,,the ,,religious ,,thought ,,of ,,the ,,greeks ,,from ,,homer ,,to ,,the ,,triumph ,,of ,,christianity ,,by ,,clifford ,,herschel ,,moore ,,professor ,,of ,,latin ,,in ,,harvard ,,university ,illustration ,,cambridge ,,harvard ,,university ,,press ,,london3 ,,humphrey ,,milford ,,oxford ,,university ,,press #aiaf ,,copyright1 #aiaf ,,harvard ,,university ,,press ,first impression issued ,november1 #aiaf ,second impression issued ,december1 #aiaf ,,to ,,my ,,wife ,,preface ,in this book eight lectures given before the ,lowell ,institute in ,boston during the late autumn of #aiad are combined with material drawn from a course of lectures delivered the previous spring before the ,western ,colleges with which ,harvard ,university maintains an annual exchange--,beloit1 ,carleton1 ,colorado1 ,grinnell1 and ,knox4 ,the lecture form has been kept1 even at the cost of occasional repetition4 ,the purpose of these lectures is to present within a moderate compass an historical account of the progress of ,greek religious thought through something over a thousand years4 ,no attempt has been made to give a general treatment of ,greek religion1 or to deal with pre-,hellenic origins1 with religious antiquities1 or with mythology4 ,the discussions are confined rather to the ,greeks' ideas about the nature of the gods1 and to their concepts of the relations between gods and men and of men's obligations toward the divine4 ,the lectures therefore deal with the higher ranges of ,greek thought and at times have much to do with philosophy and theology4 ,yet ,i have felt free to interpret my subject liberally1 and1 so far as space allowed1 ,i have touched on whatever seemed to me most significant4 ,ethics has been included without hesitation1 for the ,greeks themselves1 certainly from the fifth century ,b4,c41 regarded morals as closely connected with religion4 ,a treatment of the oriental religions seemed desirable1 since the first two centuries and a half of our era cannot be understood if these religions are left out of account4 ,still more necessary was it to include ,christianity4 ,in my handling of this ,i have discussed the teachings of ,jesus and of ,paul with comparative fullness1 in order to set forth clearly the material which later under the influence of secular thought was transformed into a philosophic system4 ,origen and ,plotinus represent the culmination of ,greek religious philosophy4 ,such a book as this can be nothing more than a sketch2 in it the scholar will miss many topics which might well have been included4 ,of such omissions ,i am fully conscious2 but limitations of subject and of space forced me to select those themes which seemed most significant in the development of the religious ideas of the ancient world4 ,it is not possible for me to acknowledge all my obligations to others4 ,i wish1 however1 to express here my gratitude to ,professor ,c4 ,p4 ,parker1 who has shared his knowledge of ,plato with me2 to ,professor ,j4 ,h4 ,ropes1 who has helped me on many points in my last two lectures1 where ,i especially needed an expert's aid2 and to ,professor ,c4 ,n4 ,jackson1 who has read the entire book in manuscript and by his learning and judgment has made me his constant debtor4 ,the criticism which these friends have given me has been of the greatest assistance even when ,i could not accept their views2 and none of them is responsible for my statements4 ,the translations of ,aeschylus are by ,a4 ,s4 ,way1 ,macmillan1 #aijf-jh2 those of ,euripides are from the same skilled hand1 in the ,loeb ,classical ,library1 ,heinemann1 #aiab2 for ,sophocles ,i have drawn on the version by ,lewis ,campbell1 ,kegan ,paul1 ,trench and ,company1 #ahhc2 and for ,thucydides and ,plato ,i have used the classic renderings of ,jowett with slight modifications in one or two passages4 ,in an appendix will be found selected bibliographies for each lecture4 ,to these lists ,i have admitted1 with one or two exceptions1 only such books as ,i have found useful from actual experience2 and few articles in periodicals have been named4 ,,clifford ,,herschel ,,moore4 ,,cambridge1 ,,mass4 ,august #a1 #aiaf4 ,,contents ,,page ,i4 ,,homer ,,and ,,hesiod #c ,,ii4 ,,orphism1 ,,pythagoreanism1 ,,and ,,the ,,mysteries #dj ,,iii4 ,,religion ,,in ,,the ,,poets ,,of ,,the ,,sixth ,,and ,,fifth ,,centuries ,b4,c4 #gd ,,iv4 ,,the ,,fifth ,,century ,,at ,,athens #aji ,v4 ,,plato ,,and ,,aristotle #add ,,vi4 ,,later ,,religious ,,philosophies #ahc ,,vii4 ,,the ,,victory ,,of ,,greece ,,over ,,rome #bba ,,viii4 ,,oriental ,,religions ,,in ,,the ,,western ,,half ,,of ,,the ,,roman ,,empire #beg ,,ix4 ,,christianity #bif ,x4 ,,christianity ,,and ,,paganism #cbf ,,appendix ,i 7,,bibliographies7 #cfa ,,appendix ,,ii 7,,specimen ,,of ,,roman ,,calendar7 #cgj ,,index #cgc ,,the ,,religious ,,thought ,,of ,,the ,,greeks ,,the ,,religious ,,thought ,,of ,,the ,,greeks ,i ,,homer ,,and ,,hesiod 8,homer and ,hesiod created the generations of the gods for the ,greeks2 they gave the divinities their names1 assigned to them their prerogatives and functions1 and made their forms known40 ,so ,herodotus describes the service of these poets to the centuries which followed them4#a ,but the modern historian of ,greek religion cannot accept the statement of the father of history as wholly satisfactory2 he knows that the excavations of the last forty years have revealed to us civilizations of the third and second millenia before ,christ1 the ,minoan and ,mycenaean cultures1 of which the historical ,greeks were hardly conscious1 but which nevertheless made large contributions to religion in the period after ,homer4 ,yet at the most the ,mycenaean and ,minoan ,ages were for the ,greek of the sixth and fifth centuries only a kind of dim background for the remote history of his race4 ,the ,homeric poems represented for him the earliest stage of ,hellenic social life and religion4 ,we are justified1 then1 in taking the ,iliad and ,odyssey as starting points in our present considerations4 ,these matchless epics cast an ineffable spell over the imaginations of the ,greeks themselves and influenced religion hardly less than literature4 ,it is obvious that in this course of lectures we cannot consider together all the multitudinous phases of ,greek religion3 it will be impossible to discuss those large primitive elements in the practices and beliefs of the ancient ,greek folk which are so attractive to many students of religion today1 for these things were1 by and large1 only survivals from a ruder past and did not contribute to the religious progress from age to age2 nor can we rehearse the details of worship1 or review all the varieties of religious belief which we find in different places and in successive centuries2 still less can we concern ourselves with mythology4 ,alluring as these things are they do not concern our present purpose4 ,i shall invite you rather to trace with me the development of ,greek religious thought through something over a thousand years1 from the period of the ,homeric poems to the triumph of ,christianity4 ,in such a survey we must be occupied for the most part with the larger movements and the higher ranges of ,greek thought1 with the advance which was made from century to century2 and we shall try to see how each stage of religious development came to fruition in the next period4 ,to accomplish this purpose we must take into due account the social1 economic1 and political changes in the ,greek world which influenced the course of ,hellenic thinking4 ,ultimately1 if our study is successful1 we shall have discovered in some measure1 ,i trust1 what permanent contributions the ,greeks made to our own religious ideas4 ,with these things in mind1 therefore1 let us return to the ,homeric ,poems4 ,whatever the date at which the ,iliad and the ,odyssey received their final form1 the common view that they belong to a period somewhere between #hej and #gjj ,b4,c4 is substantially correct4 ,they represent the culmination of a long period of poetic development and picture so to speak on one canvas scenes and deeds from many centuries4 ,yet the composite life is wrought by poetic art into one splendid whole1 so that the ordinary reader1 in antiquity as today1 was unconscious of the variety and contradictions in the poems2 only the analytic mind of the scholar detects the traces of the varied materials which the epic poet made his own4 ,it is important that we should realize the fact that the ,homeric poems made the impression of a consistent unity upon the popular mind in antiquity1 for the influence of these epics through the recitations of rhapsodes at great public festivals and through their use in school was enormous4 ,the statement of ,herodotus1 with which ,i began1 was very largely true4 ,these poems were composed to be recited at the courts of princes in ,ionia for the entertainment of the nobles at the banquet or after the feast was over4 ,this purpose naturally influenced the poet in depicting life and religion1 for the incidents chosen1 the adventures recounted1 all the life represented1 of necessity had to be consonant with the interests and life of the bard's audience4 ,his lays were for the ears of men who had not yet lost the consciousness that they were in a new land1 who knew that they were living in stirring times1 and who feeling the spirit of adventure still fresh within them responded joyously to tales of heroic combat4 ,this fact explains in part why it is that we find so little that is primitive or savage in ,homer4 ,such elements were deliberately left out by the bard as unsuited to his audience2 he chose to neglect them1 not because of any antagonism toward them1 but because they did not agree with his artistic aim4 ,again1 the antiquity of the themes1 even at the time of composition1 made a freedom and picturesqueness of treatment possible1 which a narrative of contemporaneous events could never have possessed4 ,furthermore since the peoples of ,ionia1 on migrating from the mainland of ,greece1 had left behind their sacred places and had carried with them their gods1 severed from their ancient homes1 the epic poet could treat religion with a liberty and could exercise a freedom of selection among the divinities1 could use his poetic imagination to modify forms and to emphasize certain attributes1 as he never could have done if singing for a people long resident in an ancient home where their gods had been localized and fixed in character time out of mind4 ,a poet singing of ,hera in the ,argolid would have found himself bound by the traditions of the ,heraeum where the goddess had been domiciled from prehistoric time1 but the ,homeric bard in ,ionia was under no such limitation4 ,therefore we find that the ,iliad and ,odyssey present to us a picture of life and religion composed of selected elements and so universalized that it was understood everywhere and at all later times4 ,exactly as the ,homeric dialect1 probably never spoken in any place or period1 was universally comprehended1 so the contents of the poems seemed nothing strange or difficult to audiences in the remotest parts of the ,greek world2 in the ,greek colonies in ,sicily1 along the western shores of the ,mediterranean1 or on the borders of the ,black ,sea1 the epic tales were as easily understood as at ,delos1 ,olympia1 or ,athens4 ,yet we have no warrant for using the ,homeric poems as sources for the full history of ,greek religion in the ninth and eighth centuries ,b4,c4 ,we must remember that the epic bard was least of all composing systematic treatises about religion2 on the contrary he was narrating heroic tales1 such as the wrath of ,achilles1 the death of ,hector and the ransoming of his body1 and the return of ,odysseus2 he introduced the gods solely as mighty actors in the struggles and adventures of his mortal heroes4 ,the divinities who play their parts in the ,iliad1 for example1 were summoned1 like the ,achaean princes1 so to speak1 from many places to take part in the combat before ,troy1 and in the ,odyssey only those gods appear who are required by the story4 ,in short1 the poet used the gods and religion exactly as he used his other materials1 drawing from a great stock of beliefs and practices that which suited his tale1 disregarding all the rest1 and troubling little about consistency4 ,homer's aim1 like that of most poets1 was primarily artistic1 and least of all didactic4 ,furthermore every reader of the ,homeric epics is struck by the freshness of the treatment2 indeed1 scholars of an earlier day thought that the ,iliad and the ,odyssey were the first fruits of ,european poetic inspiration4 ,today we know that ,homer represents the culmination of a long fine of bards1 that his artistry was won by effort and was not simply the incredible inspiration of one untaught2 but this knowledge does not diminish in the slightest degree our appreciation of the freshness and directness of treatment which that art realized4 ,these qualities are obtained in part by a freedom from reflection1 by a lack of self-consciousness in the poems4 ,they do not deal with the origin of the gods1 they present no theogonies1 any more than they concern themselves with the descent of man4 ,it is true that ,zeus is the son of ,cronos1 as ,hera is the daughter of ,cronos and ,rhea1 and that it is said that ,zeus drove ,cronos beneath the earth and sea1 but we have no account of the rule of the elder gods or of the struggle by which ,zeus won his place4 ,for the epic poet the world of gods1 men1 and nature simply is2 he does not indulge in speculation himself nor does he make his heroes debate questions of whence or whither2 the living present with its actions1 its struggles1 victories1 and defeats filled the compass of the poet's thought and of his audience's desire4 ,the ,iliad and the ,odyssey then must not be considered as treatises or as reflective and philosophical works4 ,this elementary point must be emphasized here1 for there is always danger of losing the true perspective when we are considering a single theme4 ,the poems derive their great significance for the history of ,greek religion from the fact that through recitations they became the chief popular literature of ,greece1 and that from the sixth century they were the basis of education1 as ,i have already said4 ,thus they were universally known and universally influential2 they created a common ,olympic religion beside the local religions2 and through the individualities which they gave the gods they fixed the types which poets were to recall and which artists were to embody in marble or in wood1 ivory1 and gold at the centers of the ,greek world4 ,with these facts in mind we may ask what are the nature and characteristics of the gods in ,homer4 ,excavations have shown us that the ,mycenaean ,age had already passed beyond the ruder stages and had conceived some at least of its divinities in anthropomorphic fashion4 ,in ,homer the gods are frankly made in man's image4 ,they are beings larger1 wiser1 and stronger than mortals2 they have a superhuman but not complete control over nature and mankind4 ,their chief preminence over man lies in this superior power and in the possession of immortality as well as of that eternal youth and beauty which is appropriate to immortals4 ,in their veins flows a divine ichor instead of blood2 their food and drink are not the bread and wine which mortals need4 ,yet for all this they are hardly more independent of physical needs than men3 they must sleep and eat1 and they need the light of the sun4 ,the passions hold sway over them to such an extent that the morality of the gods1 of ,zeus in particular1 is distinctly inferior to that of mortal princes4 ,the divinities can suffer pain and indignities4 ,diomedes was able to wound both ,aphrodite and ,ares1 whereat the valiant god of war bawled out as loud1 the poet says1 8as nine or ten thousand men shout in battle10 and fled into the broad heaven to appeal to ,zeus4#b ,in the twenty-first book of the ,iliad ,athena hits ,ares in the neck with a large boundary stone and overthrows him1 adding insult to injury by laughing merrily at the god's discomfiture2 then when ,aphrodite would lead him off groaning1 ,athena hurries after and with a blow of her stout hand lays goddess and god prostrate on the ground4#c ,nor are the gods more just and honorable than men2 they are moved by caprice2 and their godhead does not prevent their quarreling or making up their differences in very human fashion1 as the domestic jar between ,zeus and ,hera in the first book of the ,iliad shows4#d ,furthermore the ,homeric gods are neither omniscient nor omnipotent4 8,the gods know all things0 is a pious tribute of the poet1 but the narrative shows it to be untrue4 ,in the thirteenth book of the ,iliad1 when ,zeus is gazing off into ,thrace he fails to notice that ,poseidon enters the battle on the plain immediately below him4#e ,in the fifth book of the ,odyssey the tables are turned in a sense1 for ,poseidon finds that during his absence among the ,ethiopians the ,olympians have taken action favorable to ,odysseus1 whose return the god of the sea would fain prevent4#f ,for nine years ,thetis and ,eurynome alone among the gods knew where ,hephaestus was concealed3 when he had been thrown from heaven by his mother in shame for his lameness1 they hid him in a grotto where the sound of the stream of ,oceanus drowned the noise of his smithy4#g ,apollo arrives too late to save ,rhesus from his fate2#h and we are told that in the previous generation ,ares was imprisoned by the giants ,otus and ,ephialtes in a bronze jar1 like an ,oriental jinn1 for thirteen months4 ,there he had perished if it had not been for the friendly aid of ,hermes who stole him from his prison4#i ,the gods at times thwart one another's purposes1 and1 as we have seen1 they may even be wounded or frightened like human beings4#aj ,in such ways as these do the ,homeric divinities show their limitations4 ,not only can the gods thwart one another1 but they are all at times subject to ,fate or ,destiny1 which1 although vaguely conceived by the poet1 is none the less inexorable4 ,it seems usually to be an impersonal power1 although sometimes it is identified with the will of an indefinite god 7 7 or with that of ,zeus himself 7 74 ,it was fated that ,sarpedon1 the son of ,zeus1 should die1 and ,zeus1 in spite of his grief1 yielded him up to his doom1 not because he could not have opposed ,fate successfully1 but because he feared that other divinities would wish to save their children if he saved his4#aa ,yet in the ,odyssey ,athena disguised as ,mentor declares to ,telemachus that not even the gods can save a man they love whenever the fatal doom of death lays hold on him4#ab ,so naturally inconsistent is the poet1 for in his day men had not reached the stage where they could form any adequate notion of unity in the world4 ,fate therefore is not conceived to be an inexorable power which is constantly operative1 as we find it represented at a later time among the ,greeks and among the ,romans1 notably in ,virgil4 ,at times we find a more or less fatalistic view of life1 ,fate being conceived as a destiny fixed at birth1 for the notion that the thread of life was spun already existed4 ,so ,hecuba1 wailing for her son1 cries that mighty ,fate spun ,hector's doom at the hour she gave him birth2#ac and ,alcinous declares that under ,phaeacian escort ,odysseus shall reach his home1 but that there he will suffer all that ,fate and the cruel spinsters spun for him when his mother bore him4#ad ,this fatalism is most clearly expressed in passages such as that where ,odysseus on ,circe's isle cheers his companions by reminding them that they shall not enter the house of ,hades until their fated day shall come1#ae and especially in those lines in which ,hector comforts his wife ,andromache who would have restrained his impetuous desire for battle3#af 8,my good wife1 grieve not overmuch for me in thy heart1 for no man shall send me to ,hades contrary to my fate2 and ,i say that none1 be he a coward or brave1 has ever escaped his doom1 when once it comes40 ,still the ,homeric bard had not arrived at any consistent view of destiny2 he gave utterance to that feeling which men had vaguely then as now1 that beyond all lies something fixed and invariable to which all things and beings are ultimately subject4 ,as we have seen1 the divinities may work at cross purposes2 there is nothing in the ,homeric poems like monotheism or pantheism in any true sense4 ,when the ,homeric man said that a thing happened 8with god's help10 he was simply recognizing the agency of the gods in everything4 ,not knowing the special divinity concerned1 he left him nameless2 least of all had he any concept of a complete divine polity4 ,there is1 therefore1 no such thing in the epics as a divine providence in the way of a definite purpose or plan such as we shall later find in the fifth century4 ,like mortals the ,homeric gods discuss their plans1 without being able to see the end from the beginning2 they are moved by caprice1 so that ,zeus changes sides twice on the second day of the great battle between the ,achaeans and ,trojans4#ag ,the vacillating and capricious character of the gods is not offset by the protection that a divinity may give a favorite1 such as ,athena gave to ,odysseus in his long wanderings and on his return to ,ithaca4 ,throughout both poems we find the assumption constantly held that every blessing comes from the gods1 that they give every distinction4 ,in like fashion men believed that all misfortunes were due to divine anger or hostility4 ,so ,odysseus was kept from home for nearly ten years by ,poseidon's hate2 the favor of ,athena toward the ,achaeans turned to wrath because of the violence done her shrine in the sack of ,troy so that she caused an evil return for her former favorites4 ,indeed in misfortune the ,homeric hero's