,,rough ,,ways ,,made ,,smooth ,,rough ,,ways ,,made ,,smooth ,a ,,series ,,of ,familiar ,essays on ,scientific ,subjects ,,by ,,richard ,a4 ,,proctor ,illustration ,,new ,,impression ,,longmans1 ,,green1 ,,and ,,co4 #ci ,,paternoster ,,row1 ,,london ,,new ,,york ,,and ,,bombay #aijc ,all rights reserved ',let knowledge grow from more to more' ,,tennyson ,,preface4 ,it is scarcely necessary for me to explain the plan of the present work1 because ,i have already--in introducing my ',light ,science for ,leisure ,hours1' my ',science ,byways1' and my ',pleasant ,ways in ,science'--described the method on which1 as ,i think1 such treatises as the present should be written4 ,this work deals with similar subjects in a similar way2 but ,i think the experience ,i have acquired in writing other works on the same plan has enabled me to avoid some defects in the present work which ,i have recognised in the others4 ,the list of subjects indicates sufficiently the range over which the present volume extends4 ,some of them might be judged by their names to be in no way connected with science1 but it will be found that none have been treated except in their scientific significance1 though in familiar and untechnical terms4 ,,richard ,a4 ,,proctor4 ,s4,s4 ',,arizona1' ,,irish ,,sea ,october #ah1 #ahgi4 ,,contents4 ,,page ,,the ,,sun',s ,,corona ,,and ,,his ,,spots #a ,,sun-,,spots ,,and ,,commercial ,,panics #bf ,,new ,,planets ,,near ,,the ,,sun #cb ,,results ,,of ,,the ,,british ,,transit ,,expeditions #eh ,,the ,,past ,,history ,,of ,,our ,,moon #ha ,a ,,new ,,crater ,,in ,,the ,,moon #ih ,,the ,,november ,,meteors #aaa ,,expected ,,meteor ,,shower #aag ,,cold ,,winters #abe ,,oxford ,,and ,,cambridge ,,rowing #adh ,,rowing ,,styles #afi ,,artificial ,,somnambulism #agh ,,hereditary ,,traits #bje ,,bodily ,,illness ,,as ,a ,,mental ,,stimulant #bcf ,,dual ,,consciousness #bei ,,electric ,,lighting #bhi ,,rough ,,ways ,,made ,,smooth4 ,,the ,,sun',s ,,corona ,,and ,,his ,,spots4 ,one of the most important results of observations made upon the eclipse of ,july #bi1 #ahgh1 indicates the existence of a law of sympathy1 so to speak1 between the solar corona and the sun-spots4 ,the inquiry into this relation seems to me likely to lead to a very interesting series of researches1 from which may possibly result an interpretation not only of the relation itself1 should it be found really to exist1 but of the mystery of the sun-spot period4 ,i speak of the sun-spot period as mysterious1 because even if we admit 7which ,i think we cannot do7 that the sun-spots are produced in some way by the action of the planets upon the sun1 it would still remain altogether a mystery how this action operated4 ,when all the known facts respecting the sun-spots are carefully considered1 no theory yet advanced respecting them seems at all satisfactory1 while no approach even has been made to an explanation of their periodic increase and diminution in number4 ,this seems to me one of the most interesting problems which astronomers have at present to deal with2 nor do ,i despair of seeing it satisfactorily solved within no very long interval of time4 ,should the recognition of a sympathy between the corona and the sun-spots be satisfactorily established1 an important step in advance will have been made1--possibly even the key to the enigma will be found to have been discovered4 ,i propose now to consider1 first1 whether the evidence we have on this subject is sufficient1 and afterwards to discuss some of the ideas suggested by the relations which have been recognised as existing between the sun-spots1 the sierra1 the coloured prominences1 and the zodiacal light4 ,the evidence from the recent eclipses indicates beyond all possibility of doubt or question1 that during the years when sun-spots were numerous1 in #ahgj and #ahga1 the corona1 at least on the days of the total solar eclipses in those years1 presented an appearance entirely different from that of the corona seen on ,july #bi1 #ahgh1 when the sun was almost free from spots4 ,this will be more fully indicated further on4 ,at present it is necessary to notice only 7#a7 that whereas in #ahgj and #ahga the inner corona extended at least #bej1jjj miles from the sun1 it reached only to a height of some #gj1jjj miles in #ahgh2 7#b7 in #ahgj and #ahga it possessed a very complicated structure1 whereas in #ahgh the definite structure could be recognised only in two parts of the inner corona2 7#c7 in #ahga the corona was pink1 whereas in #ahgh it was pearly white2 7#d7 the corona was ten times brighter in #ahga than in #ahgh2 lastly1 in #ahga the light of the corona came in part from glowing gas1 whereas in ,july1 #ahgh1 the light came chiefly1 if not wholly1 from glowing solid or liquid matter4 ,i must here point out1 that the evidence of change1 however satisfactory in itself1 would be quite insufficient to establish the general theory that the corona sympathises with the solar photosphere in the special manner suggested by the recent eclipse observations4 ,there are few practices more unscientific1 or more likely to lead to erroneous theorising1 than that of basing a general theory on a small number of observations4 ,in this case we have1 in fact1 but a single observed correspondence1 though the observations establishing it form a series4 ,it has been shown that so far as the special sun-spot period from the minimum of #ahfg to the minimum of #ahgh is concerned1 there has been a certain correspondence between the aspect of the corona and the state of the sun's surface1 with regard to spots4 ,to assume from that single correspondence that the corona and the sun-spots are related in the same way1 would be hazardous in the extreme4 ,we may indeed find1 when we consider other matters1 that the probability of a general relation of this sort existing is so great antecedently1 that but slight direct evidence would be required to establish the existence of the relation4 ,but it must be remembered that before the eclipse of #ahgh was observed1 with the special result ,i have noticed1 few were bold enough to assert the probable existence of any such relationship2 and certainly no one asserted that the probability was very strong4 ,i believe1 indeed1 that no one spoke more definitely in favour of the theory that the corona probably sympathises with the sun-spots than ,i did myself before the recent eclipse2 but certainly ,i should not then have been willing to say that ,i considered the evidence very strong4 ,we must then look for evidence of a more satisfactory kind4 ,now1 although during the two centuries preceding the invention of the spectroscope and the initiation of the solar physical researches now in progress1 observations of eclipses were not very carefully conducted1 yet we have some records of the appearance of the corona on different occasions1 which1 combined with the known law of sun-spot periodicity1 may enable us to generalise more safely than we could from observations during the present spot-period1 though these observations have been far more exact than the older ones4 ,i propose to examine some of these4 ,necessarily ,i must make some selection4 ,i need hardly say that even if there were no such relation as that which seems to be indicated by recent observations1 and if my purpose were simply to prove1 either that such a relation exists or that it does not1 ,i could very readily bring before the reader of these pages what would seem like the most satisfactory evidence that the relation is real4 ,i must ask him to believe1 however1 that my purpose is to ascertain where the truth lies4 ,i shall neither introduce any observation of the corona because it seems specially favourable to the theory that the corona sympathises with the photosphere1 nor omit any1 because it seems definitely opposed to that theory4 ,to prevent any possibility of being unconsciously prejudiced1 ,i shall take a series of coronal observations collected together by myself1 on account of their intrinsic interest1 several years ago1 when ,i had not in my thoughts any theory respecting periodic changes in the corona--the series1 namely1 which is included in the sixth chapter of my treatise on the sun4 ,each of these observations ,i shall consider in connection with the known condition of the sun as to spots1 and those results which seem to bear clearly1 whether favourably or unfavourably1 on the theory we are enquiring into1 ,i shall bring before the reader4 ,kepler1 whose attention had been specially drawn to the subject of the light seen round the sun during total eclipse1 by certain statements which ,clavius had made respecting the eclipse of #aefg1 describes the eclipse of #afje in the following terms3--',the whole body of the sun was completely covered for a short time1 but around it there shone a brilliant light of a reddish hue and uniform breadth1 which occupied a considerable portion of the heavens4' ,the corona thus seen may fairly be assumed to have resembled in extent that of #ahga4 ,a bright corona1 reaching like that seen during the eclipse of ,july #ahgh to a height of only about #gj1jjj miles from the sun's surface1 would certainly not have been described by ,kepler as occupying a considerable portion of the heavens1 for a height of #gj1jjj miles would correspond only to about a twelfth of the sun's diameter2 and a ring so narrow would be described very differently4 ,it seems1 then1 that in #afje a corona was seen which corresponded with that observed when the sun has had many spots on his surface4 ,now we have no record of the condition of the sun with regard to spots in #afje2 but we know that the year #afae was one of many spots1 and the year #afaj one of few spots2 whence we may conclude safely that the year #afje was one of many spots4 ,this case then is in favour of the theory we are examining4 ,in passing we may ask whether the observation by ,clavius which had perplexed ,kepler1 may not throw some light on our subject4 ,clavius says that the eclipse of #aefg which should have been total was annular4 ,the usual explanation of this has been that the corona was intensely bright close to the sun4 ,and though ,kepler considered that his own observation of a broad reddish corona satisfactorily removed ,clavius's difficulty1 it seems tolerably clear that the corona seen by ,clavius must have been very unlike the corona seen by ,kepler4 ,in fact the former must have been like the corona seen in ,july1 #ahgh1 much smaller than the average1 but correspondingly increased in lustre4 ,now with regard to the sun-spot period we can go back to the year #aefg1 though not quite so securely as we could wish4 ,taking the average sun-spot period at eleven years1 and calculating back from the minimum of spots in the year #afaj1 we get four years of minimum solar disturbance1 #aeii1 #aehh1 #aegg1 and #aeff4 ,we should have obtained the same result if we had used the more exact period1 eleven one-ninth years1 and had taken #afajh for the epoch of least solar disturbance 7#afajh meaning about the middle of ,october1 #afaj74 ,thus the year #aefg was a year of few sun-spots1 probably occupying almost exactly the same position in the sun spot period as the year #ahgh4 ,clavius's observation1 then1 is in favour of our theory4 ,but another observation between ,clavius's and ,kepler's may here be noticed4 ,jensenius1 who observed the eclipse of #aeih at ,torgau in ,germany1 noticed that1 at the time of mid-totality1 a bright light shone round the moon4 ,on this occasion1 remarks ,grant1 the phenomenon was generally supposed to arise from a defect in the totality of the eclipse1 though ,kepler strenuously contended that such an explanation was at variance with the relation between the values of the apparent diameters of the sun and moon as computed for the time of the eclipse by aid of the solar and lunar tables4 ,the corona1 then1 must have resembled that seen by ,clavius1 and since the year #aeih must have been very near the time of fewest spots1 this observation accords with the theory we are examining4 ,the next observation is that made by ,wyberd during the eclipse of #afeb4 ,here there is a difficulty arising from the strange way in which the sun-spots behaved during the interval from #afde to #afgi4 ,according to ,m4 ,wolf1 whose investigation of the subject has been very close and searching1 there was a maximum of sun-spots in #afci followed by a minimum in #afde1 the usual interval of about six years having elapsed2 but there came a maximum in #afee1 ten years later1 followed by a minimum in #afff1 eleven years later1 so that actually twenty-one years would seem to have elapsed between successive minima 7#afde and #afff74 ,then came a maximum in #afge1 nine years later1 and a minimum in #afgi1 four years later4 ,between the maxima of #afci and #afge1 including two spot periods1 an interval of thirty-six years elapsed4 ,there is no other instance on record1 so far as ,i know1 of so long an interval as this for two spot-periods4 ,in passing1 ,i would notice how little this circumstance accords with the theory that the sun-spots follow an exact law1 or that from observations of the sun1 means can ever be found for forming a trustworthy system of weather prediction1 even if we assumed 7which has always seemed to me a very daring assumption71 that terrestrial weather is directly dependent on the progress of the sun-spot period4 ,but here the irregularity of the spot changes affects us only as preventing us from determining or even from guessing what may have been the condition of the sun's surface in the year #afeb4 ,this year followed by seven years a period of minimum disturbance1 and preceded by three years a period of maximum disturbance2 but it would be unsafe to assume that the sun's condition in #afeb was nearer that of maximum than that of minimum disturbance4 ,we must pass over ,wyberd's observations of the corona in #afeb1 at least until some direct evidence as to the sun's condition shall have been obtained from the papers or writings of the observers of that year4 ,i note only that ,wyberd saw a corona of very limited extent1 having indeed a height not half so great as that of many prominences which have been observed during recent eclipses4 ,if the theory we are examining should be established beyond dispute1 we should be led to infer that the year #afeb was in reality a year of minimum solar disturbance4 ,perhaps by throwing in such a minimum between #afde and #afff1 with of course a corresponding maximum1 the wild irregularity of the sun-spot changes between #afde and #afgi would be to some degree diminished4 ,we are now approaching times when more satisfactory observations were made upon the corona1 and when also we have more complete records of the aspect of the sun's surface4 ,in #agjf ,plantade and ,capies saw a bright ring of white light extending round the eclipsed sun to a distance of about #he1jjj miles1 but merging into a fainter light1 which extended no less than four degrees from the eclipsed sun1 fading off insensibly until its light was lost in the obscure background of the sky4 ,this corresponds unmistakably with such a corona as we should expect only to see at a time of many sun-spots1 if the theory we are examining is sound4 ,turning to ,wolf's list1 we find that the year #agje is marked as a year of maximum solar disturbance1 and the year #agab as that of the next minimum4 ,therefore #agjf was a year of many sun-spots--in fact1 #agjf may have been the year of actual maximum disturbance1 for it is within the limits of doubt indicated by ,wolf4 ,certainly a corona extending so far as that which ,plantade and ,capies saw would imply an altogether exceptional degree of solar disturbance1 if the theory we are considering is correct4 ,in #agae ,halley gave the following description of the corona3--',a few seconds before the sun was all hid1 there discovered itself round the moon a luminous ring about a digit' 7a twelfth7 'or perhaps a tenth part of the moon's diameter in breadth4 ,it was of a pale whiteness or rather pearl colour1 seeming to me a little tinged with the colours of the ,iris1 and to be concentric with the moon4' ,he added that the ring appeared much whiter and brighter near the body of the moon than at a distance from it1 and that its exterior boundary was very ill-defined1 seeming to be determined only by the extreme rarity of the luminous matter4 ,the ,french astronomer ,louville gave a similar account of the appearance of the ring4 ,he added1 however1 that 'there were interruptions in its brightness1 causing it to resemble the radial glory with which painters encircle the heads of the saints4' ,the smallness of the corona on this occasion corresponds with the description of the corona seen in ,july #ahgh2 and though ,louville's description of gaps is suggestive of a somewhat different aspect1 yet1 on the whole1 the corona seen in #agae more closely resembles one which would be seen at a time of minimum solar disturbance1 if our theory can be trusted1 than one which would be seen at a time of maximum disturbance4 ,wolf's list puts the year #agab as one of minimum disturbance1 with one year of doubt either way1 and the middle of the year #ahag as the epoch of maximum disturbance1 with a similar range of uncertainty4 ,the case1 then1 is doubtful1 but on the whole inclines to being unfavourable4 ,i may remark that because of its unfavourable nature1 ,i departed from the rule ,i had set myself1 of taking only the cases included in my treatise on the sun4 ,for the corona of #agae is not described in that treatise1 as indeed affording no evidence respecting this solar appendage4 ,the evidence given in this case is probably affected in some degree by the unfavourable atmospheric conditions under which ,halley certainly1 and ,louville probably1 observed the eclipse4 ,in any case the evidence is not strong2 only ,i would call attention here to the circumstance that if1 as we proceed1 we should come to a case in which the evidence is plainly against the theory we are examining1 we must give up the theory at once4 ,for one case of discordance does more to destroy a theory respecting association between such and such phenomena1 than a hundred cases of agreement would do in the way of confirming it4 ,in #agbd1 ,maraldi noticed that the corona was broadest first on the side towards which the moon was advancing1 and afterwards on the side which the moon was leaving4 ,from this we may infer that the corona was only a narrow ring on that occasion1 since otherwise the slight difference of breadth due to the moon's eccentric position at the beginning and end of totality would not have been noticeable4 ,now1 the year #agbc was one of minimum disturbance1 with one year of doubt either way4 ,thus #agbd was certainly a year of few sun-spots1 and may have been the actual year of minimum disturbance4 ,the corona then presented an appearance according with the theory we are considering4 ,few eclipses have been better observed than that of the year #agcc4 ,the ,royal ,society of ,sweden invited all who could spare the time to assist1 as far as their ability permitted1 in recording the phenomena presented during totality4 ,the pastor of ,stona ,malm states that at ,catherinesholm1 there was a ring around the sun about #gj1jjj miles in height4 7,of course these are not his exact words2 what he actually stated was that the ring was about a digit in breadth47 ,this is the exact height assigned to the coronal ring by the observers of the eclipse of last year4 ,the ring seemed to be of a reddish colour4 ,another clergyman1 ,vallerius1 states also that the ring was of this colour1 but adds that at a considerable distance from the sun it had a greenish hue4 ,this suggests the idea that the outer corona was seen also by ,vallerius1 and that it had considerable breadth4 ,the reddish colour of the inner light portion would correspond to the colour it would have if it consisted in the main of glowing hydrogen4 ,if that really was its constitution1 then the theory advanced by one observer of the last eclipse1 that at the time of minimum solar disturbance the glowing hydrogen is withdrawn from the corona1 would be shown to be incorrect4 ,for #agcc was the actual year of minimum solar disturbance4 ,the pastor of ,smoland states that 'during the total obscuration the edge of the moon's disc resembled gilded brass1 and the faint ring round it emitted rays in an upward as well as in a downward direction1 similar to those seen beneath the sun when a shower of rain is impending4' ,the mathematical lecturer of the ,academy of ,charles-stadt1 ,m4 ,edstrom1 observed these rays with special attention3 he says that 'they plainly maintained the same position1 until they vanished along with the ring upon the re-appearance of the sun4' ,on the other hand1 at ,lincopia no rays were seen4 ,on the whole it seems clear from the accounts of this eclipse that the inner corona was bright and narrow2 rays issued from the outer faint ring2 but they were very delicate phenomena1 easily concealed by atmospheric haze1 and thus were not everywhere observed4 ,as rays were seen in ,july #ahgh1 there is nothing in the evidence afforded by the eclipse of #agcc1 occurring at a time of few spots1 which opposes itself definitely to the theory we are considering4 ,but the reddish colour of the corona as already noticed is a doubtful feature3 in ,july1 #ahgh1 the bright inner corona was of a pearl colour and lustre4 ,during the eclipse of ,february1 #agff1 the corona presented four luminous expansions1 and seems to have presented a greater expansion than we should expect in a year of minimum solar disturbance4 ,such1 however1 the year #agff certainly was4 ,the evidence in this case is unfavourable to our theory--not quite decisively so1 but strongly4 ,for we should expect that in the year of actual minimum disturbance the corona would be even narrower than in the year #ahgh1 which was the year following that of least disturbance4 ,and again1 a strongly distinctive feature in the corona of ,july1 #ahgh1 was the absence of wide expansions1 such as were seen in #ahgj and #ahga4 ,now if this peculiarity should really be attributed to the relation existing between the corona and the sun-spots1 we should infer that in #agff the corona would have been still more markedly uniform in shape4 ,the existence of four well marked expansions on that occasion forces us to assume that either the relation referred to has no real existence1 or else that the corona may change from week to week as the condition of the sun's surface changes1 and that in ,february1 #agff1 the sun was temporarily disturbed1 though the year1 as a whole1 was one of minimum disturbance4 ,but as the epoch of actual minimum was the middle of #agff1 ,february #agff should have been a time of very slight disturbance4 ,i do not know of any observations of the sun recorded for the month of ,february1 #agff4 ,on the whole1 the eclipse of #agff must be regarded as throwing grave doubt on the relation assumed by our theory as existing between the corona and the sun-spots2 and as tending to suggest that some wider law must be in question than the one we have been considering--if any association really exists4 ,the account given by ,don ,antonio d',ulloa of the appearance presented by the corona during the total eclipse of #aggh1 is rendered doubtful by his reference to an apparent rotatory motion of the normal rays4 ,he says that about five or six seconds after totality had begun1 a brilliant luminous ring was seen around the dark body of the moon4 ,the ring became brighter as the middle of totality approached4 ',about the middle of the eclipse1 the breadth of the ring was equal to about a sixth of the moon's diameter4 ,there seemed to issue from it a great number of rays of unequal length1 which could be discerned to a distance equal to the moon's diameter4' ,then comes the part of d',ulloa's description which seems difficult to accept4 ,he says that the corona 'seemed to be endued with a rapid rotatory motion1 which caused it to resemble a firework turning round its centre4' ,the colour of the light1 he proceeds1 'was not uniform throughout the whole breadth of the ring4 ,towards the margin of the moon's disc it appeared of a reddish hue2 then it changed to a pale yellow1 and from the middle to the outer border the yellow gradually became fainter1 until at length it seemed almost quite white4' ,setting aside the rays and their rotation1 d',ulloa's account of the inner corona may be accepted as satisfactory4 ,the height of this ring was1 it seems1 about #adj1jjj miles1 or twice that of the ring seen in ,july #ahgh4 ,as the year #aggi was one of maximum solar disturbance1 there were doubtless many spots in #aggh2 and the aspect of the corona accorded well with the theory that the corona expands as the number of sun-spots increases4 ,we come now to three eclipses which are especially interesting as having been all carefully observed1 some observers having seen all three1--the eclipses1 namely1 of #ahdb1 #ahea1 and #ahfj4 ,unfortunately the eclipses of #ahdb and #ahea occurred when the sun-spots were neither at their greatest nor at their least degree of frequency4 ,for a maximum of sun-spots occurred in #ahcg1 and a minimum in #ahdd1 so that #ahdb was on what may be called the descending slope of a sun-spot wave1 nearer the hollow than the crest1 but not very near either3 again1 a maximum occurred in #ahdh1 and a minimum in #ahef1 so that #ahea was also on the descending slope of a sun-spot wave1 rather nearer the crest than the hollow1 but one may fairly say about midway between them4 ,still it is essential in an inquiry of this sort to consider intermediate cases4 ,we must not only apply the comparentia ad intellectum instantiarum convenientium1 but also the comparentia instantiarum secundum magis ac minus4 ,if the existence of great solar disturbances causes the corona to be greatly enlarged1 as compared with the corona seen when the sun shows no spots1 we should expect to find the corona moderately enlarged only when the sun shows a considerable but not the maximum number of spots4 ,and again1 it is conceivable that we may find some noteworthy difference between the aspect of the corona when sun-spots are diminishing in number1 and its aspect when they are increasing4 ,this point seems the more to need investigation when we note that the evidence derived from eclipses occurring near the time either of maximum or of minimum solar disturbance has not been altogether satisfactory4 ,it may be that we may find an explanation of the discrepancies we have recognised1 in some distinction between the state of the corona when spots are increasing and when they are diminishing in number4 ,it is noteworthy that several careful observers of the corona in #ahdb believed that they could recognise motion in the coronal rays4 ,francis ,baily compared the appearance of the corona to the flickering light of a gas illumination4 ,o4 ,struve also was much struck by the appearance of violent agitation in the light of the ring4 ,it seems probable that the appearance was due to movements in that part of our atmosphere through which the corona was observed4 ,the extent of the corona was variously estimated by different observers4 ,petit1 at ,montpelier1 assigned to it a breadth corresponding to a height of about #bjj1jjj miles2 ,baily a height of about #ejj1jjj miles2 and ,o4 ,struve a height of more than #hjj1jjj miles4 ,the last-named observer also recognised luminous expansions extending fully four degrees 7corresponding to nearly seven million miles7 from the sun4 ,picozzi1 at ,milan1 noticed two jets of light1 which were seen also by observers in ,france4 ,rays also were seen by ,mauvais at ,perpignan1 and by ,baily at ,paria4 ,but ,airy1 observing the corona from the ,superga1 could see no radiation2 he says 'although a slight radiation might have been perceptible1 it was not sufficiently intense to affect in a sensible degree the annular structure by which the luminous appearance was plainly distinguished4' ,these varieties in the aspect of the corona were doubtless due to varieties in the condition of the atmosphere through which the corona was seen4 ,now it cannot be questioned that1 so far as extension is concerned1 the corona seen in #ahdb was one which1 if the theory we are considering were sound1 we should expect to see near the time of maximum rather than of minimum solar disturbance4 ,on the other hand1 in brightness the corona of #ahdb resembled1 if it did not surpass1 that of ,july #ahgh4 ',i had imagined1' says ,baily1 'that the corona1 as to its brilliant or luminous appearance1 would not be greater than that faint crepuscular light which sometimes takes place 7sic7 in a summer evening1 and that it would encircle the moon like a ring4 ,i was therefore somewhat surprised and astonished at the splendid scene which now so suddenly burst upon my view4' ,the light of the corona was so bright1 ,o4 ,struve states1 that the naked eye could scarcely endure it2 'many could not believe1 indeed1 that the eclipse was total1 so strongly did the corona's light resemble direct sunlight4' ,thus while as to extent the corona in #ahdb presented the appearance to be expected at the time of maximum solar disturbance1 if our theory is sound1 its brightness was that corresponding to a time of minimum disturbance4 ,its structure corresponded with the former condition4 ,the light of the corona was not uniform1 nor merely marked by radiations1 but in several places interlacing lines of light could be seen4 ,arago1 at ,perpignan1 observed with the unaided eye a region of the corona where the structure was as of intertwined jets giving an appearance resembling a hank of thread in disorder4 ,certainly1 for an eclipse occurring two years from the time of minimum1 and five years from the time of maximum disturbance1 that of ,july1 #ahdb1a has not supplied evidence favouring the theory with which we started4 ,whether any other theory of association between the corona and the sun-spots will better accord with the evidence hitherto collected remains to be seen4 ,turn we now to the eclipse of #ahea1 occurring nearly midway between the epochs of maximum solar disturbance 7#ahdh7 and minimum solar disturbance 7#ahef74 ,i take the account given by ,airy1 our ,government astronomer1 as he was one of the observers of the eclipse of #ahdb4 ',the corona was far broader1' he says1 'than that which ,i saw in #ahdb4 ,roughly speaking1 the breadth was little less than the moon's diameter1 but its outline was very irregular4 ,i did not notice any beams projecting from it which deserved notice as much more conspicuous than the others2 but the whole was beamy1 radiated in structure1 and terminated--though very indefinitely--in a way which reminded me of the ornament frequently placed round a mariner's compass4 ,its colour was white1 or resembling that of ,venus4 ,i saw no flickering or unsteadiness of light4 ,it was not separated from the moon by any interval1 nor had it any annular structure4 ,it looked like a radiated luminous cloud behind the moon4' ,the corona thus described belongs to that which our theory associates with the period of maximum rather than of minimum solar disturbance4 ,definite peculiarities of structure seem to have been more numerous and better marked than in #ahdb4 ,it accords with our theory that #ahea was a year of greater solar disturbance than was observed in #ahdb1 as the following numbers show3-- ,days of ,days without ,new groups observation spots observed #ahdb #cjg #fd #fh #ahea #cjh #j #ada #ahfj #ccb #j #baa ,i have included the year #ahfj1 as we now proceed to consider the corona then seen by ,airy4 ,the year #ahfj did not differ very markedly1 it will be observed1 from #ahea1 as regards the number of new groups of spots observed by ,schwabe1 especially when account is taken of the number of days in which the sun was observed in these two years4 ,but #ahfj was a year of maximum solar disturbance1 whereas #ahea was not4#b ,airy remarks of the corona in #ahfj3--';,it gave a considerable body1 but ,i did not remark either by eye-view or by telescope-view anything annular in its structure2 it appeared to me to resemble1 with some irregularities 7as ,i stated in #ahea71 the ornament round a compass-card4' ,bruhns of ,leipsic noted that the corona shone with an intense white light1 so lustrous as to dim the protuberances4 ,he noticed that a ray shot out to a distance of about one degree indicating a distance of at least #a1ejj1jjj miles from the sun's surface4 ,this was unquestionably a coronal appendage as neither the direction nor the length of the ray varied for ten seconds1 during which ,bruhns directed his attention to it4 ,its light was considerably feebler than that of the corona1 which was of a glowing white1 and seemed to coruscate or twinkle4 ,bruhns assigned to the inner corona a height varying from about #dj1jjj to about #hj1jjj miles4 ,but this was unquestionably far short of the true height4 ,in fact1 ,secchi's photographs show the corona extending to a distance of at least #age1jjj miles from the surface of the sun4 ,therefore probably what ,bruhns calls the base of the corona was in reality only the prominence region1 and the inner corona was that which he describes as varying in breadth or height from nearly one-half to a quarter of a degree--that is from about #hjj1jjj to about #djj1jjj miles4 ,de la ,rue gives a somewhat similar general description of the corona seen in #ahfj4 ,he remarks that it was extremely bright near the moon's body1 and of a silvery whiteness4 ,the picture of the corona by ,feilitsch 7given at p4 #cdc of my book on the ,sun7 accords with these descriptions4 ,on the whole1 the eclipse of #ahfj affords evidence according well with the theory we have been considering1 except as regards the brightness and the colour of the corona1 which correspond more closely with what was observed in ,july1 #ahgh1 with the lustre and colour of the corona in #ahgj and #ahga4 ,in this respect1 it is singular that the eclipse of #ahfg1 which occurred 7see preceding note7 when the sun spots were fewer in number1 presented a decided contrast to that of #ahfj1--the contrast being1 however1 precisely the reverse of that which our theory would require1 if the colour and brightness of the corona be considered essential features of any law of association4 ,herr ,grosch1 describing the corona of #ahfg1 says1 ',there appeared around the moon a reddish glimmering light similar to that of the aurora1 and almost simultaneously with this 7,i mean very shortly after it7 the corona4' ,it is clear1 however1 from what follows1 that the reddish light was what is now commonly called the inner corona1 which last ,july1 when the sun was in almost exactly the same condition as regards the spots1 was pearly white and intensely bright4 ',this reddish glimmer1' he proceeds1 'which surrounded the moon with a border of the breadth of at most five minutes' 7about #adj1jjj miles7 'was not sharply bounded in any part1 but was extremely diffused and less distinct in the neighbourhood of the poles4' ,of the outer corona he remarks that 'its apparent height amounted to about #bhj1jjj miles opposite the solar poles1 but opposite the polar equator to about #fgj1jjj miles4 ,its light was white4 ,this white light was not in the least radiated itself1 but it had the appearance of rays penetrating through it2 or rather as if rays ran over it1 forming symmetrical pencils diverging outwards1 and passing far beyond the boundary of the white light4 ,these rays had a more bluish appearance1 and might best be compared to those produced by a great electro-magnetic light4 ,their similarity to these1 indeed1 was so striking1 that under other circumstances ,i should have taken them for such1 shining at a great distance4 ,the view of the corona ,i have described is that seen with the naked eye4444 ,in the white light of the corona1 close upon the moon's edge1 there appeared several dark curves4 ,they were symmetrically arched towards the east and west1 sharply drawn1 and resembling in tint lines drawn with a lead pencil upon white paper4444 ,beginning at a distance of one minute 7about #bf1jjj miles71 they could be traced up to a distance of about nine minutes 7some #bcf1jjj miles7 from the moon's edge4' ,almost all the features observed in this case correspond closely with those noted and photographed during the eclipse of ,december1 #ahga4 ,in other words the corona seen in #ahfg1 when the sun was passing through the period of least solar disturbance1 closely resembled the corona seen in #ahga1 when the sun was nearly in its stage of greatest disturbance4 ,even the spectroscopic evidence obtained in #ahga and ,july1 #ahgh1 may be so extended as to show with extreme probability what would have been seen in #ahfg if spectroscopic analysis had then been applied4 ,we cannot doubt that the reddish inner corona1 extending to a height of about #adj1jjj miles1 would have been found under spectroscopic analysis to shine in part with the light of glowing hydrogen1 as the reddish corona of #ahga did4 ,the white corona of ,july1 #ahgh1 on the contrary1 shone only with such light as comes from glowing solid or liquid matter4 ,here then1 again1 the evidence is unfavourable to our theory2 for the corona in #ahfg should have closely resembled the corona of #ahgh1 if this theory were sound4 ,it would be idle1 ,i think1 to seek for farther evidence either in favour of the theory we originally proposed to discuss1 or against it3 for the evidence of the eclipse of #ahfg disposes finally of the theory in that form4 ,i may note in passing that the eclipse of #ahfh gave evidence almost equally unfavourable to the theory1 while the evidence given by the eclipse of #ahfi was neutral4 ,it will be desirable1 however1 to consider1 before concluding our inquiry1 the evidence obtained in #ahga and last ,july1 in order that we may see what1 after all1 that evidence may be regarded as fairly proving with regard to coronal variations4 ,first1 however1 as ,i have considered two eclipses which occurred when the sun spots were decreasing in number--namely1 those of #ahdb and #ahea1 midway 7roughly speaking7 between the crest and hollow of the sun-spot wave on its descending slope1 it may be well to consider an eclipse which was similarly situated with respect to the ascending slope of a sun-spot wave4 ,i take1 then1 the eclipse of #aheh1 as seen in ,brazil by ,liais4 ,the picture drawn by this observer is one of the most remarkable views of the corona ever obtained4 ,it is given at p4 #cci of my book on the ,sun4 ,formerly it was the custom to deride this drawing1 but since the eclipse of #ahga1 when the corona was photographed1 it has been admitted that ,liais's drawing may be accepted as thoroughly trustworthy4 ,it shows a wonderfully complex corona1 like that of #ahga1 extending some #gjj1jjj miles from the sun1 and corresponding in all respects with such a corona as our theory 7if established7 would have associated with the stage of maximum solar disturbance4 ,as in this respect the eclipse of #aheh1 when sun-spots were increasing1 resembled those of #ahdb and #ahea1 when sun-spots were diminishing in number1 we find no trace of any law of association depending on the rate of increase or diminution of solar disturbance4 ,if we limited our attention to the eclipses of #ahga and of ,july1 #ahgh1 we should unquestionably be led to adopt the belief that the corona during a year of many spots differs markedly from the corona when the sun shows few spots1 or none4 ,so far as the aspect of the corona is concerned1 ,i take the description given by the same observer in both cases1 as the comparison is thus freed as far as possible from the effect of personal differences4 ,mr4 ,lockyer recognised in #ahga a corona resembling a star-like decoration1 with its rays arranged almost symmetrically--three above and three below two dark spaces or rifts at the extremity of a horizontal diameter4 ,the rays were built up of innumerable bright lines of different length1 with more or less dark spaces between them4 ,near the sun this structure was lost in the brightness of the central ring1 or inner corona4 ,in the telescope he saw thousands of interlacing filaments1 varying in intensity4 ,the rays so definite to the eye were not seen in the telescope4 ,the complex structure of interlacing filaments could be traced only to a height of some five or six minutes 7from #ace1jjj to #afe1jjj miles7 from the sun1 there dying out suddenly4 ,the spectroscope showed that the inner corona1 to this height at least 7but ,respighi's spectroscopic observations prove the same for a much greater distance from the sun71 was formed in part of glowing gas--hydrogen--and the vapour of some as yet undetermined substance1 shining with light of a green tint1 corresponding to #adgd of ,kirchhoff's scale4 ,but also a part of the coronal light came from matter which reflected sunlight2 for its spectrum was the rainbow-tinted streak crossed by dark lines1 which we obtain from any object illuminated by the sun's rays4 ,it should be added that the photographs of the corona in #ahga show the three great rays above and three below1 forming the appearance as of a star-like decoration1 described by ,mr4 ,lockyer2 insomuch as it is rather strange to find ,mr4 ,lockyer remarking that 'the difference between the photographic and the visible corona came out strongly1 444 and the non solar origin of the radial structure was conclusively established4' ,the resemblance is1 indeed1 not indicated in the rough copy of the photographs which illustrates ,mr4 ,lockyer's paper2 but it is clearly seen in the photographs themselves1 and in the fine engraving which has been formed from them for the illustration of the volume which the ,astronomical ,society proposes to issue 7some time in the present century1 perhaps74 ,now1 in ,july1 #ahgh1 the corona presented an entirely different appearance4 ,mr4 ,lockyer1 in a telegram sent to the ,daily ,news1 describes it as small1 of pearly lustre1 and having indications of definite structure in two places only4 ,several long rays were seen2 but the inner corona was estimated as extending to a height of about #gj1jjj miles from the sun's surface4 ,the most remarkable change1 however1 was that which had taken place in the character of the corona's spectrum--or1 in other words1 in the physical structure of the corona4 ,the bright lines or bright images of the inner corona 7according as it was examined through a slit or without one7 were not seen in ,july1 #ahgh1 showing that no part1 or at least no appreciable part1 of its light came from glowing gaseous matter4 ,but also the dark lines seen by ,janssen in #ahga were wanting on this occasion1 showing that the corona did not shine appreciably by reflecting sunlight4 ,the spectrum was1 in fine1 a continuous rainbow-tinted streak1 such as that given by glowing solid or liquid matter4 ,the inference clearly is3 #a4 ,that in ,july1 #ahgh1 the gaseous matter which had been present in the corona in #ahga was either entirely absent or greatly reduced in quantity2 #b4 ,the particles of solid or liquid 7but probably solid7 matter which1 by reflecting sunlight1 produced a considerable portion of the corona's light in #ahga1 were glowing with heat in ,july1 #ahgh1 and shone in the main with this inherent light2 and #c4 ,the entire corona was greatly reduced in size in ,july1 #ahgh1 as compared with that which formed the 'star-like decoration' around the black body of the moon in ,december1 #ahga4 ,we cannot1 however1 accept the theory that such a corona as was seen in #ahga invariably surrounds the sun in years of great disturbance1 while the corona of last month is the typical corona for years of small solar disturbance4 ,the generalisation is flatly contradicted by the evidence which ,i have presented in the preceding pages4 ,it may be that such a corona as was seen in #ahga is common in years of great disturbance1 just as spots are then more common1 though not always present2 while such a corona as was seen in ,july1 #ahgh1 is more common in years of small disturbance1 just as days when the sun is wholly without spots are then more common1 though from time to time several spots1 and sometimes very large spots1 are seen in such years4 ,on the whole1 ,i think the evidence ,i have collected favours rather strongly the inference that an association of this sort really exists between the corona and the sun-spots4 ,it would1 however1 be unsafe at present to generalise even to this extent2 while certainly the wide generalisation telegraphed to ,europe from ,america as the great result of the eclipse observations in ,july1 #ahgh1 must unhesitatingly be rejected4 ,it remains to be considered how science may hope to obtain more trustworthy evidence than we yet have respecting the corona and its changes of form1 extent1 lustre1 and physical constitution4 ,in the case of the prominences1 we have the means of making systematic observations on every fine1 clear day4 ,it has been1 indeed1 through observations thus effected by the spectroscopic method that an association has been recognised between the number1 size1 and brilliancy of the prominences on the one hand1 and the number1 size1 and activity of the sun-spots on the other4 ,but in the case of the corona1 we are as yet unable to make any observations except at the time of total solar eclipse4 ,it seems almost impossible to hope that any means can be devised for seeing the corona at any other time4 ,of course1 without the aid of the spectroscope the corona1 as ordinarily seen during total eclipses1 must be entirely invisible when the sun is shining in full splendour4 ,no one acquainted with even the merest elements of optics could hope to see the corona with an ordinary telescope at such a time4 ,the spectroscope1 again1 would not help in the slightest degree to show such a corona as was shining in ,july1 #ahgh4 ,for the power of the spectroscope to show objects which under ordinary conditions are invisible1 depends on the separation of rays of certain tints from the rays of all the colours of the rainbow1 which make up solar light2 and as the corona in ,july1 #ahgh1 shone with all the colours of the rainbow1 and not with certain special tints1 the power of the spectroscope would be thrown away on a corona of that kind4 ,all that we can ever hope to do is to discern the gaseous corona when1 as in #ahga1 it is well developed1 by spectroscopic appliances more effective for that purpose than any which have hitherto been adopted2 for all which have as yet been adopted have failed4 ,now1 the difficulty of the problem will be recognised when we remember that the strongest tints of the corona's light--the green tint classified as #adgd ,kirchhoff--has been specially but ineffectually searched for in the sun's neighbourhood with the most powerful spectroscopic appliances yet employed in the study of the coloured prominences4 ,in other words1 when the light of our own air over the region occupied by the corona has been diluted as far as possible by spectroscopic contrivances1 the strongest of the special coronal tints has yet failed to show through the diluted spectrum of the sky4 ,again1 we have even stronger evidence of the difficulty of the task in the spectroscopic observations made by ,respighi during the eclipse of #ahga4 ,the instrument1 or ,i should rather1 perhaps1 say the arrangement1 which during mid totality showed the green image of the corona to a height of about #bhj1jjj miles1 did not show any green ring at all at the beginning of totality4 ,in other words1 so faint is the light of the gaseous corona1 even at its brightest part1 close to the sun1 that the faint residual atmospheric light which illuminates the sky over the eclipsed sun at the beginning of totality sufficed to obliterate this part of the coronal light4 ,whether with any combination specially directed to meet the difficulties of this observation1 the gaseous corona can be rendered discernible1 remains to be seen4 ,i must confess my own hopes that the problem will ever be successfully dealt with are very slight1 though not absolutely evanescent4 ,it seems to me barely possible that the problem might be successfully attacked in the following way4 ,using a telescope of small size1 for the larger the telescope the fainter is the image 7because of greater loss of light by absorption71 let the image of the sun be received in a small1 perfectly darkened camera attached to the eye-end of the telescope4 ,now if the image of the sun were received on a smooth white surface we know that the prominences and the corona would not be visible4 ,and again1 if the part of such a surface on which the image of the sun itself fell were exactly removed1 we know 7the experiment has been tried by ,airy7 that the prominences would not be seen on the ring of white surface left after such excision4 ,still less1 then1 would the much fainter image of the corona be seen4 ,but if this ring of white surface1 illuminated in reality by the sky1 by the ring of prominences and sierra1 and by the corona1 were examined through a battery of prisms 7used without a slit7 adjusted to any one of the known prominence tints1 the ring of prominences and sierra would be seen in that special tint4 ,if the battery of prisms were sufficiently effective1 and the tint were one of the hydrogen tints--preferably1 perhaps1 the red--we might possibly be able to trace the faint image of the corona in that tint4 ,but we should have a better chance with the green tint corresponding to the spectral line #adgd ,kirchhoff4 ,if the ring of white surface were replaced by a ring of green surface1 the tint being as nearly that of #adgd ,kirchhoff as possible1 the chance of seeing the coronal ring in that tint would be somewhat increased2 and1 still further1 perhaps1 if the field of view were examined through green glass of the same tint4 ,it seems just possible that if prisms of triple height were used1 through which the rays were carried three times1 by an obvious modification of the usual arrangement for altering the level of the rays1 thus giving a power of eighteen flint glass prisms of sixty degrees each1 evidence1 though slight perhaps1 might be obtained of the presence of the substance which produces the green line4 ,thus variations in the condition of the corona might be recognised1 and any law affecting such variations might be detected4 ,i must confess1 however1 that a consideration of the optical relations involved in the problem leads me to regard the attempt to recognise any traces of the corona when the sun is not eclipsed as almost hopeless4 ,it is clear that until some method for thus observing the corona has been devised1 future eclipse observations will acquire a new interest from the light which they may throw on the coronal variations1 and their possible association in some way1 not as yet detected1 with the sun-spot period4 ,even when a method has been devised for observing the gaseous corona1 the corona whose light comes either directly or by reflection from solid or liquid matter will still remain undiscernible save only during total eclipses of the sun4 ,many years must doubtless pass1 then1 before the relation of the corona to the prominences and the sun-spots shall be fully recognised4 ,but there can be no question that the solution of this problem will be well worth waiting for1 even though it should not lead up 7as it most probably will7 to the solution of the mystery of the periodic changes which affect the surface of the sun4 ,,footnotes3 ,footnote #a3 ,the actual condition of the sun in #ahdb may be inferred from the following table1 showing the number of spots observed in #ahcg the preceding year of maximum disturbance1 in #ahdb1 and in #ahdd the following year of minimum disturbance2 the observer was ,schwabe of ,dessau3 ,days of ,days without ,new groups observation spots observed #ahcg #afh #j #ccc #ahdb #cjg #fd #fh #ahdd #cba #aaa #eb ,only it should be noticed that nearly all the spots seen in the year #ahdd belonged to the next period1 the time of actual minimum occurring early in #ahdd4 ,footnote #b3 ,the following table shows the position occupied by the years #ahea and #ahfj in this report1 as compared with the year #ahdh 7maximum next preceding #ahea71 #ahef 7minimum next following #ahea7 and #ahfg1 minimum next following #ahfj3-- ,days of ,days without ,new groups observation spots observed #ahdh #bgh #j #icj #ahea #cjh #j #ada #ahef #cba #aic #cd #ahfj #ccb #j #baa #ahfg #cab #aie #be ,a comparison of the three tables given in these notes and the text will afford some idea of the irregularities existing in the various waves of sun-spots4 ,,sun-,,spots ,,and ,,commercial ,,panics4 ,we are not only1 it would seem1 to regard the sun as the ultimate source of all forms of terrestrial energy1 existent or potential1 but as regulating in a much more special manner the progress of mundane events4 ,many years have passed since ,sabine1 ,wolf1 and ,gauthier asserted that variations in the daily oscillations of the magnetic needle appear to synchronise with the changes taking place in the sun's condition1 the oscillations attaining their maximum average range in years when the sun shows most spots1 and their minimum range when there are fewest spots4 ,and although it is well known that the ,astronomer ,royal in ,england and the ,president of the ,academy of ,sciences in ,france reject this doctrine1 it still remains in vogue4 ,true1 the average magnetic period appears to be about #aj4de years1 while ,wolf obtains for the sun-spot period #aa4aa years2 but believers in the connection between terrestrial magnetic disturbances and sun-spots consider that among the imperfect records of the past condition of the sun ,wolf must have lost sight of one particular wave of sun-spots1 so to speak4 ,if there have been #bd such waves between #afaa and #ahgg1 when sun-spots were fewest1 we get ,wolf's period of #aa4aa years2 if there have been #be such waves then1 taking an admissible estimate for the earliest epoch1 we get #aj4de years1 the period required to synchronise with the period of terrestrial magnetic changes4 ,the matter must be regarded as still sub judice4 ,this1 however1 is only one relation out of many now suggested4 ,displays of the aurora1 being unquestionably dependent on the magnetic condition of the earth1 would of course be associated with the sun spot period1 if the magnetic period is so2 and certainly the most remarkable displays of the aurora in recent times have occurred when the sun has shown many spots4 ,yet this of itself proves nothing more than had been already known--namely1 that the last few magnetic periods have nearly synchronised with the last few sun-spot periods4 ,it is rather strange1 too1 that no auroras are mentioned in the ,english records for #hj years preceding the aurora of #agaf1 and in the records of the ,paris ,academy of ,sciences one only--that of #afff1 which occurred when sun-spots were fewest4 ,the great aurora of #agbc1 seen as far south as ,bologna1 also occurred at the time of minimum solar activity4 ,here we are not depending on either ,wolf's period of #aa years or ,brown's of #aj-a_/b years2 from records of actual observation it is known that in #afff and #agac there were no sun-spots4 ,in fact it is worth mentioning that ,cassini1 writing in #afga1 says1 ',it is now about #bj years since astronomers have seen any considerable spots on the sun1' a circumstance which throws grave doubt on the law of sun-spot periodicity itself4 ,it is at least certain that the interval from maximum1 spot-frequency to maximum1 or from minimum to minimum1 has sometimes fallen far short of #i years1 and has at others exceeded #ah years4 ,it appears again that certain meteorological phenomena show a tendency1 more or less marked1 to run through a ten-year cycle4 ,thus1 from the records of rainfall kept at ,oxford it appears that more rain fell under west and south-west winds when sun-spots were largest and most numerous than under south and south-east winds1 these last being the more rainy winds when sun-spots were least in size and fewest in number4 ,this is a somewhat recondite relation1 and at least proves that earnest search has been made for such cyclic relations as we are considering4 ,but this is not all4 ,when other records were examined1 the striking circumstance was discovered that elsewhere1 as at ,st4 ,petersburg1 the state of things observed at ,oxford was precisely reversed4 ,at some intermediate point between ,oxford and ,st4 ,petersburg1 no doubt the rainfall under the winds named was equally distributed throughout the spot period4 ,moreover1 as the conditions thus differ at different places1 we may assume that they differ also at different times4 ,such relations appear then to be not only recondite1 but complicated4 ,when we learn that during nearly two entire sun-spot periods cyclones have been somewhat more numerous in the ,indian ,seas when spots are most numerous than when the sun is without spots1 and vice vers1 we recognise the possible existence of cyclic relations better worth knowing than those heretofore mentioned4 ,the evidence is not absolutely decisive2 some1 indeed1 regard it as scarcely trustworthy4 ,yet there does seem to have been an excess of cyclonic disturbance during the last two periods of great solar disturbance1 precisely as there was also an excess of magnetic disturbance during those periods4 ,the excess was scarcely sufficient1 however1 to justify the rather daring statement made by one observer1 that 'the whole question of cyclones is merely a question of solar activity4' ,we had records of some very remarkable cyclonic disturbances during the years #ahgf and #ahgg1 when the sun showed very few spots1 the actual minimum of disturbance having probably been reached late in #ahgg4 ,a prediction that #ahgg would be a year of few and slight storms would have proved disastrous if implicit reliance had been placed on it by seamen and travellers4 ,rainfall and atmospheric pressure in ,india have been found to vary in a cyclic manner1 of late years at any rate1 the periods being generally about #aj or #aa years4 ,the activity of the sun1 as shown by the existence of many spots1 apparently makes more rainfall at ,madras1 ,najpore1 and some other places2 while at ,calcutta1 ,bombay1 ,mysore1 and elsewhere it produces a contrary effect4 ,yet these effects are produced in a somewhat capricious way3 for sometimes the year of actual maximum spot frequency is one in which rainfall is below the average 7instead of above7 at the former stations1 and above the average 7instead of below7 at the latter4 ,it is only by taking averages--and in a somewhat artificial manner--that the relation seems to be indicated on which stress has been laid4 ,since ,indian famines are directly dependent on defective rainfall1 it is natural that during the years over which observation has hitherto extended the connection apparently existing between sun-spots and ,indian rainfall should seem also to extend itself to ,indian famines4 ,it was equally to be expected that since cyclones have been rather more numerous1 for some time past1 in years when sun-spots have been most numerous1 shipwrecks should also have been somewhat more frequent in such years4 ,two years ago ,mr4 ,jeula gave some evidence which1 in his opinion1 indicated such a connection between sun-spots and shipwrecks4 ,he showed that in the four years of fewest spots the mean percentage of losses was #h4fd2 in four intermediate years the mean percentage was #i4ba2 in three remaining years of the eleven-year cycle--that is1 in three years of greatest spot frequency the mean percentage was #i4ec4 ,some suggested that possibly such events as the ,american war1 which included two of the three years of greatest spot frequency1 may have had more effect than sun-spots in increasing the percentage of ships lost2 while perhaps1 the depression following the commercial panic of #ahff 7at a time of fewest sun-spots7 may have been almost as effective in reducing the percentage of losses as the diminished area of solar maculation4 ,but others consider that we ought rather to regard the ,american war as yet another product of the sun's increased activity in #ahfj-fa1 and the great commercial panic of #ahff as directly resulting from diminished sun-spots at that time1 thus obtaining fresh evidence of the sun's specific influence on terrestrial phenomena instead of explaining away the evidence derived from ,lloyd's list of losses4 ,this leads us to the last1 and1 in some respects1 the most singular suggestion respecting solar influence on mundane events--the idea1 namely1 that commercial crises synchronise with the sun-spot period1 occurring near the time when spots are least in size and fewest in number2 or1 as ,professor ,jevons 7to whom the definite enunciation of this theory is due7 poetically presents the matter1 that from 'the sun1 which is truly of this great world both eye and soul1 we derive our strength and our weakness1 our success and our failure1 our elation in commercial mania1 and our despondency and ruin in commercial collapse4' ,we have better opportunities of dealing with this theory than with the others1 for we have records of commercial matters extending as far back as the beginning of the eighteenth century4 ,in fact1 we have better evidence than ,professor ,jevons seems to have supposed1 for whereas in his discussion of the matter he considers only the probable average of the sun-spot period1 we know approximately the epochs themselves at which the maxima and minima of sun spots have occurred since the year #agjj4 ,the evidence as presented by ,professor ,jevons is very striking1 though when examined in detail it is rather disappointing4 ,he presents the whole series of decennial crises as follows3--#agja8 7such query marks are his own71 #agaa1 #agba1 #agca-cb1 #agdb 7871 #ageb 7871 #agfc1 #aggb-gc1 #aghc1 #agic1 #ahjd-e 7871 #ahae1 #ahbe1 #ahcf-i 7#ahcg in the ,united ,states71 #ahdg1 #aheg1 #ahff and #ahgh4 ,the average interval comes out #aj4dff years1 showing1 as ,jevons points out1 'almost perfect coincidence with ,brown's estimate of the average sun-spot period4' ,let us see1 however1 whether these dates correspond so closely with the years of minimum spot-frequency as to remove all doubt4 ,taking #e-a_/d years as the average interval between maximum and minimum sun-spot frequency1 we should like to find every crisis occurring within a year or so on either side of the minimum though we should prefer perhaps to find the crisis always following the time of fewest sun-spots1 as this would more directly show the depressing effect of a spotless sun4 ,no crisis ought to occur within a year or so of maximum solar disturbance2 for that1 it should seem1 would be fatal to the suggested theory4 ,taking the commercial crises in order1 and comparing them with the known 7or approximately known7 epochs of maximum and minimum spot frequency1 we obtain the following results 7we italicize numbers or results unfavourable to the theory73--,the doubtful crisis of #agja followed a spot minimum by three years2 the crisis of #agaa preceded a minimum by one year2 that of #agba preceded a minimum by two years2 #agca-cb1 preceded a minimum by one year2 #agdb preceded a minimum by three years2 #ageb followed a maximum by two years2 #agfc followed a maximum by a year and a half2 #aggb-gc came midway between a maximum and a minimum2 #aghc preceded a minimum by nearly two years2 #agic came nearly midway between a maximum and a minimum2 #ahjd-e coincided with a maximum2 #ahae preceded a maximum by two years2 #ahbe followed a minimum by two years2 #ahcf-ci included the year #ahcg of maximum solar activity 7that year being the time also when a commercial crisis occurred in the ,united ,states72 #ahdg preceded a maximum by a year and a half2 #ahff preceded a minimum by a year2 and #ahgh followed a minimum by a year4 ,four favourable cases out of #ag can hardly be considered convincing4 ,if we include cases lying within two years of a minimum1 the favourable cases mount up to seven1 leaving ten unfavourable ones4 ,it must be remembered1 too1 that a single decidedly unfavourable case 7as #ahjd1 #ahae1 #ahcg7 does more to disprove such a theory than #bj favourable cases would do towards establishing it4 ,the ,american panic of #ahgc1 by the way1 which occurred when spots were very numerous1 decidedly impairs the evidence derived from the crises of #ahff and #ahgh4 ,,new ,,planets ,,near ,,the ,,sun4 ,perhaps no scientific achievement during the present century has been deemed more marvellous than the discovery of the outermost member 7so far as is known7 of the sun's family of planets4 ,in many respects1 apart from the great difficulty of the mathematical problem involved1 the discovery appealed strongly to the imagination4 ,a planet seventeen hundred millions of miles from the sun had been discovered in ,march1 #agha1 by a mere accident1 though the accident was not one likely to occur to any one but an astronomer constantly studying the star-depths4 ,engaged in such observation1 but with no idea of enlarging the known domain of the sun1 ,sir ,w4 ,herschel perceived the distant planet ,uranus4 ,his experienced eye at once recognised the fact that the stranger was not a fixed star4 ,he judged it to be a comet4 ,it was not until several weeks had elapsed that the newly discovered body was proved to be a planet1 travelling nearly twice as far away from the sun as ,saturn1 the remotest planet before known4 ,a century only had elapsed since the theory of gravitation had been established4 ,yet it was at once perceived how greatly this theory had increased the power of the astronomer to deal with planetary motions4 ,before a year had passed more was known about the motions of ,uranus than had been learned about the motion of any of the old planets during the two thousand years preceding the time of ,copernicus4 ,it was possible to calculate in advance the position of the newly discovered planet1 to calculate retrogressively the path along which it had been travelling1 unseen and unsuspected1 during the century preceding its discovery4 ,and now observations which many might have judged to be of little value1 came in most usefully4 ,astronomers since the discovery of the telescope had formed catalogues of the places of many hundreds of stars invisible to the naked eye4 ,search among the observations by which such catalogues had been formed1 revealed the fact that ,uranus had been seen and catalogued as a fixed star twenty-one several times6 ,flamsteed had seen it five times1 each time recording it as a star of the sixth magnitude1 so that five of ,flamsteed's stars had to be cancelled from his lists4 ,lemonnier had actually seen ,uranus twelve times1 and only escaped the honour of discovering the planet 7as such7 through the most marvellous carelessness1 his astronomical papers being1 as ,arago said1 'a very picture of chaos4' ,bradley saw ,uranus three times4#c ,mayer saw the planet once only4 ,it was from the study of the movements of ,uranus as thus seen1 combined with the planet's progress after its discovery1 that mathematicians first began to suspect the existence of some unknown disturbing body4 ,the observations preceding the discovery of the planet range over an interval of ninety years and a few months1 the earliest observation used being one made by ,flamsteed on ,december #bc1 #afij4 ,there is something very strange in the thought that science was able thus to deal with the motions of a planet for nearly a century before the planet was known4 ,astronomy calculated in the first place where the planet had been during that time2 and then1 from records made by departed observers1 who had had no suspicion of the real nature of the body they were observing1 ,astronomy corrected her calculations1 and deduced more rigorously the true nature of the new planet's motions4 ,but still stranger and more impressive is the thought that from researches such as these1 ,astronomy should be able to infer the existence of a planet a thousand million miles further away than ,uranus itself4 ,how amazing it would have seemed to ,flamsteed1 for example1 if on that winter evening in #afic1 when he first observed ,uranus1 he had been told that the orb which he was entering in his lists as a star of the sixth magnitude was not a star at all1 and that the observation he was then making would help astronomers a century and a half later to discover an orb a hundred times larger than the earth1 and travelling thirty times farther away from the sun4 ,even more surprising1 however1 than any of the incidents which preceded the discovery of ,neptune was this achievement itself4 ,that a planet so remote as to be quite invisible to the naked eye1 never approaching our own earth within less than twenty-six hundred millions of miles1 never even approaching ,uranus within less than nine hundred and fifty millions of miles1 should be detected by means of those particular perturbations 7among many others7 which it produced upon a planet not yet known for three-quarters of a century1 seemed indeed surprising4 ,yet even this was not all4 ,as if to turn a wonderful achievement into a miracle of combined skill and good fortune1 came the announcement that1 after all1 the planet discovered in the spot to which ,adams and ,leverrier pointed was not the planet of their calculations1 but travelled in an orbit four or five hundred millions of miles nearer to the sun than the orbit which had been assigned to the unknown body4 ,many were led to suppose that nothing but a most marvellous accident had rewarded with such singular success the calculations of ,adams and ,leverrier4 ,others were even more surprised to learn that the new planet departed strangely from the law of distances which all the other planets of the solar system seemed to obey4 ,for according to that law 7called ,bode's law7 the distance of ,neptune1 instead of being about thirty times1 should have been thirty-nine times the earth's distance from the sun4 ,in some respects the discovery of a planet nearer to the sun than ,mercury may seem to many far inferior in interest to the detection of the remote giant ,neptune4 ,between ,mercury and the sun there intervenes a mean distance of only thirty-six millions of miles1 a distance seeming quite insignificant beside those which have been dealt with in describing the discovery of ,uranus and ,neptune4 ,again it is quite certain that any planet between ,mercury and the sun must be far inferior to our own earth in size and mass1 whereas ,neptune exceeds the earth #aje times in size and #ag times in mass4 ,thus a much smaller region has to be searched over for a much smaller body4 ,moreover1 while mathematical calculation cannot deal nearly so exactly with an intra-,mercurial planet as with ,neptune1 for there are no perturbations of ,mercury which give the slightest information as to the orbital position of his disturber1 the part of the heavens occupied by the intra-,mercurial planet is known without calculation1 seeing that the planet must always lie within six or seven degrees or so of the sun1 and can never be very far from the ecliptic4 ,yet in reality the detection of an intra-,mercurial planet is a problem of far greater difficulty than that of such a planet as ,neptune1 while even now when most astronomers consider that an intra-,mercurial planet has been detected1 the determination of its orbit is a problem which seems to present almost insuperable difficulties4 ,i may remark1 indeed1 with regard to ,neptune1 that he might have been successfully searched for without a hundredth part of the labour and thought actually devoted to his detection4 ,it may sound rather daring to assert that any fairly good geometrician could have pointed after less than an hour's calculation1 based on the facts known respecting ,uranus in #ahdb1 to a region within which the disturbing planet must certainly lie1--a region larger considerably no doubt than that to which ,adams and ,leverrier pointed1 yet a region which a single observer could have swept over adequately in half-a-dozen favourable evenings1 two such surveys sufficing to discover the disturbing planet4 ,i believe1 however1 that no one who examines the evidence will deny the accuracy of this statement4 ,it was manifest1 from the nature of the perturbations experienced by ,uranus1 that between #ahbj and #ahbe ,uranus and the unknown body had been in conjunction4 ,from this it followed that the disturber must be behind ,uranus in #ahdj-ahde by about one-eighth of a revolution round the sun4 ,with the assumptions made by ,adams and ,leverrier1 indeed1 the position of the stranger in this respect could have been more closely determined4 ,there could be little doubt that the disturbing planet must be near the ecliptic4 ,it followed that the planet must lie somewhere on a strip of the heavens1 certainly not more than ten degrees long and about three degrees broad1 but the probable position of the planet would be indicated as within a strip four degrees long and two broad4#d ,such a strip could be searched over effectually in the time ,i have named above1 and the planet would have been found in it4 ,the larger region 7ten degrees long and three broad7 could have been searched over in the same time by two observers4 ,if indeed the single observer used a telescope powerful enough to detect the difference of aspect between the disc of ,neptune and the point-like image of a star 7the feature by which ,galle1 it will be remembered1 recognised ,neptune71 a single night would have sufficed for the search over the smaller of the above-mentioned regions1 and two nights for the search over the larger4 ,the search over the smaller1 as already stated1 would have revealed the disturbing planet4 ,on the other hand1 the astronomer could not determine the direction of an intra-,mercurial planet within a considerably larger space on the heavens1 while the search over the space within which such a planet was to be looked for was attended by far more serious difficulties than the search for ,neptune4 ,in fact1 it seems as though1 even when astronomers have learned where to look for such a planet1 they cannot expect to see it under ordinary atmospheric conditions when the sun is not eclipsed4 ,let us consider the history of the search for an intra-,mercurial planet from the time when first the idea was suggested that such a planet exists until the time of its actual discovery--for so it seems we must regard the observations made during the total eclipse of ,july1 #ahgh4 ,on ,january #b1 #ahfj1 ,m4 ,leverrier announced1 in a paper addressed to the ,academy of ,sciences1 that the observations of ,mercury could not be reconciled with the received elements of the planet4 ,according to those elements1 the point of ,mercury's orbit which lies nearest to the sun undergoes a certain motion which would carry it entirely round in about #bcj1jjj years4 ,but to account for the observed motions of ,mercury as determined from twenty-one transits over the sun between the years #afig and #ahdh1 a slight increase in this motion of the perihelion was required1 an increase1 in fact1 from #eha seconds of arc in a century to nearly #ehe4 ,the result would involve1 he showed1 an increase in our estimate of the mass of ,venus by a full tenth4 ,but such a change would necessarily lead to difficulties in other directions2 for the mass of ,venus had been determined from observations of changes in the position of the earth's path1 and these changes had been too carefully determined to be readily regarded as erroneous4 ',this result naturally filled me with inquietude1' said ,leverrier later4 ',had ,i not allowed some error in the theory to escape me8 ,new researches1 in which every circumstance was taken into account by different methods1 ended only in the conclusion that the theory was correct1 but that it did not agree with the observations4' ,at last1 after long and careful investigation of the matter1 he found that a certain slight change would bring observation and theory into agreement4 ,all that was necessary was to assume that matter as yet undiscovered exists in the sun's neighbourhood4 ',does it consist1' he asked1 'of one or more planets1 or other more minute asteroids1 or only of cosmical dust8 ,the theory tells us nothing on this point4' ,leverrier pointed out that a planet half the size of ,mercury between ,mercury and the sun would account for the discrepancy between observation and theory4 ,but a planet of that size would be a very conspicuous object at certain times1 even when the sun was not eclipsed2 and when favourably placed during eclipses would be a resplendent orb which would attract the notice of even the most careless observer4 ,for we must remember that the brightness of a planet depends in part on its size and its distance from the earth1 and in part on its distance from the sun4 ,a planet half as large as ,mercury would have a diameter about four-fifths of ,mercury's1 and at equal distance would present a disc about two-thirds of ,mercury's in apparent size4 ,but supposing the planet to be half as far from the sun as ,mercury 7and theory required that the planet should be rather nearer the sun71 its surface would be illuminated four times as brightly as that of ,mercury4 ,hence1 with a disc two-thirds as large as ,mercury's1 but illuminated four times as brightly1 the planet would shine nearly three times as brilliantly when seen under equally favourable conditions during eclipse4 ,in such an inquiry1 the mean distance of the two bodies need not be specially considered4 ,each planet would be seen most favourably when in the part of its path remotest from the earth1 so that the planet nearest to the sun would on the whole have the advantage of any difference due to that cause4 ,for1 of course1 while ,mercury1 being farther from the sun1 approaches the earth nearer when between the earth and sun1 he recedes farther from the sun for the same reason when on the part of his path beyond the sun4 ,it was perfectly clear that no such planet as ,leverrier considered necessary to reconcile theory and observation exists between the sun and ,mercury's orbit4 ,it appeared necessary1 therefore1 to assume that either there must be several smaller planets1 or else that a cloud of cosmical dust surrounds the sun4 ,now it is to be noticed that in either case the entire mass of matter between ,mercury and the sun must be greater to produce the observed disturbance than the mass of a single planet travelling at the outside of the region supposed to be occupied either by a group of planets or a cloud of meteorites4 ,leverrier considered the existence of a ring of small planets afforded the most probable explanation4 ,he recommended astronomers to search for such bodies4 ,it is noteworthy that it was in reference to this suggestion that ,m4 ,faye 7following a suggestion of ,sir ,j4 ,herschel's7 proposed that at several observatories1 suitably selected1 the sun should be photographed several times every day with a powerful telescope4 ',i have myself1' he says1 'shown how to give these photographs the value of an astronomical observation by taking two impressions on the same plate after an interval of two minutes4 ,it will be sufficient to superpose the transparent negatives of this size taken at a quarter of an hour's interval1 to distinguish immediately the movable projection of a small planet in the middle of the most complex groups of small spots4' ,it was while ,leverrier and ,faye were discussing this matter1 that news came of the recognition of an intra-,mercurial planet by ,lescarbault1 a doctor residing at ,orgres1 in the department of ,eure et ,loire4 ,the story has been so often told that ,i am loth to occupy space with it here4 ,an account is given of the leading incidents in an article called ',the ,planets put in ,leverrier's ,balance1' in my ',science ,byways1' and a somewhat more detailed narrative in my ',myths and ,marvels of ,astronomy4' ,here1 it will suffice to give a very slight sketch of this interesting episode in the history of astronomy4 ,on ,january #b1 #ahfj1 news reached ,leverrier that ,lescarbault had on ,march #bf1 #ahei1 seen a round black spot on the sun's face1 and had watched it travelling across like a planet in transit4 ,it had remained in view for one hour and a quarter4 ,leverrier could not understand why three-quarters of a year had been allowed to elapse before so important an observation had been published4 ,he went to ,orgres with the idea of exposing a pretender4 ,the interview was a strange one4 ,leverrier was stern and1 to say the truth1 exceedingly rude in his demeanour1 ,lescarbault singularly lamb-like4 ,if our chief official astronomer called uninvited upon some country gentleman who had announced an astronomical discovery1 and behaved as ,leverrier did to ,lescarbault1 there would most certainly have been trouble2 but ,lescarbault seems to have been rather pleased than otherwise4 ',so you are the man1' said ,leverrier1 looking fiercely at the doctor1 'who pretends to have seen an intra-,mercurial planet4 ,you have committed a grave offence in hiding your observation1 supposing you really have made it1 for nine months4 ,you are either dishonest or deceived4 ,tell me at once and without equivocation what you have seen4' ,lescarbault described his observation4 ,leverrier asked for his chronometer1 and1 hearing that the doctor used only his watch1 the companion of his professional journeys1 asked how he could pretend to estimate seconds with an old watch4 ,lescarbault showed a silk pendulum 'beating seconds1'--though it would have been more correct to say 'swinging seconds4' ,leverrier then examined the doctor's telescope1 and presently asked for the record of the observations4 ,lescarbault produced it1 written on a piece of laudanum-stained paper which at the moment was doing service as a marker in the ,connaissance des ,temps4 ,leverrier asked ,lescarbault what distance he had deduced for the new planet4 ,the doctor replied that he had been unable to deduce any1 not being a mathematician3 he had made many attempts1 however4#e ,hearing this1 ,leverrier asked for the rough draft of these ineffective calculations4 ',my rough draft8' said the doctor4 ',paper is rather scarce with us here4 ,i am a joiner as well as an astronomer' 7we can imagine the expression of ,leverrier's face at this moment72 ',i calculate in my workshop1 and ,i write upon the boards2 and when ,i wish to use them in new calculations1 ,i remove the old ones by planing4' ,on adjourning to the carpenter's shop1 however1 they found the board with its lines and its numbers in chalk still unobliterated4 ,this last piece of evidence1 though convincing ,leverrier that ,lescarbault was no mathematician1 and therefore probably in his eyes no astronomer1 yet satisfied him as to the good faith of the doctor of ,orgres4 ,with a grace and dignity full of kindness1 which must have afforded a singular contrast to his previous manner1 he congratulated ,lescarbault on his important discovery4 ,he made some inquiry also at ,orgres1 concerning the private character of ,lescarbault1 and learning from the village cur1 the juge de paix1 and other functionaries1 that he was a skilful physician1 he determined to secure some reward for his labours4 ,at ,leverrier's request ,m4 ,rouland1 the ,minister of ,public ,instruction1 communicated to ,napoleon ,,iii4 the result of ,leverrier's visit1 and on ,january #be the ,emperor bestowed on the village doctor the decoration of the ,legion of ,honour4 ,to return to astronomical facts4 ,it appears from ,lescarbault's observation1 that on ,march #bf1 #ahei1 at about four in the afternoon1 a round black spot entered on the sun's disc4 ,it had a diameter less than one-fourth that of ,mercury 7which he had seen in transit with the same telescope and the same magnifying power on ,may #h1 #ahde74 ,the time occupied in the transit of this spot was about one hour seventeen minutes1 and1 the chord of transit being somewhat more than a quarter of the sun's diameter in length1 ,lescarbault calculated that the time necessary to describe the sun's diameter would have been nearly four and a half hours4 ,the inclination of the body's path to the ecliptic seemed to be rather more than #f degrees1 and was probably comprised between #e-a_/c and #g-a_/c degrees4 ,from ,leverrier's calculations1 it appeared that the time of revolution of the new planet would be #ai days #ag hours1 its distance from the sun about #adg1 the earth's being taken as #a1jjj2 giving for ,mars1 the earth1 ,venus1 ,mercury1 and ,vulcan 7as the new planet was named71 the respective distances #a1 #ebd1 #a1jjj1 #gbc1 #chg1 and #adg4 ,leverrier assigned #ab-a_/e degrees as ,vulcan's inclination1 and the places where it crosses the ecliptic he considered to be in line with those occupied by the earth on or about ,april #c and ,october #f4 ,judging from ,lescarbault's statement respecting the apparent size of the dark spot1 ,leverrier concluded that the volume of the stranger must be about one-seventeenth of ,mercury's1 the masses being presumably in the same proportion4 ,hence he inferred that the new planet would be quite incompetent to produce the observed change in the orbit of ,mercury4 ,leverrier further found that the brilliancy of ,vulcan when the planet was furthest from the sun on the sky 7about eight degrees7 would be less than that of ,mercury when similarly placed in his orbit1 and he hence inferred that ,vulcan might readily remain unseen1 even during total eclipse4 ,here1 as it seems to me1 ,leverrier's reasoning was erroneous4 ,if ,vulcan really has a volume equal to one-seventeenth of ,mercury's1 the diameter of ,vulcan would be rather less than two fifths of ,mercury's and the disc of ,vulcan at the same distance about two-thirteenths of ,mercury's4 ,but ,vulcan1 being nearer the sun than ,mercury in the ratio of #adg to #chg1 or say #ae to #ci1 would be more brightly illuminated in the ratio of #ci times #ci to #ae times #ae1 or nearly as #bj to #c4 ,hence if we first diminish ,mercury's lustre when at his greatest apparent distance from the sun in the ratio of #b to #ac1 and increase the result in the ratio of #bj to #c1 we get ,vulcan's lustre when he is at his greatest apparent distance from the sun4 ,the result is that his lustre should exceed ,mercury's in the same degree that #dj exceeds #ci4 ,or practically1 for all the numbers used have been mere approximations1 the inference is that ,vulcan and ,mercury1 if both seen when at their greatest distance from the sun during eclipse1 would probably shine with equal lustre4 ,but in that case ,vulcan would be a very conspicuous object indeed1 at such a time2 for ,mercury when at his greatest distance from the sun1 or greatest elongation1 is a bright star even on a strongly illuminated twilight sky2 moreover1 ,vulcan1 when at either of his greatest elongations1 ought to be visible in full daylight in a suitably adjusted telescope4 ,for ,mercury is well seen when similarly placed1 and even when much nearer to the sun and on the nearer part of his path where he turns much more of his darkened than of his illuminated hemisphere towards us4 ,venus has been seen when so near the sun that the illuminated portion of her disc is a mere thread-like sickle of light4 ,nay1 ,professor ,lyman1 of ,yale ,college1 in ,america1 has seen her when so near the sun that she appeared to be a mere circular thread of light1 the completion of the circle being the best possible proof how exceedingly fine the thread must have been1 and also how small its intrinsic lustre4 ,this is indeed the chief difficulty in ,lescarbault's supposed observation4 ,if he really saw a body in transit across the sun1 moving at the observed rate1 and having anything like the observed diameter1 that body ought to have been seen repeatedly during total eclipses of the sun1 and ought not to have escaped the search which has been made over and over again near the sun for intra-,mercurial planets4 ,either we must reject ,lescarbault's narrative absolutely1 or we must suppose that he greatly over-estimated the size of the body he observed4 ,another difficulty almost equally important is found to exist when we consider the circumstances of ,lescarbault's supposed discovery4 ,suppose the path of ,vulcan to be inclined about twelve degrees or thereabouts to the ecliptic or to the plane in which the earth travels4 ,then1 as seen from the earth on ,april #c1 and ,october #f1 this path1 if it were a material ring1 would appear as a straight line across the sun's centre1 and extending on either side of the sun to a distance of about #af sun-breadths4 ,as seen on ,january #c and ,july #e1 when it would have its greatest opening1 ,vulcan's path would appear as an oval whose longest axis would be about #cb sun-breadths1 while its shortest would be little more than #f sun-breadths1 the sun of course occupying the centre of the ellipse1 which1 where closest to him1 would lie but about #b-a_/b sun-breadths only from the outline of his disc4 ,now it is easily seen that the path of ,vulcan1 changing in this way from apparent straightness to a long oval 7whose breadth is about one-fifth its length71 back to straightness but differently inclined1 then to the same oval as before but opened out the other way1 and so back to its original straightness and inclination1 must1 for no inconsiderable portion of the year on either side of ,april #c and ,october #f1 intersect the outline of the sun's disc4 ,from a rough but sufficiently accurate calculation which ,i have made1 ,i find that the interval would last about #cf days at each season1 that is1 from about ,march #af to ,april #ba in spring1 and from about ,september #ah to about ,october #bd in autumn4 ,but during a period of #cf days there would generally be two passages of ,vulcan between the earth and sun1 and there would always be one 7in any long period of time two such passages would be five times as common an event during one of these intervals as a single passage74 ,consequently there would be at least two transits of ,vulcan every year1 and there would generally be four transits2 the average number of transits would be about eleven in three years4 ,with a wider orbit and a greater inclination transits would be fewer2 but even with the widest orbit and the greatest inclination that can possibly be allowed1 there would be at least one transit a year on the average4 ,now when we remember that1 so far as the northern hemisphere is concerned1 the sun is observed on every fine day in almost every country in ,europe and in half the ,states of the ,american ,union1 to say nothing of observations in ,asia1 where ,england and ,russia have several observatories1 while in the southern hemisphere there are many observatories1 in ,australia1 ,south ,africa1 and ,south ,america 7on both side of the ,andes71 we see how exceedingly small must be the chance that ,vulcan could escape detection even for a single year4 ,far less could ,vulcan have escaped all the years which have elapsed since ,lescarbault announced his discovery1 to say nothing of all the observations made by ,carrington1 ,schwabe1 and many others1 before the year #ahfj4 ,if ,vulcan really exists1 and really has the dimensions and motions described by ,lescarbault1 the planet must long ere this have been repeatedly seen upon the sun's disc by experienced observers4 ,as a matter of fact1 ,wolf has collected nineteen observations of dark bodies unlike spots on the sun1 during the interval between #agfa and #ahfe4 ,but as ,professor ,newcomb justly points out1 with two or three exceptions1 the observers are almost unknown as astronomers4 ,in one case at least the object seen was certainly not a planet1 since it was described as a cloud-like appearance4 ',on the other hand1' says ,newcomb1 'for fifty years past the sun has been constantly and assiduously observed by such men as ,schwabe1 ,carrington1 ,secchi1 and ,sprer1 none of whom have ever recorded anything of the sort4 ,that planets in such numbers should pass over the solar disc1 and be seen by amateur astronomers1 and yet escape all these skilled astronomers1 is beyond all moral probability4' ,it must be remembered that an inexperienced observer of the sun might readily mistake a spot of unusual roundness and darkness for a planet's disc4 ,the practised observer would perceive peculiarities at once indicating the object as a spot on the sun2 but these peculiarities would escape the notice of a beginner1 or of one using a telescope of small power4 ,again1 an inexperienced observer is apt to mistake the change of position which a spot on the sun undergoes on account of the diurnal motion1 for a change of place on the sun's disc4 ,at noon1 for instance1 the uppermost point of the sun's disc is the north point2 but in the afternoon the uppermost point is east of the true north point4 ,thus a spot which at noon was a short distance below the highest point of the sun's disc would at two or three be considerably to the west of the highest point1 though it had undergone in the interval no appreciable change of position on the solar disc4 ,suppose now that at two or three in the afternoon clouds come over the sun's face1 and he is not seen again that day4 ,on the morrow the spot may have disappeared1 as solar spots are apt enough to do4 ,the observer1 then 7assuming him to be inexperienced like most of those who have described such spots71 would say1 ,i saw at noon a small round spot which in the course of the next three hours moved over an appreciable arc towards the west 7the right direction1 be it remembered1 for a planet to cross the sun's face74 ,an experienced observer would not make such a mistake4 ,but let one point be carefully noted4 ,an experienced astronomer would be very apt to forget that such a mistake could be made4 ,he would take it for granted that the observer who described such a change in a spot's position meant a real change1 not a change due to the diurnal motion4 ,therefore1 although ,leverrier1 ,moigno1 ,hind1 and other men of science1 have adopted ,lescarbault's account1 ,i hold it to be absolutely certain that that account is in some respect or other erroneous4 ,newcomb goes even farther4 ,he says1 it is very certain that if the disturbance of ,mercury is due to a group of planets1 'they are each so small as to be invisible in transits across the sun4 ,they must also1' he proceeds1 'be so small as to be invisible during total eclipses of the sun1 because they have always failed to show themselves then4' ,this remark relates1 of course1 to naked-eye vision4 ,as no intra-,mercurial planet had ever been searched for systematically with the telescope1 before the recent eclipse1 there was nothing to prevent astronomers from believing that a group of planets1 visible in the telescope during total eclipse1 may travel between the sun and the path of ,mercury4 ,i proceed at once to consider the evidence afforded during the eclipse of ,july1 #ahgh1 not discussing further the question of ,lescarbault's ,vulcan1 because it appears to me so clear that there must have been some mistake1 and because later observations seem to throw clearer evidence on the matter than any which had been before obtained4 ,yet it must be admitted that even now the evidence is not all that could be desired4 ,professor ,watson1 of ,ann ,arbor1 the discoverer of more than a score of the small planets which travel between the paths of ,mars and ,jupiter1 had been searching for an extra-,neptunian planet1 when the approach of the eclipse of ,july1 #ahgh1 suggested the idea that he should return for a while from those dismal depths which lie beyond the path of ,neptune to seek for a new planet within the glowing region between the sun and the path of ,mercury4 ,the occasion was exceptionally favourable because of the great height above the sea-level from which the eclipse could be observed4 ,accordingly he betook himself to ,rawlins1 ,wyoming1 and prepared for the search by providing his telescope with card circles in such sort that the place of any observed star could be recorded by a pencil-mark on these circles1 instead of being read off 7with the possibility of error7 in the usual way4 ,it is unnecessary to explain further1 because every one who has ever used an equatorial telescope1 or is acquainted with the nature of the instrument1 will at once understand ,professor ,watson's plan1 whereas those unfamiliar with the instrument1 would not gain any insight into the nature of his plan without much more explanatory matter than could be conveniently given here1 even if any explanation without illustrations could make the matter clear4 ,let it suffice to note that1 having brought any star centrally into the telescopic field of view1 ,professor ,watson marked in pencil where the ends of certain pointers came2 and that these marks served to indicate1 after the eclipse was over1 the position of the observed star4 ,thus provided1 ,professor ,watson1 so soon as totality began1 searched on the eastern side of the sun1 and there saw certain stars belonging to the constellation ,cancer1 where the sun was situate at the time4 ,he then examined the western side of the sun1 and having swept out to a star which he took to be ,zeta ,cancri 7though he was rather surprised at its brightness1--but of that more anon7 he returned towards the sun1 encountering on his way a star of the fourth magnitude or rather less1 about two degrees to the west of the sun4 ,close by was the star ,theta ,cancri2 but ,theta was much fainter1 and was seen at the same time a little further west4 ,it is not easy to understand why ,watson did not make comparison between the position of the new star and ,theta1 instead of making comparison between the new star1 the sun1 and the star which he took to be ,zeta4 ,for a comparison with a known object so close as ,theta would have given more satisfactory evidence than a comparison with objects farther away4 ,however1 as he distinctly states in a letter to ,sir ,g4 ,airy that the new star was very much brighter than ,theta ,cancri1 which was seen a little farther to the west1 we cannot doubt that he had sufficient evidence to prove the new star and ,theta ,cancri to be distinct orbs4 ,he adds that there was no appearance of elongation1 as might be expected if the new object were a comet4 ,it had a perceptible disc1 though the magnifying power was only forty five4 ,the accompanying figure will serve to give a fair idea of the position of the stranger4 ,illustration3 ,fig4 #a4--,watson's new ,planet4 ,now comes the evidence which was at first supposed to be strongly corroborative of ,watson's observation1--the recognition of a star of about the fourth magnitude1 near ,theta ,cancri1 by ,professor ,louis ,swift1 who observed the eclipse from ,pike's ,peak1 in ,colorado4 ,professor ,swift also made some rather unusual arrangements with his telescope1 but they were not altogether so well adapted to advance his purpose as were ,professor ,watson's4 ,to prevent the instrument from swaying he tied what he calls a pole 7but what in ,england ,i imagine would be called a stick71 ten feet long1 about a foot from the eye-end of the telescope1 leaving the other end of this singular appendage to trail on the ground4 7,the telescope was set low1 ,professor ,swift judging1 it would seem1 that the most comfortable way to observe was to lie on his back47 ,as a natural consequence1 while he could move his telescope very readily one way1 trailing the stick along1 he could not move it the other way1 because the stick's end immediately stuck into the ground4 ,as the stick was on the west of the telescope1 ,professor ,swift could move the eye-end eastwards1 following the sun's westwardly motion4 ,of course the telescope was to have been released from the stick when totality began1 but unfortunately ,professor ,swift omitted to do this1 so that he had to work during totality with a hampered telescope4 ,the following is his account of what he saw3-- ',my hampered telescope behaved badly1 and no regularity in the sweeps could be maintained4 ,almost at once my eye caught two red stars about three degrees south-west of the sun1 with large round and equally bright discs which ,i estimated as of the fifth magnitude1 appearing 7this was my thought at the time7 about as bright in the telescope as the pole-star does to the naked eye4 ,i then carefully noted their distance from the sun and from each other1 and the direction in which they pointed1 c41 and recorded them in my memory1 where1 to my mind's eye1 they are still distinctly visible4 ,i then swept southward1 not daring to venture far to the west1 for fear ,i should be unable to get back again1 and soon came upon two stars resembling in every particular the former two ,i had found1 and1 sighting along the outside of the tube1 was surprised to find ,i was viewing the same objects4 ,again ,i observed them with the utmost care1 and then recommenced my sweeps in another direction2 but ,i soon had them again1 and for the third time1 in the field4 ,this was also the last1 as a small cloud hindered a final leave-taking just before the end of totality1 as ,i had intended4 ,i saw no other star besides these two1 not even ,delta1 so close to the eastern edge of the sun4' ,he adds that the apparent distance between the two bodies was about one-fourth the sun's diameter4 7,these are not his words1 but convey the same meaning47 ,again1 he adds that1 from three careful estimates1 he found the two stars pointed exactly to the sun's centre4 ,he knew one of the two bodies was ,theta2 but unfortunately he could not tell which was ,theta and which the new star or planet4 ',but1' he says1 ',professor ,watson happily comes to the rescue1 and with his means of measuring finds the planet nearest to the sun4' ,unhappily1 however1 ,professor ,watson does not come absolutely to the rescue here4 ,on the contrary1 to use ,professor ,swift's words in another part of his letter 7and speaking of another matter71 'it is just here where the trouble begins4' ,if we construct a little map illustrating what ,professor ,swift describes1 we get the accompanying arrangement 7fig4 #b74 ,it is clearly quite impossible to reconcile this view of the supposed new planet with ,professor ,watson's4 ,if three careful estimates showed ,swift the stranger and ,theta situated as in fig4 #b1 it is absolutely certain that either ,watson's observation was very far from the truth1 or else the strange orb he saw was not the same that ,swift saw4 ,on the other hand1 if ,watson's observation was trustworthy1 it is certain that either ,swift's three estimates were inexact or he saw a different new body4 ,again1 their accounts of the relative brightness of ,theta and the stranger could not possibly be reconciled if we supposed they were observing the same new planet1 for ,watson says distinctly that the stranger was very much brighter than ,theta2 while ,swift says1 with equal distinctness1 that the two stars were equally bright4 ,illustration3 ,fig4 #b4--,swift's new ,planet8 ,if we accept both observations1 we must consider that the strange orb seen by ,swift was not the nearer to the sun1 but the other1 for ,watson1 in his letter to ,sir ,g4 ,airy1 says that he saw both ,theta and his own new planet1 and he could not have overlooked ,swift's new planet1 if placed as in fig4 #b1 whereas if the star there marked as the stranger were really ,theta1 ,watson might readily enough have overlooked the other star1 as farther away from his newly-discovered planet4 ,according to this view1 the actual arrangement at the time of the eclipse was as shown in fig4 #c4 ,illustration3 ,fig4 #c4--,suggested explanation of ,watson's and ,swift's observations4 ,but this is not quite all4 ,professor ,watson saw another body1 which in his opinion was a planet4 ,i have already mentioned that he thought ,zeta remarkably bright4 ,it seemed to him a star of nearly the third magnitude1 whereas ,zeta ,cancri is only of the fifth4 ,nay1 speaking of the planet near ,theta1 and of this star which he took for ,zeta1 he says1 'they were probably really brighter than the #d-a_/b and #c-a_/b magnitude respectively1 because the illumination of the sky was not considered in the estimates4' ,before he had thoroughly examined the pencil marks on his card circles1 and made the necessary calculations1 he supposed the brighter star to be ,zeta1 because he did not see the latter star4 ,but when he examined his result carefully1 he found that the bright star was set 7according to his pencil marks7 more than one degree east of ,zeta4 ,writing on ,august #bb1 he says1 ',the more ,i consider the case the more improbable it seems to me that the second star which ,i observed1 and thought it might be ,zeta1 was that known star4 ,i was not certain1 in this case1 whether the wind had disturbed the telescope or not4 ,as it had not done so in the case of any other of six pointings which ,i recorded1 it seems almost certain that the second was a new star4' ,it would be easy to understand why ,professor ,watson had not seen ,zeta1 for he only swept as far as the star he mistook for ,zeta1 and1 as the accompanying figure shows1 ,zeta was beyond that star on the west4#f ,fig4 #d represents the apparent result of the observations made by ,professors ,watson and ,swift1 if all the observations are regarded as trustworthy4 ,the six stars shown in the figure were probably the six referred to in the preceding paragraph4 ,the two unnamed ones are well-known red stars4 ,illustration3 ,fig4 #d4--,showing all the stars observed by ,watson and ,swift4 ,let it be noticed1 that we cannot reject planet #a1 without rejecting all ,watson's observations4 ,we cannot reject planet #b1 without rejecting all ,swift's observations4 ,we cannot set this planet to the left of ,theta without throwing doubt on ,watson's observations4 ,if ,watson swept over ,theta westward without seeing #b1 ,swift must have made some mistake as yet unexplained4 ,as for planet #c1 if we admit the possibility that this object really was ,zeta1 we must admit also the possibility that the object marked as planet #a was really ,theta1 or rather we should have to do so1 were it not that ,watson saw ,theta also1 and 7,i suppose7 in the same field of view1 since he speaks confidently of the inferiority of ,theta in brightness4 ,it should further be noticed1 that though ,swift's and ,watson's observations by no means agree in details1 they do in reality support each other 7unless ,watson should definitely assert that no star as bright as ,theta existed either to the west or to the east of that star1 at the distance indicated by ,swift47 ,for they agree in indicating the existence of small planets near the sun1 such as can only be seen with the telescope4 ,on the other hand1 it is to be noted that other observers failed to see any of these bodies1 though they looked specially for intra-,mercurial planets4 ,thus ,professor ,hall1 of the ,washington ,observatory1 searched over a larger space than is included in fig4 #d1 without seeing any unknown body4 ,but as he also failed to see many known bodies which should have been seen1 it is probable that the search was too hurried to be trustworthy4 ,it would be satisfactory to be able to say that any of the supposed planets might have been ,lescarbault's ,vulcan4 ,but in reality1 ,i fear1 this cannot have been the case4 ,in the ,times1 ,i expressed1 in an article dated ,august #ad1 #ahgh1 the opinion that the evidence obtained establishes the existence of the planet which had so long been regarded as a myth4 ,that opinion was based on a very careful investigation of the evidence available at the time4 ,but it does not accord with what has since been learned respecting ,watson's observations4 ,we may dismiss planet #c at once4 ,if ,watson is right about this body being distinct from ,zeta 7a point about which1 ,i must confess1 ,i feel grave doubts71 then this must be a planet travelling in an orbit much wider than we can possibly assign to ,vulcan4 ,for even at the distance of some seven degrees from the sun it showed no sign of gibbosity4 ,if it had then been at its greatest elongation it would have appeared only half-full4 ,but with the power ,watson was using1 which enabled him to pronounce that the smaller body near ,theta showed no elongation1 he would at once have noticed any such peculiarity of shape4 ,he could not have failed to observe any gibbosity approaching to that of the moon when three-quarters full4 ,moreover on ,july #bi a planet which has its points of crossing the ecliptic opposite the earth's place on ,april #c and ,october #f1 could not appear where ,watson saw this body 7fully two degrees from the ecliptic7 unless either its orbit were far wider than that which ,leverrier assigned to ,vulcan1 or else its inclination far greater4 ,neither supposition can be reconciled with ,lescarbault's observation4 ,with regard to planets #a and #b1 the case is equally strong against the theory that ,vulcan was observed4 ,the same reasoning applies to both these bodies4 ,when ,i speak therefore of planet #a1 it will be understood that planet #b also is dealt with4 ,first1 as this planet appeared with a disc appreciably round1 it is clear that it must have been near the point of its orbit farthest from the earth1 that is1 the point directly beyond the sun4 ,it was then nearly at its brightest4 ,yet it appeared as a fourth-magnitude star only4 ,we have seen that ,lescarbault's ,vulcan1 even when only half-full1 would appear as bright as ,mercury at his brightest1 if ,lescarbault's account can be accepted in all its details4 ,situated as planet #a was1 ,vulcan would have shown much more brightly than an average first-magnitude star4 ,at a very moderate computation it would have been twice as bright as such a star4 ,but planet #a appeared fainter than a fourth-magnitude star4 ,assume1 however1 that in reality it was shining as brightly as an average third-magnitude star4 ,then it shone with much less than a twentieth of the lustre ,vulcan should have had1 if ,lescarbault's estimate were correct4 ,its diameter then cannot be greater than a quarter of that which ,leverrier assigned to ,vulcan on the strength of ,lescarbault's observation4 ,in fact1 the apparent diameter of planet #a1 when in transit over the sun's face1 could not be more than a sixteenth of ,mercury's in transit1 or about two-fifths of a second1--roughly1 about a #ejjjth part of the sun's apparent diameter4 ,it is certain that ,lescarbault could not have made so considerable a mistake as this4 ,nay1 it is certain1 that with the telescope he used he could not have seen a spot of this size at all on the sun's face4 ,it will be seen that ,lescarbault's observation still remains unconfirmed1 or rather1 to speak more correctly1 the doubts which have been raised respecting ,lescarbault's ,vulcan are now more than ever justified4 ,if such a body as he supposed he saw really travels round the sun within the orbit of ,mercury1 it is certain that the observations made last ,july by those who were specially engaged in seeking for ,vulcan must have been rewarded by a view of that planet4 ,in ,july1 ,lescarbault's ,vulcan could not have been invisible1 no matter in what part of his orbit it might be1 and the chances would have been greatly in favour of its appearing as a very bright star1 without telescopic aid4 ,but on the other hand it seems extremely probable1--in fact1 unless any one be disposed to question the veracity of the observers1 it is certain1--that within the orbit of ,mercury there are several small planets1 of which certainly two1 and probably three1 were seen during the eclipse of ,july #bi1 #ahgh4 ,all these bodies must be beyond the range of any except the most powerful telescopes1 whether sought for as bright bodies outside the sun 7not eclipsed7 or as dark bodies in transit across the sun's face4 ,the search for such bodies in transit would in fact be hopeless with any telescope which would not easily separate double stars one second of arc apart4 ,it is with large telescopes1 then1 and under favourable conditions of atmosphere1 locality1 and so forth1 that the search for intra-,mercurial planets in transit must in future be conducted4 ,as the observed disturbance of ,mercury's perihelion1 and the absence of any corresponding disturbance of his nodes 7the points where he crosses the plane of the earth's motion7 show that the disturbing bodies must form a ring or disc whose central plane must nearly coincide with the plane of ,mercury's path1 the most favourable time for seeing these bodies in transit would be the first fortnights in ,may and ,november2 for the earth crosses the plane of ,mercury's orbit on or about ,may #h and ,november #aj4 ,i believe that a search carried out in ,april1 ,may1 and ,june1 and in ,october1 ,november1 and ,december1 with the express object of discovering very small planets in transit1 could not fail to be quickly rewarded1--unless the observations made by ,watson and ,swift are to be wholly rejected4 ,since this was written1 ,professor ,swift has expressed the opinion that his planet cannot possibly have been the one seen near ,theta ,cancri by ,professor ,watson1--who it seems saw ,theta in the centre of a large field of view1 and must therefore have seen ,swift's planet had that object been placed either as shown in fig4 #b or fig4 #c4 ,hence ,professor ,swift considers that both the stars he himself saw were planets1 and that he did not see ,theta at all4 ,the reasoning in the last five paragraphs of the above essay would not be in the least affected if we adopted ,professor ,swift's conclusion1 that four and not three intra-,mercurial planets were detected during the eclipse of ,july last4 ,yet later ,professor ,peters of ,clinton has indicated reasons for believing that while ,watson simply mistook for planets the two fixed stars1 ,theta and ,zeta ,cancri1 ,professor ,swift saw no planets at all4 ,this interpretation would account fully1 though not very satisfactorily1 for all that is mysterious in the two narratives4 ,,footnotes3 ,footnote #c3 ,two observations of ,uranus1 by ,bradley1 were discovered by the late ,mr4 ,breen1 and published in ,no4 #adfc of the ,astronomische ,nachrichten4 ,footnote #d3 ,let the student make the following construction if he entertains any doubt as to the statements made above4 ,having traced the orbits of the earth and ,uranus from my chart illustrating the article ',astronomy' in the ,encyc4 ,brit41 let him describe a circle nearly twice as large to represent the orbit of ,neptune as ,bode's law would give it4 ,let him first suppose ,neptune in conjunction with ,uranus in #ahbj1 mark the place of the earth on any given day in #ahdb1 and the place of the fictitious ,neptune2 a line joining these points will indicate the direction of ,neptune on the assumptions made4 ,let him next make a similar construction on the assumption that conjunction took place in #ahbe4 7,from the way in which the perturbation of ,uranus reached a maximum between #ahbj and #ahbe1 it was practically certain that the disturber was in conjunction with ,uranus between those years47 ,these two constructions will give limiting directions for ,neptune as viewed from the earth1 on the assumption that his orbit has the dimensions named4 ,he will find that the lines include an angle of a few degrees only1 and that the direction line of the true ,neptune is included between them4 ,footnote #e3 ,the problem is in reality1 at least in the form in which ,lescarbault attacked it1 an exceedingly simple one4 ,a solution of the general problem is given at p4 #aha of my treatise on the ,geometry of ,cycloids4 ,it is1 in fact1 almost identical with the problem of determining the distance of a planet from observations made during a single night4 ,footnote #f3 ,it may be necessary1 perhaps1 to explain to some why the western side is on the right in the little maps illustrating this paper1 and not1 as usual with maps1 on the left4 ,we are supposed to look down towards the earth in the case of a terrestrial map1 and to look up from the earth in the case of a celestial map1 and naturally right and left for the former attitude become respectively left and right for the latter4 ,,results ,,of ,,the ,,british ,,transit ,,expeditions4 ,another noteworthy attempt has been made to estimate the distance which separates our earth from the mighty central orb round which she travels with her fellow-worlds the planets4 ,in other words1 the solar system itself has been remeasured2 for the measurement of any part of the system is in fact the measurement of the entire system1 the proportions of which1 as distinguished from its actual dimensions1 have long been accurately known4 ,i propose briefly to describe the results which have been obtained 7after some three years of careful examination7 from the observations made by the ,british parties sent north1 south1 east1 and west to observe the transit of ,venus on ,december #i1 #ahgd2 and then to consider how these results compare with those which had before been obtained4 ,first1 however1 it may be well to remind the reader of the unfavourable conditions under which the task of measuring our distance from the remote sun must of necessity be attacked4 ,not unfrequently we hear the measurement of the sun's distance1 and the various errors which astronomers have had to correct during the progress of their efforts to deal with the problem1 referred to in terms which would imply that astronomy had some reason to be ashamed of labours which are in reality among the most noteworthy achievements of their science4 ,because1 some twenty years ago1 the estimate of #ie million miles1 which had for half a century held its ground in our books of astronomy as the true distance of the sun1 was replaced for a while by an estimate of about #ia-a_/b million miles1 which has in turn been displaced for an estimate of about #ib-a_/c million miles1 it has been said that astronomy has very little claim to be called the exact science4 ,it is even supposed by some that astronomy is altogether at sea respecting the sun's distance--which1 if the estimates of astronomers thus vary in the course of three-quarters of a century1 may in reality1 it is thought1 be very different from any of the values hitherto assigned4 ,others suppose that possibly the sun's distance may vary1 and that the diminution of three or four million miles in the estimates adopted by astronomers may correspond to an approach of the earth towards the sun by that amount1 an approach which1 if continued at the same rate1 would1 before many centuries1 bring the earth upon the surface of the sun1 to be consumed as fuel perhaps for the warming of the outer planets1 ,mars1 ,jupiter1 and the rest4 ,all these imaginings are mistaken1 however4 ,the exactness of astronomy1 as a science1 does not depend on the measurement of the sun's distance or size1 any more than the accuracy of a clock as a timekeeper depends on the exactness with which the hands of the clock are limited to certain definite lengths4 ,the skill with which astronomy has dealt with this particular problem of celestial surveying has been great indeed2 and the results1 when considered with due reference to the conditions of the problem1 are excellent3 but in reality1 if astronomers had failed utterly to form any ideas whatever as to the sun's distance1 if for aught they knew the sun might be less than one million1 or more than a million millions of miles from us1 the exactness of astronomy as a science would be no whit impaired4 ,and1 in the second place1 no doubts whatever need be entertained as to the general inference from astronomical observations that the sun's distance is between #ib and #ic millions of miles4 ,all the measurements made during the last quarter of a century lie between #ij and #ie millions of miles1 and by far the greater number of those made by the best methods1 and under the most favourable conditions1 lie between #ia and #id millions of miles4 ,all the very best cluster closely around a distance of #ib-a_/c millions of miles4 ,we are not for the moment1 however1 concerned with the question of the exact distance1 but with the question whether astronomy has obtained satisfactory evidence that the sun's distance lies in the neighbourhood of the distances deduced by the various methods lately employed4 ,putting the matter as one of probabilities1 as all scientific statements must be1 it may be said as confidently that the sun's distance lies between #he millions and #ajj millions of miles as that the sun will rise to-morrow2 and the probability that the sun's distance is less than #ij millions1 or greater than #ie millions of miles1 is so small that it may in effect be counted almost as nothing4 ,thirdly1 the possibility that the earth may be drawing nearer to the sun by three or four millions of miles in a century may be dismissed entirely from consideration4 ,for1 one of the inevitable consequences of such a change of distance would be a change in the length of the year by about three weeks2 and so far from the year diminishing by twenty days or so in length during a century1 it has not diminished ten seconds in length during the last two thousand years4 ,if there has been any change year by year in the earth's distance from the sun1 it is one to be measured by yards rather than by miles4 ,astronomers would be well content if their 'probable error' in estimating the sun's distance could be measured by thousands of miles2 so that any possible approach of the earth towards the sun would go but a very little way towards accounting for the discrepancies between the different estimates of the distance1 even if these estimates grew always smaller as time passed1 which is assuredly not the case4 ,but in truth1 if we consider the nature of the task undertaken by astronomers in this case1 we can only too readily understand that their measurements should differ somewhat widely from each other4 ,let us picture to ourselves for a moment the central sun1 the earth1 and the earth's path1 not as they really are1 for the mind refuses altogether to picture the dimensions even of the earth1 which is but an atom compared with the sun1 whose own proportions1 in turn1 mighty though they are1 sink into utter insignificance compared with the enormous scale of the orbit in which the earth travels around him4 ,let us reduce the scale of the entire system to one #ejj-millionth part of its real value3 even then we have a tolerably large orbit to imagine4 ,we must picture to ourselves a fiery globe #c yards in diameter to represent the sun1 and the earth as a one-inch ball circling round that globe at a distance of about #cbe yards1 or about #cej paces4 ,the diameter of the earth's orbit would on this scale1 therefore1 be somewhat more than a third of a mile4 ,if we imagine the one-inch ball moving round the fiery globe once in a year1 while turning on its axis once in a day1 we find ourselves under a difficulty arising from the slowness of the resulting motions4 ,we should have found ourselves under a difficulty arising from the rapidity of the actual motions if we had considered them instead4 ,the only resource is to reduce our time-scale1 in the same way that we have reduced our space-scale3 but not in the same degree2 for if we did we should have the one-inch ball circling round its orbit1 a third of a mile in diameter1 sixteen times in a second1 and turning on its axis five thousand times in a second4 ,say1 instead1 that for convenience we suppose days reduced to seconds4 ,then we have to picture a one-inch globe circling once in rather more than six minutes about a globe of fire #c yards in diameter1 one-sixth of a mile from it1 and turning on its axis once in a second4 ,we must further picture the one-inch globe as inhabited by some #a1ejj millions of creatures far too small to be seen with the most powerful microscope--in fact1 so small that the tallest would be in height but about the seven-millionth of an inch--and we must imagine that a few of these creatures undertake the task of determining from their tiny home swiftly rotating as it rushes in its orbit around a large globe of fire1 #cbe yards from them--the number of yards really intervening between that globe and their home4 ,if we rightly picture these conditions1 which fairly represent those under which the astronomer has to determine the distance of the sun from the earth1 we shall perceive that the wonder rather is that any idea of the sun's distance should be obtained at all1 than that the estimates obtained should differ from each other1 and that the best of them should err in measurable degree from the true distance4 ,anything like a full explanation of the way in which transits of ,venus across the sun's face are utilised in the solution of the problem of determining the sun's distance would be out of place in these pages4 ,but perhaps the following illustration may serve sufficiently1 yet simply1 to indicate the qualities of the two leading methods of using a transit4 ,imagine a bird flying in a circle round a distant globe in such a way that1 as seen from a certain window 7a circular window suppose71 the bird will seem to cross the face of the globe once in each circuit4 ,suppose that though the distance of the globe is not known1 the window is known to be exactly half as far again from the globe as the bird's path is1 and that the window is exactly a yard in diameter4 ,now in the first place1 suppose two observers watch the bird1 one 7,a7 from the extreme right side1 and the other 7,b7 from the extreme left side of the window1 the bird flying across from right to left4 ,a sees the bird begin to cross the face of the globe before ,b does1--say they find that ,a sees this exactly one second before ,b does4 ,but ,a's eye and ,b's being #c feet apart1 and the bird two-thirds as far from the globe as the window is1 the line traversed by the bird in this interval is of course only #b feet in length4 ,the bird then flies #b feet in a second 7this is rather slow for a bird1 but the principle of the explanation is not affected on that account74 ,say it is further observed that he completes a circuit in exactly ten minutes or six hundred seconds4 ,thus the entire length of a circuit is #a1bjj feet1--whence by the well-known relation between the circumference and the diameter of a circle1 it follows that the diameter of the bird's path is about #chb feet1 and his distance from the centre of the globe #aia feet4 ,so that the distance of the globe from the window1 known to be half as great again1 is about #bhf-a_/b feet4 ,if we regard the globe as representing the sun2 the window of known size as representing our earth of known dimensions2 the bird travelling round in a known period and at a distance whose proportion to the window's distance is known1 as representing ,venus travelling in a known period round the sun and at a distance bearing a known proportion to the earth's2 this way of determining the distance of a remote globe illustrates what is called ,delisle's method of determining the sun's distance4 ,it requires that the two observers1 ,a and ,b1 should each make exact note of the moment when the bird seemed to begin to cross the disc of the remote globe2 and in like manner ,delisle's method requires that two observers1 widely separated on the earth in a direction nearly parallel to that in which ,venus is travelling1 should make the most exact note of the moment when ,venus begins to cross the sun's face4 ,also1 as all ,i have said about the bird's beginning to cross the face of the distant globe would apply equally well if said about the end of his seeming passage across that disc1 so two observers1 widely separated on the earth1 can determine the sun's distance by noting the end of her transit instead of the beginning1 if they are suitably placed for the purpose4 ,the window of our illustration remains unchanged during the bird's imagined flight1 but as the face of the earth turned sunwards 7which corresponds to that window7 is all the time changing with the earth's rotation1 a different pair of stations would have to be selected for observing the end of transit1 than would be suitable for observing the beginning4 ,so much for the method called ,delisle's4 ,the other is in principle equally simple4 ,in the imaginary experiment just described we supposed the two observers at the right and left sides of the circular window4 ,imagine them now to watch the bird from the top and bottom of the window1 #c feet apart4 ,suppose they note that the two tracks along which1 as seen from these two points1 the bird seems to cross the face of the distant globe1 lie at a distance from each other equal to one-third of the globe's apparent diameter4 ,now1 the bird being twice as far from the globe as from the window1 the two tracks on the globe necessarily lie twice as far apart as the two points from which they are seen--or they lie #f feet apart4 ,the globe's diameter therefore is #ah feet4 ,knowing thus how large it is1 and knowing also how large it looks1 the observers know how far from them it lies4 ,so1 in the ,halleyan method of determining the sun's distance by observing ,venus in transit1 astronomers are stationed far north and far south on the sunlit half of the earth1 corresponding to the window of the imaginary experiment4 ,venus corresponds to the bird4 ,the observers note along what track she travels across the sun's face4 7,that they partially determine this by noting how long she is in crossing1 in no sense affects the principle of the method47 ,they thus learn that such and such a portion of the sun's diameter equals the distance separating them1--some six or seven thousand miles perhaps1--whence the sun's diameter is known4 ,and as we know how large he looks1 his distance from the earth is determined4 ,a peculiarity distinguishing this method from the former is that the observers must have a station whence the whole transit can be seen2 for practically the place of ,venus's track can only be ascertained satisfactorily by timing her passage across the sun's disc1 so that the beginning and end must be observed and very carefully timed4 ,this is to some degree a disadvantage2 for during a transit lasting several hours the earth turns considerably on her axis1 and the face turned sunwards at the beginning is thus very different from the face turned sunwards at the end of transit4 ,it is often exceedingly difficult to find suitable northern and southern stations belonging to both these faces of the earth4 ,on the other hand1 the other method has its peculiar disadvantage4 ,to apply it effectively1 the observer must know the exact ,greenwich time 7or any other selected standard time7 at his station1--or in other words he must know exactly how far east or west his station is from ,greenwich 7or some other standard observatory74 ,for all the observations made by this method must be compared together by some absolute time standard4 ,in the ,halleyan method the duration of transit only is wanted1 and this can be as readily determined by a clock showing local time 7or indeed by a clock set going a few minutes before transit began and showing wrong time altogether1 so only that it goes at the right rate7 as by a clock showing ,greenwich1 ,paris1 or ,washington time4 ,the clock must not gain or lose in the interval4 ,but a clock which would gain or lose appreciably in four or five hours1 would be worthless to the astronomer2 and any clock employed for scientific observation might safely be trusted for an interval of that length2 whereas a clock which could be trusted to retain true time for several days1 is not so readily to be obtained4 ,we need not consider here the origin of the misapprehension 7under which our principal ,government astronomer lay for some time71 that the ,delislean method was alone available during the transit of #ahgd1 the ,halleyan method1 to use his words1 'failing totally4' ,the ,british stations were selected while this misapprehension remained as yet uncorrected4 ,fortunately the southern stations were suitable for both methods4 ,the northern were not3 for this reason1 simply1 that one set were so situated that night began soon after the beginning of transit1 which alone could be observed2 while the other set were so situated that night only came to an end a short time before the transit ended1 so that the end of transit only could be observed4 ,no doubt when the mistake just mentioned had been clearly recognised1--as it was early in #ahgc1--measures would have been taken to rectify its effect by occupying some suitable northern stations for observing the whole transit1 if ,great ,britain had been the only nation taking part in the work4 ,fortunately1 however1 other nations might be trusted to occupy the northern region1 which had so long been overlooked4 ,england simply strengthened the southern observing corps3 this could be done without any change by which the ,government astronomers would have seemed to admit that 'some one had blundered4' ,thus the matter was arranged--,america1 ,russia1 and ,germany occupying a large number of stations admirably suited for applying the method which had been supposed to 'fail totally4' ,the ,british ,official astronomers1 on whom of course responsibility for adequately observing the transit 7or at least for properly applying money granted by the nation for the purpose7 alone rested1 did in reality all1 or nearly all1 that was necessary in doubling some of the southern observing parties1 and strengthening all of them2 for unquestionably other nations occupied suitable northern stations in sufficiently strong force4 ,it is to be remembered1 however1 in estimating the probable value of the result which has been deduced from the ,british observations1 that as yet only a portion of these observations has been effectively dealt with4 ,the ,british observations of the beginning of transit at northern and southern stations give1 when combined together1 a value of the sun's distance4 ,the ,british observations of the end of transit at other northern and southern stations give also1 when combined together1 a value of the sun's distance4 ,and both sets combined give of course a mean value of the sun's distance1 more likely on the whole to be correct than either value taken separately4 ,but the ,british observations of the duration of transit as observed from southern stations do not of themselves give any means of determining the sun's distance4 ,they must be combined with observations of the duration of transit as observed from northern stations2 and no ,british party was stationed where such observations could be obtained4 ,the value1 then1 of these particular ,british southern observations can only be educed when comparison is made between them and the northern observations by ,american1 ,german1 and ,russian astronomers4 ,we must not1 then1 be disheartened if the results of the ,british operations alone should not seem to be altogether satisfactory4 ,for it may still happen that that portion of the ,british operations which only has value when combined with the work of other countries may be found to possess extreme value4 ,we had good reason for doubting beforehand whether results of any great value could be obtained by ,delisle's method4 ,it was only because ,halley's was supposed to fail totally that the ,government astronomers ever thought of employing that method1 which the experience of former transits had taught us to regard as of very little value4 ,it may be asked1 however1 how we are to form an opinion from the result of calculations based on the ,delislean operations during the last transit1 whether the method in satisfactory or not4 ,if as yet the sun's distance is not exactly determined1 a result differing from former results may be better than any of them1 many will think2 and therefore the method employed to obtain it may be more satisfactory than others4 ,if1 they may reason1 we place reliance on a certain method to measure for us a certain unknown distance1 how can we possibly tell from the distance so determined whether the method is trustworthy or not8 ,perhaps the readiest way of removing this difficulty1 and also of illustrating generally the principles on which the determination of the most probable mean value of many different estimates depends1 is by considering a familiar experience of many1 a case in which the point to be determined is the most probable time of day4 ,suppose that we are walking along a route where there are several clocks1 the time shown by our own watch being1 for whatever reason1 open to question4 ,we find1 say1 that as compared with our watch time1 one clock is two minutes fast1 the next three minutes fast1 the next one minute slow1 and so on1 two or three perhaps being as much as six or seven minutes fast1 and two or three being as much as three or four minutes slow as compared with the watch4 ,we note1 however1 that these wider ranges of difference occur only in the case of clocks presumably inferior--cheap clocks in small shops1 old clocks in buildings where manifestly the flight of time is not much noted1 and so forth4 ,rejecting these from consideration1 we find other clocks ranging from one minute or so before our watch time to four minutes or so after it4 ,before striking a rough average1 however1 we consider that some among these clocks are placed where it is on the whole better to be a minute or two before the time than a second late1--as1 for instance1 at banks1 where there may be occasion to send out clerks so as to make sure of reaching certain places 7,clearing-,house1 ,general ,post-office1 and so forth7 within specified time limits4 ,on the other hand1 we note that others of these clocks are placed where it is better to be a minute or two after time than a second before it1--as at railway stations1 post-offices1 and so on1 where it is essential that the public should be allowed time fully up to a specified hour1 for some particular service4 ,taking fair account of such considerations1 we might find that most probably the true time lay between half a minute before and two minutes and a half after our watch time4 ,and thus we might infer that in reality the true time was one minute or so later than that shown by our watch4 ,but if we were well acquainted with the characteristics of different clocks along our route1 we might infer the time 7nay1 we might to all intents and purposes know the time7 far more accurately than this4 ,we might1 for instance1 pass six or seven shop-windows where first-class specimens of horological work were shown1--in each window1 perhaps1 several excellent clocks1 with compensated pendulums and other contrivances for securing perfect working4 ,we might find at one of these shops all such clocks showing the same time within two or three seconds2 at the next all such clocks also agreeing inter se within two or three seconds1 but perhaps their mean differing from the mean at the last shop of the kind by seven or eight seconds2 and all six or seven shops1 while showing similar agreement as regards the clocks severally displayed at each1 agreeing also with each other so closely that ten or twelve seconds would cover the entire range between their several mean times4 ,if this were observed1 we should not hesitate to place entire reliance on these special sets of clocks2 and we should feel certain that if we took the mean of all their means as the true time 7perhaps slightly modifying this mean in order to give due weight to the known superiority of one or other of these clock-shops71 we should not be in error by more than five or six seconds1 while most probably we should have the time true within two or three seconds4 ,so far the illustration corresponds well with what had been done during a quarter of a century or so before the last transit of ,venus4 ,several different methods of determining the sun's distance had been applied to correct a value which for many reasons had come to be looked upon with suspicion4 ,this value--#ie1cfe1jjj miles--was known to be certainly too large4 ,the methods used to test it gave results varying between about #ij million miles and about #if million miles4 ,but all the methods worthy of any real reliance gave results lying between #ia million miles and #id million miles4 ,not to enter more fully into details than would here be suitable1 we may pass on at once to say that those most experienced in the matter recognised seven methods of determining the distance1 on which chief reliance must be placed4 ,of these seven methods1 six--each applied1 of course1 by many different observers--were dealt with exhaustively by ,professor ,newcomb1 of the ,washington ,observatory1 a mathematician who has undoubtedly given closer attention to the general problem of determining the sun's distance than any living astronomer4 ,the six methods give six several results ranging from about #ib1bej1jjj miles to about #ib1hej1jjj miles2 but when due weight is given to those of the six methods which are undoubtedly the best1 the most probable mean value is found to be about #ib1cej1jjj miles4 ,the seventh method1 conceived by ,leverrier1 the astronomer to whom1 with our own ,adams1 the discovery of ,neptune was due1 and applied by him as he only could have applied it 7he alone possessing at once the necessary material and the necessary skill71 gives the value1 #ib1bej1jjj miles4 ,from this it may fairly be concluded that ,newcomb's mean value1 which has in fact been accented by all ,american and ,continental astronomers1 is certainly within #fjj1jjj miles1 and most probably within #cjj1jjj miles of the true mean distance of the sun4 ,but now1 to revert to our illustrative case1 let us suppose that after passing the windows of six or seven horologists1 from whose clocks we have obtained such satisfactory evidence as to the probable hour1 we bethought ourselves of a place where1 from what we had heard1 a still more exact determination of the hour might be obtained4 ,while still on the way1 however1 we learn from a friend certain circumstances suggesting the possibility that the clocks at the place in question may not be so correct as we had supposed4 ,persisting1 however1 in our purpose1 we arrive at the place1 and carefully compare the indications of the various clocks there with the time indicated by our watch1 corrected 7be it supposed7 in accordance with the results of our former observations4 ,suppose now that the hour indicated by the various clocks at this place1 instead of agreeing closely with that which we had thus inferred1 differs from it by fully half a minute4 ,is it not clear that instead of being led by this result to correct our former estimate of the probable hour1 we should at once infer that the doubts which had been suggested as to the correctness of the various clocks at this place were fully justified8 ,the evidence of the other sets of clocks would certainly not be invalidated by the evidence given by the set last visited1 even if the accuracy of these had not been called in question4 ,but if1 as supposed1 some good reason had been given for doubt on this point1--as for instance1 that of late the supervision of the clocks had been interrupted1--we should not hesitate for a moment to reject the evidence given by these clocks1 or at least to regard it as only tending to demonstrate what before we had been led to surmise1 namely1 that these clocks could not be relied upon to show true time4 ,if however1 furthermore1 we found1 not only that the mean of the various times indicated by the clocks at this last-visited place differed thus widely from the time which we had every reason to consider very nearly exact1 but that the different clocks here differed as widely from each other1 it would be absurd to rely upon their evidence4 ,the circumstance that there was a range of difference of fully half a minute in their indications would of itself suffice to show how untrustworthy they were1 at least for the use of any one who wished to obtain the time with great accuracy4 ,combined with the observed difference between their mean time and that before obtained1 this circumstance would prove the inaccuracy of the clocks beyond all possibility of doubt or question4 ,now the case here imagined corresponds very closely with the circumstances of the recent attempt to correct our estimate of the sun's distance by ,delisle's method4 ,our ,government astronomers bethought themselves of this method as likely to give the best possible means for correcting1 by observations of ,venus in transit1 the estimate of the sun's distance which had been deduced by ,newcomb1 and confirmed by ,leverrier4 ,while as yet their plans were not finally decided upon1 reasons for questioning this conclusion were indicated to those officials by unofficial astronomers entertaining very friendly feelings towards them4 ,retaining1 however1 their reliance on the method thus called in question1 they carried out their purpose1 though fortunately making provision1 very nearly sufficient1 for the use of another method4 ,now1 instead of the estimate of the sun's distance obtained from the observations by ,delisle's method agreeing closely with ,newcomb's mean value1--about #ib1cej1jjj miles1--it exceeds this value by about a million miles4 7,see1 however1 note on the last page of this article47 ,according to various ways of considering the results sent in by his observers1 the chief official astronomer obtains a mean value ranging from about #ic1cjj1jjj miles to about #ic1cge1jjj miles4 ,the last named estimate seems preferred on the whole2 but if we take #ic1cej1jjj miles1 we shall probably give about the fairest final mean value4 ,we have seen1 however1 that the results of observations by seven distinct methods give values ranging only between #ib1bej1jjj miles and #ib1hej1jjj miles1--the six best methods giving values ranging only between #ib1bej1jjj miles and about #ib1dhj1jjj miles4 ,the new value thus lies #ejj1jjj miles above the largest and admittedly the least trustworthy of the seven results1 #hgj1jjj miles above the next largest1 a million miles above the mean value1 and #a1ajj1jjj miles above the least value4 ,it certainly ranges #ejj1jjj miles above the largest admissible value from those seven trusted methods1 dealt with most skilfully1 cautiously1 and laboriously1 by such mathematicians as ,newcomb and ,leverrier4 ,can we hesitate as to the inference we should deduce from this result8 ,we need not for a moment call in question the skill or care with which the ,british observing parties carried out their operations4 ,nor need we doubt that the results obtained have been most skilfully and cautiously investigated by those to whom the work of supervision and of reduction has been entrusted4 ,we need not even question the policy of devoting so large a share of labour and expense to the employment of a method held in little favour by most experienced ,continental and ,american astronomers1 and objected to by many in ,england1 including some even among official astronomers4 ,it was perhaps well that the method should have one fair and full trial4 ,and it is certain that all who have taken part in the work have done their duty zealously and skilfully4 ,captain ,tupman1 to whom ,sir ,george ,airy1 our chief official astronomer1 entrusted the management of the calculations1 has received1 and justly1 from his official superior1 the highest commendation for his energy and discrimination4 ,but beyond all manner of doubt the method employed has failed under the test thus applied to it4 ,i do not say that hereafter the method may not succeed4 ,some of the conditions which at present render it untrustworthy are such as may be expected to be modified with the progress of improvement in the construction of scientific instruments4 ,but as yet the method is certainly not trustworthy4 ,this might be safely concluded from the wide discrepancy between the new result and the mean of those before obtained4 ,yet if all the various observations made by the ,british observing parties agreed closely together1 the circumstance1 though it could hardly shake our inference on this point1 would yet cause some degree of perplexity1 since1 of itself1 it would seem to imply that the method was trustworthy4 ,fortunately we are not thus troubled by conflicting evidence4 ,the indications of the untrustworthy nature of the method1 derived from the discordance between the results obtained by it and those before inferred1 are not a whit clearer1 clear and convincing though they are1 than are the indications afforded by their discordance inter se4 ,the distance derived from northern and southern observations of the beginning of transit ought of course to be the same as that derived from northern and southern observations of the end of transit4 ,if both sets of observations were exactly correct1 the agreement between the results would be exact4 ,the discordance between them could only be wide as a consequence of some serious imperfection in this method of observing a transit4 ,but the discordance is very wide4 ,the observations of the beginning of transit by the ,british parties give a distance of the sun exceeding by rather more than a million miles that deduced from the observations of the end of transit4 ,i am well assured that neither ,continental nor ,american astronomers will accept the new estimate of the sun's distance1 unless--which ,i venture to predict will not be the case--the entire series of transit observations should seem to point to the same value as the most probable mean4 ,even then most astronomers will1 ,i believe1 think rather that transits of ,venus do not afford such satisfactory means of determining the sun's distance as had been supposed4 ,this opinion1 it is well known1 was held by ,leverrier1 insomuch that he declined to support with the weight of his influence the proposals for heavy expenditure by ,france upon expeditions for observing the recent transit and the approaching transit of the year #ahhb4 ,i doubt whether many1 even among ,british astronomers1 will accept the new value4 ,already the ,superintendent of the ,nautical ,almanac has given his opinion upon it in terms which cannot be regarded as favourable4 ',it is well known1' he says 7,i quote at least from an article which has been attributed to him without contradiction on his part71 'that some astronomers have not expected our knowledge of the sun's distance to be greatly improved from the observations of the transit of ,venus4 ,many1 we can imagine1 will regard with some suspicion' so great a value as #ic1cjj1jjj miles 7,i substitute these words for technical expressions identical in real meaning74 ',nevertheless1 whatever degree of doubt might be entertained by competent authorities1 it appears to have been felt by those immediately responsible for action1 in different civilised nations where science is encouraged1 that so rare a phenomenon as a transit of ,venus could not be allowed to pass without every exertion being made to utilise it4' ,sir ,george ,airy1 very naturally1 attaches more value to the result of the ,british expeditions1 or at least of that part of the operations for which he was responsible1 than others are disposed to do4 ,in an address to the ,astronomical ,society1 he expressed the opinion that 'the results now presented are well worthy of very great confidence4444 ,considering that the number of observers was eighteen1 and that they made fifty-four observations1 and considering also the degree of training they had1 and their zeal1 and the extreme care that was taken in the choice of stations1 ,i think1' he said1 'that there will not be anything to compete with the value which has been deduced4' ,this is1 as ,i have said1 very naturally his opinion2 and although ordinarily it is rather for the employers than for the employed to estimate the value of the results sent in1 yet at least we cannot object to his just and generous praise of those who have worked under his orders4 ,nevertheless1 it must not be forgotten that on a former occasion when equal satisfaction was expressed with the result of a rather less costly but still a laborious and difficult experiment1 the scientific world did not accept 7and has since definitely rejected7 the conclusion thus confidently advanced4 ,i refer to the famous ,harton ,colliery experiment for determining the mass of the earth4 ,the case is so closely analogous to that we are dealing with1 that it will be instructive briefly to describe its leading features4 ,maskelyne1 formerly the chief ,government astronomer of this country1 from observations of the effect of the mass of ,mount ,schehallien in deflecting a plumb-line1 had inferred that the density of the earth is five times that of water4 ,bouguer from observations in ,chimborazo1 and ,colonel ,james from observations on ,arthur's ,seat1 had deduced very similar results4 ,from pendulum observations on high mountains1 ,carlini and ,plana made the earth's density very nearly the same4 ,cavendish1 ,reich1 and our own ,francis ,baily1 weighed the earth against two great globes of lead1 by a method commonly known as the ,cavendish experiment1 but really invented by ,michell4 ,these experiments agreed closely together1 making the earth's density about #e-a_/b times that of water1 or giving to the earth a mass equivalent to that which would be contained in #f1jjj millions of millions of millions of tons4 ,now1 from the ,harton ,colliery experiments1 in #ahed1 in which the earth's weight was estimated by comparing the vibrations of a pendulum at the mouth of the mine with those of a similar pendulum at a depth of about #a1bfj feet1 it appeared that the earth's density is rather more than #f-a_/b times that of water1 corresponding to an increase in our estimate of the earth's mass by nearly #a1ajj millions of millions of millions of tons1 or by more than a sixth of the entire mass resulting from the most trustworthy former measurements4 ,sir ,g4 ,airy considered that 'this result will compete on at least equal terms with those obtained by other methods2' but nearly a quarter of a century has passed during which no competent astronomer has adopted this opinion1 or even suggested any modification of the former mean estimate of the earth's mass on account of the unexpectedly large value deduced from the ,harton experiment4 ,it appears to me probable that a similar fortune will attend the latest measurement of the sun's distance4 ,but fortunately the matter will not rest merely on measurements already made4 ,many fresh measurements will be made during the next few years by methods already tried and not 7like ,delisle's transit method7 found wanting4 ,the recent close approach of the planet ,mars was not allowed to pass without a series of observations specially directed to the determination of the sun's distance2 and we know that observations of ,mars are among the most advantageous means available for the solution of this difficult problem4 ,it was indeed from such observations that the first really trustworthy measures of the sun's distance were obtained two centuries ago4 ,the small planets which travel in hundreds between the paths of ,mars and ,jupiter have also been pressed into the service4 ,and now so many of these are known that scarcely a month passes without one or other of them being favourably placed for the purpose of distance measurements4 ,for this too their star-like discs make these bodies specially suitable4 ,the most probable inference respecting the results obtained by the ,british expedition is that their chief value resides in the evidence which they afford respecting the ,delislean method of observation4 ,they seem to demonstrate what had before been only surmised 7though with considerable confidence by some astronomers71 that this method cannot be relied upon to correct our estimate of the sun's distance4 ,in the transit of #ahhb1 which by the way will be visible in this country1 we may be certain that other and more satisfactory methods of observation will be employed4 ,before concluding1 it may be well to make a few remarks upon some misapprehensions which seem to exist as to the propriety in the first place1 and the desirability in the second1 of comments upon the arrangements adopted by ,government astronomers to utilize particular astronomical phenomena1 and upon the value of the results which may be obtained by means of such arrangements4 ,many seem to suppose that astronomical matters are in some sense like military or naval 7warlike7 manoeuvres1 to be discussed effectively only by those who 'are under authority1 having 7also7 soldiers under them1' in other words by ,government astronomers4 ,it would be very unfortunate for science were this so1 seeing that in that case those chiefly responsible for the selection of methods and the supervision of operations would be perfectly free from all possibility of criticism4 ,no one under their authority would be very likely to speak unfavourably of their plans4 ,and no one possessing higher general authority would be likely to have any adequate knowledge of astronomy to form an opinion1 either as to the efficiency of the arrangements adopted in any case1 or as to the significance of the results obtained4 ,in warlike matters1 to some degree1 the wisdom of the strategy employed is tested by results which all can appreciate1 seeing that they affect directly the well-being of the nation4 ,moreover1 there are special reasons in these cases why in the first place there should be a complete system of subordination1 and why in the second few should undertake the study of the science unless they proposed to take their part in its practical application and therefore to submit to its disciplinary system4 ,but it is quite otherwise with the science of astronomy4 ,the nation requires1 chiefly for the regulation of its commerce1 a certain number of trained astronomers1 to carry out systematically observations of a certain class1--observations having in the main scarcely any closer relation to the real living science of astronomy than land surveying has to such geology as ,lyell taught1 or the bone-trade to the science of anatomy4 ,the stars by their diurnal motion form the most perfect time-measurers1 therefore they must be constantly timed by trained observers4 ,the sun and moon are the most effective time-indicators for seamen1 and therefore their movements must be most carefully noted4 ,our ,nautical ,almanac in fact embodies the kind of astronomical materials which ,government astronomers are employed to collect and arrange4 ,such work may rather be called celestial surveying than astronomy4 ,but from the days of ,flamsteed1 the first of our ,astronomers ,royal 7as the chief ,government astronomer is technically called7 whose contemporary1 ,newton1 discovered the great law of the universe1 to those of ,maskelyne and ,sir ,g4 ,airy1 whose contemporaries1 the elder and the younger ,herschel1 disclosed the structure of the universe1 there have always been astronomers outside the ranks of official astronomy1 in no way desirous of entering those ranks1 and in fact so taking their course from the beginning of their study of the science as to preclude themselves from all possibility of undertaking any official duties in astronomy4 ',non sua se voluntas1' necessarily1 'sed su vit rationes1 hoc aditu laudis1 qui semper optimo cuique maxime patuit1 prohibuerunt3' though1 indeed1 it may not untruly be said that to one who apprehends the true sublimity of astronomy as a science the routine of official astronomy is by no means inviting1 and probably personal tastes have had very much to do with the choice1 by such men1 of the more attractive departments of astronomy4 ,be this as it may1 it is certain that the astronomers who thus keep outside the official ranks are not only free1 and may not only be fully competent1 to express an opinion on the arrangements made by ,government astronomers1 or on the results obtained by them1 but as the only members of the community who are at once free and able so to do1 their right to speak may often involve1 in some degree1 the duty of speaking4 ,if through some mistake wrong arrangements were proposed for instance1--and all men1 even officials 7,herbert ,spencer says1 especially officials71 are apt to make mistakes1--then1 unless non-official astronomers1 who had carefully examined the subject1 expressed their doubts1 it is certain that there would be no means whatever of correcting the error1 or even of detecting its consequence1 until many years had elapsed4 ,the leading official astronomers would in such a case be apt1 in fact they are apt enough as it is1 to stand by each other1--a chief in one department commending the zeal and energy of the chief in another department1 this chief in turn commending the industry and ability of the other1 and so forth1--while subordinates of all ranks might be apt either to maintain a judicious silence1 or else at least to avoid any utterance which would endanger their position4 ,it may1 on the one hand1 be to some degree questioned whether it would be fitting that discipline should be so far neglected in such a case that a