquillity4 ,but1 although            
disturbances have ceased after having   
long prevailed1 or have recommenced     
after a suspension for ages1 there has  
been no universal disruption of the     
earth's crust or desolation of the      
surface since times the most remote4    
,the non-occurrence of such a general   
convulsion is proved by the perfect     

horizontality now retained by some of   
the most ancient fossiliferous strata   
throughout wide areas4  ,that the       
subterranean forces have visited        
different parts of the globe at         
successive periods is inferred chiefly  
from the unconformability of strata     
belonging to groups of different ages4  
,thus1 for example1 on the borders of   
,wales and ,shropshire1 we find the     
slaty beds of the ancient ,silurian     
system inclined and vertical1 while the 
beds of the overlying carboniferous     
shale and sandstone are horizontal4 ,all
 are agreed that in such a case the     
older set of strata had suffered great  
disturbance before the deposition of the
 newer or carboniferous beds1 and that  
these last have never since been        
violently fractured1 nor have ever been 
bent into folds1 whether by sudden or   
continuous lateral pressure4 ,on the    
other hand1 the more ancient or         
,silurian group suffered only a local   
derangement1 and neither in ,wales nor  

elsewhere are all the rocks of that age 
found to be curved or vertical4  ,in    
various parts of ,europe1 for example1  
and particularly near ,lake ,wener in   
the south of ,sweden1 and in many parts 
of ,russia1 the ,silurian strata        
maintain the most perfect horizontality2
 and a similar observation may be made  
respecting limestones and shales of like
 antiquity in the great lake district of
 ,canada and the ,united ,states4 ,these
 older rocks are still as flat and      
horizontal as when first formed2 yet1   
since their origin1 not only have most  
of the actual mountain-chains been      
uplifted1 but some of the very rocks of 
which those1 mountains are composed have
 been formed1 some of them by igneous   
and others by aqueous action4  ,it would
 be easy to multiply instances of       
similar unconformability in formations  
of other ages2 but a few more will      
suffice4 ,the carboniferous rocks before
 alluded to as horizontal on the borders
 of ,wales are vertical in the ,mendip  

hills in ,somersetshire1 where the      
overlying beds of the ,new ,red         
,sandstone are horizontal4 ,again1 in   
the ,wolds of ,yorkshire the last-      
mentioned sandstone supports on its     
curved and inclined beds the horizontal 
,chalk4 ,the ,chalk again is vertical on
 the flanks of the ,pyrenees1 and the   
tertiary strata repose unconformably    
upon it4  ,as almost every country      
supplies illustrations of the same      
phenomena1 they who advocate the        
doctrine of alternate periods of        
disorder and repose may appeal to the   
facts above described1 as proving that  
every district has been by turns        
convulsed by earthquakes and then       
respited for ages from convulsions4 ,but
 so it might with equal truth be        
affirmed that every part of ,europe has 
been visited alternately by winter and  
summer1 although it has always been     
winter and always summer in some part of
 the planet1 and neither of these       
seasons has ever reigned simultaneously 

over the entire globe4 ,they have been  
always shifting from place to place2 but
 the vicissitudes which recur thus      
annually in a single spot are never     
allowed to interfere with the invariable
 uniformity of seasons throughout the   
whole planet4  ,so1 in regard to        
subterranean movements1 the theory of   
the perpetual uniformity of the force   
which they exert on the earth's crust is
 quite consistent with the admission of 
their alternate development and         
suspension for long and indefinite      
periods within limited geographical     
areas4  ,if1 for reasons before stated1 
we assume a continual extinction of     
species and appearance of others on the 
globe1 it will then follow that the     
fossils of strata formed at two distant 
periods on the same spot will differ    
even more certainly than the mineral    
composition of those strata4 ,for rocks 
of the same kind have sometimes been    
reproduced in the same district after a 
long interval of time2 whereas all the  