first question was as to what god he had offended4 ,the problem of evil therefore was a simple one--all depended on the will or whim of some divinity4 ,but there are other things which we should note with regard to these divinities4 ,as has been said1 they are universalized1 not attached to definite localities2 in fact the epics contain few traces of that localization which was the rule in the common religion of ,greece4 ,although ,hera declares3#ah 8,verily three cities there are most dear to me1 ,argos and ,sparta and broad-streeted ,mycenae10 she is in no sense regarded as bound to these localities4 ,in ,demodocus' song of the love of ,ares and ,aphrodite it is said that when released from the bonds in which ,hephaestus had ensnared them1 the god of war fled to ,thrace and laughter-loving ,aphrodite to ,paphos in ,cyprus1#ai but these places are not their homes in any strict sense4 ,and so with the other gods4 ,the ,olympians are rather free1 universal divinities1 unhampered by local attachments4 ,olympus itself is in the upper heaven more than in ,thessaly4 ,it is of course true that lesser divinities1 like river-gods and mountain-nymphs1 are localized1 but these beings have little influence on the affairs of men4 ,let us now consider briefly the most important ,homeric gods4 ,at the head of the divine order stands ,zeus1 8father of gods and of men0 7 71 8most exalted of rulers0 7 71 8most glorious and most mighty0 7 71 as he is called4#bj ,to him the elements are subject and at his nod great ,olympus trembles4 ,he is the guardian of oaths1 the protector of the stranger and the suppliant4 ,famed for his prowess and might he never in person enters battle1 but indirectly he takes a hand in the strife between the ,greeks and the ,trojans4 ,although he surpasses all in wisdom and power1 at times he is outwitted by other divinities4 ,like a mortal chieftain he presides at council on ,olympus in his great hall1 whither he may on occasion summon the divinities of every class to attend a general assembly4#ba ,olympus indeed is conceived as loosely organized after the fashion of an aristocratic state with ,zeus as chief 771 the ,olympians as members of the council 771 and the whole body of minor divinities as making up the assembly 774 ,hera1 the queen of ,olympus1 is at once both sister and wife of ,zeus2 they are the only wedded pair on ,olympus4 ,she belongs1 however1 distinctly to the second class of ,olympians4 ,she takes no part in the ,odyssey2 and in the ,iliad1 although she favors the ,achaeans most vehemently1 she is less active than ,athena4 ,in character she is a good deal of a scold1 so that ,zeus fears her jealous anger4#bb ,he knows that she is accustomed to block his plans1 although on one occasion he had punished her by stringing her up by the wrists and tying anvils to her feet6 ,of this he indignantly reminds her3 8,dost thou not remember when ,i strung thee up aloft and from thy feet ,i hung two anvils1 and round thy wrists ,i bound a golden bond unbreakable8 ,and thou wast hung in the upper air and the clouds4 ,wroth were the gods throughout high ,olympus1 but still they could not approach and free thee40#bc ,again he had beaten her1 and when ,hephaestus tried to intervene1 ,zeus seized the meddler by the foot and threw him out of ,olympus4 ,hephaestus himself recalls the experience3 8,all the day long ,i fell and at setting of the sun ,i dropped in ,lemnos1 and there was little life left in me40#bd ,athena is above all the goddess of war1 and she plays a large part in both the ,iliad and ,odyssey4 ,in the latter poem she is the special guardian of ,odysseus1 whose ready mind wins her admiration4 ,she is also the most skilled of all divinities1 the patroness of every handicraft4#be ,she is perhaps the chief divinity of ,troy2 on the ,trojan citadel stands her temple to which the noble matrons bring a gift of a beautiful robe with the promise of generous sacrifice if the goddess will give them her protection against ,diomedes4#bf ,she also has a home on the acropolis at ,athens4#bg ,apollo1 the archer god1 is a patron of war and of bowmen4 ,in the ,iliad he is a violent enemy of the ,achaeans and gives most effective aid to the ,trojans2 but in the ,odyssey he plays no active part4 ,he also inspires seers and prophets2 and he is the god of the lyre and the teacher of bards4 ,in prayers he is named with ,zeus and ,athena when an object is most earnestly desired4#bh ,these three are the greatest of the ,homeric divinities1 although there is no close connection among them4 ,apollo's virgin sister1 ,artemis1 plays a part much inferior to that of her brother1 but in many ways she is similar to him4 ,her arrows bring a quick and peaceful end to women as ,apollo's do to men4 ,in the chase she is preminent3 she is the fair goddess of wood and mountain4 ,ares and ,aphrodite also belong to a lower rank4 ,in function they are limited to an appeal to a single passion each1 ,ares to rage for slaughter1 ,aphrodite to the passion of love4 ,they are both treated with a certain contempt and are mocked by the other gods4 ,hephaestus is the god of fire1 the lame craftsman of ,olympus4 ,it was he who built the homes of the gods2 but his skill was especially shown in the wondrous works he wrought in gold and silver4 ,such were the mixing-bowl which ,phaedimus1 the ,sidonian king1 gave to ,menelaus2#bi wonderful automata1 twenty golden tripods1 which on occasion would go of their own accord to the assemblage of the gods and then return2#cj or the gold and silver dogs which guarded the palace of ,alcinous4#ca ,still more marvellous were the golden maidens endowed with reason1 speech1 and cunning knowledge1 which supported their maker as he limped from his forge to his chair2#cb and above all the splendid armor wrought for ,achilles4#cc ,poseidon1 the brother of ,zeus1 has as his special province the sea2 but he appears on ,olympus at the councils of the gods4 ,in the ,iliad he supports the ,achaeans vigorously2 no doubt from anger at the ,trojans whose king ,laomedon had once cheated him of the pay which was his due for building the walls of ,troy2#cd in the ,odyssey1 angry at the blinding of his son1 ,polyphemus1 he holds ,odysseus far from ,ithaca1 until at last the ,phaeacians bring him home4 ,then in wrath he turns their vessel into stone4#ce ,such in brief are the eight great gods of the ,homeric poems4 ,of these ,zeus is easily the first1 but in the first rank also are ,athena and ,apollo2 ,hera and ,poseidon hold a second place2 and ,hephaestus1 ,ares1 and ,aphrodite belong to the third class4 ,many other divinities there are1 but all of lesser rank1 like ,hermes whose duties are those of a higher servant or messenger4 ,he is sent to escort ,king ,priam to the tent of ,achilles to ransom ,hector's body1#cf and he is despatched to ,calypso's isle to bid her let ,odysseus go4#cg ,there are some indications that he is already the patron of thieves1 as he is of servants4 ,dionysus and ,demeter1 so prominent in later ,greece1 have not yet won a place in the ,olympic circle4 ,there is no hint in the epics of the mysteries and the orgiastic cults which were afterwards of great significance4 ,hades1 the brother of ,zeus and ,poseidon1 holds as his realm the dark abode of the dead1 where he reigns with ,persephone as queen4 ,his murky kingdom is now represented as beneath the earth1 again as far out on the bounds of ,oceanus4 ,but ,hades takes no active part in either poem4 ,besides these there is a host of divinities1 some named but most unnamed1 who cause all the phenomena of the visible world4 ,in fact1 the ,homeric man could not conceive of a natural world obeying laws whose operation was fixed2 on the contrary1 he could only think of animated beings as the causes of all events4 ,for him every occurrence was the manifestation of the will of some divinity2 the natural and the miraculous were one4 ,it is evident from this hasty review of the ,homeric gods that we have in the epics no complete and fully organized pantheon4 ,zeus is regarded as supreme but he is thwarted and outwitted by lesser members of the ,olympic circle1 even as they block one another4 ,in fact ,homer's view of the gods abounds in contradictions of which however only the scholar and the critic have ever been very conscious4 ,from our modern standpoint we notice the moral inconsistencies above all4 ,although ,zeus is the guardian of justice1 he is deceitful and treacherous if occasion arises1 as when at the request of ,thetis he sends a delusive dream to ,agamemnon to urge him to give battle1 in spite of the fact that he cannot be successful4#ch ,it is ,zeus also who is responsible for the faithless breaking of the truce between the ,achaeans and ,trojans#ci2 and many other instances might be cited to illustrate his utter untrustworthiness4 ,on his lack of domestic morality ,i need hardly dwell4 ,yet we must remind ourselves that to the ,homeric ,age there was little connection1 if any1 between morals and religion4 ,religion is concerned with man's relation to the gods1 morality with his relation to his fellow men4 ,morality is therefore developed through the social relations first of all1 and only later is brought into relation to religion4 ,in ,homer the sense of social obligations is much more keenly realized than is that of religious sanctions4 ,the cardinal virtues are bravery1 wisdom1 love of home and family1 and regard for hospitality4 ,in a life of action1 filled with war1 bravery is of prime importance2 by it wealth1 power1 and honor are won4 ,proper to such a life are practical wisdom and even cunning4 ,the highest praise is to be called 8first in council and first in battle40#dj ,agamemnon is lauded by ,helen as 8both a good king and a mighty warrior40#da ,the standing epithets of ,odysseus1 8very crafty0 77 and 8the man of many devices0 771 show the qualities which were deemed praiseworthy4 ,yet ,odysseus had won this distinction by his skill in lying and deceiving--practices still deemed highly laudable in our own world if employed against a foe1 or sometimes even when used as acts of caution4 ,yet if our modern views do not wholly coincide with the ancient on these points1 we can feel only admiration for the regard for home and family1 the unselfish generosity1 and the universal hospitality toward strangers which the epic heroes display4 ,the poems also set a high value on personal honor4 ,the outrage done ,menelaus by ,paris1 who violated the most sacred laws of hospitality by carrying away his host's wife1 was the whole cause of the ,trojan ,war4 ,to avenge this outrage all the princes of the ,achaeans rallied as if the wrong suffered had been their own4 ,agamemnon's high-handed act in taking the captive ,briseis from ,achilles roused that wrath which is the first word of the ,iliad4 ,the ,odyssey is the epic of a personal will which1 triumphing over all disasters1 finally wreaked a terrible vengeance on the insolent suitors who had wooed ,odysseus' wife1 devoured his substance1 plotted against his son1 and at the end shamefully insulted ,odysseus himself4 ,the punishment of the suitors is the victory of justice over lawlessness1 and possesses a moral significance which was not lost on antiquity4 ,in what ,i have just been saying ,i have already implied that man's relation to the gods was not ethical but ritualistic4 ,we must remember that when we speak of 8sin0 or a 8consciousness of guilt10 we are presupposing a self-conscious and self-searching individual4 ,this the ,homeric man was not2 on the contrary he was in the highest degree natural1 unreflective1 and unconscious of self4 ,in fact the ,homeric concept of sin touches our moral ideas at hardly more than three points4 ,disregard for an oath1 failure to honor one's father and mother1 and disrespect for the stranger and suppliant were high offenses against heaven and brought down divine wrath on the transgressor4 ,but in general sin is failure to recognize man's absolute dependence on the immortals1 to give them due honor1 to pay them proper sacrifice1 and to walk humbly on the earth4 ,sacrifice is tribute whereby man acquires merit with divinity2 of such meritorious credit the priest ,chryses reminds ,apollo in his prayer at the beginning of the ,iliad3#db 8,hear me1 ,lord of the silver bow1 444 if ever ,i have roofed over a temple pleasing to thee1 or if ever ,i have burnt in thy honor fat thighs of bulls or of goats1 then accomplish this my prayer40 ,agamemnon in the stress of battle reproaches ,zeus for bringing his present disaster upon him in spite of the fact that he made sacrifice on every altar as he hurried to ,ilion2#dc and many other illustrations might be cited4 ,failure to make due offering might bring serious disaster4 ,menelaus1 on his way home from ,troy1 omitted sacrifice before leaving ,egypt2 so he was forced to return from the island of ,pharos and repair his failure1 after which he accomplished his voyage easily4#dd ,when ,oeneus neglected ,artemis1 she sent the ,calydonian boar to afflict his land3 8,artemis of the golden throne sent a plague upon them1 angry that ,oeneus did not offer her the first fruits of his rich land4 ,all the other gods had their feast of hecatombs1 and only to the daughter of mighty ,zeus did he fail to make offering1 whether he forgot or had no thought of the matter4 ,but he showed great folly in his soul40#de ,again the plague sent by ,apollo on the ,achaean host before ,troy suggests to ,achilles that the god may be angered at a failure to perform some vow or to offer a hecatomb4#df ,it is little wonder that the enlightened ,plato felt horror and disgust at such notions as these and that he condemned this kind of worship as an 8art of trafficking0 7 74#dg ,still this ,homeric idea of the relations between men and gods--an idea which has not wholly disappeared from the world today--rests on the notion that gods and men belong to one common society in which the obligations are binding on both sides4 ,especially to be avoided was insolent pride2 man must not boast himself overmuch2 there were fixed bounds set for him which he might not transgress4 ,so ,ajax met his fate because of his insolent defiance3 8,even so he had escaped his doom1 hateful though he was to ,athena1 if he had not let fall an insolent speech and committed great folly4 ,he said that in spite of the gods he had escaped the great gulf of the sea2 but ,poseidon heard his loud boasting4 ,straightway then he took his trident in his mighty hands and struck the ,gyraean rock and cleft it in twain4 ,part remained in its place1 but a portion fell in the deep1 that part on which ,ajax first sat and uttered his great folly2 but it now bore him down beneath the vast billowy sea40#dh ,but ,achilles showed the approved attitude of mind when he thus addressed the dead ,hector3 8,lie now dead2 but my doom ,i will accept whenever it please ,zeus and the other immortal gods to send it40#di ,this fear of punishment from heaven1 of that which ,aeschylus and ,herodotus call 8the envy of the gods10 long operated to keep in check excess of speech and added no doubt to the comfort of ,greek society4 ,of magic whereby man can compel the gods there is nothing in ,homer2 the inferiority of mortals to the immortals is complete4 ,we may now properly consider the ,homeric view of life after death4 ,the epic psychology made no sharp distinction between the soul and the body2 on the whole the body was identified with the self rather than the soul 771 which goes to the realm of ,hades when the man is dead4 ,there in the world of shadows beneath the earth or far out by the stream of ,oceanus the shades1 pale images of the men who were1 exist2 they do not live4 ,the pathetic plaints of the shades that come up to ,odysseus in the eleventh book of the ,odyssey show how hopeless is their lot4 ,though ,orion pursue the wild beasts over the cheerless plains of asphodel and ,minos hold his golden staff and sit in judgment over the dead1 yet all is insubstantial and far less than life4 ,the often quoted words of ,achilles' shade sum up the whole matter3 8,speak not to me of death1 glorious ,odysseus4 ,for so ,i might be on earth1 ,i would rather be the servant of another1 of a poor man who had little substance1 than to be lord over all the dead40#ej ,there is no system of future punishment or rewards1 although a few individuals have won supreme suffering like ,tityus1 ,sisyphus1 and ,tantalus or gained high station like ,minos1 the judge4 ,therefore beyond the grave there was for the ,homeric man no hope1 no satisfaction4 ,only here under the light of the sun and in the glory of action could the epic hero find his joy4 ,this is1 in no small measure1 the cause of that pathos which strikes us occasionally in the poems4 ,man is spoken of as the most pitiful of creatures1 the feeblest of all beings which the earth nourishes4 ,evil and suffering sent by the gods are his lot1 unrelieved by any prospect of the future4#ea ,let us now summarize briefly the matter we have thus far been considering together4 ,as ,i said at the beginning of this lecture1 religion in the ,homeric poems shows the influence of the conditions under which the poems were composed4 ,intended for ,ionian princes of ,asia ,minor1 emigrants who had lost the support which local attachment always gives1 the ,iliad and ,odyssey present those traits of religion which were everywhere understood and which made a universal appeal4 ,therefore the ,homeric gods have a synthetic character2 they are1 as has been aptly said1 8composite photographs0 of local ,zeus's1 ,apollos1 ,athenas1 and so on4 ,again since the epics were intended for entertainment1 the gods are represented not as remote1 but human and real2 they have characters and personalities which local divinities did not possess4 ,in picturing them as more human1 in rehearsing their quarrels1 intrigues1 passions1 and even physical peculiarities1 the poet not only amused his carefree audience1 but brought the gods closer to men2 he made them more comfortable creatures to live with1 even if they were moved by whims and fancies4 ,their worship was sacrifice associated with the banquet which men and gods shared in common fellowship2 the gods were thought to wish man's offerings and service just as man desired communion with them4 ,malevolent divinities1 daemons of the earth1 rites of riddance by which man seeks to avert the wrath of some spiteful or angry being1 all the great mass of practices unquestionably common to the folk-religion of the age1 were for the most part omitted by the poet as unsuited or uninteresting to his aristocratic audience4 ,there is almost nothing bearing on the cult of the dead save possibly in connection with the funeral of ,patroclus2 incantation proper is mentioned only once2 and ,circe's potent herbs by which she transformed ,odysseus's companions into beasts1 like ,circe herself1 belong to fairyland4 ,the ,homeric religion1 therefore1 is largely a social religion of this world1 of sunlight and of action4 ,yet if ,homer's gods are human1 they are still impressive2 they have the dignity which comes from unchanging age and superhuman power2 they are conceived in the grand way4 ,so true was this that as the ,homeric poems became popular literature1 studied in school and known to all men1 they created a universal religion4 ,they also influenced the types under which the ,greek artists represented their great gods4 ,tradition says that when ,phidias was asked by his associate ,panaenus what type he had selected for his ,zeus at ,olympia1 he replied with ,homer's lines3 8,the son of ,cronos spoke and nodded under his dark brows2 and the ambrosial locks of the king fell down from his immortal head1 and he shook great ,olympus40#eb ,such was the effect of this statue after it had stood for five centuries and a half that the orator ,dio ,chrysostom said of it3 8,whoever among mankind is wholly weary in soul1 whoever has experienced many misfortunes and sorrows in life1 and may not find sweet sleep1 he1 methinks1 if he stood before this statue1 would forget all the calamities and griefs that come in the life of man40#ec ,we must1 however1 recognize that the spiritual contribution of the ,homeric poems to later ,greece was inevitably less than the artistic4 ,no inspired bard was needed to teach the lessons of man's inferiority to the gods and of his dependence on them1 although these are constantly emphasized2 yet the epics also inculcate the necessity of moderation in act and speech2 and they teach that ,zeus is the guardian of oaths and of hospitality4 ,furthermore they express the half-realized belief that ,zeus is the protector of all justice2 and they bring home the fact that the individual must pay for his sin1 however he may have been led into it4 ,but the greatest contribution which the poems made to later religious thought was paradoxically due to the fact that they made their gods so thoroughly human1 for it inevitably followed in due season that the gods were measured by the same standards of right and wrong that were applied to men4 ,this eventually ennobled man's concept of divinity1 so that he required of the gods a perfection to match their immortal nature4 ,herodotus names ,homer and ,hesiod together as the great theological teachers of ,greece4 ,but when we compare the later poet with the earlier we find a marked contrast between them4 ,homer looks backward to an earlier day2 his poems reflect the glory of that splendid age when the ,achaean princes1 like ,agamemnon in golden ,mycenae1 ruled at home in power1 or on the plains of ,troy contended with divine and human foes4 ,homer is aristocratic1 universal1 objective1 with little self-consciousness1 hardly concerned with the origins of gods and men or with the possible goals toward which the world was moving4 ,hesiod was the son of a farmer1 who according to tradition had come from ,cyme in ,asia ,minor to ,boeotian ,ascra which lay on a spur of the range of ,helicon near a shrine of the ,muses4 ,when ,hesiod wrote1 the land had felt the exhaustion of war1 the coming of ruder tribes from the north and west had swamped the earlier civilization1 and both noble and peasant were finding life harder4 ,these conditions are reflected in the ,hesiodic poetry3 it deals with fact rather than fancy2 for the splendid dramatic deeds of men and gods it substitutes homely adage1 reasoned reflection1 and moral tale4 ,hesiod is self-conscious and reflective4 ,he uses the first person1 whereas ,homer never names himself4 ,a dour son of the soil1 born in gloomy days1 he is the first writer of ,europe to speak for the common man4 ,the two chief poems which bear the name of ,hesiod are the ,theogony and the ,works and ,days4 ,the former deals with the origin of the world and the generations of the gods4 ,it is an attempt to bring order into current myths by sifting and arranging them into a system4 ,the material ,hesiod found ready to his hand2 his task was to systematize and set it forth to his audience4 ,the ,theogony is the first extant work of ,european literature to present the idea that dynasties of the gods have succeeded each other in time1 the rule of ,uranus giving way to the sway of ,cronos1 who in his turn was displaced by ,zeus4 ,we have seen that ,homer did not concern himself about such matters as these2 that only vague references to such ideas are found in the ,iliad and ,odyssey4 ,hesiod1 however1 represents another age and another aspect of the ,greek mind1 a desire to bring harmony into the varied and inconsistent tales of current mythology and thus in a way to render the gods intelligible to men4 ,the gods of the ,theogony are hardly moral beings2 on the contrary much of the theology there presented is far ruder than that of the ,iliad and ,odyssey4 ,some of the tales are on the level of primitive mythology1 such as the account of the way in which earth and heaven were separated and of the manner in which the earth was fertilized2 others retain more offensive elements like that of ,cronos devouring his children1 or of ,zeus swallowing his wife ,metis when she was about to give birth to ,athena1 for it was fated that her child should be the equal of its father in wit and cunning4 ,in general the poet gives no sign of being conscious that this work might have moral or religious significance4 ,the word justice 771 which is so frequent in the ,works and ,days1 occurs but twice in the ,theogony4 ,the wives of ,zeus are in succession ,wisdom 77 and ,right 771 but his constant attendants are ,violence 77 and ,force 774 ,in neither case1 however1 is any moral conclusion drawn therefrom4 ,the only beings to whom moral functions are assigned are the ,fates1 8,goddesses who visit transgressions of men and gods and never cease from their fearful wrath until they have inflicted dire punishment on the sinner40#ed ,save for this passage and one in which the punishment of the gods for perjury is described1 the ,theogony is less ethical than even the ,iliad and ,odyssey1 for they have regard for certain social sanctions4 ,the work is nevertheless significant and requires notice here because it bears witness to the critical mind that set the myths in order1 and because it shows that the age of ,hesiod was a reflective one4 ,hesiod's other poem1 the ,works and ,days1 is of high moral import4 ,it owes its title to the fact that it gives directions for various kinds of occupations and that it also contains a kind of peasant's calendar4 ,by bribing his judges the poet's brother ,perses had deprived the poet of the inheritance which was properly his4 ,to this unjust brother ,hesiod addresses his poem1 but he rises constantly from the particular case to general moral considerations2 indeed the poet's ethical lessons gain in force because they start with a personal application4 ,work1 justice1 right social relations1 and piety toward the gods are the cardinal themes of the ,works and ,days4 ,at the very opening of the poem ,hesiod points out that there are two kinds of ,strife or ,rivalry on earth1 the one good and praiseworthy1 the other evil4 ,evil strife leads to war and to discord1 but the good1 implanted by ,zeus in the very order of things1 ever urges men on to work4 ,hesiod delights in emphasizing the value of toil2 he has given enduring expression to the natural dignity of labor in the verse1 ' 1 ' 4 ,work is no disgrace1 but laziness is a disgrace4#ee ,by constant toil alone1 he says1 can the many misfortunes of life be relieved2 by it riches and honor are won2 and the worker is beloved by the gods4 ,the lazy man on the contrary has hunger for his portion and is detested by gods and men3 8,gods and mortals are alike indignant with the man who lives without toiling2 he is like in energy to the stingless drones1 for they without toiling waste and devour the product of the honey-bees' work4 ,but do thou 7,perses71 love all seemly toil that thy barns may be filled with food in the proper seasons40#ef ,for the poor man the poet1 and apparently his contemporaries1 had little compassion1 since he regards poverty as proof of a lack of industry1 of a failure to work unceasingly with a determined spirit1 which he holds to be the only way in which man can acquire the comforts which give dignity to life4 ,in his mind shame is the natural lot of the poor1 but self-respect the proper possession of the successful worker4 ,and toil has for him a divine sanction2 it is a moral duty imposed on men by the gods4 ,by it alone men attain not only material prosperity but virtue as well4 8,i perceive the good and will tell it thee1 ,perses1 very foolish though thou art4 ,wickedness men attain easily and in great numbers1 for level is the road to her and she dwells very near2 but before ,virtue the immortal gods have set the sweat of toil4 ,long and steep is the path to her and rough at the outset2 but when one has reached the summit1 thereafter it is easy1 hard though it was before40#eg ,smarting under the injustice done him by his unjust brother and the venal judges1 ,hesiod naturally praised justice 77 in his work4 ,he repeats the word again and again4 ,in the name of outraged universal justice he protests against the particular wrong he has suffered1 but in his handling of this theme he passes far beyond the matter between him and his brother1 and treats justice in a universal and impressive manner4 ,he thus exhorts ,perses3 8,perses1 harken to justice1 and make not insolence prosper4 ,for insolence is baneful even to the humble2 nor can the noble easily bear the burden of it1 but he sinketh beneath its weight1 meeting doom4 ,yet the road that leadeth in the opposite direction1 toward justice1 is better to travel4 ,justice prevaileth over insolence in the end2 even the fool knoweth from experience40#eh ,he presses home the truth that wrong harms the doer no less than him who suffers the wrong3 8,the man who worketh evil to another1 worketh evil to himself1 and evil counsel is most evil for him who counselled it40#ei ,again he teaches that even if retribution is slow in coming1 ,zeus accomplishes it in the end3 8,finally ,zeus imposes due requital for the wicked man's unjust deeds40#fj ,on the other hand ,hesiod in a famous passage pictures with satisfaction the prosperity of the just3 8,but for those who render straight judgments to both strangers and citizens and never depart from justice1 their city flourishes and their people prosper in it4 ,peace1 which nurtures youth1 dwells in the land and never does far-seeing ,zeus bring fearful war upon the inhabitants4 ,never does famine or woe attend men who do justice1 but in good cheer do they perform their due tasks4 ,for them the earth yields abundant food1 the oak on the mountains bears them acorns in its topmost branches1 and its trunk is the honey-bees' home2 fleecy sheep are heavy with wool1 wives bear children who are like their parents4 ,the just flourish in prosperity continually2 nor do they go away on ships1 for the fruitful earth gives them its product40#fa ,the last sentence shows that trading in ships was less highly regarded than agriculture4 ,the reason is to be found not alone in the comparatively undeveloped state of commerce1 but also in the very nature of such commerce as the poet saw it1 for he admits commerce into his plan rather unwillingly4 ,he knows that the sea is treacherous and often wrecks ships and causes ruin2 he holds that only men's inordinate desires and folly tempt them to venture across the waters and to stake all on the chances of loss and death4 ,more than this1 he feels a moral defect in transmarine trading1 even when profitable1 for one may gain wealth by a single venture4 ,such is not his ideal2 rather he would see material prosperity won by the long toil and frugality which make agriculture successful4 ,but to return to justice4 ,hesiod1 as we have already seen1 makes this the whole basis of man's relation to his fellows2 on just actions and labor depends all prosperity2 injustice injures the doer no less than the object of the wrong1 and in the end is sure of punishment4 ,indeed according to the poet justice is what distinguishes man from the lower animals3 8,perses1 put these words now in thy heart1 and harken to justice1 but forget violence utterly4 ,for this the son of ,cronos has established as a rule for men4 ,fishes and wild beasts and winged birds he ordained should devour one another1 since there is no justice among them2 but to man he has given justice1 which is by far the best40#fb ,the theme of justice in human relations is developed into injunctions to be kind to the stranger1 the suppliant1 and the orphan1 to respect parents1 to regard another's bed1 and to give hospitality to one's friends4 ,yet it must be said that ,hesiod's social morality is strictly utilitarian1 not altruistic2 indeed there is something in his poem which reminds us of the maxim 8,an eye for an eye1 and a tooth for a tooth10 as when he writes3 8,if thy friend is the first to do thee an unkindness either in word or deed1 remember to return him twofold2 but if he would bring thee again into friendship and consent to render thee justice1 accept it40#fc ,but we must remember that this was the almost universal teaching among the ,greeks down to the end of the fifth century4 ,justice1 however1 is more than a social virtue between men2 it is the chief attribute of ,zeus1 personified as his daughter and constant attendant3 8,justice is the daughter of ,zeus1 glorified and honored by the gods who hold ,olympus2 and whenever anyone does her wrong with perverse blame1 straightway she sits by ,zeus1 son of ,cronos1 and she tells him the thoughts of unjust men1 that the people may pay for the folly of the princes who by their wrongful purposes and crooked speeches turn judgments from the right course40#fd ,in his work of defending justice ,zeus is aided not only by his daughter1 but by a host of watchful guardians1 intermediaries who report mortals' deeds3 8,thrice ten thousand are the immortal servants of ,zeus upon the rich earth1 who watch mortal men4 ,clad in mist they fare to and fro on the earth watching deeds of justice and wrongful acts40#fe ,justice then never fails to bring sooner or later the due return to right and wrong actions2 from her and the watchful messengers of ,zeus there is no escape4 ,the ,homeric man had recognized that righteousness is better than evil and that the wicked are constantly threatened by punishment2 but ,hesiod in his ,works and ,days goes somewhat further than ,homer1 in that he makes justice a necessary attribute of the gods as well as of men4 ,man's dependence on the gods is naturally recognized in ,hesiod as elsewhere by the obligations of sacrifice1 libation1 and prayer1 for these are universal modes of religious expression4 ,the poet betrays the unimaginative character of a peasant by the baldness with which he says that material prosperity is the whole purpose of religious observance as well as of justice3 8,according to thy ability offer sacrifice to the immortal gods with thy person pure and undefiled1 and burn the goodly thigh-pieces2 again propitiate them with libations and with sacrifices1 both when thou liest down and when the sacred light comes1 that they may have a heart and mind kindly disposed toward thee2 that thus thou mayest buy the land of others and not another thine40#ff ,yet we must remember that this huckster's mind1 as ,plato might have called it1 was common enough in ,greece1 that it was the ordinary attitude of the official ,roman religion throughout ,rome's history1 and that it has not disappeared from men's thought today4 ,in the ,iliad and ,odyssey evil1 like the good1 comes from the gods4 ,the simple fact is unquestionably recognized4 ,but ,hesiod searches more deeply for the origin of evil which he pessimistically regards as omnipresent4 ,the story of ,prometheus and ,pandora contains in part the poet's answer to this eternal riddle4 ,the myth was already ancient and familiar to all4 ,once men lived without effort and free from evils1 but when led by crafty ,prometheus they had endeavored to cheat ,zeus of the better part of the sacrificed bullock1 the god withheld fire from them4 ,yet the cunning ,titan stole a spark of this divine fire and delivered it to mortals4 ,this ,zeus allowed men to keep2 by its aid they created all industries1 but only at the cost of constant toil and struggle4 ,prometheus he punished harshly4 ,to work his vengeance on mortals he caused ,hephaestus to create a woman on whom the gods bestowed all gifts so that she was named ,pandora4 ,she opened a jar containing every kind of evil1 which straightway flew out among mankind4 ,only remained therein--a word hardly equivalent to our ,hope1 but rather meaning 8anticipation of misfortune40 ,it then is the only plague to which man is not subjected4#fg ,he is obliged to suffer1 having been involved in the original sin of ,prometheus1 who wished to cheat ,zeus of the sacrifice due him4 ,such is the sacred tale offered as an explanation of the presence of evils on earth4 ,to us it seems childish1 and indeed it did not completely satisfy ,hesiod4 ,a second explanation of a very different sort was given1 one which was in reality a profound attempt to trace man's origin as well as to explain his actual condition4#fh ,this is the story of the five ages of man1 beginning with the age of gold in which gods and men dwelt together4 ,then mortals lived like the gods with hearts untroubled1 far from toil and suffering1 and the earth yielded them of its own accord abundant food4 ,over them ,cronos reigned4 ,but the men of this ,utopian age died in painless sleep2 and the silver age under ,zeus followed4 ,compared with the former it was an age of degeneracy in which men showed insolence toward one another and failed to sacrifice to the gods4 ,zeus in his anger destroyed these mortals4 ,the three remaining ages--the bronze1 the heroic1 and the iron1 show both decay and advance4 ,the men of the bronze age were fierce1 wild creatures1 unapproachable in their savagery4 ,to these succeeded a better and juster race1 that of the heroes1 who however met their fate in war beneath seven-gated ,thebes or at ,troy for fair-haired ,helen's sake4 ,and now they dwell care-free in the ,islands of the ,blest4 ,finally ,hesiod pictures his own age1 that of iron4 ,now no longer do men spend their effort in war and battle1 but they have come to a selfish individualism1 8when father and children will not agree together1 nor guest with host1 nor friend with friend1 nor brother longer be dear as aforetime40#fi ,but this unlimited egoism1 which ,hesiod pictures1 presupposes an intellectual evolution beyond the stage where men fought in masses as in the heroic time4 ,thus faithfully and relentlessly he describes his own day4 ,yet the poet is not without confidence that there are good as well as evil elements in the age of iron2 but on the whole he is despondent and exclaims3 8,would that ,i were not living in the fifth age of men1 but that ,i had either died before them or been born later40#gj ,thus ,hesiod takes ancient myths and by his genius makes them epitomize the stages of man's evolution downward morally1 but forward intellectually4 ,the faint hope expressed at the end of the exclamation just quoted shows that the poet saw the possibility of a better age to come1 and therein he showed himself a prophet4 ,he apparently did not regard the present age of iron as eternal1 but perhaps1 in accordance with the cyclical theory of the world1 thought that the ages might revolve and the ,golden ,age return again4 ,furthermore1 although he regards man's course as largely one of degeneration1 he sees that it has also been one in which intellectual progress has been made and law developed4 ,when we come to the question of life beyond the grave we must acknowledge that herein ,hesiod shows no advance over ,homer4 ,for ordinary mortals oblivion in the dank halls of ,hades seems to be the relentless doom4 ,only a few1 the heroes of that earlier age are allowed by divine favor to dwell with hearts free from trouble in the ,islands of the ,blest4 ,yet if we consider the ,hesiodic poetry as a whole it does bear witness to a great change from the world of ,homer4 ,it shows clearly that by the seventh century ,b4,c4 man was coming to self-consciousness1 that he was endeavoring by reflection to solve some of the deepest problems of life1 and that he had already developed a moral code that demanded righteousness in the individual4 ,hesiod depicts for us a more thoughtful and a more reflective time than that shown us by ,homer4 ,how significant this change was ,i shall try to show in my next lecture4 ,,footnotes3 #a ,herod4 #b1 #ec4 #b ,il4 #e1 #cce ff42 #hee ff4 #c ,il4 #ba1 #djj-dbf4 #d ,il4 #a1 #eca-egj4 #e ,il4 #ac1 #a ff4 #f ,od4 #e1 #a-bih4 #g ,il4 #ah1 #cid-dje4 #h ,il4 #aj1 #eae ff4 #i ,il4 #e1 #che-cia4 #aj ,cf4 ,il4 #bc1 #chb ff42 ,il4 #e1 #cce2 #hee ff4 #aa ,il4 #af1 #dcc ff4 #ab ,od4 #c1 #bcf ff4 #ac ,il4 #bd1 #bji ff4 #ad ,od4 #g1 #aif ff4 #ae ,od4 #aj1 #agd ff4 #af ,il4 #f1 #dhf ff4 #ag ,il4 #h4 #ah ,il4 #d1 #ea f4 #ai ,od4 #h1 #cfj-cff4 #bj ,il4 #a1 #edd2 ,od4 #a1 #de2 ,il4 #c1 #bgf4 #ba ,il4 #bj1 #a ff4 #bb ,il4 #a1 #eag ff4 #bc ,il4 #ae1 #ah-bb4 #bd ,il4 ,i1 #eib ff4 #be ,od4 #ac1 #bif-bii2 #cca ff4 #bf ,il4 #f1 #big-caj4 #bg ,il4 #b1 #edi2 ,od4 #g1 #ha4 #bh ,il4 #b1 #cga and often4 #bi ,od4 #d1 #fae ff42 #ae1 #aae ff4 #cj ,il4 #ah1 #cfi ff4 #ca ,od4 #g1 #ia ff4 #cb ,il4 #ah1 #dag ff4 #cc ,il4 #ah1 #dgh ff4 #cd ,il4 #ba1 #ddb ff4 #ce ,od4 #ac1 #afb ff4 #cf ,il4 #bd1 #ccd ff4 #cg ,od4 #e1 #bh ff4 #ch ,il4 #b1 #e ff4 #ci ,il4 #d1 #a ff4 #dj ,il4 #a1 #beh2 cf4 #b1 #bjb1 #bgc4 #da ,il4 #c1 #agi4 #db ,il4 #a1 #cg-da4 #dc ,il4 #h1 #bcf ff4 #dd ,od4 #d1 #cea ff4 #de ,il4 #i1 #ecc ff4 #df ,il4 #a1 #fe4 #dg ,euth4 #ad ,e2 ,alc4 #aa1 #adi ,d ff4 #dh ,od4 #d1 #ejb ff4 #di ,il4 #bb1 #cfe f4 #ej ,od4 #aa1 #dhh ff4 #ea ,il4 #ag1 #ddf f42 #bd1 #ebe f4 #eb ,il4 #a1 #ebh ff4 #ec ,or4 #ab1 #ea4 #ed ,th4 #bbj ff4 #ee ,w4 and ,d4 #caa4 #ef ,ibid4 #cjc ff4 #eg ,w4 and ,d4 #bhf ff4 #eh ,ibid4 #bac ff4 #ei ,w4 and ,d4 #bfe f4 #fj ,ibid4 #ccc f4 #fa ,ibid4 #bbe ff4 #fb ,w4 and ,d4 #bgd ff4 #fc ,ibid4 #gji ff4 #fd ,w4 and ,d4 #bef ff4 #fe ,ibid4 #beb ff4 #ff ,w4 and ,d4 #ccf ff4 #fg ,w4 and ,d4 #dg-ajd4 #fh ,ibid4 #aji-bja4 #fi ,w4 and ,d4 #ahb ff4 #gj ,ibid4 #agd f4 ,,ii ,,orphism1 ,,pythagoreanism1 ,,and ,,the ,,mysteries ,the seventh and sixth centuries before ,christ were marked by important social1 philosophic1 and religious movements4 ,of the many causes which brought about these changes1 the most easily traced are those of a political and economic nature4 ,the form of government which is pictured in the ,homeric poems is one in which the king and nobles alone have an effective voice4 ,the humbler folk meet to hear the decision of the few1 which they are expected to accept without a murmur4 ,on only one occasion does a common man1 ,thersites1 venture to raise his voice against his betters1 and then he is made the laughing-stock of his fellows and is beaten into a sad silence by ,odysseus4 ,but the ,homeric organization of society was gradually superseded by aristocracies in which the power of wealth ultimately claimed a position beside nobility of birth4 ,the development of industry and trade in ,ionia and on the mainland of ,greece proper created a new wealthy class which was a rival of the old nobility whose riches had been in herds and lands4 ,the political struggles which accompanied these changes were highly educative to considerable bodies of citizens1 who were expending their efforts in improving the condition of their own class or of themselves rather than in maintaining the advantage of some prince or noble4 ,in this way there was developed a political and social self-consciousness4 ,when kings were superseded by aristocracies1 magistracies1 limited in scope and duration1 had necessarily been employed4 ,thus political machinery and organization developed4 ,these political changes and the failure of ancient customs to fit new social and economic conditions naturally led to a demand for written law1 which alone can be the basis of even justice and protection4 ,so we hear of many 8law-givers0 in ,greece during the seventh and sixth centuries ,b4,c41 of whom the most famous were ,zaleucus among the western ,locrians1 ,charondas of ,catane1 and ,draco of ,athens1 followed about thirty years later by ,solon4 ,now written law usually tends to become ultimately the embodiment of rules for all1 not simply for one class alone1 so that the written codes marked a long step in the advance of the common man toward equality with the noble4 ,it is true that the aristocracies in many parts of ,greece were later followed by the rule of tyrants1 but the tyrannies themselves fostered the development of the lower classes on whose