subordinate should have eyes to see1 or ears to hear1 or thoughts to note1 any error on the part of his superior in office4 ,and on the other hand1 those who know little or nothing of astronomy can of course form no opinion on astronomical matters1 however high they may be in authority outside matters scientific4 ,to assert1 then1 that it is either improper or undesirable for unofficial astronomers to comment on the plans or results of astronomers employed and paid by the nation is practically equivalent to asserting that it is improper or undesirable for the work of these paid astronomers to be examined at all1--a conclusion manifestly absurd4#g ,,footnotes3 ,footnote #g3 ,the following lines are from a letter of mine1 which appeared in the ,times of ,april #ac1 some time after the present article was written3-- ',a few months ago ,i said in these columns that the determination of the sun's distance1 then recently communicated to ,parliament--namely1 #ic1cge1jjj miles--was probably some #hjj1jjj miles too great2 and ,i spoke of the method on which the determination was based as to some degree discredited by the wide range of difference both between that result and the mean of the best former measurements1 and between the several results of which that one was itself the mean4 ,captain ,tupman1 as straightforward as he is skilful and zealous1 announces as the result of a re-examination of the ,british observations a distance about #fjj1jjj miles less than the above1 or1 more exactly1 about #ib1gij1jjj miles1 as the sun's mean distance4 ,but while he obtains from the ingress observations a mean distance of only #ib1cjj1jjj miles1 he obtains from the egress observations a mean distance of about #ic1jdj1jjj miles2 and the value1 #ib1gij1jjj miles1 is only obtained as the mean of these two values duly weighted1 the egress observations being more satisfactory than the ingress observations4 ',it appears to me that the doubts which ,i formerly expressed as to the trustworthiness of the method employed1 are to some degree justified4 ',to the general public it will be more interesting to inquire what probably is the true mean distance of the sun4 ,to this it may be replied that in all probability the sun's mean distance does not lie so much as #fjj1jjj miles on either side of the value #ib1cjj1jjj miles' 7it should be #ib1djj1jjj74 ,,the ,,past ,,history ,,of ,,our ,,moon4 ,the moon1 commonly regarded as a mere satellite of the earth1 is in truth a planet1 the least member of that family of five bodies circling within the asteroidal zone1 to which astronomers have given the name of the terrestrial planets4 ,there can be no question that this is the true position of the moon in the solar system4 ,in fact1 the fashion of regarding her as a mere attendant of our earth may be looked upon as the last relic of the old astronomy in which our earth figured as the fixed centre of the universe1 and the body for whose sake all the celestial orbs were fashioned4 ,in this aspect1 also1 the moon is a far more interesting object of research than when viewed as belonging to another and an inferior order4 ,we are able to recognise1 in her1 appearances probably resulting from the relative smallness of her dimensions1 and hence to derive probable information as to the condition of other orbs in the solar system which fall below the earth in point of size4 ,precisely as the study of the giant planets1 ,jupiter and ,saturn1 has led astronomers to infer that certain peculiarities must result from vastness of dimensions1 so the study of the dwarf planets1 ,mars1 our moon1 and ,mercury1 may indicate the relations we are to associate with inferiority of size4 ,this thought immediately introduces us to another conception1 which causes us to regard with even greater interest the evidence afforded by the moon's present condition4 ,it can scarcely be questioned that the size of any member of the solar system1 or rather the quantity of matter in its orb1 assigns1 so to speak1 the duration of that orb's existence1 or rather of the various stages of that existence4 ,the smaller body must cool more rapidly than the larger1 and hence the various periods during which the former is fit for this or that purpose of planetary life 7,i speak with purposed vagueness here7 are shorter than the corresponding periods in the life of the latter4 ,thus the sun1 viewed in this way1 is the youngest member of the solar system1 while the tiniest members of the asteroid family1 if not the oldest in reality1 are the oldest to which the telescope has introduced us4 ,jupiter and ,saturn come next to the sun in youth2 they are still passing through the earliest stages of planetary existence1 even if we ought not rather to adopt that theory of their condition which regards them as subordinate suns1 helping the central sun to support life on the satellites which circle around them4 ,uranus and ,neptune are in a later stage1 and perchance when telescopes have been constructed large enough to study these planets with advantage1 we may learn something of that stage1 interesting as being intermediate to the stages through which our earth and ,venus on the one hand1 and the giant brothers ,jupiter and ,saturn on the other1 are at present passing4 ,after our earth and ,venus1 which are probably at about the same stage of planetary development 7though owing to the difference in their position they may not be equally adapted for the support of life71 we come to ,mars and ,mercury1 both of which must be regarded as in all probability much more advanced and in a sense more aged than the earth on which we live4 ,in a similar sense1--even as an ephemeron is more aged after a few hours of existence than a man after as many years1--the small planet which we call 'our moon' may be described as in the very decrepitude of planetary existence1 nay 7some prefer to think71 as even absolutely dead1 though its lifeless body still continues to advance upon its accustomed orbit1 and to obey the law of universal attraction4 ,considerations such as these give singular interest to the discussion of the past history of our moon1 though they add to the difficulty of interpreting the problems she presents to us4 ,for we have manifestly to differentiate between the effects due to the moon's relative smallness on the one hand1 and those due to her great age on the other4 ,if we could believe the moon to be an orb which simply represents the condition to which our earth will one day attain1 we could study her peculiarities of appearance with some hope of understanding how they had been brought about1 as well as of learning from such study the future history of our own earth4 ,but clearly the moon has had another history than our earth4 ,her relative smallness has led to relations such as the earth never has presented and never will present4 ,if our earth is1 as astronomers and physicists believe1 to grow dead and cold1 all life perishing from her surface1 it is tolerably clear1 from what we already know of her history1 that the appearance she will present in her decrepitude will be utterly unlike that presented by the moon4 ,grant that after the lapse of enormous time-intervals the oceans now existing on the earth will be withdrawn beneath her solid crust1 and even 7which seems incredible7 that at a more distant future the atmosphere now surrounding her will have become greatly reduced in quantity1 either by similar withdrawal or in any other manner1 yet the surface of the earth would present few features of resemblance to that of the moon4 ,viewed from the distance at which we view the moon1 there would be few crateriform mountains indeed compared with those on the moon2 those visible would be small by comparison with lunar craters even of medium dimensions2 and the radiated regions seen on the moon's surface would have no discernible counterpart on the surface of the earth4 ,the only features of resemblance1 under the imagined conditions1 would be probably the partially flat sea bottoms 7though these would bear a different proportion to the more elevated regions7 and the mountain ranges1 the only terrestrial features of volcanic disturbance which would be relatively more important than their lunar counterparts4 ,i do not purpose1 however1 to discuss the probable future of the earth1 having only indicated the differences just touched upon in order to remind the reader at the outset that we have not in 'the moon' a representation of the earth at any stage of her history4 ,other and different relations are presented for our consideration1 although it may well be that by carefully discussing them we may learn somewhat respecting our earth1 as also respecting the past history and future development of the solar system4 ,it appears reasonable to regard the moon1 after her first formation as a distinct orb1 as presenting the same general characteristics that we ascribe to our earth in its primary stage as a planet4 ,in one respect the moon1 even at that early stage1 may have differed from the earth4 ,i refer to its rotation1 the correspondence between which and its revolution may probably have existed from the moon's first formation4 ,but this would not materially have affected the relations with which we have to deal at present4 ,we may apply1 then1 to the moon the arguments which have been applied to the discussion of the first stages of our earth's history4 ,adopting this view1 we see that at the first stage of its existence as an independent planet1 the moon must have been an intensely heated gaseous globe1 glowing with inherent light1 and undergoing a process of condensation1 'going on at first at the surface only1 until by cooling it must have reached the point where the gaseous centre was exchanged for one of combined and liquefied matter4' ,to apply now to the moon at this stage the description which ,dr4 ,sterry ,hunt gives of the earth4 ',here commences the chemistry of the moon4 ,so long as the gaseous condition of the moon lasted1 we may suppose the whole mass to have been homogeneous2 but when the temperature became so reduced that the existence of chemical compounds at the centre became possible1 those which were most stable at the elevated temperature then prevailing would be first formed4 ,thus1 for example1 while compounds of oxygen with mercury1 or even with hydrogen1 could not exist1 oxides of silicon1 aluminium1 calcium1 magnesium1 and iron1 might be formed and condensed in a liquid form at the centre of the globe4 ,by progressive cooling still other elements would be removed from the gaseous mass1 which would form the atmosphere of the non-gaseous nucleus4' ',the processes of condensation and cooling having gone on until those elements which are not volatile in the heat of our ordinary furnaces were condensed into a liquid form1 we may here inquire what would be the result on the mass of a further reduction of temperature4 ,it is generally assumed that in the cooling of a liquid globe of mineral matter congelation would commence at the surface1 as in the case of water2 but water offers an exception to most other liquids1 inasmuch as it is denser in the liquid than in the solid form4 ,hence1 ice floats on water1 and freezing water becomes covered with a layer of ice which protects the liquid below4 ,some metals and alloys resemble water in this respect4 ,with regard to most other earthy substances1 and notably the various minerals and earthy compounds like those which may be supposed to have made up the mass of the molten globe1 the case is entirely different4 ,the numerous and detailed experiments of ,charles ,deville and those of ,delesse1 besides the earlier ones of ,bischoff1 unite in showing that the density of fused rocks is much less than that of the crystalline products resulting from their slow cooling1 these being1 according to ,deville1 from one-seventh to one-sixteenth heavier than the fused mass1 so that if formed at the surface they would1 in obedience to the laws of gravity1 tend to sink as soon as formed4' ,here it has to be noted that possibly there existed a period 7for our earth as well as for the moon7 during which1 notwithstanding the relations indicated by ,dr4 ,hunt1 the exterior portions of the moon were solid1 while the interior remained liquid4 ,a state of things corresponding to what we recognise as possible in the sun may have existed4 ,for although undoubtedly any liquid matter forming in the sun sinks in obedience to the laws of gravity towards the centre1 yet the greater heat which it encounters as it sinks must vapourise it1 notwithstanding increasing pressure1 so that it can only remain liquid near the region where rapid radiation allows of sufficient cooling to produce liquefaction4 ,and in the same way we may conceive that the solidification taking place at any portion of the surface of the moon's or the earth's liquid globe1 owing to rapid radiation of heat thence1 although it might be followed immediately by the sinking of the solidified matter1 would yet result in the continuance 7rather than the existence7 of a partially solid crust4 ,for the sinking solid matter1 though subjected to an increase of pressure 7which1 in the case of matter expanding on liquefaction1 would favour solidification71 would nevertheless1 owing to the great increase of heat1 become liquefied1 and1 expanding1 would no longer be so much denser#h than the liquid through which it was sinking as to continue to sink rapidly4 ,nevertheless1 it is clear that after a time the heat of the interior parts of the liquid mass would no longer suffice to liquefy the solid matter descending from the surface1 and then would commence the process of aggregation at the centre described by ,dr4 ,hunt4 ,the matter forming the solid centre of the earth consists probably of metallic and metalloidal compounds of elements denser than those forming the known portions of the earth's crust4#i ,in the case of the moon1 whose mean density is very little greater than the mean density of the matter forming the earth's crust1 we must assume that the matter forming the solid nucleus at that early stage was relatively less in amount1 or else that we may attribute part of the difference to the comparatively small force with which lunar gravity operated during various stages of contraction and solidification4 ,in the case of the moon1 as in that of the earth1 before the last portions became solidified1 there would exist a condition of imperfect liquidity1 as conceived by ,hopkins1 'preventing the sinking of the cooled and heavier particles1 and giving rise to a superficial crust1 from which solidification would proceed downwards4 ,there would thus be enclosed between the inner and outer solid parts a portion of uncongealed matter1' which may be supposed to have retained its liquid condition to a late period1 and to have been the principal seat of volcanic action1 whether existing in isolated reservoirs or subterranean lakes1 or whether1 as suggested by ,scrope1 forming a continuous sheet surrounding the solid nucleus4 ,thus far we have had to deal with relations more or less involved in doubt4 ,we have few means of forming a satisfactory opinion as to the order of the various changes to which1 in the first stages of her existence as a planet1 our moon was subject4 ,nor can we clearly define the nature of those changes4 ,in these matters1 as with the corresponding processes in our earth's case1 there is much room for variety of opinion4 ,but few can doubt that1 by whatever processes such condition may have been attained1 the moon1 when her surface began to form itself into its present appearance1 consisted of a globe partially molten surrounded by a crust at least partially solidified4 ,some portions of the actual surface may have remained liquid or viscous later than others but at length the time must have arrived when the radiating surface was almost wholly solid4 ,it is from this stage that we have to trace the changes which have led to the present condition of the moon's surface4 ,it can scarcely be questioned that those seismologists are in the right who have maintained in recent times the theory that in the case of a cooling globe1 such as the earth or moon at the stage just described1 the crust would in the first place contract more quickly than the nucleus1 while later the nucleus would contract more quickly than the crust4 ,this amounts1 in fact1 to little more than the assertion that the process of heat radiation from the surface would be more rapid1 and so last a shorter time than the process of conduction by which in the main the nucleus would part with its heat4 ,the crust would part rapidly with its heat1 contracting upon the nucleus2 but the very rapidity 7relative7 of the process1 by completing at an early stage the radiation of the greater portion of the heat originally belonging to the crust1 would cause the subsequent radiation to be comparatively slow1 while the conduction of heat from the nucleus to the crust would take place more rapidly1 not only relatively but actually4 ,now it is clear that the results accruing during the two stages into which we thus divide the cooling of the lunar globe would be markedly different4 ,during the first stage forces of tension 7tangential7 would be called to play in the lunar crust2 during the later stage the forces would be those of pressure4 ,taking the earlier stage1 during which the forces would be tensional1 let us consider in what way these forces would operate4 ,at the beginning1 when the crust would be comparatively thin1 ,i conceive that the more general result of the rapid contraction of the crust would be the division of the crust into segments1 by the formation of numerous fissures due to the lateral contraction of the thin crust4 ,the molten matter in these fissures would film over rapidly1 however1 and all the time the crust would be growing thicker and thicker1 until at length the formation of distinct segments would no longer be possible4 ,the thickening crust1 plastic in its lower strata1 would now resist more effectively the tangential tensions1 and when yielding would yield in a different manner4 ,it was at this stage1 in all probability1 that processes such as those illustrated by ,nasmyth's globe experiments took place1 and that from time to time the crust yielded at particular points1 which became the centres of systems of radiating fissures4 ,before proceeding1 however1 to consider the results of such processes1 let it be noted that we have seen reason to believe that among the very earliest lunar formations would be rifts breaking the ancient surface of the lunar crust4 ,i distinguish in this way the ancient surface from portions of surface whereof ,i shall presently have to speak as formed at a later time4 ,now let us conceive the somewhat thickened crust contracting upon the partially fluid nucleus4 ,if the crust were tolerably uniform in strength and thickness we should expect to find it yielding 7when forced to yield7 at many points1 distributed somewhat uniformly over its extent4 ,but this would not be the case if--as we might for many reasons expect--the crust were wanting in uniformity4 ,there would be regions where the crust would be more plastic1 and so readier to yield to the tangential tensions4 ,towards such portions of the crust the liquid matter within would tend1 because there alone would room exist for it4 ,the down-drawing1 or rather in-drawing1 crust elsewhere would force away the liquid matter beneath1 towards such regions of less resistance1 which would thus remain at 7and be partly forced to7 a higher level4 ,at length1 however1 the increasing tensions thus resulting would have their natural effect2 the crust would break open at the middle of the raised region1 and in radiating rifts1 and the molten matter would find vent through the rifts as well as at the central opening4 ,the matter so extruded1 being liquid1 would spread1 so that--though the radiating nature of the rifts would still be indicated by the position of the extruded matter--there would be no abrupt changes of level4 ,it is clear1 also1 that so soon as the outlet had been formed the long and slowly sloping sides of the region of elevation would gradually sink1 pressing the liquid matter below towards the centre of outlet1 whence it would continue to pour out so long as this process of contraction continued4 ,all round the borders of the aperture the crust would be melted1 and would continue plastic long after the matter which had filled the fissures and flowed out through them had solidified4 ,thus there would be formed a wide circular orifice1 which would from the beginning be considerably above the mean level of the moon's surface1 because of the manner in which the liquid matter within had been gathered there by the pressure of the surrounding slopes4#aj ,moreover1 around the orifice1 the matter outflowing as the crust continued to contract would form a raised wall4 ,until the time came when the liquid nucleus began to contract more rapidly than the crust1 the large crateriform orifice would be full to the brim 7or nearly so71 at all times1 with occasional overflows3 and as a writer who has recently adopted this theory has remarked1 ',we should ultimately have a large central lake of lava surrounded by a range of hills1 terraced on the outside1--the lake filling up the space they enclosed4' ,the crust might burst in the manner here considered1 at several places at the same--or nearly the same--time1 the range of the radiating fissures1 depending on the extent of the underlying lakes of molten matter thus finding their outlet2 or there might be a series of outbursts at widely separated intervals of time and at different regions1 gradually diminishing in extent as the crust gradually thickened and the molten matter beneath gradually became reduced in relative amount4 ,probably the latter view should be accepted1 since1 if we consider the three systems of radiations from ,copernicus1 ,aristarchus1 and ,kepler1 which were manifestly not formed contemporaneously1 but in the order in which their central craters have just been named1 we see that their dimensions diminished as their date of formation was later4 ,according to this view we should regard the radiating system from ,tycho as the oldest of all these formations4 ,at this very early stage of the moon's history1 then1 we regard the moon as a somewhat deformed spheroid1 the regions whence the radiations extended being the highest parts1 and the regions farthest removed from the ray centres being the lowest4#aa ,to these lower regions whatever was liquid on the moon's surface would find its way4 ,the down-flowing lava would not be included in this description1 as being rather viscous than liquid2 but if any water existed at that time it would occupy the depressed regions which at the present time are called ,maria or ,seas4 ,it is a question of some interest1 and one on which different opinions have been entertained1 whether the moon at any stage of its existence had oceans and an atmosphere corresponding in relative extent to those of the earth4 ,it appears to me that1 apart from all the other considerations which have been suggested in support of the view that the moon formerly had oceans and an atmosphere1 it is exceedingly difficult to imagine how1 under any circumstances1 a globe so large as the moon could have been formed under conditions not altogether unlike1 as we suppose1 those under which the earth was formed 7having a similar origin1 and presumably constructed of the same elements71 without having oceans and an atmosphere of considerable extent4 ,the atmosphere would not consist of oxygen and nitrogen only or chiefly1 any more than1 in all probability1 the primeval atmosphere of our own earth was so constituted4 ,we may adopt some such view of the moon's atmosphere--mutatis mutandis--as ,dr4 ,sterry ,hunt has adopted respecting the ancient atmosphere of the earth4 ,hunt1 it will be remembered1 bases his opinion on the former condition of the earth by conceiving an intense heat applied to the earth as now existing1 and inferring the chemical results4 ',to the chemist1' he remarks1 'it is evident that from such a process applied to our globe would result the oxidation of all carbonaceous matter2 the conversion of all carbonates1 chlorides1 and sulphates into silicates2 and the separation of the carbon1 chlorine1 and sulphur in the form of acid gases2 which1 with nitrogen1 watery vapour1 and an excess of oxygen1 would form an exceedingly dense atmosphere4 ,the resulting fused mass would contain all the bases as silicates1 and would probably nearly resemble in composition certain furnace-slags or basic volcanic glasses4 ,such we may conceive to have been the nature of the primitive igneous rock1 and such the composition of the primeval atmosphere1 which must have been one of very great density4' ,all this1 with the single exception of the italicised remark1 may be applied to the case of the moon4 ,the lunar atmosphere would not probably be dense at that primeval time1 even though constituted like the terrestrial atmosphere just described4 ,it would perhaps have been as dense1 or nearly so1 as our present atmosphere4 ,accordingly condensation would take place at a temperature not far from the present boiling-point1 and the lower levels of the half-cooled crust would be drenched with a heated solution of hydrochloric acid1 whose decomposing action would be rapid1 though not aided--as in the case of our primeval earth--by an excessively high temperature4 ',the formation of the chlorides of the various bases and the separation of silica would go on until the affinities of the acid were satisfied4' ',at a later period the gradual combination of oxygen with sulphurous acid would eliminate this from the atmosphere in the form of sulphuric acid4' ',carbonic acid would still be a large constituent of the atmosphere1 but thenceforward 7that is1 after the separation of the compounds of sulphur and chlorine from the air7 there would follow the conversion of the complex aluminous silicates1 under the influence of carbonic acid and moisture1 into a hydrated silicate of alumina or clay1 while the separated lime1 magnesia1 and alkalies would be changed into bicarbonates1 and conveyed to the sea in a state of solution4' ,it seems to me that it is necessary to adopt some such theory as to the former existence of lunar oceans in order to explain some of the appearances presented by the so-called lunar seas4 ,as regards the present absence of water we may adopt the theory of ,frankland1 that the lunar oceans have withdrawn beneath the crust as room was provided for them by the contraction of the nucleus4 ,i think1 indeed1 that there are good grounds for looking with favour on the theory of ,stanislas ,meunier1 according to which the oceans surrounding any planet--our own earth or ,mars1 for example--are gradually withdrawn from the surface to the interior4 ,and in view of the enormous length of the time-intervals required for such a process1 we must consider that while the process was going on the lunar atmosphere would not only part completely with the compounds of sulphur1 chlorine1 and carbon1 but would be even still further reduced by chemical processes acting with exceeding slowness1 yet effectively in periods so enormous4 ,but without insisting on this consideration1 it is manifest that--with very reasonable assumptions as to the density of the lunar atmosphere in its original complex condition--what would remain after the removal of the chief portion by chemical processes1 and after the withdrawal of another considerable portion along with the seas beneath the lunar crust1 would be so inconsiderable in quantity as to accord satisfactorily with the evidence which demonstrates the exceeding tenuity of any lunar atmosphere at present existing4 ,these considerations introduce us to the second part of the moon's history1--that corresponding to the period when the nucleus was contracting more rapidly than the crust4 ,one of the first and most obvious effects of this more rapid nuclear contraction would be the lowering of the level of the molten matter1 which up to this period had been kept up to1 or nearly up to1 the lips of the great ringed craters4 ,if the subsidence took place intermittently there would result a terracing of the interior of the ringed elevation1 such as we see in many lunar craters4 ,nor would there be any uniformity of level in the several crater floors thus formed1 since the fluid lava would not form parts of a single fluid mass 7in which case1 of course1 the level of the fluid surface would be everywhere the same71 but would belong to independent fluid masses4 ,indeed it may be noticed that the very nature of the case requires us to adopt this view1 since no other will account for the variety of level observed in the different lunar crater-floors4 ,if these ceased to be liquid at different times1 the independence of the fluid masses is by that very fact established2 and if they ceased to be liquid at the same time1 they must have been independent1 since1 if communication had existed between them1 they would have shown the uniformity of surface which the laws of hydrostatics require4#ab ,the next effect which would follow from the gradual retreat of the nucleus from the crust 7setting aside the withdrawal of lunar seas7 would be the formation of corrugations1--in other words1 of mountain-ranges4 ,mallet describes the formation of mountain-chains as belonging to the period when 'the continually increasing thickness of the crust remained such that it was still as a whole flexible enough1 or opposed sufficient resistance of crushing to admit of the uprise of mountain-chains by resolved tangential pressures4' ,applying this to the case of the moon1 ,i think it is clear that--with her much smaller orb and comparatively rapid rate of cooling--the era of the formation of mountain-chains would be a short one1 and that these would therefore form a less important characteristic of her surface than of the earth's4 ,on the other hand1 the period of volcanic activity which would follow that of chain-formation would be relatively long continued2 for regarding this period as beginning when the thickness of the moon's crust had become too great to admit of adjustment by corrugation1 the comparatively small pressure to which the whole mass of the moon had been subjected by lunar gravity1 while it would on the one hand cause the period to have an earlier commencement 7relatively71 would on the other leave greater play to the effects of contraction4 ,thus we can understand why the signs of volcanic action1 as distinguished from the action to which mountain-ranges are due1 should be far more numerous and important on the moon than on the earth4 ,i do not1 however1 in this place enter specially into the consideration of the moon's stage of volcanic activity1 because already1 in the pages of my ,treatise on the ,moon 7,chapter ,,vi471 ,i have given a full account of that portion of my present subject4 ,i may make a few remarks1 however1 on the theory respecting lunar craters touched on in my work on ',the ,moon4' ,i have mentioned the possibility that some among the enormous number of ring-shaped depressions which are seen on the moon's surface may have been the result of meteoric downfalls in long past ages of the moon's history4 ,one or two critics have spoken of this view as though it were too fantastic for serious consideration4 ,now1 though ,i threw out the opinion merely as a suggestion1 distinctly stating that ,i should not care to maintain it as a theory1 and although my own opinion is unfavourable to the supposition that any of the more considerable lunar markings can be explained in the suggested way1 yet it is necessary to notice that on the general question whether the moon's surface has been marked or not by meteoric downfalls scarcely any reasonable doubts can be entertained4 ,for1 first1 we can scarcely question that the moon's surface was for long ages plastic1 and though we may not assign to this period nearly so great a length 7#cej millions of years7 as ,tyndall--following ,bischoff--assigns to the period when our earth's surface was cooling from a temperature of #bjjj ,c4 to #bjj1 yet still it must have lasted millions of years2 and1 secondly1 we cannot doubt that the process of meteoric downfall now going on is not a new thing1 but1 on the contrary1 is rather the final stage of a process which once took place far more actively4 ,now ,prof4 ,newton has estimated1 by a fair estimate of observed facts1 that each day on the average #djj millions of meteors fall1 of all sizes down to the minutest discernible in a telescope1 upon the earth's atmosphere1 so that on the moon's unprotected globe--with its surface one thirteenth of the earth's--about #cj millions fall each day1 even at the present time4 ,of large meteoric masses only a few hundreds fall each year on the earth1 and perhaps about a hundred on the moon2 but still1 even at the present rate of downfall1 millions of large masses must have fallen on the moon during the time when her surface was plastic1 while probably a much larger number--including many much larger masses--must have fallen during that period4 ,thus1 not only without straining probabilities1 but by taking only the most probable assumptions as to the past1 we have arrived at a result which compels us to believe that the moon's surface has been very much marked by meteoric downfall1 while it renders it by no means unlikely that a large proportion of the markings so left would be discernible under telescopic scrutiny4 ,i would1 in conclusion1 invite those who have the requisite leisure to a careful study of the distribution of various orders of lunar marking4 ,it would be well if the moon's surface were isographically charted1 and the distribution of the seas1 mountain ranges1 and craters of different dimensions and character1 of rills1 radiating streaks1 bright and dark regions1 and so on1 carefully compared inter se1 with the object of determining whether the different parts of the moon's surface were probably brought to their present condition during earlier or later periods1 and of interpreting also the significance of the moon's characteristic peculiarities4 ,in this department of astronomy1 as in some others1 the effectiveness of well-devised processes of charting has been hitherto overlooked4 ,,footnotes3 ,footnote #h3 ,it would still be somewhat denser1 because under the circumstances it would be somewhat cooler4 ,footnote #i3 ,it is thus1 and not by the effects due to increasing pressure 7effects which probably do not increase beyond a certain point71 that we are to explain the fact that the earth's density as a whole is about twice the mean density of the matters which form its solid surface4 ,it may be that this consideration1 supported by the results of recent experimental researches1 may give a significance hitherto not noted to the relatively small mean density of the moon4 ,footnote #aj3 ,i have occasion to make some remarks at this stage to avoid possible and 7my experience has shown me7 not altogether improbable misconception1 or even misrepresentation4 ,the theory enunciated above will be regarded by some1 who may have read a certain review of my ,treatise on the ,moon1 as totally different from what ,i have advocated in that work1 and1 furthermore1 as a theory which ,i have borrowed from the aforesaid review4 ,i should not be particularly concerned if ,i had occasion to modify views ,i had formerly expressed1 since ,i apprehend that every active student of science should hope1 rather than dread1 that as his work proceeds he would form new opinions4 ,but ,i must point out that earlier in my book ,i had advocated the theory urged above4 ,after describing the radiations from ,tycho and other craters1 ,i proceed as follows in chapter iv4--',it appears to me impossible to refer these phenomena to any general cause but the reaction of the moon's interior overcoming the tension of the crust1 and to this degree ,nasmyth's theory seems correct2 but it appears manifest1 also1 that the crust cannot have been fractured in the ordinary sense of the word4 ,since1 however1 it results from ,mallet's investigations that the tension of the crust is called into play in the earlier stages of contraction1 and its power to resist contraction in the later stages1--in other words1 since the crust at first contracts faster than the nucleus1 and afterwards not so fast as the nucleus1--we may assume that the radiating systems were formed in so early an era that the crust was plastic4 ,and it seems reasonable to conclude that the outflowing matter would retain its liquid condition long enough 7the crust itself being intensely hot7 to spread widely1--a circumstance which would account at once for the breadth of many of the rays1 and for the restoration of level to such a degree that no shadows are thrown4 ,it appears probable1 also1 that not only 7which is manifest7 were the craters formed later which are seen around and upon the radiations1 but that the central crater itself acquired its actual form long after the epoch when the rays were formed4' ,footnote #aa3 ,where several ray centres are near together1 a region directly between two ray centres would be at a level intermediate between that of the ray centres and that of a region centrally placed within a triangle or quadrangle of ray centres2 but the latter region might be at a higher level than another very far removed from the part where the ray centres were near together4 ,for instance1 the space in the middle of the triangle having ,copernicus1 ,aristarchus1 and ,kepler at its angles 7or more exactly between ,milichius and ,bessarion7 is lower than the surface around ,hortensius 7between ,copernicus and ,kepler71 but not so low as the ,mare ,imbrium1 far away from the region of ray centres of which ,copernicus1 ,aristarchus1 and ,kepler are the principal4 ,footnote #ab3 ,it is important to notice that we may derive from these considerations an argument as to the condition of the fluid matter now existing beneath the solid crust of the earth4 ,a ,,new ,,crater ,,in ,,the ,,moon4 ,dr4 ,klein1 a ,german astronomer1 has recently called the attention of astronomers to a lunar crater some three miles wide1 which had not before been observed1 and which1 he feels sure1 was not in existence two years ago4 ,astronomers have long since given up all hope of tracing either the signs of actual life upon the moon or traces of the past existence of living creatures there4 ,but there are still among them those who believe that by sedulous and careful scrutiny processes of material change may be recognised in that seemingly inert mass4 ,in reality1 perhaps1 the wonder rather is that signs of change should not be often recognised1 than that from time to time a new crater should appear or the walls of old craters fall in4 ,the moon's surface is exposed to variations of temperature compared with which those affecting the surface of our earth are altogether trifling4 ,it is true there is no summer or winter in the moon4 ,sir ,w4 ,herschel has spoken of the lunar seasons as though they resembled our own1 but in reality they are very different4 ,the sun's midday height at any lunar station is only about three degrees greater in summer than in winter2 whereas our summer sun is #dg higher in the sky at noon than our winter sun4 ,in fact1 a midsummer's day on the moon does not differ more from a midwinter's day1 as far as the sun's actual path on the sky is concerned1 than with us the #agth of ,march differs from the #beth1 or the #aith of ,september from the #bgth4 ,it is the change from day to night which chiefly affects the moon's surface4 ,in the lunar year of seasons1 lasting #cdf-b_/c of our days1 there are only #aa-c_/d lunar days1 each lasting #bi-c_/d of ours4 ,thus day lasts more than a fortnight1 and is followed by a night of equal length4 ,nor is this all4 ,there is neither air nor moisture to produce such effects as are produced by our air and the moisture it contains in mitigating the heat of day and the cold of night4 ,under the sun's rays the moon's surface becomes hotter and hotter as the long lunar day proceeds1 until at last its heat exceeds that of boiling water4 ,but so soon as the sun has set the heat thus received is rapidly radiated away into space 7no screen of moisture-laden air checking its escape71 and long before lunar midnight a cold exists compared with which the bitterest weather ever experienced by ,arctic voyagers would be oppressively hot4 ,these are not merely theoretical conclusions1 though even as such they could be thoroughly relied upon4 ,the moon's heat has been measured by the present ,lord ,rosse 7using his father's splendid six-feet mirror74 ,he separated the heat which the moon simply reflects to us from that which her heated surface itself gives out 7or1 technically1 he separated the reflected from the radiated heat71 by using a glass screen which allowed the former heat to pass while it intercepted the latter4 ,he thus found that about six-sevenths of the heat we receive from the moon is due to the heating of her own substance4 ,from the entire series of observations it appeared that the change of temperature during the entire lunar day--that is1 from near midnight to near midday on the moon--amounts to fully #ejj ,fahrenheit4 ,if we assume that the cold at lunar midnight corresponds with about #bej below zero 7the greatest cold experienced in ,arctic travelling has never exceeded #adj below zero71 it would follow that the midday heat is considerably greater than that of boiling water on the earth at the sea-level4 ,but the range of change is not a matter of speculation4 ,it certainly amounts to about #ejj1 and in whatever way we distribute it1 we must admit1 first1 that no such life as we are familiar with could possibly exist on the moon2 and1 secondly1 that the moon's crust must possess a life of its own1 so to speak1 expanding and contracting unceasingly and energetically4 ,professor ,newcomb1 by the way1 in his fine work on ,popular ,astronomy1 rejects the idea that the expansions and contractions due to these great changes of temperature can cause any disintegration at the present time4 ,there might1 he says1 be bodies so friable that they would crumble1 'but whatever crumbling might thus be caused would soon be done with1 and then no further change would occur4' ,for my own part1 ,i cannot consider that such a surface as the moon at present possesses can undergo these continual expansions and contractions without slow disintegration4 ,it seems to me also extremely probable that from time to time the overthrow of great masses1 the breaking up of arched crater-floors1 and other sudden changes discernible from the earth1 might be expected to occur4 ,professor ,newcomb has1 ,i conceive1 omitted to consider the enormous volumetric expansion as distinguished from mere lateral extension1 resulting from the heating of the moon's crust to considerable depths4 ,on a very moderate computation1 the surface of the central region of the full moon must at that time rise above its mean position to such a degree that hundreds1 if not thousands1 of cubic miles of the moon's volume lie above the mean position of the surface there4 ,at new moon--that is1 at lunar midnight for the same region--the same enormous quantity of matter is correspondingly depressed4 ,and though the actual range in vertical height at any given point may be small1 we cannot doubt that the total effect produced by these constant oscillations is considerable4 ,years or centuries may pass without any great or sudden change1 but from time to time such catastrophes must surely occur4 ,i believe that all the cases of supposed change in the moon1 if all were regarded as proved1 could be thus fully accounted for without any occasion to assume the action of volcanic forces properly so called4 ,before considering the evidence for the new lunar volcano to which ,dr4 ,klein has recently called the attention of astronomers1 it may be well briefly to describe the condition of the moon's surface4 ,this surface1 which is equal in extent to about that of the ,american ,continent1 or to ,europe and ,africa together 7without their islands71 is divided into two chief portions--the higher levels1 which are in the main of lighter tint1 and the lower levels1 which are1 almost without exception1 dark4 ,it may be remarked in passing that very erroneous ideas are commonly entertained respecting the moon's general colour4 ,the moon is very far from being white1 as many suppose4 ,on the contrary1 she is far more nearly black than white4 ,it has been well remarked by ,tyndall that if the moon were covered with black velvet 7#ad1fjj1jjj square miles of that material would be required for the purpose71 she would still appear white to us1 for we should see her disc projected on the blackness of star-strewn space4 ,the actual tint of the moon as a whole is nearly the same as that of gray weathered sandstone4 ,the brightest parts1 however1 are much whiter2 ,zllner infers from his photometric experiments that they can be compared with the whitest of terrestrial substances4 ,on the other hand1 the darkest parts of the moon are probably far darker than porphyry1 even if they are not so dark that on earth we should call them black4 ,the fact that the low-lying parts of the moon are much darker than the higher regions is full of meaning1 though hitherto its significance does not seem to have been much noticed4 ,either we must assume that these lower regions1 the so-called seas 7certainly now dry71 are old sea bottoms1 and owe their darkness to the quality of the matter deposited there in remote ages1 or else we must suppose that the matter which last remained fluid when the moon's surface was consolidating was of darker material than the rest4 ,for such matter would occupy the lowest lunar regions4 ,there is here room for a very profitable study of the moon's aspect by geologists4 ,i doubt not that1 however different the general past history of our earth may have been from the moon's1 terrestrial regions exist where the characteristic features of the moon's surface are more or less closely illustrated4 ,on the ,american continent1 for example1 there are peculiarities of geological formation which seem to correspond closely with some of the features of the lunar globe1 presently to be noticed2 and it seems to me not improbable that geologists might find in the study of certain regions in ,north ,america the means of interpreting the difference of tint between higher and lower levels on the moon4 ,if so1 light would probably be thrown on very difficult questions relating to the remote past1 not only of the moon1 but of our own earth4 ,the lunar feature which comes next in importance to the difference of tint between the so-called 'seas' and the higher lands is the existence of remarkable series of radiating streaks extending from certain important craters--centres probably of past disturbance4 ,it is impossible to contemplate the disc of the full moon1 as seen with a powerful telescope1 without feeling that these systems of rays must have resulted from the operation of forces of the most stupendous nature1 though as yet their true meaning is hid from us4 ,they would be marvellous phenomena1 even if they were not so mysterious--marvellous in their enormous extension1 their singular brightness1 and their manner of traversing 'seas1' craters1 and mountain-ranges indifferently4 ,but their chief marvel resides in the mysterious manner of their appearance as the moon approaches her full illumination4 ,other lunar features are most clearly recognised when the moon is not full1 for then the shadows which afford our only means of estimating the height of lunar irregularities are clearly seen along the border between the bright and dark parts of her face1 and we have only to wait until this border passes over any object we wish to study to obtain satisfactory evidence of its nature4 ,it is quite otherwise with the rays4 ,the regions occupied by these radiating streaks are neither raised nor depressed in such sort as either to throw shadows or to lie in shadow when surrounding regions are in sunlight4 ,but when the moon approaches her full illumination1 the radiating regions come into view1 as bright streaks--bright even on the light-tinted lunar uplands4 ,a mighty system of rays can be seen extending from the great crater ,tycho in all directions4 ,other systems1 scarcely less wonderful1 extend from the battlemented crater1 ,copernicus1 the brilliant ,aristarchus1 and the solitary ,kepler4 ,one ray from ,tycho can be traced round nearly an entire hemisphere of the moon's surface4 ,it is specially noteworthy of this great ray that1 where it crosses the lunar ,sea of ,serenity1 that great plain seems to be divided as by a sort of ridge line1 the slope of the plain from either side of the ray's track being clearly discernible when the moon is near her first quarter4 ,what are these mysterious ray systems8 ,how are we to explain the circumstance that though only the most tremendous forces seem competent to account for bands such as these1 many miles broad and many hundreds of miles in length1 there are yet none of the usual signs of the action of volcanic forces8 ,if mighty rifts had been formed in the moon's crust by the outbursting action of a hot nucleus1 or through the contraction of the crust on an unyielding nucleus 7for the effect would be the same in either case71 we should scarcely expect to find that after such rifts had formed no signs of any difference of level would appear4 ,if lava flowed out all along the rift1 one would imagine that it would form a long dyke which would throw an obvious shadow1 except under full solar illumination4 ,if the rift were not filled with lava1 the bottom of the rift would certainly remain in shadow long after the surrounding region was illuminated4 ,that lava should exactly fill the rift along its entire length seems incredible4 ,this might happen by a strange chance in the case of a single rift1 but not with all the rifts of a radiating system1 still less with all the rifts of all the radiating systems4 ,yet ,i believe that neither astronomers nor geologists can form any other opinion respecting these mysterious ray-systems than that they were caused by what ,humboldt 7speaking of the earth7 calls the reaction of the interior on the crust4 ,nasmyth has admirably indicated their appearance1 or rather their radiating form1 by filling a globular glass shell with water1 hermetically closed1 and then freezing the water4 ,the expansion of the water bursts the glass shell1 and the lines of fracture are found to extend in a series of rays from the part of the shell which first gave way4 ,but this experiment of itself does not explain the mystery of the lunar rays4 ,accepting the theory that the moon's crust yielded in some such way1 we have still to explain how the rifts which were thus formed came to be covered over with matter lying nearly at the same level as the surrounding surface4 ,it appears to me that the only available way of explaining this is somewhat as follows4 ,first1 from the way in which the streaks are covered like the surrounding region with craters1 we may conclude that the streaks are older than any except the largest craters2 from the great extension of many of them1 we may safely infer that the lunar crust possessed a large measure of plasticity when they were formed 7for otherwise it would have yielded over a smaller area74 ,it was1 therefore1 probably still hot during the era 7which may have lasted millions of years7 to which the formation of the rifts belonged3 accordingly the lava which flowed out through the rifts remained liquid for a considerable time1 and was thus able to spread widely on either side of the rift1 forming a broad band of lava-covered surface1 instead of a steep and narrow dyke4 ,this seems not only to account for the most striking peculiarity of the bands1 but to accord well with all that is known about them1 and even to suggest explanations of some other lunar features which had appeared perplexing4 ,i understand that in certain regions of ,north ,america there are lava-covered rifts large enough to form geographical features1 and1 therefore1 fairly comparable with the lunar radiating streaks4 ,but as yet ,american geologists have not presented in an accessible form a description of the peculiar features of the ,american continent2 in fact1 it may be doubted whether as yet the materials for such a description exist4 ,the mountain-ranges of the moon do not differ to any marked degree from those of our own earth4 ,they are few in number2 in fact1 mountain-ranges form a less important feature of lunar than of terrestrial geography4 ,on the other hand1 the lunar ring-mountains and craters far exceed those of our earth in size and importance4 ,the large craters may1 in fact1 be regarded as characteristic features of lunar scenery4 ,there are several craters exceeding #ajj miles in diameter4 ,it is strange to consider that though the ringed wall surrounding some of these larger craters exceeds #aj1jjj feet in height1 no trace of the highest peaks of such a wall would be visible from the middle of the enclosed plain4 ,conversely1 an observer standing on one of the highest peaks beside one of these great craters1 would not see half the floor of the crater1 while more than half the horizon line around him would belong to the enclosed plain1 and would appear as level as the horizon seen from a height overlooking a great prairie4 ,these ringed plains and larger craters seem to belong to the third great era of the moon's history4 ,the bright high regions and dark low levels called seas must have been formed while the greater part of the crust was intensely hot4 ,the contraction of the cooling crust on the nucleus1 which cooled far less slowly1 led to the formation of the great ray systems4 ,but though such systems extend from great craters1 these craters themselves probably attained their present form far later4 ,the crust having in great part cooled1 the nucleus began in turn to shrink more quickly than the crust1 having more heat to part with4 ,thus the crust1 closing in upon the shrinking nucleus1 formed the corrugations and wrinkles which can be seen under telescopic scrutiny in nearly every part of the visible lunar surface4 ,the process was accompanied necessarily by the development of great heat--the thermal equivalent of the mechanical process of contraction4 ,mallet has shown that the process of contraction at present occurring in the earth's crust gives rise to the greater part of the heat to which volcanic phenomena are due4 ,if this is so in the earth's case at present1 how tremendous must have been the heat evolved by the far more rapid contraction of the moon's mass in the remote era we are considering1 when probably her heat passed into space unchecked by the action of a dense moisture-laden atmosphere6 ,we can well understand that enormous volumes of heated gas would be formed--including steam1 for there is good reason to believe that water is present in large quantities in the moon's interior4 ,the imprisoned gas would find an outlet at points of least resistance1 the centres1 namely1 of the great radiating systems of streaks4 ,these centres would certainly be regions of outlet4 ,but they would not be sufficient4 ,we can understand then why every ray system extends from a great crater1 though that crater was really formed after the system of radiating streaks2 and we can equally understand why these central craters are not the only or even the chief of the great craters in the moon4 ,here again ,i would suggest that possibly the careful study of ,american geology might disclose features illustrating the great lunar craters4 ,when we pass to the smaller craters1 ranging in diameter from seven or eight miles to less than a quarter of a mile1 even if there be not some far smaller and beyond the range of the most powerful telescopes man can construct1 we find ourselves among objects resembling those with which the study of our own earth has rendered us familiar4 ,when ,sartorius's map of ,etna and the surrounding region was first seen at the ,geological ,society's rooms1 many supposed that it represented lunar features4 ,the ,vesuvian volcanic region1 again1 is presented side by side with a lunar region of similar extent in ,nasmyth's fine treatise on the moon1 and the resemblance is very close4 ,considering the part which water plays in producing terrestrial volcanic phenomena1 it may reasonably be doubted whether there is in reality so close a resemblance as a superficial comparison 7and we can make no other7 would suggest4 ,there are those1 indeed1 who believe that some of the multitudinous small craters of the moon have had their origin in the downfall of meteoric masses on her once plastic surface2 and strange though the thought may seem1 there would be considerable difficulty in showing how the surface of the moon could have remained without traces of the meteoric downfall to which during myriads of centuries she was exposed undefended by that atmospheric shield which protects our earth from millions of meteors yearly falling upon her4 ,we could only attribute the smallest lunar craters1 however1 to this cause4 ,it may be noticed in passing that ,professor ,newcomb1 apparently referring to this suggestion1 which some had thought too fanciful to be seriously advanced1 says that 'the figures of these inequalities 7the small craters7 can be closely imitated by throwing pebbles upon the surface of some smooth plastic mass1 as mud or mortar4' ,craters1 however1 larger than a mile or so in diameter1 and many also of smaller dimensions1 must be regarded as due to the same process of contraction which produced the great craters1 but as belonging to an era when this process went on less actively4 ,in like manner another feature of the moon's surface1 the existence of narrow furrows called rilles1 which sometimes extend to a considerable distance1 passing across levels1 intersecting crater walls1 and reappearing beyond mountain-ranges as though carried under like tunnels1 must be regarded as due to the cracking of the crust thus slowly shrinking4 ,it is noteworthy that the signs of change which have been suspected during recent years belong to these smaller and probably more recent lunar formations4 ,in ,november1 #ahff1 ,dr4 ,schmidt1 chief of the ,athens ,observatory1 announced that the crater ,linn in the lunar ,sea of ,serenity was missing4 ,to understand the importance of this announcement1 let it simply be noted that the quantity of matter necessary to fill that crater up would be at least equal to that which would be required to form a mountain covering the whole area of ,london to a height of two miles6 ,the crater was described by former lunar observers as at least five miles in diameter and very deep4 ,it is not now actually missing1 as ,schmidt supposed1 but it is certainly no longer deep4 ,it is1 in fact1 exceedingly shallow4 ,sir ,j4 ,herschel's opinion was that the crater had been filled up from beneath by an effusion of viscous lava1 which1 overflowing the rim on all sides1 poured down the outer slope so as to efface its ruggedness and convert it into a gradual declivity casting no stray shadows4 ,but the stupendous nature of the disturbing forces necessary to produce such an overflow of molten matter has led most astronomers to adopt in preference the theory that the wall surrounding the crater has been overthrown1 either in consequence solely of the processes of contraction and expansion described above1 or from the reinforcement of their action by the effects due to sublunarian energies4 ,some consider that the descriptions of the crater by ,mdler and ,lohrmann 7which slightly differ7 were erroneous1 and that there has been no real change4 ,others deny that any change has occurred1 on the ground that ,linn varies in aspect according to the manner of its illumination4 ,this ,i perceive is ,professor ,newcomb's explanation1 who considers such variations 'sufficient to account for the supposed change4' ,but since the time of ,schmidt's announcement ,linn has several times been observed under nearly the same conditions as by ,mdler and ,lohrmann1 as the great shadows formerly seen in its interior have not reappeared4 ,there seems to be great reason for believing that a change has really occurred there4 ,the discovery announced by ,dr4 ,klein is of a different nature4 ,near the middle of the visible half of the moon there is a well-known though small crater called ,hyginus1 the neighbourhood of which has been often and carefully examined4 ,while examining this part of the moon's surface with an excellent #e-a_/b;in4 telescope1 in ,may1 #ahgg1 ,dr4 ,klein observed a small crater full of shadow1 and apparently nearly three miles in diameter4 ,it formed a conspicuous object on the ,sea of ,vapours4 ,having frequently observed this region during the last few years1 he felt certain that no such crater existed there in #ahgf4 ,he communicated his discovery to ,dr4 ,schmidt1 who stated1 in reply1 that in all the numerous drawings he had made of this lunar region no such crater was indicated4 ,it is not shown in the great chart by ,beer and ,mdler1 or in ,lohrmann's map4 ,further observation showed that the crater is a deep1 conical opening in the moon's surface4 ,soon after the sun has risen at that part of the moon1 and1 as later observations confirm1 shortly before sunset there1 the opening is entirely in shadow1 and appears black4 ,but when the sun is rather higher it appears grey1 and with a yet higher sun it can no longer be distinguished4 ,it can1 however1 be seen when the sun is very high on that part of the moon1 appearing then somewhat brighter than the surrounding region1 a circumstance which does not hitherto seem to have been noticed by either ,klein or ,schmidt4 ,the moon's surface has been so long and so carefully studied1 that it is almost impossible to understand how such a crater as now certainly exists in the ,sea of ,vapours near ,hyginus could have escaped detection4 ,craters of the kind exist1 indeed1 in hundreds on the moon's surface4 ,but many astronomers have given years of their life to the study of such objects2 and the centre of the moon's disc1 for reasons which astronomers will understand1 has been studied with exceptional care4 ,it seems so unlikely that a deep crater three miles in diameter could escape recognition1 that some astronomers have not hesitated to regard the newly-detected crater as certainly a new formation4 ,for my own part1 though it seems almost impossible to explain how such a crater could have remained so long unnoticed1 ,i can regard the evidence of change as amounting only to extreme probability so far as it depends on the result of past telescopic scrutiny of the moon4 ,admitting that a change had occurred1 it would not follow that it had been produced by volcanic forces4 ,it seems far more likely that a floor originally covering the conical hole now existing in the ,sea of ,vapours has given way at last under the effect of long-continued processes of expansion and contraction1 which would operate with special energy over a region1 like the ,sea of ,vapours1 near the moon's equator4 ,but there remains to be mentioned a form of evidence respecting lunar features which could not be effectively applied to the case of the crater ,linn1 because the moon had only been subject to the necessary method of examination during a few years before that crater was missed4 ,i refer to lunar photography4 ,many objects less than two miles in diameter are shown in the best photographs of our satellite by ,rutherfurd1 ,de la ,rue1 ,ellery1 and ,draper2 and as the moon has been photographed in every phase1 some among the views might fairly be expected to show ,klein's crater if it really existed before #ahgg4 ,i do not find that in any lunar photographs the crater is shown as a black or dark gray spot4 ,but in ,rutherfurd's splendid photograph of the moon on ,march #f1 #ahfe 7when the moon was about nine days five hours old71 the place of ,klein's crater is occupied by a small spot lighter than the surrounding 'sea4' ,this is the usual appearance of a small crater under a high sun2 and though it may indicate only the existence of a flat crater floor in #ahfe where now a great conical hole exists1 it throws some degree of doubt on the occurrence of any change at all there4 ,the case strongly suggests the necessity for continuing the work of lunar photography1 which seems of late years to have flagged4 ,photographs of the moon should be taken in every aspect and in every stage of her librational swayings4 ,possessing such a series1 we should be able to decide at once whether any newly-recognised crater was in reality a new formation or not4 ,,the ,,november ,,meteors4 ,during ,november #ac and #ad the earth is passing through the region along which lies the course of the family of meteors called the ,leonides1 sometimes familiarly known as the ,november meteors4 ,when at this time of the year the meteor region thus traversed by the earth is densely strewn with meteors1 there occurs a display of falling stars1 one of the most beautiful1 and1 rightly understood1 one of the most remarkable of all celestial phenomena4 ,of old1 indeed1 when it was supposed that these meteors were purely meteorological phenomena1 they were not thought specially interesting objects4 ,they were held by some as mere weather-portents4 ,it was only when a storm of wind was approaching1 vento impendente1 according to ,virgil1 that a shower of meteors was to be seen4 ,gross ignorance1 indeed1 has given to showers of falling stars an interest surpassing even that which has become attached to them through the discoveries of modern science1 for they have been regarded as portending the end of the world4 ,the shower of ,november #ac1 #ahcc1 which was seen in great splendour in ,america1 frightened the negroes of the ,southern ,states nearly out of their wits4 ,a planter of ,south ,carolina relates that he was awakened by shrieks of horror and cries for mercy from #fjj or #gjj negroes4 ,when he went out to see what was the matter1 he found the negroes prostrate on the ground1 'some speechless1 some with bitterest cries imploring ,god to spare the world and them4' ,there is1 however1 a grandeur in the interpretation placed by modern science upon these beautiful displays which dwarfs into littleness even such ideas as have been suggested by the terrors of superstition4 ,we perceive that meteors are not mere terrestrial phenomena1 nor of brief existence4 ,they speak to us of domains in space compared with which the volume of our earth--nay1 even the volume of the sun himself--is a mere point3 of time-intervals compared with which the millions of years spoken of by geologists appear but as mere seconds4 ,the special meteor family whose track the earth crosses on ,november #ac-ad forms a mighty ellipse round the sun1 extending more than #ai times farther from him than the track of our earth1 which yet1 as we know1 lies more than #ib1jjj1jjj miles from the sun4 ,along this tremendous orbit the meteors speed with planetary but varying velocity1 crossing the track of our earth with a velocity exceeding by more than a third her own swift motion of about #ai miles in every second of time4 ,coming down somewhat aslant1 but otherwise meeting the earth almost full tilt1 the meteors rush into our air at the rate of more than #dj miles per second4 ,they are so intensely heated as they rush through it that they are turned into the form of vapour1 insomuch that we never make acquaintance with the members of this particular meteoric family in the solid form4 ,in this respect they resemble the greater number of our meteoric visitants4 ,it is1 indeed1 a somewhat fortunate circumstance for us that this is so1 for if ,professor ,newton1 of ,yale ,college 7,united ,states71 is right in estimating the total number of meteors1 large and small1 which the earth encounters per annum at #djj1jjj1jjj1 it would be rather a serious matter if all or most of these bodies were not warded off4 ,the least of them1 even though a mere grain perhaps in weight1 would yet1 arriving with planetary velocity exceeding a hundredfold or more the velocity of a cannon-ball1 prove an awkward missile if it struck man or animal4 ,but the air effectually saves us from all save a few fire-balls which are large enough to remain in great part solid until they actually strike the earth itself4 ,the importance of the meteors in the planetary system will be recognised when we remember that the ,november group alone extends along its oval course in one complete system of meteors for a length of more than #a1gjj millions of miles1 with an average thickness of about a million miles 7determined by noting the average time occupied by the earth in passing through the system on ,november #ac-ad71 and an unknown cross breadth which probably does not fall short of three or four millions of miles4 ,other systems are1 no doubt1 far more important1 for it has been found that meteors follow in the track of comets4 ,now the ,november meteors follow in the track of a comet 7,tempel's comet of #ahff71 which was so small when last favourably placed for observation that it escaped detection by the naked eye4 ,if so small a comet as this is followed by so large a meteoric system1 in which also meteors are strewn so richly that during the passage of the earth through it1 tens of thousands of meteors have been counted1 how vast must be the numbers and how large probably the individual bodies following in the track of such splendid comets as ,newton's1 ,donati's 7#aheh71 the comets of #ahaa1 #ahdg1 #ahfa1 and others6 ,for it should be remembered that we become cognisant of the existence of a meteoric system only when the earth threads its way through one1 when those which she encounters may become visible as falling stars if it so chances that she encounters them on the dark or night half of her surface4 ,but the earth is far smaller compared with a system like the ,november meteor-flight than a rifle-ball compared with the largest flight of birds ever yet seen4 ,such a ball fired into a very dense and widely extending flock of birds might encounter here and there along its course some five or six birds--not one in #aj1jjj1 perhaps1 of the entire flight2 and if the flock continued flying with unchanging course1 a hundred rifle balls might be fired through it without seemingly reducing its numbers4 ,our earth has passed hundreds of times through the ,november meteor system1 yet its meteoric wealth has scarcely been reduced at all1 so exceedingly minute is the track of the earth through the meteor system compared with the extension of the system itself4 ,the region through which the earth has passed is less than a billionth part of the entire region occupied by the system4 ,but the ,november system is but one among several hundreds through which the earth passes--in other words1 the systems which chance to be traversed by that mere thread-like ring in space traversed each year by the earth1 are not a millionth1 not a billionth1 of the total number of such systems4 ,it will be conceived1 therefore1 that the total amount of meteoric matter1 travelling on orbits of all degrees of eccentricity and extension from the sun and inclined at all angles to the general plane of the solar system1 must be enormously great4 ,the idea once advanced by an eminent astronomer that the total quantity of unattached matter1 so to speak1 existing within the solar domain must be estimated rather by pounds than by tons is now altogether exploded4 ,it would be truer to say that the totality of matter thus freely travelling around the sun must be estimated by billions of tons rather than by millions4 ,whether it is likely that there will be a display of meteors to-night 7or1 rather1 to-morrow morning71 is a question to which most astronomers would be disposed1 we believe1 to reply definitely in the negative4 ,the display of ,november #ac-ad1 #ahff1 was very brilliant2 that of #ahfg 7best seen in the ,united ,states7 was almost equally so2 but successive showers steadily diminished4 ,in other words1 the part of the system crossed by the earth in #ahff and #ahfg was very rich1 but the part which she crossed afterwards 7the rich part having passed far on towards the remote aphelion of the system outside the orbit of ,uranus7 was less rich4 ,for the last few years very few ,november meteors have been seen1 though the few stragglers which have been seen1 and have been identified as belonging to the family by their paths athwart the star-depths1 have been almost as interesting to astronomers as the showers of such bodies seen in #agii1 #ahcc1 #ahff1 and #ahfg4 ,but it is not altogether impossible that in the small hours 'ayont the twal' to-morrow morning a shower of meteors may be seen4 ,for ,schiaparelli 7the ,italian astronomer who first started the ideas which led when properly followed up to the discovery of the relations existing between meteors and comets7 asserts that it has happened before now that the ,november meteors have appeared in great numbers in years lying midway between the times of maximum display4 ,these times are separated on the average by about #cc-a_/d years4 ,thus1 in #agii1 there was a great display of ,november meteors1 a shower rendered specially celebrated by ,humboldt's description4 ,in #ahcc there was another1 the display which so terrified the negroes of ,south ,carolina1 but more interesting scientifically as described by ,arago4 ,in #ahff the shower again attained its maximum splendour1 though the display of #ahfg was little inferior4 ,it will not be till #ahii that another great shower of ,november meteors may be confidently looked for4 ,but if ,schiaparelli be right1 it is quite possible that there may be a shower this year1 due to some scattered flight of the ,november meteors which1 delayed accidentally 7through some special perturbation7 many hundreds of years ago1 has come in the course of ages to travel nearly half a circuit behind the richest part of the system1 the 'gem of the meteor-ring1' as it has been poetically called4 ,even1 however1 though no display of ,november meteors should be seen1 yet the recognition of even a few scattered stragglers would be exceedingly interesting to astronomers4 ,a single meteor seen to-night which could be regarded as certainly belonging to the ,november system would suffice to show the possibility that a whole flight of the ,november meteors might travel at a similar distance behind the main body4 ,it would be more easy1 however1 to identify two such meteors than one1 six than two1 and a score than half-a-dozen4 ,the only way in which a meteor can be questioned1 so to speak1 respecting the family it belongs to1 is by noting its path across the sky4 ,if this path tends directly from the constellation ,leo 7however remote ,leo may be from the part of the heavens traversed by the meteor71 the chances are that the meteor is a ,leonid1 or one of the ,november family4 ,if the path tends from that particular part of the constellation ,leo 7near the end of the curved blade of the so-called ,sickle in ,leo71 the probability of the meteor being a ,leonid is increased4 ,if two or more meteors are seen to-morrow morning 7after #ab4cj7 which both tend from the ,sickle in ,leo1 even though they seem to tend in opposite directions1 the chances are yet greater that they are travelling in parallel paths along the track of the ,november meteors1 but some #b1jjj million miles behind the main body4 ,should the number mount up to a score or so1 the conclusion would be1 to all intents and purposes1 certain2 and the possible occurrence of even a shower of ,leonids at a time midway between the customary maxima of the meteoric displays would be placed beyond question4 ,we must1 however1 admit that it seems less likely there will be anything like a display of ,leonids to-night than that patient observers may be able to identify a few of these bodies1 and thus--though by observations of a less attractive kind--to advance our knowledge of this interesting system4 ,far more likely is it that towards the end of the month there will be a display of meteors belonging to another and an entirely distinct family1 a family scarcely less worthy to be called ,november meteors par excellence1 but actually rejoicing in the classically unsatisfactory name of ,andromeds4 ,,expected ,,meteor ,,shower4 7,from the ,times of ,november #be1 #ahgh47 ,it is probable that during the next three nights some light may be thrown on one of the most perplexing yet most interesting of all the problems recently suggested to the study of astronomers4 ,it is confidently expected that many of those ,november meteors called ,andromeds will be seen on one or other of those nights1 if not on all three4 ,no meteor systems1 not even the famous systems of ,august and ,november1 are more remarkable than this singular family4 ,to explain why astronomers regard the ,andromeds with so much interest1 it will be necessary to speak of an object which at first sight seems in no way connected with them--an object1 in fact1 which1 so long as it was actually known to astronomers1 was never supposed to be connected with any family of meteors--the celebrated lost comet called ,biela's 7or1 by ,frenchmen1 ,gambart's comet74 ,in ,february1 #ahbf1 ,biela discovered in the constellation ,aries a comet which was found to be travelling in an oval path round the sun1 in a period of about six years seven and a half months4 ,tracing its course backwards1 astronomers found that it had been seen in #aggb by ,montaigne1 and observed for two or three weeks in that year by ,messier1 the great comet hunter4 ,nothing very remarkable was recognised regarding this comet in #ahbf1 except the fact that its path nearly intersects that of our own earth2 so that if ever the earth is to encounter a comet1 here seemed to be the comet she had to fear4 ,great terror was1 indeed1 excited by the announcement that in #ahcb the comet would cross the earth's track only four or five weeks before the earth came to the place of danger4 ,but no harm happened4 ,in that year1 and again in #ahci1 the comet returned quietly enough1 though in #ahci it was not observed1 being so placed that it was lost in the splendour of the solar rays4 ,in ,february1 #ahdf1 the comet was again seen1 this being the third return since its discovery in #ahbf1 or rather1 since its recognition as a member of the solar system1 the eleventh since it was first seen by ,montaigne4 ,at this time everything seemed to suggest that this comet1 unless our earth at some future time should absorb it1 would remain for a long time a steady member of the sun's comet family4 ,but only a few days after its detection in ,february1 #ahdf1 the comet was found to have divided into two1 which travelled side by side until both vanished from view with increasing distance4 ,in #aheb the companion comets reappeared1 and again both continued in view till their motion carried them beyond telescopic range4 ,as the distance between the coupled comets had increased from about #afj1jjj miles in #ahdf to about #a1bej1jjj miles in #aheb1 astronomers anticipated a most interesting series of observations at the successive returns of the double comet to the earth's neighbourhood4 ,unfortunately1 in #ahei the comet's course carried it athwart a part of the sky illuminated by the sun's rays1 so that astronomers could not then expect to see it4 ,but in #ahff it was looked for hopefully4 ,its orbit had now been most carefully computed1 and many observers1 armed with excellent telescopes1 were on the watch for it1 with very accurate knowledge of the course along which it might be expected to travel1 and even of its position from day to day and from hour to hour4 ,but it was not seen4 ,nor1 again1 was it seen in #ahgb1 when fresh computations had been made1 and observations were extended over a wider range1 to make sure1 as was hopefully thought1 that this time it should not escape recognition4 ,could it have come1 asked ,herschel in #ahff--;and in #ahgb the same question might still more pertinently be asked--into contact or exceedingly close approach to some asteroid as yet undiscovered8 or1 peradventure1 had it plunged into and got bewildered among the rings of meteorolites1 which astronomers more than suspected8 ,between #ahff1 when ,sir ,john ,herschel thus wrote1 and #ahgb1 when again ,biela's comet was sought in vain1 a series of strange discoveries