evidence derived from fossil remains is 
in favour of the opinion that species   
which have once died out have never been
 reproduced4 ,the submergence1 then1 of 
land must be often attended by the      
commencement of a new class of          
sedimentary deposits1 characterized by a
 new set of fossil animals and plants1  
while the reconversion of the bed of the
 sea into land may arrest at once and   
for an indefinite time the formation of 
geological monuments4 ,should the land  
again sink1 strata will again be formed2
 but one or many entire revolutions in  
animal or vegetable life may have been  
completed in the interval4  ,as to the  
want of completeness in the             
fossiliferous series1 which may be said 
to be almost universal1 we have only to 
reflect on what has been already said of
 the laws governing sedimentary         
deposition1 and those which give rise to
 fluctuations in the animate world1 to  
be convinced that a very rare           
combination of circumstances can alone  

give rise to such a superposition and   
preservation of strata as will bear     
testimony to the gradual passage from   
one state of organic life to another4   
,to produce such strata nothing less    
will be requisite than the fortunate    
coincidence of the following conditions3
 first1 a never-failing supply of       
sediment in the same region throughout a
 period of vast duration2 secondly1 the 
fitness of the deposit in every part for
 the permanent preservation of imbedded 
fossils2 and1 thirdly1 a gradual        
subsidence to prevent the sea or lake   
from being filled up and converted into 
land4  ,it will appear in the chapter on
 coral reefs1 that1 in certain parts of 
the ,pacific and ,indian ,oceans1 most  
of these conditions1 if not all1 are    
complied with1 and the constant growth  
of coral1 keeping pace with the sinking 
of the bottom of the sea1 seems to have 
gone on so slowly1 for such indefinite  
periods1 that the signs of a gradual    
change in organic life might probably be

 detected in that quarter of the globe  
if we could explore its submarine       
geology4 ,instead of the growth of      
coralline limestone1 let us suppose1 in 
some other place1 the continuous        
deposition of fluviatile mud and sand1  
such as the ,ganges and ,brahmapootra   
have poured for thousands of years into 
the ,bay of ,bengal4 ,part of this bay1 
although of considerable depth1 might at
 length be filled up before an          
appreciable amount of change was        
effected in the fish1 mollusca1 and     
other inhabitants of the sea and        
neighbouring land4 ,but if the bottom be
 lowered by sinking at the same rate    
that it is raised by fluviatile mud1 the
 bay can never be turned into dry land4 
,in that case one new layer of matter   
may be superimposed upon another for a  
thickness of many thousand feet1 and the
 fossils of the inferior beds may differ
 greatly from those entombed in the     
uppermost1 yet every intermediate       
gradation may be indicated in the       

passage from an older to a newer        
assemblage of species4 ,granting1       
however1 that such an unbroken sequence 
of monuments may thus be elaborated in  
certain parts of the sea1 and that the  
strata happen to be all of them well    
adapted to preserve the included fossils
 from decomposition1 how many accidents 
must still concur before these submarine
 formations will be laid open to our    
investigation6 ,the whole deposit must  
first be raised several thousand feet1  
in order to bring into view the very    
foundation2 and during the process of   
exposure the superior beds must not be  
entirely swept away by denudation4  ,in 
the first place1 the chances are nearly 
as three to one against the mere        
emergence of the mass above the waters1 
because nearly three-fourths of the     
globe are covered by the ocean4 ,but if 
it be upheaved and made to constitute   
part of the dry land1 it must also1     
before it can be available for our      
instruction1 become part of that area   

already surveyed by geologists4 ,in this
 small fraction of land already         
explored1 and still very imperfectly    
known1 we are required to find a set of 
strata deposited under peculiar         
conditions1 and which1 having been      
originally of limited extent1 would have
 been probably much lessened by         
subsequent denudation4  ,yet it is      
precisely because we do not encounter at
 every step the evidence of such        
gradations from one state of the organic
 world to another1 that so many         
geologists have embraced the doctrine of
 great and sudden revolutions in the    
history of the animate world4 ,not      
content with simply availing themselves1
 for the convenience of classification1 
of those gaps and chasms which here and 
there interrupt the continuity of the   
chronological series1 as at present     
known1 they deduce1 from the frequency  
of these breaks in the chain of records1
 an irregular mode of succession in the 
events themselves1 both in the organic  