well-being and support the existence of the tyrannies depended4 ,of the law-givers ,i have just mentioned one belonged to ,catane1 a ,greek city in ,sicily4 ,this fact suggests another important movement which demands our notice4 ,i mean the planting of colonies4 ,the great era of ,hellenic colonization fell between the eighth and sixth centuries1 and was in a sense but a continuation of that earlier wave of expansion which had carried the ,greeks to ,cyprus and to the nearer shores of ,asia ,minor4 ,among the causes which led to the establishment of colonies the chief seem to have been defects in the land system1 whereby many were deprived of a share in their ancestral estates1 political conditions often oppressive1 and trade1 which was now coming largely into the hands of ,greeks because of the disasters which were inflicted on their former rivals1 the ,phoenicians1 by their eastern neighbors4 ,from ,megara and ,miletus1 from ,chalcis and ,eretria1 began an outpouring of eager traders1 of the landless1 the needy1 the discontented1 and the adventurous1 who eventually planted colonies entirely around the ,mediterranean and ,euxine ,seas4 ,between these colonies and the mother cities a rich stream of traffic flowed2 the growth of trade stimulated manufactures and increased wealth4 ,in the colonies there existed from the beginning greater equality than in the older communities1 the land system was more equitable1 and many men of humble birth came to wealth and power4 ,furthermore1 with travel and success in new communities there was an expansion of mind1 a sense of power acquired by prosperity1 such as can always be observed under similar conditions4 ,these developments had their reflex influence on the society of the mother cities1 and both at home and in the colonies there came to pass those political and social changes to which ,i have referred above4 ,but the most important result of these things for our present consideration was the fact that by these developments large numbers of men were awakened to self-consciousness1 and that the first period of individualism in ,greece was begun4 ,whenever individuals come to self-consciousness1 and have the leisure and security which were enjoyed in many ,greek cities of this time as the result of improved social and economic conditions1 men find not only the opportunity but also the occasion for reflection4 ,this was the case in our period4 ,men began to think and question about themselves and the world around them1 to reflect not only concerning the political and social world in which they lived1 to ask what their place in it was1 but also to inquire still deeper into the meaning of things4 ,they debated with themselves questions relating to the gods1 the nature and justice of their rule2 and most significant for our present interest they began to ask whence men came and whither they were going4 ,one great monument of this period is ,hesiod's 8,works and ,days10 of which ,i spoke in my last lecture4 ,it is also important to remember that the seventh and sixth centuries were the age of the so-called ,seven ,wise ,men1 to whom were assigned many moral precepts which became revered proverbs in ,greece4 ,these sayings1 no less than the works of ,hesiod and the ,gnomic ,poets1 bear witness to an age of increasing reflection4 ,in the seventh century ,ionia controlled the trade between ,asia and ,europe4 ,its chief center was ,miletus4 ,here in the first half of the sixth century before our era began ,greek philosophy1 with ,thales1 ,anaximander1 and ,anaximenes as the leaders4 ,the modest task which they set themselves was nothing less than the solution of the universe4 ,their philosophic views are of no special interest to us now2 but it is a fact of supreme importance that here for the first time in ,greece appeared men whose reflection had made them bold enough to wrestle with the whole problem of nature including man1 and to propose solutions entirely at variance with the traditional views4 ,this philosophic development was one result of the factors which we have been considering--factors which produced also new ethical and religious movements that do concern us directly4 ,with the emergence of ,greece in the seventh century from the dark ages that followed the ,mycenaean civilization1 we find that certain beliefs1 expressed or only hinted at in the ,homeric poems1 come to the surface1 and that religious ideas imported from without make themselves manifest4 ,the cult of the dead for example is almost passed over in silence by the ,homeric poems4 ,at the funeral pyre of ,patroclus ,achilles offered jars of oil and honey1 and slew horses1 dogs1 and twelve ,trojan youths#ga2 but nowhere else is such a sacrifice mentioned in the ,iliad4 ,likewise in the ,odyssey the only instance of any similar offering is in the description of ,odysseus' visit to the borders of the realm of ,hades to consult the shade of the seer ,teiresias1 where it is said that he dug a square pit1 poured into it a triple chrism1 and then after prayer and vows let the blood of a ram and a black ewe flow into it to attract the shades4#gb ,yet we know from archeological and other evidence that the worship of the dead was common in ,greece from the ,minoan and ,mycenaean times throughout antiquity4 ,ceremonial purification also1 of which there are but few instances in ,homer--and none of these is magical--now appears common1 as a notion of impurity attaches to many conditions and acts which require expiation4 ,the change in sentiment with regard to murder will serve as an illustration4 ,in the ,homeric poems killing brought no pollution either to the murderer or to his land2 but in the ,cyclic epics1 which date from the seventh and sixth centuries ,b4,c41 bloodguilt required expiation just as in the later tragedies4 ,so in the ,aethiopis ,achilles went to ,lesbos to be cleansed from the stain of having slain ,thersites4 ,in fostering and directing rites of purification the oracle of ,apollo at ,delphi played an important part4 ,there was developing1 indeed there had been developing from an unknown period1 a sense of defilement and of the necessity of cleansing4 ,at this point1 however1 ,i must again speak a word of caution4 ,we need to remember that morality develops slowly4 ,it is undoubtedly a far cry from the morality of the seventh century to ,plato's definition of the impure man as the one whose soul is base1 or to that motto which in a later century was written over the entrance of the shrine of ,aesculapius at ,epidaurus1 8,piety consisteth in holy thoughts40 ,we must bear in mind that to the man of the seventh and sixth century sin and purification were primarily if not wholly ceremonial matters1 and that his concept of future happiness was largely material4 ,but the consequence of his feeling was great in future centuries4 ,other phenomena of the seventh and sixth centuries require our notice at this point4 ,we saw in the preceding lecture that the gaze of the ,homeric man was fixed on this world with its victories and its defeats1 that he viewed splendid action on the field and wise counsel in the assembly of the princes as the individual's highest province and his supreme happiness4 ,the world beyond this had no rewards comparable with those of this life2 the greatest boon man could hope from the future was that his exploits here might become the subject of song for coming generations4 ,suffering he regarded as necessary that a higher purpose might be attained4 8,the will of ,zeus was accomplished0 was the explanation beyond which man might not go2 he must find his comfort in such unity as that thought gave to the world4 ,hence arises that pathos and sadness which strike us again and again in ,homer4 ,but the new age sought relief by shifting its gaze from this world to the next and by expecting there the recompenses and balances which make life just and complete2 for it the future life furnished an escape from the sufferings of this present existence4 ,moreover under the manifold influences which ,i have tried to sketch above1 men began to be impressed with the unity which apparently underlay the variety of the phenomenal world4 ,this is the problem of philosophy4 ,it is true that the early ,greek philosophers devoted themselves chiefly to the material world1 of which they regarded man as a part2 but in religion there resulted a tendency to pantheism1 which saw behind the multitude of divinities one all-embracing god4 ,moreover there were not lacking thinkers to struggle with the question as to the way in which man could bring himself into accord with the unity of the world4 ,so in spite of the individualism of this age we find it also an age of mysticism--which is the very opposite of individualism4 ,the mystic always holds in greater or less degree the belief that by destroying that which sets off the individual from his fellows1 that is1 by uprooting personality through the destruction of the passions1 or by some ecstatic state which takes one out of himself1 man may attain to union with god and therefore to salvation4 ,this belief may lead even to a religion without gods1 or it may be bound to a belief in divinity4 ,in ,greece these tendencies were not fully developed for a considerable time1 but we can see that in the seventh and sixth centuries the longing for future happiness1 the desire for salvation1 and the mystic means thereto were already potent elements in ,greek thought4 ,they showed themselves in various ways2 one outlet for the religious longing was found in the religion of ,dionysus1 especially as it was incorporated in the beliefs of the ,orphic sect4 ,dionysus came late into ,greek religion4 ,as we have seen1 in ,homer he was not a member of the ,olympic circle4 ,mythology has preserved many stories which bear witness to the opposition which his worship received as it spread over ,greece4 ,the newcomer1 like ,ares and the ,muses1 was a ,thracian4 ,his worship was introduced by immigrants and spread gradually to the south4 ,apparently the cult of the god was brought into ,greece by more than one wave of immigration1 and by more than one route4 ,thebes and ,orchomenos in ,boeotia were early centers of his worship1 from which ,delphi was later influenced4 ,in the ,peloponnesus probably ,argolis received the new comer first4 ,even before the god was established in southern ,greece he may have been carried to ,crete directly from his northern home4 ,the islands of the ,aegean1 the cities of ,asia ,minor1 and ultimately the remote colonies knew the divinity4 ,in ,attica tradition said that his first home was in the country demes1 notably at ,icaria1 where ,americans excavated his shrine over twenty-five years ago4 ,probably the early rulers at ,athens received the god into the city1 but it was the ,pisistratidae who especially favored his worship and gave him a home on the south side of the ,acropolis1 where the fifth century saw presented all the glories of the ,attic stage4 ,the new god came as the god of all living things1 of plants1 trees1 the lower animals1 as well as of man4 ,in short he was a nature divinity whose death was seen in the dead vegetation of winter and whose rebirth appeared with the revival of spring4 ,his orgiastic rites no doubt were originally1 in part at least1 intended to recall the dead god to life4 ,but in all such religions there is the tendency to see in the rebirth of the dead god the warrant of man's future life4 ,the hope is easily awakened that as the vegetation1 whose life disappears in the ground1 is revivified in the spring1 so man1 whose body also is laid in the earth1 may be recalled to new life4 ,the ,dionysiac myth set forth the story of the god's death and rebirth4 ,it was natural then that men should feel that if they could secure union with the god1 lose themselves in the divine1 they too might attain immortality4 ,herodotus tells us that among the ,thracian peoples the ,getae believed that men at death went to dwell with their chief divinity beneath the earth4#gc ,such hope of immortality ,dionysus brought with him from his ,thracian home4 ,the worship of this god was wholly unlike that of the ,olympian gods4 ,under his influence his devotees1 mostly women1 in divine madness left their homes and daily tasks to roam the wild mountainside1 clad no longer in their ordinary dress but wearing the skins of wild beasts1 their flowing hair bound with ivy and wild bryony4 ,in their excitement they were unconscious of time and place1 unfettered by the normal limitations of human powers and sensibilities4 ,wild music stimulated their orgiastic dance2 in frenzy they tore living creatures limb from limb1 and devoured the raw dripping flesh1 calling meantime on the god by name4 ,this mad revel was continued until the participants fell exhausted to the ground4 ,we can well understand how these things shocked the earliest ,hellenic spectators and why it was that in becoming a ,greek god1 ,dionysus lost much of his wilder ,thracian nature and the more savage elements of his cult4 ,to this amelioration the ,delphic oracle doubtless contributed4 ,yet it is certain that the ecstatic rites were known on ,mt4 ,cithaeron and on the heights of ,parnassos down to a late date4 ,elsewhere for the most part the excesses of the cult were checked and ordered by law4 ,the ,greeks had come to see that there was something more than extravagant madness in the wild ,dionysiac revel4 ,the possessed devotee was set free for the moment from the tangled net of daily life1 gained for a brief time new and superhuman powers1 a very foretaste of immortality4 ,not least of all he was made one with all nature that united to worship the one god4 ,now this escape from the daily round of human affairs1 this desire for union with divinity1 has constantly made its appearance in various times and under varied conditions2 as we all know1 it has led to extraordinary religious outbursts in both pagan and ,christian ages4 ,dionysus came also as god of wine4 ,in the revival and elevation of the man1 which the moderate use of wine gives1 the ,greek saw a divine mystery4 ,of course this use of wine is exactly parallel to the use of hashish and other narcotics for religious ends1 and the ecstasy produced by music and the dance is familiar in the history of religion as a means to put individuals or whole companies into direct communication with the spirits or into union with a god4 ,now it will readily be seen that this idea that the soul can be separated from the body and united with the god implies two things3 first1 a belief in a difference between soul and body which sets them off against each other1 and secondly1 a belief in the divine nature of the human soul4 ,the former clearly established for the first time in ,greek thought the concept of the dual ego1 the double self1 the significance of which we can hardly overestimate4 ,we shall be concerned with it throughout the entire course of our considerations4 ,the second made it easy for men to explain the source and destiny of the soul and to point out the means by which the soul must be set free to seek its natural destiny4 ,the possibility that the soul1 escaping from the body during the ,dionysiac frenzy1 might unite itself with god1 might indeed become a god1 so that the orgiastic devotee was given the divine name --this showed the way by which man could secure immortality4 ,he must loose his divine soul from the body that it might ultimately enjoy its divine life unhampered by earthly bonds and be forever with god4 ,according to the ,dionysiac myth1 which naturally varies much in details1 the god was pursued by the ,titans1 the warring powers opposed to ,zeus2 in his distress ,dionysus changed himself into various forms1 finally into that of a bull which was torn to pieces and devoured by the ,titans4 ,but ,athena saved the heart and gave it to ,zeus who swallowed it4 ,hence sprang the new ,dionysus4 ,the ,titans were ultimately destroyed by the thunderbolt of ,zeus and their ashes scattered to the winds4 ,you will at once notice the parallelism between this myth of ,dionysus and those of ,osiris1 ,attis1 and ,adonis4 ,these are all gods who die and live again1 and so become gods of life and death1 divinities through whom man gains assurance of his own immortality4 ,you will also notice in this myth of ,dionysus how most ancient and crudest elements are united with a rather advanced attempt to wrestle with the problems of the world1 and particularly with the problem of evil4 ,over against the beneficent divinity1 or divinities1 are set the ,titans1 powers of ill4 ,the myth became the basis of the spiritual belief and of the mystic ceremonial1 and was made the center of that movement which we call ,orphism4 ,who the founder1 ,orpheus1 was1 we cannot say4 ,the ancients knew him as a ,thracian1 a magical musician1 and also as a priest of ,dionysus4 ,in the popular tradition the musician overshadowed the priest4 ,yet he was regarded as the founder of the ,bacchic or ,dionysiac rites4 ,the truth we can never know2 but thus much is certain1 that in the sixth century1 possibly because of a second wave of ,dionysiac religion1 a movement appeared in which the religion of ,dionysus was spiritualized and ennobled1 and in which consecration1 ceremonial holiness in this life1 became the chief concern as the means of securing that immortality which would follow4 ,the movement1 however1 which may have been stimulated by a feeling of dissatisfaction with the traditional religion1 was only one prominent manifestation of the general mysticism which showed itself in many forms during the sixth century4 ,pythagoreanism was closely allied to it4 ,indeed some think ,orphism only a collective name for the mysticism of the time4 ,our information as to the beginning and earliest forms of ,orphism is scanty and mostly late4 ,but considering the influence which ,orphic ideas had in the fifth century1 for example on ,pindar1 ,empedocles1 and ,plato1 not to speak of the latter ,neoplatonists1 we are justified in regarding the sect as of great significance4 ,and we have a warrant for attributing to the sixth century doctrines which are consistently set forth by our witnesses1 especially by ,empedocles and ,plato1 so that with due caution we may use also the fragmentary ,orphic literature with some confidence4 ,we do not know where ,orphism started4 ,in ,greece proper1 ,delphi1 ,thebes1 and ,athens were prominent centers2 in greater ,greece1 ,croton in southern ,italy1 ,camarina and ,syracuse in ,sicily4 ,some would regard southern ,italy1 and specifically the city of ,croton1 as the home of the movement2 possibly they are correct1 for tradition told of three great ,orphics at the court of ,pisistratus4 ,they were ,zopyrus of ,heraclea1 ,orpheus of ,croton1 and ,onomacritus1 who formed part of the commission which is said to have arranged the ,homeric poems at the orders of the ,athenian tyrant4 ,whatever the truth of the tradition in detail is1 it is significant that two of the three came from southern ,italy2 and the name of one of the commission1 ,orpheus1 marks him as a devotee4 ,yet ,athens became the literary center1 if ,i may use the term1 for the diffusion of ,orphism4 ,the ,orphic religion was distinguished from the popular religions by having a body of belief and a method of life4 ,undoubtedly the beliefs of the sect were enlarged and modified from age to age2 but the ,orphics had a unity which is remotely comparable to that of ,christian churches4 ,of the organization of the brotherhoods we know little1 but probably they were loosely bound together in a manner similar to those of the religious associations known to us from later times4 ,nor can we tell whether the ,orphics were numerous4 ,probably they were not2 but in any case their mysteries and teachings were important and influential2 they introduced new ideas which were destined to produce profound changes in ,greek religious thought4 ,with the varied details of the grotesque ,orphic theogonies we are not now concerned4 ,they were similar to those of ,hesiod and others in their main lines1 but they owe their importance for us now to the fact that they exhibit a pantheism which is opposed to the common polytheistic theology of the time2 they endeavor to show that deity is one and universal under whatever form or appearance4 ,to this universal divinity they give the name now of ,zeus1 now of ,dionysus1 the greatest of the children of ,zeus2 at times he is called also ,zagreus4 ,certain ,orphic verses clearly express this pantheistic thought3 8,one ,zeus1 one ,hades1 one ,sun1 one ,dionysus1 one god in all40#gd ,and again3 8,zeus was the first1 ,zeus of the flashing lightning bolt the last2 ,zeus the head1 ,zeus the middle2 from ,zeus have all things been made4 ,zeus was the foundation of the earth and of the starry heaven2 ,zeus was male1 ,zeus was the bride immortal2 ,zeus the breath of all things1 ,zeus the rush of the flame unwearied2 ,zeus the source of the sea1 ,zeus the sun and the moon2 ,zeus the king1 ,zeus of the flashing lightning the beginning of all things4 ,for he concealed all and again brought them forth from his sacred heart to the glad light1 working wondrous things40#ge ,you will remember that in the myth of the rending of ,dionysus by the ,titans1 these powers of evil were burned to ashes by the thunderbolt of ,zeus4 ,according to one version of the story man is formed from these ashes1 which contain the element of the divine1 taken in by the ,titans when they devoured the god4 ,thus man is of a two-fold nature1 his soul divine1 ,dionysiac1 his body evil1 ,titanic4 ,on an ,orphic tablet found in a grave in southern ,italy the soul declares3 8,i am a child of earth and the starry heaven1 but my race is from heaven4 ,this ye know yourselves40 ,here we have a complete expression of man's duality3 his body is of the earth1 but his soul is of celestial origin4 ,the descent of the soul was due