had been made respecting meteors1 which led astronomers to believe that1 even though the missing comet might never again be seen as a comet1 we might still learn something respecting its present condition4 ,it had been noticed that the remarkable comet of #ahfb 7comet #aa of that year7 crossed the earth's track near the place where she is on ,august #aj-aa1 the time of the ,august meteors1 called the ,tears of ,st4 ,lawrence in old times1 but now known as the ,perseids1 because they seem to radiate from the constellation ,perseus4 ,later the idea occurred to ,schiaparelli1 an ,italian astronomer1 that the ,august meteors may travel along the path of that comet4 ,he could not prove this1 but he advanced very strong evidence in favour of the opinion1 for he found that bodies travelling along the path of the comet of #ahfb would seem to radiate from ,perseus as they traversed the earth's atmosphere4 ,it was as if a person suspected that a steam-cloud seen on a distant railway track belonged to a particular train1 and1 though unable actually to prove this1 was yet able to show that1 with the wind and weather then prevailing1 that train1 travelling at its customary rate1 would leave a steam-cloud behind it precisely of the apparent length and position of the observed steam-cloud4 ,this cloud might have the observed position though otherwise produced1 yet the evidence would be thought strongly to favour the supposition that it came from the train in question4 ,in like manner the ,august meteors might be travelling on any one of a great number of tracks intersecting the earth's orbit in the place occupied by the earth on ,august #aj-aa2 yet it was at least a striking coincidence that a flight of meteors travelling in the orbit of the chief comet of #ahfb would seem to radiate from the constellation ,perseus1 precisely as the ,august meteors do4 ,while astronomers were still discussing the ideas of ,schiaparelli1 ,professor ,newton of ,yale ,college1 in ,america1 called their attention to the great display of ,november meteors which might be expected on ,november #ac-ad1 #ahff4 ,the fine shower of that year was well observed1 and the part--we may almost say the point--of the constellation ,leo from which the meteors radiated was correctly determined4 ,and now a strange thing happened4 ,those who believed in ,schiaparelli's account of the ,august meteors supposed of necessity that the bodies forming that system travel in an orbit of enormous extent1 for the comet of #ahfb travels on a path extending much further from the sun than the path of ,neptune4 ,there was1 therefore1 nothing to prevent them from believing that the ,leonides travel in a track carrying them far away from the sun4 ,the recurrence of great displays of these meteors at intervals of about #cc years might be readily explained on such an assumption1 for if the ,leonides have a period of about #cc years1 their path must extend far beyond the path of ,uranus4 ,but hitherto astronomers had not been ready to admit such an explanation of the periodic recurrence of great displays of the ,november meteors4 ,they preferred theories 7for several were available7 which accounted for the #cc-year period1 while assigning to the ,leonides paths of much less extent4 ,now that the idea of vast meteoric orbits had been fairly broached1 some astronomers thought it might at least be worth while to calculate the path of the ,november meteors on the assumption that their true period is about #cc-a_/d years4 ,this was perfectly easy1 because the period of a body travelling round the sun determines the velocity at any given distance from the sun1 and knowing thus 7at least1 on this assumption7 the true velocity of the ,leonides as they rush into our air1 while their apparent path is known1 their true course is as readily determined as the true course of the wind can be determined by a seaman from the apparent direction and velocity with which it reaches his ship4 ,when the path of the ,november meteors had been determined 7on the assumption mentioned71 it was found to be identical with the path of a comet which had only been discovered a few months before-the comet called ,tempel's4 ,that a comet which is invisible to the naked eye should have been discovered in the very year when first astronomers made exact observations of the meteors which travel in its track--for it will presently be seen that the assumption above mentioned was a just one--cannot but be regarded as a very singular coincidence4 ,it was a most fortunate coincidence for astronomers1 since there can be but little doubt that but for it ,schiaparelli's theory would very soon have been forgotten4 ,as that theory was itself suggested by the fortuitous recognition of another comet 7only visible at intervals of more than a century7 at a time when attention had been specially directed to the ,august meteors1 it may fairly be said that the theory which now associates meteors and comets in the most unmistakable manner was suggested by one accident and confirmed by another4 ,albeit such accidents happen only to the zealous student of nature's secrets4 ,we shall presently see that the fortunate detection of ,tempel's comet in #ahff was not the last of the series of coincidences by which the theory of meteors was established4 ,although the evidence favouring ,schiaparelli's theory was now strong1 yet it was well that at this stage still more convincing evidence was forthcoming4 ,the date of the ,november display has changed since the ,leonides were first recognised1 in such sort as to show that the position of their path has changed4 ,the change is due to the disturbing attractions of the planets4 ,it occurred to our great astronomer ,adams1 discoverer with ,leverrier of distant ,neptune1 to inquire whether the observed change accorded with the calculated effects of planetary attraction1 if the ,leonides are supposed to travel in any of the smaller paths suggested by astronomers1 or could be explained only by the assumption that the meteors travel on the widely-extending path corresponding to the #cc-a_/d years period4 ,the problem was worthy of his powers--in other words1 it was a problem of exceeding difficulty4 ,by solving it1 ,adams made that certain which ,schiaparelli and his followers had merely assumed4 ,he showed beyond all possibility of doubt or question that of all the paths by which the periodic meteoric displays could be accounted for1 the wide path carrying the ,november meteors far beyond the track of ,uranus was the only one which accorded with the observed effects of planetary perturbation4 ,it was in the confidence resulting from this masterly achievement that in #ahgb some astronomers 7among them ,professor ,alex4 ,herschel1 one of ,sir ,j4 ,herschel's sons7 announced the probable occurrence of a display of meteors when the earth crossed the track of ,biela's missing comet4 ,an occurrence of this sort was alone wanting to complete the evidence for the meteoric theory4 ,it had been found that the ,august ,perseids move as if they followed in the track of a known comet2 the path of the ,november ,leonides had been shown to be identical with that of another comet2 if astronomers could predict the appearance of meteors at the time when the earth should pass through the track of a known comet1 even those who could not appreciate the force of the mathematical evidence for the new theory would be convinced by the meteoric display4 ,possibly such observers would have been satisfied with a meteor shower which would not have contented astronomers4 ,the display must have special characteristics to satisfy scientific observers4 ,the path of a body following ,biela's comet being known1 and its exact rate of motion1 the direction in which it must enter our earth's atmosphere 7if at all7 is determined4 ,calculation showed this direction to be such that every meteor would appear to travel directly from the constellation ,andromeda1--from a point near the feet of the ,chained ,lady4 ,a meteor might appear in any part of the sky1 but its course must be directed from that point1 otherwise it could not possibly be travelling in the track of ,biela's comet4 ,the event corresponded exactly with the anticipations of astronomers4 ,on the evening of ,november #bg1 #ahgb1 many thousands of small meteors were seen4 ,in ,england between #dj1jjj and #ej1jjj were counted4 ,in ,italy the meteors were so numerous that at one time there seemed to be a cloud of light around the region near the feet of ,andromeda whence all the meteor-tracks seemed to radiate4 ,the meteors were unmistakably travelling on the track of ,biela's comet4 ,they overtook the earth on a path slanting downwards somewhat from the north--precisely in the direction in which ,biela's comet would itself have descended upon the earth if at any time the earth had chanced to reach the part of her path crossed by the comet's when the comet was passing that way4 ,strangely enough1 a ,german astronomer1 ,klinkerfues1 seems to have regarded the meteoric display of ,november #bg1 #ahgb1 as an actual visit from ,biela's comet4 ,he telegraphed to ,pogson1 ,government ,astronomer at ,madras1 ',biela touched earth on ,november #bg1 look out for it near ,theta ,centauri2' which1 being interpreted1 means1 ,biela's comet then grazed the earth1 coming from the feet of ,andromeda1 look for it where it is travelling onwards in the opposite direction--that is towards the shoulder of the ,centaur4 ,as ,biela's comet had in reality passed that way twelve weeks earlier1 the instructions of ,klinkerfues were somewhat wide of the mark4 ,however1 ,pogson followed them1 and near the spot indicated he saw two faint cloud-like objects1 slowly moving athwart the heavens4 ,these he supposed to be the two comets into which the missing comet had divided4 ,it so happens1 strangely enough1 that these objects1 though moving parallel to the track of the missing comets1 were neither those comets themselves1 nor the meteor flight through which the earth had passed a few hours before4 ,they were probably somewhat richer meteor clouds1 fragments 7like the cloud through which our earth had passed7 of this most mysterious of all known comets4 ,to-night1 or perhaps to-morrow or next night 7for the position of the meteor flights is not certainly known7 we shall probably see meteors travelling in advance of the main body4 ,for the earth passes during the next three days across the orbit of ,biela's comet1 about as far in front of the head as she passed behind the head in #ahgb4 ,now1 there is no known reason for supposing 7on priori grounds7 that meteors get strewn behind a comet's nucleus more readily than in front of it4 ,the disturbing forces which would tend to delay some meteoric attendants would be balanced by forces which would tend to hasten others4 ,as a matter of fact it would seem that the meteor flights which follow a comet's nucleus are commonly denser than those which precede the nucleus4 ,yet in #ahfe many thousands of ,leonides were seen which were in advance of the main body forming the comet of #ahff4 ,in #ahei1 #ahfj1 and #ahfa1 many ,perseids were seen1 which were in advance of the comet of #ahfb4 ,so that we might fairly expect to see a great number of ,andromeds to-night 7or on the following nights7 even if we had none but the probabilities thus suggested to guide us4 ,but since many were seen on ,november #bg last1 when the head of the comet1 now some four months' journey from us1 was a whole year's journey further away1 it seems probable that on the present occasion a display well worth observing will be seen should fine weather prevail4 ,it will be specially interesting to astronomers1 as showing how meteors are strewn in front of a comet4 ,how meteors are strewn behind a comet we already know tolerably well from observations made on the ,perseids since #ahfb and on the ,leonides since #ahfe4 ,,cold ,,winters4 ,during the cold weather of last ,december 7#ahgh7 we heard much about old-fashioned winters4 ,it was generally assumed that some thirty or forty years ago the winters were colder than they now are4 ,some began to speculate on the probability that we may be about to have a cycle of cold winters1 continuing perhaps for thirty or forty years1 as the cycle of mild winters is commonly supposed to have done4 ,if any doubts were expressed as to the greater severity of winter weather thirty or forty years ago1 evidence was forthcoming to show that at that time our smaller rivers were commonly frozen over during the winter1 and the larger rivers always encumbered with masses of ice1 and not unfrequently frozen from source to estuary4 ,skating was spoken of as a half-forgotten pastime in these days1 as compared with what it was when the seniors of our time were lads4 ,nor were dismal stories wanting of villages snowed up for months1 of men and women who had been lost amid snowdrifts1 and of other troubles such as we now associate rather with ,siberian than with ,british winters4 ,turning over recently the volume of the ',penny ,magazine' for the year #ahcg1 ,i came across a passage which shows that these ideas about winter weather forty years ago were entertained forty years ago about winter weather eighty or ninety years ago4 ,it occurs in an article on the ',peculiarities of the ,climate of ,canada and the ,united ,states4' ,discussing the theory whether the clearing away of forests has any influence in mitigating the severity of winter weather1 the writer of the article says1 ',many persons assert1 and ,i believe with some degree of accuracy1 that the seasons in ,europe1 and in our own island particularly1 have undergone a remarkable change within the memory of many persons now living2 and if such really be the case1 how few attempts have been made to account for this change1 since no great natural phenomenon1 like that of clearing away millions of acres of forest timber1 and thereby exposing the cold and moist soil to the action of the sun's rays1 has recently taken place here2 so that if the climate of ,great ,britain has actually undergone a change1 the cause1 whatever that may be1 must be of a different nature from that generally supposed to affect the climate of ,north ,america4' ,it must be explained that1 though in this passage the writer does not speak of a diminution in the severity of the winters1 it is a change of that sort that he is really referring to4 ,he had said1 a few lines before1 that 'some of the older inhabitants of ,north ,america will declare to you that the winters are much less severe now than they were forty or fifty years ago1' and in the passage quoted he is discussing the possibility of a similar change in ,europe1 where1 however1 as he points out1 the cause assigned to the supposed change in ,america has certainly no existence4 ,since #ahcj1 by the way1 the theory has been advanced that the supposed mildness of recent winters may have been caused by the large increase in the consumption of coal1 owing to the use of steam machinery1 gas for lighting purposes1 and so forth4 ,i believe it will be found on careful inquiry that the change for which forty years ago men sought a cause in vain1 and for which at present they assign a perfectly inadequate cause1 has had no real existence4 ,the study of meteorological records gives no valid support to the theory of change4 ,nor is it difficult to understand how the idea that there has been a change has arisen from the changed conditions under which men in middle life1 as compared with children1 observe or feel the effects of milder weather4 ,a child gives no heed to mild winters4 ,they pass1 like ordinary spring or autumn days1 unnoted and unremembered4 ,but a bitter winter1 or even a spell of bitter weather such as is felt almost every year1 is remembered4 ,even though it lasts but for a short time1 it produces as much effect on the childish imagination as a long and bitter winter produces on the minds of grown folk4 ,looking back at the days of childhood1 the middle-aged man or woman recalls what seems like a series of bitter winters1 because recalling many occasions when1 during what seemed a long time1 the snow lay deep1 the waters were frozen1 and the outdoor air was shrewd and biting4 ,before considering some of the remarkable winters which during the last century have been experienced in ,great ,britain and in ,europe generally1 ,i would discuss briefly the evidence on which ,i base the belief that the winter weather of ,europe1 and of ,great ,britain especially1 has undergone no noteworthy change during the last century4 ,if there is any validity in the theory at present in vogue that our winters are milder now than they were forty or fifty years ago1 and the theory in vogue as we have seen forty years ago that the winters then were milder than they had been forty or fifty years earlier1 it is manifest that there ought to be a very remarkable contrast between our present winter weather and that which was commonly experienced eighty or ninety years since4 ,now1 it so chances that we possess a record of the weather from #agfh to #agib1 by a very competent observer--,gilbert ,white of ,selborne--which serves to show what weather prevailed generally during that interval2 while the same writer has described at length1 in his own happy and effective manner1 some of the winters which were specially remarkable for severity4 ,let us see whether the winters during the last third of the eighteenth century were so much more bitter or long-lasting than those now experienced as common ideas on the subject would suggest4 ,in #agfh1 the year began with a fortnight's frost and snow4 ,the cold was very severe1 as will presently be more particularly noted4 ,thereafter wet and rainy weather prevailed to the end of ,february4 ,the winter of #agfh-fi was marked throughout by alternations of rain and frost2 thus from the middle of ,november to the end of #agfh there were 'alternate rains and frosts2' in ,january and ,february1 #agfi1 the weather was 'frosty and rainy1 with gleams of fine weather in the intervals2 then to the middle of ,march1 wind and rain4' ,the last half of ,november1 #agfi1 was dry and frosty1 ,december windy1 with rain and intervals of frost1 and the first fortnight very foggy2 the first fortnight of ,january1 #aggj1 frosty1 but on the #adth and #aeth all the snow melted and to the end of ,february mild hazy weather prevailed2 ,march was frosty and bright4 ,from the middle of ,october1 #aggj1 to the end of the year1 there were almost incessant rains2 then severe frosts till the last week of ,january1 #agga1 after which rain and snow prevailed for a fortnight1 followed by spring weather till the end of ,february4 ,march and ,april were frosty4 ,the spring of #agga was so exceptionally severe in the ,isle of ,skye that it was called the ,black ,spring2 in the south also it was severe4 ,november1 #agga1 frost with intervals of fog and rain2 ,december1 mild and bright weather with hoar frosts2 ,january and the first week of ,february1 #aggb1 frost and snow2 thence to the end of the first fortnight in ,march1 frost1 sleet1 rain1 and snow4 ,the winter of #aggb-gc would fairly compare with the mildest in recent years1 except for one fortnight of hard frost in ,february1 #aggc4 ,for from the end of ,september to ,december #bb there were rain and mild weather--the first ice on ,december #bc--;but thence to the end of the month foggy weather4 ,the first week in ,january1 frost1 but the rest of the month dark rainy weather2 and after the fortnight of hard frost in ,february1 misty showery weather to the end of the first week in ,march1 and bright spring days till ,april4 ,there were four weeks of frost after the end of the first fortnight in ,november1 #aggc1 then rain to the end of the year1 and rain and frost alternately to the middle of ,march1 #aggd4 ,in #aggd-agge there seems to have been no winter at all worth mentioning4 ,from ,august #bd to the end of the third week in ,november there was rain1 with frequent intervals of sunny weather4 ,then to the end of ,december1 dark dripping fogs4 ,january1 ,february1 and the first half of ,march1 #agge1 rain almost every day2 and to the end of the first week in ,april1 cold winds1 with showers of rain and snow4 ,the end of the year #agge was rainy1 with intervals of hoar frost and sunshine4 ,dark frosty weather prevailed during the first three weeks of ,january1 #aggf1 with much snow4 ,afterwards foggy weather and hoar frost4 ,the cold of ,january1 #aggf1 was remarkable1 and will presently be more fully described4 ,november and ,december1 #aggf1 were dry and frosty1 with some days of hard rain4 ,then to ,january #aj1 #aggg1 hard frost2 to the #bjth foggy with frequent showers2 and to ,february #ah1 hard dry frost with snow1 followed by heavy rains1 with intervals of warm dry spring weather to the end of ,may4 ,the winter of #aggg-gh was another which resembled closely enough those winters which many suppose to be peculiar to recent years4 ,the autumn weather to ,october #ab had been remarkably fine and warm4 ,from then to the end of the year1 grey mild weather prevailed1 with but little rain and still less frost4 ,during the first thirteen days of ,january there was frost with a little snow2 then rain to ,january #bd1 followed by six days of hard frost4 ,after this1 harsh foggy weather with rain prevailed till ,february #bc2 then five days of frost2 a fortnight of dark harsh weather2 and spring weather to the end of the first fortnight in ,april4 ,the second fortnight of ,april1 however1 was cold1 with snow and frost4 ,similarly varied in character was the winter of #aggh-gi4 ,from the end of ,september1 #aggh1 to the end of the year the weather was wet1 with considerable intervals of sunshine4 ,january1 #aggi1 was characterised by alternations of frost and showers4 ,after this1 to ,april #ba1 warm dry weather prevailed4 ,the winter of #aggi-hj was rather more severe4 ,during ,october and ,november the weather was fine with intervals of rain4 ,december rainy1 with frost and snow occasionally4 ,january #aghj1 frosty4 ,during ,february dark harsh weather prevailed1 with frequent intervals of frost4 ,march was characterised by warm1 showery1 spring weather4 ,november and ,december1 #agha1 were warm and rainy2 and the same mild open weather prevailed till ,february #d4 ,then followed eighteen days of hard frost1 after which to the end of ,march the weather was cold and windy1 with frost1 snow1 and rain4 ,thus the first two-thirds of the winter of #agha-hb were exceptionally mild1 while the last third was cold and bleak4 ,in ,november1 #aghb1 we find for the first time in these records an instance of early and long-continued cold4 ',november began with a hard frost1 and continued throughout1 with alternate frost and thaw4 ,the first part of ,december frosty4' ,the latter half of ,december1 however1 and the first sixteen days of ,january were mild1 with much rain and wind4 ,then came a week of hard frost1 followed by stormy dripping weather to the end of ,february4 ,thence to ,may #i1 cold harsh winds prevailed4 ,on ,may #e there was thick ice4 ,the next two winters were1 on the whole1 the severest of the entire series recorded by ,gilbert ,white1 though at no time in the winter of #aghc-hd was the cold greater than has often been experienced in this country4 ,white's record runs thus3 ,from ,september #bc to ,november #ab1 dry mild weather4 ,to ,december #ah1 grey soft weather with a few showers4 ,thence to ,february #ai1 #aghd1 hard frost1 with two thaws1 one on ,january #ad1 the other on ,february #e4 ,to ,february #bh1 mild wet fogs4 ,to ,march #c1 frost with ice4 ,to ,march #aj1 sleet and snow4 ,to ,april #b1 snow with hard frost4 ,the winter of #aghd-he was remarkable for the exceedingly severe cold of ,december1 #aghd1 which will presently be referred to more particularly4 ,from ,november #f to the end of the year #aghd1 fog1 rain1 and hard frost alternated1 the frost continuing longest and being severest in ,december4 ,on ,january #b a thaw began1 and rainy weather with wind continued to ,january #bh4 ,thence to ,march #ae hard frost2 to ,march #ba mild weather with sprinkling showers2 to ,april #g hard frost4 ,after rainy weather till ,december #bc1 #aghf1 came frost and snow till ,january #g1 #aghg4 ,then a week of mild and very rainy weather1 followed by a week of heavy snow4 ,from ,january #ba to ,february #aa1 mild weather with frequent rains2 to ,february #ba dry weather with high winds2 and to ,march #aj1 hard frost4 ,then alternate rains and frosts to ,april #ac4 ,early in ,november1 #aghf1 there was frost1 but thence to ,december #af rain with only 'a few detached days of frost4' ,after a fortnight of frost and snow1 came #bd days of dark1 moist1 mild weather4 ,then four days 7from ,january #bd to ,january #bh1 #aghg7 of frost and snow2 after which mild showery weather to ,february #af1 dry cool weather to ,february #bh1 stormy and rainy weather to ,march #aj4 ,the next fortnight bright and frosty2 then mild rainy weather to the end of ,april4 ,november1 #aghg1 was mild till the #bcrd1 the last week frosty4 ,the first three weeks of ,december still and mild1 with rain1 the last week frosty4 ,the first thirteen days of ,january mild and wet2 then five days of frost1 followed by dry1 windy weather4 ,february frosty1 but with frequent showers4 ,the first half of ,march hard frost1 the rest dark harsh weather with much rain4 ,the winter of #aghh-hi was very severe1 hard frost continuing from ,november #bb1 #aghh1 to ,january #ac1 #aghi4 ,the rest of ,january was mild with showers4 ,february rainy1 with snow showers and heavy gales of wind4 ,the first thirteen days of ,march hard frost1 with snow1 and then till ,april #ah1 heavy rain1 with frost1 snow1 and sleet4 ,this winter was very severe also on the ,continent4 ,the winter of #aghi-ij was as mild as that of #aghh-hi had been severe4 ,the record runs thus3--',november to #agth1 heavy rains with violent gales of wind4 ,to ,december #ah1 mild dry weather with a few showers4 ,to the end of the year rain and wind4 ,to ,january #af1 #agij1 mild foggy weather1 with occasional rains4 ,to ,january #ba' 7five days only7 'frost4 ,to ,january #bh1 dark1 with driving rains4 ,to ,february #ad1 mild dry weather4 ,to ,february #bb' 7eight days7 'hard frost4' ,to ,april #e bright cold weather with a few showers4 ,in ,november1 #agij1 mild autumnal weather prevailed till the #bfth1 after which there were five days of hard frost4 ,thence to the end of the year1 rain and snow1 with a few days of frost4 ,the whole of ,january1 #agia1 was mild with heavy rains2 ,february windy1 with much rain and snow4 ,then to the end of ,april dry1 but 'rather cold and frosty4' ,november1 #agia1 was very wet and stormy1 ,december frosty4 ,there was some hard frost in ,january1 #agib1 but the weather mostly wet and mild4 ,in ,february also there was some hard frost and a little snow4 ,march was wet and cold4 ,the record ends with the year #agib1 the last three months of which are thus described3 ',october showery and mild4 ,november dry and fine4 ,december mild4' ,certainly the account of the #bc years between #agfh and #agib does not suggest that there is any material difference between the winter weather now common and the average winter weather a century ago4 ,still it may be necessary to show1 that when men spoke of mild weather in old times1 they meant what we should understand by the same expression4 ,a reference to rain or showery weather shows sufficiently that a temperature above the freezing point existed while such weather prevailed4 ,but it might be that what ,white speaks of as mild weather1 is such as we should consider severe4 ,in order to show that this is not the case1 it will suffice to examine his statement respecting the actual temperature in particular winters1 considering them always with due reference to what he says as to their exceptional character4 ,take for instance his account of the frost in ,january1 #agfh4 ,he says that1 for the short time it lasted1 this frost 'was the most severe that we had then known for many years1 and was remarkably injurious to evergreens4' ',the coincidents attending this short but intense frost1' he proceeds1 after describing his vegetable losses1 'were1 that the horses fell sick with an epidemic distemper1 which injured the winds of many and killed some2 that colds and coughs were general among the human species2 that it froze under people's beds for several nights2 that meat was so hard frozen that it could not be spitted1 and could not be secured but in cellars1 c4' ,on the #crd of ,january a thermometer within doors1 in a close parlour1 where there was no fire1 fell in the night to #bj2 on the #dth to #ah2 and on the #gth to #ag-a_/b degrees1 'a degree of cold which the owner never since saw in the same situation4' ,the evidence from the thermometer is unsatisfactory1 because we do not know how the parlour was situated4 ,but there is reason for supposing that in the bitterest winters known during the last thirty or forty years1 a greater degree of cold than that of ,january1 #agfh1 has been experienced in ,england4 ,the frost of ,january1 #aggf1 was also regarded as remarkable1 and an account of it will therefore enable us to judge what was the ordinary winter weather of the last century4 ,in the first place1 ,white notices that 'the first week of ,january1 #aggf1 was very wet1 and drowned with vast rains from every quarter2 from whence may be inferred1 as there is great reason to believe is the case1 that intense frosts seldom take place till the earth is perfectly glutted and chilled with water2 and hence dry autumns are seldom followed by rigorous winters4' ,on the #adth1 after a week of frost1 sleet1 and snow1 which after the #abth 'overwhelmed all the works of men1 drifting over the tops of gates1 and filling the hollow lanes1' ,white had occasion to be much abroad4 ,he thought he had never before or since encountered such rugged ,siberian weather4 ',many of the narrow roads were now filled above the tops of the hedges1 through which the snow was driven into most romantic and grotesque shapes1 so striking to the imagination as not to be seen without wonder and pleasure4 ,the poultry dared not to stir out of their roosting places3 for cocks and hens are so dazzled and confounded by the glare of snow1 that they would soon perish without assistance4 ,the hares also lay sullenly in their seats1 and would not move till compelled by hunger3 being conscious1 poor animals1 that the drifts and heaps treacherously betray their footsteps and prove fatal to many of them4' ,from the #adth the snow continued to increase1 and began to stop the road-wagons and coaches1 which could no longer keep their regular stages2 and especially on the ,western roads4 ',the company at ,bath that wanted to attend the ,queen's birthday were strangely incommoded2 many carriages of persons who got on their way to town from ,bath1 as far as ,marlborough1 after strange embarrassments1 here met with a ne plus ultra4 ,the ladies fretted1 and offered large rewards to labourers1 if they would shovel them a road to ,london2 but the relentless heaps of snow were too bulky to be removed2 and so the #ahth passed over1 leaving the company in very uncomfortable circumstances1 at the ,castle and other inns4' ,yet all this time and till the #bast the cold was not so intense as it was in ,december #ahgh4 ,on the #bast the thermometer showed #bj degrees1 and had it not been for the deep snows1 the winter would not have been very severely felt4 ,on the #bbnd1 the author had occasion to go to ,london 'through a sort of ,laplandian scene1 very wild and grotesque indeed4' ,but ,london exhibited an even stranger appearance than the country4 ',being bedded deep in snow1 the pavement of the streets could not be touched by the wheels or the horses' feet1 so that the carriages ran almost without the least noise4' ',such an exemption from din and clatter1' says ,white1 'was strange but not pleasant2 it seemed to convey an uncomfortable idea of desolation3 ,ipsa silentia terrent4 ',the worst had not yet1 however1 been reached4 ,on the #bgth much snow fell all day1 and in the evening the frost became very intense4 ,at ,south ,lambeth1 for the four following nights1 the thermometer fell to eleven1 seven1 six1 six2 and at ,selborne to seven1 six1 ten2 and on the #cast1 just before sunrise1 with rime on the trees and on the tube of the glass1 the quicksilver sank exactly to zero--a most unusual degree of cold this for the ,south of ,england4' ,during these four nights1 the cold was so penetrating that ice formed under beds2 and in the day the wind was so keen1 that persons of robust constitutions could hardly endure to face it4 ',the ,thames was at once frozen over1 both above and below bridge1 that crowds ran about on the ice4 ,the streets were now strangely encumbered with snow1 which crumbled and trod dusty2 and turning gray1 resembled bay salt2 what had fallen on the roofs was so perfectly dry that from first to last it lay twenty-six days on the houses in the city2 a longer time than had been remembered by the oldest housekeepers living4' ,according to all appearances rigorous weather might now have been expected for weeks to come1 since every night increased in severity4 ',but behold1' says ,white1 'without any apparent cause1 on ,february #a1 a thaw took place1 and some rain followed before night1 making good the observation that frosts often go off as it were at once without any gradual declension of cold4 ,on ,february #b the thaw persisted1 and on the #crd swarms of little insects were frisking and sporting in a court-yard at ,south ,lambeth1 as if they had felt no frost4 ,why the juices in the small bodies and smaller limbs of such minute beings are not frozen1 is a matter of curious inquiry4' ,although it is manifest that the weather of ,january1 #aggf1 was severe1 yet the remarks italicised show that such weather was regarded a century ago as altogether exceptional4 ,again1 the cold lasted only about three weeks4 ,and it may be doubted whether in actual intensity it even equalled that which was experienced in ,london and the south of ,england generally during the first week of #ahee4 ,certainly the evidence afforded by such remarks as ,i have italicised in the above-quoted passage tends more to prove that winter weather in ,england a hundred years hence was on the average much like winter at present1 than the unusual severity of the weather during about twenty-four days in ,january1 #aggf1 tends to suggest that a marked change has taken place4 ,similar evidence is afforded by ,white's remarks respecting the severe cold of ,december1 #aghd4 ,as in ,january1 #aggf1 so in ,december1 #aghd--;a week of very wet weather heralded the approach of severe cold4 ',the first week of ,december1' says ,white1 'was very wet1 with the barometer very low4 ,on the #gth1 with the barometer at #bh4e1 came on a vast snow1 which continued all that day and the next1 and most part of the following night3 so that by the morning of the #ith the works of men were quite overwhelmed' 7there is something quite ,homeric in ,white's use of this favourite expression71 'the lanes filled so as to be impassable1 and the ground covered twelve or fifteen inches without any drifting4 ,in the evening of the #ith the air began to be so very sharp that we thought it would be curious to attend to the motions of a thermometer2 we therefore hung out two1 one made by ,martin and one by ,dolland' 7probably ,dollond71 'which soon began to show us what we were to expect2 for by ten o'clock they fell to twenty-one1 and at eleven to four1 when we went to bed4 ,on the #ajth in the morning the quicksilver of ,dolland's glass was down to half a degree below zero and that of ,martin's1 which was absurdly graduated only to four degrees above zero1 sunk quite into the brass guard of the ball1 so that1 when the weather became most interesting1 this was useless4 ,on the #ajth1 at eleven at night1 though the air was perfectly still1 ,dolland's glass went down to one degree below zero6 ,this strange severity of the weather made me very desirous to know what degree of cold there might be in such an exalted and near situation as ,newton4 ,we had1 therefore1 on the morning of the #ajth1 written to ,mr4 ----1 and entreated him to hang out his thermometer1 made by ,adams1 and to pay some attention to it1 morning and evening1 expecting wonderful phenomena in so elevated a region1 at two hundred feet or more above my house4 ,but1 behold6 on the #ajth1 at eleven at night1 it was down only to seventeen1 and the next morning at twenty-two1 when mine was at ten6 ,we were so disturbed at this unexpected reverse of comparative cold that we sent one of my glasses up1 thinking that of ,mr4 ---- must somehow be wrongly constructed4 ,but when the instruments came to be confronted they went exactly together1 so that for one night at least the cold at ,newton was eighteen degrees less than at ,selborne1 and through the whole frost ten or twelve degrees2 and indeed1 when we came to observe consequences1 we could readily credit this1 for all my laurustines1 bays1 ilexes1 arbutuses1 cypresses1 and even my ,portugal laurels--and1 which occasions more regret1 my fine sloping laurel hedge--were scorched up1 while at ,newton the same trees have not lost a leaf4444' ,one circumstance noted by ,white1 though not bearing specially on the degree of cold which prevailed on this occasion1 is very interesting4 ',i must not omit to tell you1' says ,white1 'that during those two ,siberian days my parlour cat was so electric that had a person stroked her and been properly insulated1 the shock might have been given to a whole circle of people4' ,white's account of this severe frost bears very significantly on the theory that our winter weather has undergone a great change4 ,it is obvious1 in the first place1 that the situation of his thermometers was such that they were likely to show a low temperature as compared with the indications in other places4 ,it is also clear that the thermometer he used was trustworthy4 ,if it were one of ,dollond's it would presumably be a good one1 and ,i do not think that in ,white's time the trick of marking inferior instruments with the name ,dolland had come into vogue4 ,but in any case ,adams's scientific instruments were excellent2 and1 as the account shows1 the thermometer used by ,white indicated the same temperature as ,adams's4 ,now1 the lowest temperature recorded was only one degree below zero2 and that this was altogether exceptional is shown not only by what ,white says in the passage ,i have quoted1 but also by his remarking a little later that this frost 'may be allowed1 from its effects1 to have exceeded any since #agci-dj4' ,even this is not all4 ,it would certainly prove beyond dispute that our winters were not milder than those of a century ago2 for a greater degree of cold than that recorded by ,white in ,december1 #aghd1 has been more than once experienced in the same part of ,england during the last forty years4 ,but it seems from a statement in ,miller's ',gardener's ,dictionary1' that the ,portugal laurels were untouched in the great frost of #agci-dj1 which would show that the frost of #aghd was more severe and destructive than that of #agci-dj4 ,if this were really so1 the frost of #aghd was the severest 7though owing to its short duration it did not produce the most remarkable effects in the country at large7 of any during the periods noted between the years #agji and #aghh4 ,on the ,continent1 the frost of ,december1 #aghh1 was more severe in some places1 though rather less severe at ,paris1 than that of #agji2 but ,i do not know of any records which would enable us to make a direct comparison between the cold in #agji1 #aghd1 and #aghh1 at any given place in ,great ,britain4 ,it will be well now to take a wider survey and consider some of the most severe winters experienced in ,europe generally4 ,the winter of #aedd was remarkably severe all over ,europe4 ,in ,flanders1 according to ,mzerai1 wine froze in casks1 and was sold in blocks by the pound weight4 ,the winter of #afjh was also very severe4 ,in the winter of #agji the thermometer at the ,paris ,observatory recorded a cold of nearly ten degrees below zero4 ,passing over the winter of #aggf1 of whose effects in ,england we have learned enough to enable us to judge how severely it must have been felt in those continental countries where the winter is always more severe than with us1 we come to the severe winter of #aghh-hi4 ,we have seen that in ,england hard frost began on ,november #bb and continued till ,january #ac4 ,in ,france 7or rather at ,paris7 the frost began three days later1 but the thaw began on the same day1 ,january #ac4 ,there was no intermission except on ,christmas ,day1 when it did not freeze4 ,in the great canal at ,versailles the ice was two feet thick4 ',the water also froze1' says ,flammarion1 'in several very deep wells1 and wine became congealed in cellars4 ,the ,seine began to freeze as early as ,november #bf1 and for several days its course was impeded1 the breaking up of the ice not taking place until ,january #bj 7#aghi74 ,the lowest temperature observed at ,paris was seven degrees below zero1 on ,december #ca4 ,the frost was equally severe in other parts of ,france and throughout ,europe4 ,the ,rhone was quite frozen over at ,lyons1 the ,garonne at ,toulouse1 and at ,marseilles the sides of the docks were covered with ice4 ,upon the shores of the ,atlantic the sea was frozen to a distance of several leagues4 ,the ice upon the ,rhine was so thick that loaded wagons were able to cross it4 ,the ,elbe was covered with ice1 and also bore up heavy carts4 ,the harbour at ,ostend was frozen so hard that people could cross it on horseback2 the sea was congealed to a distance of four leagues from the exterior fortifications1 and no vessel could approach the harbour4' ,it was during the frost of #aghh-hi that a fair was held on the ,thames4 ,the river was frozen as low as ,gravesend2 but it was only in ,london that booths were set up4 ,the ,thames fair lasted during the ,christmas holidays and the first twelve days of ,january4 ,at ,strasburg1 on ,december #ca1 a temperature of fifteen degrees below zero was shown4 ,at ,berlin on the #bjth1 and ,st4 ,petersburg on the #abth1 temperatures of twenty and twenty-three degrees below zero respectively were noted4 ,but in ,poland and parts of ,germany an even greater degree of cold was recorded4 ,for instance1 at ,warsaw1 #bf-a_/b degrees below zero2 and at ,bremen thirty-two degrees4 ,at ,basle1 on ,december #ah1 the thermometer indicated nearly thirty-six degrees below zero4 ,in the district around ,toulouse bread was frozen so hard that it could not be cut till it had been laid before the fire4 ,many travellers perished in the snow4 ,at ,lemburg1 in ,galicia1 thirty-seven persons were found dead in three days towards the end of ,december4 ,the ice froze so thick in ponds that in most of them all the fish were killed4 ,the winter of #agid-ie was remarkable in this country as giving the lowest average temperature for a month ever recorded in ,england4 ,the mean temperature for ,january1 #agie1 was only #bf4e degrees2 or more than three degrees lower than that of last ,january4 ,january #be1 #agie1 is commonly supposed to have been the coldest day ever known4 ,the thermometer in ,london stood at eight degrees below zero during part of that bitter day2 and in ,paris1 where also there were six consecutive weeks of frost1 at #aj-c_/g degrees below zero4 ,the ,thames was frozen over at ,whitehall in the beginning of ,january4 ,the ,marne1 the ,scheldt1 the ,rhine1 and the ,seine were so frozen over that army corps and heavy carriages crossed over them4 ,perhaps the strangest of all the recorded results of cold weather occurred during the same month4 ,the ,french ,general ,pichegru1 who was then operating in the ,north of ,holland1 sent detachments of cavalry and infantry about ,january #bj1 with orders to the former to cross the ,texel and to capture the enemy's vessels1 which were 'imprisoned by the ice4' ',the ,french horsemen crossed the plains of ice at full gallop1' we are told1 'approached the vessels1 called on them to surrender1 captured them without a struggle1 and took the crews prisoners3' probably the only occasion in history when effective use could have been made of a corps of horse-marines4 ,the winter of #agih-ii was very cold1 but not so exceptionally cold in ,england as on the ,continent4 ,the ,seine was completely frozen over from the #bith of ,december to the #aith of ,january1 from the ,pont de la ,tournelle to the ,pont ,royal4 ,farther east the cold was much greater4 ,the ,meuse was frozen over so thickly that carriages could cross it1 and at the ,hague and at ,rotterdam fairs were held on the river4 ,a regiment of dragoons starting from ,mayence1 crossed the ,rhine upon the ice4 ,the winter of #ahab-ac was exceeding cold in ,november1 ,december and ,january4 ,it was this unusually early and bitter winter which occasioned the destruction of ,napoleon's army in ,russia1 and the eventual overthrow of his power4 7,for no one who considers his achievements during the campaigns of #ahac and #ahad can doubt that1 had the army with which he invaded ,russia been at his command1 he would have foiled all the efforts of combined ,europe against him47 ,the cold became very intense in ,russia after the #gth of ,november4 ,on the #agth the thermometer fell to #ae degrees below zero1 according to ,larrey1 who carried a thermometer suspended from his button hole4 ,the retreat from ,moscow began on the #ahth1 ,napoleon leaving the still burning city on the #aith1 and the evacuation being complete on the #bcrd4 ,everything seemed to conspire against ,napoleon and his army4 ,during the march to ,smolensk snow fell almost incessantly4 ,even the only intermission of the cold during the retreat caused additional disaster4 ,on the #ahth of ,november1 ,russian troops had crossed the frozen ,dwina with their artillery4 ,a thaw begun on the #bdth1 but continued only for a short time2 'so that from the #bfth to the #bith the ,beresina contained numerous blocks of ice1 but yet was not so frozen over as to afford a passage to the ,french troops4' ,it was to this circumstance that the terribly disastrous nature of the passage of the ,beresina must mainly be attributed4 ,the winter of #ahac-ad was colder in ,england than on the ,continent--,i mean1 the winter here was colder for ,england than the winter in any region of continental ,europe was for that region4 ,the frost lasted from ,december #bf to ,march #ba1 and the mean temperature of ,january was only #bf4h degrees4 ,the ,thames was frozen over very thickly1 and a fair was held on the frozen river4 ,the winter of #ahai-bj was bitter throughout ,europe4 ,mr4 ,thomas ,plant1 in an interesting letter to the ,times of ,february #d1 says that this winter was one long spell of intense frost from ,november to ,march1 and was almost as severe as that of #ahac-ad4 ,in ,paris there were forty-seven days of frost1 nineteen of which were consecutive1 from ,december #cj1 #ahah1 to ,january #ag4 ',in ,france1' says ,flammarion1 'the intensity of the cold was heralded by the passage along the coast of the ,pas de ,calais of a great number of birds coming from the farthest regions of the north by wild swans and ducks of variegated plumage4 ,several travellers perished of cold2 amongst others a farmer near ,arras1 a gamekeeper near ,nogent 7,haute ,marne7 a man and woman in the ,cte d',or1 two travellers at ,breuil1 on the ,meuse1 a woman and a child on the road from ,etain to ,verdun1 six persons near ,chteau ,salins 7,meurthe71 and two little ,savoyards on the road from ,clermont to ,chalons-sur-,sane4 ,in the experiments made at the ,metz ,school of ,artillery1 on the #ajth of ,january1 to ascertain how iron resisted low temperatures1 several soldiers had their hands or their ears frozen4' ,during this winter the ,thames1 the ,seine1 the ,rhne1 the ,rhine1 the ,danube1 the ,garonne1 the lagoons of ,venice1 and the ,sound1 were so far frozen that it was possible to walk across them on the ice4 ,the winter of #ahbi-cj was remarkable as the longest winter of the first half of the present century4 ,the cold was not exceptionally intense1 but the long continuance of bitter weather occasioned more mischief in the long run than has attended short spells of severer cold4 ,the river ,seine was frozen at ,paris first for twenty-nine days1 from ,december #bhth to ,january #bfth1 and then for five days from ,february #eth to ,february #ajth4 ,the river had not been so many days frost-bound in any winter since #agfc4 ,even at ,havre the ,seine was frozen over2 and at ,rouen a fair was held upon the river on ,january #ahth4 ,on ,january #be1 after a thaw of six days1 the ice from ,corbeil and ,melun blocked up the bridge at ,choisy1 forming a wall #af-a_/b feet high4 ,the winter of #ahcg-ch was remarkable for the long frost of ,january and ,february1 #ahch4 ,it lasted eight weeks4 ,mr4 ,plant mentions that 'the lowest point of the thermometer during this long and severe frost occurred on ,january #bj1 when the readings were from #e degrees below zero1 in this district' 7,moseley1 near ,birmingham71 'to #h and #aj degrees below zero in more exposed aspects4' ',on the #acth of ,january1 the old ,royal ,exchange1 ,london1 was destroyed by fire2 and the frost was so great that1 when the fire brigade had ceased playing on one portion of the burning pile1 the water in a short time became icicles of such large dimensions1 that the effect has been described as grand in the extreme4' ,the winter of #ahcg-ch is not usually included as one among the exceptionally cold winters on the ,continent1 and the winter of #ahdj-da1 though certainly cold in the ,british ,isles1 is not included by ,mr4 ,plant in his list of the coldest winters since #agie4 ,but this winter was exceedingly cold on the ,continent4 ,at ,paris there were fifty-nine days' frost1 twenty-seven of them consecutive--viz4 from ,december #eth1 when the cold began1 to ,january #ast4 ,the intermission which began on ,january #a1 lasted only till ,january #c1 when there was another week of frost4 ,there was frost again from ,january #cj to ,february #aj4 ,one of the most remarkable stories connected with the cold of this winter is thus told by ,flammarion3--',on the #aeth of ,december1 the ashes of ,napoleon1 brought back from ,st4 ,helena1 entered ,paris by the ,arc de ,triomphe4 ,the thermometer in places exposed to nocturnal radiation1 had that day marked #f4h degrees above zero4 ,an immense crowd1 the ,national ,guard of ,paris and its suburbs1 and numerous regiments lined the ,champs ,elyses1 from the early morning until two in the afternoon4 ,every one suffered severely from the cold4 ,soldiers and workmen1 hoping to obtain warmth by drinking brandy' 7the most chilling process they could have thought of71 'were seized by the cold1 and dropped down dead of congestion4 ,several persons perished1 victims of their curiosity3 having climbed up into the trees to see the procession1 their extremities1 benumbed by the cold1 failed to support them1 and they were killed by the fall4' ,the winter of #ahdd-de was remarkable for the long duration of cold weather4 ,the whole of ,december was very cold1 ,january not so severe1 but still cold1 ,february singularly cold1 and the frost so severe in ,march that on ,good ,friday 7,march #bast7 the boats1 which had been frost-bound for weeks in the canals1 were still locked tightly in ice4 ,mr4 ,plant omits to notice in the letter above-mentioned the long winter of #ahec-ed1 which was indeed less severe 7relatively as well as absolutely7 in ,england than on the ,continent4 ,still1 he is hardly right in saying1 that after #ahde there was no winter of long and intense character until ,january and ,february #ahee4 ,on the ,continent the winter of #ahec-ed was not only protracted but severe1 especially towards the end of ,december4 ,several rivers were frozen over4 ,the cold lasted from ,march till ,november1 with scarcely any intermission4 ,the winter of #ahed-ee was still more severe than its predecessor4 ,the frosts commenced in the east of ,france in ,october and lasted till the #bhth of ,april4 ,the mean temperatures for ,january and ,february1 in ,england1 were #ca degrees and #bi degrees respectively4 ,this year will be remembered as that during which our army suffered so terribly from cold in the ,crimea4 ,but our brave fellows would have resisted ,generals ,january and ,february 7in whom the ,czar ,nicholas expressed such strong reliance71 as well as the ,russians themselves did1 or maybe a trifle better 7if we can judge from the way in which ,englishmen have borne ,arctic winters71 had it not been for the gross negligence of the ,red ,tapists4 ,the winter of #aheg-eh was rather severer than the average1 but not much4 ,the ,danube and ,russian ports in the ,black ,sea were frozen over in ,january1 #aheh4 ,the frost of ,december1 #ahfj1 and ,january1 #ahfa1 was remarkable4 ,the coldest recorded mean temperature for a month in time 7not the coldest month71 was that for the thirty days ending ,january #af1 #ahfa1--namely1 #bf degrees4 ,mr4 ,plant remarks that 'the intense cold on ,christmas-eve1 #ahfj1 finds no equal in his records1 since ,january #bj1 #ahch4 ,the thermometer registered #cd degrees of frost1 and in the valley of the ,rea1 five to seven degrees below zero4 ,strangely enough1 ,flammarion makes no mention of this bitter winter in his list of exceptionally cold winters4 ,the winter of #ahfd-fe lasted from ,december to the end of ,march1 all of which four months1 ,mr4 ,plant notes1 were of the true winter type4 ,the ,seine was frozen over at ,paris1 and people crossed the ice near the ,pont des ,arts4 ,the winter of #ahgj-ga will always be remembered as that during which the siege of ,paris was carried on1 and the last scenes of the ,franco-,prussian war took place4 ,as ,flammarion justly remarks1 this winter will be classed among severe winters1 because of the extreme cold in ,december and ,january 7notwithstanding the mild weather of ,february71 and also because of the fatal influence which the cold exercised upon the public health at the close of the war with ,germany4 ',the great equatorial current1' he proceeds 7meaning1 no doubt1 the winds which blow over the prolongation of the ,gulf ,stream71 'which generally extends to ,norway1 stopped this year at ,spain and ,portugal1 the prevailing wind being from the north4 ,on the #eth of ,december there was a temperature of #e degrees1 and on the #hth1 at ,montpellier1 the thermometer stood at #ag4f degrees4 ,a second period of cold set in on the #bbnd of ,december1 lasting until the #eth of ,january4 ,in ,paris the ,seine was blocked with ice1 and seemed likely to become frozen over4 ,on the #bdth there were #ba4f degrees of frost1 and at ,montpellier1 on the #cast1 #bh4h degrees4 ,it is well known that many of the outposts around ,paris1 and several of the wounded who had been lying for fifteen hours upon the field1 were found frozen to death4 ,from the #ith to the #aeth of ,january a third period of cold set in1 the thermometer marking #ag4f degrees' 7#ad4d degrees of frost7 'at ,paris1 and #h4f degrees at ,montpellier4 ,the most curious fact was that the cold was greater in the south than in the north of ,france4 ,at ,brussels the lowest temperatures were #aa4a degree in ,december and #h4b degrees in ,january4 ,there were forty days' frost at ,montpellier1 forty-two at ,paris1 and forty-seven at ,brussels during these two months4 ,finally1 the winter average 7,december1 ,january1 and ,february7 was #ce4b degrees in ,paris1 whereas the general average is #cg4i degrees4' ,in the north of ,europe this was also a very hard winter1 though the cold set in at a different time than that noted for ,france4 ,there were forty degrees of frost at ,copenhagen on ,february #ab--that is1 the temperature was #e degrees below zero4 ,by the documents which ,m4 ,renon furnished ,flammarion with for ,france1 ',i discover1' says the latter1 'a minimum of #i4d degrees below zero at ,prigueux1 and of #ac degrees below zero at ,moulins6 ,i find by the documents supplied me by ,mr4 ,glaisher1' he proceeds1 'that he also considers the winter of #ahgj-ga as appertaining to the class of winters memorable for their severity4' ,lastly1 in the winter which as ,i write 7,february #aj1 #ahgi7 seems to be nearly over1 we have had for ,december a mean temperature of only #ca degrees in the midlands--the coldest ,december known there1 followed by a ,january so cold that the mean temperature for the midlands was only #bi4h degrees4 ,mr4 ,g4,j4 ,symons1 the well-known meteorologist1 says of the past winter1 that ,january was the coldest for at least twenty-one1 and he believes for forty-one years1 following a ,december which was also1 with one exception1 the coldest for twenty-one years4' ,he gives an abstract of the temperatures 7both maximum and minimum7 for ,november1 ,december1 and ,january during the last twenty-one years1 from which it appears3-- #a4 ,that the average maximum temperature of ,november was the lowest during the period with two exceptions1 that of ,december the lowest with one exception1 and that of ,january the lowest of the whole period4 #b4 ,that the average minimum of ,november was the lowest during the period with four exceptions1 that of ,december the lowest with one exception1 and that of ,january the lowest4 #c4 ,that the mean temperature of the three months was not only five degrees below the average1 but also lower than in any previous year out of the twenty-one4 ,on the whole1 the winter of #ahgh-gi must be regarded as the coldest we have had during at least the last score of years1 and probably during twice that time4 ,it was not characterised by exceptionally severe short periods of intense cold1 like those which occurred during the winters of #ahed-ee1 #ahee-ef1 and #ahfj-fa2 but it has been surpassed by few winters during the last two centuries for constant low temperature and long-continued moderate frost4 ,during the last ninety years there have been only four winters matching that of #ahgh-gi in these respects4 99 99 99 99 99 ,since the preceding pages were written the weather record for ,february #ahgi has been completed4 ,like the three preceding months1 ,february showed a mean temperature below the average1 though the deficit was not quite so great as in those months4 ,the following table1 drawn out by ,mr4 ,plant1 shows the mean temperature at ,moseley for four winter months of #ahgh-gi1 and the average temperature for those months at ,moseley during the last twenty years3-- #ahgh-gi ,deg4 ,november #cg4j ,december #ca4j ,january #bi4h ,february #ce4h ---- ,mean of the four months in #cc4d ,average of #bj years ,deg4 ,november #da4e ,december #ci4j ,january #ce4e ,february #ci4j ---- ,average of four months in #bj years observations #ch4h ,,oxford ,,and ,,cambridge ,,rowing4 ,the records of the last eighteen boat-races between ,cambridge and ,oxford indicate clearly enough the existence of a difference of style in the rowing of the two universities1 a circumstance quite as plainly suggested by the five successive victories of ,cambridge in the years #ahgj-gd1 as by the nine successive victories of ,oxford which preceded them4 ,for it is1 or should be1 known that the victories of ,cambridge only began when ,morrison1 one of the finest ,oxford oarsmen1 had taught the ,cambridge men the ,oxford style1 so far as it could be imparted to rowers accustomed1 for the most part1 in intercollegiate struggles1 to a different system4 ,with regard to the long succession of ,oxford victories which began in #ahfa1 and which1 be it noticed1 followed on ,cambridge successes obtained when the light-blue stroke rowed in the ,oxford style1 ,i may remark that1 viewing the matter as a question of probabilities1 it may safely be said that the nine successive victories of ,oxford could not reasonably be regarded as accidental4 ,the loss of three or four successive races would not have sufficed to show that there was any assignable difference in the conditions under which the rival universities encountered each other on the ,thames4 ,in cases where the chance of one or other of two events happening is exactly equal1 there will repeatedly be observed recurrences of this sort4 ,but when the same event recurs so often as nine successive times1 it is justifiable to infer that the chances are not precisely--or perhaps even nearly--equal4 ,i believe ,i shall be able to indicate the existence of a cause quite sufficient to account for the series of defeats sustained in the years #ahfa-fi by ,cambridge1 and for the change of fortune experienced when for a while the ,cambridge oarsmen adopted the style of rowing which has prevailed for many years at the sister university4 ,i may premise that ,cambridge has an important advantage over ,oxford in the fact that she has a far larger number of men to choose from in selecting a university crew4 ,it may seem to many1 at first sight1 that as good a crew might well be selected from three hundred as from five hundred boating-men2 because it is not to be supposed that either number would supply many more than eight first-rate oarsmen4 ,but it must be remembered that there are first-rate oarsmen and first-rate oarsmen4 ,the unpractised eye may detect very little difference between the best and the worst oarsmen in such crews as ,oxford and ,cambridge yearly send to contend for the blue-riband of the river4 ,but differences exist2 and if the best man of the crew were replaced by one equal in rowing ability to the worst1 or vice vers1 an important difference would be observed in the time of rowing over the racing course1 under similar conditions of wind1 tide1 and so forth4 ,accordingly1 a large field for the selection of the men is a most important advantage4 ,taking1 for instance1 the five hundred rowing men of ,cambridge and dividing them into two sets--one of three hundred men1 corresponding to the three hundred rowing men of ,oxford1 and the other of two hundred men--we see that the first set ought to supply a crew strong enough to meet ,oxford1 and the second a crew nearly as strong4 ,now1 if the best men of the two ,cambridge crews thus supposed to be formed are combined--say five taken from the first and three from the second1 all the inferior men being struck out--a far stronger crew than either of the others would undoubtedly be formed4 ,so that if ,cambridge were generally the winner in these contests1 the ,oxonians would be able to account for their want of success in a sufficiently satisfactory manner4 ,the successive defeats sustained by the ,cambridge crews in #ahfa-fi are therefore so much the less readily explained as due to mere accident1 by which of course ,i mean simply such an accidental circumstance as that better oarsmen chanced to be at ,oxford than at ,cambridge in these years1 not to accident occurring in the race itself4 ,several reasons were assigned from time to time for the repeated victories of ,oxford4 ,some of these may conveniently be examined here1 before discussing what ,i take to be the true explanation4 ,some writers in the papers advanced the general proposition that ,oxford men are as a rule stronger and more enduring than ,cambridge men4 ,they did not tell us why this should be the case--to what peculiar influences it was due that the more powerful and energetic of our ,english youth should go to one university rather than the other4 ,no evidence of this peculiarity could be found in the university athletic sports1 in which success was1 as it has since been1 very equally divided4 ,and what made the theory the less satisfactory was the circumstance that it afforded no explanation of the early triumphs of the ,cantabs1 who won seven of the nine races they rowed against ,oxford4 ,of these races five were rowed from ,westminster to ,putney1 a course two miles longer than the present course from ,putney to ,mortlake4 ,a race over such a course and in the heavier old-fashioned racing-boats was a sufficient test of strength and endurance2 yet the ,cambridge men managed to win four out of these five events1 and that not by a few seconds1 but in three instances by upwards of a minute4 ,if there were any reason for conceiving that ,oxonians were as a rule stronger than ,cantabs in the years #ahfa-fi1 there is at least no reason for conceiving that any change can have taken place in the time between the earlier races and that during which ,oxford won so persistently4 ,and as the earlier races show no traces of any difference such as was insisted upon by many journalists in the latter part of the period of the ,oxford successes1 we may reasonably conclude that the difference had no real existence4 ,another theory resembling the preceding was also often urged4 ,it was said repeatedly in the papers that ,cambridge traditions encouraged a light flashy stroke1 pretty to look at but not effective2 that again1 ,cambridge rowed the first part of the course well but exhausted themselves before the conclusion of the race1 through their over-anxiety to get the advantage of their opponents in the beginning of the contest4 ,critics undertook to say that the ,oxford men 'rowed within themselves' at first1 reserving their strength for the last mile or two of the course4 ,now1 it will presently appear that there does exist in a certain peculiarity of what may justly be called the ,cambridge style1 a true cause for want of success1 and even for such a repeated series of defeats as the light-blue flag sustained in #ahfh-fi4 ,but the ,cambridge style rowed during these years was very far from being a flashy style4 ,on the contrary1 the old ,cambridge style1 which is still too often seen in ,college contests1 and has within the last four years been seen on the ,thames1 involves the rowing of a longer stroke than seems to be rowed in the true ,oxford style4 ,oxford rowing is pre-eminently lively4 ,anyone who had been at the pains to time the strokes of the ,oxford and ,cambridge crews during the years #ahfa-fi1 would have been able at once to dispose of the notion that ,cambridge men row the more rapid stroke4 ,in these nine races1 as in the practice preceding them1 the ,oxford crew often took forty-four strokes per minute4 ,especially did they rise to this swift stroke in some of those grand spurts which so often carried the dark-blue flag in front4 ,i do not remember that the ,cambridge crews ever went beyond forty-two strokes per minute4 ,then again as to starting early and being quickly spent1 a good deal of nonsense was written4 ,in some of the later contests of the series #ahfa-fi1 indeed1 the ,cambridge crews1 urged by the thought of numerous past defeats1 made unduly exhausting efforts in the earlier part of the race4 ,but nothing was done in this way which would have caused the loss of the race if the ,cambridge crew had really had it in them to win4 ,if the better of two crews puts on rather too much steam at first1 they draw so quickly ahead that they soon begin to feel that they have the race in hand1 and so proceed to take matters more steadily4 ,in such powerful and well-trained crews as both universities usually send to the contest1 very little harm is done by varying the order of the work a little--rowing hard at first and steadily afterwards1 or vice vers4 ,it is easy for lookers-on1 most of whom have never taken part in a boat-race1 to theorise on these matters4 ,but those who know what boat racing is 7as distinguished1 be it noticed1 from most contests of speed7 know that the better boat is almost sure to win in whatever way the stroke may set them their work4 ,a good crew1 unlike a good horse1 requires no jockeying4 ,the difference of the rivers ,cam and ,isis has been urged as a sufficient reason for inferiority on the part of the ,cambridge crews4 ,that the difference used to tell unfavourably upon the chances of the light blue flag before the river had been widened and the railway bridge modified1 and that even now the ,cambridge crews would not be all the better for a better river to practice on1 cannot be denied4 ,but ,i question whether even before the widening of the river1 this particular cause sufficed to counterbalance the advantage of the ,cantabs in point of numbers4 ,nor do ,i think that those who urged the inferiority of the ,cambridge river have recognised the principal disadvantage which it entailed upon the light-blue oarsmen4 ,the first circumstance to be noticed1 in this connection1 is the difference in the conditions under which racing-boats were and are steered along the two rivers4 ,a ,cambridge coxswain has in some respects an easier1 in others a more difficult task than the ,oxonian4 ,in the first place1 he has very little choice as to the course along which he shall take his boat4 ,all he has to do is to steer as closely round each corner as possible2 and the narrowness of the river renders it difficult for him to fall into any error in running a straight line from corner to corner4 ,the ,oxonian coxswain1 on the other hand1 requires to be more carefully on the watch lest he should suffer his boat to diverge from the just course1 which is far less obvious on the wider ,isis than on the ,cam4 ,but although the ,cambridge coxswain has the shores of the river close to him on either hand1 and can thus never be at a loss as to his just course1 yet to maintain this obvious course he has to be continually moving the rudder-lines4 ,in fact1 there are some 'eights' which steer so ill that it is no easy matter to keep them from the shores when the crew are sending them along at racing speed4 ,in rounding the three great corners which have to be passed in the ordinary racing-course at ,cambridge--viz41 ,first ,post ,corner1 ,grassy ,corner1 and ,ditton ,corner--the rudder has to be made use of in a much more decided manner than in the straighter course along which the ,oxford racing eights have to travel4 ,i have seen the water bubbling over the rudder of a racing eight1 as she rounded ,grassy ,corner1 in a manner which showed clearly enough how her 'way' must have been checked2 yet1 probably1 if the rudder-lines had been relaxed for a moment1 the ill-steering craft would have gone irretrievably out of her course1 and been presently stranded on the farther bank4 ,and even eights which steer well had to be very carefully handled along the narrow and winding ditch which we ,cantabs used to call 'the river4' ,a more serious disadvantage1 so far as the prospects of ,university ,boats were concerned1 lay in the circumstance that there was no part of the ,cam 7within easy reach1 at least1 of ,cambridge7 along which the crew could row without a break1 for four or five miles1 as they had to do in the actual encounter with the ,oxford boat4 ,the whole range of the river between the locks next below ,cambridge and ,bait's ,bite ,locks1 is somewhat under four miles and a half4 ,but about a mile and a quarter from ,bait's ,bite sluice1 the railway-bridge crosses the river1 and until a few years ago1 the supports of this bridge divided the river into three parts4 ,there was in my time a vague tradition that the ,university ,eight had once or twice been steered through the widest of these passages without stopping2 but ,i doubt much whether there could have been any truth in the story4 ,certainly no coxswain in my time at ,cambridge ever achieved the feat1 nor could it be safely attempted even by the most skilful steersman4 ,the consequence was that there was a break in the long course which took away all its value as a preparation for the actual race4 ,it may seem to the uninitiated a trifling matter that a crew should get a few seconds of rest in so long a pull4 ,but those who know what racing is1 are aware that the slightest break--one stroke even1 shirked--is an immense relief to the tugging oarsman4 ,beyond ,bait's ,bite ,locks there is a three-and-a-half-miles course1 liable to be broken by the manoeuvres of a floating bridge or ferry boat opposite ,clayhithe4 ,next comes another short course extending to ,upware4 ,and lastly from ,upware to ,ely there is a fine five-and-a-half-miles course1 considerably wider than the ,cam1 and presenting several splendid reaches4 ,to this course the ,cambridge men used to betake themselves four or five times in the course of their preparation for the great race4 ,but a course so far removed from the university itself was clearly far less advantageous than the convenient ,oxford long course1 extending from the ferry at ,christ ,church meadows to ,newnham4 ,still1 annoying as the want of a convenient long-course must be considered1 ,i cannot attribute the long succession of ,cambridge defeats in #ahfa-fi to such a cause as this4 ,it is true that before the railway-bridge was built1 the ,cambridge crew used generally to win1 and that since it has been so far modified as not to interfere with the passage of a racing eight1 they have again been successful1 whereas1 while the supports of the bridge checked them midway on their course1 they were less fortunate4 ,but to connect these circumstances as cause and effect1 would be as unsafe as the theory of the ,margate fishermen who ascribed the ,goodwin ,sands to the building of the ,reculvers4 ,it has been said that the shallowness of the ,cam affects the style of ,cambridge oarsmen4 ,this seems to me a fanciful theory4 ,occasionally in the course of a race close steering round one or other of the sharper corners might permit the oarsmen to 'feel the bottom1' for two or three strokes2 but during all the rest of the course the oars find plenty of water to take good hold of4 ,the ,cam was undoubtedly growing shallower for some time after #ahfj2 and the change gave some degree of support to the theory that the peculiarities of the ,cambridge style were due to the peculiarities of the ,cambridge river4 ,but ,i believe the notion was a wholly mistaken one2 and ,i am confirmed in this belief by noticing that the ,cambridge style from #ahfj to #ahfi was in all essential respects1 and especially in that feature which ,i shall presently describe as its radical and fatal defect1 the same precisely as it had been in earlier times when ,cambridge was oftener successful than defeated4 ,i have heard ,cambridge men say1 indeed1 that after rowing on the ,cam they feel quite strange on ,thames water4 ,they feel1 they say1 as if the boat were running away with them4 ,i have experienced the feeling myself1 when rowing on the ,thames anywhere below ,teddington2 but most markedly below ,kew4 ,it is not due1 however1 to the mere difference in the depth of the two streams1 but mainly1 if not wholly1 to the circumstance that the lower part of the ,thames is a tidal river4 ,it is not noticeable above ,teddington1 save 7in a somewhat modified form7 in those portions of the river called 'races1' where the stream runs with unusual rapidity4 ,i should suppose that ,oxonians felt the influence of this peculiarity fully as much as ,cambridge oarsmen do2 in fact1 ,i know that this is the experience of some ,oxonians1 for they have told me as much4 ,i believe that the principal disadvantage which the narrowness of the ,cam entailed upon boating-men at ,cambridge1 lay in the circumstance that ,cambridge men never had an opportunity of rowing a level race4 ,they had 'bumping races' for the college eights--as the ,oxonians had--and time-races to decide between the merits of two or three boats1 whereas at ,oxford two boats could contend side by side4 ,thus it was to many ,cambridge men a novel and somewhat disturbing experience to find themselves rowing close alongside of their opponents4 ,it may seem fanciful to notice any disadvantage in such a matter as this2 yet ,i believe that the matter was not a trifle4 ,the excitement which men feel just before a race begins1 and during the first half-mile or so of its progress1 is so intense that a small difference of this sort is apt to produce much more effect than might be expected4 ,i think the somewhat flurried style in which the ,cantabs were often observed to row the first half-mile of the great race might be partly ascribed to this cause4 ,of course1 ,i am far from saying that if a ,cambridge crew had been decidedly better than their opponents1 the race could have been lost or even endangered from such a cause as this4 ,and now it remains that ,i should point out that peculiarity in what may be called the ,cambridge style of rowing--though it is not now systematically adopted by ,cambridge crews--to which the defeats of the light-blue flag in the years #ahfa-fi were ,i believe to be chiefly attributed4 ,it should be remembered that before we can recognise a peculiarity of style as the cause of a long series of defeats1 it must be shown that the peculiarity is neither trifling nor accidental4 ,there are peculiarities in rowing which have a very slight effect upon the speed with which the boat is propelled by the crew4 ,amongst these may be fairly included such points as the following3--the habit of throwing out the elbows just before feathering1 feathering high or low1 rowing short or long 7a technical expression now commonly1 though incorrectly1 applied to the length of the stroke1 but properly relating to the distance at which the stretcher or foot-board is placed from the seat71 sitting high or low1 and so on4 ,all these peculiarities--of course within reasonable limits--are unimportant1 save in so far as they indicate that the style of the stroke itself is faulty4 ,then again there are accidental peculiarities1 which may be exceedingly important in themselves1 but which yet produce only a transient influence1 because they are personal peculiarities of such and such a stroke1 and when he has left his university they remain no longer in vogue4 ,as an illustration of this sort of peculiarity1 ,i may notice the remarkably effective stroke rowed by ,hall of ,magdalen in the year #aheh-fj4 ,there the radical defect of the ,cambridge style was almost obliterated1 and all the good points of that style were fully brought out4 ,the result was that1 out of three races rowed with ,oxford1 ,cambridge won two1 and though they lost the third1 yet they lost it in such a manner as to obtain more credit than any winning race could have brought them4 ,i refer to the memorable race of #ahei1 in which the ,cambridge boat was1 at starting1 half full of water1 and gradually filling as the race proceeded1 sank about half-a-mile from the winning-post1 being at the moment of sinking only four lengths behind ,oxford1 notwithstanding the tremendous difficulties under which the crew had all along been rowing4#ac ,mr4 ,hall also rowed stroke in the great race with the famous ,london crew--,casamajor1 ,playford1 the two ,paynes1 c4--when ,cambridge won by half a boat's length4 ,we have1 however1 to inquire whether there is any point held to be essential by ,cambridge oarsmen1 which is sufficiently important and sufficiently faulty to account for the marked want of success which attended the light-blue flag in the years #ahfa-fi4 ,the following peculiarity appears to me to be precisely of such a character4 ,it was formerly held by nearly all the ,cambridge oarsmen that 'the instant the oar touches the water' 7,i am quoting from a pamphlet called ',principles of ,rowing1' much read by rowing-men at ,cambridge7 'the arms and body should begin to fall backwards1 the former continuing at their full stretch till the back is perpendicular2 they are then bent1 the elbows being brought close past the sides1' etc4 ,if a ,cambridge oarsman broke this rule1 so that his arms began to bend before his back was upright1 he would be told that he was jerking4 ',this is caused1' says our authority1 'by pulling the first part of the stroke with violence and not falling gradually backwards to finish it4 ,the most muscular men are more than others guilty of it1 because they trust too much to their arms1 instead of making each part of the body do its proportionate quantity of work4 ,it is most annoying to the rest of the crew1 injures the uniform swing throughout the boat1 and soon tires out the man himself1 however strong he may be1 because he is virtually rowing unsupported1 and he has nearly the whole weight of the boat on his arms alone4' ,i was myself trained to row the ,cambridge style1 and when ,i became captain of a boat-club1 ,i was careful to inculcate this style on my crew1 and on other crews which came more or less directly under my supervision4 ,but ,i am convinced that the peculiarity so carefully enjoined