and inorganic world4 ,but1 besides that 
some links of the chain which once      
existed are now entirely lost and others
 concealed from view1 we have good      
reason to suspect that it was never     
complete originally4  ,it may           
undoubtedly be said that strata have    
been always forming somewhere1 and      
therefore at every moment of past time  
,nature has added a page to her         
archives2 but1 in reference to this     
subject1 it should be remembered that we
 can never hope to compile a consecutive
 history by gathering together monuments
 which were originally detached and     
scattered over the globe4 ,for1 as the  
species of organic beings               
contemporaneously inhabiting remote     
regions are distinct1 the fossils of the
 first of several periods which may be  
preserved in any one country1 as in     
,america for example1 will have no      
connection with those of a second period
 found in ,india1 and will therefore no 
more enable us to trace the signs of a  

gradual change in the living creation1  
than a fragment of ,chinese history will
 fill up a blank in the political annals
 of ,europe4  ,the absence of any       
deposits of importance containing recent
 shells in ,chili1 or anywhere on the   
western coast of ,south ,america1       
naturally led ,mr4 ,darwin to the       
conclusion that where the bed of the sea
 is either stationary or rising1        
circumstances are far less favourable   
than where the level is sinking to the  
accumulation of conchiferous strata of  
sufficient thickness and extension to   
resist the average vast amount of       
denudation4 ,footnote3 ,darwin's ,s4    
,america1 pp4 #acf1 #aci4 ,in like      
manner the beds of superficial sand1    
clay1 and gravel1 with recent shells1 on
 the coasts of ,norway and ,sweden1     
where the land has risen in             
,post-tertiary times1 are so thin and   
scanty as to incline us to admit a      
similar proposition4 ,we may in fact    
assume that in all cases where the      

bottom of the sea has been undergoing   
continuous elevation1 the total         
thickness of sedimentary matter         
accumulating at depths suited to the    
habitation of most of the species of    
shells can never be great1 nor can the  
deposits be thickly covered by          
superincumbent matter1 so as to be      
consolidated by pressure4 ,when they are
 upheaved1 therefore1 the waves on the  
beach will bear down and disperse the   
loose materials2 whereas1 if the bed of 
the sea subsides slowly1 a mass of      
strata1 containing abundance of such    
species as live at moderate depths1 may 
be formed and may increase in thickness 
to any amount4 ,it may also extend      
horizontally over a broad area1 as the  
water gradually encroaches on the       
subsiding land4  ,hence it will follow  
that great violations of continuity in  
the chronological series of             
fossiliferous rocks will always exist1  
and the imperfection of the record1     
though lessened1 will never be removed  

by future discoveries4 ,for not only    
will no deposits originate on the dry   
land1 but those formed in the sea near  
land1 which is undergoing constant      
upheaval1 will usually be too slight in 
thickness to endure for ages4  ,in      
proportion as we become acquainted with 
larger geographical areas1 many of the  
gaps1 by which a chronological table1   
like that given at page #ace1 is        
rendered defective1 will be removed4 ,we
 were enabled by aid of the labours of  
,prof4 ,sedgwick and ,sir ,roderick     
,murchison to intercalate1 in #ahch1 the
 marine strata of the ,devonian period1 
with their fossil shells1 corals1 and   
fish1 between the ,silurian and         
,carboniferous rocks4 ,previously the   
marine fauna of these last- mentioned   
formations wanted the connecting links  
which now render the passage from the   
one to the other much less abrupt4 ,in  
like manner the ,upper ,miocene has no  
representative in ,england1 but in      
,france1 ,germany1 and ,switzerland it  

constitutes a most instructive link     
between the living creation and the     
middle of the great ,tertiary period4   
,still we must expect1 for reasons      
before stated1 that chasms will for ever
 continue to occur1 in some parts of our
 sedimentary series4  ,concluding       
remarks on the consistency of the theory
 of gradual change with the existence of
 great breaks in the series4--,to return
 to the general argument pursued in this
 chapter1 it is assumed1 for reasons    
above explained1 that a slow change of  
species is in simultaneous operation    
everywhere throughout the habitable     
surface of sea and land2 whereas the    
fossilisation of plants and animals is  
confined to those areas where new strata
 are produced4 ,these areas1 as we have 
seen1 are always shifting their         
position1 so that the fossilising       
process1 by means of which the          
commemoration of the particular state of
 the organic world1 at any given time1  
is effected1 may be said to move about1 