to sin2 wind-borne--as ,empedocles says of himself1 8an exile from god and a wanderer10#gf it entered into the body1 in which prison it was condemned to live until such time as it might be delivered4 ,clement of ,alexandria1 quoting the ,pythagorean ,philolaus of the fifth century ,b4,c41 reports3 8,the ancient theologians and seers bear witness that for a punishment the soul is yoked with the body and buried in it as in a tomb40#gg ,this figure of the body as the prison-house or the tomb of the soul was used by ,plato1 as we shall have occasion to see in a later lecture4 ,man's hope1 therefore1 according to the ,orphic1 lies in deliverance from his body1 the ,titan element of his nature1 that the ,dionysiac part1 his soul1 may be free and untrammelled4 ,yet one might not of his own motion cast off his body by a physical act1 for a round is prescribed by necessity4 ,after death the soul was fated to pass to ,hades and then from its sojourn there into another body1 and so on4 ,this doom was the result of sin4 ,to hasten the process and escape from evil1 8to end the cycle and have respite from sin10 a course of life was necessary1 which was defined by the ,orphic teaching4 ,the requirements of the ,orphic life seem to us trivial and absurd for the most part4 ,apparently abstinence from flesh was required1 except perhaps at certain sacramental festivals2 this prohibition was of course due to the doctrine of metempsychosis4 ,no bloody sacrifices were allowed for the same reason4 ,the use of eggs and beans was forbidden1 for these articles were associated with the worship of the dead2 and burial in woolen garments was likewise wrong4 ,besides these taboos certain rites existed of which we get only hints4 ,there were liturgies1 initiations1 magic incantations which seem to show that in time at least an elaborate ritual was developed4 ,all these things were the means by which the soul might be purified from its sin which condemned it to the prison of the body1 and which pursued it through incarnation after incarnation4 ,after death1 as ,i have said1 the soul awaited in ,hades its rebirth1 but its stay in ,hades1 like its life on earth1 was a period of reward or punishment3 8,they who are righteous beneath the rays of the sun1 when they die have a gentler lot in a fair meadow by deep-flowing ,acheron4444 ,but they who have worked wrong and insolence beneath the rays of the sun are led down beneath ,cocytus's watery plain into chill ,tartarus40#gh ,so this stay in ,hades was a period of punishment and of purification1 as life itself was a period of penance4 ,the duration of this intermediate stay in ,hades was conceived perhaps as a thousand years4 ,in any case1 after due season the soul entered upon a new incarnation1 which apparently was determined by the innocence or guilt of its former life4 ,rebirth was not always into human form1 as the ,orphic verses show3 8,wherefore the changing soul of man1 in the cycles of time1 passes into various creatures3 sometimes it enters a horse1 444 again it is a sheep1 then a bird dread to see2 again it has the form of a dog with heavy voice1 or as a chill snake creeps along the ground40#gi ,the poet-philosopher ,empedocles declared that before his present existence he had been 8a youth1 a maiden1 a bush1 a bird1 and a fish of the sea40#hj ,so the soul was buffeted from birth to death and back to birth again4 ,of those who had been guilty of most grievous sins ,empedocles says3 8,there is an oracle of ,necessity1 an ancient1 eternal decree of the gods sealed with strong oaths3 when one in sin stains his hands with murder1 or when another joining in strife swears falsely1 they become the spirits who have long life as their portion1 who are doomed to wander thrice ten thousand seasons far from the blessed1 being born in the course of time into all forms of mortal creatures1 shifting along life's hard paths4 ,for the might of the air drives them to the sea and the sea spews them on the ground1 and the land bares them to the rays of the bright sun1 and the sun throws them in whirls of ether4 ,one receives them from another1 but all hate them4 ,of this number am even ,i now1 an exile from god and a wanderer1 for ,i put my trust in mad strife40#ha ,the number of reincarnations was not fixed so far as we know1 though apparently ten thousand years was thought to be the limit of the process for the ordinary soul4 ,probably it was believed that there was no end of rebirths for the wicked1 but that they were condemned to their repeated fate forever2 or that they were doomed to endless punishment without rebirths4 ,but you may ask1 what was the ultimate fate of the purified soul8 ,to this1 too1 we can give no complete answer4 ,apparently the soul1 stripped at last of all that was earthly and defiling1 was then thought to be first truly free and alive4 ,on ,orphic tablets of the fourth century before our era found in southern ,italy we read these words of the triumphant soul3 8,i have escaped from the sorrowful1 weary round1 ,i have entered with eager feet the ring desired4 ,i have passed to the bosom of the mistress queen of the lower world40 ,and it is greeted in answer3 8,o happy and blessed one1 thou shalt be god instead of mortal40#hb ,apparently the purified soul left earth and ,hades behind4 ,there is no hint of absorption into god2 no idea of ,nirvana4 ,the spirit of ,greek thought required that the individuality of the soul should be retained4 ,no doubt the ,orphics conceived of every kind of heaven that was possible1 many of them of most materialistic nature4 ,indeed1 ,plato reproaches some of them for believing future happiness to be a perpetual drunken round4 ,for the sinful1 torments of a most fearful sort were reserved3 not only did they lie in mud and filth1 but they were exposed to most terrible creatures who rent their vitals4 ,in short1 the ,orphic hell was not less awful physically than that of the medieval and later ,christian1 which in no small part was inherited from the ,orphics4 ,before we go on to consider other movements of the sixth century1 let us summarize briefly the contributions of the ,orphics to ,greek religious thought4 ,in the first place they definitely shifted man's look from this world to the world beyond4 ,in ,homer1 as we have seen1 this world offered all for which man could hope2 but to the ,orphic1 as to the devoted sectaries of all redemptive religions1 this world was unimportant compared with the next in which he was to realize his fondest desires4 ,again the ,orphics emphasized the duality of man1 regarding him as a divine soul imprisoned in a sinful body4 ,they made the divinity of the soul a motive for the religious life1 the aim of which was to free the spirit of man from the sin which visits him in the prison-house of the flesh4 ,thereby they started the tendency to religious asceticism which was to be sharply emphasized by ,christianity when a thousand years had past4 ,their doctrine of the divine nature of the soul they also made the basis of their belief in the soul's immortality2 for if the soul is divine1 it must be eternally so4 ,furthermore1 so far as we can know1 they introduced the idea of pre-natal sin for which the individual soul must pay the penalty4 ,it needs no argument to show the intrinsic importance of these ideas2 as we go on1 we shall have occasion to observe their significance in ,greek religious thought4 ,less valuable in itself1 but not less persistent1 as we can still see in our own ,christian church1 was the notion that only the initiates1 who by purificatory rites had been received into the sacred association1 could hope for salvation4 ,union with the divine nature and future blessedness were thus made to depend on sacraments rather than on virtue4 ,indeed1 we need not suppose that here any more than in the mysteries at ,eleusis there was originally any requirement of a virtuous life4 ,but reason and an awakened ethical sense among the ,greeks began early to demand of the initiates compliance with the recognized standards of morality1 as the passages already quoted show2 and there can be no doubt that in due time most of the various mysteries contributed to the ethical life4 ,yet the inevitable tendency in the opposite direction made itself felt and there were many ,orphic charlatans and quacks who promised salvation to all who would undergo the cheap rites of their initiations4 99 99 99 99 99 ,we must now glance at a contemporaneous and related movement--,i mean ,pythagoreanism1 which will have sprung into the thoughts of many of you already4 ,whether ,orphism learned from ,pythagoras or ,pythagoras from ,orphism cannot be determined2 but it seems probable that ,croton was already an ,orphic center when about #ecj ,b4,c4 ,pythagoras of ,samos after long travels established there an association which combined in a way hitherto unknown religious and philosophic aims4 ,pythagoras may have attached himself to some group of ,orphics already in existence and have inspired it with his political and philosophic interests4 ,in any case his society1 which was opposed to the democratic temper of ,croton1 became in time important enough to be regarded with suspicion and forced to move to ,metapontum2 ultimately the members were dispersed carrying their doctrines with them throughout the ,greek world4 ,our knowledge of the philosophic ideas of ,pythagoras himself amounts to little4 ,it is clear that in contrast to the emotional ,orphics he was interested in intellectual pursuits1 especially in mathematics2 more than that we cannot say2 our present concern lies rather in the ethical and religious views and practices of the society which he established4 ,this set high store on ethical discipline1 following a strict course of life1 for the ultimate aim was identical with that of the ,orphics--salvation and release from sin4 ,like them the ,pythagoreans also held to the doctrine of the transmigration of souls4 ,their rules enjoined simplicity of food1 rare use of meat1 and abstention from the eating of beans and eggs4 ,but more important was the discipline which was prescribed for the mind and soul4 ,the applicant for admission to the brotherhood was first tested to determine his fitness4 ,the neophyte was bound to silence and obedience4 8,the master said it0 was argument enough for him4 ,the members devoted themselves to reflection1 to self-examination1 to the pursuit of the truth4 ,their highest aim was 8to follow god40 ,although the ,pythagoreans fixed their gaze more on this world than the ,orphics did1 they also were of great religious significance4 ,they emphasized the duality of man1 the moral obligation of the individual1 and especially the possibility of training and purifying the soul1 and so helped to establish a spiritual heritage for later centuries4 99 99 99 99 99 ,now ,i shall invite your attention to a third manifestation of the mystic tendency of this age4 ,fourteen miles northwest of ,athens1 between a fertile plain and the sea1 lies the ancient town of ,eleusis1 the center of the most important mysteries in ,greece4 ,the story of ,demeter is familiar to us all--the goddess whose daughter1 ,persephone or ,kore1 was carried off by the god of the lower world4 ,according to the ,homeric hymn to ,demeter1 the mother wandered fasting in search of her daughter over the earth4 ,she came to ,eleusis in the guise of an old woman1 where she was found by the daughters of the king1 ,keleos1 who took her to their home4 ,there she was kindly received1 and was installed as nurse to the infant son of the king4 ,under her care the child prospered and grew marvellously1 for quite secretly ,demeter anointed him with ambrosia1 breathed upon him1 and cherished him in her bosom4 ,by night she hid him 8like a brand in the fire 4441 for she would have made him free from age and death forever40 ,but the queen saw her and cried out in dismay4 ,the goddess was angry1 yet none the less promised glory imperishable2 she declared herself3 8,i am the honored ,demeter1 who am the greatest good and joy to immortals and mortals alike4 ,come1 let all the people build me a mighty temple and hard by it an altar beneath your town and its steep wall1 above ,callichoros on the jutting spur4 ,but the rites ,i will myself prescribe1 that here ever after you may duly perform them and appease my will40 ,so the temple and altar to the goddess were built1 but she still mourned for her lost daughter4 ,in her sorrow she held back the seedgrain in the ground and all man's plowing was vain1 so that the race of men had nearly perished from the earth if it had not been for ,zeus1 who interposed and finally restored ,persephone to her mother--but not forever4 ,before she left the house of the dead1 ,pluto had made her eat a pomegranate seed by which she was bound to return beneath the earth4 ,so she spent two-thirds of each year with her mother on the earth1 coming 8when the ground blossomed with fragrant flowers10 but returning to the lord of the dead when the flowers faded and the grass withered before the coming of winter4 ,zeus then summoned ,demeter to join the immortal gods on ,olympus2 but before she went1 8she quickly sent up the grain from the fertile ground1 and all the broad earth was heavy with leaves and with flowers4 ,and the goddess went and taught the kings who deal out justice1 ,triptolemus and ,diocles the charioteer1 mighty ,eumolpus1 and ,keleos1 leader of the people4 ,to them she showed the manner of her rites and to them all her mysteries1 holy1 which none may transgress or enquire into or make known4 ,for a great curse of the gods restrains men's speech4 ,happy is he whoever of men dwelling on this earth has seen these things6 ,but he who is uninitiate in these holy rites1 who has no share in them1 never hath equal lot in death in the shadowy gloom40 ,so says the ,homeric hymn to ,demeter1 which was composed1 according to the general opinion of scholars1 in the seventh century before our era4 ,thus we see that before this hymn was written the myth was fully developed at ,eleusis4 ,there ,demeter1 ,kore1 and ,pluto had their place1 and with them were associated certain heroic personages4 ,a temple and altar to the two goddesses already existed1 and mysteries were celebrated which gave to those who might see them and share in them the warrant of a better lot in death than that for which the uninitiate might hope4 ,the date at which the mysteries were established cannot be determined4 ,this is no place for the speculations of the learned in detail1 but they seem to have existed as early as the eighth century1 and indeed they probably go back to a much remoter antiquity2 yet there is no mention of them in ,homer or ,hesiod4 ,in their earliest form they evidently consisted of certain religious ceremonies connected with agriculture by which the dead grain was called to life in the spring4 ,the grain and the earth from which it sprang were worshipped as the corn-mother1 ,demeter1 and then by a development natural in such religions the goddess was doubled and ,kore1 the maiden1 came into existence beside ,demeter4 ,in the cult of these goddesses various rites had developed--fasting1 purifications1 and night vigils2 a myth grew up to explain the ritual and the relation of the two goddesses1 with whom a god of the dead was early associated2 so something like the story in the ,homeric hymn came into being4 ,the agricultural festival was gradually transformed into one of profound meaning1 by partaking in which one gained an assurance of future happiness4 ,the wonderful miracle of reviving vegetation1 of the grain which dies in the ground and springs anew to life1 has often served as the warrant of man's longing for a revival of his own life1 as an assurance of his hope of immortality4 ,so gods and goddesses of agriculture or of vegetation1 which grows and dies and grows again1 have become for men the lords of life and death1 as we have already seen in the case of ,dionysus4 ,the ,english word mystery is somewhat misleading in such a connection4 ,a mystery in the ,greek sense is a secret ritual to which only those may be admitted who have first been prepared by some rites of purification or probation4 ,such1 for example1 is the ,christian ,eucharist to which the ,greek word was freely applied4 ,after the proper ritual of initiation1 through which the neophyte is guided by one previously initiate and expert1 he may take part in the secret performances1 which are thought to confer some special power or to bring him into close and privileged relation to divinity4 ,originally the festival at ,eleusis belonged to a noble ,eleusinian family1 or possibly to two families4 ,in the seventh century ,eleusis was incorporated with ,attica2 an ,eleusinion1 a shrine to ,demeter of ,eleusis1 was built near the city2 and the privilege of sharing in the festival was apparently given to all ,athenians4 ,the mysteries were especially fostered in the sixth century by the tyrant ,pisistratus1 who built a new hall of initiation which was destroyed by the ,persians during their great invasion4 ,under ,pisistratus the mysteries may have been opened to the whole ,hellenic world4 ,in the fifth century the broad formula of admission was3 8,whoever has pure hands and speaks our tongue40 ,eleusis shared in the glory of ,athens' greatest period1 and even in the time of ,athenian weakness and decay the mysteries retained much of their ancient prestige4 ,many ,romans1 including some of the imperial house1 were initiated1 and the popularity of ,eleusis continued as late as the third and fourth centuries4 ,julian the ,apostate in his youth was here initiated4 ,in #cfd ,a4,d4 the ,emperor ,valentinian ,i forbade all nocturnal festivals1 including that at ,eleusis1 but when the pro-consul of ,achaea declared that the people could not live without the mysteries1 he relaxed his prohibition so far as they were concerned4 ,thirty-two years later ,alaric destroyed the sanctuary1 and its long history1 which began before history1 seemed closed4 ,yet ,eleusis was true to ,demeter1 for in spite of the iconoclastic tendencies of the ,greek ,church1 the inhabitants continued to worship as ,st4 ,demetra a mutilated ancient statue of the goddess1 until in #ahja the ,englishmen ,clarke and ,cripps carried it off to its present resting-place in the ,fitzwilliam ,museum at ,cambridge4 ,the mysteries were under the general charge of the ,king ,archon and his assistants at ,athens1 but the officials proper continued to be drawn from the two sacred families of the ,eumolpidae and ,ceryces4 ,from the former was selected the highest official1 the hierophant1 who held office for life4 ,he alone had the right to show or to explain the secret objects and ceremonies4 ,the next three priests were taken from the ,ceryces1 and like the hierophant were chosen for life2 they were the torch-bearer1 dadouchos1 who carried the sacred torch at sacrifices and purifications1 the altar-priest1 and the sacred herald1 hieroceryx4 ,besides these four high officials we know of a considerable number of lesser priests and priestesses1 heralds1 and secular officers who do not concern us now4 ,the would-be initiate applied to someone belonging to either of the sacred ,eleusinian families to act as mystagogue and lead him through the preliminary purification1 which seems to have been essentially identical with that employed to purify any unclean person2 this done1 the mystagogue duly presented the novice to the officials and recommended him as a proper person to be initiated4 ,there were two degrees of the secret rites3 in the first the novices were initiated and became mystae2 in the second they advanced to be epoptae1 those to whom were made special revelations not vouchsafed to the mystae4 ,each year there were two celebrations of the mysteries1 one at ,agrae1 a suburb of ,athens1 in the month ,anthesterion1 which corresponds roughly to our ,february-,march1 and the greater celebration at ,eleusis in ,bodromion1 our ,september4 ,the initiate was ordinarily obliged to take part in the lesser celebration before he could be admitted at ,eleusis4 ,the great festival lasted eight or nine days1 from the fifteenth to the twenty-second or twenty-third of the month ,bodromion4 ,on the first day the participants assembled before the ,painted ,porch in ,athens to listen to the formal proclamation1 in which the officials ordered all unclean persons and all foreigners to withdraw1 and enjoined secrecy on all who were to share in the festival4 ,the sixteenth was a day of purification when the participants washed in the sea2 the seventeenth and eighteenth were spent as holidays at ,athens1 during which various sacrifices were made2 so that it was not until the nineteenth that the festal procession started for ,eleusis1 carrying the image of ,iacchos1 a form of the infant ,dionysus4 ,although the ,sacred ,way is less than fourteen miles in length1 so many stops were made at shrines that ,eleusis was not reached until evening4 ,the ceremonies there continued three days and nights4 ,there were sacrifices and offerings to many divinities4 ,in memory of ,demeter's hunt for her daughter the devotees roamed the shore by night carrying lighted torches2 and finally like the goddess1 they broke their fast by drinking a holy potion of meal and water4 ,the consummation of the festival was the celebration in the ,great ,hall1 where some three thousand might find place on the seats which rose in banks on all four sides4 ,there were two sorts of representations--one for the mystae1 who were witnessing the festival for the first time1 and the other for those who were more expert1 the epoptae4 ,what went on in the ,hall we do not know2 we can1 however1 conjecture in general the nature of the celebrations4 ,they consisted of 8things done10 1 and 8things said10 4 ,the former may well refer to some kind of mystery play1 or of tableaux1 in which incidents from the myth were