in past time by the ,cambridge club-captains1 and still retained1 is altogether erroneous for boats of the modern build4 ,i first became aware that the ,cambridge style is not the water-man's--and1 therefore1 presumably not the most effective--through practising in a racing-four with three of our most noted ,thames watermen--the two ,mackinnys1 and ,chitty of ,richmond4 ,they were then preparing for the ,thames ,national ,regatta1 though not as a set crew4 ,accordingly the coxswain would frequently call upon us for a good lifting spurt of a quarter of a mile or so4 ,during these spurts the coxswain was continually telling me that ,i was not keeping stroke1 and ,i was sensible myself that something was going wrong4 ,one who has taken part in boat-races very soon detects any irregularity in the rowing--by which ,i do not of course refer to so gross a defect as not keeping time4 ,all the men of a crew may be keeping most perfect time1 and may even present the appearance of keeping stroke together1 and yet may not be feeling their work simultaneously4 ,i was aware that something was going wrong1 but ,i found it impossible1 without abandoning the style of rowing in which ,i had been so carefully trained1 to keep stroke with the rest of the crew4 ,it seemed to me that they were doubling over their work1 because while ,i was still swaying backwards they had reached the limit of their swing4 ,then they did not seem to me to feather with that lightning flash which the ,cambridge style enjoins4 ,altogether1 ,i left them after three or four long pulls with the impression that1 though they might be very effective watermen1 they had but a poor style4 ,soon after1 however1 ,i had occasion to watch ,oxford oarsmen at their work1 and ,i found that they row in a style which1 without being actually identical with that of the ,london waterman1 resembles it in all essential respects4 ,the moment the oar catches the water1 the body is thrown back as in the ,cambridge style1 but the arms1 instead of being kept straight1 immediately begin to do their share of the work4 ,the result is that when the body is upright the arms are already bent1 and the stroke is finished when the body is very little beyond the perpendicular position4 ,now let us compare the two strokes theoretically4 ,in each stroke the body does a share of the work1 and in the ,cambridge stroke the body even seems to do more work than in the ,oxford stroke1 since it is swayed farther back4 ,in each stroke1 again1 the arms do a share of the work1 but in the ,oxford stroke the work of the arms is distributed equally as a help to that of the body1 whereas in the ,cambridge stroke the work of the arms is all thrown upon the finish of the stroke4 ,at first sight it seems to matter very little in what order the work is done1 so long as the same amount of work is done in the same space of time4 ,but here an important consideration has to be attended to4 ,there are two things which the oarsman does in whatever style he rows4 ,he propels the boat along1 by pressing the blade of his oar against the water as a fulcrum2 but he also propels his oar more or less through the water4 ,if instead of the actual state of things1 the boat were to slide along an oiled groove in some solid substance1 whose surface was so ridged that the oar could bear upon the ridges without any flexure1 then indeed it would matter very little in what way the oar was pulled1 so long as it was pulled through a good range in a short space of time4 ,but the actual state of things being different1 we have to inquire whether it is not possible that one style of rowing may serve more than another to make the slip of the oar through the water 7a dead loss1 be it remarked1 so far as the propulsion of the boat is concerned7 bear too large a proportion to the actual work done by the rower4 ,let us make a simple illustration4 ,suppose a person standing on the edge of a sheet of water seeks to propel across the sheet a heavy log lying near the bank4 ,if he gives the log a violent kick1 it will scarcely move at all through the water1 but after a few vibrations will be seen to lie a few inches from its former position4 ,the force expended has not been thrown away1 however1 but has resulted in a violent shock to the kicker4 ,but if instead of kicking the log the person apply the same amount of force gently at first and then with gradually increasing intensity1 the log will receive a much more effective impetus1 and its motion will continue long after the force has ceased to be exerted4 ,the same amount of force which before produced a motion of a few inches will now project the log several yards4 ,and now to apply this illustration4 ,if the object of the rower were to move his oar through the water--the boat being supposed for the moment to be a fixture--he could not do better than to adopt the ,cambridge style of pulling4 ,for this style gives a steady pressure on the oar at the beginning of the stroke1 followed by a gradual increase1 and ending by a sharp lift through the water4 ,on the contrary1 the ,oxford style1 in which arms and body apply all their strength at once to the oar1 would probably1 as in the case of our imaginary fixed boats1 result in the fracture of the oar4 ,if the boat were not fixed1 but very heavy and clumsy1 conclusions very different from the above would be arrived at4 ,the ,oxford style would be unsuitable to the propulsion of a heavy boat1 because1 although the oar would have very little slip through the water1 yet the boat itself could not be moved in so sudden a manner as to make the applied force available4 ,on the other hand1 the ,cambridge style would be very suitable2 because1 although there would be considerable 'slip' this would in any case be inevitable1 and the force would be applied to the boat 7as well as to the oar7 in the gradual increasing manner best suited to produce motion through the water4 ,hence we can understand the long series of victories gained by the light-blue oarsmen in the 'old fashioned racing eights'4 ,but when we come to consider the case of a boat like the present wager-boat--a boat which answers immediately to the slightest propelling force--we see that that mode of rowing must be the most effective which permits the oar to have the least possible motion through the water1 which lifts the boat along from the water as from an almost stable fulcrum4 ,hence it is that that sharp grip of the water which is taken by ,london watermen1 and by rowers at ,oxford1 ,eton1 ,radley1 and ,westminster1 is so much more effective than the heavy drag followed by a rapid and almost jerking finish which marks the ,cambridge style4 ,the mention of public-school rowing leads me to urge another consideration4 ,there are public-school oarsmen at ,cambridge1 and they hold1 as might be supposed1 a high position amongst university rowing-men4 ,in general they form so small a minority of college racing-men1 that they have to give up their own workmanlike style1 and adopt the style of those they row with4 ,but there is one club--the ,third ,trinity ,club--which consists exclusively of ,eton and ,westminster men1 and although it is a small club1 it has been repeatedly at the head of the river1 holding its own successfully against clubs which have sent in far heavier and better-trained crews4 ,but even more remarkable is the fact that powerful college crews were sent from ,cambridge to ,henley between the years #ahfj-fi which have actually been unable to maintain their own against ,eton lads6 ,this of itself suffices to show that there was something radically wrong in the style then prevalent at ,cambridge2 for in such races age1 weight1 strength1 and length of practice were all in favour of the ,cambridge crews4 ,when ,i first expressed these views about the ,oxford and ,cambridge style in the ',daily ,news' in ,april #ahfi1 several ,oxford and ,cambridge men denied that the difference between the two styles was that which ,i have indicated1 asserting that neither ,oxford nor ,cambridge oarsmen advocated working with the arms in the beginning of the stroke4 ,it was so great a novelty to myself to learn1 in #aheh1 that ,london watermen row in the manner ,i have described1 and ,i found the very watermen who rowed in that way so confidently denying that they did so1 that ,i was not greatly surprised to find many ,university men1 and not a few of the first ,university oarsmen1 persisting that the rules laid down in ',principles of ,rowing' before the modern racing-boats were used are still valid and are still followed at ,oxford as well as ,cambridge4 ,it was denounced as a special heresy to teach that work should be done by the arms at the beginning of the stroke1 instead of the old rule being followed according to which the arms were to remain straight till the body was upright in the backward swing1 the work being done entirely by the body and legs up to that moment1 and then finished by the arms4 ,but before ,i ventured to enunciate a theory on the subject ,i had been careful to apply a number of tests not only while watching ,oxford and ,cambridge eights1 but in actual practice4 ,i had inquired diligently also of those who are not merely able to adopt a good rowing style but to analyse it1 so as to learn precisely where and how they do their work4 ,in some cases1 ,i found first-rate oarsmen had given very little thought to the matter2 but on the question being put to them1 they quickly recognised the essential principles on which the most effective and the least tiring style for the modern racing-boat depends4 ,one such oarsman said to me1 after giving a few days' trial as well as thought to the matter--',you are quite right2 arms1 legs1 and body must work together from the very beginning'2 the work is done when the body comes upright2 and not only must this be so for the work to be done in the most effective way1 but it is essential also if the hands are to be quickly disengaged1 the recovery quick1 and a good reach forward obtained4 ,i found1 however1 that the essential distinction between a good style in the modern racing eight1 and a good style in the old-fashioned boats1 had been recognised 7at least1 so far as the modern boats are concerned7 a year before my article in the ',daily ,news' appeared4 ,in an article on ',water ,derbies1' ',wat ,bradwood1' describing the ,university race of #ahfh1 draws the following distinctions between the two crews1 which precisely accord with my own observations on that occasion2 only it is to be noticed that1 whereas he is describing the beginning of the race1 the whole of which he witnessed from the ,umpire's boat1 my observations were made from the shore not far from the finish1 when ,oxford was so far ahead that there was ample time to note separately and closely the style of each boat3--',the styles of progress of the two boats themselves are palpably distinct1' he says2 ',cambridge take a shorter time to come through the air than to row through the water2 they go much farther backward than ,oxford1 and are very slow in getting the hands off the chest2 their boat is drawn through the water at each stroke1 but has hardly any perceptible lift4 ,oxford1 on the other hand1 swing just the reverse of ,cambridge1 a long time in getting forward' 7he means of course1 a relatively longer time1 for no good oarsman would ever take a long time in getting forward71 'and very fast through the water1 driving the oars through with a hit like sledgehammers1 while the boat jumps out of the water several inches at each stroke4' ,these last words again relate rather to contrast between the boats than to the actual lift4 ,the 'drag at the end' in the ,cambridge style used always to dip the nose of the eight1 whereas the quick disengagement of the hands in the ,oxford style prevents any dipping1 so that by contrast the ,oxford boat seen beside the ,cambridge seemed lifted at the end of each stroke4 ,in reality there was very little if any lifting1 though the sharp grip of the water at the beginning of the stroke caused the boat to dip a little as compared with her position at the end4 ,theoretically1 the less change of level throughout the stroke 7from feather to finish7 the better2 but if there is any such change1 it is far better it should be of the nature of a lift above the flotation-level than of the nature of a dip below that level4 ,again1 towards the close of the same article ',wat ,bradwood' made the following pertinent remarks respecting the ,oxford style in #ahfh and generally3 ',the general style of ,oxford has not deteriorated2 though many outsiders fancied that ,oxford rowed a short stroke1 it was more that the time occupied by them in slashing the oar through the water was short than the reach itself2 this deceived inexperienced eyes1 especially when compared to the slow 'draw through' 7query 'drag'7 of ,cambridge1 which often appeared for similar reasons a longer stroke than it really was4#ad ,he attributed the defeat of the ,cantabs1 who were a stronger set of men than the ,oxonians1 to the teaching of their 'coach1' who had been 7though this he does not mention7 as good a 'coach' as ever existed for rowing in the old fashioned style of boats1 but whose 'experience availed nothing to teach the modern style of light-boat rowing4' ,in another article by the same writer1 in the ',pall ,mall ,gazette1' 7#ahfh71 a noteworthy illustration is given of the value of a good style4 ',among the college boats in the first division at ,cambridge this year1 the strongest were perhaps ,first ,trinity1 ,trinity ,flail1 and notably ,emmanuel2 the weakest in the division was the ,lady ,margaret crew1'--the crew representing ,st4 ,john's ,college4 ',but notwithstanding this1 ,lady ,margaret went up one place1 and pressed ,trinity very hotly4 ,there must1 of course1 be some special reason to account for eight weak men proving superior to eight strong ones4' ,there is a little 7unintentional7 exaggeration here2 the stroke of the ,lady ,margaret crew was a strong as well as an elegant oarsman1 and two others of the crew could certainly not be called weak2 nevertheless the crew as a whole was undoubtedly weak compared with most of the other crews of the first division1 ',that reason1' proceeds our author1 'is to be found in style4 ,every day of practice on the ,cam you hear the coaches of the different racing-boats giving their crews certain directions1 some absurd1 and nearly all1 from some accidental reason1 useless4 ,the chief of these is to keep it long1 and if you object to the results of this teaching1 you are told that length is the great requisite of good rowing1 and that ,oxford1 sir1 always beat us1 because they are longer than we are4 ,now1 this is true and yet untrue4 ,at ,cambridge length is acquired by making the men finish the stroke1 that is1 by making them swing well back beyond the perpendicular4 ,of course the oar remains longer in the water1 but we maintain that the extra time it is kept there by the backward motion of the body is time lost4 ,the swinging back throws a tremendous strain on the abdominal muscles1 the weakest rowing muscles in the body2 very soon the men feel this strain1 become exhausted1 and unable to get forward1 and finally lose time and swing and go all to pieces4 ,length obtained by going backwards is of no possible use4 ,a crew ought to be coached to get as far forward as they can1 to finish the stroke by bringing their elbows past their sides1 and their hands well into their bodies1 and then complaints about wind and last will be fewer4 ,this was abundantly proved in the late ,may races4 ,first ,trinity1 it is true1 kept head1 but only because of their great strength1 and because they had a stroke who understood the duties of his position4 ,before1 the races every sporting newspaper1 every supposed judge of rowing in the ,university1 was certain about only one thing1 and that was that ,lady ,margaret must go down2 the only question was where they would stop4 ,they1 however1 not only kept away from ,trinity ,hall1 but finished above ,emmanuel and ,third ,trinity1 infinitely stronger' 7which no doubt must be understood as meaning 'far stronger'7 'boats4 ,the reason was that they were the only boat on the river which rowed in anything like a good style4 ,they had the reach forward1 the quick recovery1 and the equally quick disengagement of the hands1 which marked the ,oxford crew of #ahfh4 ,consequently although a very weak lot of men1 they were able to vindicate style against strength4 ,we hope' 7added ,wat ,bradwood7 'that ,cambridge generally will appreciate the lesson2 it is one that has not been taught them for years1 and results on their own river ought to show its value4' ,less than a year after this was written1 the ,cambridge boat1 with ,goldie1 the ,lady ,margaret stroke1 at the aft thwart1 were just beaten by ,oxford in one of the best races ever rowed1 and the year after1 with the same stroke1 they won for the first time in ten years4 ,the subsequent successes of the ,jesus boat on the ,cam afforded further illustrations of the superiority of style over strength4 ,for the ,jesus boat has remained for years at the head of the river1 though the crew as a whole has often been far surpassed in strength by the crews of ,trinity1 ,john's1 and other colleges4 ,there is1 as the writer from whom ,i have quoted above correctly says1 'no opposition between theory and practice in this matter1 any more than there is in metaphysics or moral philosophy4' ,the ill-success of ,cambridge in past years was in the main due to a want of appreciation of theory1 and the absence of due recognition of the entire change which the introduction of the light outrigged racing-boat had produced in the art of effective rowing4 ,the ,cambridge 'finish to the stroke1' the 'lug at the end1' as sailors call it1 was excellent with the old fashioned boats4 ,it was indeed essential to success in a race1 as was the lightning feather4 ,but now the essential conditions are a sharp grasp of the water at the beginning of the stroke1 the intensest possible action then and throughout the time the oar is in the water1 so that the oar may be as short a time as possible in the water1 but in the time may have the largest possible range4 ,this result must not merely be obtained from each individual member of the crew1 but from all together in precisely the same time4 ,it is necessary that the stroke should mark the time in the most distinct and emphatic manner4 ,in the ,cambridge style1 or what at least used so to be called1 perfect time1 though of course always desirable1 was not so absolutely essential as in the ,oxford style4 ,the oars being a long time in the water1 it mattered less if any oarsman was for a small fraction of a second behind or in advance of his fellows4 ,but with the sharp dash upon the water and the quick tear through the water of the better style1 perfect simultaneity is all-important4 ,the stroke must not only have first a good style himself1 and secondly a keen sense of time1 but he must have that power of making his crew know and feel what he is doing1 and what he wants them to do1 which constitutes the essential distinction between the merely steady stroke and such a stroke as every man of the crew feels to be made for the place4 ,when one of these 'born strokes' occupies the aft thwart1 there is no occasion for the coxswain to tell the crew when to quicken or when to row steadily at their hardest2 for the whole crew knows and feels the purpose of the stroke as distinctly as he knows and feels it himself4 ,the following paragraph1 written a few days before the race 7#ahgi7 is left unaltered4 ,i may note that ,marriott1 the successful ,oxford stroke of #ahgh1 so far succeeded in improving the style of the ,oxford boat when he took the aft thwart in '#gi 7far too late by the way71 that ,cambridge did not win by anything like the expected distance4 ,since the above was written ,i have seen both the crews for the present year's race at work4 ,it is too early to venture a prediction as to the result of the race1 though the odds offered on ,cambridge would seem to imply that nothing short of an accident can save ,oxford from a crushing defeat4 ,it is manifest that ,cambridge has the stronger crew1 and the style of the ,oxford crew at present is not such as to indicate that this year the ,oxford style will defeat superior strength4 ,in fact1 at present1 ,oxford shows defects which have been wont to characterise ,cambridge crews1 and which unmistakably do characterise the present ,cambridge crew1 fine though it undoubtedly is4 ,but if1 as has before now happened1 the ,oxford crew fall into the true ,oxford style during the fortnight before the race1 the odds will not be #b to #a as at present1 nor even #c to #b1 on ,cambridge4 ,,footnotes3 ,footnote #ac3 ',wat ,bradwood1' in an article on ',water ,derbies1' afterwards referred to1 says that ,cambridge was fairly beaten when the boat sank4 ,he might with equal justice have said that they were fairly beaten when they started4 ,they never had a chance of winning from the start1 having then half a boat-full1 and for some time before they sank a whole boat-full1 of water to take along with them4 ,footnote #ad3 ,this agrees closely with my own description written later1 but independently1 and flatly contradicted by more than one ,oxford oarsman at the time3 ',in the case of ,oxford1' ,i said1 after describing the lightning feather following the long sweeping stroke of ,cambridge1 'we observe a style which at first sight seems less excellent4 ,as soon as the oars are dashed down and catch their first hold of the water1 the arms as well as the shoulders of each oarsman are at work4 ,the result is that when the back has reached an upright position the hands have already reached the chest1 and the stroke is finished4 ,thus the ,oxford stroke takes a perceptibly shorter time than the ,cambridge stroke2 it is also necessarily somewhat shorter in the water4 ,one would therefore say it must be less effective4 ,especially would an unpractised observer form this opinion1 because the ,oxford stroke seems to be much shorter in range than it is in reality4 ,there we have the secret of its efficiency4 ,it is actually as long as the ,cambridge stroke1 but is taken in a perceptibly shorter time4 ,what does this mean but that the oar is taken more sharply1 and therefore much more effectively1 through the water8 ,much more effectively1 ,i proceeded1 'so far as the actual conditions of the contest are concerned1' going on to consider the difference between the modern and the old fashioned racing boats4--,light ,science for ,leisure ,hours3 ,essay on ,oxford and ,cambridge ,rowing ,styles4 ,,rowing ,,styles4 ,professor ,marcy has recently discussed1 in a lecture on ,living ,locomotors 7,moteurs ,anims71 the principles of propulsion4 ,had he been an ,englishman he would probably have found some of his most striking illustrations among different cases of propulsion through water4 ,but1 although he limited his discussion of animated motors to those which work on land1 he yet laid down the fundamental principle of all propulsion1 which is that as little as possible--and therefore1 if possible1 none at all--of the energy employed to produce propulsion should be expended in injurious work4 ,even with the best carriages1 he pointed out1 there remain vibrations and shocks which must be attacked and destroyed to render the conditions of traction more perfect2 they are veritable shocks1 which use up part of the work of the horse in giving only hurtful effects1 bruising the animal's breast1 injuring his muscles1 and1 in spite of the padding of the collar1 sometimes wounding him4 ,then he showed a simple experiment suggested by the able dynamician1 ,poncelet4 ,to a weight of five kilos1 7about #aalb47 a string is attached by which the weight can be lifted1 but not much more4 ,then the experimenter tries to lift the weight rapidly with the string1 which breaks without moving the weight1 while the fingers are more or less hurt by the sudden shock4 ,if now1 a cord of equal strength1 but slightly elastic1 is substituted1 the experiment ends differently4 ,the sudden effort of elevation is transformed into a more prolonged action1 and the weight is raised without bruising the fingers or breaking the cord4 ,yet a still more sudden movement would break the cord in this case1 though a yet more extensible cord would resist even a yet more sudden jerk4 ,according to the strength of the cord1 its extensibility1 and the weight to be lifted1 must be the nature of the upward pull in order that the greatest possible velocity may be communicated without injury to the cord or to the lifter's hand4 ,this simple series of experiments involves the essential principles of effective propulsion1 where1 at least1 great velocity is among the results to be attained4 ,although1 perhaps1 at present1 the public are disposed to consider the ,university race from a sporting rather than from a scientific point of view1 yet it has long been admitted1 even by the most ardent lovers of rowing as a sport1 that it has its scientific side4 ,in a pamphlet on the ',principles of ,rowing1' by ',oarsmen1' written somewhere about the year #ahdg1--;it bears no date1 but speaks of rowing as having first appeared as a public amusement #aa years ago1 and the first ,university race on the ,thames was rowed in #ahcf1--the writers urge that rowing surely deserves to be called a scientific pursuit1 and proceed to trace out the 'main principles in virtue of which it claims a scientific character4' ,these principles1 which were generally considered sound when they were originally enunciated1 though even then they were beginning to be to some degree questionable1 have been quoted over and over again since1 or1 if not verbally quoted1 have been1 in effect1 adopted by writers on rowing4 ,the justice of some of them has caused the entire set to be received without question1 even by oarsmen who in practice depart from several of them in a very marked degree4 ,the assumption has been that there is but one good rowing style1 and that1 therefore1 a style adopted and proved by practice to be the best in the years #ahcf-ahdf should be adopted as the best now4 ',there is but one style1' says one authority1 'and one alone1' he adds with some redundancy4 ,now1 in so far as river racing is almost always carried on in boats of the same kind for each class--eight oars1 four oars1 pairs1 and sculls--it is in a sense true that there is but one racing style4 ,but even in river rowing1 as distinguished from river racing1 there are more styles than one1--by which we mean more correct styles1 for1 of course1 there are multitudinous bad styles in every kind of rowing4 ,the style suitable for a racing boat moving at full speed would not be suitable even for the same boat at starting1 and would be utterly unsuitable for a pleasure boat4 ,we may remark1 in passing1 that1 however suitable tubbing practice may be several weeks before a race1 it is open to objection after a crew has settled into its racing stroke4 ,no one who understands rowing will assert that even the two strongest members of either ,university crew can row in the same style in tub practice as in their eight at her full speed1 or1 seeing them1 will fail to perceive that they row entirely different strokes in the tub and in the eight4 ,again1 the style of rowing proved by practical experience to be best in seaside racing is entirely different from the style successful in river racing4 ,yet another style is essential to success in races rowed in the heavier boats used by men-of-war's men4 ,and it will be admitted1 we think1 though no experiments have yet1 to our knowledge1 been made in this direction1 that if matches were arranged among our best bargemen and lightermen we should see a mode of pulling which would differ as markedly from the man-of-war's man's strokes as that does from the stroke which ,o',leary1 of ,folkestone1 rows1 and this in turn from the style of the best ,london or ,university oarsmen4 ,so far as these last two styles are concerned1 it should be remembered that they have been put to the test in the most decisive manner4 ,the best ,london oarsmen have been repeatedly defeated in seaside rowing 7even in still weather71 and the best seaside oarsmen have been beaten in river rowing4 ,it would be absurd to attribute this to awkwardness in unfamiliar boats1 for any good oarsman can very soon row without awkwardness in any kind of boat4 ,it was the style which made the difference--the style only4 ,on priori grounds1 then1 we should expect to find the question whether the style approved by ',oarsmen' #cj years ago should be1 as it is1 the style constantly recommended now-a-days depending simply on the question whether the racing boat of our time is similar1 so far as the requirements of propulsion are concerned1 to the old-fashioned racing boats1 however different in appearance the two kinds of boat may be4 ,to assert this1 however1 would be almost equivalent to asserting that there has been no real improvement in the qualities of racing boats--nay1 when one considers the great advantages possessed1 in some respects1 by the old fashioned boats and their much superior durability1 we should have to acknowledge that racing boats had deteriorated4 ,no one will for a moment assert this4 ,we know that the racing boat of our time is not only much lighter1 but travels with much less resistance through the water1 maintains its velocity far better between the strokes1 and can be made with equal effort to go at least one-fifth faster than the old fashioned racing boat4 ,the antecedent probability is1 then1 that the modern racing boat requires a mode of propulsion unlike that which was approved in #ahdj or thereabouts--requires1 in fact1 a style which in those days would have been justly regarded as radically bad4 ,there is direct evidence from the results of many years of racing to show that this difference really exists1 as might be expected1 though the evidence may probably be questioned by those who maintain that there is but one good rowing style4 ,it is well known that the style approved by ',oarsmen' in the work above mentioned was first definitely inculcated by ,cambridge oarsmen4 ,there is internal evidence in the pamphlet itself 7as where the miseries of the ,lent races at ,cambridge are described7 to show that some1 and1 therefore1 probably all1 who took part in preparing the work were ,cambridge men4 ,again1 it is well known that certainly until #ahfh1 and perhaps later1 the ,university crew at ,cambridge was 'coached' by an 'ancient mariner1' who1 if not one of the ',oarsmen' and1 as was generally reported1 the actual writer of the ',principles of ,rowing1' was unquestionably imbued with the old fashioned doctrines4 ,now1 of the six races rowed on the ,thames in the old fashioned racing boats1 ,cambridge won no less than five4 ,the ,oxford crews1 who rowed in a style more nearly resembling that now rowed by the most successful crews 7though scarcely ever inculcated in verbal instructions71 were not only beaten in every race save one1 but in three cases were beaten out of all reason4 ,half a minute was the amount by which ,cambridge won in #ahde2 but in #ahcf 7certainly over a longer course7 they won by one minute1 in #ahda by one minute and a quarter1 and in #ahci by nearly two minutes4 ,no wonder that when outrigged boats came in ,cambridge oarsmen were loth to modify a style which had gained them so many and such striking successes4 ,nor did it greatly matter1 when this happened in #ahdf1 whether the style of rowing was modified or not4 ,the first specimens of outrigged racing boats occupied a sort of half-way position between the old-fashioned inrigged craft and the exceedingly light1 keelless boats now used4 ,thus1 during the seven races rowed in the earlier form of outrigged boats1 success was pretty equally divided between ,oxford and ,cambridge4 ,in one race ,oxford won on a foul2 of the other six ,cambridge won three1 and ,oxford also won three4 ,but since the present form of racing boat was adopted 7in #aheg7 ,oxford has been almost as successful as ,cambridge had been in the first nine or ten races4 ,in #aheg ,oxford won easily2 in #aheh ,cambridge won1 but the stroke of the ,oxford boat could use but half his strength1 the forward or working thole of his rowlocks having been bent outwards by a wave which caught his oar before the race began4 7,the outriggers and rowlocks were shown to me at ,searle's boat-house a few days after the race1 and there could be no question that the chances of the ,oxford boat must have been seriously impaired by the accident47 ,in #ahei ,cambridge sank1 and1 though she was four lengths behind when this happened1 there can be little doubt she would have won but for the original cause of the disaster--a wave which had half filled the ,cambridge boat as she was turning to take her place at the starting-point4 ,in #ahfj ,cambridge won by one length only4 ,then1 as everyone remembers1 there followed nine successive ,oxford victories1 some of which were of the most hollow kind4 ,cambridge then gave up the style to which she had so long been faithful4 ,one of the ablest of the ,oxford oarsmen1 who was1 however1 connected in some degree with ,cambridge1 trained and coached the ,cambridge crew of #ahgj1 the stroke of which1 it should be mentioned1 was proficient in the correct style before he went to ,cambridge4 ,that year and for the four next years ,cambridge won1 though never in the hollow fashion in which ,oxford had won the victories of #ahfa1 #ahfb1 #ahfc1 #ahfd1 and #ahfh4 ,the lead of ,oxford at the finish of these five races averaged over nine lengths1 while the lead of ,cambridge in the five races of #ahgj-gd averaged little over two lengths4 ,in #ahge ,oxford won by ten lengths1 ,cambridge in #ahgf by five4 ,in #ahgg occurred the celebrated dead heat2 but before bow's oar broke ,oxford had won 'bar accidents4' ,in #ahgh ,oxford won1 and again by ten lengths4 ,of the #be races actually rowed to a finish 7excluding the dead heat7 since outriggers were introduced1 ,oxford has won #ad1 ,cambridge #aa2 of the #ai so rowed out since the true modern racing boat was used1 ,oxford has won #aa and ,cambridge #h4 ,the difference is sufficient in either case to show 7the numbers being considerable7 that there is a true difference of style1 the style of ,oxford being the better4 ,but when we consider how the victories have been won this comes out still more clearly4 ,making due estimate of the number of lengths corresponding to so many seconds of time difference 7where the result of a race is so indicated in the list71 for which purpose it is sufficient to note that as many seconds as the race itself has occupied minutes are equivalent to about #f-a_/b lengths1 we find for the #aa victories of ,cambridge since #ahdf about #cj-a_/d lengths1 and for the #ad rowed-out victories of ,oxford about #ajf-a_/b lengths--the ,cambridge average lead being thus found to be less than three lengths1 while the ,oxford average lead at the finish has been close on eight lengths4 ,the difference cannot reasonably be assigned to any cause which was in operation when ,cambridge had the larger share of victories4 ,nearly every cause which has been commonly assigned1 including the unquestionably inferior arrangements for college racing at ,cambridge1 falls into this category4 ,there can be very little doubt that the true explanation1 as well of ,cambridge success before #ahej as of ,oxford success since then1 resides in the circumstance that the two ,universities have in the main adopted throughout the whole series of contests two different styles--each style excellent in itself1 but the ,cambridge as unquestionably superior to the ,oxford for the heavier kinds of river boats as the ,oxford style is superior to the ,cambridge for the boats now actually used in river races4 ,what the difference in the two styles is ,i shall now briefly indicate4 ,i am satisfied that the essential excellence of the old fashioned racing style as used in the old fashioned boats becomes an inherent defect in the same style as used in modern racing boats4 ,i refer to the principle involved in the words italicised 7by myself7 in the following quotation from ',principles of ,rowing'3--',the instant the oar touches the water the arms and body begin to fall backwards1 the former continuing at their full stretch till the back is perpendicular4 ,they are then bent1 the elbows being brought close past the sides1 till the hands1 which are now brought home sharply1 strike the body above the lowest ribs4' ,such was the stroke that brave old ,coombes used to teach1 and such was the stroke by which1 time and again1 races were won before #ahej4 ,but in proportion as the racing boat has been improved1 both by diminution of weight and resistance and by change of leverage1 the necessity has increased for a more energetic application of the oarsman's power4 ,a stroke which resulted in mere jerking1 injurious to the rower and not adding to speed1 in the old racing boats1 is absolutely essential to the effective propulsion of the modern racing boat1 when once at least full speed has been attained1 for before this the old fashioned long drag with lightning feather is as useful now as ever4 ,now1 no one who has watched a really good ,oxford crew at full speed can fail to observe the way in which the oars literally smite the water at the beginning of each stroke4 ,no one who considers the velocity with which they must move to give this sledge-hammer stroke at the beginning can fail to perceive that the body alone cannot give this velocity of impulse in the first part of the stroke4 ,there is only one way in which it can be attained1 and that is by making the arms work from the beginning1 not merely in the sense in which they may be said to work when continuing at their full stretch1 but by actual and energetic contraction4 ,in the ,cambridge style arms and body only work together after the back is perpendicular2 in the ,oxford style they work together from the beginning4 ,the result is that by the time the ,oxford oars man has brought his back perpendicular his stroke is finished2 whereas the ,cambridge oarsman has still to give that drag at the end which used to be so much esteemed1 and still is justly esteemed1 by sailors for sea-racing4 ,the oar of the ,oxford rower is a much shorter time in the water1 simply because it is propelled through the water with far greater1 or rather with much more concentrated energy4 ,the ,oxford stroke1 again1 is necessarily a few inches shorter4 ,for as ,cambridge men go as far forward and swing further backward1 it stands to reason that they get a little more length4 ,but they get this additional length at the cost of a great strain on the abdominal muscles1 and with no proportional effect4 ,a very strong crew which can maintain the long1 dragging stroke with the lightning feather from beginning to end may win1 as ,cambridge men have won1 but only because of their superior strength1 not by virtue of that lift at the end1 which wearies the most stalwart1 causes sluggish disengagement of the hands1 and in a long race has often caused a powerful crew to be beaten by weaker men rowing in a more scientific manner4 ,it is not impossible1 now that the ,oxford crew have had set them the true ,oxford stroke that we may have an opportunity of witnessing something of this kind on ,saturday1 though the manifest superiority of the ,cambridge crew in strength and the lateness of the change in the ,oxford boat are unfavourable to the chances of the dark blue4 ,to return to the point from which we started4 ,the just style of propulsion for each class of boat is a matter to be determined on scientific principles4 ,there is no real conflict between theory and practice in this matter4 ,every change which has tended to increase the speed of racing boats has 7like the changes in ,poncelet's experiment7 rendered necessary an increased energy1 or1 as one may say1 an increased intensity of propulsion4 ,,artificial ,,somnambulism4 ,rather more than a quarter of a century ago two ,americans visited ,london1 who called themselves professors of ,electro-,biology1 and claimed the power of 'subjugating the most determined wills1 paralysing the strongest muscles1 preventing the evidence of the senses1 destroying the memory of the most familiar events or of the most recent occurrences1 inducing obedience to any command1 and making an individual believe himself transformed into any one else4' ,all this and more was to be effected1 they said1 by the action of a small disc of zinc and copper held in the hand of the 'subject1' and steadily gazed at by him1 'so as to concentrate the electro-magnetic action4' ,the pretensions of these professors received before long a shock as decisive as that which overthrew the credit of the professors of animal magnetism when ,haygarth and ,falconer successfully substituted wooden tractors for the metallic tractors which had been supposed to convey the magnetic fluid4 ,in #ahea1 ,mr4 ,braid1 a ,scotch surgeon1 who had witnessed some of the exhibitions of the electro-biologists1 conceived the idea that the phenomena were not due to any special qualities possessed by the discs of zinc and copper1 but simply to the fixed look of the 'subject' and the entire abstraction of his attention4 ,the same explanation applied to the so-called 'magnetic passes' of the mesmerists4 ,the monotonous manipulation of the operator produced the same effect as the fixed stare of the 'subject4' ,he showed by his experiments that no magnetiser1 with his imaginary secret agents or fluids1 is in the least wanted2 but that the subjects can place themselves in the same condition as the supposed subjects of electro-biological influences by simply gazing fixedly at some object for a long time with fixed attention4 ,the condition thus superinduced is not hypnotism1 or artificial somnambulism1 properly so called4 ',the electro-biological' condition may be regarded as simply a kind of reverie or abstraction artificially produced4 ,but ,braid discovered that a more perfect control might be obtained over 'subjects1' and a condition resembling that of the sleepwalker artificially induced1 by modifying the method of fixing the attention4 ,instead of directing the subject's gaze upon a bright object placed at a considerable distance from the eyes1 so that no effect was required to concentrate vision upon it1 he placed a bright object somewhat above and in front of the eyes at so short a distance that the convergence of their axes upon it was accompanied with sufficient effect to produce even a slight amount of pain4 ,the condition to which the 'subjects' of this new method were reduced was markedly different from the ordinary 'electro-biological' state4 ,thus on one occasion1 in the presence of #hjj persons1 fourteen men were experimented upon4 ',all began the experiment at the same time2 the former with their eyes fixed upon a projecting cork1 placed securely on their foreheads2 the others at their own will gazed steadily at certain points in the direction of the audience4 ,in the course of ten minutes the eyelids of these ten persons had involuntarily closed4 ,with some1 consciousness remained2 others were in catalepsy1 and entirely insensible to being stuck with needles2 and others on awakening knew absolutely nothing of what had taken place during their sleep4' ,the other four simply passed into the ordinary condition of electro-biologised 'subjects1' retaining the recollection of all that happened to them while in the state of artificial abstraction or reverie4 ,dr4 ,carpenter1 in that most interesting work of his1 ',mental ,physiology1' thus describes the state of hypnotism3--',the process is of the same kind as that employed for the induction of the biological state2 the only difference lying in the greater intensity of the gaze1 and in the more complete concentration of will upon the direction of the eyes1 which the nearer approximation of the object requires for the maintenance of the convergence4 ,in hypnotism1 as in ordinary somnambulism1 no remembrance whatever is preserved in the waking state of anything that may have occurred during its continuance2 although the previous train of thought may be taken up and continued uninterruptedly on the next occasion that the hypnotism is induced4 ,and when the mind is not excited to activity by the stimulus of external impressions1 the hypnotised subject appears to be profoundly asleep2 a state of complete torpor1 in fact1 being usually the first result of the process1 and any subsequent manifestation of activity being procurable only by the prompting of the operator4 ,the hypnotised subject1 too1 rarely opens his eyes2 his bodily movements are usually slow2 his mental operations require a considerable time in their performance2 and there is altogether an appearance of heaviness about him1 which contrasts strongly with the comparatively wide-awake air of him who has not passed beyond the ordinary biological state4' ,we must note1 however1 in passing1 that the condition of complete hypnotism had been obtained in several instances by some of the earlier experimenters in animal magnetism4 ,one remarkable instance was communicated to the surgical section of the ,french ,academy on ,april #af1 #ahbi1 by ,jules ,cloquet4 ,two meetings were entirely devoted to its investigation4 ,the following account presents all the chief points of the case1 surgical details being entirely omitted1 however1 as not necessary for our present purpose3--,a lady1 aged sixty-four1 consulted ,m4 ,cloquet on ,april #h1 #ahbi1 on account of an ulcerated cancer of the right breast which had continued1 gradually growing worse1 during several years4 ,m4 ,chapelain1 the physician attending the lady1 had 'magnetised' her for some months1 producing no remedial effects1 but only a very profound sleep or torpor1 during which all sensibility seemed to be annihilated1 while the ideas retained all their clearness4 ,he proposed to ,m4 ,cloquet to operate upon her while she was in this state of torpor1 and1 the latter1 considering the operation the only means of saving her life1 consented4 ,the two doctors do not appear to have been troubled by any scruples as to their right thus to conduct an operation to which1 when in her normal condition1 the patient strenuously objected4 ,it sufficed for them that when they had put her to sleep artificially1 she could be persuaded to submit to it4 ,on the appointed day ,m4 ,cloquet found the patient ready 'dressed and seated in an elbow-chair1 in the attitude of a person enjoying a quiet natural sleep4' ,in reality1 however1 she was in the somnambulistic state1 and talked calmly of the operation4 ,during the whole time that the operation lasted--from ten to twelve minutes--she continued to converse quietly with ,m4 ,cloquet1 'and did not exhibit the slightest sign of sensibility4 ,there was no motion of the limbs or of the features1 no change in the respiration nor in the voice2 no motions even in the pulse4 ,the patient continued in the same state of automatic indifference and impassibility in which she had been some minutes before the operation4' ,for forty-eight hours after this1 the patient remained in the somnambulistic state1 showing no sign of pain during the subsequent dressing of the wound4 ,when awakened from this prolonged sleep she had no recollection of what had passed in the interval2 'but on being informed of the operation1 and seeing her children around her1 she experienced a very lively emotion which the magnetiser checked by immediately setting her asleep4' ,certainly none of the hypnotised 'subjects' of ,mr4 ,braid's experiments showed more complete abstraction from their normal condition than this lady2 and other cases cited in ,bertrand's work1 ',le ,magnetisme ,animal en ,france' 7#ahbf71 are almost equally remarkable4 ,as it does not appear that in any of these cases ,braid's method of producing hypnotism by causing the eyes1 or rather their optical axes1 to be converged upon a point1 was adopted1 we must conclude that this part of the method is not absolutely essential to success4 ,indeed1 the circumstance that in some of ,braid's public experiments numbers of the audience became hypnotised without his knowledge1 shows that the more susceptible 'subjects' do not require to contemplate a point near and slightly above the eyes1 but may be put into the true hypnotic state by methods which1 with the less susceptible1 produce only the electro-biological condition4 ,it will be well1 however1 to inquire somewhat carefully into this point4 ,my present object1 ,i would note1 is not merely to indicate the remarkable nature of the phenomena of hypnotism1 but to consider these phenomena with direct reference to their probable cause4 ,it may not be possible to obtain a satisfactory explanation of them4 ,but it is better to view them as phenomena to be accounted for than merely as surprising but utterly inexplicable circumstances4 ,now we have fortunately the means of determining the effect of the physical relations involved in these experiments1 apart from those which are chiefly due to imagination4 ,for animals can be hypnotised1 and the conditions necessary for this effect to be fully produced have been ascertained4 ,the most familiar experiment of this sort is sometimes known as ,kircher's4 ,let the feet of a hen be tied together 7though this is not necessary in all cases71 and the hen placed on a level surface4 ,then if the body of the hen is gently pressed down1 the head extended with the beak pointing downwards1 touching the surface on which the hen stands1 and a chalk mark is drawn slowly along the surface1 from the tip of the beak in a line extending directly from the bird's eye1 it is found that the hen will remain for a considerable time perfectly still1 though left quite free to move4 ,she is1 in fact1 hypnotised4 ,we have now to inquire what parts of the process just described are effective in producing the hypnotic condition1 or whether all are essential to success in the experiment4 ,in the first place1 the fastening of the feet may be dispensed with4 ,but it has its influence1 and makes the experiment easier4 ,an explanation1 or rather an illustration1 of its effect is afforded by a singular and interesting experiment devised by ,lewissohn of ,berlin3--,if a frog is placed on its back1 it immediately1 when the hand which had held it is removed1 turns over and escapes4 ,but if the two fore-legs are tied with a string1 the frog1 when placed on its back1 breathes heavily but is otherwise quite motionless1 and does not make the least attempt to escape1 even when the experimenter tries to move it4 ',it is as though1' say ,czermak1 describing the experiment as performed by himself1 'its small amount of reasoning power had been charmed away1 or else that it slept with open eyes4 ,now ,i press upon the cutaneous nerves of the frog1 while ,i loosen and remove the threads on the fore-legs4 ,still the animal remains motionless upon its back1 in consequence of some remaining after-effect2 at last1 however1 it returns to itself1 turns over1 and quickly escapes4' ,thus far the idea suggested is that the animal is so affected by the cutaneous pressure as to suppose itself tied and therefore unable to move4 ,in other words1 this experiment suggests that imagination acts on animals as on men1 only in a different degree4 ,i may cite here a curious case which ,i once noticed and have never been able to understand1 though it seems to suggest the influence of imagination on an animal one would hardly suspect of being at all under the influence of any but purely physical influences4 ,hearing a noise as of a cat leaping down from a pantry window which looked out on an enclosed yard1 ,i went directly into the yard1 and there saw a strange cat running off with a fish she had stolen4 ,she was at the moment leaping on to a bin1 from the top of which1 by another very easy leap1 she could get on to the wall enclosing the yard1 and so escape4 ,with the idea rather of frightening her than of hurting her 7does one missile out of a hundred flung at cats ever hit them87 ,i threw at the thief a small piece of wood which ,i had in my hand at the moment4 ,it struck the wall above her just as she was going to leap to the top of the wall1 and it fell1 without touching her1 between her and the wall4 ,to my surprise1 she stood perfectly still1 looking at the piece of wood2 her mouth1 from which the fish had fallen1 remaining open1 and her whole attitude expressing stupid wonder4 ,i make no doubt ,i could have taken her prisoner1 or struck her heavily1 if ,i had wished1 for she made no effort to escape1 until1 with a parlour broom which stood by1 ,i pushed her along the top of the bin towards the wall1 when she seemed suddenly to arouse herself1 and leaping to the top of the wall she made off4 ,my wife witnessed the last scene of this curious little comedy4 ,in fact1 it was chiefly1 perhaps1 because she pleaded for mercy on 'the poor thing' that the soft end of the broom alone came into operation2 for1 though not altogether agreeing with the ,count of ,rousillon that anything can be endured before a cat1 ,i did not at the moment regard that particular cat with special favour4 ,the extension of the neck and depression of the head1 in the experiment with the hen1 have no special significance1 for ,czermak has been able to produce the same phenomena of hypnotism without them1 and has failed to produce the hypnotic effect on pigeons when attending to this point1 and in other respects proceeding as nearly as possible in the same way as with hens4 ',with the hens1' he says1 ',i often hung a piece of twine1 or a small piece of wood1 directly over their crests1 so that the end fell before their eyes4 ,the hens not only remained perfectly motionless1 but closed their eyes1 and slept with their heads sinking until they came in contact with the table4 ,before falling asleep1 the hens' heads can be either pressed down or raised up1 and they will remain in this position as if they were pieces of wax4 ,that is1 however1 a symptom of a cataleptic condition1 such as is seen in human beings1 under certain pathological conditions of the nervous system4' ,on the other hand1 repeated experiments convinced ,czermak that the pressure on the animal as it is held is of primary importance4 ,it is frequently the case1 he says1 that a hen1 which for a minute has been in a motionless state1 caused by simply extending the neck and depressing the head1 awakes and flies away1 but on being caught again immediately1 she can be placed once more in the condition of lethargy1 if we place the animal in a squatting position1 and overcome with gentle force the resistance of the muscles1 by firmly placing the hand upon its back4 ,during the slow and measured suppression1 one often perceives an extremely remarkable position of the head and neck1 which are left entirely free4 ,the head remains as if held by an invisible hand in its proper place1 the neck being stretched out of proportion1 while the body by degrees is pushed downwards4 ,if the animal is thus left entirely free1 it remains for a minute or so in this peculiar condition with wide-open staring eyes4 ',here1' as ,czermak remarks1 'the actual circumstances are only the effect of the emotion which the nerves of the skin excite1 and the gentle force which overcomes the animal's resistance4 ,certainly the creature a short time before had been in a condition of immobility1 and might have retained some special inclination to fall back into the same1 although the awakening1 flight1 and recapture1 together with the refreshment given to the nervous system1 are intermediate circumstances4' ,similar experiments are best made upon small birds4 ,now1 it is well known to bird fanciers that goldfinches1 canary-birds1 c4 can be made to remain motionless for some time by simply holding them firmly for a moment and then letting them go4 ',here1 in my hand1' said ,czermak1 in his lecture1 'is a timid bird1 just brought from market4 ,if ,i place it on its back1 and hold its head with my left hand1 keeping it still for a few seconds1 it will lie perfectly motionless after ,i have removed my hands1 as if charmed1 breathing heavily1 and without making any attempt to change its position or to fly away4' 7',two of the birds1' says the report1 'were treated in this manner without effect2 but the third1 a siskin1 fell into a sleeping condition1 and remained completely immovable on its back1 until pushed with a glass tube1 when it awoke and flew actively around the room4'7 ,also when a bird is in a sitting position1 and the head is pressed slightly back1 the bird falls into a sleeping condition1 even though the eyes had been open4 ',i have often noticed1' says ,czermak1 'that the birds under these circumstances close their eyes for a few minutes or even a quarter of an hour1 and are more or less fast asleep4' ,lastly1 as to the chalk-line in ,kircher's experiment4 ,czermak found1 as already said1 that pigeons do not become motionless1 as happens to hens1 if merely held firmly in the hand1 and their heads and necks pressed gently on the table4 ,nor can they be hypnotised like small birds in the experiment last mentioned4 ',that is1' he says1 ',i held them with a thumb placed on each side of the head1 which ,i bent over a little1 while the other hand held the body gently pressed down upon the table2 but even this treatment1 which has such an effect on little birds1 did not seem to succeed at first with the pigeons3 almost always they flew away as soon as ,i liberated them and entirely removed my hands4' ,but he presently noticed that the short time during which the pigeons remained quiet lengthened considerably when the finger only of the hand which held the head was removed4 ,removing the hand holding the body made no difference1 but retaining the other hand near the bird's head1 the hand made all the difference in the world4 ,pursuing the line of research thus indicated1 ,czermak found to his astonishment that the fixing of the pigeon's look on the finger placed before its eyes was the secret of the matter4 ,in order to determine the question still more clearly1 he tried the experiment on a pigeon which he had clasped firmly by the body in his left hand1 but whose neck and head were perfectly free4 ',i held one finger of my right hand steadily before the top of its beak1--and what did ,i see8 ,the first pigeon with which ,i made this attempt remained rigid and motionless1 as if bound1 for several minutes1 before the outstretched forefinger of my right hand6 ,yes1 ,i could take my left hand1 with which ,i had held the bird1 and again touch the pigeon without waking it up2 the animal remained in the same position while ,i held my outstretched finger still pointing towards the beak4' ',the lecturer1' says the report1 'demonstrated this experiment in the most successful manner with a pigeon which was brought to him4' ,yet it is to be noticed that among animals as among men1 different degrees of subjectivity exist4 ',individual inward relations1' says ,czermak1 'as well as outward conditions1 must necessarily exercise some disturbing influence1 whether the animal will give itself up to the requisite exertions of certain parts of its brain with more or less inclination or otherwise4 ,we often see1 for example1 that a pigeon endeavours to escape from confinement by a quick turning of its head from side to side4 ,in following these singular and characteristic movements of the head and neck1 with the finger held before the bird1 one either gains his point1 or else makes the pigeon so perplexed and excited that it at last becomes quiet1 so that1 if it is held firmly by the body and head1 it can be forced gently down upon the table4 ,as ,schopenhauer says of sleeping1 ,the brain must bite4 ,i will also mention here1 by the way1 that a tame parrot1 which ,i have in my house1 can be placed in this sleepy condition by simply holding the finger steadily before the top of its beak4' ,i may cite here a singular illustration of the effect of perplexity in the case of a creature in all other respects much more naturally circumstanced than the hens1 pigeons1 and small birds of ,czermak's experiments4 ,in the spring of #ahei1 when ,i was an undergraduate at ,cambridge1 ,i and a friend of mine were in canoes on the part of the ,cam which flows through the ,college grounds4 ,here there are many ducks and a few swans4 ,it occurred to us1 not1 ,i fear1 from any special scientific spirit1 but as a matter of curiosity1 to inquire whether it was possible to pass over a duck in a canoe4 ,of course on the approach of either canoe a duck would try to get out of the way on one side or the other2 but on the course of the canoe being rapidly changed1 the duck would have to change his course4 ,then the canoe's course would again be changed1 so as to compel the duck to try the other side4 ,the canoe drawing all the time nearer1 and her changes of course being made very lightly and in quicker and quicker alternation as she approached1 the duck would generally get bewildered1 and finally would allow the canoe to pass over him1 gently pressing him under water in its course4 ,the process1 in fact1 was a sort of mild keelhauling4 ,the absolute rigidity of body and the dull stupid stare with which some of the ducks met their fate seems to me 7now3 ,i was not in #ahei familiar with the phenomena of hypnotism7 to suggest that the effect was to be explained as ,czermak explains the hypnotism of the pigeons on which he experimented4 ,we shall be better able now to understand the phenomena of artificial somnambulism in the case of human beings4 ,if the circumstances observed by ,kircher1 ,czermak1 ,lewissohn1 and others1 suggest1 as ,i think they do1 that animal hypnotism is a form of the phenomenon sometimes called fascination1 we may be led to regard the possibility of artificial somnambulism in men as a survival of a property playing in all probability an important and valuable part in the economy of animal life4 ,it is in this direction1 at present1 that the evidence seems to tend4 ,the most remarkable circumstance about the completely hypnotised subject is the seemingly complete control of the will of the 'subject' and even of his opinions4 ,even the mere suggestions of the operator1 not expressed verbally or by signs1 but by movements imparted to the body of the subject1 are at once responded to1 as though1 to use ,dr4 ,garth ,wilkinson's expression1 the whole man were given to each perception4 ,thus1 'if the hand be placed1' says ,dr4 ,carpenter1 'upon the top of the head1 the somnambulist will frequently1 of his own accord1 draw up his body to its fullest height1 and throw his head slightly back2 his countenance then assumes an expression of the most lofty pride1 and his whole mind is obviously possessed by that feeling4 ,when the first action does not of itself call forth the rest1 it is sufficient for the operator to straighten the legs and spine1 and to throw the head somewhat back1 to arouse that feeling and the corresponding expression to its fullest intensity4 ,during the most complete domination of this emotion1 let the head be bent forward1 and the body and limbs gently flexed2 and the most profound humility then instantaneously takes its place4' ,of course in some cases we may well believe that the expressions thus described by ,dr4 ,carpenter have been simulated by the subject4 ,but there can be no reason to doubt the reality of the operator's control in many cases4 ,dr4 ,carpenter says that he has not only been an eye-witness of them on various occasions1 but that he places full reliance on the testimony of an intelligent friend1 who submitted himself to ,mr4 ,braid's manipulations1 but retained sufficient self-consciousness and voluntary power to endeavour to exercise some resistance to their influence at the time1 and subsequently to retrace his course of thought and feeling4 ',this gentleman declares1' says ,dr4 ,carpenter1 'that1 although accustomed to the study of character and to self-observation1 he could not have conceived that the whole mental state should have undergone so instantaneous and complete a metamorphosis1 as he remembers it to have done1 when his head and body were bent forward in the attitude of humility1 after having been drawn to their full height in that of self-esteem4' ,a most graphic description of the phenomena of hypnotism is given by ,dr4 ,garth ,wilkinson3--',the preliminary state is that of abstraction1 produced by fixed gaze upon some unexciting and empty thing 7for poverty of object engenders abstraction71 and this abstraction is the logical premiss of what follows4 ,abstraction tends to become more and more abstract1 narrower and narrower2 it tends to unity and afterwards to nullity4 ,there1 then1 the patient is1 at the summit of attention1 with no object left1 a mere statue of attention1 a listening1 expectant life2 a perfectly undistracted faculty1 dreaming of a lessening and lessening mathematical point3 the end of his mind sharpened away to nothing4 ,what happens8 ,any sensation that appeals is met by this brilliant attention1 and receives its diamond glare2 being perceived with a force of leisure of which our distracted life affords only the rudiments4 ,external influences are sensated1 sympathised with1 to an extraordinary degree2 harmonious music sways the body into graces the most affecting2 discords jars it1 as though they would tear it limb from limb4 ,cold and heat are perceived with similar exaltation2 so also smells and touches4 ,in short1 the whole man appears to be given to each perception4 ,the body trembles like down with the wafts of the atmosphere2 the world plays upon it as upon a spiritual instrument finely attuned4' ,this state1 which may be called the natural hypnotic state1 may be artificially modified4 ',the power of suggestion over the patient1' says ,dr4 ,garth ,wilkinson1 'is excessive4 ,if you say1 ,what animal is it8 the patient will tell you it is a lamb1 or a rabbit1 or any other4 ,does he see it8 ,yes4 ,what animal is it now8 putting depth and gloom into the tone of now1 and thereby suggesting a difference4 ,oh6 with a shudder1 it is a wolf6 ,what colour is it8 still glooming the phrase4 ,black4 ,what colour is it now8 giving the now a cheerful air4 ,oh6 a beautiful blue6 7rather an unusual colour for a wolf1 ,i would suggest71 spoken with the utmost delight 7and no wonder6 especially if the hypnotic subject were a naturalist74 ,and so you lead the subject through any dreams you please1 by variations of questions and of inflections of the voice6 and he sees and feels all as real4' ,we have seen how the patient's mind can be influenced by changing the posture of his body4 ,dr4 ,wilkinson gives very remarkable evidence on this point4 ',double his fist and pull up his arm1 if you dare1' he says1 of the subject1 'for you will have the strength of your ribs rudely tested4 ,put him on his knees and clasp his hands1 and the saints and devotees of the artists will pale before the trueness of his devout actings4 ,raise his head while in prayer1 and his lips pour forth exulting glorifications1 as he sees heaven opened1 and the majesty of ,god raising him to his place2 then in a moment depress the head1 and he is in dust and ashes1 an unworthy sinner1 with the pit of hell yawning at his feet4 ,or compress the forehead1 so as to wrinkle it vertically1 and thorny-toothed clouds contract in from the very horizon' 7in the subject's imagination1 it will be understood72 'and what is remarkable1 the smallest pinch and wrinkle1 such as will lie between your nipping nails1 is sufficient nucleus to crystallise the man into that shape1 and to make him all foreboding1 as1 again1 the smallest expansion in a moment brings the opposite state1 with a full breathing of delight4' ,some will perhaps think the next instance the most remarkable of all1 perfectly natural though one half of the performance may have been4 ,the subject being a young lady1 the operator asks whether she or another is the prettier1 raising her head as he puts the question4 ',observe1' says ,dr4 ,wilkinson1 'the inexpressible hauteur1 and the puff sneers let off from the lips' 7see ,darwin's treatise on the ',expression of the ,emotions1' plate ,,iv4 i1 and plate ,v4 i7 'which indicate a conclusion too certain to need utterance4 ,depress the head1 and repeat the question1 and mark the self-abasement with which she now says ,she is1 as hardly worthy to make the comparison4' ,in this state1 in fact1 'whatever posture of any passion is induced1 the passion comes into it at once1 and dramatises the body accordingly4' ,it might seem that there must of necessity be some degree of exaggeration in this description1 simply because the power of adequately expressing any given emotion is not possessed by all4 ,some can in a moment bring any expression into the face1 or even simulate at once the expression and the aspect of another person1 while many persons1 probably most1 possess scarcely any power of the sort1 and fail ridiculously even in attempting to reproduce the expressions corresponding to the commonest emotions4 ,but it is abundantly clear that the hypnotised subject possesses for the time being abnormal powers4 ,no doubt this is due to the circumstance that for the time being 'the whole man is given to each perception4' ,the stories illustrative of this peculiarity of the hypnotised state are so remarkable that they have been rejected as utterly incredible by many who are not acquainted with the amount of evidence we have upon this point4 ,the instances above cited by ,dr4 ,garth ,wilkinson1 remarkable though they may be1 are surpassed altogether in interest by a case which ,dr4 ,carpenter mentions1--of a factory girl1 whose musical powers had received little cultivation1 and who could scarcely speak her own language correctly1 who nevertheless exactly imitated both the words and the music of vocal performances by ,jenny ,lind4 ,dr4 ,carpenter was assured by witnesses in whom he could place implicit reliance1 that this girl1 in the hypnotised state1 followed the ,swedish nightingale's songs in different languages 'so instantaneously and correctly1 as to both words and music1 that it was difficult to distinguish the two voices4 ,in order to test the powers of the somnambulist to the utmost1 ,mademoiselle ,lind extemporised a long and elaborate chromatic exercise1 which the girl imitated with no less precision1 though in her waking state she durst not even attempt anything of the sort4' ,the exaltation of the senses of hypnotised subjects is an equally wonderful phenomenon4 ,dr4 ,carpenter relates many very remarkable instances as occurring within his own experience4 ,he has 'known a youth1 in the hypnotised state1' he says1 'to find out1 by the sense of smell1 the owner of a glove which was placed in his hand1 from amongst a party of more than sixty persons1 scenting at each of them one after the other until he came to the right individual4 ,in another case1 the owner of a ring was unhesitatingly found out from amongst a company of twelve1 the ring having been withdrawn from the finger before the somnambule was introduced4' ,the sense of touch has1 in other cases1 been singularly intensified1 insomuch that slight differences of heat1 which to ordinary feeling were quite inappreciable1 would be at once detected1 while such differences as can be but just perceived in the ordinary state would produce intense distress4 ,in some respects1 the increase of muscular power1 or rather of the power of special muscles1 is even more striking1 because it is commonly supposed by most persons that the muscular power depends entirely on the size and quality of the muscles1 the state of health1 and like conditions1 not on the imagination4 ,of course every one knows that the muscles are capable of greater efforts when the mind is much excited by fear and other emotions4 ,but the general idea is1 ,i think1 that whatever the body is capable of doing under circumstances of great excitement1 it is in reality capable of doing at all times if only a resolute effort is made4 ,nor is it commonly supposed that a very wide difference exists between the greatest efforts of the body under excitement and those of which it is ordinarily capable4 ,now1 the condition of the hypnotised subject is certainly not one of excitement4 ,the attempts which he is directed to make are influenced only by the idea that he can do what he is told1 not that he must do so4 ,when a man pursued by a bull leaps over a wall which under ordinary conditions he would not even think of climbing1 we can understand that he only does1 because he must1 what if he liked he could do at any time4 ,but if a man who had been making his best efforts in jumping1 cleared only a height of four feet1 and presently being told to jump over an eight-feet wall1 cleared that height with apparent ease1 we should be disposed to regard the feat as savouring of the miraculous4 ,now ,dr4 ,carpenter saw one of ,mr4 ,braid's hypnotised subjects--a man so remarkable for the poverty of his physical development that he had not for many years ventured to lift up a weight of twenty pounds in his ordinary state--take up a quarter of a hundredweight upon his little finger1 and swing it round his head with the utmost apparent ease1 on being told that it was as light as a feather4 ',on another occasion he lifted a half-hundredweight on the last joint of his forefinger as high as his knee4' ,the personal character of the man placed him above all suspicion of deceit1 in the opinion of those who best knew him2 and as ,dr4 ,carpenter acutely remarks1 'the impossibility of any trickery in such a case would be evident to the educated eye1 since1 if he had practised such feats 7which very few1 even of the strongest men could accomplish without practice71 the effect would have made itself visible in his muscular development4' ',consequently1' he adds1 'when the same individual afterwards declared himself unable1 with the greatest effort1 to lift a handkerchief from the table1 after having been assured that he could not possibly move it1 there was no reason for questioning the truth of his conviction1 based as this was upon the same kind of suggestion as that by which he had been just before prompted to what seemed an otherwise impossible action4' ,the explanation of this and the preceding cases cannot be mistaken by physiologists1 and is very important in its bearing on the phenomena of hypnotism generally1 at once involving an interpretation of the whole series of phenomena1 and suggesting other relations not as yet illustrated experimentally4 ,it is well known that in our ordinary use of any muscles we employ but a small part of the muscle at any given moment4 ,what the muscle is actually capable of is shown in convulsive contractions1 in which far more force is put forth than the strongest effort of the will could call into play4 ,we explain1 then1 the seeming increase of strength in any set of muscles during the hypnotic state as due to the concentration of the subject's will in an abnormal manner1 or to an abnormal degree1 on that set of muscles4 ,in a similar way1 the great increase of certain powers of perception may be explained as due to the concentration of the will upon the corresponding parts of the nervous system4 ,in like manner1 the will may be directed so entirely to the operations necessary for the performances of difficult feats1 that the hypnotised or somnambulistic subject may be able to accomplish what in his ordinary condition would be impossible or even utterly appalling to him4 ,thus sleep-walkers 7whose condition precisely resembles that of the artificially hypnotised1 except that the suggestions they experience come from contact with inanimate objects1 instead of being aroused by the actions of another person7 'can clamber walls and roofs1 traverse narrow planks1 step firmly along high parapets1 and perform other feats which they would shrink from attempting in their waking state4' ,this is simply1 as ,dr4 ,carpenter points out1 because they are not distracted by the sense of danger which their vision would call up1 from concentrating their exclusive attention on the guidance afforded by their muscular sense4' ,but the most remarkable and suggestive of all the facts known respecting hypnotism is the influence which can by its means be brought to bear upon special parts or functions of the body4 ,we know that imagination will hasten or retard certain processes commonly regarded as involuntary 7indeed1 the influence of imagination is itself in great degree involuntary74 ,we know further that in some cases imagination will do much more than this1 as in the familiar cases of the disappearance of warts under the supposed influence of charms1 the cure of scrofula at a touch1 and hundreds of well-attested cases of so-called miraculous cures4 ,but although the actual cases of the curative influence obtained over hypnotised patients may not be in reality more striking than some of these1 yet they are more suggestive at any rate to ordinary minds1 because they are known not to be the result of any charm or miraculous interference1 but to be due to simply natural processes initiated by natural though unfamiliar means4 ,take1 for instance1 such a case as the following1 related by ,dr4 ,carpenter 7who has himself witnessed many remarkable cases of hypnotic cure73--',a female relative of ,mr4 ,braid's was the subject of a severe rheumatic fever1 during the course of which the left eye became seriously implicated1 so that after the inflammatory action had passed away1 there was an opacity over more than one half of the cornea1 which not only prevented distinct vision1 but occasioned an annoying disfigurement4 ,having placed herself under ,mr4 ,braid's hypnotic treatment for the relief of violent pain in her arm and shoulder1 she found1 to the surprise alike of herself and ,mr4 ,braid1 that her sight began to improve very perceptibly4 ,the operation was therefore continued daily2 and in a very short time the cornea became so transparent that close inspection was required to discover any remains of the opacity4' ,on this1 ,carpenter remarks that he has known other cases in which secretions that had been morbidly suspended have been reinduced by this process2 and is satisfied that1 if applied with skill and discrimination1 it would take rank as one of the most potent methods of treatment which the physician has at his command4 ,he adds that 'the channel of influence is obviously the system of nerves which regulates the secretions--nerves which1 though not under direct subjection to the will1 are peculiarly affected by emotional states4' ,i may remark1 in passing1 that nerves which are not ordinarily under the influence of the will1 but whose office would be to direct muscular movements if only the will could influence them1 may by persistent attention become obedient to the will4 ,when ,i was last in ,new ,york1 ,i met a gentleman who gave me a long and most interesting account of certain experiments which he had made on himself4 ,the account was not forced on me1 the reader must understand1 but was elicited by questions suggested by one or two remarkable facts which he had casually mentioned as falling within his experience4 ,i had only his own word for much that he told me1 and some may perhaps consider that there was very little truth in the narrative4 ,i may pause here to make some remarks by the way1 on the traits of truthful and untruthful persons4 ,i believe very slight powers of observation are necessary to detect want of veracity in any man1 though absence of veracity in any particular story may not be easily detected or established4 ,i am not one of those who believe every story they hear1 and trust in every one they meet4 ,but ,i have noticed one or two features by which the habitual teller of untruths may be detected very readily1 as may also one who1 without telling actual falsehoods1 tries to heighten the effect of any story he may have to tell1 by strengthening all the particulars4 ,my experience in this respect is unlike ,dickens's1 who believed1 and indeed found1 that a man whom on first seeing he distrusted1 and justly1 could explain away the unfavourable impression4 ',my first impression1' he says1 'about such people1 founded on face and manner alone1 was invariably true2 my mistake was in suffering them to come nearer to me and explain themselves away4' ,i have found it otherwise2 though of course ,dickens was right about his own experience3 the matter depends