visiting and revisiting different tracts
 in succession4  ,to make still more    
clear the supposed working of this      
machinery1 ,i shall compare it to a     
somewhat analogous case that might be   
imagined to occur in the history of     
human affairs4 ,let the mortality of the
 population of a large country represent
 the successive extinction of species1  
and the births of new individuals the   
introduction of new species4 ,while     
these fluctuations are gradually taking 
place everywhere1 suppose commissioners 
to be appointed to visit each province  
of the country in succession1 taking an 
exact account of the number1 names1 and 
individual peculiarities of all the     
inhabitants1 and leaving in each        
district a register containing a record 
of this information4 ,if1 after the     
completion of one census1 another is    
immediately made on the same plan1 and  
then another1 there will at last be a   
series of statistical documents in each 
province4 ,when those belonging to any  

one province are arranged in            
chronological order1 the contents of    
such as stand next to each other will   
differ according to the length of the   
intervals of time between the taking of 
each census4 ,if1 for example1 there are
 sixty provinces1 and all the registers 
are made in a single year and renewed   
annually1 the number of births and      
deaths will be so small1 in proportion  
to the whole of the inhabitants1 during 
the interval between the compiling of   
two consecutive documents1 that the     
individuals described in such documents 
will be nearly identical2 whereas1 if   
the survey of each of the sixty         
provinces occupies all the commissioners
 for a whole year1 so that they are     
unable to revisit the same place until  
the expiration of sixty years1 there    
will then be an almost entire           
discordance between the persons         
enumerated in two consecutive registers 
in the same province4 ,there are1       
undoubtedly1 other causes1 besides the  

mere quantity of time1 which may augment
 or diminish the amount of discrepancy4 
,thus1 at some periods a pestilential   
disease may have lessened the average   
duration of human life2 or a variety of 
circumstances may have caused the births
 to be unusually numerous1 and the      
population to multiply2 or a province   
may be suddenly colonised by persons    
migrating from surrounding districts4   
,these exceptions may be compared to the
 accelerated rate of fluctuations in the
 fauna and flora of a particular region1
 in which the climate and physical      
geography may be undergoing an          
extraordinary degree of alteration4     
,but ,i must remind the reader that the 
case above proposed has no pretensions  
to be regarded as an exact parallel to  
the geological phenomena which ,i desire
 to illustrate2 for the commissioners   
are supposed to visit the different     
provinces in rotation2 whereas the      
commemorating processes by which organic
 remains become fossilised1 although    

they are always shifting from one area  
to the other1 are yet very irregular in 
their movements4 ,they may abandon and  
revisit many spaces again and again1    
before they once approach another       
district2 and1 besides this source of   
irregularity1 it may often happen that1 
while the depositing process is         
suspended1 denudation may take place1   
which may be compared to the occasional 
destruction by fire or other causes of  
some of the statistical documents before
 mentioned4 ,it is evident that where   
such accidents occur the want of        
continuity in the series may become     
indefinitely great1 and that the        
monuments which follow next in          
succession will by no means be          
equidistant from each other in point of 
time4  ,if this train of reasoning be   
admitted1 the occasional distinctness of
 the fossil remains1 in formations      
immediately in contact1 would be a      
necessary consequence of the existing   
laws of sedimentary deposition and      

subterranean movement1 accompanied by a 
constant dying-out and renovation of    
'species4  ,as all the conclusions above
 insisted on are directly opposed to    
opinions still popular1 ,i shall add    
another comparison1 in the hope of      
preventing any possible misapprehension 
of the argument4 ,suppose we had        
discovered two buried cities at the foot
 of ,vesuvius1 immediately superimposed 
upon each other1 with a great mass of   
tuff and lava intervening1 just as      
,portici and ,resina1 if now covered    
with ashes1 would overlie ,herculaneum4 
,an antiquary might possibly be entitled
 to infer1 from the inscriptions on     
public edifices1 that the inhabitants of
 the inferior and older city were       
,greeks1 and those of the modern towns  
,italians4 ,but he would reason vary    
hastily if he also concluded from these 
data1 that there had been a sudden      
change from the ,greek to the ,italian  
language in ,campania4 ,but if he       
afterwards found three buried cities1   