represented1 such for example as the rape and the recovery of ,kore1 the mourning of ,demeter1 the birth of the child ,iacchos1 and so forth4 ,in fact ,clement of ,alexandria tells us3 8,deo and ,kore became persons in a mystic drama1 and ,eleusis with its torch-bearer celebrates the wandering1 the abduction1 and the sorrow40#hc ,from this and other notices we may conclude that some simple mystery play was acted or tableaux vivants presented before the eyes of the company4 ,in any case there was nothing elaborate4 ,sacred objects were doubtless exhibited1 and apparently handled by some of the spectators4 ,the formula3 8,i fasted1 ,i drank the potion1 ,i took it from the chest and having tasted ,i put it away in the basket and from the basket into the chest0#hd gives a hint of certain sacraments1 but we cannot now clearly determine their nature4 ,there was no preaching or exhortation4 ,at most the 8things said0 were a simple ritual1 or explanation of the objects exhibited4 ,there may have been music and singing4 ,on the last day of the festival two jars were filled with water and set up1 one to the east and the other to the west of the great hall4 ,then these were overturned with the words1 1 8rain10 8conceive40#he ,here we have a bit of ancient agricultural ritual1 of magic1 intended to secure abundant rains and the prosperity of the crops4 ,a similar rite was the solemn exhibition of an ear of grain as a symbol of the initiates' hope4#hf ,we inevitably inquire as to what the nature of the teaching of these mysteries was4 ,as a matter of fact1 there was probably little if any instruction given4 ,life beyond the grave was certainly taken for granted4 ,the mystic ritual consisted of only certain simple symbolical ceremonies and representations which each initiate might interpret according to his own impressions4 ,the spectators were put into a certain frame of mind2 the celebration touched their emotions and not their intellects4 ,so ,aristotle says3 8,the initiates are not to learn anything1 but they are to be affected and put into a certain frame of mind40#hg ,this we can understand from the effect of a ,christian ,mass1 which1 full of the richest meaning to the devout ,catholic1 to another may seem of no significance4 ,although we have no reason to believe that there was formal teaching at ,eleusis1 we have abundant evidence of the convictions of the initiates4 ,they clearly enjoyed peace of mind and happiness1 and they believed that in the future life their blessedness would be secure1 and that they could dance in the sacred dance1 while the uninitiate would be wretched4 ,as the ,homeric hymn to ,demeter promised3 8,blessed is he among mortal men who has seen these rites40#hh ,and ,pindar1 at the beginning of the fifth century1 declared3 8,happy he who has seen these things1 and then goes beneath the earth4 ,for he knows the end of life and its ,zeus-given beginning40#hi ,sophocles too says3 8,thrice blessed are they who have seen these rites and then go to the house of ,hades1 for they alone have life there2 but all others have only woe40#ij ,in the ,frogs of ,aristophanes the chorus of mystae sing3 8,for we alone have a sun and a holy light1 we who were initiated and who live toward friends and strangers with reverence towards the gods40#ia ,and finally ,i would offer you the evidence of an inscription set up in the third century of our era by an ,eleusinian hierophant3 8,verily glorious is that mystery vouchsafed by the blessed gods1 for death is no ill for mortals1 but rather a good40#ib ,there were branches of the ,eleusinian mysteries established in the ,peloponnesus1 of which that at ,andania in ,messenia is best known to us through a long inscription happily preserved4#ic ,but it never rivalled ,eleusis4 ,of the other mysteries dating from an early period1 those of ,samothrace were most important and influential1 being second only to the ,eleusinian4 ,herodotus tells us that the ,samothracians got these mysteries from the ,pelasgians2 among modern scholars it has been the fashion to regard the two male divinities there worshipped1 the ,kabeiroi1 as ,phoenician in origin2 but whatever the source from which they sprang1 in the period in which they are known to us neither the gods nor the mysteries betray foreign elements4 ,with the ,kabeiroi were associated ,demeter and ,kore1 and in general the mysteries seem to have resembled those of ,eleusis4 ,as elsewhere the initiates were of two grades1 mystae and epoptae2 there were 8things done0 and 8things said10 and the assurance of safety here and hereafter was equally potent4 ,branches were established1 notably in ,thebes1 as early as the middle of the sixth century ,b4,c4 ,you will observe that the mysteries did not interfere in any sense with a faith in the many gods of popular belief or with their worship4 ,we should also note that here no less than in ,orphism ecclesiastical exclusiveness was evident3 only those who had been initiated and had partaken of the sacraments could hope for salvation4 ,yet by the end of the fifth century the ,eleusinian ,mysteries had gained a moral significance1 as is shown by the passage from the ,frogs of ,aristophanes quoted just now4 ,a few years later ,andocides in his speech ,on the ,mysteries appealed to his jurors1 reminding them that the purpose of their initiation was that they might punish the impious and save those who had done no wrong4#id ,still there was undoubtedly abundant warrant for the sarcastic joke of ,diogenes who asked3 8,shall the robber ,pataecion have a better lot after death than ,epaminondas1 just because he has been initiated80#ie ,we have now considered three manifestations of the mysticism which became prominent in the sixth century before our era--,orphism1 ,pythagoreanism1 and the ,greater ,mysteries4 ,we have seen how a new religious sense arose which turned men's thoughts toward the next world and future happiness4 ,this happiness the ,orphics and ,pythagoreans endeavored to secure by a prescribed mode of life1 by ceremonial purifications1 and by sacraments4 ,the ,mysteries likewise offered assurance through initiation and participation in their sacred ritual4 ,in every case the devotees were inspired with confident hope1 not by reason1 but by ceremonies and emotional experiences4 ,philosophy was not yet united with religion4 ,,footnotes3 #ga ,il4 #bc1 #agj-agf4 #gb ,od4 ,,ii1 #bd-cf4 #gc ,herod4 #d1 #id ff4 #gd ,frg4 #g ,a4 #ge ,frg4 #df ,a4 #gf ,frg4 #aae4 #gg ,frg4 #ad4 #gh ,frg4 #aed ,a4 #gi ,frg4 #bbc ,a4 #hj ,frg4 #aag4 #ha ,frg4 #aae4 #hb ,or4 #ah4 #hc ,clem4 ,protrep4 p4 #ab ,p4 #hd ,ibid4 p4 #ah ,p4 #he ,ath4 ,,xi1 #ic1 p4 #dif3 ,proclus ad ,plat4 ,tim4 p4 #bic ,c4 ,it is not certain that the notices in ,athenaeus and in ,proclus refer to the same rite1 but ,i have ventured so to interpret them4 #hf ,hippol4 ,philos4 p4 #aae ,m4 #hg ,frg4 #de ,rose4 #hh #dhj f4 #hi ,frg4 #acg4 #ij ,frg4 #gec4 #ia #ded ff4 #ib ,eph4 ,arch4 ,,iii 7#ahhc71 p4 #ha1 #h4 #ic ,ditt4 ,syll4#b1 #fec4 #id ,de mys4 #ca4 #ie ,plut4 de aud4 poet4 #ba ,f4 ,,iii ,,religion ,,in ,,the ,,poets ,,of ,,the ,,sixth ,,and ,,fifth ,,centuries ,b4,c4 ,in the preceding lecture we considered together various manifestations of the mystic tendencies which developed in ,greece during the seventh and sixth centuries ,b4,c4 ,now we must turn back and ask what evidence we have from the poets of these centuries as to the course of morality and religion4 ,to the epic poetry of ,homer and the didactic verse of ,hesiod succeeded the elegiac1 iambic1 and melic poets4 ,the individualism of the age1 the spirit of reflection1 political changes1 personal ambitions and passions are all mirrored in their verses4 ,when we summon them as witnesses to their day1 we must remember that the evidence they can offer is only incidental and frequently partial2 that it reflects the temper of the audience as well as the views of the poet4 ,in this fact1 indeed1 lies our chief warrant for consulting them1 for while poets may be leaders in thought far in advance of their time1 a contemporary hearing is secured by them only when their hearers sympathize with the ideas which they express4 ,again it must be borne in mind that we have for the most part only fragments of the poetry of this time1 preserved by quotations1 and that we cannot therefore form adequate judgments of the whole4 ,when1 however1 we examine the scanty remains that we possess1 we find that on the whole there is little evidence of progress in morality and religion beyond ,homer and ,hesiod4 ,the concepts of the gods are essentially the ,homeric1 except that ,zeus plays a larger part in the divine economy than in ,homer4 ,in the ,iliad and ,odyssey1 as we have seen1 he is often thwarted and outwitted by the other gods1 some of whom seem at times almost on an equality with him4 ,but in the poets of the seventh and sixth centuries the will of ,zeus is unquestionably supreme4 ,no god hopes to oppose him successfully2 all the rest play minor rles4 ,indeed1 it is not too much to say that we have here a developed sense of unity in the world1 although the poets of this time did not by any means reach the position of the philosophers or attain to any real pantheism4 ,yet an advance is made3 not only is ,zeus supreme1 but ,zeus and ,fate are now more closely identified1 so that there is no conflict between them1 such as we noticed in the ,homeric poems4 ,of all the poetry that has been preserved to us from the sixth century the elegiac verses which have been handed down under the name of ,theognis show most reflection4 ,the poet himself was an aristocrat of ,megara1 who about the middle of the century was driven into exile by the violent struggles between the aristocratic and the democratic parties4 ,much of the verse which we have is addressed to a youth1 ,cyrnus1 and is of a didactic or gnomic character4 ,the poet undertakes to teach his young friend conduct in life1 so that the verses consist largely of rules for living adapted to various situations and of a universal nature4 ,although it is probably true that much of what passes under the name of ,theognis was not written by him1 on the whole the tenor of the verses is such that we may use them with a good deal of confidence to illustrate the thought and the spirit of his age4 ,xenophon in commenting on this poet but slightly exaggerated the truth when he said that he was concerned with nothing else but virtue and wickedness1 and that his poetry is a treatise on man1 just as if a horse-fancier should write a treatise on horses4#if ,theognis1 like ,homer1 teaches that it is from the gods that all things come1 both good and evil4 ,he declares that no mortal man can be either wealthy or poor1 base or good1 apart from divinity4 ,he bids his young friend pray to the gods1 for they have all power and without them are no blessings or misfortunes to men4#ig ,a similar view is expressed by ,simonides who insists that no one1 neither state nor mortal man1 has ever attained to virtue without the gods2#ih likewise by ,archilochus1 who in verses1 imitated by ,horace centuries later1 exhorts his hearer to trust fully to the gods1 and reminds him that oftentimes the gods set upright men who as a result of misfortune are prostrate on the black earth1 and oftentimes they overthrow those who are very prosperous4#ii ,and again he declares that from ,zeus come all things to mortals1 and that no one should be surprised at any marvel which ,zeus brings to pass4#ajj ,in fact1 from ,homer on1 the poets regard ,zeus and the other gods as the source of all things1 both good and evil4 ,it is only later that the doctrine of man's complete responsibility for his sin supplants this earlier view4 ,it was natural that ,theognis and his contemporaries should regard the lot of man with a pessimism exceeding that of ,homer4 ,as they looked about them they saw evil everywhere1 the good afflicted1 the wicked prosperous4 ,they were oppressed by the weakness of humanity1 so that their verses with regard to man and his lot are gloomy indeed--so much so that in one passage ,theognis declares that in reality no mortal man on whom the sun shines is truly happy4 ,again he holds that man can have no foresight into the future1 for it is hardest of all1 he says1 to learn the end of a thing as yet unaccomplished1 to know how god will bring that to pass2 a mist is stretched before men's eyes1 and there is no way for mortals to test and try the outcome of the future4#aja ,the poet feels a deep despair1 when he reflects that no knowledge or foresight for mortals is possible1 but the gods accomplish everything according to their will2 and because there is little hope of implanting virtue in men1 then it were better not to be born at all and never to have seen the bright rays of the sun4 ,but since this may not be1 then he is most fortunate who enters ,hades most quickly1 and has a high mound of earth heaped over him4#ajb ,still there are other passages which show that man's case was not considered wholly hopeless4 ,there is an appeal to self-pride1 an expression of the view that poverty is the test of a man1 that has a tonic sound4 ,the poet says that poverty reveals the worthless man and the superior whenever need of money comes on them1 for the mind of the good man1 whose thought is ever upright in his heart1 thinks only of justice4#ajc ,in another place he assures his young friend that the good man ever has his wit with him1 and his courage1 whether he be in adversity or in good fortune4 ,but if a god gives abundance and riches to a base creature1 then he in his folly cannot restrain his baseness4#ajd ,again the poet exhorts his own soul3 8,endure1 my soul1 although thou hast suffered unendurable things at the hands of the wicked02 he bids it not be distressed or angry over misfortune and disaster1 nor to blame friends or cheer enemies by failure3 8,for mortal man may not easily escape the fated gifts of the gods1 though he dive into the very depth of the purple sea1 or even when the dark shadow of ,tartarus holds him40#aje ,thus we see that the poet1 in spite of his pessimism and of his realization of the hardship and injustice in the world1 still urged his young friend to face it in the same spirit in which the later ,stoics like ,marcus ,aurelius exhorted themselves to endure4 ,although in the world as seen by the poets of the sixth century ,zeus is supreme and the gods are the source of all things for mortals1 their rule nevertheless is based on justice1 which the gods love and which is their chief attribute4 ,opposed to justice is insolence 771 which they detest and which they wish to punish4 ,archilochus addresses ,father ,zeus1 declaring that his is the rule of heaven1 and that he oversees all the works of man1 both those which are base and those which are lawful1 and has a care even for insolence and justice among wild beasts4#ajf ,the statesman ,solon assures the ,athenians that their city will never come to ruin contrary to the will and intention of ,zeus and the immortal gods2 that ruin only can be brought upon the city by the citizens themselves1 by the unjust spirit of the leaders of the people1 whose mighty insolence will bring great suffering upon them4 ,like ,aeschylus ,solon believes and teaches that insolence must fail in the end and that ,justice1 who in silence knows all things both present and future1 will recompense completely in due season4#ajg ,in another passage ,solon dwells on the fact that the riches which are sought with insolence bring doom quickly1 and in striking verses compares the beginning of destruction with the spark which springs from a little fire1 slight at first1 but finally consuming all2 even so are the results of insolence that fall upon mortals2 for ,zeus sees the end of all things3 as the wind suddenly in the springtime quickly scatters the clouds1 stirs up the sea1 and works destruction over the grainbearing earth1 reaching to very heaven1 the steep home of the gods1 and makes the bright sky appear again1 and the brilliant sun shine far over the rich earth1 so that there are no longer any clouds to be seen2 even so is the vengeance that comes from ,zeus4 ,zeus is not quick to anger over each fault like mortal man1 but whoever has a wicked heart never escapes his notice1 but in the end is utterly destroyed4#ajh ,it would be possible to cite similar passages from other poets which show a deepening of that sense of the inevitableness of punishment which was first expressed in ,hesiod4 ,yet the problems of evil and of the justice of the gods were not satisfactorily solved for ,theognis and his contemporaries4 ,in two striking passages he criticizes ,zeus1 saying first3 8,dear ,zeus1 ,i wonder at thee1 for thou rulest over all things1 having thrice great honor and great power1 and thou knowest well the mind and will of each man1 and thy own power is supreme over all1 ,o ,king4 ,how is it1 then1 son of ,cronos1 that thy mind endures to keep wicked men and the just subject to the same lot8 ,whether the mind of the one be turned to prudence or of the other1 who trusts in unjust action1 to insolence1 there is no distinction made by god or mortals2 nor is there any road which one may travel and please the gods40#aji ,in the second passage his reproach is the keener from the form of its expression3 8,father ,zeus1 would that it might be the will of the gods that insolence be the pleasure of the wicked1 and would that it might be their pleasure1 that whoever contriveth wicked deeds in heart and thought1 having no regard for the gods1 should pay for his wickedness himself2 and the folly of the father not harm the children thereafter2 and would that the children of an unjust father1 who themselves have just purposes and regard for thy wrath1 ,son of ,cronos1 they who from childhood love justice along with their fellow citizens1 might not pay for the insolence of their sires4 ,i would that such might be the will of the blessed gods4 ,but as it is1 the man who does evil escapes1 and another then bears the evil4 ,how then is this just1 ,king of the ,immortals1 that a man who has no part in unjust deeds should himself be treated unjustly80#aaj ,here we have not only a recognition of the fact that the sins of the fathers are visited upon the children even to the third and fourth generations--a truth which ,solon had earlier enunciated1#aaa--;but also a protest against the injustice of it4 ,these are some of the conflicting expressions on morality1 justice1 and religion1 which we find among the fragments of these early poets4 ,the contradictions which they show need not surprise us1 for we are drawing1 as ,i have already said1 from mere fragments written on various themes and for different occasions2 so the record is inevitably imperfect4 ,nor must we suppose that the poets of this time had arrived at any clearer conceptions with regard to these fundamental questions than thinkers of a later age2 the problem of evil1 the justice of the divine economy1 the prosperity of the wicked and the sufferings of the good are matters which still baffle men as they did more than twenty-five centuries ago4 ,but let us now turn to the poets of the fifth century1 above all to ,pindar1 ,aeschylus1 and ,sophocles1 of whose works we have considerable portions4 ,these were poets whose position and genius made them the truest witnesses to the highest thoughts of ,greece1 and especially of ,athens in that glorious period of her supremacy from the time of the ,persian ,wars through the ,periclean age4 ,the poetry of ,pindar and of the tragedians was by its very nature connected with the service of the gods4 ,the former wrote his odes to the victors who had won renown at the great national festivals of ,zeus1 ,apollo1 and ,poseidon1 or composed his hymns and paeans in honor of the divinities4 ,the tragedians produced their plays for performance at the great festival of ,dionysus4 ,and yet we must be cautious here1 as everywhere1 since we are not always justified in attributing to the poet the sentiments which he puts into the mouths of his speakers4 ,the tragedian's purpose was first of all artistic4 ,while it is true that his own beliefs inevitably colored and tempered his work1 still he never became a preacher4 ,he dealt with traditional material1 which he might modify somewhat1 but in large measure his themes were determined for him4 ,yet there are many passages both in choral songs and in single speeches which certainly reflect the poet's own thought or his interpretation of the views held by his audience4 ,the very strength of personality which ,aeschylus1 ,sophocles1 and ,euripides possessed made it impossible that they should not voice their own conceptions1 and that too without violence to their poetic purpose4 ,pindar's work lay in different fields1 but he no less than the tragedians helped to interpret and mould the moral and religious sentiments of his audience4 ,pindar was born about #ebb ,b4,c4 of a noble family near ,thebes in ,boeotia2 but he belonged to all ,greece4 ,he wrote in the first half of the fifth century when the influence of the preceding century was still strong upon men's minds1 and he also shared the great stimulus which their country's victory over the ,persians imparted to the ,greeks4 ,of his personal devotion to the gods we have abundant evidence4 ,he spent a part of his fortune in dedications at ,thebes4 ,there in the second century of our era the traveller ,pausanias saw three statues which the poet had set up1 one in honor of ,apollo1 another to ,hermes1 and a third1 by the famous sculptor ,calamis1 which stood in the shrine of ,zeus ,ammon4 ,to the ,asiatic ,cybele and to the new ,arcadian ,pan ,pindar erected a shrine before his own door2 there1 as he himself tells us1 the ,theban maidens came by night and sang their hymns4#aab ,pindar shows throughout the pervasive influence of ,homer1 both in his conception of the gods and in his style as well4 ,he