entirely on the idiosyncrasies of the observer4 ,i have often been deceived by face and expression3 never1 to the best of my belief 7and belief in this case is not mere opinion1 but is based on results71 by manner of speaking4 ,one peculiarity ,i have never found wanting in habitually mendacious persons--a certain intonation which ,i cannot describe1 but recognise in a moment1 suggestive of the weighing of each sentence as it is being uttered1 as though to consider how it would tell4 ,another1 is a peculiarity of manner1 but it only shows itself during speech2 it is a sort of watchfulness often disguised under a careless tone1 but perfectly recognisable however disguised4 ,now1 the gentleman who gave me the experience ,i am about to relate1 conveyed to my mind1 by every intonation of his voice and every peculiarity and change of manner1 the idea of truthfulness4 ,i cannot convey to others the impression thus conveyed to myself3 nor do ,i expect that others will share my own confidence3 ,i simply state the case as ,i know it1 and as far as ,i know it4 ,it will1 however1 be seen that a part of the evidence was confirmed on the spot4 ,the conversation turned on the curability of consumption4 ,my informant1 whom ,i will henceforth call ,a41 said that1 though he could not assert from experience that consumption was curable1 he believed that in many cases where the tendency to consumption is inherited1 and the consumptive constitution indicated so manifestly that under ordinary conditions the person would before long be hopelessly consumptive1 an entire change may be made in the condition of the body1 and the person become strong and healthy4 ,he said3 ',i belong myself to a family many of whose members have died of consumption4 ,my father and mother both died of it1 and all my brothers and sisters save one brother2 yet ,i do not look consumptive1 do ,i8' and certainly he did not4 ,he then took from a pocket-book a portrait of his brother1 showing a young man manifestly in very bad health1 looking worn1 weary1 and emaciated4 ,from the same pocket-book ,a4 then took another portrait1 asking if ,i recognised it4 ,i saw here again a worn and emaciated face and figure4 ,the picture was utterly unlike the hearty well-built man before me1 yet it manifestly represented no other4 ,if ,i had been at all doubtful1 my doubts would have been removed by certain peculiarities to which ,a4 called my attention4 ,i asked how the change in his health had been brought about4 ,he told me a very remarkable story of his treatment of himself1 part of which ,i omit because ,i am satisfied he was mistaken in attributing to that portion of his self-treatment any part of the good result which he had obtained1 and that if many consumptive patients adopted the remedy1 a large proportion1 if not all1 would inevitably succumb very quickly4 ,the other portion of his account is all that concerns us here1 being all that illustrates our present subject4 ,he said3 ',i determined to exercise every muscle of my body2 ,i set myself in front of a mirror and concentrated my attention and all the power of my will on the muscle or set of muscles ,i proposed to bring into action4 ,then ,i exercised those muscles in every way ,i could think of1 continuing the process till ,i had used in succession every muscle over which the will has control4 ,while carrying out this system1 ,i noticed that gradually the will acquired power over muscles which before ,i had been quite unable to move4 ,i may say1 indeed1 that every set of muscles recognised by anatomists1 except those belonging to internal organs1 gradually came under the control of my will4' ,here ,i interrupted1 asking 7not by any means as doubting his veracity1 for ,i did not73 ',can you do what ,dundreary said he thought some fellow might be able to do8 can you waggle your left ear8' ',why1 certainly1' he replied2 and turning the left side of his head towards me1 he moved his left ear about2 not1 it is true1 waggling it1 but drawing it up and down in a singular way1 which was1 he said1 the only exercise he ever gave it4 ,he said1 on this1 that there are many other muscles over which the will has ordinarily no control1 but may be made to obtain control2 and forthwith1 drawing the cloth of his trousers rather tight round the right thigh 7so that the movement he was about to show might be discernible7 he made in succession the three muscles of the front and inner side of the thigh rise about half an inch along some nine or ten inches of their length4 ,now1 though these muscles are among those which are governed by the will1 for they are used in a variety of movements1 yet not one in ten thousand1 perhaps in a million1 can move them in the way described4 ,how far ,a4's system of exciting the muscles individually as well as in groups may have operated in improving his health1 as he supposed1 ,i am not now inquiring4 ,what ,i wish specially to notice is the influence which the will may be made to obtain over muscles ordinarily beyond its control4 ,it may be that under the exceptional influence of the imagination1 in the hypnotic condition1 the will obtains a similar control for a while over even those parts of the nervous system which appertain to the so-called involuntary processes4 ,in other words1 the case ,i have cited may be regarded as occupying a sort of middle position between ordinary cases of muscular action and those perplexing cases in which the hypnotic subject seems able to influence pulsation1 circulation1 and processes of secretion in the various parts or organs of his body4 ,it must be noted1 however1 that the phenomena of hypnotism are due solely to the influence of the imagination4 ,the quasi-scientific explanations which attributed them to magnetism1 electricity1 some subtle animal fluid1 some occult force1 and so forth1 have been as completely negatived as the supernatural explanation4 ,we have seen that painted wooden tractors were as effectual as the metal tractors of the earlier mesmerists2 a small disc of card or wood is as effective as the disc of zinc and copper used by the electro-biologists2 and now it appears that the mystical influence1 or what was thought such1 of the operator is no more essential to success than magnetic or electric apparatus4 ,dr4 ,noble of ,manchester made several experiments to determine this point4 ,some among them seem absolutely decisive4 ,thus1 a friend of ,dr4 ,noble's had a female servant whom he had frequently thrown into the hypnotic state1 trying a variety of experiments1 many of which ,dr4 ,noble had witnessed4 ,dr4 ,noble was at length told that his friend had succeeded in magnetising her from another room and without her knowledge1 with some other stories even more marvellous1 circumstantially related by eye-witnesses1 'amongst others by the medical attendant of the family1 a most respectable and intelligent friend' of ,dr4 ,noble's own4 ,as he remained unsatisfied1 ,dr4 ,noble was invited to come and judge for himself1 proposing whatever test he pleased4 ',now had we visited the house1' he says1 'we should have felt dissatisfied with any result1' knowing 'that the presence of a visitor or the occurrence of anything unusual was sure to excite expectation of some mesmeric process4' ',we therefore proposed1' he proceeds1 'that the experiment should be carried on at our own residence2 and it was made under the following circumstances3--,the gentleman early one evening wrote a note as if on business1 directing it to ourselves4 ,he thereupon summoned the female servant 7the mesmeric subject71 requesting her to convey the note to its destination1 and to wait for an answer4 ,the gentleman himself1 in her hearing1 ordered a cab1 stating that if anyone called he was going to a place named1 but was expected to return by a certain hour4 ,whilst the female servant was dressing for her errand1 the master placed himself in the vehicle and rapidly arrived at our dwelling4 ,in about ten minutes after the note arrived1 the gentleman in the meantime being secreted in an adjoining apartment1 we requested the young woman who had been shown into our study1 to take a seat whilst we wrote the answer2 at the same time placing the chair with its back to the door leading into the next room which was left ajar4 ,it had been agreed that after the admission of the girl into the place where we were1 the magnetiser1 approaching the door in silence on the other side1 should commence operations4 ,there1 then1 was the patient or subject placed within two feet of her magnetiser1 a door only intervening1 and that but partially closed2 but she1 all the while1 perfectly free from all idea of what was going on4 ,we were careful to avoid any unnecessary conversation with the girl1 or even to look towards her1 lest we should raise some suspicion in her own mind4 ,we wrote our letter 7as if in answer7 for nearly a quarter of an hour1 once or twice only making an indifferent remark1 and on leaving the room for a light to seal the supposed letter1 we beckoned the operator away4 ,no effect whatever had been produced1 although we had been told that two or three minutes were sufficient1 even when mesmerising from the drawing-room1 through walls and apartments1 into the kitchen4 ,in our own experiment the intervening distance had been very much less1 and only one solid substance intervened1 and that not completely2 but here we suspect was the difference--the subject was unconscious of the magnetism and expected nothing4' ,in another case ,dr4 ,noble tried the converse experiment with equally convincing results4 ,being in company one evening with a young lady said to be of high mesmeric susceptibility1 he requested and received permission to test this quality in her4 ,in one of the usual ways he 'magnetised' her1 and having so far satisfied himself1 he 'demagnetised' her4 ,he next proceeded to 'hypnotise' her1 adopting ,mr4 ,braid's method of directing the stare at a fixed point4 ',the result varied in no respect from that which had taken place in the foregoing experiment2 the duration of the process was the same1 and its intensity of effect neither greater nor less4' ',de-hypnotisation' again restored the young lady to herself4 ',and now1' says ,dr4 ,noble1 'we requested our patient to rest quietly at the fire-place1 to think of just what she liked1 and to look where she pleased1 excepting at ourselves1 who retreated behind her chair1 saying that a new mode was about to be tried1 and that her turning round would disturb the process4 ,we very composedly took up a volume which lay upon a table1 and amused ourselves with it for about five minutes1 when on raising our eyes1 we could see by the excited features of other members of the party that the young lady was once more magnetised4 ,we were informed by those who had attentively watched her during the progress of our little experiment1 that all had been in every respect just as before4 ,the lady herself1 before she was undeceived1 expressed a distinct consciousness of having felt our unseen passes streaming down the neck4' ,in a similar way1 ,mr4 ,bertrand1 who was the first 7,dr4 ,carpenter tells us7 to undertake a really scientific investigation of the phenomena of mesmerism1 proved that the supposed effect of a magnetised letter from him to a female somnambule was entirely the work of her own lively imagination4 ,he magnetised a letter first1 which on receipt was placed at his suggestion upon the epigastrium of the patient1 who was thrown into the magnetic sleep with all the customary phenomena4 ,he then wrote another letter1 which he did not magnetise1 and again the same effect was produced4 ,lastly he set about an experiment which should determine the real state of the case4 ',i asked one of my friends1' he says1 'to write a few lines in my place1 and to strive to imitate my writing1 so that those who should read the letter should mistake it for mine 7,i knew he could do so74 ,he did this2 our stratagem succeeded1 and the sleep was produced just as it would have been by one of my own letters4 ,it is hardly necessary to say1 perhaps1 that none of the phenomena of hypnotism require1 as indeed none of them1 rightly understood1 suggest1 the action of any such occult forces as spiritualists believe in4 ,on the other hand1 ,i believe that many of the phenomena recorded by spiritualists as having occurred under their actual observation are very readily to be explained as phenomena of hypnotism4 ,of course ,i would not for a moment deny that in the great majority of cases much grosser forms of deception are employed4 ,but in others1 and especially in those where the concentration of the attention for some time is a necessary preliminary to the exhibition of the phenomena 7which suitable 'subjects' only are privileged to see71 ,i consider the resulting self-deception as hypnotic4 ,we may regard the phenomena of hypnotism in two aspects--first and chiefly as illustrating the influence of imagination on the functions of the body2 secondly1 as showing under what conditions the imagination may be most readily brought to bear in producing such influence4 ,these phenomena deserve far closer and at the same time far wider attention than they have yet received4 ,doubt has been thrown upon them because they have been associated with false theories1 and in many cases with fraud and delusion4 ,but1 rightly viewed1 they are at once instructive and valuable4 ,on the one hand they throw light on some of the most interesting problems of mental physiology2 on the other they promise to afford valuable means of curing certain ailments1 and of influencing in useful ways certain powers and functions of the body4 ,all that is necessary1 it should seem1 to give hypnotic researches their full value1 is that all association of these purely mental phenomena with charlatanry and fraud should be abruptly and definitely broken off4 ,those who make practical application of the phenomena of hypnotism should not only divest their own minds of all idea that some occult and as it were extra-natural force is at work1 but should encourage no belief in such force in those on whom the hypnotic method is employed4 ,their influence on the patient will not be lessened1 ,i believe1 by the fullest knowledge on the patient's part that all which is to happen to him is purely natural--that1 in fact1 advantage is simply to be taken of an observed property of the imagination to obtain an influence not otherwise attainable over the body as a whole 7as when the so-called magnetic sleep is to be produced71 or over special parts of the body4 ,whether advantage might not be taken of other than the curative influences of hypnotism is a question which will probably have occurred to some who may have followed the curious accounts given in the preceding pages4 ,if special powers may be obtained1 even for a short time1 by the hypnotised subject1 these powers might be systematically used for other purposes than mere experiment4 ,if1 again1 the repetition of hypnotic curative processes eventually leads to a complete and lasting change in the condition of certain parts or organs of the body1 the repetition of the exercise of special powers during the hypnotic state may after a while lead to the definite acquisition of such powers4 ,as it now appears that the hypnotic control may be obtained without any effort on the part of the operator1 the effort formerly supposed to be required being purely imaginary and the hypnotic state being in fact readily attainable without any operation whatever1 we seem to recognise possibilities which1 duly developed1 might be found of extreme value to the human race4 ,in fine1 it would seem that man possesses a power which has hitherto lain almost entirely dormant1 by which1 under the influence of properly-guided imagination1 the will can be so concentrated on special actions that feats of strength1 dexterity1 artistic 7and even perhaps scientific7 skill may be accomplished by persons who1 in the ordinary state1 are quite incapable of such achievements4 ,,hereditary ,,traits4 ,in ,montaigne's well-known essay on the ',resemblance of ,children to their ,fathers1' the philosopher of ,prigord remarks that 'there is a certain sort of crafty humility that springs from presumption2 as this1 for example1 that we confess our ignorance in many things1 and are so courteous as to acknowledge that there are in works of nature some qualities and conditions that are imperceptible to us1 and of which our understanding cannot discern the means and causes2 by which honest declaration we hope to obtain that people shall also believe us of those that we say we do understand4' ',we need not trouble ourselves1' he goes on1 'to seek out miracles and strange difficulties2 methinks there are such incomprehensible wonders amongst the things that we ordinarily see as surpass all difficulties of miracles4' ,he applies these remarks to inherited peculiarities of feature1 figure1 character1 constitution1 habits1 and so forth4 ,and certainly few of the phenomena of nature are more wonderful than these1 in the sense of being less obviously referable to any cause which seems competent to produce them4 ,many of those natural phenomena which are regarded as most striking are in this respect not to be compared with the known phenomena of heredity4 ,the motions of the planets can all be referred to regular laws2 chemical changes are systematic1 and their sequence at least is understood2 the phenomena of heat1 light1 and electricity are gradually finding interpretation4 ,it is true that all these phenomena become in a sense as miracles when we endeavour to ascertain their real cause4 ,in their case we can ascertain the 'how1' but in no sense the 'why4' ,gravity is a mastery of mysteries to the astronomer1 and has almost compelled us to believe in that 'action at a distance' which ,newton asserted to be unimaginable by anyone with a competent power of reasoning about things philosophical4 ,the ultimate cause of chemical changes is as great a mystery now as it was when the four elements were believed in4 ,and the nature of the ether itself in which the undulations of heat1 light1 and electricity are transmitted is utterly mysterious even to those students of science who have been most successful in determining the laws according to which those undulations proceed4 ,but the phenomena themselves being at once referable 7in our own time at least7 to law1 have no longer the mysterious and in a sense miraculous character recognised in them before the laws of motion1 of chemical affinity1 of light and heat and electricity1 had been ascertained4 ,it is quite otherwise with the phenomena of heredity4 ,we know nothing even of the proximate cause of any single phenomenon2 far less of that ultimate cause in which all these phenomena had their origin4 ,the inheritance of a trait of bodily figure1 character1 or manner is a mystery as great as that other and cognate mystery1 the appearance of some seemingly sudden variation in a race which has for many generations presented an apparently unvarying succession of attributes1 bodily1 physical1 or mental4 ,it need hardly be said that this would not be the place for the discussion of the problems of heredity and variation1 even if in the present position of science we could hope for any profitable result from the investigation of either subject4 ,but some of the curious facts which have been noted by various students of heredity will1 ,i think1 be found interesting2 and though not suggesting in the remotest degree any solution of the real difficulties of the subject1 they may afford some indication of the laws according to which parental traits are inherited1 or seemingly sudden variations introduced4 ,the commonest1 and therefore the least interesting1 though perhaps the most instructive of the phenomena of heredity1 are those affecting the features and the outward configuration of the body4 ,these have been recognised in all ages and among all nations4 ,a portion of the ,jewish system of legislature was based on a recognition of the law that children inherit the bodily qualities of the parents4 ,the ,greeks noted the same fact4 ,among the ,spartans1 indeed1 a system of selection from among new-born children prevailed1 which1 though probably intended only to eliminate the weaker individuals1 corresponded closely to what would be done by a nation having full belief in the efficacy of both natural and artificial selection1 and not troubled with any strong scruples as to the method of applying their doctrines on such matters4 ,among the ,romans we find certain families described by their physical characteristics1 as the ,nasones or ,big-nosed1 the ,labeones or ,thick-lipped1 the ,capitones or ,big-headed1 the ,buccones or ,swollen-cheeked4 ,in more recent times similar traits have been recognised in various families4 ,the ,austrian lip and the ,bourbon nose are well-known instances4#ae ,peculiarities of structure have a double interest1 as illustrating both variation and persistence4 ,we usually find them introduced without any apparent cause into a family1 and afterwards they remain as hereditary traits1 first inherited regularly1 then intermittently1 and eventually1 in most cases1 dying out or becoming so exceptional that their occurrence is not regarded as an hereditary peculiarity4 ,montaigne mentions that in the family of ,lepidus1 at ,rome1 there were three1 not successively but by intervals1 that were born with the same eye covered with a cartilage4 ,at ,thebes there was a family almost every member of which had the crown of the head pointed like a lance-head2 all whose heads were not so formed being regarded as illegitimate4 ,a better authenticated case is that of the ,lambert family4 ,the peculiarity affecting this family appeared first in the person of ,edward ,lambert1 whose whole body1 except the face1 the palms of the hands1 and the soles of the feet1 was covered with a sort of shell consisting of horny excrescences4 ,he was the father of six children1 all of whom1 so soon as they had reached the age of six weeks1 presented the same peculiarity4 ,only one of them lived4 ,he married1 and transmitted the peculiarity to all his sons4 ,for five generations all the male members of the ,lambert family were distinguished by the horny excrescences which had adorned the body of ,edward ,lambert4 ,a remarkable instance of the transmission of anomalous characteristics is found in the case of ,andrian ,jeftichjew1 who1 three or four years ago1 was exhibited with his son ,fedor ,jeftichjew in ,berlin and ,paris4 ,they were called in ,paris les hommes-chiens1 or dog-men1 the father's face being so covered with hair as to present a striking resemblance to the face of a ,skye terrier4 ,andrian was thus described3--',he is about fifty-five years of age1 and is said to have been the son of a ,russian soldier4 ,in order to escape the derision and the unkind usage of his fellow-villagers1 ,andrian in early life fled to the woods1 where for some time he lived in a cave4 ,during this period of seclusion he was much given to drunkenness4 ,his mental condition does not seem to have suffered1 however1 and he is on the whole of a kindly and affectionate disposition4 ,it may be of interest to state that he is an orthodox member of the ,russo-,greek ,church1 and that1 degraded as he is intellectually1 he has very definite notions about heaven and the hereafter4 ,he hopes to introduce his frightful countenance into the court of heaven1 and he devotes all the money he makes1 over and above his outlay for creature comforts1 to purchasing the prayers of a devout community of monks in his native village1 ,kostroma1 after his mortal career is ended4 ,he is of medium stature1 but very strongly built4 ,his excessive capillary development is not true hair1 but simply an abnormal growth of the down or fine hairs which usually cover nearly the entire surface of the human body4 ,strictly speaking1 he has neither head-hair1 beard1 moustache1 eyebrows1 nor eyelashes1 their place being taken by this singular growth of long silky down4 ,in colour this is of a dirty yellow2 it is about three inches in length all over the face1 and feels like the hair of a ,newfoundland dog4 ,the very eyelids are covered with this long hair1 while flowing locks come out of his nostrils and ears4 ,on his body are isolated patches1 strewed but not thickly with hairs one and a half to two inches long4' ,dr4 ,bertillon1 of ,paris1 compared a hair from ,andrian's chin with a very fine hair from a man's beard1 and found that the latter was three times as thick as the former2 and a hair from ,andrian's head is only one-half as thick as an average human hair4 ,professor ,virchow1 of ,berlin1 made careful inquiry into the family history of ,andrian ,jeftichjew4 ,so far as could be learned1 ,andrian was the first in whom this wonderful hirsuteness had been noticed4 ,neither his reputed father nor his mother presented any peculiarity of the kind1 and a brother and sister of his1 who are still living1 are in no way remarkable for capillary development4 ,the son ,fedor1 who was exhibited in company with ,andrian1 was illegitimate1 and about three years of age4 ,andrian's legitimate children1 a son and a daughter1 both died young4 ,nothing is known of the former2 but the daughter resembled the father4 ',fedor is a sprightly child1' said the account from which we have already quoted1 'and appears more intelligent than the father4' ,the growth of down on his face is not so heavy as to conceal his features1 but there is no doubt that when the child comes to maturity he will be at least as hirsute as his parent ,the hairs are as white and as soft as the fur of the ,angora cat1 and are longest at the outer angles of the eyes4 ,there is a thick tuft between the eyes1 and the nose is well covered4 ,the moustache joins the whiskers on each side1 after the ,english fashion1 and this circumstance gives to accurate pictures of the child a ludicrous resemblance to a well-fed ,englishman of about fifty4 ,as in the father's case1 the inside of ,fedor's nostrils and ears has a thick crop of hair4' ',both father and son are almost toothless1 ,andrian having only five teeth1 one in the upper jaw and four in the lower1 while the child has only four teeth1 all in the lower jaw4 ,in both cases the four lower teeth are all incisors4 ,to the right of ,andrian's one upper tooth there still remains the mark of another which has disappeared4 ,that beyond these six teeth the man never had any others is evident to anyone who feels the gums with the finger4' ,the deficiency of teeth1 accompanied as it is by what is in reality a deficiency not a redundancy of hair--for ,andrian and his son have no real hair--accords well with ,darwin's view1 that a constant correlation exists between hair and teeth4 ,he mentions as an illustration the deficiency of teeth in hairless dogs4 ,the tusks of the boar1 again1 are greatly reduced under domestication1 and the reduction is accompanied by a corresponding diminution of the bristles4 ,he mentions also the case of ,julia ,pastrana1 a ,spanish dancer or opera singer1 who had a thick masculine beard and a hairy forehead1 while her teeth were so redundant that her mouth projected1 and her face had a gorilla-like appearance4 ,it should rather be said that in general those creatures which present an abnormal development in the covering of their skin1 whether in the way of redundancy or deficiency1 present1 generally1 perhaps always1 an abnormal dental development1 as we see in sloths and armadilloes on the one hand1 which have the front teeth deficient1 and in some branches of the whale family on the other1 in which the teeth are redundant either in number or in size4 ,in individual members of the human family it certainly is not always the case that the development of the hair and that of the teeth are directly correlated2 for some who are bald when quite young have excellent teeth1 and some who have lost most of their teeth while still on the right side of forty have excellent hair to an advanced age4#af ,another case1 somewhat similar to that of ,andrian and his son1 is found in a ,burmese family1 living at ,ava1 and first described by ,crawford in #ahbi4 ,shwe-,maong1 the head of the family1 was about thirty years old4 ,his whole body was covered with silky hairs1 which attained a length of nearly five inches on the shoulders and spine4 ,he had four daughters1 but only one of them resembled him4 ,she was living at ,ava in #ahee1 and1 according to the account given by a ,british officer who saw her there1 she had a son who was hairy like his grandfather1 ,shwe-,maong4 ,the case of this family illustrates rather curiously the relation between the hair and teeth4 ,for ,shwe-,maong retained his milk-teeth till he was twenty years old 7when he attained puberty71 and they were replaced by nine teeth only1 five in the upper and four in the lower jaw4 ,eight of these were incisors1 the ninth 7in the upper jaw7 being a canine tooth4 ,sex-digitism1 or the possession of hands and feet with six digits each1 has occurred in several families as a sudden variation from the normal formation1 but after it has appeared has usually been transmitted for several generations4 ,in the case of the ,colburn family this peculiarity lasted for four generations without interruption1 and still reappears occasionally4 ,in a branch of a well-known ,scotch family sex-digitism--after continuing for three or four generations--has apparently disappeared2 but it still frequently happens that the edge of the hands on the side of the little finger is partially deformed4 ,hare-lip1 albinism1 halting1 and other peculiarities1 commonly reappear for four or five generations1 and are seldom altogether eradicated in less than ten or twelve4 ,the tendency to variation shown in the introduction of these peculiarities1 even though they may have been eventually eradicated1 is worth noticing in its bearing on our views respecting the formation of new and persistent varieties of the human as of other races4 ,it must be noticed that in the case of the human race the conditions not only do not favour the continuance of such varieties1 but practically forbid their persistence4 ,it is otherwise with some varieties1 at least1 of domestic animals1 insomuch that varieties which present any noteworthy even though accidentally observed advantage have been made practically persistent2 we say practically1 because there seems little reason to doubt that in every case which has hitherto been observed the normal type would eventually be reverted to if special pains were not taken to separate the normal from the abnormal form4 ,an excellent illustration of the difference between the human race and a race of animals under domestication1 in this particular respect1 is found in the case of the ,kelleia family on the one hand1 and that of the ,ancon or ,otter sheep on the other4 ,the former case is described by ,raumur4 ,a ,maltese couple named ,kelleia1 whose hands and feet were of the ordinary type1 had a son ,gratio who had six movable fingers on each hand and six somewhat less perfect toes on each foot4 ,gratio ,kelleia married a woman possessing only the ordinary number of fingers and toes4 ,there were four children of this marriage--,salvator1 ,george1 ,andr1 and ,marie4 ,salvator had six fingers and six toes like the father2 ,george and ,andr had each five fingers and five toes like the mother1 but the hands and feet of ,george were slightly deformed2 ,marie had five fingers and five toes1 but her thumbs were slightly deformed4 ,all four children grew up1 and married folk with the ordinary number of fingers and toes4 ,the children of ,andr alone 7who were many7 were without exception of the normal type1 like their father4 ,the children of ,salvator1 who alone was six-fingered and six-toed like ,gratio the grandfather1 were four in number2 three of them resembled the father1 while the other--the youngest--was of the normal type like his mother and grandmother4 ,as these four children were the descendants of four grandparents of whom one only was hexadactylic1 we see that the variety had been strong enough in their case to overcome the normal type in threefold greater strength4 ,but the strangest part of the story is that relating to ,george and ,marie4 ,george1 who was a pentadactyle1 though somewhat deformed about the hands and feet1 was the father of four children3 first1 two girls1 both purely hexadactylic2 next1 a girl hexadactylic on the right side of the body and pentadactylic on the left side2 and lastly1 a boy1 purely pentadactylic4 ,marie1 a pentadactyle with deformed thumbs1 gave birth to a boy with six toes1 and three normally formed children4 ,it will be seen1 however1 that the normal type showed itself in greater force than the variety in the third generation from ,gratio3 for while one child of ,salvator's1 one of ,george's1 three of ,marie's1 and all of ,andr's 7some seven or eight7 were of the normal type--twelve or thirteen in all--only five1 viz41 three of ,salvator's and two of ,george's1 presented the variety purely4 ,three others were more or less abnormally formed in fingers and toes2 but even counting these1 the influence of the variety was shown only in eight of the grandchildren of ,gratio1 whereas twelve or thirteen were of the normal type4 ,the story of the ,ancon or ,otter sheep1 as narrated by ,colonel ,david ,humphreys in a letter to ,sir ,joseph ,banks1 published in the ,philosophical ,transactions for #ahac1 has been thus abridged by ,huxley3--',it appears that one ,seth ,wright1 the proprietor of a farm on the banks of the ,charles ,river1 in ,massachusetts1 possessed a flock of fifteen ewes and a ram of the ordinary kind4 ,in the year #agia one of the ewes presented her owner with a male lamb differing1 for no assignable reason1 from its parents by a disproportionately long body and short bandy legs2 whence it was unable to emulate its relatives in those sportive leaps over the neighbours' fences in which they were in the habit of indulging1 much to the good farmer's vexation4 ,with the cuteness characteristic of their nation1 the neighbours of the ,massachusetts farmer imagined it would be an excellent thing if all his sheep were imbued with the stay-at-home tendencies enforced by ,nature upon the newly-arrived ram2 and they advised ,wright to kill the old patriarch of his fold and instal the new ,ancon ram in his place4 ,the result justified their sagacious anticipations4444 ,the young lambs were almost always either pure ,ancons or pure ordinary sheep4 ,but when sufficient ,ancon sheep were obtained to interbreed with one another1 it was found that the offspring were always pure ,ancon4 ,colonel ,humphreys1 in fact1 states that he was acquainted with only one questionable case of a contrary nature4 ,by taking care to select ,ancons of both sexes for breeding from1 it thus became easy to establish an exceedingly well-marked race--so peculiar that even when herded with other sheep1 it was noted that the ,ancons kept together4 ,and there is every reason to believe that the existence of this breed might have been indefinitely protracted3 but the introduction of the ,merino sheep--which were not only very superior to the ,ancons in wool and meat1 but quite as quiet and orderly--led to the complete neglect of the new breed1 so that in #ahac ,colonel ,humphreys found it difficult to obtain the specimen whose skeleton was presented to ,sir ,joseph ,banks4 ,we believe that for many years no remnant of it has existed in the ,united ,states4' ,it is easy1 as ,huxley remarks1 to understand why1 whereas ,gratio ,kelleia did not become the ancestor of a race of six-figured and six-toed men1 ,seth ,wright's ,ancon ram became a nation of long-bodied1 short-legged sheep4 ,if the purely hexadactylic descendants of ,gratio ,kelleia1 and all the purely hexadactylic members of the ,colburn family1 in the third and fourth generations1 had migrated to some desert island1 and had been careful not only to exclude all visitors having the normal number of fingers and toes1 but to send away before the age of puberty all children of their own which might depart in any degree from the pure hexadactylic type1 there can be no doubt that under favourable conditions the colony would have become a nation of six-fingered folk4 ,among such a nation the duodecimal system of notation would flourish1 and some remarkable performers on the pianoforte1 flute1 and other instruments1 might be looked for2 but we do not know that they would possess any other advantage over their pentadactylic contemporaries4 ,seeing that the system of colonising above described is antecedently unlikely1 and that no special advantage could be derived from the persistence of any hitherto known abnormal variety of the human race1 it is unlikely that for many generations yet to come we shall hear of six-fingered1 hairy-faced1 horny-skinned1 or hare-lipped nations4 ,the only peculiarities which have any chance of becoming permanent are such as1 while not very uncommon1 stand in the way of intermarriage with persons not similarly affected4 ,a similar remark1 as will presently appear1 applies to mental and moral characteristics4 ,the law according to which contrast is found attractive and similitude repugnant1 though wide in its range1 is not universal2 and there are cases in which resemblance1 if it has not the charm found 7under ordinary circumstances7 in contrast1 is yet a necessary element in matrimonial alliances4 ,the inheritance of constitutional traits comes next to be considered4 ,it is probably not less frequently observed1 and is in several respects more interesting than the inheritance of peculiarities of bodily configuration4 ,longevity1 which may be regarded as measuring the aggregate constitutional energy1 is well known to be hereditary in certain families1 as is short duration of life in other families4 ,the best proof that this is the case is found in the action of insurance companies1 in ascertaining through their agents the longevity of the ancestors of persons proposing to insure their lives4 ,instances of longevity during several successive generations are too common to be worth citing4 ,cases in which1 for generation after generation1 a certain age1 far short of the threescore years and ten1 has not been passed1 even when all the circumstances have favoured longevity1 are more interesting4 ,one of the most curious among these is the case of the ,turgot family1 in which the age of fifty-nine had not been for generations exceeded1 to the time when ,turgot made the name famous4 ,at the age of fifty1 when he was in excellent health1 and apparently had promise of many years of life1 he expressed to his friends his conviction that the end of his life was near at hand4 ,from that time forward he held himself prepared for death1 and1 as we know1 he died before he had completed his fifty-fourth year4 ,fecundity is associated sometimes with longevity1 but in other cases it is as significantly associated with short duration of life4 ,of families in which many children are born but few survive1 we naturally have less striking evidence than we have of families in which many children of strong constitutions are born for several successive generations4 ,what may be called the fecundity of the short-lived is a quality commonly leading in no long time to the disappearance of the family in which it makes its appearance4 ,it is the reverse1 of course1 with fecundity in families whose members show individually great vigour of constitution and high vital power4 ,ribot mentions several cases of this sort among the families of the old ,french noblesse4 ,thus ,anne de ,montmorency--who1 despite his feminine name1 was certainly by no means feminine in character 7at the ,battle of ,st4 ,denis1 in his sixty-sixth year1 he smashed with his sword the teeth of the ,scotch soldier who was giving him his death-blow7 was the father of twelve children4 ,three of his ancestors1 ,matthew ,i41 ,matthew ,,ii41 and ,matthew ,,iii41 had1 in all1 eighteen children1 of whom fifteen were boys4 ',the son and grandson of the great ,cond had nineteen between them1 and their great-grandfather1 who lost his life at ,jarnac1 had ten4 ,the first four ,guises reckoned in all forty-three children1 of whom thirty were boys4 ,achille de ,harley had nine children1 his father ten1 and his great-grandfather eighteen4' ,in the family of the ,herschels in ,hanover and in ,england1 a similar fecundity has been shown in two generations out of three4 ,sir ,w4 ,herschel was one of a family of twelve children1 of whom five were sons4 ,he himself did not marry till his fiftieth year1 and had only one son4 ,but ,sir ,john ,herschel was the father of eleven children4 ,of constitutional peculiarities those affecting the nervous system are most frequently transmitted4 ,we do not1 however1 consider them at this point1 because they are viewed ordinarily rather as they relate to mental and moral characteristics than as affections of the body4 ,the bodily affections most commonly transmitted are those depending on what is called diathesis--a general state or disposition of the constitution predisposing to some special disease4 ,such are scrofula1 cancer1 tubercular consumption1 gout1 arthritis1 and some diseases specially affecting the skin4 ,it would not be desirable to discuss here this particular part of our subject1 interesting though it undoubtedly is4 ,but it may be worth while to note that we have1 in the variety of forms in which the same constitutional bad quality may present itself1 evidence that what is actually transmitted is not a peculiarity affecting a particular organ1 even though in several successive generations the disease may show itself in the same part of the body1 but an affection of the constitution generally4 ,we have here an answer to the question asked by ,montaigne in the essay from which we have already quoted4 ,the essay was written soon after he had for the first time experienced the pangs of renal calculus3--'',tis to be believed1' he says1 'that ,i derived this infirmity from my father1 for he died wonderfully tormented' with it2 he was 'never sensible of his disease till the sixty-seventh year of his age1 and before that had never felt any grudging or symptom of it' 444 'but lived till then in a happy vigorous state of health1 little subject to infirmities1 and continued seven years after in this disease1 and dyed a very painful death4 ,i was born about twenty-five years before his disease seized him1 and in the time of his most flourishing and healthful state of body1 his third child in order of birth3 where could his propension to this malady lie lurking all that while8 ,and he being so far from the infirmity1 how could that small part of his substance carry away so great an impression of its share8 ,and how so concealed that1 till five-and-forty years after1 ,i did not begin to be sensible of it8 being the only one to this hour1 amongst so many brothers and sisters1 and all of one mother1 that was ever troubled with it4 ,he that can satisfie me in this point1 ,i will believe him in as many other miracles as he pleases1 always provided that1 as their manner is1 he does not give me a doctrine much more intricate and fantastic than the thing itself1 for current pay4' ,when we note1 however1 that in many cases the children of persons affected like the elder ,montaigne are not affected like the parents1 but with other infirmities1 as the tendency to gout1 and vice vers 7a circumstance of which ,i myself have but too good reason to be cognisant1 a parent's tendency to gout having in my case been transmitted in the modified but even more troublesome form of the disease which occasioned ,montaigne so much anguish71 we perceive that it is not 'some small part of the substance' which transmits its condition to the child1 but the general state of the constitution4 ,moreover1 it may be hoped in many cases 7which would scarcely be the case if the condition or qualities of some part of the body only were transmitted7 that the germs of disease1 or rather the predisposition to disease1 may be greatly diminished1 or even entirely eradicated1 by suitable precautions4 ,thus persons inheriting a tendency to consumption have become1 in many cases1 vigorous and healthy by passing as much of their time as possible in the open air1 by avoiding crowded and over-heated rooms1 taking moderate but regular exercise1 judicious diet1 and so forth4 ,we believe that the disease which troubled the last fifteen years of the life of ,montaigne might readily have been prevented1 and the tendency to it eradicated1 during his youth4 ,let us turn1 however1 from these considerations to others more interesting1 though less important1 and on the whole perhaps better suited to these pages4 ,the inheritance of tricks or habits is one of the most perplexing of all the phenomena of heredity4 ,the less striking the habit1 the more remarkable1 perhaps1 is its persistence as an inherited trait4 ,giron de ,buzareingues states that he knew a man who1 when he lay on his back1 was wont to throw his right leg across the left2 one of this person's daughters had the same habit from her birth1 constantly assuming that position in the cradle1 notwithstanding the resistance offered by the swaddling bands4#ag ,darwin mentions another case in his ,variation of ,animals and ,plants under ,domestication3--,a child had the odd habit of setting its fingers in rapid motion whenever it was particularly pleased with anything4 ,when greatly excited1 the same child would raise the hand on both sides as high as the eyes1 with the fingers in rapid motion as before4 ,even in old age he experienced a difficulty in refraining from these gestures4 ,he had eight children1 one of whom1 a little girl1 when four years of age1 used to set her fingers going1 and to lift up her hands after the manner of her father4 ,a still more remarkable case is described by ,galton4 ,a gentleman's wife noticed that when he lay fast asleep on his back in bed he had the curious trick of raising his right arm slowly in front of his face1 up to his forehead1 and then dropping it with a jerk1 so that the wrist fell heavily on the bridge of his nose4 ,the trick did not occur every night1 but occasionally1 and was independent of any ascertained cause4 ,sometimes it was repeated incessantly for an hour or more4 ,the gentleman's nose was prominent1 and its bridge often became sore from blows which it received4 ,at one time an awkward sore was produced that was long in healing1 on account of the recurrence1 night after night1 of the blows which first caused it4 ,his wife had to remove the button from the wrist of his night-gown1 as it made severe scratches1 and some means were attempted of tying his arm4 ,many years after his death1 his son married a lady who had never heard of the family incident4 ,she1 however1 observed precisely the same peculiarity in her husband2 but his nose1 from not being particularly prominent1 has never as yet suffered from the blows4 ,the trick does not occur when he is half asleep1 as1 for example1 when he is dozing in his arm-chair2 but the moment he is fast asleep1 he is apt to begin4 ,it is1 as with his father1 intermittent2 sometimes ceasing for many nights1 and sometimes almost incessant during a part of every night4 ,it is performed1 as it was with his father1 with his right hand4 ,one of his children1 a girl1 has inherited the same trick4 ,she performs it1 likewise1 with the right hand1 but in a slightly modified form2 for after raising the arm1 she does not allow the wrist to drop upon the bridge of the nose1 but the palm of her half-closed hand falls over and down the nose1 striking it rather rapidly--a decided improvement on the father's and grandfather's method4 ,the trick is intermittent in this girl's case also1 sometimes not occurring for periods of several months but sometimes almost incessantly4 ,strength in particular limbs or muscles is often transmitted hereditarily4 ,so also is skill in special exercises4 ,thus in the north country there are families of famous wrestlers4 ,among professional oarsmen1 again1 we may note such cases as the ,clasper family in the north1 the ,mackinneys in the south2 while among amateur oarsmen we have the case of the ,playford family1 to which the present amateur champion sculler belongs4 ,in cricket1 the ,walker family and the ,grace family may be cited among amateurs1 the ,humphreys among professional players4 ,grace in dancing was transmitted for three generations in the ,vestris family4 ,it must1 however1 be noted that in some of these cases we may fairly consider that example and teaching have had much to do with the result4 ,take rowing for instance4 ,a good oarsman will impart his style to a whole crew if he rows stroke for them2 and even if he only trains them 7as ,morrison1 for instance1 trained the ,cambridge crew a few years ago71 he will make good oarsmen of men suitably framed and possessing ordinary aptitude for rowing4 ,i remember well how a famous stroke-oar at ,cambridge 7,john ,hall1 of ,magdalen17 imparted to one at least of the ,university crew 7a fellow-collegian of his1 and therefore rowing with him constantly also in his ,college boat7 so exact an imitation of his style that one rather dusky evening1 when the latter was 'stroking' a scratch four past a throng of ,university men1 a dispute arose as to which of the two was really stroke of the four4 ,anyone who knows how characteristic commonly is the rowing of any first-class stroke1 and still more anyone who chances to know how peculiar was the style of the ,university 'stroke-oar' referred to1 will understand how closely his style must have been adopted1 when experienced oarsmen1 not many yards from the passing four1 were unable to decide at once which of the two men were rowing1--even though the evening was dusky enough to prevent the features of the stroke 7whose face was not fully in view at the moment7 from being discerned4 ,seeing that a first-rate oarsman can thus communicate his style so perfectly to another1 it cannot be regarded as demonstrably a case of hereditary transmission if the ,claspers rowed in the same style as their father1 or if the present champion amateur sculler 7making allowances for the change introduced by the sliding seat7 rows very much like his father and his uncle4 ,some peculiarities1 such as stammering1 lisping1 babbling1 and the like1 are not easily referable to any special class of hereditary traits1 because it is not clear how far they are to be regarded as depending on bodily or how far on mental peculiarities4 ,it might seem obvious that stammering was in most cases uncontrollable by the will1 and babbling might seem as certainly controllable4 ,yet there are cases which throw doubt on either conclusion4 ,thus1 ,dr4 ,lucas tells us of a servant-maid whose loquacity was apparently quite uncontrollable4 ,she would talk to people till they were ready to faint2 and if there were no human being to listen to her1 she would talk to animals and inanimate objects1 or would talk aloud to herself4 ,she had to be discharged4 ',but1' she said to her master1 ',i am not to blame2 it all comes from my father4 ,he had the same fault1 and it drove my mother to distraction2 and his father was just the same4' ,stammering has been transmitted through as many as five generations4 ,the same has been noticed of peculiarities of vision4 ,the ,montmorency look1 a sort of half squint1 affected nearly all the members of the ,montmorency family4 ,the peculiarity called ,daltonism1 an inability to distinguish between certain colours of the spectrum1 was not so named1 as is often asserted1 merely because the distinguished chemist ,dalton was affected by it1 but because three members of the same family were similarly affected4 ,deafness and blindness are not commonly hereditary where the parents have lost sight or hearing either by accident or through illness1 even though the illness or accident occur during infancy2 but persons born either blind or deaf frequently if not commonly transmit the defect to some at least among their offspring4 ,similar remarks apply to deaf-mutism4 ,the senses of taste and smell must also be included in the list of those which are affected by transmitted peculiarities4 ,if we include the craving for liquor among such peculiarities1 we might at once cite a long list of cases2 but this craving must be regarded as nervo-psychical1 the sense of taste having in reality very little to do with it4 ,it is doubtful how the following hideous instance should be classed4 ,it is related by ,dr4 ,lucas4 ',a man in ,scotland had an irresistible desire to eat human flesh4 ,he had a daughter2 although removed from her father and mother1 who were both sent to the stake before she was a year old1 and although brought up among respectable people1 this girl1 like her father1 yielded to the horrible craving for human flesh4' ,he must be an ardent student of physiological science who regrets that at this stage circumstances intervened which prevented the world from ascertaining whether the peculiarity would have descended to the third and fourth generations4 ,amongst the strangest cases of hereditary transmissions are those relating to handwriting4 ,darwin cites several curious instances in his ,variation of ,plants and ,animals under ,domestication4 ',on what a curious combination of corporeal structure1 mental character1 and training1' he remarks1 'must handwriting depend4 ,yet everyone must have noted the occasional close similarity of the handwriting in father and son1 even although the father had not taught the son4 ,a great collector of franks assured me that in his collection there were several franks of father and son hardly distinguishable except by their dates4' ,hofacker1 in ,germany1 remarks on the inheritance of handwriting1 and it has been even asserted that ,english boys when taught to write in ,france naturally cling to their ,english manner of writing4 ,dr4 ,carpenter mentions the following instance as having occurred in his own family1 as showing that the character of the handwriting is independent of the special teaching which the right hand receives in this art3--',a gentleman who emigrated to the ,united ,states and settled in the back woods1 before the end of last century1 was accustomed from time to time to write long letters to his sister in ,england1 giving an account of his family affairs4 ,having lost his right arm by an accident1 the correspondence was temporarily kept up by one or other of his children2 but in the course of a few months he learned to write with his left hand1 and before long1 the handwriting of the letters thus written came to be indistinguishable from that of his former letters4' ,i had occasion two or three years ago to consider in an article on ',strange ,mental ,feats1' in my ,science ,byeways1 the question of inherited mental qualities and artistic habits1 and would refer the reader for some remarkable instances of transmitted powers to that article4#ah ,galton in his work on ,hereditary ,genius1 and ,ribot in his treatise on ,heredity1 have collected many facts bearing on this interesting question4 ,both writers show a decided bias in favour of a view which would give to heredity a rather too important position among the factors of genius4 ,cases are cited which seem very little to the purpose1 and multitudes of instances are omitted which oppose themselves1 at a first view at any rate1 to the belief that heredity plays the first part in the genesis of great minds4 ,nearly all the greatest names in philosophy1 literature1 and science1 and a great number of the greatest names in art1 stand absolutely alone4 ,we know nothing achieved by the father or grandfather of ,shakspeare1 or of ,goethe1 or ,schiller1 or ,evans 7,george ,eliot71 or ,thackeray1 or ,dickens1 or ,huxley4 ,none of ,newton's family were in any way distinguished in mathematical or scientific work2 nor do we know of a distinguished ,laplace1 or ,lagrange1 or ,lavoisier1 or ,harvey1 or ,dalton1 or ,volta1 or ,faraday1 besides those who made these names illustrious4 ,as to general literature1 page after page might be filled with the mere names of those whose ancestry has been quite undistinguished4 ,to say that among the ancestors of ,goethe1 ,schiller1 ,byron1 and so forth1 certain qualities1 virtues or vices1 passions or insensibilities to passion1 may be recognised 'among the ancestors of men of science1 certain aptitudes for special subjects or methods of research1' among the ancestors of philosophers and literary men certain qualities or capabilities1 and that such ancestral peculiarities determined the poetic1 scientific1 or literary genius of the descendant1 is in reality to little purpose1 for there is probably not a single family possessing claims to culture in any civilised country among the members of which individuals might not be found with qualities thus emphasised so to speak4 ,such posteriori reasoning is valueless4 ,if instances could be so classified that after carefully studying them we could make even the roughest approach to a guess respecting the cases in which a family might be expected to produce men of any particular qualities1 there would be some use in these attempts at generalisation2 at present all that can be said is that some mental qualities and some artistic aptitudes have unquestionably in certain instances been transmitted1 and that on the whole men of great distinction in philosophy1 literature1 science1 and art1 are rather more likely than others to have among their relations 7more or less remote7 persons somewhat above the average in mental or artistic qualities4 ,but it is not altogether certain that this superiority is even quite so great as it might be expected to be if hereditary transmission played no part at all in the matter4 ,for it cannot be denied that a great mathematician's son has rather a better chance than others of being a mathematician1 a great author's son of being a writer1 a great artist's son of being skilful in art1 a great philosopher's son of taking philosophic views of things4 ,nearly every son looks forward while still young to the time when he shall be doing his father's work2 nearly every father hopes while his children are yet young that some at least among them will follow his pursuits4 ,the fact that so few sons of great men do follow in their fathers' footsteps shows that1 despite the strong ambition of the son and the anxious hope of the father1 the son in the majority of instances has not had ability even to take a fairly good position in the work wherein the father has been perhaps pre-eminently distinguished4 ,i have said that certain mental qualities have certainly been transmitted in some cases4 ,galton mentions one noteworthy instance relating to memory4 ,in the family of ,porson good memory was so notable a faculty as to give rise to the byword1 'the ,porson memory4' ,lady ,hester ,stanhope1 says the late ,f4 ,papillon1 'she whose life was so full of adventure1 gives1 as one among many points of resemblance between herself and her grandfather1 her retentive memory4 ,i have my grandfather's grey eyes1 said she1 and his memory of places4 ,if he saw a stone on the road1 he remembered it2 it is the same with myself4 ,his eye1 which was ordinarily dull and lustreless1 was lighted up1 like my own1 with a dull gleam whenever he was seized with passion4' ,in endeavouring to form an opinion on the law of heredity in its relation to genius1 we must remember that a remark somewhat similar to one made by ,huxley respecting the origin of new species applies to the origin of a man of genius4 ,before such a man became celebrated no one cared particularly to inquire about his ancestry or relations2 when his fame was established1 the time for making the inquiry had passed away4 ,it is quite possible that1 if we had exact and full information1 in a great number of cases we might find the position taken up by ,mr ,galton and ,m4 ,ribot greatly strengthened2 it is1 however1 also possible that we might find it much weakened1 not only by the recognition of a multitude of cases in which the approach of a great man was in no sort indicated by scintillations of brightness along the genealogical track1 but by a yet greater number of cases in which families containing numbers of clever1 witty1 and learned folks have produced none who attained real distinction4 ,there is an excellent remark in a thoughtful but anonymous paper on ,heredity in the ,quarterly ,journal of ,science1 two years or so ago1 which suggests some considerations well worth noting4 ',if we look1' says the writer1 'on the intellect as not a single force but a complex of faculties1 we shall find little to perplex us in the phenomenon of spontaneity'--that is 7in this case71 in the appearance of a man of genius in a family not before remarkable in any way4 ',suppose a family who have possessed some of the attributes of greatness1 but who1 in virtue of a principle equally true in psychology and in mechanics1 that nothing is stronger than its weakest part1 has remained in obscurity4 ,let a man of this family marry a woman whose faculties are the complement of his own4 ,it is possible that a child of such a couple may combine the defects or weaknesses of both parents1 and we have then the case of spontaneous imbecility or criminality4 ,but it is also possible that he may combine the excellences of both1 and burst upon the world as a spontaneous genius4444 ,again1 we must remember that1 even if we consider the intellect as one and indivisible1 it is far from being the only faculty needful for the attainment of excellence1 even in the fields of pure science4 ,combined with it there must be the moral faculties of patience1 perseverance1 and concentration4 ,the will must be strong enough to overcome all distracting temptations1 whether in themselves good or evil4 ,lastly1 there must be constitutional energy and endurance4 ,failing these1 the man will merely leave among his friends the conviction that he might have achieved greatness1 if----4 ,we once knew a physician1 resident in a small country town1 who from time to time startled his associates by some profound and suggestive idea1 some brilliant aperu4 ,but a constitutional languor prevented him from ever completing an investigation1 or from leaving the world one written line4' ,the effect of circumstances also must not be overlooked4 ,it is certain that some of those who stand highest in the world's repute would have done nothing to make their names remembered but for circumstances which either aided their efforts or compelled them to exertion2 and it cannot be doubted1 therefore1 that many who have been by no means celebrated have required but favouring opportunities or the spur of adverse circumstances to have achieved distinction4 ,we note the cases in which men who have been intended by their parents for the desk or routine work have fortunately been freed for nobler work1 to which their powers have specially fitted them4 ,but we are apt to forget that for each such case there must be many instances in which no fortunate chance has intervened4 ,the theory that genius will make its way1 despite all obstacles1 is like the popular notion that 'murder will out1' and other such fancies4 ,we note when events happen which favour such notions1 but we not only do not note--in the very nature of things it is impossible that we should have the chance of noting--cases unfavourable to a notion which1 after all1 is but a part of the general and altogether erroneous idea that what we think ought to be1 will be4 ,that among millions of men in a civilised community1 trained under multitudinous conditions1 for diverse professions1 trades1 and so forth1 exposed to many vicissitudes of fortune1 good and bad1 there should be men from time to time-- ,who break their birth's invidious bar1 ,and grasp the skirts of happy chance1 ,and breast the blows of circumstance1 ,and grapple with their evil star1 is no truer proof of the general theory that genius will make its mark1 despite circumstance1 than is the occasional occurrence of strange instances in which murder has been detected despite seemingly perfect precautions4 ,it must1 however1 be in a general sense admitted that mental powers1 like bodily powers1 are inherited4 ,if the ancestry of men of genius could be traced1 we should in each case probably find enough1 in the history of some line at least along which descent could be traced1 to account for the possession of special powers1 and enough in the history of that and other lines of descent to account for the other qualities or characteristics which1 combined with those special powers1 gave to the man's whole nature the capacity by which he was enabled to stand above the average level of his fellow-men4 ,we might1 with knowledge at once wider and deeper than we actually possess of the various families of each nation1 and their relationships1 predict in many cases1 not that any given child would prove a genius1 but that some one or other of a family would probably rise to distinction4 ,to predict the advent of a man of great genius as we predict the approach of an eclipse or a transit1 will doubtless never be in men's power2 but it is conceivable that at some perhaps not very remote epoch1 anticipations may be formed somewhat like those which astronomers are able to make respecting the recurrence of meteoric showers at particular times and seasons1 and visible in particular regions4 ,already we know so much as this1 that in certain races of men only can special forms of mental energy1 like special bodily characteristics1 be expected to appear4 ,it may well be that hereafter such anticipations may be limited to special groups of families4 ,when we pass from mental to moral qualities1 we find ourselves in the presence of problems which could not be thoroughly dealt with in these pages4 ,the general question1 how far the moral characteristics of each person born into the world depends on those of the parents1 or more generally of the ancestry1 is one involving many considerations which1 perhaps unfortunately1 have been associated with religious questions4 ,and apart from this1 the answers to this question have been found to have a very wide range--from the opinion of those who 7like ,miss ,martineau7 consider that our characters1 even where they seem to undergo changes resulting from the exercise of will1 are entirely due to inheritance1 to the view of those who consider1 like ,heinroth1 that no moral characteristic can possibly be regarded as inherited in such sort as to modify either responsibility for evil-doing or credit for well-doing4 ,probably most will be content to accept a view between these extremes1 without too nicely considering how far moral responsibility is affected by the influence of inherited tendencies4 ,there are1 however1 some illustrations relating to exceptional habits1 which may be mentioned here without bringing in the general question4 ,i have not referred to insanity in speaking of inherited mental qualities1 because insanity must be regarded as a disease of the moral rather than of the mental nature4 ,its origin may be in the mind1 as the origin of mental diseases is in the brain1 that is1 is in the body2 but the principal manifestations of insanity1 those which must guide us in determining its true position1 are unquestionably those relating to moral habitudes4 ,insanity is not always1 or at least not always demonstrably hereditary4 ,esquirol found among #a1cge lunatics #ccg unquestionable cases of hereditary transmission4 ,guislain and others regard hereditary lunacy as including1 roughly1 one-fourth of the cases of insanity4 ,moreau and others hold that the proportion is greater4 ,it appears1 however1 that mental alienation is not the only form in which the insanity of an ancestor may manifest itself4 ,dr4 ,morel gives the following instructive illustration of the 'varied and odd complications occurring in the hereditary transmission of nervous disease4' ,he attended four brothers belonging to one family4 ,the grandfather of these children had died insane2 their father had never been able to continue long at anything2 their uncle1 a man of great intellect and a distinguished physician1 was noted for his eccentricities4 ,now these four children1 sprung from one stock1 presented very different forms of physical disorder4 ,one of them was a maniac1 whose wild paroxysms occurred periodically4 ,the disorder of the second was melancholy madness2 he was reduced by his stupor to a merely automatic condition4 ,the third was characterised by an extreme irascibility and suicidal disposition4 ,the fourth manifested a strong liking for art2 but he was of a timorous and suspicious nature4 ,this story seems in some degree to give support to the theory that genius and mental aberration are not altogether alien2 that1 in fact1 ,great wit to madness nearly is allied1 ,and thin partitions do their bounds divide4 ,of the hereditary transmission of idiotcy we naturally have not the same kind of evidence4 ,madness often1 if not generally1 comes on or shows itself late in life1 whereas idiotcy is not often developed in the adult4 ,insanity is the diseased or weakened condition of a mind possessing all the ordinary thinking faculties2 idiotcy implies that some of these faculties are altogether wanting4 ,it has been asserted1 by the way1 that idiotcy is a product of civilisation4 ,the civilised 'present1 as peoples1' says ,dr4 ,duncan1 'indications of defective vital force1 which are not witnessed among those human beings that live in a state of nature4 ,there must be something rotten in some parts of our boasted civilisation3 and not only a something which has to do with our psychology1 but a great deal more with our power of physical persistence4 ,it is a fact that the type of the perfect minded1 just above the highest idiots1 or the simpletons1 is more distinguishable amongst the most civilised of the civilised than among those who are the so-called children of nature4 ,dolts1 boobies1 stupids1 et hoc genus omne1 abound in young ,saxondom2 but their representatives are rare amongst the tribes that are slowly disappearing before the white man4' ,but it seems barely possible that the difference may be due to the care with which civilised communities interfere to prevent the elimination of idiot infants by the summary process of destroying them4 ,the writer from whom ,i have just quoted refers to the fact that1 even under the ,roman ,empire1 as during the ,republic1 idiots were looked upon as 'useless entities by the practical ,roman4' ,they had no sanctity in his eyes1 and hence their probable rarity2 doubtless the unfortunate children were neglected1 and there is much reason for believing that they were 'exposed4' ',a congenital idiot soon begins to give trouble1' proceeds ,dr4 ,duncan1 'and to excite unusual attention2 and1 moreover1 unless extra care is given to it1 death is sure to ensue in early childhood4' ,may not idiot children in savage communities have an even worse chance of survival than under the ,roman ,empire8 and may not dolts1 boobies1 and stupids1 et hoc genus omne1 among savages1 have such inferior chances in the infantine and later in the adult struggle for existence1 that we may explain thus the comparative rarity of these varieties in savage communities8 ,it certainly does not seem to have been proved as yet that civilisation per se is favourable to the development of insanity4 ,the liking for strong drink1 as is too well known1 is often transmitted4 ,it is remarked by ,dr4 ,howe that 'the children of drunkards are deficient in bodily and vital energy1 and are predisposed by their very organisation to have cravings for alcoholic stimulants4 ,if they pursue the course of their fathers1 which they have more temptation to follow and less power to avoid than the children of the temperate1 they add to their hereditary weakness1 and increase the tendency to idiotcy or insanity in their constitution2 and this they leave to their children after them4' ,whatever opinion we may form on the general question of responsibility for offences of commission or of omission1 on this special point all who are acquainted with the facts must agree1 admitting that in some cases of inherited craving for alcoholic stimulants the responsibility of those who have failed and fallen in the struggle has been but small4 ',the fathers have eaten sour grapes1 and the children's teeth are set on edge4' ,robert ,collyer of ,chicago1 in his noble sermon ',the ,thorn in the ,flesh1' has well said1 ',in the far-reaching influences that go to every life1 and away backward as certainly as forward1 children are sometimes born with appetites fatally strong in their nature4 ,as they grow up the appetite grows with them1 and speedily becomes a master1 the master a tyrant2 and by the time he arrives at manhood1 the man is a slave4 ,i heard a man say that for eight-and-twenty years the soul within him had had to stand like an unsleeping sentinel1 guarding his appetite for strong drink4 ,to be a man at last under such a disadvantage1 not to mention a saint1 is as fine a piece of grace as can well be seen4 ,there is no doctrine that demands a larger vision than this of the depravity of human nature4 ,old ,dr4 ,mason used to say that as much grace as would make ,john a saint1 would hardly keep ,peter from knocking a man down4' ,there are some curious stories of special vices transmitted from parent to child1 which1 if true1 are exceedingly significant1 to say the least4#ai ,gama ,machado relates that a lady with whom he was acquainted1 who possessed a large fortune1 had a passion for gambling and passed whole nights at play4 ',she died young1' he proceeds1 'of a pulmonary complaint4 ,her eldest son who was in appearance the image of his mother1 had the same passion for play4 ,he died of consumption like his mother1 and at the same age2 his daughter who resembled him1 inherited the same tastes1 and died young4' ,hereditary predisposition to theft1 murder1 and suicide1 has been demonstrated in several cases4 ,but the world at large is naturally indisposed to recognise congenital tendency to crime as largely diminishing responsibility for offences or attempted offences of this kind4 ,so far as the general interests of the community are concerned1 the demonstrated fact that a thief or murderer has inherited his unpleasant tendency should be a raison de plus for preventing the tendency from being transmitted any farther4 ,in stamping out the hereditary ruffian or rascal by life imprisonment1 we not only get rid of the 'grown serpent' but of the worm which ,hath nature that in time would venom breed4 ,an illustration of the policy at least 7we do not say the justice7 of preventive measures in such cases1 is shown in the case of a woman in ,america1 of whom the world may fairly say what ,father ,paul remarked to gentle ,alice ,brown2 it 'never knew so criminal a family as hers4' ,a young woman of remarkably depraved character1 infested1 some seventy years since1 the district of the ,upper ,hudson4 ,at one stage of her youth she narrowly1 and somewhat unfortunately1 escaped death4 ,surviving1 however1 she bore many children1 who in turn had large families1 insomuch that there are now some eighty direct descendants1 of whom one-fourth are convicted criminals1 whilst the rest are drunkards1 lunatics1 paupers1 and otherwise undesirable members of the community4 ,with facts such as these before us1 we cannot doubt that in whatever degree variability may eliminate after awhile peculiar mental or moral tendencies1 these are often transmitted for many generations before they die out4 ,if it be unsafe to argue that the responsibility of those inheriting special characteristics is diminished1 the duties of others towards them may justly be considered to be modified4 ,other duties than the mere personal control of tendencies which men may recognise in themselves are also introduced4 ,if a man finds within himself an inherent tendency towards some sin1 which yet he utterly detests1 insomuch that while the spirit is willing the flesh is weak or perchance utterly powerless1 he must recognise in his own life a struggle too painful and too hopeless to be handed down to others4 ,as regards our relations to families in which criminal tendencies have been developed1 either through the negligence of those around 7as in certain dens in ,london where for centuries crime has swarmed and multiplied71 or by unfortunate alliances1 we may 'perceive here a divided duty4' ,it has been remarked that 'we do not set ourselves to train tigers and wolves into peaceful domestic animals2 we seek to extirpate them1' and the question has been asked1 'why should we act otherwise with beings1 who1 if human in form1 are worse than wild beasts8' ',to educate the son of a garotter or a corner-man into an average ,englishman1' may be 'about as promising a task as to train one of the latter into a ,newton or a ,milton4' ,but we must not too quickly despair of a task which may be regarded as a duty inherited from those who in past generations neglected it4 ,there is no hope of the reversion of tiger or wolf to less savage types1 for1 far back as we can trace their ancestry1 we find them savage of nature4 ,with our criminal families the case is not so utterly hopeless4 ,extirpation being impossible 7though easily talked of7 without injustice which would be the parent of far greater troubles even than our criminal classes bring upon us1 we should consider the elements of hope which the problem unquestionably affords4 ,by making it the manifest interest of our criminal population to scatter1 or1 failing that1 by leaving them no choice in the matter1 the poison in their blood may before many generations be eradicated1 not by wide-spreading merely1 but because of the circumstance that only the better sort among them would have 7when scattered7 much chance of rearing families as well as of escaping imprisonment4 ,,footnotes3 ,footnote #ae3 ,it is said by ,ribot that of all the features the nose is the one which heredity preserves best4 ,footnote #af3 ,shakspeare1 who was bald young 7and1 so far as one can judge from his portraits1 had a good set of teeth71 suggests a correlation between hairiness and want of wit1 which is at least likely to be regarded by those who 'wear his baldness while they're young' as a sound theory4 ',why1' asks ,antipholus of ,syracuse1 'is ,time such a niggard of hair1 being1 as it is1 so plentiful an excrement8' ',because1' says ,dromio of ,syracuse1 'it is a blessing that he bestows on beasts2 and what he hath scanted men in hair he hath given them in wit4' ,footnote #ag3 ,while penning the above lines ,i have been reminded of an experience of my own1 which ,i had never before thought of as connected with the subject of heredity2 yet it seems not unlikely that it may be regarded as a case in point4 ,during the infancy of my eldest son it so chanced that the question of rest at night1 and consequently the question of finding some convenient way of keeping the child quiet1 became one of considerable interest to me4 ,cradle-rocking was effective but carried on in the usual way prevented my own sleep1 though causing the child to sleep4 ,i devised1 however1 a way of rocking the cradle with the foot1 which could be carried on in my sleep1 after a few nights' practice4 ,now it is an odd coincidence 7only1 perhaps7 that the writer's next child1 a girl1 had while still an infant a trick which ,i have noticed in no other case4 ,she would rock herself in the cradle by throwing the right leg over the left at regular intervals1 the swing of the cradle being steadily kept up for many minutes1 and being quite as wide in range as a nurse could have given4 ,it was often continued when the child was asleep4 ,since writing the above1 ,i have learned from my eldest daughter1 the girl who as a child had the habit described1 that a recent little brother of hers1 one of twins1 and remarkably like her1 had the same habit1 rocking his own cradle so vigorously as to disturb her in the next room with the noise4 ,these two only of twelve children have had this curious habit2 but as this child is thirteen years younger than she is1 the force of the coincidence in point of time is to some degree impaired4 ,footnote #ah3 ,see my ,science ,byeways1 p4 #ccg et seq4 ,footnote #ai3 ,the following statement from the researches of ,brown-,sequard seems well worth noting in this connection3--',in the course of his masterly experimental investigations into the functions of the nervous system he discovered that1 after a particular lesion