one above the other1 the intermediate   
one being ,roman1 while1 as in the      
former example1 the lowest was ,greek   
and the uppermost ,italian1 he would    
then perceive the fallacy of his former 
opinion1 and would begin to suspect that
 the catastrophes1 by which the cities  
were inhumed might have no relation     
whatever to the fluctuations in the     
language of the inhabitants2 and that1  
as the ,roman tongue had evidently      
intervened between the ,greek and       
,italian1 so many other dialects may    
have been spoken in succession1 and the 
passage from the ,greek to the ,italian 
may have been very gradual1 some terms  
growing obsolete1 while others were     
introduced from time to time4  ,if this 
antiquary could have shown that the     
volcanic paroxysms of ,vesuvius were so 
governed as that cities should be buried
 one above the other1 just as often as  
any variation occurred in the language  
of the inhabitants1 then1 ,indeed1 the  
abrupt passage from a ,greek to a       

,roman1 and from a ,roman to an ,italian
 city1 would afford proof of            
fluctuations no less sudden in the      
language of the people4  ,so1 in        
,geology1 if we could assume that it is 
part of the plan of ,nature to preserve1
 in every region of the globe1 an       
unbroken series of monuments to         
commemorate the vicissitudes of the     
organic creation1 we might infer the    
sudden extirpation of species1 and the  
simultaneous introduction o6 others1 as 
often as two formations in contact are  
found to include dissimilar organic     
fossils4 ,but we must shut our eyes to  
the whole economy of the existing       
causes1 aqueous1 igneous1 and organic1  
if we fail to perceive that such is not 
the plan of ,nature4  ,i shall now      
conclude the discussion of a question   
with which we have been occupied since  
the beginning of the fifth              
chapter--namely1 whether there has been 
any interruption1 from the remotest     
periods1 of one uniform and continuous  

system of change in the animate and     
inanimate world4 ,we were induced to    
enter into that enquiry by reflecting   
how much the progress of opinion in     
,geology had been influenced by the     
assumption that the analogy was slight  
in kind1 and still more slight in       
degree1 between the cases which produced
 the former revolutions of the globe1   
and those now in every-day operation4   
,it appeared clear that the earlier     
geologists had not only a scanty        
acquaintance with existing changes1 but 
were singularly unconscious of the      
amount of their ignorance4 ,with the    
presumption naturally inspired by this  
unconsciousness1 they had no hesitation 
in deciding at once that time could     
never enable the existing powers of     
nature to work out changes of great     
magnitude1 still less such important    
revolutions as those which are brought  
to light by ,geology4 ,they therefore   
felt themselves at liberty to indulge   
their imaginations in guessing at what  

might be1 rather than enquiring what is2
 in other words1 they employed          
themselves in conjecturing what might   
have been the course of ,nature at a    
remote period1 rather than in the       
investigation of what was the course of 
,nature in their own times4  ,it        
appeared to them far more philosophical 
to speculate on the possibilities of the
 past1 than patiently to explore the    
realities of the present2 and having    
invented theories under the influence of
 such maxims1 they were consistently    
unwilling to test their validity by the 
criterion of their accordance with the  
ordinary operations of ,nature4 ,on the 
contrary4 the claims of each new        
hypothesis to credibility appeared      
enhanced by the great contrast1 in kind 
or intensity1 of the causes referred to 
and those now in operation4  ,never was 
there a dogma more calculated to foster 
indolence1 and to blunt the keen edge of
 curiosity1 than this assumption of the 
discordance between the ancient and     