makes no break with the ,homeric anthropomorphism1 and his divinities are subject to the needs and desires of mortals2 but his concept is a noble one1 for his gods are mighty and permanent1 while men are transitory and weak3 8,one is the race of men and of gods2 from one mother we have the breath of life4 ,yet in power we are wholly diverse3 for man is nothing1 but the brazen heaven abides1 a home ever unshaken4 ,still we resemble somewhat the immortals either in lofty mind or in nature2 yet we know not in the day or in the night what course fate has marked out for us to run40#aac ,the power and the knowledge of the gods are in fact complete and perfect2 they are not the limited creatures of the ,homeric pantheon4 ,with them resides all power1 so that they easily bring things to pass beyond man's expectation4 ,their might may cause man's wonder1 but 8nothing ever appears to be incredible02#aad and in his second ,pythian ,ode the poet writes3 8,god bringeth every end to pass according to his desires4 ,he overtaketh even the winged eagle and passeth the dolphin in the sea2 and he bringeth low many a proud man1 granting to others glory that grows not old40#aae ,and in the ninth ,pythian ,ode he addresses ,apollo thus3 8,thou who knowest the final destiny of all things and all the paths thereto2 all the leaves that the earth sends up in the spring1 and all the sands whirled by the waves in sea and rivers and by the blasts of the winds2 thou seest well the future and whence it shall come to pass40#aaf ,pindar's gods are thus all-wise and all-powerful4 ,at times he shows a certain tendency toward pantheism1 for he speaks of god or divinity in a general sense1 as if his mind conceived the divine nature to be one1 so that the divinities were no longer several gods1 but1 as it were1 bound together in a common divine unity4 ,but we must not deceive ourselves into thinking that this pantheistic tendency was at all clearly developed in ,pindar1 or that he broke with polytheism4 ,rather he seems to have conceived of divinity as something which presents itself in many persons1 the varied gods of the traditional pantheon4 ,if we accept as genuine the fragment preserved by ,clement of ,alexandria1#aag in which the poet asks1 8,what is ,god80 and answers 8,the all10 we can hardly think that this pantheistic definition means more than the universal cause2 unless indeed it resulted from the ,orphic pantheism4 ,but whatever ,pindar's views as to the unity of the divine1 his teachings as to the gods' power are clear4 ,he warns men that they cannot hope to avoid the gods' watchful eyes3 8,for if man expects to escape god's notice when he does aught1 he is mistaken40#aah ,moreover1 ,pindar teaches that the gods1 though the givers of both good and evil to men1 like ,homer's divinities1 are nevertheless just and truthful beings who reward the righteous and reverent and punish the wicked3 8,the bliss of men who feel reverence lives longer1 but he who associates with wicked purposes prospers not forever40#aai ,truth also belongs to god3 indeed she is 8the daughter of ,zeus01 8the foundation of virtue40 ,of ,apollo it is said that he 8lays not hold of lies40#abj ,here is a great advance over ,homer's ideas of the godhead4 ,pindar's attitude in this respect is not dissimilar to that of ,hesiod1 who1 as we have seen1 first gave poetic expression to the idea that justice is an attribute and handmaid of ,zeus4 ,consonant with these higher views of divinity is ,pindar's treatment of the myths4 ,the grosser elements he leaves aside as being unworthy of the gods4 ,at times he openly protests1 as for example in the first ,olympian ,ode where he declares that he will not treat the story of ,pelops in the traditional way1 which made ,tantalus offer his son's flesh at a dinner given the immortals3 8,i will speak differently from those who have gone before4 ,i may not call any one of the blessed gods a cannibal40#aba ,this revolt against the current forms of myths was due in part to his belief in the moral perfection of divinity1 in part to his moral sense concerning man4 ,his rule was1 as laid down by himself1 that man should say only good things of the gods1 and he shrank from attributing to the divinities things which it would be base for men to do4 ,so in his fifth ,nemean ,ode he was unwilling to tell of the fratricide of the heroes ,peleus and ,telamon1 but broke off his narrative abruptly1 just as he rejected with indignation the shameful tales told of ,tantalus4 ,furthermore ,pindar subjected the myths and religious beliefs with which he had to deal to the test of reason2 among the several versions which he found current he recognized that some must be false1 and so he endeavored to separate the good from the evil1 to control the traditions of his people1 and thus to practise a free criticism in his work4 ,on the nature of sin ,pindar1 as the ,greeks in general1 holds that whenever man passes the bounds appointed between a mortal and a god1 or between man and his fellowmen1 he becomes thereby a sinner4 ,excess is the form of sin which he makes repeatedly his theme4 ,when he praises ,lampon of ,aegina for 8pursuing the mean with his thought and maintaining it in his acts10#abb he is recalling the principle laid down in ,hesiod's verse1 which had passed long since into a proverb3 8,keep a middle course2 the seasonable in all things is best40#abc ,again and again in varied forms he warns us to remember that man is mortal3 8,if one prosper and enjoy a good name1 still seek not to become ,zeus4 ,thou hast all1 if ever perchance the fate to possess these honors should come to thee4 ,mortal things befit a mortal40#abd ,and again he says3 8,but if a man shall have wealth and excel other men in beauty1 and if in the games he hath exhibited his strength and gained distinction1 let him still remember that his garment wraps mortal limbs and that earth shall be the raiment of all in the end40#abe ,sin then is presumption1 and as such is punished by the gods4 ,that 8envy of the gods10 which seems in ,homer almost a childish resentment1 is thus given an ethical value which coincides very closely with ,aeschylus' interpretation of this belief4 ,the moral character of ,pindar's form of this doctrine is secured in part by the poet's apparent belief that man is a free moral agent4 ,the sinner sometimes1 like ,ixion1 might not be able to endure prosperity1 and so fall into insolent pride1 and thence into blind infatuation4 ,in like fashion ,bacchylides teaches that the giants were destroyed by insolent pride1 whereas the path to happiness is open to all who will follow justice3 8,warriors of ,troy1 ,zeus1 who rules on high and beholds all things1 is not the author of grievous woes for mortals2 no1 open before all men is the path that leads to unswerving ,justice1 attendant of holy ,eunomia and prudent ,themis3 happy the land whose sons take her to dwell with them4 ,but insolence--the spirit void of reverence1 who luxuriates in shifty wiles and illicit follies--who swiftly gives a man his neighbor's wealth and power1 but anon plunges him into a gulf of ruin--she it was who destroyed the ,giants1 overweening40#abf ,on the question of man's freedom ,pindar is not entirely clear4 ,and yet he seems to hold that man1 and not some god1 is responsible for his initial wrongdoing4 ,but he also points out that when man has once given way to that insolent pride1 which is presumptuous sin1 then the gods in punishing him may drive him on his wrong course until the man is utterly ruined4 ,this doctrine appears more clearly in ,aeschylus4 ,when we come to ,pindar's view of the life after death1 we find that he has a more exalted vision than the poets of an earlier day4 ,the ideas of immortality1 of future rewards and punishments1 of rebirth1 and of a possible final bliss1 which were current from the early sixth century at least1 had not failed to have their effect on our poet4 ,in a remarkable fragment he sets forth a doctrine as to the relation of body and soul which is very similar to that held by the ,orphics1 under whose influence he had evidently come3 8,the bodies of all men follow all-conquering death2 but life's image still liveth on1 for that only is from the gods4 ,it sleeps when the limbs are active1 but ofttimes in dreams it shows to the sleeper coming judgment1 a judgment of peace and pain40#abg ,that is1 when the body is awake it hampers the soul so that the soul is numbed in sleep2 but when the soul is free from the domination of the imprisoning flesh1 it then enjoys its proper powers4 ,there is a famous passage in the second ,olympian which sets forth ,pindar's views of future reward and punishment4 ,according to this passage1 sins committed on the earth are punished beneath the earth1 and those done beneath the earth are punished in the soul's next reincarnation4 ,so heaven and hell are always present to man's soul1 whether here in the light of the sun1 or in the darkness of ,hades4 ,those from whom atonement is accepted in the lower world are allowed to return to the earth in high positions2 when they have accomplished this rebirth thrice1 if they have been just1 they may enter into their final happiness4 ,these are ,pindar's words3 8,the guilty souls of the dead straightway pay the penalty here on earth2 and the sins done in this kingdom of ,zeus are judged by one beneath the ground1 who delivereth his judgment to hateful necessity4 ,but ever in the night and in the day alike the good receive as their lot a life free from toil1 enjoying the light of the sun4 ,they vex neither the ground nor the water of the sea for food that does not satisfy1 but among the honored gods1 those who have found their pleasure in keeping their oaths1 enjoy a life free from tears2 but the others bear suffering too great to look upon4 ,yet all those who have tarried thrice on either side 7of death7 and have persevered in keeping their souls wholly free from unjust deeds1 travel the road of ,zeus to the tower of ,cronos4 ,there the ocean breezes blow around the islands of the blest1 golden flowers bloom1 some from glorious trees on the land1 others water feeds4 ,with garlands the blest entwine their hands and crown their temples40#abh ,we need not pause here to point out in detail the great contrast between ,pindar's ideas of religion and those expressed in the ,homeric and ,hesiodic poetry4 ,he presented a higher doctrine of future rewards and punishments1 which was binding upon men in all the relations of this life2 and he expressed a higher conception of morality and of justice1 to whose obligations the gods as well as men were subject4 ,the baser elements of mythology he refined away and elevated thereby men's ideas of the divine2 and by making righteousness and truth the prime attributes of the gods1 in accordance with which they punished the wicked and blessed the good1 he lifted morality and religion to a nobler plane4 ,when we turn to the two older tragic poets1 ,aeschylus and ,sophocles1 we find that they teach doctrines very like those of ,pindar1 although naturally they dwell on those elements in religion and morality that are adapted to their tragic themes2 and they differ between themselves in the points which they emphasize4 ,aeschylus makes prominent the punitive aspect of divine justice2 he dwells upon the punishment which must inevitably follow sin1 and which pursues a guilty line from generation to generation4 ,the poet displays a moral earnestness and intensity like that of a ,hebrew prophet1 and he shows an extraordinary profundity in his handling of moral and religious themes2 furthermore he is consciously a religious teacher4 ,sophocles keeps religion more in the background1 using it as one of the materials which he as a literary artist can employ in his dramas2 yet he is important as a religious poet for he lays especial stress on the necessity of purity of heart1 which for him is the substance of piety toward the gods4 ,the elder tragedian1 ,aeschylus1 was born at ,eleusis about the year #ebe ,b4,c4 ,tradition told that he fought in the ,persian wars and was wounded at ,marathon4 ,he began to present tragedies about the year #ejj1 and continued to produce them until about three years before his death in #def4 ,aeschylus was a man of mighty concepts and massive thought1 to which his condensed and pregnant style corresponds2 a man of a profound and religious nature1 strongly influenced by the ,mysteries1 he thought deeply upon the problems of men and of gods4 ,he faced with honesty the contradictions involved in the current notions with regard to the moral nature of the gods1 and in the ethical standards of men4 ,like ,pindar he elevated and refined the traditional myths and made them a medium for the teaching of great moral truths4 ,aeschylus regards the order of the universe as moral throughout4 ,this view appears even in the ,prometheus ,bound1 that unique drama of revolt4 ,when we now read this tragedy alone1 it seems as if ,zeus were represented as a lawless tyrant1 using his power and might in most unjust ways4 ,but it is evident that if we had the other two plays of the trilogy1 the sympathy which we feel with the ,titan ,prometheus would be lessened1 that we should realize that the extant play represents the transition from violence to law1 and that in reality the rule of ,zeus is not one of might but one subject ultimately to the law of justice4 ,although ,aeschylus1 like all of his day1 was a polytheist1 he exalts ,zeus far above all other divinities4 ,he regards him as preminent1 the possessor of all majesty and power1 whose will always prevails1 so that1 when he speaks1 the thing he wishes comes to pass4 ,the poet uses the highest and most comprehensive epithets of him throughout his plays2 in the ,supplices the chorus appeal to ,zeus as 8,king of kings1 most blessed of the blessed1 most perfect power of perfect powers2 blessed ,zeus02 and again they address him as 8the one who rules through infinite time40#abi ,in other passages the poet seems to feel as if language were unequal to the task of describing adequately the majesty and power of this supreme god4 ,in his mind ,zeus surpasses the other gods so much that his will represents the whole of the divine laws2 to him man inevitably turns in doubt and perplexity4 ,as the chorus say in the ,agamemnon3 ,zeus--whate'er ',zeus' expresseth of ,his essence-- ,if the name please him on the lips of prayer1 ,with his name on my lips ,i seek his presence1 ,knowing none else ,i may with him compare4 ,yea1 though ,i ponder1 in the balance laying ,all else1 no help save ,zeus alone ,i find1 ,if ,i would cast aside the burden weighing1 ,all to no profit1 ever on my mind4#acj ,it is not impossible that ,aeschylus cherished ideas of divinity which approached the pantheism or the henotheism of a later age4 ,clement of ,alexandria has preserved two of his verses which are so extraordinary that we are glad to have them attested also by ,philodemus4#aca ,when in these the poet says3 8,zeus is the ether1 ,zeus the earth also2 also the sky4 ,zeus is all things1 and that which is above all things as well10 this syncretistic expression may well be due to the influence of ,orphism or of the philosopher ,heraclitus2 but whatever the source of the idea it stands at diameter with popular tradition4 ,of course it does not exclude the gods of the popular belief1 who could be included in the divine unity1 as later thought usually conceived them4 ,that ,aeschylus uses the gods of the people in his plays is not surprising1 for the dramatic poet1 whatever his personal belief1 must always use material familiar to his audience and suited to his dramatic and poetic purpose4 ,in the ,prometheus ,bound the ,titan threatens ,zeus with ,fate and declares that even he cannot escape ,necessity4 ,but we must remember that the ,prometheus1 as ,i have said before1 is a drama which represents transition from the old order to the new1 and that at the end of the trilogy there was no conflict between ,zeus and ,fate2 and in general ,aeschylus1 though not always clear1 most often represents ,fate either as the will of ,zeus himself or as his assistant4 ,the former idea is again and again expressed in the ,supplices1 where the will of the supreme god is shown as something mighty and absolute which none may transgress4 ,but if ,zeus is exalted to this supreme position1 it is as a god of supreme justice4 ,with the poet the ideas of justice and piety1 injustice and impiety are equivalent4 ,like ,hesiod he makes ,justice the daughter of ,zeus1 whom ,zeus always supports and avenges1 8allotting duly ill to the wicked1 blessing to the righteous40 ,to the poet it is inconceivable that a god of perfect justice could desire anything in the world except what is right and just2 and therefore he conceives that man's obligation is to strive after that which is just and righteous1 and so to put himself into harmony with the divine will4 ,a failure to do this is sin4 ,indeed the poet says that when men disregard justice they injure the gods1 and more than once sin is spoken of as a disease of the mind4 ,the sinner is a vain creature1 laboring under a delusion which oftentimes springs from o'erweening pride and is doomed to bear tears for its fruit4 ,the envy of the gods1 which seems in ,homer a childish thing1 is in ,aeschylus only the resentment which they feel toward a sinner who has been led away by success into insolent pride and so is doomed to punishment4 ,in the ,persians ,xerxes is represented as having been swept away by his haughty insolence so that he lacked discretion 77 and came to his doom4 ,the shade of ,darius says to the chorus3 ,zeus sits above1 a chastener of thoughts ,exceeding proud1 a stern inquisitor4 ,wherefore1 since ,heaven's warning bids be prudent1 ,admonish him with counsel of wise speech ,to cease from flouting ,gods with reckless pride4#acb ,and ,xerxes' armies were likewise doomed to pay the price of insolence and of their godless thoughts4 ,furthermore ,aeschylus teaches that good men must avoid the wicked1 and illustrates the truth by the fact that it was evil companions who urged ,xerxes to his folly4 ,there is a striking passage in the ,septem in which ,eteocles1 when informed that the seer ,amphiaraus is among the heroes who are besieging ,thebes1 says3 ,woe for the omen that with impious men ,joineth a righteous man in fellowship6 ,than evil converse1 in all enterprise ,nothing is worse2 its harvest let none reap4 ,infatuation's field hath death for fruit4 ,if the godfearing man for shipmates hath ,a crew hot-hearted in iniquity1 ,with that god-hated tribe he perisheth3 ,the righteous man who dwells with citizens ,traitrous to guests and reckless of the ,gods1 ,is justly taken in the selfsame net1 ,lashed by the same impartial scourge of ,god4#acc ,we have just seen that ,pindar shows a tendency to make man responsible for his sin1 quite in contrast to the popular belief which still kept the ,homeric view that the gods were responsible for all things4 ,with this popular idea ,aeschylus seems at times in accord4 ,but if we consider his plays in their entirety1 he makes man responsible for the first step4 ,in the ,eumenides1 for example1 the ,furies declare that no just man has ever put his hands justly to any deed and met their wrath4 ,the lesson is that when men have taken the initial downward step themselves an evil divinity or daemon drives them on1 but that the first step no man is forced to take4 ,when1 however1 he has taken it1 then the poet represents the sinner as through god's will infatuated with his sin4 ,no other extant poet shows so impressively how sin relentlessly persists through generation after generation4 ,the most familiar illustration is found in ,aeschylus' treatment of the story of the bloody line of ,atreus1 who sinned by slaying his brother's sons and offering their flesh1 an unholy banquet1 to their father2 then ,agamemnon's queen1 with her paramour ,aegisthus1 slew her lord on his return from ,troy2 and finally ,agamemnon's son ,orestes murdered his mother and ,aegisthus to avenge his sire4 ,thus through three generations the curse ran1 each generation adding its own crime until only the divine intervention of ,apollo and ,athena could stay the course of sin and its doom4 ,when in the ,choephoroe ,orestes has exacted his vengeance and stained himself with his mother's blood1 the chorus finally sings3 ,lo1 how upon the palace royal hath burst ,the third storm that fulfils the house's fate6 ,first1 wretch ,thyestes at a feast accurst ,of his own children ate3 ,then shrieked the second storm the agony ,of that king in that laver hacked to death1 ,when the ,achaians' chief to treachery ,there yielded up his breath3 ,now on the third storm's wild wings down doth sweep ,a ,saviour--or a ,doom shall he be named8 ,where shall the ,curse end8--how be lulled to sleep ,its fury8--how be tamed8#acd ,a similar theme was handled by him in his tragedies which dealt with the history of the royal house of ,thebes4 ,against the warning of the oracle ,laius married ,jocasta2 their son ,oedipus slew his father and wed his own mother who bore him children4 ,under the burden of ,oedipus' curse their two sons1 ,eteocles and ,polynices1 fell in fratricidal strife4 ,these are dark bloody tales1 but in the tragedies of ,aeschylus they were given a fearful moral import4 ,it is true that the same stories were handled by other tragedians1 but by none with such moral impressiveness4 ,the mind of the poet was too searching and earnest to avoid the difficult problems which appear in real life when there is a conflict of duties4 ,such a conflict arises when ,agamemnon has to choose between slaying his daughter and failing to do his duty by his country2 again when ,antigone at the close of the ,seven against ,thebes has to decide whether she will disobey the higher law which requires that the dead shall be buried1 or resist the edict of