of the spinal cord of guinea-pigs1 a slight pinching of the skin of the face would throw the animal into a kind of epileptic convulsion4 ,that this artificial epilepsy should be constantly producible in guinea-pigs1 and not in any other animals experimented on1 was in itself sufficiently singular2 and it was not less surprising that the tendency to it persisted after the lesion of the spinal cord seemed to have been entirely recovered from4 ,but it was far more wonderful that the offspring of these epileptic guinea-pigs showed the same predisposition1 without having been themselves subjected to any lesion whatever2 whilst no such tendency showed itself in any of the large number of young bred by the same accurate observer from parents that had not thus been operated on4' ,,bodily ,,illness ,,as ,a ,,mental ,,stimulant4 ,during special states of disease the mind sometimes develops faculties such as it does not possess when the body is in full health4 ,some of the abnormal qualities thus exhibited by the mind seem strikingly suggestive of the possible acquisition by the human race of similar powers under ordinary conditions4 ,for this reason1 though we fear there is no likelihood at present of any practical application of the knowledge we may obtain on this subject1 it seems to me that there is considerable interest in examining the evidence afforded by the strange powers which the mind occasionally shows during diseases of the body1 and especially during such diseases as are said1 in unscientific but expressive language1 to lower the tone of the nervous system4 ,we may begin by citing a case which seems exceedingly significant4 ,miss ,h4 ,martineau relates that a congenital idiot1 who had lost his mother when he was less than two years old1 when dying1 'suddenly turned his head1 looked bright and sensible1 and exclaimed1 in a tone never heard from him before1 ,oh my mother6 how beautiful6 and sank down again--dead4' ,dr4 ,carpenter cites this as a case of abnormal memory1 illustrating his thesis that the basis of recollection 'may be laid at a very early period of life4' ,but the story seems to contain a deeper meaning4 ,the poor idiot not only recalled a long-past time1 a face that he had not seen for years except in dreams1 but he gained for a moment a degree of intelligence which he had not possessed when in health4 ,the quality of his brain was such1 it appears1 that with the ordinary activity of the circulation1 the ordinary vitality of the organ1 mental action was uncertain and feeble2 but when the circulation had all but ceased1 when the nervous powers were all but prostrate1 the feeble brain1 though it may have become no stronger actually1 became relatively stronger1 in such sort that for the time specified1 a mere moment before dissolution1 the idiot became an intelligent being4 ,a somewhat similar case is on record in which an insane person1 during that stage of typhus fever in which sane persons are apt to become delirious1 became perfectly sane and reasonable1 his insanity returning with returning health4 ,persons of strongest mind in health are often delirious for a short time before death4 ,since1 then1 the idiot in the same stage of approaching dissolution may become intelligent1 while the insane may become sane under the conditions which make the sane become delirious1 we recognise a relationship between the mental and bodily states which might be of considerable use in the treatment of mental diseases4 ,it may well be that conditions of the nervous system which are to be avoided by persons of normal mental qualities may be advantageously superinduced in the case of those of abnormally weak or abnormally violent mind4 ,it is noteworthy that different conditions would seem to be necessary for the idiotic and for the insane1 if the cases cited sufficed to afford basis for generalisation4 ,for the idiot of ,miss ,martineau's story became intelligent during the intense depression of the bodily powers immediately preceding dissolution1 whereas the insane person became sane during that height of fever when delirium commonly makes its appearance4 ,sir ,h4 ,holland mentions a case which shows that great bodily depression may affect a person of ordinary clear and powerful mind4 ',i descended on one and the same day1' he says1 'two very deep mines in the ,hartz ,mountains1 remaining some hours under ground in each4 ,while in the second mine1 and exhausted both from fatigue and inanition1 ,i felt the utter impossibility of talking longer with the ,german ,inspector who accompanied me4 ,every ,german word and phrase deserted my recollection2 and it was not until ,i had taken food and wine1 and been some time at rest1 that ,i regained them again4' ,a change in the mental condition is sometimes a sign of approaching serious illness1 and is felt to be so by the person experiencing it4 ,an ,american writer1 ,mr4 ,butterworth1 quotes the following description given by a near relative of his who was suffering from extreme nervous debility4 ',i am in constant fear of insanity1' she said1 'and ,i wish ,i could be moved to some retreat for the insane4 ,i understand my condition perfectly2 my reason does not seem to be impaired2 but ,i can think of two things at the same time4 ,this is an indication of mental unsoundness1 and is a terror to me4 ,i do not seem to have slept at all for the last six months4 ,if ,i sleep1 it must be in a succession of vivid dreams that destroy all impression of somnolence4 ,since ,i have been in this condition ,i seem to have a very vivid impression of what happens to my children who are away from home1 and ,i am often startled to hear that these impressions are correct4 ,i seem to have also a certain power of anticipating what one is about to say1 and to read the motives of others4 ,i take no pleasure in this strange increase of mental power2 it is all unnatural4 ,i cannot live in this state long1 and ,i often wish ,i were dead4' ,it must1 however1 be remembered that persons who are in a state of extreme nervous debility1 not only possess at times abnormal mental qualities1 but are also affected morally4 ,as ,huxley has well remarked of some stories bearing on spiritualism1 they come from persons who can hardly be trusted even according to their own account of themselves4 ,mr4 ,butterworth's relation described a mental condition which1 even if quite correctly pictured as she understood it1 may yet be explained without believing that any very marvellous increase had taken place in her mental powers4 ,among the vivid impressions which she constantly had of what might be happening to her children away from home1 it would have been strange if some had not been correct4 ,the power of anticipating what others were about to say is one which many imagine they have1 mistaking the occasional coincidence between their guesses and what has been next said1 for indications of a power which in reality they do not possess4 ,and so also with regard to the motives of others4 ,many are apt1 especially when out of health1 to guess at others' motives1 sometimes rightly1 but oftener very wrongly1 yet always rightly in their own belief1 no matter what evidence may presently appear to the contrary4 ,the case cited by ,mr4 ,butterworth affords evidence rather of the unhealthy condition of the patient's mind than of abnormal powers1 except as regards the power of thinking of two things at the same time1 which we may fairly assume was not ordinarily possessed by its relative4 ,it is rather difficult to define such a power1 however4 ,several persons have apparently possessed the power1 showing it by doing two things at the same time which both appear to require thought1 and even close attention4 ,julius ,csar1 for example1 could write on one subject and dictate on another simultaneously4 ,but in reality1 even in cases such as these1 the mind does not think of two things at once4 ,it simply takes them in turn1 doing enough with each1 in a short time1 a mere instant1 perhaps1 to give work to the pen or to the voice1 as the case may be1 for a longer time4 ,when ,csar was writing a sentence1 he was not necessarily thinking of what he was writing4 ,he had done the thinking part of the work before2 and was free1 while continuing the mere mechanical process of writing1 to think of matter for dictation to his secretary4 ,so also while he was speaking he was free to think of matter for writing4 ,if1 indeed1 the thought for each sentence of either kind had occupied an appreciable time1 there would have been interruptions of his writing1 if not of his dictation 7dictation is not commonly a continuous process under any circumstances1 even when shorthand writers take down the words74 ,but a practised writer or speaker can in a moment form a sentence which shall occupy a minute in writing and several seconds in speaking4 ,i certainly do not myself claim the power of thinking of two things at once1--nay1 ,i believe that no one ever had or could have such a power3 yet ,i find it perfectly easy1 when lecturing1 to arrange the plan for the next ten minutes' exposition of a scientific subject1 and to adopt the words themselves for the next twenty seconds or so1 while continuing to speak without the least interruption4 ,i can also work out a calculation on the black-board while continuing to speak of matters outside the subject of the calculation4 ,it is more a matter of habit than an indication of any mental power1 natural or acquired1 to speak or write sentences2 even of considerable length1 after the mind has passed on to other matters4 ,in a similar way some persons can write different words with the right and left hands1 and this1 too1 while speaking of other matters4 7,i have seen this done by ,professor ,morse1 the ,american naturalist1 whose two hands added words to the diagrams he had drawn while his voice dealt with other parts of the drawing3 to add to the wonder1 too1 he wrote the words indifferently from right to left or from left to right47 ,in reality the person who thus does two things at once is no more thinking of two things at once than a clock is1 when the striking and the working machinery are both in action at the same time4#bj ,as an illustration of special mental power shown in health1 by a person whose mental condition in illness we shall consider afterwards1 ,sir ,walter ,scott may be mentioned4 ,the account given by his amanuensis has seemed surprising to many1 unfamiliar with the nature of literary composition 7at least after long practice71 but is in reality such as anyone who writes much can quite readily understand1 or might even have known must necessarily be correct4 ',his thoughts1' says the secretary to whom ,scott dictated his ,life of ,napoleon ,buonaparte1 'flowed easily and felicitously1 without any difficulty to lay hold of them or to find appropriate language' 7which1 by the way1 is more than all would say who had read ,scott's ,life of ,buonaparte1 and certainly more than can be said of his secretary1 unless it really was a familiar experience with him to be unable to lay hold of his thoughts74 ',this was evident by the absence of all solicitude 7miseria cogitandi7 from his countenance4 ,he sat in his chair1 from which he rose now and then1 took a volume from the book-case1 consulted it1 and restored it to the shelf--all without intermission in the current of ideas1 which continued to be delivered with no less readiness than if his mind had been wholly occupied with the words he was uttering4 ,it soon became apparent to me1 however1 that he was carrying on two distinct trains of thought1 one of which was already arranged and in the act of being spoken1 while at the same time he was in advance1 considering what was afterwards to be said4 ,this ,i discovered' 7he should rather have said1 'this ,i was led to infer'7 'by his sometimes introducing a word which was wholly out of place--entertained instead of denied1 for example--but which ,i presently found to belong to the next sentence1 perhaps four or five lines further on1 which he had been preparing at the very moment when he gave me the words of the one that preceded it4' ,in the same way ,i have often unconsciously substituted one word for another in lecturing1 the word used always belonging to a later sentence than the word intended to be used4 ,i have noticed also this peculiarity1 that when a substitution of this kind has been once made1 an effort is required to avoid repeating the mistake1 even if it be not repeated quite unconsciously to the end of the discourse4 ,in this way1 for example1 ,i once throughout an entire lecture used the word 'heavens' for the word 'screen' 7the screen on which lantern pictures were shown74 ,a similar peculiarity may be noticed with written errors4 ,thus in my treatise on a scientific subject1 in which the utmost care had been given to minute points of detail1 ,i once wrote 'seconds' for 'minutes' throughout several pages--in fact1 from the place where first the error was made1 to the end of the chapter4 7,see the first edition of my ,transits of ,venus1 pp4 #aca-acf1 noting as an additional peculiarity that the whole object of the chapter in which this mistake was made was to show how many minutes of difference existed between the occurrence of certain events47 ,an even more curious instance of a mistake arising from doing one thing while thinking of another occurred to me fourteen years ago4 ,i was correcting the proof-sheets of an astronomical treatise in which occurred these words3 ',calling the mean distance of the earth #a1 ,saturn's mean distance is #ieci2 again1 calling the earth's period #a1 ,saturn's mean period is #bideg3--now what relation exists between these numbers #ieci and #bideg and their powers8 ,the first is less than the second1 but the square of the first is plainly greater than the second2 we must therefore try higher powers1 c4 c4' ,the passage was quite correct as it stood1 and if the two processes by which ,i was correcting verbal errors and following the sense of the passage had been really continuous processes of thought1 unquestionably the passage would have been left alone4 ,if the passage had been erroneous and had been simply left in that condition the case would have been one only too familiar to those who have had occasion to correct proofs4 ,but what ,i actually did was deliberately to make nonsense of the passage while improving the sound of the second sentence4 ,i made it run1 'the first is less than the second1 but the square of the first is plainly greater than the square of the second1' the absurdity of which statement a child would detect4 ,if the first proof in its correct form1 with the incorrect correction carefully written down in the margin1 had not existed when1 several months later1 the error was pointed out in the ,quarterly ,journal of ,science1 ,i should have felt sure that ,i had written the words wrongly at the outset4 ,for blunders such as this are common enough4 ,but that ,i should deliberately have taken a correctly worded sentence and altered it into utter absurdity ,i could not1 but for the evidence1 have believed to be possible4 ,the case plainly shows that not only may two things be done at once when the mind1 nevertheless1 is thinking only of one1 but that something may be done which suggests deliberate reflection when in reality the mind is elsewhere or not occupied at all4 ,for in this case both the processes on which ,i was engaged were manifestly carried on without thought1 one being purely mechanical and the other1 though requiring thought if properly attended to1 being so imperfectly effected as to show that no thought was given to it4 ,to return to ,sir ,walter ,scott4 ,it is known but too well that during the later years of his life there came with bodily prostration a great but not constant failure of his mental powers4 ,some of the phenomena presented during this part of his career are strikingly illustrative of abnormal mental action occurring even at times when the mental power is on the whole much weakened4 ,the ,bride of ,lammermoor1 though not one of the best of ,scott's novels1 is certainly far above such works as ,count ,robert of ,paris1 ,the ,betrothed1 and ,castle ,dangerous4 ,its popularity may perhaps be attributed chiefly to the deep interest of the 'ower true tale' on which it is founded3 but some of the characters are painted with exceeding skill4 ,lucy herself is almost a nonentity1 and ,edgar is little more than a gloomy1 unpleasant man1 made interesting only by the troubles which fall on him4 ,but ,caleb ,balderstone and ,ailsie ,gourlay stand out from the canvas as if alive2 they are as lifelike and natural1 yet as thoroughly individualised as ,edie ,ochiltree and ,meg ,merrilies4 ,the novel neither suggested when it first appeared1 nor has been regarded even after the facts became known1 as suggesting that ,scott1 when he wrote it1 was in bad health4 ,yet it was produced under pressure of severe illness1 and when ,scott was at least in this sense unconscious1 that nothing of what he said and did in connection with the work was remembered when he recovered4 ',the book1' says ,james ,ballantyne1 'was not only written1 but published1 before ,mr4 ,scott was able to rise from his bed2 and he assured me that when it was first put into his hands in a complete shape1 he did not recollect one single incident1 character1 or conversation it contained6 ,he did not desire me to understand1 nor did ,i understand1 that his illness had erased from his memory the original incidents of the story1 with which he had been acquainted from his boyhood4 ,these remained rooted where they had ever been2 or1 to speak more explicitly1 he remembered the general facts of the existence of the father and mother1 of the son and daughter1 of the rival lovers1 of the compulsory marriage1 and the attack made by the bride upon the hapless bridegroom1 with the general catastrophe of the whole4 ,all these things he recollected1 just as he did before he took to his bed2 but he literally recollected nothing else--not a single character woven by the romancer1 not one of the many scenes and points of humour1 not anything with which he was himself connected1 as the writer of the work4 ,later1 when ,scott was breaking down under severe and long-continued labour1 and first felt the approach of the illness which ultimately ended in death1 he experienced strange mental phenomena4 ,in his diary for ,february #ag1 #ahbi1 he notes that on the preceding day1 at dinner1 though in company with two or three old friends1 he was haunted by 'a sense of pre-existence1' a confused idea that nothing that passed was said for the first time2 that the same topics had been discussed1 and that the same persons had expressed the same opinions before4 ',there was a vile sense of a want of reality in all that ,i did or said4' ,dr4 ,reynolds related to ,dr4 ,carpenter a case in which a ,dissenting minister1 who was in apparently sound health1 was rendered apprehensive of brain-disease--though1 as it seemed1 without occasion--by a lapse of memory similar to that experienced by ,sir ,walter ,scott4 ,he 'went through an entire pulpit service on a certain ,sunday morning with the most perfect consistency--his choice of hymns and lessons1 and his extempore prayer being all related to the subject of his sermon4 ,on the following ,sunday morning he went through the introductory part of the service in precisely the same manner--giving out the same hymns1 reading the same lessons1 and directing the extempore prayer in the same channel4 ,he then gave out the same text and preached the very same sermon as he had done on the previous ,sunday4 ,when he came down from the pulpit1 it was found that he had not the smallest remembrance of having gone through precisely the same service on the previous ,sunday2 and when he was assured of it1 he felt considerable uneasiness lest his lapse of memory should indicate some impending attack of illness4 ,none such1 however1 supervened2 and no rationale can be given of this curious occurrence1 the subject of it not being liable to fits of absence of mind and not having had his thoughts engrossed at the time by any other special pre-occupation4' ,it is possible that the explanation here is the simple one of mere coincidence4 ,whether this explanation is available or not would depend entirely on the question whether the preacher's memory was ordinarily trustworthy or not1 whether in fact he would remember the arrangements1 prayers1 sermon1 c41 he had given on any occasion4 ,these matters becoming1 after long habit1 almost automatic1 it might very well happen that the person going through such duties would remember them no longer and no better than one who had been present when they were performed1 and who had not paid special attention to them4 ,that if he had thus unconsciously carried out his duties on one ,sunday he should 7being to this degree forgetful7 conduct them in precisely the same way on the next ,sunday1 would rather tend to show that his mental faculties were in excellent working order than the reverse4 ,wendell ,holmes tells a story which effectively illustrates my meaning2 and he tells it so pleasantly 7as usual7 that ,i shall quote it unaltered4 ',sometimes1 but rarely1' he says1 'one may be caught making the same speech twice over1 and yet be held blameless4 ,thus a certain lecturer' 7,holmes himself1 doubtless71 'after performing in an inland city1 where dwells a littratrice of note1 was invited to meet her and others over the social tea-cup4 ,she pleasantly referred to his many wanderings in his new occupation4 ,yes1 he replied1 ,i am like the huma1 the bird that never lights1 being always in the cars1 as he is always on the wing4 ,years elapsed4 ,the lecturer visited the same place once more for the same purpose4 ,another social cup after the lecture1 and a second meeting with the distinguished lady4 ,you are constantly going from place to place1 she said4 ,yes1 he answered1 ,i am like the huma1 and finished the sentence as before4 ,what horror when it flashed over him that he had made this fine speech1 word for word1 twice over6 ,yet it was not true1 as the lady might perhaps have fairly inferred1 that he had embellished his conversation with the huma daily during that whole interval of years4 ,on the contrary1 he had never once thought of the odious fowl until the recurrence of precisely the same circumstances brought up precisely the same idea4' ,he was not in the slightest degree afraid of brain-disease4 ,on the contrary1 he considered the circumstance indicative of good order in the mental mechanism4 ',he ought to have been proud1' says ,holmes1 speaking for him1 and meaning no doubt that he was proud1 'of the accuracy of his mental adjustments4 ,given certain factors1 and a sound brain should always evolve the same fixed product with the certainty of ,babbage's calculating machine4' ,somewhat akin to the unconscious recurrence of mental processes after considerable intervals of time is the tendency to imitate the actions of others as though sharing in their thoughts1 and according to many because mind acts upon mind4 ,this tendency1 though not always associated with disease1 is usually a sign of bodily illness4 ,dr4 ,carpenter mentions the following singular case1 but rather as illustrating generally the influence of suggestions derived from external sources in determining the current of thought1 than as showing how prone the thoughts are to run in undesirable currents when the body is out of health3--',during an epidemic of fever1 in which an active delirium had been a common symptom1 it was observed that many of the patients of one particular physician were possessed by a strong tendency to throw themselves out of the window1 whilst no such tendency presented itself in unusual frequency in the practice of others4 ,the author's informant1 ,dr4 ,c41 himself a distinguished professor in the university1 explained the tendency of what had occurred within his own knowledge2 he having been himself attacked by the fever1 and having been under the care of this physician1 his friend and colleague1 ,dr4 ,a4 ,another of ,dr4 ,a4's patients whom we shall call ,mr4 ,b41 seems to have been the first to make the attempt in question2 and impressed with the necessity of taking due precautions1 ,dr4 ,a4 then visited ,dr4 ,c41 in whose hearing he gave directions to have the windows properly secured1 as ,mr4 ,b4 had attempted to throw himself out4 ,now ,dr4 ,c4 distinctly remembers1 that although he had not previously experienced any such desire1 it came upon him with great urgency as soon as ever the idea was thus suggested to him2 his mind being just in that state of incipient delirium which is marked by the temporary dominance of some one idea1 and by the want of volitional power to withdraw the attention from it4 ,and he deemed it probable that1 as ,dr4 ,a4 went on to ,mr4 ,d41 ,mr4 ,e41 c41 and gave similar directions1 a like desire would be excited in the minds of all those who might happen to be in the same impressible condition4' ,the case is not only interesting as showing how the mind in disease receives certain impressions more strongly than in health1 and in a sense may thus be said to possess for the time an abnormal power1 but it affords a useful hint to doctors and nurses1 who do not always 7the latter indeed scarcely ever7 consider the necessity of extreme caution when speaking about their patients and in their presence4 ,it is probable that a considerable proportion of the accidents1 fatal and otherwise1 which have befallen delirious patients might be traced to incautious remarks made in their hearing by foolish nurses or forgetful doctors4 ,in some cases doctors have had to excite a strong antagonistic feeling against tendencies of this kind4 ,thus ,zerffi relates that an ,english physician was once consulted by the mistress of a ladies' school where many girls had become liable to fits of hysterics4 ,he tried several remedies1 but in vain4 ,at last1 justly regarding the epidemic as arising from the influence of imagination on the weaker girls 7one hysterical girl having infected the others71 he determined to exert a stronger antagonistic influence on the weak minds of his patients4 ,he therefore remarked casually to the mistress of the school1 in the hearing of the girls1 that he had now tried all methods but one1 which he would try1 as a last resource1 when next he called--'the application of a red-hot iron to the spine of the patients so as to quiet their nervously-excited systems4' ',strange to say1' remarks ,zerffi--meaning1 no doubt1 'it is hardly necessary to say that'--'the red-hot iron was never applied1 for the hysterical attacks ceased as if by magic4' ,in another case mentioned by ,zerffi1 a revival mania in a large school near ,cologne was similarly brought to an abrupt end4 ,the ,government sent an inspector4 ,he found that the boys had visions of ,christ1 the ,virgin1 and departed saints4 ,he threatened to close the school if these visions continued1 and thus to exclude the students from all the prospects which their studies afforded them4 ',the effect was as magical as the red-hot iron remedy--the revivals ceased as if by magic4' ,the following singular cases are related in ,zimmermann's ,solitude3--,a nun1 in a very large convent in ,france1 began to mew like a cat4 ,at last all the nuns began to mew together every day at a certain time1 and continued mewing for several hours together4 ,this daily cat-concert continued1 until the nuns were informed that a company of soldiers was placed by the police before the entrance to the convent1 and that the soldiers were provided with rods with which they would whip the nuns until they promised not to mew any more1' 444 ',in the fifteenth century1 a nun in a ,german convent fell to biting her companions4 ,in the course of a short time all the nuns of this convent began biting each other4 ,the news of this infatuation among the nuns soon spread1 and excited the same elsewhere2 the biting mania passing from convent to convent through a great part of ,germany4 ,it afterwards visited the nunneries of ,holland1 and even spread as far as ,rome4' ,no suggestion of bodily disease is made in either case4 ,but anyone who considers how utterly unnatural is the manner of life in monastic communities will not need the evidence derived from the spread of such preposterous habits to be assured that in convents the perfectly sane mind in a perfectly healthy body must be the exception rather than the rule4 ,the dancing mania1 which spread through a large part of ,europe in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries1 although it eventually attacked persons who were seemingly in robust health1 yet had its origin in disease4 ,dr4 ,hecker1 who has given the most complete account we have of this strange mania1 in his ,epidemics of the ,middle ,ages1 says that when the disease was completely developed the attack commenced with epileptic convulsions4 ',those affected fell to the ground senseless1 panting and labouring for breath4 ,they foamed at the mouth1 and suddenly springing up began their dance amidst strange contortions4 ,they formed circles hand in hand1 and appearing to have lost all control over their senses continued dancing1 regardless of the bystanders1 for hours together1 in wild delirium1 until at length they fell to the ground in a state of exhaustion4 ,they then complained of extreme oppression1 and groaned as if in the agonies of death1 until they were swathed in clothes bound tightly round their waists2 upon which they again recovered1 and remained free from complaint until the next attack4444 ,while dancing they neither saw nor heard1 being insensible to external impressions through the senses2 but they were haunted by visions1 their fancies conjuring up spirits1 whose names they shrieked out2 and some of them afterwards asserted that they felt as if they had been immersed in a stream of blood1 which obliged them to leap so high4 ,others during the paroxysm saw the heavens open1 and the ,saviour enthroned with the ,virgin ,mary1 according as the religious notions of the age were strangely and variously reflected in their imaginations4' ,the epidemic attacked people of all stations1 but especially those who led a sedentary life1 such as shoemakers and tailors2 yet even the most robust peasants finally yielded to it4 ,they 'abandoned their labours in the fields as if they were possessed by evil spirits1 and those affected were seen assembling indiscriminately from time to time1 at certain appointed places1 and unless prevented by the lookers-on1 continued to dance without intermission1 until their very last breath was expended4 ,their fury and extravagance of demeanour so completely deprived them of their senses1 that many of them dashed their brains out against the walls and corners of buildings1 or rushed headlong in rapid rivers1 where they found a watery grave4 ,roaring and foaming as they were1 the bystanders could only succeed in restraining them by placing benches and chairs in their way1 so that by the high leaps they were thus tempted to take1 their strength might be exhausted4 ,as soon as this was the case they fell1 as it were1 lifeless to the ground1 and by very slow degrees recovered their strength4 ,many there were who even with all this exertion had not expended the violence of the tempest which raged within them2 but awoke with newly revived powers1 and again and again mixed with the crowd of dancers2 until at length the violent excitement of their disordered nerves was allayed by the great involuntary exertion of their limbs1 and the mental disorder was calmed by the exhaustion of the body4 ,the cure effected by these stormy attacks was in many cases so perfect1 that some patients returned to the factory or plough1 as if nothing had happened4 ,others1 on the contrary1 paid the penalty of their folly by so total a loss of power1 that they could not regain their former health1 even by the employment of the most strengthening remedies4' ,it may be doubted1 perhaps1 by some whether such instances as these illustrate so much the state to which the mind is reduced when the body is diseased1 as the state to which the body is reduced when the mind is diseased1 though1 as we have seen1 the dancing mania when fully developed followed always on bodily illness4 ,in the cases we now have to deal with1 the diseased condition of the body was unmistakable4 ,mrs4 ,hemans on her deathbed said that it was impossible for imagination to picture or pen to describe the delightful visions which passed before her mind4 ,they made her waking hours more delightful than those passed in sleep4 ,it is evident that these visions had their origin in the processes of change affecting the substance of the brain as the disease of the body progressed4 ,but it does not follow that the substance of the brain was undergoing changes necessarily tending to its ultimate decay and dissolution4 ,quite possibly the changes were such as might occur under the influence of suitable medicinal or stimulant substances1 and without any subsequent ill effects4 ,dr4 ,richardson1 in an interesting article on ether-drinking and extra-alcoholic intoxication 7,gentleman's ,magazine for ,october71 makes a remark which suggests that the medical men of our day look forward to the discovery of means for obtaining some such influence over the action of the brain4 ,after describing the action of methylic and ethylic ethers in his own case1 he says3 ',they who have felt this condition1 who have lived as it were in another life1 however transitorily1 are easily led to declare with ,davy that nothing exists but thoughts6 the universe is composed of impressions1 ideas1 pleasures1 and pains6 ,i believe it is so1 and that we might by scientific art1 and there is such an art1 learn to live altogether in a new sphere of impressions1 ideas1 pleasures1 and pains4' ,but stay1' he adds1 as if he had said too much1 ',i am anticipating1 unconsciously1 something else that is in my mind4 ,the rest is silence2 ,i must return to the world in which we now live1 and which all know4' ,mr4 ,butterworth mentions the case of the ,rev4 ,william ,tennent1 of ,freehold1 ,new ,jersey1 as illustrative of strange mental faculties possessed during disease4 ,tennent was supposed to be far gone in consumption4 ,at last1 after a protracted illness1 he seemingly died1 and preparations were made for his funeral4 ,not only were his friends deceived1 but he was deceived himself1 for he thought he was dead1 and that his spirit had entered ,paradise4 ',his soul1 as he thought1 was borne aloft to celestial altitudes1 and was enraptured by visions of ,god and all the hosts of ,heaven4 ,he seemed to dwell in an enchanted region of limitless light and inconceivable splendour4 ,at last an angel came to him and told him that he must go back4 ,darkness1 like an overawing shadow1 shut out the celestial glories2 and1 full of sudden horror1 he uttered a deep groan4 ,this dismal utterance was heard by those around him1 and prevented him from being buried alive1 after all the preparations had been made for the removal of the body4' ,we must not fall into the mistake of supposing1 however1 as many seem to do1 that the visions seen under such conditions1 or by ecstatics1 really present truths of which the usual mental faculties could not become cognisant4 ,we have heard such cases as the deathbed visions of ,mrs4 ,hemans1 and the trance visions of ,tennent1 urged as evidence in favour of special forms of doctrine4 ,we have no thought of attacking these1 but assuredly they derive no support from evidence of this sort4 ,the dying ,hindoo has visions which the ,christian would certainly not regard as heaven-born4 ,the ,mahomedan sees the plains of ,paradise1 peopled by the houris of his heaven1 but we do not on that account accept the ,koran as the sole guide to religious truth4 ,the fact is1 that the visions pictured by the mind during the disease of the body1 or in the ecstatic condition1 have their birth in the mind itself1 and take their form from the teachings with which that mind has been imbued4 ,they may1 indeed1 seem utterly unlike those we should expect from the known character of the visionary1 just as the thoughts of a dying man may be1 and often are1 very far removed from the objects which had occupied all his attention during the later years of his life4 ,but if the history of the childhood and youth of an ecstatic could be fully known1 or if 7which is exceedingly unlikely7 we could obtain a strictly truthful account of such matters from himself1 we should find nearly every circumstance of his visions explained1 or at least an explanation suggested4 ,for1 after all1 much which would be necessary to exactly show the origin of all he saw1 would be lost1 since the brain retains impressions of many things of which the conscious memory has entirely passed away4 ,the vivid picturing of forgotten events of life is a familiar experience of the opium-eater4 ,thus ,de ,quincey says3 ',the minutest incidents of childhood or forgotten scenes of later years1 were often revived4 ,i could not be said to recollect them1 for if ,i had been told of them when waking1 ,i should not have been able to acknowledge them as part of my past experience4 ,but placed as they were before me in dreams like intuitions1 and clothed in all their evanescent circumstances and accompanying feelings1 ,i recognised them instantaneously4' ,a similar return of long-forgotten scenes and incidents to the mind may be noticed1 though not to the same degree1 when wine has been taken in moderate quantity after a long fast4 ,the effects of hachisch are specially interesting in this connection1 because1 unless a very powerful dose has been taken1 the hachischin does not wholly lose the power of introspection1 so that he is able afterwards to recall what has passed through his mind when he was under the influence of the drug4 ,now ,moreau1 in his interesting ,etudes ,psychologiques 7,du ,hachich et d',alination ,mentale71 says that the first result of a dose sufficient to produce the hachisch fantasia is a feeling of intense happiness4 ',it is really happiness which is produced by the hachisch2 and by this simply an enjoyment entirely moral1 and by no means sensual as we might be induced to suppose4 ,this is surely a very curious circumstance2 and some remarkable inferences might be drawn from it2 this1 for instance1 among others--that every feeling of joy and gladness1 even when the cause of it is exclusively moral--that those enjoyments which are least connected with material objects1 the most spiritual1 the most ideal1 may be nothing else than sensations purely physical1 developed in the interior of the system1 as are those procured by hachisch4 ,at least so far as relates to that of which we are internally conscious1 there is no distinction between these two orders of sensations1 in spite of the diversity in the causes to which they are due2 for the hachisch-eater is happy1 not like the gourmand or the famished man when satisfying his appetite1 or the voluptuary in gratifying his amative desires1 but like him who hears tidings which fill him with joy1 like the miser counting his treasures1 the gambler who is successful at play1 or the ambitious man who is intoxicated with success4' ,my special object1 however1 in noting the effects of opium and hachisch1 is rather to note how the mental processes or faculties observed during certain states of disease may be produced artificially1 than to enter into the considerations discussed by ,dr4 ,moreau4 ,it is singular that while the ,mohamedan order of ,hachischin 7or ,assassins7 bring about by the use of their favourite drug such visions as accompany the progress of certain forms of disease1 the ,hindoo devotees called the ,yogi are able to produce artificially the state of mind and body recognised in cataleptic patients4 ,the less-advanced ,yogi can only enter the state of abstraction called reverie2 but the higher orders can simulate absolute inanition1 the heart apparently ceasing to beat1 the lungs to act1 and the nerves to convey impressions to the brain1 even though the body be subjected to processes which would cause extreme torture under ordinary conditions4 ',when in this state1' says ,carpenter1 'the ,yogi are supposed to be completely possessed by ,brahma1 the supreme soul1 and to be incapable of sin in thought1 word1 or deed4' ,it has been supposed that this was the state into which those entered who in old times were resorted to as oracles4 ,but it has happened that in certain stages of disease the power of assuming the death-like state has been possessed for a time4 ,thus ,colonel ,townsend1 who died in #agig1 we read1 had in his last sickness the extraordinary power of apparently dying and returning to life again at will4 ',i found his pulse sink gradually1' says ,dr4 ,cheyne1 who attended him1 'so that ,i could not feel it by the most exact or nice touch4 ,dr4 ,raymond could not detect the least motion of the heart1 nor ,dr4 ,skrine the least soil of the breath upon the bright mirror held to the mouth4 ,we began to fear he was actually dead4 ,he then began to breathe softly4' ,colonel ,townsend repeated the experiment several times during his illness1 and could always render himself insensible at will4 ,lastly1 ,i may mention a case1 which1 however1 though illustrating in some degree the influence of bodily illness on the mind1 shows still more strikingly how the mind may influence the body--that of ,louise ,lateau1 the ,belgian peasant4 ,this girl had been prostrated by a long and exhausting illness1 from which she recovered rapidly after receiving the sacrament4 ,this circumstance made a strong impression on her mind4 ,her thoughts dwelt constantly on the circumstances attending the death of ,christ4 ,at length she noticed that1 on every ,friday1 blood came from a spot in her left side4 ',in the course of a few months similar bleeding spots established themselves on the front and back of each hand1 and on the upper surface of each foot1 while a circle of small spots formed in the forehead1 and the hmorrhage from these recurred every ,friday1 sometimes to a considerable amount4 ,about the same time1 fits of ecstasy began to occur1 commencing every ,friday between eight and nine in the morning1 and ending about six in the evening2 interrupting her in conversation1 in prayer1 or in manual occupations4 ,this state1' says ,dr4 ,carpenter1 'appears to have been intermediate between that of the biologised and that of the hypnotised subject2 for whilst as unconscious as the latter of all sense-impressions1 she retained1 like the former1 a recollection of all that had passed through her mind during the ecstasy4 ,she described herself as suddenly plunged into a vast flood of bright light1 from which more or less distinct forms began to evolve themselves2 and she then witnessed the several scenes of the ,passion successively passing before her4 ,she minutely described the cross and the vestments1 the wounds1 the crown of thorns about the head of the ,saviour1 and gave various details regarding the persons about the cross1 the disciples1 holy women1 ,jews and ,roman soldiers4 ,and the progress of her vision might be traced by the succession of actions she performed at various stages of it3 most of these movements were expressive of her own emotions1 whilst regularly about three in the afternoon she extended her limbs in the form of a cross4 ,the fit terminated with a state of extreme physical prostration2 the pulse being scarcely perceptible1 the breathing slow and feeble1 and the whole surface bedewed with a cold perspiration4 ,after this state had continued for about ten minutes1 a return to the normal condition rapidly took place4' ,there seems no reason for supposing that there was any deceit on the part of ,louise ,lateau herself1 though that she was self-deceived no one can reasonably doubt4 ,of course many in ,belgium1 especially the more ignorant and superstitious 7including large numbers of the clergy and of religious orders of men and women71 believed that her ecstasies were miraculous1 and no doubt she believed so herself4 ,but none of the circumstances observed in her case1 or related by her1 were such as the physiologist would find any difficulty in accepting or explaining4 ,her visions were such as might have been expected in a person of her peculiar nervous organisation1 weakened as her body had been by long illness1 and her mind affected by what she regarded as her miraculous recovery4 ,as to the transudation of blood from the skin1 ,dr4 ,tuke1 in his ',illustrations of the ,influence of the ,mind upon the ,body in ,health and ,disease' 7p4 #bfg71 shows the phenomenon to be explicable naturally4 ,it is a well-authenticated fact1 that under strong emotional excitement blood escapes through the perspiratory ducts1 apparently through the rupture of the walls of the capillary passages of the skin4 ,we see1 then1 in ,louise ,lateau's case1 how the mind affected by disease may acquire faculties not possessed during health1 and how in turn the mind thus affected may influence the body so strangely as to suggest to ignorant or foolish persons the operation of supernatural agencies4 ,the general conclusion to which we seem led by the observed peculiarities in the mental faculties during disease is1 that the mind depends greatly on the state of the body for the co-ordination of its various powers4 ,in health1 these are related in what may be called the normal manner4 ,faculties capable of great development under other conditions exist in moderate degree only1 while probably1 either consciously or unconsciously1 certain faculties are held in control by others4 ,but during illness1 faculties not ordinarily used suddenly or very rapidly acquire undue predominance1 and controlling faculties usually effective are greatly weakened4 ,then for a while the mental capacity seems entirely changed4 ,powers supposed not to exist at all 7for of mental faculties1 as of certain other qualities1 de non existentibus et de non apparentibus eadem est ratio7 seem suddenly created1 as if by a miracle4 ,faculties ordinarily so strong as to be considered characteristic seem suddenly destroyed1 since they no longer produce any perceptible effect4 ,or1 as ,brown-,sequard says1 summing up the results of a number of illustrative cases described in a course of lectures delivered in ,boston3 ',it would seem that the mind is largely dependent on physical conditions for the exercise of its faculties1 and that its strength and most remarkable powers1 as well as its apparent weakness1 are often most clearly shown and recognised by some inequality of action in periods of disturbed and greatly impaired health4' ,,footnotes3 ,footnote #bj3 ,since the above was written ,i have noticed a passage in ,dr4 ,carpenter's ,mental ,physiology1 p4 #gai1 bearing on the matter ,i have been dealing with3--',the following statement recently made to me by a gentleman of high intelligence1 the editor of a most important provincial newspaper1 would be almost incredible1 if cases somewhat similar were not already familiar to us3--',i was formerly1' he said1 'a reporter in the ,house of ,commons2 and it several times happened to me that1 having fallen asleep from sheer fatigue towards the end of a debate1 ,i had found1 on awaking after a short interval of entire unconsciousness1 that ,i had continued to note down correctly the speaker's words4' ',i believe1' he added1 'that this is not an uncommon experience among ,parliamentary reporters4' ,the reading aloud with correct emphasis and intonation1 or the performance of a piece of music1 or 7as in the case of ,albert ,smith7 the recitation of a frequently repeated composition1 whilst the conscious mind is entirely engrossed in its own thoughts and feelings1 may be thus accounted for without the supposition that the mind is actively engaged in two different operations at the same moment1 which would seem tantamount to saying that there are two egos in the same organism4' ,an instance in my own experience seems even more remarkable than the reporter's work during sleep1 for he had but to continue a mechanical process1 whereas in my case there must have been thought4 ,late one evening at ,cambridge ,i began a game of chess with a fellow-student 7now a clergyman1 and well known in chess circles74 ,i was tired after a long day's rowing1 but continued the game to the best of my ability1 until at a certain stage ,i fell asleep1 or rather fell into a waking dream4 ,at any rate all remembrance of what passed after that part of the game had entirely escaped me when ,i awoke or returned to consciousness about three in the morning4 ,the chessboard was there1 but the men were not as when the last conscious move was made4 ,the opponent's king was checkmated4 ,i supposed my opponent had set the men in this position either as a joke or in trying over some end game4 ,but ,i was assured that the game had continued to the end1 and that ,i had won1 apparently playing as if fully conscious6 ,of course ,i cannot certify this of my own knowledge4 ,,dual ,,consciousness4 ,rather more than two years ago ,i considered in the pages of ',science ,byways' the theory originally propounded by ,sir ,henry ,holland1 but then recently advocated by ,dr4 ,brown-,sequard1 of ,new ,york1 that we have two brains1 each perfectly sufficient for the full performance of mental functions4 ,i did not for my own part either advocate or oppose that theory1 but simply considered the facts which had been urged in support of it1 or which then occurred to me as bearing upon it1 whether for or against4 ,i showed1 however1 that some classes of phenomena which had been quoted in support of the theory seemed in reality opposed to it1 when all the circumstances were considered4 ,for example1 ,brown-,sequard had referred to some of those well-known cases in which during severe illness a language forgotten in the patient's ordinary condition had been recalled1 the recollection of the language enduring only while the illness lasted4 ,i pointed to a case in which there had not been two mental conditions only1 as indicated by the language of the patient1 but three2 the person in question having in the beginning of his illness spoken ,english only1 in the middle of his illness ,french only1 and on the day of his death ,italian only 7the language of his childhood74 ,the interpretation of that case1 and of others of a similar kind1 must1 ,i remarked1 be very different from that which ,brown-,sequard assigned1 perhaps correctly1 'to cases of twofold mental life4' ,a case of the last-named kind has recently been discussed in scientific circles1 which seems to me to bear very forcibly on the question whether ,holland's theory of a dual brain is correct4 ,i propose briefly to describe and examine this case1 and some others belonging to the same class1 two of which were touched upon in my former essay1 but slightly only1 as forming but a small part of the evidence dealt with by ,brown-,sequard1 whose arguments ,i was then considering4 ,i wish now to deal1 not with the question of the duality of the brain1 but with the more general question of dual or intermittent consciousness4 ,among the cases dealt with by ,brown-,sequard was that of a boy at ,notting ,hill1 who had two mental lives4 ,neither life presented anything specially remarkable in itself4 ,the boy was a well-mannered lad in his abnormal as well as in his normal condition1--or one might almost say 7as will appear more clearly after other cases have been considered7 that the two boys were quiet and well-behaved4 ,but the two mental lives were entirely distinct4 ,in his normal condition the boy remembered nothing which had happened in his abnormal condition2 and vice vers1 in his abnormal condition he remembered nothing which had happened in his normal condition4 ,he changed from either condition to the other in the same manner4 ',the head was seen to fall suddenly1 and his eyes closed1 but he remained erect if standing at the time1 or if sitting he remained in that position 7if talking1 he stopped for a while1 and if moving1 he stopped moving72 and after a minute or two his head rose1 he started up1 opened his eyes1 and was wide awake again4' ,while the head was drooped he appeared as if either sleeping or falling asleep4 ,he remained in the abnormal state for a period which varied between one hour and three hours2 it appears that every day1 or nearly every day1 he fell once into his abnormal condition4 ,this case need not detain us long2 but there are some points in it which deserve more attention than they seem to have received from ,dr4 ,brown-,sequard4 ,it is clear that if the normal and abnormal mental lives of this boy had been entirely distinct1 then in the abnormal condition he would have been ignorant and--in those points in which manners depend on training--ill-mannered4 ,he would have known only1 in this condition1 what he had learned in this condition2 and as only about a tenth part of his life was passed in the abnormal condition1 and presumably that portion of his life not usually selected as a suitable time for teaching him1 the abnormal boy would of necessity have been much more backward in all things which the young are taught than the normal boy4 ,as nothing of this kind was noted1 it would appear probable that the boy's earlier years were common to both lives1 and that his unconsciousness of his ordinary life during the abnormal condition extended only to those parts of his ordinary life which had passed since these seizures began4 ,unfortunately1 ,brown-,sequard's account does not mention when this had happened4 ,it does not appear that the dual brain theory is required so far as this case is concerned4 ,the phenomena seem rather to suggest a peculiarity in the circulation of the brain corresponding in some degree to the condition probably prevailing during somnambulism or hypnotism1 though with characteristic differences4 ,it may at least be said that no more valid reason exists for regarding this boy's case as illustrating the distinctive duality of the brain than for so regarding some of the more remarkable cases of somnambulism2 for though these differ in certain respects from the boy's case1 they resemble it in the circumstances on which ,brown ,sequard's argument is founded4 ,speaking generally of hypnotism1--that is1 of somnambulism artificially produced1--,dr4 ,carpenter says1 ',in hypnotism1 as in ordinary somnambulism1 no remembrance whatever is preserved1 in the waking state1 of anything that may have occurred during its continuance2 although the previous train of thought may be taken up and continued uninterruptedly on the next occasion when hypnotism is induced4' ,in these respects the phenomena of hypnotism precisely resemble those of dual consciousness as observed in the boy's case4 ,in what follows1 we observe features of divergence4 ,thus 'when the mind is not excited to activity by the stimulus of external impressions1 the hypnotised subject appears to be profoundly asleep2 a state of complete torpor1 in fact1 being usually the first result of the process just described1 and any subsequent manifestation of activity being procurable only by the prompting of the operator4 ,the hypnotised subject1 too1 rarely opens his eyes2 his bodily movements are usually slow2 his mental operations require a considerable time for their performance2 and there is altogether an appearance of heaviness about him which contrasts strongly with the comparatively wide-awake air of him who has not passed beyond the ordinary biological state4' ,it would not be easy to find an exact parallel to the case of the two-lived boy in any recorded instance of somnambulism4 ,in fact1 it is to be remembered that recorded instances of mental phenomena are all selected for the very reason that they are exceptional1 so that it would be unreasonable to expect them closely to resemble each other4 ,one case1 however1 may be cited1 which in certain points resembles the case of ,dr4 ,brown-,sequard's patient4 ,it occurred within ,dr4 ,carpenter's own experience4 ,a young lady of highly nervous temperament suffered from a long and severe illness1 characterised by all the most marked forms of hysterical disorder4 ,in the course of this illness came a time when she had a succession of somnambulistic seizures4 ',the state of somnambulism usually supervened in this case in the waking state1 instead of arising1 as it more commonly does1 out of the conditions of ordinary sleep4 ,in this condition her ideas were at first entirely fixed upon one subject--the death of her only brother1 which had occurred some years previously4 ,to this brother she had been very strongly attached2 she had nursed him in his last illness2 and it was perhaps the return of the anniversary of his death1 about the time when the somnambulism first occurred1 that gave to her thoughts that particular direction4 ,she talked constantly of him1 retraced all the circumstances of his illness1 and was unconscious of anything that was said to her which had not reference to this subject4444 ,although her eyes were open1 she recognised no one in this state1--not even her own sister1 who1 it should be mentioned1 had not been at home at the time of her brother's last illness4' 7,it will presently appear1 however1 that she was able to recognise those who were about her during these attacks1 since she retained ill-feeling against one of them2 moreover1 the sentences which immediately follow suggest that the sense of sight was not dormant47 ',it happened on one occasion1 that when she passed into this condition1 her sister1 who was present1 was wearing a locket containing some of their deceased brother's hair4 ,as soon as she perceived this locket she made a violent snatch at it1 and would not be satisfied until she had got it into her possession1 when she began to talk to it in the most endearing and even extravagant terms4 ,her feelings were so strongly excited on this subject1 that it was deemed prudent to check them2 and as she was inaccessible to all entreaties for the relinquishment of the locket1 force was employed to obtain it from her4 ,she was so determined1 however1 not to give it up1 and was so angry at the gentle violence used1 that it was found necessary to abandon the attempt1 and having become calmer after a time1 she passed off into ordinary sleep4 ,before going to sleep1 however1 she placed the locket under her pillow1 remarking1 ,now ,i have hid it safely1 and they shall not take it from me4 ,on awaking in the morning she had not the slightest consciousness of what had passed2 but the impression of the excited feelings still remained1 for she remarked to her sister1 ',i cannot tell what it is that makes me feel so1 but every time that ,s4 comes near me ,i have a kind of shuddering sensation2' the individual named being a servant1 whose constant attention to her had given rise to a feeling of strong attachment on the side of the invalid1 but who had been the chief actor in the scene of the previous evening4 ,this feeling wore off in the course of a day or two4 ,a few days afterwards the somnambulism again returned2 and the patient being upon her bed at the time1 immediately began to search for the locket under her pillow4' ,as it had been removed in the interval1 'she was unable to find it1 at which she expressed great disappointment1 and continued searching for it1 with the remark1 ,it must be there--,i put it there myself a few minutes ago1 and no one can have taken it away4 ,in this state the presence of ,s4 renewed her previous feelings of anger2 and it was only by sending ,s4 out of the room that she could be calmed and induced to sleep4 ,the patient was the subject of many subsequent attacks1 in every one of which the anger against ,s4 revived1 until the current of thought changed1 no longer running exclusively upon what related to her brother1 but becoming capable of direction by suggestions of various kinds presented to her mind1 either in conversation1 or1 more directly1 through the several organs of sense4' ,i have been particular in quoting the above account1 because it appears to me to illustrate well1 not only the relation between the phenomena of dual consciousness and somnambulism1 but the dependence of either class of phenomena on the physical condition4 ,if it should appear that dual consciousness is invariably associated with some disorder either of the nervous system or of the circulation1 it would be impossible1 or at least very difficult1 to maintain ,brown-,sequard's explanation of the boy's case4 ,for one can hardly imagine it possible that a disorder of the sort should be localised so far as the brain is concerned1 while in other respects affecting the body generally4 ,it so chances that the remarkable case recently dealt with by ,french men of science forms a sort of connecting link between the boy's case and the case just cited4 ,it closely resembles the former in certain characteristic features1 while it resembles the latter in the evidence which it affords of the influence of the physical condition on the phenomena of double consciousness4 ,the original narrative by ,m4 ,azam is exceedingly prolix2 but it has been skilfully condensed by ,mr4 ,h4,j4 ,slack1 in the pages of a quarterly journal of science4 ,i follow his version in the main4 ,the subject of the disorder1 ,felida ,x41 was born in ,bordeaux in #ahdc4 ,until the age of thirteen she differed in no respect from other girls4 ,but about that time symptoms of hysterical disorder presented themselves1 and although she was free from lung-disease1 she was troubled with frequent spitting of blood4 ,after this had continued about a year1 she for the first time manifested the phenomena of double consciousness4 ,sharp pains attacked both temples1 and in a few moments she became unconscious4 ,this lasted ten minutes1 after which she opened her eyes1 and entered into what ,m4 ,azam calls her second state1 in which she remained for an hour or two1 after which the pains and unconsciousness came on again1 and she returned to her ordinary condition4 ,at intervals of about five or six days1 such attacks were repeated2 and her relations noticed that her character and conduct during her abnormal state were changed4 ,finding also that in her usual condition she remembered nothing which had passed when she was in the other state1 they thought she was becoming idiotic2 and presently called in ,m4 ,azam1 who was connected with a lunatic asylum4 ,fortunately1 he was not so enthusiastic a student of mental aberration as to recognise a case for the lunatic asylum in every instance of phenomenal mental action4 ,he found ,felida intelligent1 but melancholy1 morose1 and taciturn1 very industrious1 and with a strong will4 ,she was very anxious about her bodily health4 ,at this time the mental changes occurred more frequently than before4 ,nearly every day1 as she sat with her work on her knees1 a violent pain shot suddenly through her temples1 her head dropped upon her breast1 her arms fell by her side1 and she passed into a sort of sleep1 from which neither noises1 pinches1 nor pricks could awaken her4 ,this condition lasted now only two or three minutes4 ',she woke up in quite another state1 smiling gaily1 speaking briskly1 and trilling 7fredonnant7 over her work1 which she recommenced at the point where she left it4 ,she would get up1 walk actively1 and scarcely complained of any of the pains she had suffered from so severely a few minutes before4 ,she busied herself about the house1 paid calls1 and behaved like a healthy young girl of her age4 ,in this state she remembered perfectly all that had happened in her two conditions4' 7,in this respect her case is distinct from both the former1 and is quite exceptional4 ,in fact1 the inclusion of the consciousness of both conditions during the continuance of one condition only1 renders her case not1 strictly speaking1 one of double consciousness1 the two conditions not being perfectly distinct from each other47 ',in this second life1 as in the other1 her moral and intellectual faculties1 though different1 were incontestably sound4 ,after a time 7which in #aheh lasted three or four hours71 her gaiety disappeared1 the torpor suddenly ensued1 and in two or three minutes she opened her eyes and re-entered her ordinary life1 resuming any work she was engaged in just where she left off4 ,in this state she bemoaned her condition1 and was quite unconscious of what had passed in the previous state4 ,if asked to continue a ballad she had been singing1 she knew nothing about it1 and if she had received a visitor1 she believed she had seen no one4 ,the forgetfulness extended to everything which happened during her second state1 and not to any ideas or information acquired before her illness4' ,thus her early life was held in remembrance during both her conditions1 her consciousness in these two conditions being in this respect single2 in her second or less usual condition she remembered also all the events of her life1 including what had passed since these seizures began2 and it was only in her more usual condition that a portion of her life was lost to her--that1 namely1 which had passed during her second condition4 ,in #aheh a new phenomenon was noticed as occasionally occurring--she would sometimes wake from her second condition in a fit of terror1 recognising no one but her husband4 ,the terror did not last long1 however2 and during sixteen years of her married life1 her husband only noticed this terror on thirty occasions4 ,a painful circumstance preceding her marriage somewhat forcibly exhibited the distinction between her two states of consciousness4 ,rigid in morality during her usual condition1 she was shocked by the insults of a brutal neighbour1 who told her of a confession made to ,m4 ,azam during her second condition1 and accused her of shamming innocence4 ,the attack--unfortunately1 but too well founded as far as facts were concerned--brought on violent convulsions1 which required medical attendance during two or three hours4 ,it is important to notice the difference thus indicated between the character of the personalities corresponding to her two conditions4 ',her moral faculties1' says ,m4 ,azam1 'were incontestably sound in her second life1 though different1'--by which1 be it understood1 he means simply that her sense of right and wrong was just during her second condition1 not1 of course1 that her conduct was irreproachable4 ,she was in this condition1 as in the other1 altogether responsible for her actions4 ,but her power of self-control1 or rather perhaps the relative power of her will as compared with tendencies to wrong-doing1 was manifestly weaker during her second condition4 ,in fact1 in one condition she was oppressed and saddened by pain and anxiety1 whereas in the other she was almost free from pain1 gay1 light-hearted1 and hopeful4 ,now ,i cannot altogether agree with ,mr4 ,slack's remark1 that if1 during her second state1 'she had committed a robbery or an assassination1 no moral responsibility could have been assumed to rest upon her with any certainty1 by any one acquainted with her history1' for her moral faculties in her second condition being incontestably sound1 she was clearly responsible for her actions while in that condition4 ,but certainly1 the question of punishment for such an offence would be not a little complicated by her twofold personality4 ,to the woman in her ordinary condition1 remembering nothing of the crime committed 7on the supposition we are dealing with71 in her abnormal condition1 punishment for that crime would certainly seem unjust1 seeing that her liability to enter into that condition had not in any degree depended on her own will4 ,the drunkard who1 waking in the morning with no recollection of the events of the past night1 finds himself in gaol for some crime committed during that time1 although he may think the punishment he has to endure severe measure for a crime of which in his ordinary condition he is incapable1 knows at least that he is responsible for placing himself under that influence which made the crime possible4 ,supposing even he had not had sufficient experience of his own character when under the influence of liquor1 to have reason to fear he might be guilty of the offence1 he yet perceives that to make intoxication under any circumstances an excuse for crime would be most dangerous to the community1 and that he suffers punishment justly4 ,but the case of dual consciousness is altogether different1 and certainly where responsibility exists under both conditions1 while yet impulse and the restraining power of will are differently related in one and the other condition1 the problem of satisfying justice is a most perplexing one4 ,here are in effect two different persons residing in one body1 and it is impossible to punish one without punishing the other also4 ,supposing justice waited until the abnormal condition was resumed1 then the offender would probably recognise the justice of punishment2 but if the effects of the punishment continued until the usual condition returned1 a person would suffer who was conscious of no crime4 ,if the offence were murder1 and if capital punishment were inflicted1 the ordinary individuality1 innocent entirely of murder1 would be extinguished along with the first1 a manifest injustice4 ,as ,huxley says of a similar case1 'the problem of responsibility is here as complicated as that of the prince-bishop1 who swore as a prince and not as a bishop4 ',but1 your highness1 if the prince is damned1 what will become of the bishop8' said the peasant4'#ba ,it does not appear to me that there is in the case of ,felida ,x4 any valid reason for regarding the theory of two brains as the only available explanation4 ,it is a noteworthy circumstance1 that the pains preceding each change of condition affected both sides of the head4 ,some modification of the circulation seems suggested as the true explanation of the changes in condition1 though the precise nature of such modification1 or how it may have been brought about1 would probably be very difficult to determine4 ,the state of health1 however1 on which the attacks depended seems to have affected the whole body of the patient1 and the case presents no features suggesting any lateral localisation of the cerebral changes4 ,on the other hand1 the case of ,sergeant ,f4 7a few of the circumstances of which were mentioned in my essay entitled ',have we two ,brains8'71 seems to correspond with ,dr4 ,holland's theory1 though that theory is far from explaining all the circumstances4 ,the man was wounded by a bullet which fractured his left parietal bone1 and his right arm and leg were almost immediately paralysed4 ,when he recovered consciousness three weeks later1 the right side of the body was completely paralysed1 and remained so for a year4 ,these circumstances indicate that the cause of the mischief still existing lay in the shock which the left side of the brain received when the man was wounded4 ,the right side may have learned 7as it were7 to exercise the functions formerly belonging to the left side1 and thus the paralysis affecting the right side until this had happened may have passed away4 ,these points are discussed in the essay above named1 however1 and need not here detain us4 ,others which were not then dealt with may now be noted with advantage4 ,we would specially note some which render it doubtful whether in the abnormal condition the man's brain acts at all1 whether in fact his condition1 so far as consciousness was concerned1 is not similar to that of a frog deprived of its brain in a certain well-known experiment4 7,this appears to be the opinion to which ,professor ,huxley inclines1 though1 with proper scientific caution1 he seems disposed to suspend his judgment47 ,the facts are very singular1 whatever the explanation may be4 ,in the normal condition1 the man is what he was before he was wounded--an intelligent1 kindly fellow1 performing satisfactorily the duties of a hospital attendant4 ,the abnormal state is ushered in by pains in the forehead1 as if caused by the constriction of a band of iron4 ,in this state the eyes are open and the pupils dilated4 7,the reader will remember ,charles ,reade's description of ,david ,dodd's eyes1 'like those of a seal4'7 ,the eyeballs work incessantly1 and the jaws maintain a chewing motion4 ,if the man is en pays de connaissance1 he walks about as usual2 but in a new place1 or if obstacles are set in his way1 he stumbles1 feels about with his hands1 and so finds his way4 ,he offers no resistance to any forces which may act upon him1 and shows no signs of pain if pins are thrust into his body by kindly experimenters4 ,no noise affects him4 ,he eats and drinks apparently without tasting or smelling his food1 accepting assafoetida or vinegar as readily as the finest claret4 ,he is sensible to light only under certain conditions4 ,but the sense of touch is strangely exalted 7in all respects apparently except as to sensations of pain or pleasure71 taking in fact the place of all the other senses4 ,i say the sense of touch1 but it is not clear whether there is any real sensation at all4 ,the man appears in the abnormal condition to be a mere machine4 ,this is strikingly exemplified in the following case1 which ,i translate directly from ,dr4 ,mesnet's account3--',he was walking in the garden under a group of trees1 and his stick1 which he had dropped a few minutes before1 was placed in his hands4 ,he feels it1 moves his hand several times along the bent handle of the stick1 becomes watchful1 seems to listen1 suddenly he calls out1 ,henry6 then1 ,there they are6 there are at least a score of them6 join us two1 we shall manage it4 ,and then putting his hand behind his back as if to take a cartridge1 he goes through the movement of loading his weapon1 lays himself flat on the grass1 his head concealed by a tree1 in the posture of a sharpshooter1 and with shouldered weapon follows all the movements of the enemy whom he fancies he sees at a short distance4' ,this1 however1 is an assumption3 the man cannot in this state fancy he sees1 unless he has at least a recollection of the sensation of sight1 and this would imply cerebral activity4 ,huxley1 more cautious1 says justly that the question arises 'whether the series of actions constituting this singular pantomime was accompanied by the ordinary states of consciousness or not8 ,did the man dream that he was skirmishing8 or was he in the condition of one of ,vaucanson's automata--a mechanism worked by molecular changes in his nervous system8 ,the analogy of the frog shows that the latter assumption is perfectly justifiable4' ,the pantomimic actions just related corresponded to what probably happened a few moments before the man was wounded2 but this human automaton 7so to call him1 without theorising as to his actual condition7 goes through other performances4 ,he has a good voice1 and was at one time a singer in a caf4 ',in one of his abnormal states he was observed to begin humming a tune4 ,he then went to his room1 dressed himself carefully1 and took up some parts of a periodical novel which lay on his bed1 as if he were trying to find something4 ,dr4 ,mesnet1 suspecting that he was seeking his music1 made up one of these into a roll and put it into his hand4 ,he appeared satisfied1 took up his cane and went downstairs to the door4 ,here ,dr4 ,mesnet1 turned him round1 and he walked quite contentedly in the opposite direction1 towards the room of the concierge4 ,the light of the sun shining through a window now happened to fall upon him1 and seemed to suggest the footlights of the stage on which he was accustomed to make his appearance4 ,he stopped1 opened his roll of imaginary music1 put himself into the attitude of a singer1 and sung1 with perfect execution1 three songs1 one after the other4 ,after which he wiped his face with his handkerchief and drank1 without a grimace1 a tumbler of strong vinegar and water which was put into his hand4' ,but the most remarkable part of the whole story is that which follows4 ',sitting at a table in one of his abnormal states1 ,sergeant ,f4 took up a pen1 felt for paper and ink1 and began to write a letter to his general1 in which he recommended himself for a medal on account of his good conduct and courage4' 7,rather a strange thing1 by the way1 for a mere automaton to do47 ',it occurred to ,dr4 ,mesnet to ascertain experimentally how far vision was concerned in this act of writing4 ,he therefore interposed a screen between the man's eyes and his hands2 under these circumstances1 ,f4 went on writing for a short time1 but the words became illegible1 and he finally stopped1 without manifesting any discontent4 ,on the withdrawal of the screen1 he began to write again where he had left off4 ,the substitution of water for ink in the inkstand had a similar result4 ,he stopped1 looked at his pen1 wiped it on his coat1 dipped it in the water1 and began again with a similar result4 ,on another occasion1 he began to write upon the topmost of ten superimposed sheets of paper4 ,after he had written a line or two1 this sheet was suddenly drawn away4 ,there was a slight expression of surprise1 but he continued his letter on the second sheet exactly as if it had been the first4 ,this operation was repeated five times1 so that the fifth sheet contained nothing but the writer's signature at the bottom of the page4 ,nevertheless1 when the signature was finished1 his eyes turned to the top of the blank sheet1 and he went through the form of reading what he had written--a movement of the lips accompanying each word2 moreover1 with his pen1 he put in such corrections as were needed1 in that part of the blank page which corresponded with the position of the words which required correction in the sheets which had been taken away4 ,if the five sheets had been transparent1 therefore1 they would1 when superposed1 have formed a properly written and corrected letter4 ,immediately after he had written his letter1 ,f4 got up1 walked down to the garden1 made himself a cigarette1 lighted and smoked it4 ,he was about to prepare another1 but sought in vain for his tobacco-pouch1 which had been purposely taken away4 ,the pouch was now thrust before his eyes and put under his nose1 but he neither saw nor smelt it2 when1 however1 it was placed in his hand1 he at once seized it1 made a fresh cigarette1 and ignited a match to light the latter4 ,the match was blown out1 and another lighted match placed close before his eyes1 but he made no attempt to take it2 and if his cigarette was lighted for him1 he made no attempt to smoke4 ,all this time his eyes were vacant1 and neither winked nor exhibited any contraction of the pupil4' ,these and other similar experiments are explained by ,dr4 ,mesnet 7and ,professor ,huxley appears to agree with him7 by the theory that ,f4 'sees some things and not others2 that the sense of sight is accessible to all things which are brought into relation with him by the sense of touch1 and1 on the contrary1 insensible to all things which lie outside this relation4' ,it seems to me that the evidence scarcely supports this conclusion4 ,in every case where ,f4 appears to see1 it is quite possible that in reality he is guided entirely by the sense of touch4 ,all the circumstances accord much better with this explanation than with the theory that the sense of sight was in any way affected4 ,thus the sunlight shining through the window must have affected the sense of touch1 and in a manner similar to what ,f4 had experienced when before the footlights of the stage1 where he was accustomed to appear as a singer4 ,in this respect there was a much closer resemblance between the effect of sunlight and that of the light from footlights1 than in the circumstances under which both sources of light affect the sense of sight4 ,for in one case the light came from above1 in the other from below2 the heat would in neither case be sensibly localised4 ,again1 when a screen was interposed between his eyes and the paper on which he was writing1 he probably became conscious of its presence in the same way that a blind man is conscious of the presence of objects near him1 even 7in some cases7 of objects quite remote1 by some subtle effects discernible by the sense of touch excited to abnormal relative activity in the absence of impressions derived from the sense of sight4 ,it is true that one might have expected him to continue writing legibly1 notwithstanding the interposed screen2 but the consciousness of the existence of what in his normal condition would effectually have prevented