existing causes of change4 ,it produced 
a state of mind unfavourable in the     
highest degree to the candid reception  
of the evidence of those minute but     
incessant alterations which every part  
of the earth's surface is undergoing1   
and by which the condition of its living
 inhabitants is continually made to     
vary4 ,the student1 instead of being    
encouraged with the hope of interpreting
 the enigmas presented to him in the    
earth's structure--instead of being     
prompted to undertake laborious         
enquiries into the natural history of   
the organic world1 and the complicated  
effects of the igneous and aqueous      
causes now in operation--was taught to  
despond from the first4 ,geology1 it was
 affirmed1 could never rise to the rank 
of an exact science2 the greater number 
of phenomena must for ever remain       
inexplicable1 or only be partially      
elucidated by ingenious conjectures4    
,even the mystery which invested the    
subject was said to constitute one of   

its principal charms1 affording1 as it  
did1 full scope to the fancy to indulge 
in a boundless field of speculation4    
,the course directly opposed to this    
method of philosophising consists in an 
earnest and patient enquiry1 how far    
geological appearances are reconcilable 
with the effect of changes now in       
progress1 or which may be in progress in
 regions inaccessible to us1 but of     
which the reality is attested by        
volcanos and subterranean movements4 ,it
 also endeavours to estimate the        
aggregate result of ordinary operations 
multiplied by time1 and cherishes a     
sanguine hope that the resources to be  
derived from observation and experiment1
 or from the study of ,nature such as   
she now is1 are very far from being     
exhausted4 ,for this reason all theories
 are rejected which involve the         
assumption of sudden and violent        
catastrophes and revolutions of the     
whole earth1 and its                    
inhabitants--theories which are         

restrained by no reference to existing  
analogies1 and in which a desire is     
manifested to cut1 rather than patiently
 to untie1 the ,gordian knot4  ,we have 
now1 at least1 the advantage of knowing1
 from experience1 that an opposite      
method has always put geologists on the 
road that leads to truth--suggesting    
views which1 although imperfect at      
first1 have been found capable of       
improvement1 until at last adopted by   
universal consent2 while the method of  
speculating on a former distinct state  
of things and causes has led invariably 
to a multitude of contradictory systems1
 which have been overthrown one after   
the other--have been found incapable of 
modification--and which have often      
required to be precisely reversed4  ,the
 remainder of this work will be devoted 
to an investigation of the changes now  
going on in the crust of the earth and  
its inhabitants4 ,the importance which  
the student will attach to such         
researches will mainly depend on the    

degree of confidence which he feels in  
the principles above expounded4 ,if he  
firmly believes in the resemblance or   
identity of the ancient and present     
system of terrestrial changes1 he will  
regard every fact collected respecting  
the cause in diurnal action as affording
 him a key to the interpretation of some
 mystery in the past4 ,events which have
 occurred at the most distant periods in
 the animate and inanimate world will be
 acknowledged to throw light on each    
other1 and the deficiency of our        
information respecting some of the most 
obscure parts of the present creation   
will be removed4 ,for as1 by studying   
the external configuration of the       
existing land and its inhabitants1 we   
may restore in imagination the          
appearance of the ancient continents    
which have passed away1 so may we obtain
 from the deposits of ancient seas and  
lakes an insight into the nature of the 
subaqueous processes now in operation1  
and of many forms of organic life which1

 though now existing1 are veiled from   
sight4 ,rocks1 also1 produced by        
subterranean fire in former ages1 at    
great depths in the bowels of the earth1
 present us1 when upraised by gradual   
movements1 and exposed to the light of  
heaven1 with an image of those changes  
which the deep-seated volcano may now   
occasion in the nether regions4 ,thus1  
although we are mere sojourner's on the 
surface of the planet1 chained to a mere
 point in space1 enduring but for a     
moment of time1 the human mind is not   
only enabled to number worlds beyond the
 unassisted ken of mortal eye1 but to   
trace the events of indefinite ages     
before the creation of our race1 and is 
not even withheld from penetrating into 
the dark secrets of the ocean1 or the   
interior of the solid globe2 free1 like 
the spirit which the poet described as  
animating the universe1       ------ire 
per omnes       ,terrasque1 tractusque  
maris1 ccelumque profisndutn4           
,footnote3 ,to go through all binds1 and

 the tracts of the ocean1 and the       
boundless heaven4