his writing legibly1 would be sufficient to explain his failure4 ,if1 while in full possession of all our senses1 the expectation of failure quite commonly causes failure1 how much more likely would this be to happen to a man in ,f4's unfortunate abnormal condition4 ,the sense of touch again would suffice to indicate the presence of water instead of ink in his pen when he was writing4 ,i question whether the difference might not be recognised by any person of sensitive touch after a little practice2 but certainly a blind man1 whose sense of touch was abnormally developed1 would recognise the difference1 as we know from experiments which have indicated even greater delicacy of perception than would be required for this purpose4 ,the experiment with superposed sheets of paper is more remarkable than any of the others1 but certainly does not suggest that light makes any impression upon ,sergeant ,f4 ,it proves1 in fact1 so far as any experiment could prove such a point1 that the sense of touch alone regulates the man's movements4 ,unconscious of any change 7because1 after the momentary surprise produced by the withdrawal of the paper1 he still found he had paper to write on71 he continued writing4 ,he certainly did not in this case1 as ,dr4 ,mesnet suggests1 see all things which are brought into relation with him by the sense of touch2 for if he had1 he would not have continued to write when he found the words already written no longer discernible4 ,on the whole1 it appears reasonable to conclude1 as ,professor ,huxley does1 that though ,f4 may be conscious in his abnormal state1 he may also be a mere automaton for the time being4 ,the only circumstance which seems to oppose itself very markedly to the latter view is the letter-writing4 ,everything else that this man did was what he had already done prior to the accident4 ,if it could be shown that the letters written in his abnormal state were transcripts1 not merely verbatim et literatim1 but exact in every point1 of some which he had written before he was wounded1 then a strong case would be made out for the automaton theory4 ,certainly1 few instances have come under the experience of scientific men where a human being has so closely resembled a mere machine as this man appears to do in his abnormal condition4 ,the moral nature of ,f4 in his abnormal condition is for this reason a matter of less interest than it would be1 did he show more of the semblance of conscious humanity4 ,still it is worthy of notice1 that1 whereas in his normal condition he is a perfectly honest man1 in his abnormal state 'he is an inveterate thief1 stealing and hiding away whatever he can lay hands on with much dexterity1 and with an absolutely absurd indifference as to whether the property is his own or not4' ,it will be observed that the cases of dual consciousness thus far considered1 though alike in some respects1 present characteristic divergences4 ,in that of the boy at ,norwood1 the two characters were very similar1 so far as can be judged1 and each life was distinct from the other4 ,the next case was only introduced to illustrate the resemblance in certain respects between the phenomena of somnambulism and those of double or rather alternating consciousness4 ,the woman ,felida ,x4 changed markedly in character when she passed from one state to the other4 ,her case was also distinguished from that of the boy by the circumstance that in one state she was conscious of what had passed in the other1 but while in this other state was unconscious of what had passed in the former4 ,lastly1 in ,sergeant ,f4's case we have to deal with the effect of an injury to the brain1 and find a much greater difference between the two conditions than in the other cases4 ,not only does the man change in character1 but it may justly be said that he is little more than an animal1 even if he can be regarded as more than a mere automaton while in the abnormal condition4 ,we find that a similar variety characterises other stories of double consciousness4 ,not only are no two cases closely alike1 but no case has been noted which has not been distinguished by some very marked feature from all others4 ,thus1 although in certain respects the case we have next to consider resembles very significantly the case of ,sergeant ,f41 it also has a special significance of its own1 and may help us to interpret the general problem presented to us by the phenomena of dual consciousness4 ,i abridge1 and in some respects simplify1 the account given by ,dr4 ,carpenter in his interesting treatise on ,mental ,physiology4 ,comments of my own are distinguished from the abridged narrative by being placed within brackets3-- ,a young woman of robust constitution had narrowly escaped drowning4 ,she was insensible for six hours1 and continued unwell after being restored to animation4 ,ten days later she was seized with a fit of complete stupor1 which lasted four hours2 when she opened her eyes she seemed to recognise no one1 and appeared to be utterly deprived of the senses of hearing1 taste1 and smell1 as well as of the power of speech4 ,sight and touch remained1 but though movements were excited and controlled by these senses1 they seemed to arouse no ideas in her mind4 ,in fact1 her mental faculties seemed entirely suspended4 ,her vision at short distances was quick1 and the least touch startled her2 but unless she was touched or an object were placed where she could not help seeing it1 she took no notice of what was passing around her4 ,it does not appear to me certain that at this stage of her illness she saw in the ordinary sense of the word2 the sense of touch may alone have been affected1 as it certainly is affected to some degree by any object so placed that it could not but be seen by a short-sighted person4 ,but it is clear that later the sense of sight was restored1 supposing1 which is not perhaps probable1 that it was ever lost in the early stage4 ,she did not even know her own mother1 who attended constantly upon her4 ,wherever she was placed she remained4 ,her appetite was good1 but like ,f4 she ate indifferently whatever she was fed with1 and took nauseous medicines as readily as agreeable food4 ,her movements were solely of the automatic kind4 ,thus1 she swallowed food put into her mouth1 but made no effort to feed herself4 ,yet when her mother had conveyed the spoon in the patient's hand a few times to her mouth1 the patient continued the operation4 ,it was necessary1 however1 to repeat this lesson every time she was fed1 showing the complete absence of memory4 ',the very limited nature of her faculties1 and the automatic life she was leading1 appear further evident from the following particulars4 ,one of her first acts on recovering from the fit had been to busy herself in picking the bedclothes2 and as soon as she was able to sit up and be dressed1 she continued the habit by incessantly picking some portion of her dress4 ,she seemed to want an occupation for her fingers1 and accordingly part of an old straw bonnet was given to her1 which she pulled into pieces with great minuteness2 she was afterwards bountifully supplied with roses3 she picked off the leaves1 and then tore them up into the smallest particles imaginable4 ,a few days subsequently1 she began forming upon the table1 out of those minute particles1 rude figures of roses1 and other common garden flowers2 she had never received any instructions in drawing4 ,roses not being so plentiful in ,london1 waste paper and a pair of scissors were put into her hand1 and for some days she found an occupation in cutting the paper into shreds2 after a time these cuttings assumed rude shapes and figures1 and more particularly the shapes used in patchwork4 ,at length she was supplied with proper materials for patchwork1 and after some initiatory instruction1 she took to her needle and to this employment in good earnest4 ,she now laboured incessantly at patchwork from morning till night1 and on ,sundays and week-days1 for she knew no difference of days2 nor could she be made to comprehend the difference4 ,she had no remembrance from day to day of what she had been doing on the previous day1 and so every morning commenced de novo4 ,whatever she began1 that she continued to work at while daylight lasted2 manifesting no uneasiness for anything to eat or drink1 taking not the slightest heed of anything which was going on around her1 but intent only on her patchwork4' ,from this time she began to improve1 learning like a child to register ideas4 ,she presently learned worsted-work1 and showed delight in the harmony of colours and considerable taste in selecting between good and bad patterns4 ,after a while she began to devise patterns of her own4 ,but she still had no memory from day to day of what she had done1 and unless the unfinished work of one day was set before her on the next1 she would begin something new4 ,and now1 for the first time1 ideas derived from her life before her illness seemed to be awakened within her4 ,when pictures of flowers1 trees1 and animals were shown her1 she was pleased2 but when she was shown a landscape in which there was a river or a troubled sea1 she became violently agitated1 and a fit of spasmodic rigidity and insensibility immediately followed4 ,the mere sight of water in motion made her shudder4 ,again1 from an early stage of her illness she had derived pleasure from the proximity of a young man to whom she had been attached4 ,at a time when she did not remember from one hour to another what she was doing1 she would anxiously await his evening visit1 and be fretful if he failed to pay it4 ,when1 during her removal to the country1 she lost sight of him1 she became unhappy and suffered from frequent fits2 on the other hand1 when he remained constantly near her1 she improved in health1 and early associations were gradually awakened4 ,at length a day came when she uttered her first word in this her second life4 ,she had learned to take heed of objects and persons around her2 and on one occasion1 seeing her mother excessively agitated1 she became excited herself1 and suddenly1 yet hesitatingly1 exclaimed1 ',what's the matter8' ,after this she began to articulate a few words4 ,for a time she called every object and person 'this1' then gave their right names to wild flowers 7of which she had been passionately fond when a child71 and this 'at a time when she exhibited not the least recollection of the old familiar friends and places of her childhood4' ,the gradual expansion of her intellect was manifested chiefly at this time in signs of emotional excitement1 frequently followed by attacks of spasmodic rigidity and insensibility4 ,it was through the emotions that the patient was restored to the consciousness of her former self4 ,she became aware that her lover was paying attention to another woman1 and the emotion of jealousy was so strongly excited1 that she had a fit of insensibility which resembled her first attack in duration and severity4 ,but it restored her to herself4 ',when the insensibility passed off1 she was no longer spell-bound4 ,the veil of oblivion was withdrawn2 and1 as if awakening from a sleep of twelve months' duration1 she found herself surrounded by her grandfather1 grandmother1 and their familiar friends and acquaintances4 ,she awoke in the possession of her natural faculties and former knowledge2 but without the slightest remembrance of anything which had taken place in the year's interval1 from the invasion of the first fit to the then present time4 ,she spoke1 but she heard not2 she was still deaf1 but being able to read and write as formerly1 she was no longer cut off from communication with others4 ,from this time she rapidly improved1 but for some time continued deaf4 ,she soon perfectly understood by the motion of her lips what her mother said2 they conversed with facility and quickness together1 but she did not understand the language of the lips of a stranger4 ,she was completely unaware of the change in her lover's affections which had taken place in her state of second consciousness2 and a painful explanation was necessary4 ,this1 however1 she bore very well2 and she has since recovered her previous bodily and mental health4 ,there is little in this interesting narrative to suggest that the duality of consciousness in this case was in any way dependent on the duality of the brain4 ,during the patient's abnormal condition1 the functions of the brain proper would seem to have been for a time in complete abeyance1 and then to have been gradually restored4 ,one can perceive no reason for supposing that the shock she had sustained would affect one side rather than the other side of the brain1 nor why her recovery should restore one side to activity and cause the side which 7on the dual brain hypothesis7 had been active during her second condition to resume its original activity4 ,the phenomena appear to suggest that in some way the molecular arrangement of the brain matter became modified during her second condition2 and that when the original arrangement was restored all recognisable traces of impressions received while the abnormal arrangement lasted were obliterated4 ,as ,mr4 ,slack presents one form of this idea1 'the grey matter of the brain may have its molecules arranged in patterns somewhat analogous to those of steel filings under the influence of a magnet1 but in some way the direction of the forces--or vibrations--may be changed in them4 ,the pattern will then be different4' ,we know certainly that thought and sensation depend on material processes1--chemical reactions between the blood and the muscular tissues4 ,without the free circulation of blood in the brain1 there can be neither clear thought nor ready sensation4 ,with changes in the nature of the circulation come changes in the quality of thought and the nature of sensation1 and with them the emotions are changed also4 ,such changes affect all of us to some degree4 ,it may well be that such cases as we have been dealing with are simply instances of the exaggerated operation of causes with which we are all familiar2 and it may also be that in the exaggeration itself of these causes of change lies the explanation of the characteristic peculiarity of cases of dual consciousness1--the circumstances1 namely1 that either the two states of consciousness are absolutely distinct one from the other1 or that in one state only are events remembered which happened in the other1 no recollection whatever remaining in this latter state of what happened in the other1 or1 lastly1 that only faint impressions excited by some intense emotion experienced in one state remain in the other state4 ,it seems possible1 also1 that some cases of another kind may find their explanation in this direction1 as1 for instance1 cases in which1 through some strange sympathy1 the brain of one person so responds to the thoughts of another that for the time being the personality of the person thus influenced may be regarded as in effect changed into that of the person producing the influence4 ,thus1 in one singular case cited by ,dr4 ,carpenter1 a lady was 'metamorphosed into the worthy clergyman on whose ministry she attended1 and with whom she was personally intimate4 ,i shall never forget1' he says1 'the intensity of the lackadaisical tone in which she replied to the matrimonial counsels of the physician to whom he 7she7 had been led to give a long detail of his 7her7 hypochondriacal symptoms3 ,a wife for a dying man1 doctor4 ,no intentional simulation could have approached the exactness of the imitation alike in tone1 manners1 and language1 which spontaneously proceeded from the idea with which the fair subject was possessed1 that she herself experienced all the discomforts whose detail she had doubtless frequently heard from the real sufferer4' ,the same lady1 at ,dr4 ,carpenter's request1 mentally 'ascended in a balloon and proceded to the ,north ,pole in search of ,sir ,john ,franklin1 whom she found alive1 and her description of his appearance and that of his companions was given with an inimitable expression of sorrow and pity4' ,it appears to us that very great interest attaches to the researches made by ,prof4 ,barrett into cases of this kind1 and that it is in this direction we are to look for the explanation of many mysterious phenomena formerly regarded as supernatural1 but probably all admitting 7at least all that have been properly authenticated7 of being interpreted so soon as the circumstances on which consciousness depends shall have been determined4 ,thus the following account of experiments made at the village school in ,westmeath seem especially suggestive3 ',selecting some of the village children1 and placing them in a quiet room1 giving each some small object to look at steadily1 he found one amongst the number who readily passed into a state of reverie4 ,in that state the subject could be made to believe the most extravagant statements1 such as that the table was a mountain1 a chair a pony1 a mark on the floor1 an insuperable obstacle4 ,the girl thus mesmerised passed on the second occasion into a state of deeper sleep or trance1 wherein no sensation whatever was experienced1 unless accompanied by pressure on the eyebrows of the subject4 ,when the pressure of the fingers was removed1 the girl fell back in her chair utterly unconscious of all around1 and had lost all control over her voluntary muscles4 ,on reapplying the pressure1 though her eyes remained closed1 she sat up and answered questions readily1 but the manner in which she answered them1 her acts and expressions1 were capable of wonderful diversity1 by merely altering the place on the head where the pressure was applied4 ,so sudden and marked were the changes produced by a movement of the fingers1 that the operation seemed very like playing on some musical instrument4 ,on a third occasion the subject1 after passing through these1 which have been termed the biological and phrenological states1 became at length keenly and wonderfully sensitive to the voice and acts of the operator4 ,it was impossible for the latter to call the girl by her name1 however faintly and inaudibly to those around1 without at once eliciting a prompt response4 ,if the operator tasted1 smelt1 or touched anything1 or experienced any sudden sensation of warmth or cold1 a corresponding effect was produced on the subject1 though nothing was said1 nor could the subject have seen what had occurred to the operator4 ,to be assured of this he bandaged the girl's eyes with great care1 and the operator having gone behind the girl to the other end of the room1 he watched him and the girl1 and repeatedly assured himself of this fact4' ,thus far1 ,professor ,barrett's observations1 depending in part on what the operator experienced1 may be open to just so much doubt as may affect our opinion of the veracity of a person unknown2 but in what follows we have his own experience alone to consider4 ',having mesmerised the girl himself1 he took a card at random from a pack which was in a drawer in another room4 ,glancing at the card to see what it was1 he placed it within a book1 and in that state brought it to the girl4 ,giving her the closed book1 he asked her to tell him what he had put within its leaves4 ,she held the book close to the side of her head1 and said1 ',i see something inside with red spots on it2 and she afterwards said there were five red spots on it4 ,the card was the five of diamonds4 ,the same result occurred with another card2 and when an ,irish bank-note was substituted for the card1 she said1 ',oh1 now ,i see a number of heads--so many that ,i cannot count them4' ,he found that she sometimes failed to guess correctly1 asserting that the things were dim2 and she could give no information of what was within the book unless he had previously known what it was himself4 ,more remarkable still1 he asked her to go in imagination to ,regent ,street1 in ,london1 and tell him what shops she had seen4 ,the girl had never been out of her remote village1 but she correctly described to him ,mr4 ,ladd's shop1 of which he happened to be thinking1 and mentioned the large clock that overhangs the entrance to ,beak ,street4 ,in many other cases he convinced himself that the existence of a distinct idea in his own mind gave rise to an image of the idea 7that is1 to a corresponding image7 on the mind of the subject2 not always a clear image1 but one that could not fail to be recognised as a more or less distorted reflection of his own thought4' ,it is important to notice the limit which a scientific observer thus recognised in the range of the subjects' perception4 ,it has been stated that subjects in this condition have been able to describe occurrences not known to any person1 which yet have been subsequently verified4 ,although some narratives of the kind have come from persons not likely to relate what they knew to be untrue1 the possibility of error outweighs the probability that such narratives can really be true4 ,there is a form of unconscious cerebration by which untruthful narratives come to be concocted in the mind4 ,for instance1 ,dr4 ,carpenter heard a scrupulously conscientious lady asseverate that a table 'rapped' when nobody was within a yard of it2 but the story was disproved by the lady herself1 who found from her note-book1 recording what really took place1 that the hands of six persons rested on the table when it rapped4 ,and apart from the unconscious fiction-producing power of the mind1 there is always the possibility1 nay1 often the extreme probability1 that the facts of a case may be misunderstood4 ,persons may be supposed to know nothing about an event who have been conscious of its every detail2 nay1 a person may himself be unconscious of his having known1 and in fact of his really knowing1 of a particular event4 ,dual consciousness in this particular sense is a quite common experience1 as1 for instance1 when a story is told us which we receive at first as new1 until gradually the recollection dawns upon us and becomes momentarily clearer and clearer1 not only that we have heard it before1 but of the circumstances under which we heard it1 and even of details which the narrator from whom a few moments before we receive it as a new story has omitted to mention4#bb ,the most important of all the questions depending on dual consciousness is one into which ,i could not properly enter at any length in these pages--the question1 namely1 of the relation between the condition of the brain and responsibility1 whether such responsibility be considered with reference to human laws or to a higher and all-knowing tribunal4 ,but there are some points not wanting in interest which may be here more properly considered4 ,in the first place it is to be noticed that a person who has passed into a state of abnormal consciousness1 or who is in the habit of doing so1 can have no knowledge of the fact in his normal condition except from the information of others4 ,the boy at ,norwood might be told of what he had said and done while in his less usual condition1 but so far as any experience of his own was concerned1 he might during all that time have been in a profound sleep4 ,similarly of all the other cases4 ,so that we have here the singular circumstance to consider1 that a person may have to depend on the information of others respecting his own behaviour--not during sleep or mental aberration or ordinary absence of mind--but 7in some cases at least7 while in possession of all his faculties and unquestionably responsible for his actions4 ,not only might a person find himself thus held responsible for actions of which he had no knowledge1 and perhaps undeservedly blamed or condemned1 but he might find himself regarded as untruthful because of his perfectly honest denial of all knowledge of the conduct attributed to him4 ,if such cases were common1 again1 it would not improbably happen that the simulation of dual consciousness would become a frequent means of attempting to evade responsibility4 ,another curious point to be noticed is this4 ,supposing one subject to alternations of consciousness were told that in his abnormal condition he suffered intense pain or mental anguish in consequence of particular actions during his normal state1 how far would he be influenced to refrain from such actions by the fear of causing pain or sorrow to his 'double1' a being of whose pains and sorrows1 nay1 of whose very existence1 he was unconscious8 ,in ordinary life a man refrains from particular actions which have been followed by unpleasant consequences1 reasoning1 in some cases1 ',i will not do so-and-so1 because ,i suffered on such and such occasions when ,i did so' 7we set religious considerations entirely on one side by assuming that the particular actions are not contrary to any moral law71 in others1 ',i will not do so-and-so because my so doing on former occasions has caused trouble to my friend ,a or ,b3' but it is strange to imagine any one reasoning1 ',i will not do so-and-so because my so doing on former occasions has caused my second self to experience pain and anguish1 of which ,i myself have not the slightest recollection4' ,a man may care for his own well-being1 or be unwilling to bring trouble on his friends1 but who is that second self that his troubles should excite the sympathy of his fellow-consciousness8 ,the considerations here touched on are not so entirely beyond ordinary experience as might be supposed4 ,it may happen to any man to have occasion to enter into an apparently unconscious condition during which in reality severe pains may be suffered by another self1 though on his return to his ordinary condition no recollection of those pains may remain1 and though to all appearance he has been all the time in a state of absolute stupor2 and it may be a reasonable question1 not perhaps whether he or his double shall suffer such pains1 but whether the body which both inhabit will suffer while he is unconscious1 or while that other consciousness comes into existence4 ,that this is no imaginary supposition is shown by several cases in ,abercrombie's treatise on the ',intellectual ,powers4' ,take1 for instance1 the following narrative3--',a boy1' he tells us1 'at the age of four suffered fracture of the skull1 for which he underwent the operation of the trepan4 ,he was at the time in a state of perfect stupor1 and after his recovery retained no recollection either of the accident or of the operation4 ,at the age of fifteen1 however1 during the delirium of fever1 he gave his mother an account of the operation1 and the persons who were present at it1 with a correct description of their dress1 and other minute particulars4 ,he had never been observed to allude to it before2 and no means were known by which he could have acquired the circumstances which he mentioned4' ,suppose one day a person in the delirium of fever or under some other exciting cause should describe the tortures experienced during some operation1 when1 under the influence of ansthetics1 he had appeared to all around to be totally unconscious1 dwelling in a special manner perhaps on the horror of pains accompanied by utter powerlessness to shriek or groan1 or even to move2 how far would the possibilities suggested by such a narrative influence one who had a painful operation to undergo1 knowing as he would quite certainly1 that whatever pains his alter ego might have to suffer1 not the slightest recollection of them would remain in his ordinary condition8 ,there is indeed almost as strange a mystery in unconsciousness as there is in the phenomena of dual consciousness4 ,the man who has passed for a time into unconsciousness through a blow1 or fall1 or fit1 cannot help asking himself like ,bernard ,langdon in that weird tale1 ,elsie ,venner1 ',where was the mind1 the soul1 the thinking principle all that time8' ,it is irresistibly borne in upon him that he has been dead for a time4 ,as ,holmes reasons1 'a man is stunned by a blow and becomes unconscious1 another gets a harder blow and it kills him4 ,does he become unconscious too8 ,if so1 when1 and how does he come to his consciousness8 ,the man who has had a slight and moderate blow comes to himself when the immediate shock passes off and the organs begin to work again1 or when a bit of the skull is pried up1 if that happens to be broken4 ,suppose the blow is hard enough to spoil the brain and stop the play of the organs1 what happens then8' ,so far as physical science is concerned1 there is no answer to this question2 but physical science does not as yet comprehend all the knowable1 and the knowable comprehends not all that has been1 is1 and will be4 ,what we know and can know is nothing1 the unknown and the unknowable are alike infinite4 ,,footnotes3 ,footnote #ba3 ,should any doubt whether these conditions of dual existence are a reality 7a doubt1 however1 which the next case dealt with in the text should remove71 we would remind them that a similar difficulty unmistakably existed in the case of ,eng and ,chang1 the ,siamese twins4 ,it would have been almost impossible to inflict any punishment on one by which the other would not have suffered1 and capital punishment inflicted on one would have involved the death of the other4 ,footnote #bb3 ,an instance of the sort turns up in ,pope's correspondence with ,addison1 and serves to explain a discrepancy between ,tickell's edition of the ,spectator and the original4 ,in ,no4 #bec1 ,addison had remarked that none of the critics had taken notice of a peculiarity in the description of ,sisyphus lifting his stone up the hill1 which is no sooner carried to the top of it but it immediately tumbles to the bottom4 ',this double motion1' says ,addison1 'is admirably described in the numbers of those verses4 ,in the four first it is heaved up by several spondees intermixed with proper breathing places1 and at last trundles down in a continual line of dactyls4' ,on this ,pope remarks3 ',i happened to find the same in ,dionysius of ,halicarnassus's ,treatise1 who treats very largely upon these verses4 ,i know you will think fit to soften your expression1 when you see the passage1 which you must needs have read1 though it be since slipt out of your memory4' ,these words1 by the way1 were the last 7except ',i am1 with the utmost esteem1 c4'7 ever addressed by ,pope to ,addison4 ,it was in this letter that ,pope with sly malice asked ,addison to look over the first two books of his 7,pope's7 translation of ,homer4 ,,electric ,,lighting4 ,although we certainly have no reason to complain of the infrequency of attempts in newspapers1 c41 as well as in scientific journals1 to explain the principles on which electric lighting depends1 it does not seem that very clear ideas are entertained on this subject by unscientific persons4 ,nor is this1 perhaps1 to be wondered at1 when we observe that in nearly all the explanations which have appeared1 technical expressions are quite freely used1 while those matters about which the general reader especially desires information are passed over as points with which every one is familiar4 ,now1 without going quite so far as to say that there is no exaggeration in the picture presented some time back in ,punch1 of one who asked whether the electric fluid was 'anything like beer1 for instance1' ,i may confidently assert that the very vaguest notions are entertained by nine-tenths of those who hear about the electric light1 respecting the nature of electricity4 ,of course1 ,i am not here referring to the doubts and difficulties of electricians on this subject4 ,it is well known that ,faraday1 after a life of research into electrical phenomena1 said that when he had studied electricity for a few years he thought he understood much1 but when he had nearly finished his observational work he found he knew nothing4 ,in the sense in which ,faraday spoke1 the most advanced students of science must admit that they know nothing about electricity4 ,but the greater number of those who read about the electric light are not familiar even with electrical phenomena1 as distinguished from the interpretation of such phenomena4 ,i am satisfied that there is no exaggeration in a passage which appeared recently in the ',table ,talk' of the ,gentleman's ,magazine1 describing an account of the electric light as obtained from some new kind of gas1 carried in pipes from central reservoirs1 and chiefly differing from common gas in this1 that the heat resulting from its consumption melted ordinary burners1 so that only burners of carbon or platinum could be safely employed4 ,i do not propose here to discuss1 or even to describe 7in the proper sense of the word7 the various methods of electric lighting which have been either used or suggested4 ,what ,i wish to do is to give a simple explanation of the general principles on which illumination by electricity depends1 and to consider the advantages which this method of illumination appears to promise or possess4 ,novel as the idea of using electricity for illuminating large spaces may appear to many1 we have all of us been long familiar with the fact that electricity is capable of replacing the darkness of night by the light of broad day over areas far larger than those which our electricians hope to illuminate4 ,the lightning flash makes in an instant every object visible on the darkest night1 not only in the open air1 but in the interior of carefully darkened rooms4 ,nay1 even if the shutters of a room are carefully closed and the room strongly illuminated1 the lightning flash can yet be clearly recognised4 ,and it must be remembered that though the suddenness of the flash makes us the more readily perceive it 7under such circumstances1 for instance71 yet its short duration diminishes its apparent intensity4 ,this may appear a contradiction in terms1 but is not so in reality4 ,the perception that there has been a sudden lighting up of the sky or of a room1 is distinct from the recognition of the actual intensity of the illumination thus momentarily produced4 ,now it is quite certain that the eye cannot assign less than a twenty-fifth of a second or so to the duration of the lightning flash1 for1 as ,newton long since showed1 the retina retains the sensation of light for at least this interval after the light has disappeared4 ,it is equally certain1 from ,wheatstone's experiments1 that the lightning flash does not actually endure for the #ajj1jjjth part of a second4 ,adopting this last number1 though it falls far short of the truth--the actual duration being probably less than #a1jjj1jjjth of a second--we see that so far as the eye is concerned1 an amount of light which was really emitted during the #ajj1jjjth part of a second is by the eye judged to have been emitted during an interval #d1jjj times as long4 ,it is certain1 then1 that the eye's estimate of the intensity of the illumination resulting from a lightning flash is far short of the truth4 ,this is equally true even in those cases where lightning is said to be for awhile continuous4 ,if the flashes for a time succeed each other at less intervals than a twenty-fifth of a second1 the illumination will appear continuous4 ,but it is not really so4 ,to be so1 the flashes should succeed each other at the rate of at least #ajj1jjj1 and probably of more than #a1jjj1jjj per second4 ,while the lightning flash shows the brilliancy which the electric illumination can attain1 it shows also the intense heat resulting from the electric discharge4 ,this might1 indeed1 be inferred simply from the brilliancy of the light1 since we know that this brilliancy can only be due to the intense heat to which the particles along the track of the electric flash have been raised4 ,but it is shown in a more convincing manner to ordinary apprehension by the effects which the lightning flash produces where--in the common way of speaking--it strikes4 ,the least fusible substances are melted4 ,effects are produced also which1 though at first not seemingly attributable to intense heat1 yet in reality can be no otherwise explained4 ,thus1 when the trunk of a tree is torn into fragments by the lightning stroke1 though the tree is scorched and blackened1 a small amount of heat would account for that particular effect1 while the destruction of the tree seems attributable to mechanical causes4 ,it is1 indeed1 from effects such as these that the idea of the fall of thunderbolts has doubtless had its origin1 the notion being that some material substance has struck the body thus shattered or destroyed4 ,in reality1 however1 such destructive effects are due entirely to the intense heat excited during the passage of the electricity4 ,thus1 in the case of a tree destroyed by lightning1 the shattering of boughs and trunk results from the sudden conversion of the moisture of the tree 7that is1 the moisture present in the substance of the tree7 into steam1 a change accompanied of course by great and sudden expansion4 ,the tree is as certainly destroyed by the effects of heat as is a boiler which has burst1 though in each case the expansive power of steam directly works the mischief4 ,it is the more useful for our present purpose thus to note at the outset both the illuminating and the heating power of the lightning flash 7or rather of the electric discharge71 because1 as will presently be seen1 the electric light1 while in all cases depending on intensity of heat1 may either be obtained in the form of a series of flashes succeeding each other so quickly as to be to all intents and purposes continuous1 or from the incandescence of some suitable substance in the path of the electric current4 ,let us now consider briefly the general nature of electrical phenomena1 or at least of those electrical phenomena which are related to our present subject4 ,formerly1 when light was supposed to be a material emanation1 and heat was regarded as an actual fluid1 electricity was in like manner regarded as some subtle fluid which could be generated or dispersed in various ways4 ,at present1 it is safer to speak of electricity as a state or condition of matter4 ,if it were not that some very eminent electricians 7and one especially whose eminence as a practical electrician is very great7 are said to believe still that there is such a thing as an electric fluid1 we should have simply asserted that in the present position of scientific research1 with the known velocity at which the so-called electric current flows1 and the known relations between electricity1 heat1 and light1 the theory of an electric fluid is altogether untenable4 ,it will suffice1 however1 under the actual circumstances1 to speak simply of electrical properties1 without expressing any definite opinion respecting their interpretation4 ,a certain property1 called electricity1 is excited in any substance by any cause affecting the condition of the substance1 whether that cause be mechanical1 chemical1 thermal1 or otherwise4 ,no change can take place in the physical condition of any body without the generation of a greater or less amount of electricity1 although in far the greater number of cases there may be no obvious evidence of the fact1 while in many cases no evidence may be obtainable even by the use of the most delicate scientific tests4 ,i have spoken here of the generation of a greater or less amount of electricity1 but in reality it would be more correct to speak simply of a change in the electrical condition of the substance4 ,electricians speak of positive and negative electricity as though there actually were two distinct forms of this peculiar property of matter4 ,but it may be questioned whether it would not be more correct to speak of electricity as we do of heat4 ,we might speak of cold as negative heat precisely as electricians give the name of negative electricity to a relative deficiency of what they call positive electricity2 but in the case of heat and cold it is found more convenient1 and is more correct1 to speak of different degrees of one and the same quality4 ,the difficulty in the case of electricity is that at present science has no means of deciding whether positive or negative electricity has in reality the better claim to be regarded as absolute electricity4 ,making comparison between electrical and thermal relations1 the process which we call the generation of positive electricity may in reality involve the dispersion of absolute electricity1 and so correspond to cooling1 not to heating4 ,in this case the generation of what we call negative electricity would in reality be the positive process4 ,however1 it is not necessary to discuss this point1 nor can any error arise from the use of the ordinary method of expression1 so long as we carefully hold in remembrance that it is only employed for convenience1 and must not be regarded as scientifically precise4 ,electricity may be excited1 as ,i have said1 in many ways4 ,with the ordinary electrical machine it is excited by the friction of a glass disc or cylinder against suitable rubbers of leather and silk4 ,the galvanic battery developes electricity by the chemical action of acid solutions on metal plates4 ,we may speak of the electricity generated by a machine as frictional electricity1 and of that generated by a galvanic battery as voltaic electricity2 in reality1 however1 these are not different kinds of electricity1 but one and the same property developed in different ways4 ,the same also is the case with magnetic electricity1 of which ,i shall presently have much to say3 it is electricity produced by means of magnets1 but is in no respect different from frictional or voltaic electricity4 ,of course1 however1 it will be understood that for special purposes one method of producing electricity may be more advantageously used than another4 ,just as heat produced by burning coal is more convenient for a number of purposes than heat produced by burning wood1 though there is no scientific distinction between coal-produced heat and wood-produced heat1 so for some purposes voltaic electricity is more convenient than frictional electricity1 though there is no real distinction between them4 ,every one knows that when by means of an ordinary electrical machine electricity has been generated in sufficient quantity and under suitable conditions to prevent its dispersion1 a spark of intense brilliancy and greater or less length1 according to the amount of electricity thus collected1 can be obtained when some body1 not similarly electrified1 is brought near to what is called the conductor of the machine4 ,the old-fashioned explanation1 still repeated in many of our books1 ran somewhat as follows3--',the positive electricity of the conductor decomposes the neutral or mixed fluid of the body1 attracting the negative fluid and repelling the positive4 ,when the tension of the opposite electricities is great enough to overcome the resistance of the air1 they re-combine1 the spark resulting from the heat generated in the process of their combination4' ,this explanation is all very well2 but it assumes much that is in reality by no means certain1 or even likely4 ,all we know is1 that whereas before the spark is seen the electrical conditions of the conductor and the object presented to it were different1 they are no longer different after the flashing forth of the spark4 ,it is as though a certain line 7straight1 crooked1 or branched7 in the air had formed a channel of communication by which electricity had passed1 either from the conductor to the object or from the object to the conductor1--or possibly in both directions1 two different kinds of electricity existing 7before the flash7 in the conductor and the object1 as the old-fashioned explanation assumes4#bc ,again1 we know that the passage of electricity along the air-track supposing there really is such a passage1 but in any case the observed change in the relative electrical conditions of the conductor and the object1 is accompanied by the generation of an intense heat along the arial track where the spark is seen4 ,in the case of electricity generated by means of a galvanic battery1 we do not note the same phenomena unless the battery is a strong one4 ,we have in such a battery a steady source of electricity1 but unless the battery is powerful1 the electricity is of low intensity1 and not competent to produce the most striking phenomena of frictional electricity4 ,for instance1 voltaic electricity1 as used in telegraphic communication1 is far weaker than that obtained from even a small electrical machine4 ,what is called the positive extremity of the battery neither gives a spark1 nor attracts light bodies4 ,the same is true of the other1 or negative extremity4 ,the difference of the condition of these extremities can only be ascertained by delicate tests--the deflections of the needle1 in fact1 by which telegraphic communications are made1 may in reality be regarded as the indications of a very delicate electro-cope4 ,but when the strength of a galvanic battery is sufficiently great1 or1 in other words1 when the total amount of chemical action brought into play to generate electricity is sufficient1 we obtain voltaic electricity not only surpassing in intensity what can be obtained from electrical machines1 but capable of producing spark after spark in a succession so exceedingly rapid that the light is to all intents and purposes continuous4 ,without considering the details of the construction of a galvanic battery1 which would occupy more space than can here be spared1 and even with fullest explanation would scarcely be intelligible 7except to those already familiar with the subject71 unless illustrations unsuited to these pages were employed1 let us consider what we have in the case of every powerful galvanic battery1 on whatever system arranged4 ,we have a series of simple batteries1 each consisting of two plates of different metal placed in dilute acid4 ,whereas1 in the case of a simple battery1 however1 the two different metals are connected together by wires to let the electric current pass 7the current ceasing to pass when the wires are disconnected71 in a compound battery1 in which 7let us say7 the metals are zinc and copper1 the zinc of one battery is connected with the copper of the next1 the zinc of this with the copper of another1 and so on1 the wire to the copper of the first battery and the wire from the zinc of the last battery being free1 and forming what are called the poles of the compound battery--the former the positive pole1 the later the negative pole4#bd ,when these free wires are connected1 the current of electricity passes1 when they are disconnected the current ceases to pass1 unless the break between them is such only that the electricity can1 as it were1 force its way across the gap4 ,when the wires are connected1 so that the current flows1 it is as though there were a channel for some fluid which flowed readily and easily along the channel4 ,when the circuit is absolutely broken1 it is as though such a channel were dammed completely across4 ,if1 however1 while the poles are not connected by copper wires or by other freely conducting substances1 yet the gap is such as the electricity can pass over1 the case may be compared to the partial interruption of a channel at some spot where1 though the fluid which passes freely along the channel is not able to move so freely2 it can yet force its way along1 with much disturbance and resistance4 ,just as at such a part of the course of a liquid stream--say1 a river--we find1 instead of the quiet flow observed elsewhere1 a great noise and tumult1 so1 where the current of electricity is not able to pass readily we perceive evidence of resistance in the generation of much heat and light 7if the resistance is great enough74 ,it will be observed that ,i have spoken in the preceding paragraph of the passage of a current along the wire connecting the two poles of a powerful electric battery1 or along any substance connecting those poles which possesses the property of being what is called a good conductor of electricity4 ,but the reader is not to assume that there is such a current1 or that it is known to flow either from the positive to the negative pole1 or from negative to positive pole2 or1 again1 that1 as some have suggested1 there are two currents which flow simultaneously in opposite directions4 ,we speak conventionally of the current1 and for convenience we speak as though some fluid really made its way 7when the circuit is complete7 from the positive to the negative pole of the compound battery4 ,but the existence of such a current1 or of any current at all1 is purely hypothetical4 ,i should be disposed1 for my own part1 to believe that the motion is of the nature of wave-motion1 with no actual transference of matter1 at least when the circuit is complete4 ,according to this view1 where resistance takes place we might conceive that the waves are converted into rollers or breakers1 according to the nature of the resistance--actual transference of matter taking place through the action of these changed waves1 just as waves which have traversed the free surface of ocean without carrying onward whatever matter may be floating on the surface1 cast such matter ashore when1 by the resistance of the shoaling bottom or of rocks1 they become converted either into rollers or into breakers4 ,i may also notice1 with regard to good conductors and bad conductors of electricity1 that they may be compared to substances respectively transparent and opaque for light-waves1 or again1 to substances which allow heat to pass freely or the reverse4 ,just as light-waves fail to illuminate a transparent body1 and heat-waves fail to warm a body which allows them free passage1 so electricity-waves 7if electricity really is undulatory1 as ,i imagine7 fail to affect any substance along which they travel freely4 ,but as light-waves illuminate an opaque substance1 and heat-waves raise the temperature of a substance which impedes their progress1 so waves of electricity1 when their course is impeded1 produce effects which are indicated to us by the resulting heat and light4 ,a powerful galvanic battery is capable of producing light of intense brilliancy4 ,for this purpose1 instead of taking sparks between the two metallic poles1 each of these is connected with a piece of carbon 7which is nearly as good a conductor as the metal71 and the sparks are taken between these two pieces of carbon1 usually set so that the one connected with the negative pole is virtually above the one connected with the positive pole1 and at a distance of a tenth of an inch from each other or more1 according to the strength of the battery4 ,across this gap between the carbons an arc of light is seen1 which in reality results from a series of electric sparks following each other in rapid succession4 ,this arc1 called the voltaic arc1 is brilliant1 but it is not from this arc that the chief part of the light comes4 ,the ends of the carbon become intensely bright1 being raised to a white heat4 ,both the positive and negative carbons are fiercely heated1 but the positive is heated most4 ,as 7ordinarily7 both carbons are thus heated in the open air1 combustion necessarily takes place1 though it is to be noticed that the lustre of the carbons is not due to combustion1 and would remain undiminished if combustion were prevented4 ,the carbons are thus gradually consumed1 the positive nearly twice as fast as the negative4 ,if they are left untouched1 this process of combustion soon increases the distance between them till it exceeds that which the electricity can pass over4 ,then the light disappears1 the current ceasing to flow4 ,but by bringing the carbon points near to each other 7they must1 indeed1 be made to touch for an instant71 the current is made to flow again1 and the light is restored4 ,the following remarks by ,m4,h4 ,fontaine 7translated by ,dr4 ,higgs7 may help to explain the nature of the voltaic arc3--',in truth1 the voltaic arc is a portion of the electric circuit possessing the properties of all other parts of the same circuit4 ,the molecules swept away from point to point 7that is1 from one carbon end to the other7 'constitute between these points a mobile chain1 more or less conductive1 and more or less heated1 according to the intensity of the current and the nature and separation of the electrodes' 7that is1 the quality and distance apart of the carbon or other substances between which the arc is formed74 ',these things happen exactly as if the electrodes were united by a metallic wire or carbon rod of small section' 7so as to make the resistance to the current great71 'which is but saying that the light produced by the voltaic arc and that obtained by incandescence arise from the same cause--that is1 the heating of a resisting substance interposed in the circuit4' ,the intensity of the light from the voltaic arc and the carbon points varies with circumstances1 but depends chiefly on the amount of electricity generated by the battery4 ,a fair idea of its brilliancy1 as compared with all other lights1 will be gained from the following statements3--,if we represent the brightness of the sun at noon on a clear day as #a1jjj1 the brightness of lime glowing under the intense heat of the oxy-hydrogen flame is about #g2 that of the electric light obtained with a battery of #df elements 7,bunsen's71 #bce4 ,with a battery of #hj elements the brightness is only #bch4 7,these results were obtained in experiments by ,fizeau and ,foucault47 ,the intensity does not therefore increase much with the number of the component elements after a certain number is passed4 ,but it increases greatly with the surface1 for the experimenters found that with a battery of #df elements1 each composed of #c1 with their zinc and copper respectively united to form one element of triple surface1 the brightness became #che1 or more than one-third of the midday brightness of the sun 7that is1 the apparent intrinsic lustre of his disc's surface71 and #ee times the brightness of the oxy-hydrogen lime-light4 ,another way of obtaining an intense heat and light from the electric current generated by a strong battery is to introduce into the electric circuit a substance of small conducting power1 and capable of sustaining an intense heat without disintegration1 combustion1 or melting4 ,platinum has been used for this purpose4 ,if the conductive power of copper be represented by #ajj1 that of platinum will be represented by #ah only4 ,thus the resistance experienced by a current in passing through platinum is relatively so great1 that if the current is strong the platinum becomes intensely heated1 and shines with a brilliant light4 ,a difficulty arises in using this light practically1 from the circumstance that when the strength of the current reaches a certain point1 the platinum melts1 and the circuit being thus broken1 the light immediately goes out4 ,the use of galvanic batteries to generate an electric current strong enough for the production of a brilliant light1 is open to several objections1 especially on the score of expense4 ,it may1 indeed1 be safely said that if no other way of obtaining currents of sufficient intensity had ever been devised1 the electric light would scarcely have been thought of for purposes of general illumination1 however useful in special cases4 7,in the electric lighting of the ,new ,opera ,house at ,paris1 batteries are used47 ,the discovery by ,orsted that an electric current can make iron magnetic1 and the series of discoveries by ,faraday1 in which the relation between magnetism and electricity was explained1 made electric lighting practically possible4 ,one of these shows that if a properly insulated wire coil is rapidly rotated in front of a fixed permanent magnet 7or of a set of such magnets71 currents will be induced in the coil1 which may be made to produce either alternating currents or currents in one direction only1 in wire conductors4 ,an instrument for generating electric currents in this way1 by rapidly rotating a coil in front of a series of powerful permanent magnets fixed symmetrically around it1 is called a magneto-electric machine4 ,another method1 now generally preferred1 depends on the rotation of a coil in front of an electro-magnet2 that is1 of a bar of soft iron 7bent in horseshoe form71 which can be rendered magnetic by the passage of an electric current through a coil surrounding it4 ,the rapid rotation of the coil in front of the soft iron generates a weak current1 because iron always has some traces of magnetism in it1 especially if it has once been magnetised4 ,this weak current being caused to traverse the coil surrounding the soft iron increases its magnetism1 so that somewhat stronger currents are produced in the revolving coil4 ,these carried round the soft iron still further increase its magnetism1 and so still further strengthen the current4 ,in this way coil and magnet act and react on each other1 until from the small effects due to the initial slight magnetism of the iron1 both coil and the magnet become1 so to speak1 saturated4 ,machines constructed on this principle are called dynamo-electric machines1 because the generation of electricity depends on the dynamical force employed in rapidly rotating the coils4 ,we need not consider here the various forms which magneto-electric and dynamo-electric machines have received4 ,it is sufficient that the reader should recognise how we obtain an electric current of great intensity in one case from mechanical action and permanent magnetism1#be and in the other from mechanical action and the mere residue of magnetism always present in iron4 ,in the cases here considered it is in reality the sudden presentation of the coil 7twice at each rotation7 before the positive and negative poles of the magnet1 which induces a momentary but intense current of electricity4 ,the rotation being exceedingly rapid1 these currents succeed each other with sufficient rapidity to be appreciably continuous4 ,a similar principle is involved in the use of what is called the inductive coil1 except that in this case the sudden beginning and ceasing of a current in one coil 7and not magnetic action7 induces a momentary but strong current3 matters are so arranged that the current induced by the starting of the inducing current1 immediately causes this to cease2 while the current induced by the cessation of the inducing current immediately causes this current to begin again3 so that by a self-acting process we have a constant series of intense induced currents1 succeeding each other with great rapidity1 so as to be practically continuous1 as with those produced by magneto-electric and dynamo-electric machines4 ,all that ,i have said about the voltaic arc1 the incandescence resulting from resistance to the current's flow1 and so forth1 in relation to electricity generated by galvanic batteries1 applies to electricity generated by induction coils1 or by magneto-electric and by dynamo-electric machines4 ,only it is to be noticed that in some of these machines the currents alternate in direction with each revolution of the swiftly turning coil1 in others the currents are always in the same direction1 and in yet others the currents may be made to alternate or not1 as may be most convenient4 ,we have now to consider how light suitable for purposes of illumination may be obtained from the electric current4 ,hitherto we have considered only light such as might be used for special purposes1 where a bright and very intense light was required1 where expense and complexity of construction might not be open to special objections1 and where in general the absolute steadiness of the light was not an essential point4 ,but those who have seen the electric light used even by the most experienced manipulators for the illustration of lectures will know that the light as so obtained1 though of intense brilliancy1 is altogether unsuited for purposes of ordinary illumination4 ,if we consider a few of the methods which have been devised for overcoming the difficulties inherent in the problem of electric lighting1 the reader will recognise at once the nature of these difficulties1 and the probability of their being effectually overcome in the future1 for though much has been done1 much yet remains to be done in mastering them4 ,let us consider first the ,jablochkoff candle1 the invention of which brought about1 in ,july #ahgg1 the first great fall in the value of gas property4 ,the ,jablochkoff candle consists of two carbons placed side by side 7instead of one above the other in a vertical line74 ,thus placed1 with a slight interval between them1 the carbon rods would allow the passage of the electric current at the place of nearest approach1 and therefore of least resistance to its passage4 ,a variable and imperfect illumination would result4 ,m4 ,jablochkoff1 however1 interposes between the separate carbon rods a slip of plaster of ,paris1 which is a non-conducting material4 ,the upper points of the carbon rods are thus the only parts at which the current can cross4 ,they are connected by a little bridge of carbon1 which is necessary for the starting of the light--just as in the case of the ordinary electric light1 the two carbons must1 in order to start the light1 be brought into contact4 ,when the current flows1 the small bridge of carbon connecting the two points is presently consumed1 but the arc between the points is still maintained3 for the plaster becomes vitrified by the intense heat of the two carbon points on each side1 and melts down as the carbons are consumed4 ,if the light is in any way put out1 however1 a small piece of carbon must be set again1 to form a bridge between the carbon points4 ,throughout the burning of the ,jablochkoff candle the fused portion of the insulating layer forms a conducting bridge between the carbon points2 and hence there is a considerable loss of electric force 7probably about thirty per cent471 which in the ordinary arrangement would increase the intensity of the light4 ,the great advantage of the candle consists in the circumstance that throughout its consumption the carbon ends are at a constant distance from each other without any mechanical or other arrangement being necessary to maintain them in due position4 ,one point should be noticed here4 ,in the ordinary arrangement of carbon points1 the positive carbon1 as we have already said1 is much more intensely heated1 and consumes twice as fast as the negative carbon4 ,now1 if one carbon of the ,jablochkoff candle were connected with the positive1 and the other with the negative pole of the battery or of a machine1 the former side would consume twice as fast as the latter1 and the two points would no longer remain at the same horizontal level1 which is essential to the proper burning of the ,jablochkoff candle4 ,by using a machine which produces alternating currents1 ,m4 ,jablochkoff obviates this difficulty1 the carbons being alternately positive and negative 7in extremely rapid succession71 and therefore consuming at the same rate4 ,the ,jablochkoff candle lasts only about an hour and a half4 ,but four1 six1 or more candles may be used in the same globe or lantern1 and automatic arrangements adopted to cause a fresh candle to be ignited at the moment when its predecessor is burnt out4 ,in ,paris and elsewhere 7as in ,holborn1 for instance71 each ,jablochkoff lamp is enclosed in an opal glass globe4 ,mr4 ,hepworth remarks on this1 that in his opinion the use of the opal globe is a mistake1 as it shuts off quite #ej per cent4 of the light without any corresponding advantage1 except the correction of the glare4 ',this wasteful disadvantage will no doubt be remedied in the future1' he says1 by the use of some less dense medium4 ',mr4 ,shoolbred states that from a series of careful photometric experiments carried out by the municipal authorities with the ,jablochkoff lights1 each naked light is found to possess a maximum intensity of #cjj candles4 ,with the opal globe this was reduced to #ahj candles1 showing a loss of #dj per cent41 while during the darker periods through which the light passed the light was as low as #ij candles4 ,it may be mentioned here that ,mr4 ,van der ,weyde1 who has long used the electric light for photographic purposes1 has given much attention to the important problem of rendering the electric light available as an illuminator without wasting it1 and yet without throwing the rays directly upon the object to be illuminated4 ,the rays are intercepted by an opal disc about four inches in diameter1 and the whole body of the rays is gathered up by a concave reflector 7lined with a white material71 and thrown out in a flood of pure white light1 in which the most delicate shades of tint are discernible4 ,he can use any form of electric candle in this way4 ,only it should be noticed1 before the employment of his method is advocated for street illumination1 that there is a difference between the problems which the photographer and the street-lighter have to solve4 ,the ,jablochkoff candle1 for instance1 must be screened on all sides1 and even above1 when used to illuminate the streets4 ,if its direct light is allowed to escape in any direction1 there will be a mischievous and unsightly beam1 and from every point along the path of the beam1 the intensely bright light of the candle will be directly visible4 ,again3 it is essential that whatever substance is used to screen the light should be dense enough to cause the whole globe to seem uniformly bright or nearly so4 ,the only modification which seems available 7when these essential points have been secured7 is that the tint of the globe should be such as to correct any colour which the light may be found to have in injurious excess4 ,we may1 however1 remark that the objection which has been often raised against the colour of the electric light can hardly be just--the injury to the eyes in certain cases arising probably from the strong contrast between the light and the background on which it is projected4 ,for1 as to colour1 the electric light derived either from the glowing carbon or from incandescent metal is appreciably the same as sunlight4 ,the ,rapieff burner1 employed in the ',times' office1 consists of four carbon pencils1 arranged thus ,symbol 7except that the two v's are not in the same plane1 but in planes at right angles to each other74 ,the spark crosses the space between the points of the v's1 and arrangements are made for keeping the two points at the right distance from each other1 and also for keeping the ends of the two pencils which form each point in their proper position4 ,if the current is from any cause interrupted1 an automatic arrangement is adopted to allow the current to pass to the other lamps in the same circuit4 ,there are six lamps in circuit at the ',times' office2 and ,m4 ,rapieff has exhibited as many as ten4 ,the advantages claimed for this light are the following3--',first1 its production by any description of dynamo-electric machine with either alternating or continuous currents2 secondly1 great diversibility and complete independence of the several lights1 and long duration without change of carbons2 and lastly1 the extreme facility with which any ordinary workman or servant can renew the carbons when necessary1 without extinguishing the lights4' ,the last-named advantage results1 it need hardly perhaps be said1 from the use of two carbons to form each point4 ,one can be removed1 the other remaining to keep the voltaic arc intact until a new carbon has been substituted for its fellow2 then it in turn can be replaced by a new carbon1 the new carbon already inserted keeping the voltaic arc intact4 ,the six lamps at the ',times' office thoroughly illuminate the room1 and give light for working the eight ,walter presses used in printing the paper4 ,the light has been thus used since the middle of last ,october1 and it is said that other rooms in the building are shortly to be illuminated in the same manner4 ',each lamp is enclosed in an opal globe of about four inches in diameter1 and so little heat is given off1 that the hand can be placed on the globe without inconvenience1 even after the light has been burning for some time4' ,in the ,wallace lamp there are two horizontal plates of carbon1 about nine inches in diameter1 instead of mere carbon points4 ,when the current is passing1 these carbon plates are separated by a suitable small distance which remains unchanged4 ,the electric arc1 being started at the point along the edge of the carbons where there is least resistance to the passage of the current1 gradually passes along the edge of the carbons as combustion goes on1 changing the position of the place of nearest approach and consequently of least resistance4 ,the light will thus burn for many hours 7even for a hundred with large carbon plates71 and any number of lights up to ten can be worked from the machine4 ,the objection to the ,wallace lamp is1 that the light does not remain at one point1 but travels along the whole extent of the carbons4 ,it will not be easy to design a glass shade which will be suitable for a light thus changing in position4 ,the ,werdermann regulator is on an entirely new plan2 but it has not yet been submitted to the test of practical working outside the laboratory4 ,the positive carbon1 which is lowest1 ends in a sharp point1 which strangely enough retains its figure1 while the carbon burns away at the rate of about two inches per hour4 ,the negative carbon is a block having its under side1 against which the positive carbon presses1 slightly convex4 ,the positive carbon is pressed steadily against the negative by the action of a weight4 ,the increased resistance to the passage of the current1 at the sharp point of the positive carbon1 generates sufficient heat to produce a powerful light4 ,the light resembles a steadily radiant star1 but 'with all its softness and purity of tint1 it is so intense1 that adjacent gas-flames are thrown on the wall as transparent shadows4' ,the light will last for fifteen hours without attention1 the positive carbon rod being used in lengths of three feet4 ,the carbon block hardly undergoes any change4 ,when the lamp has been burning a long time1 a slight depression can be seen at the place where the positive carbon touches it1 but by shifting the carbon in its holder this is easily remedied4 ,mr4 ,werdermann lately exhibited a row of ten small lamps burning side by side at the same time4 ',the two wires from the machine1' says ,mr4 ,hepworth1 were carried one on either side of this row of lamps1 branch wires being led from them for the service of each lamp4 ,mr4 ,werdermann says that his perfected lamps will be furnished with keys1 by which the current can be turned on or off1 as in the case of gas4 ,we may say in fact1 that in the nature of its connections and various arrangements1 it 7the ,werdermann lamp7 most nearly comes up in convenience to the use of gas4' ,we do not yet know certainly what arrangement ,mr4 ,edison employs to obtain the light of which so much has been heard4 ,it is asserted that his light is obtained from the incandescence of an alloy of iridium and platinum1 which will bear without fusion a heat#bf of #e1jjj degrees ,fahrenheit4 ,it would be unsafe1 however1 to assume that this account is trustworthy1 or to infer 7as we might in the case of almost any other inventor71 that such being the nature of his plan1 it could lead to no result of practical value4 ,as has been well remarked by a contemporary writer1 whatever ,edison's invention may be1 'it is certain to be something to command respect1 even if it does not quite come up to the glowing accounts which have reached us in advance4' ,the following passage from one of these accounts1 which appeared in the ',new ,york ,herald1' will be read with interest1 and may be accepted as trustworthy so far as it goes4 ',the writer last night saw the invention in operation in ,mr4 ,edison's laboratory4 ,the inventor was deep in experimental researches4 ,what he called the apparatus consisted of a small metal stand placed on the table4 ,surrounding the light was a small glass globe4 ,near by was a gas jet burning low4 ,the ,professor looked up from his work1 to greet the reporter1 and in reply to a request to view the invention1 waved his hand towards the light1 with the exclamation1 ,there she is6 ,the illumination was such as would come from a brilliant gas jet surrounded with ground glass1 only that the light was clearer and more brilliant4 ,now ,i extinguish it and light the gas1 and you can see the difference1 said ,mr4 ,edison1 and he touched the spring4 ,instantly all was darkness4 ,then he turned on the gas4 ,the difference was quite perceptible4 ,the light from the gas appeared in comparison tinted with yellow4 ,in a moment1 however1 the eye had become accustomed to it1 and the yellowish tint disappeared4 ,then the ,professor turned on the electric light1 giving the writer the opportunity of seeing both1 side by side4 ,the electric light seemed much softer2 a continuous view of it for three minutes did not pain the eye2 whereas looking at the gas for the same length of time caused some little pain and confusion of sight4 ,one of the noticeable features of the light1 when fully turned on1 was that all the colours could be distinguished as readily as by sunlight4 ,when do you expect to have the invention completed1 ,mr4 ,edison8 asked the reporter4 ,the substance of it is all right now1 he answered1 putting the apparatus away and turning on the gas4 ,but there are the usual little details that must be attended to before it goes to the people4 ,for instance1 we have got to devise some arrangement for registering a sort of meter1 and again1 there are several different forms that we are experimenting on now1 in order to select the best4 ,are the lights to be all of the same degree of brilliancy8 asked the reporter4 ,all the same6 ,have you come across any serious difficulties in it as yet8 ,well1 no1 replied the inventor1 and that's what worries me1 for in the telephone ,i found about a thousand2#bg and so in the quadruplex4 ,i worked on both over two years before ,i overcame them4' ,other methods1 as the ,sawyer-,man system1 and the ,brush system1 need not at present detain us1 as little is certainly known respecting them4 ,in the former it is said that the light is obtained from an incandescent carbon pencil1 within a space containing nitrogen and no oxygen1 so that there is no combustion4 ,in the latter the carbon points are placed as in the ordinary electric lamp1 but are so suspended in the clasp of a regulator1 that they burn #ad inches of carbon without adjustment1 the carbons lasting eight hours1 and producing a flood of intense white light1 estimated as equivalent to #c1jjj candles4 ,i have little space to consider the cost of electric lighting1 even if the question were one which could be suitably dealt with in these pages4 ,opinions are very much divided as to the relative cost of lighting by gas and by electricity2 but the balance of opinion seem to be in favour of the belief that in ,america and ,france certainly1 and probably in this country1 where gas is cheap1 electric lighting will on the whole be as cheap as lighting by gas4 ,it should be noticed1 in making a comparison between this country and others in which coal is dearer1 that the cheapness of coal here1 though favourable in the main to gas illumination1 is also favourable1 though in less degree 7relatively7 to electric lighting4 ,machines for generating electricity can be worked more cheaply here than in ,america4 ,nay1 it has even been found advantageous in some cases to use a gas engine to generate electricity4 ,thus ,mr4 ,van der ,weyde used an ,otto gas engine driven at the cost of #f;d4 an hour for gas1 to produce the light which he exhibited publicly on the night of ,november #i4 ,so that the cheapness of gas may make the electric light cheaper4 ,then it is to be remembered that important though the question of cost is1 it is far from being all-important4 ,the advantages of electric lighting for many purposes1 as in public libraries1 in cases where many persons work together under conditions rendering the vitiation of the air by gas lighting exceedingly mischievous1 and in cases where the recognition of delicate differences of tint or texture is essential1 must far more than compensate for some slight difference in cost4 ,the possibility 7shown by actual experience to be real7 of employing natural sources of power to drive machines for generating electricity1 is another interesting element of the subject1 but could not be properly dealt with save in greater space than this here available4 ,,footnotes3 ,footnote #bc3 ,it is supposed by many1 that when the spark is long enough we can note the direction in which it travels2 and observations of the motion of lightning from the earth to the cloud have been collected1 as showing that the usually observed direction of the flash is sometimes reversed4 ,in reality1 no one has ever seen a lightning flash travel either one way or the other4 ,if the attention is fixed on the storm cloud1 as usual when a lightning storm is watched1 every flash appears to pass from the cloud to the earth4 ,if1 on the contrary1 at the moment when the attention is fixed on some terrestrial object the lightning flashes near that particular object1 the flash will seem to pass from the object to the cloud4 ,in either case the motion is apparent only4 ,if there is motion at all1 the passage of the electric spark occupies less than the #ajj1jjjth part of a second1 and of course it is utterly impossible that any eye could tell at which end of its track the flash first appeared4 ,in every case the flash seems to travel from the end to which attention was more nearly directed4 ,the apparent motion corresponds to the chance direction of the eye4 ,footnote #bd3 ,the extremity of the wire connected with the metal least affected by the acid solution is called the positive pole1 that of the wire connected with the metal most affected by the solution is called the negative pole4 ,footnote #be3 ,so called1 though in reality the best magnets gradually lose force4 ,footnote #bf3 ,my occasional use of the word 'heat' where in scientific writing 'temperature' would be the word used1 has exposed me to peevish1 not to say petulant comments from ,professor ,p4,g4 ,tait1 who has denounced half the mathematical world for using the word 'force1' in the sense in which ,newton used it1 and has spoken of an eminent physicist as one deserving universal execration and opprobrium for not explaining1 when speaking of work done against gravity1 that terrestrial gravity was meant1 and not gravity on the sun1 or ,jupiter1 or ,mars1 or anywhere in the heavens above or in the earth beneath1 but only at the earth's surface4 ,where there is no risk of confusion1 the word 'heat' may be used either to signify temperature1 as when in ordinary speech and writing we talk of blood-heat1 fever-heat1 summer-heat1 and so forth4 ,science1 indeed1 very properly forbids the use of the word in any sense save one4 ,but outside the pages of scientific treatises1 there is no inaccuracy in using a word in a sense popularly attributed to it1 when no mistake can possibly arise4 ,no one can suppose1 when ,i speak of a heat of so many degrees ,fahrenheit or ,centigrade1 that ,i mean anything but such and such a degree of heat1 any more than if ,i spoke of the intense heat of that savant entt1 ,professor ,p4,g4 ,tait1 any one would imagine that ,i referred to his calorific condition4 ,footnote #bg3 ,the comments made by one of ,mr4 ,edison's assistants on this point are interesting and instructive4 ',mr4 ,batchelor1 the ,professor's assistant1 who here joined in the conversation1' proceeds the report of the ,herald1 'said1 ,many a time ,mr4 ,edison sat down almost on the point of giving up the telephone as a lost job2 but at the last moment1 he would see light4 ,of all things that we have discovered1 this is about the simplest1 continued ,mr4 ,edison1 and the public will say so when it is explained4 ,we have got it pretty well advanced now1 but there are some few improvements ,i have in my mind4 ,you see1 it has got to be so fixed that it cannot get out of order4 ,suppose when one light only is employed it got out of order once a year1 where two were used it would get out of order twice a year1 and where a thousand were used you can see there would be much trouble in looking after them4 ,therefore1 when the light leaves the laboratory1 ,i want it to be in such a shape that it cannot get out of order at all1 except of course by some accident4' ,,printed ,,by ,,spottiswoode ,,and ,,co4 ,,ltd41 ,,new-,,street ,,square ,,london ,trascribers ,note3 ,original spelling has been retained4