the state which forbids her the service to her dead4 ,throughout the ,choephoroe and ,eumenides ,orestes has to face the duty of avenging his father's death laid upon him by ,apollo1 and the pious reverence which he should show his mother4 ,the poet offers no satisfactory solution to such problems as these--indeed1 his purpose in bringing them out clearly was probably dramatic rather than moral4 ,yet whatever his purpose1 it is important for us to note that he realized the moral conflict clearly as a part of man's common experience4 ,i have already said that ,aeschylus dwells chiefly upon the retributory nature of punishment1 teaching that the sinner must suffer for his own deeds4 8,an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth0 was no less binding in ,greek than ,hebrew justice3 ,destinies1 ,mighty ,ones1 grant that from ,zeus may the issue betide ,even as ,justice requireth1 who now is arrayed on our side4 #8,ever the tongue of hate shall the tongue of hate requite3 ,aye for the stroke of murder the stroke of murder shall smite' ,justice exacting her dues cries ringing-voiced this law4 #8,doers must suffer'--so sayeth the immemorial saw4 99 99 99 99 99 ,a law saith1 #8,murder-drops of blood-libation ,on earth spilt1 cry for blood in expiation4' ,the ,avenging ,sprite shrieks1 hastening ,havoc on ,which brings from graves of men dead long agone ,ruin to crown the work of ruin done4#ace ,this principle runs through the entire trilogy of the ,oresteia4 ,agamemnon lost his life as recompense for the life of his daughter ,iphigenia whom he slew with his own hand1 and the murder of ,agamemnon was avenged by the slaughter of ,clytemnestra and her paramour4 ,throughout the three plays doom follows the criminal relentlessly and only divine interference in the end clears the account4 ,and yet at times ,aeschylus teaches a gentler belief1 that wisdom comes through suffering and constraint1 and that it is through the discipline of pain that we travel the road to understanding4 ,although ,aeschylus lays overwhelming emphasis on the truth that punishment for sin falls upon the sinner in this life1 he also teaches that there is punishment for the wicked in the world below4 ,in his description of the dead there are many reminiscences of ,homer4 ,but his ,hades is not ,homeric2 there is reality in punishment there no less than upon earth4 ,in the ,eumenides the ,furies threaten ,orestes thus3 ,nay1 ,i shall suck--thou canst not choose but pay the penalty-- ,the red gore from thy living limbs1 and win me out of thee ,the banquet of a draught that shall with awful anguish flow4 ,yea1 ,i will waste thy living frame1 then drag thee far below1 ,there to pay all thy penalty1 the mother-murder's woe4 ,so shall all else that have transgressed1 ,have sinned against a ,god1 a guest1 ,or parents1 mark how each receives ,the dues of sin that ,justice gives4 ,for ,hades 'neath the earth waits every soul1 ,a mighty judge who watcheth to enscroll ,all sins on his eternal memory's roll4#acf ,of the rewards of the righteous in the next life ,aeschylus has no word to say4 ,there is no ,elysium or ,islands of the ,blest4 ,aeschylus represents the ,athens of the ,persian ,wars2 ,sophocles belongs to the ,periclean age4 ,he was born fifteen years before the battle of ,salamis and led the chorus which sang a paean to celebrate the ,greek victory4 ,to his contemporaries his life seemed happy1 as if he were beloved by the gods above all other men4 ,in #dfh ,b4,c4 he was successful in contending for the tragic prize with ,aeschylus1 and he continued to write until his death in #djf4 ,instead of the rugged strength and passion that we find in ,aeschylus1 ,sophocles displays a sunny and gentle nature that naturally sought out the kindly and mediating elements in life4 ,a conservative1 he was not an innovator1 critic1 or teacher1 as both ,aeschylus and ,euripides were2 he does not make his characters reason much on the deeper things of life or criticize the traditional order4 ,yet in one sense he is the most religious of the ,greek poets1 showing a faith in divine government and a wide outlook on the universe which the two other tragedians did not display4 ,he does not break with the traditional belief as to the nature of the gods2 indeed at most points he follows closely the ,homeric conception2 they are still to his mind the givers of evil as well as of good to men1 and in fact his chorus in the ,antigone quotes with approval the ancient saying that evil seems good soon or late to him whose mind the god draws to mischief4#acg ,although he does not follow ,pindar and ,aeschylus in ascribing to divine beings a pure morality1 yet he is inclined to believe with the elder poets that 8,justice revealed from of old sits with ,zeus in the might of the eternal laws40#ach ,there are only two passages in which his characters may be said to criticize the gods4 ,in the first ,philoctetes1 smarting under his suffering and neglect1 exclaims3 ,no evil yet was crushed4 ,the ,heavens will ever shield it4 ',tis their sport ,to turn back all things rancorous and malign ,from going down to the grave1 and send instead ,the good and true4 ,oh1 how shall we commend ,such acts1 how construe them8 ,when ,i extol ,things god-like1 ,i find evil in the ,gods4#aci ,but it must be observed that any other sentiment would have been out of character for ,philoctetes at this point4 ,the second is a fragment from his lost play1 ,aleites1 in which some speaker1 contemplating the prosperity of the wicked and the misfortunes of the good1 declares that the gods ought not to order things thus for mortals1 but that on the contrary the pious should have some evident profit from their piety and the unjust should pay the penalty for their wrongs that all might see4#adj ,but this fragment is so at variance in sentiment with ,sophocles' general attitude that it has been conjectured1 not without probability1 that it came from ,euripides4 ,even if we reject this conjecture1 as ,i think we must1 we need not suppose that the sentiments which the poet puts into the mouths of his characters always represent his real view4 ,a dramatist1 as we must remind ourselves1 should make the speakers in his play express sentiments in harmony with their characters and for the most part will have them utter moral ideas with which most of his audience is in sympathy1 unless indeed he would play the part of innovator or prophet4 ,as a matter of fact ,sophocles' own attitude seems to be expressed in another fragment3 8,no man is wise save him whom god honors2 but if one look unto the gods1 even if the god bid him depart from justice1 there he must go4 ,for nothing to which the gods lead men is base40#ada ,this seems the key to ,sophocles' religious attitude4 ,he is confident that however things may seem to us in our short-sightedness1 if we could only see the purposes of the gods in their totality1 we should know that they are good4 ,the bases of man's life and action1 his highest duty1 ,sophocles teaches is piety and discretion1 4 ,when in the ,philoctetes ,heracles appears1 he urges upon the heroes that when they return to ,troy they be mindful1 in laying waste the land1 to show reverence towards the gods3 ,but1 take good heed1 ,midst all your spoil to hold the gods in awe4 ,for our great ,father counteth piety ,far above all4 ,this follows men in death1 ,and fails them not when they resign their breath4#adb ,and the chorus sings at the end of the ,antigone3 ,wise thought hath the first place in happiness ,before all else1 and piety to ,heaven ,must be preserved4 ,high boastings of the proud ,bring sorrows to the height to punish pride3-- ,a lesson men shall learn when they are old4#adc ,in the ,ajax ,athena says3 ,then1 warned by what thou seest1 be thou not rash ,to vaunt high words toward ,heaven1 nor swell thy port ,too proudly1 if in puissance of thy hand ,thou passest others1 or in mines of wealth4 ,since ,time abases and uplifts again ,all that is human1 and the modest heart ,is loved by ,heaven1 who hates the intemperate will4#add ,there is an extraordinary passage in the ,oedipus ,coloneus where ,oedipus is made to say1 when his strength fails him and he cannot go to the altar to sacrifice1 but must send one of his daughters3 8,for ,i think that one soul suffices to pay this debt for ten thousand1 if it come with good will 7purity7 to the shrine40#ade ,piety1 reverence1 and purity1 these to ,sophocles are the highest qualities of man4 ,for the poet the moral order was unchanging1 dependent not upon caprice but having a divine source and a divine sanction2 the laws of heaven are therefore superior to those of man1 and man's obedience to the higher law is made his duty and the means of his consecration4 ,in an ode in ,oedipus the ,king1 which is called forth by the king's harshness and by the suspicion that he is not wholly guiltless1 as well as by the queen's bold contempt for ,apollo's oracle1 the chorus sings3 ,o may ,i live ,sinless and pure in every word and deed ,ordained by those firm laws1 that hold their realm on high6 ,begotten of ,heaven1 of brightest ,ether born1 ,created not of man's ephemeral mould1 ,they ne'er shall sink to slumber in oblivion4 ,a ,power of ,god is there1 untouched by ,time4#adf ,that is1 the chorus here pray that they may always show their piety and reverence by obeying the divine laws4 ,this sentiment is repeated more than once in the extant tragedies2 as when ,odysseus warns ,agamemnon not to refuse burial to the body of ,ajax3 8',tis not he1 'tis the law of heaven that thou would'st hurt40#adg ,through this belief ,sophocles justified ,antigone in her decision to defy the edict of the state1 for ,creon had ordained that her brother ,polynices might not be buried1 since he had attacked ,thebes4 ,but ,greek belief regarded it as a sacred duty of the next of kin to bury their dead1 and this duty ,antigone could not but fulfil1 although she knew that death would be her lot4 ,when ,creon asks her if she did indeed dare to transgress his edict1 she replies3 ,i heard it not from ,zeus1 nor came it forth ,from ,justice1 where she reigns in the ,underworld4 ,they too have published to mankind a law4 ,nor could ,i think thine edict of such might ,that one who is mortal thus could overrule ,the infallible1 unwritten laws of ,heaven4 ,their majesty begins not from today ,but from eternity1 and none can tell ,the hour that saw their birth4#adh ,it was for this same principle that ,socrates1 a generation later1 gave up his life4 ,in his defense he told his jury why3 8,perhaps someone may say1 #8,but ,socrates1 can you not go off and live in exile1 give up talking and be quiet8' ,this is the very point on which it is hardest to persuade some of you1 for if ,i say that this is exile to be disobeying the god and therefore that it is impossible to keep quiet1 you will not believe me1 but will say that ,i am ironical40#adi ,socrates believed that he had a divine commission to question and examine others1 and that duty he must perform as the heroine in the tragedy must perform hers1 cost him what it might4 ,the eternal problem of human suffering1 the fact that pain and misfortune are not always the result of wrong doing1 but that the innocent suffer while the guilty escape1 was a matter with which ,sophocles was much concerned4 ,his predecessor ,aeschylus had tried to show in opposition to experience that sin always preceded pain2 and in ,sophocles the doom of ,creon and his house is due to the king's proud resentment wherein he sinned against heaven's law4 ,but in the same play the heroine ,antigone1 who has obeyed the divine mandates1 is forced to suffer a most pathetic fate4 ,king ,oedipus was not intentionally guilty1 and the fate of the innocent queen ,deianeira surpasses in pathos that of any other tragic heroine4 ,she was impelled by the tender desire to recall the love of her faithless husband1 and the poet acquits her of blame1 8,she erred1 though she intended well40#aej ,but none the less she involved both husband and herself in dreadful doom4 ,the tragic poet found his solution of this ancient perplexing problem only in the larger view1 which regarded the individual as but a slight factor in the economy of the whole4 ,at times suffering was regarded as a means of discipline3 8,the soul that has been bedded in misfortune sees many things40#aea ,thus through pain one learns and has his nature developed4 ,theseus1 in the ,oedipus ,coloneus1 offers a kindly welcome to the exile ,oedipus and his daughters1 for his own sufferings in exile have produced a spirit of kindliness and charity in him4 ,oedipus himself in the same play is unlike the headstrong king of the earlier tragedy2 suffering and time have chastened and enlightened him1 though they have not made him mild in spirit4 ,sophocles also displays great sympathy with human weakness and suffering4 ,this appears in his treatment of the character of ,deianeira1 and above all in the tender pathos with which he brings out the human longings of ,antigone1 who though she has nobly obeyed heaven's unwritten law1 yet shrinks from suffering and death and from the loss of all that youth promises4 ,it is not surprising1 therefore1 that we find in ,sophocles mercy emphasized as a divine attribute1 and this quality in the gods held up as an example to men4 ,on this ,polynices makes his appeal to ,oedipus3 ,but seeing that ,zeus on his almighty throne ,keeps ,mercy in all he does to counsel him1 ,thou1 too1 my father1 let her plead with thee6#aeb ,the sentiment is not far from ,portia's plea3 ,it is enthroned in the hearts of kings1 ,it is an attribute to ,god himself2 ,and earthly power doth then show likest ,god's ,when mercy seasons justice4 ,sophocles' sympathy for undeserved suffering1 his understanding of the weakness of men1 of their liability to error1 and his faith in the gods1 all led him to try to take the larger view of the ills of life1 to which the philosopher ,heraclitus had already given expression when he said that god does all things for the harmony of the whole2 and that while men regard some things as right and others wrong1 to god all things are fair and good and right4 ,the individual is only a part of the great whole1 and when human experiences are regarded sub specie aeternitatis1 we shall find that that which seems evil is only permitted to make a just and harmonious unity4 ,the poet tried to conceive of the life of man1 ,as a great whole1 not analyzed to parts ,but each part having reference to all4 ,looked at from this universal point of view the sufferings of ,philoctetes1 ,antigone1 ,deianeira1 and ,oedipus are justified to men4 ,it was natural that ,sophocles should use many ,homeric concepts with reference to the condition of men and the life after death4 ,in the ,antigone alone is there any personal hope of future happiness4 ,it may well be that the poet's sense of what was fitting dramatically is responsible for his conservative attitude2 he was dealing with traditional material1 and using themes and incidents which were far remote in time from his audience4 ,it may have seemed to him that fidelity to his subject and the requirements of artistic unity prevented his putting into the mouths of his characters sentiments which an early age could hardly have conceived4 ,sophocles was not animated by the iconoclasm which we shall find in the bolder ,euripides2 but if the future life is not pictured in ,sophocles' extant tragedies1 we need not doubt for a moment that he believed in immortality4 ,he had been initiated into the ,mysteries and one of the finest expressions of the ecclesiastical confidence which the initiates felt came from his pen3 8,thrice blessed are those mortals who have seen these rites and then go to the house of ,hades1 for they alone have life there2 but all others have only woe40#aec ,such1 in brief1 were the teachings of some of the greatest poets of the sixth and fifth centuries before our era4 ,but these represent only one side of ,greek thought in this time4 ,in ,athens there were influences1 political1 social1 and intellectual1 which were working profound changes4 ,pindar1 ,aeschylus1 and ,sophocles belonged to an older order2 the voices of the new age will concern us in our next lecture4 ,,footnotes3 #if ,xen4 ap4 ,stob41 ,flor4 #hh1 #ad4 #ig #afe f42 #aga f4 #ih ,frg4 #fa4 #ii ,frg4 #ef4 #ajj ,frg4 #gd1 #e ff4 #aja #afg f42 #ajge ff4 7cf4 #ehc f474 #ajb #dbe-dca4 #ajc #chc ff4 #ajd #cai ff4 #aje #ajbi ff4 #ajf ,frg4 #hh4 #ajg ,frg4 #d1 #a-af4 #ajh #ac1 especially vv4 #aa-cb4 #aji #cgc-chj4 #aaj #gca ff4 #aaa ,solon #ac1 #ca f4 #aab ,pyth4 #c1 #gh f4 #aac ,nem4 #f1 #a ff4 #aad ,cf4 ,ol4 #ac1 #hc2 ,pyth4 #aj1 #di2 ,frg4 #adb4 #aae ,pyth4 #b1 #di ff4 #aaf ,pyth4 #i1 #dd ff4 #aag ,frg4 #adj4 #aah ,ol4 #a1 #fd4 #aai ,isth4 #c1 #e f4 #abj ,ol4 #aj1 #c2 ,frg4 #bje2 ,pyth4 #c1 #bi4 #aba ,ol4 #a1 #eb4 #abb ,isth4 #f1 #ga4 #abc ,w4 and ,d4 #fid4 #abd ,isth4 #e1 #ac ff4 #abe ,nem4 #aa1 #ac ff4 #abf ,bacch4 #ad1 #ej-fc 7,jebb74 #abg ,frg4 #aca4 #abh ,ol4 #b1 #fc ff4 #abi ,supp4 #ebd f42 #egd4 #acj ,ag4 #afj ff4 #aca ,frg4 #gj4 #acb ,pers4 #hbg ff4 #acc ,sept4 #eig-fjh4 #acd ,choeph4 #ajfe ff4 #ace ,choeph4 #cjf ff42 #djj ff4 #acf ,eum4 #bfd ff4 #acg ,antig4 #fba ff4 #ach ,o4 ,c4 #acha f4 #aci ,phil4 #ddf ff4 #adj ,frg4 #ajc4 #ada ,frg4 #bbf4 #adb ,phil4 #addj ff4 #adc ,ant4 #acdg ff4 #add ,ai4 #abg ff4 #ade ,o4 ,c4 #die ff4 #adf ,o4 ,t4 #hfc ff4 #adg ,ai4 #acdc f4 #adh ,ant4 #dej ff4 #adi ,plato1 ,apol4 #cg ,e4 #aej ,tr4 #aacf4 #aea ,frg4 #fjj4 #aeb ,o4 ,c4 #abfg ff4 #aec ,frg4 #gec4 ,,iv ,,the ,,fifth ,,century ,,at ,,athens ,the defeat of the ,persians at ,salamis in #dhj ,b4,c4 made ,athens the first state in ,greece4 ,not only had she suffered enormous losses in the ruin of her city and lands for the common cause1 but she had borne the brunt of the naval fight at ,salamis1 as ten years before1 with the brave men from ,plataea1 she had driven the ,persian hordes from the plain of ,marathon into the sea4 ,the ,athenians had acquitted themselves well1 for they had shown the loftiest patriotism and loyalty to the cause of ,hellas2 now their high position was recognized even by their jealous rivals4 ,athens entered on a brilliant period of fifty years which has never been equalled in the world's history4 ,within that time she produced statesmen1 architects1 artists1 and poets who have never been surpassed since in any state in the same length of time4 ,her naval power1 her wealth and culture1 placed her in a supreme position4 ,neither the ,athenians nor the other ,greeks forgot the gods to whom they believed that they owed their victory over the ,persians4 ,to ,apollo at ,delphi the allies sent a golden tripod set on a pillar of three bronze serpents bearing the names of those who made the offering2 the ,athenians on their own account erected a trophy there1 and on the ,acropolis they deposited the broken cables of the bridge which the ,persians had built across the ,hellespont4 ,soon they set up in the same place a colossal bronze statue of ,athena made from the spoils captured at ,marathon4 ,a new temple to the goddess in place of the one destroyed by the ,persians was planned by ,cimon2 but his ostracism in #dfa ,b4,c4 stopped its building4 ,when ,pericles was able to carry out his plans for adorning ,athens1 he determined to enlarge the structure2 as a result the ,parthenon with its wondrous sculptures and great chryselephantine statue of the goddess was completed in #dch ,b4,c4 ,at the entrance of the ,acropolis a splendid propylaea was begun and many other public buildings were erected to adorn the city4 ,the chief divinity of ,athens1 the goddess ,athena1 now held her position without a rival2 all the other gods were in second place4 ,the conception of the goddess was essentially that fixed by the ,homeric poems1 and as such ,phidias represented her with aegis1 spear1 and shield1 carrying victory in her hand4 ,she became the embodiment of the power and the glory of the state4 ,in an earlier lecture ,i referred to the part which ,pisistratus played during the sixth century in fostering ,orphism at ,athens and in developing the mysteries at ,eleusis4 ,now the ,athenian success in driving back the ,persian invaders had filled the citizens with a spirit which had little desire for the sacraments of the ,orphics1 and furthermore the mysteries at ,eleusis satisfied all longing for mystic assurance of security and of future happiness4 ,but ,pisistratus had also emphasized the ,olympian religion as set forth in the ,homeric poems4 ,indeed1 we may say that he produced a ,homeric revival2 for whatever the truth may be in the tradition that he had the ,homeric text fixed and written down in the ,attic alphabet1 there can be little question that he made the ,iliad and ,odyssey more widely known by ordaining that the rhapsodes should recite them at the great ,panathenaic festival4 ,the emphasis given by him to the ,olympian divinities resulted in the exaltation of ,athena and the subordination of most local cults to her worship upon the ,acropolis4 ,it was ,pisistratus also who developed and gave new magnificence to the ,panathenaic festival4 ,this was annual1 but was celebrated with special splendor every fourth year4 ,at these festivals the recitation of the ,homeric poems brought before the people in impressive manner the whole pageantry of ,olympus4 ,the great procession with which the festival culminated--that procession known to us from ,phidias' frieze upon the ,parthenon--had as its objective point the ,acropolis1 where the sacred robe and other gifts were offered to the patron goddess1 ,athena4 ,her old temple on the site once occupied by the goodly house of ,erectheus was adorned at the tyrant's orders with a peristyle and new pediment sculptures4 ,the battle of ,athena ,polias and the gods against the giants replaced the old sculptures of ,zeus encountering a three-headed monster and of ,heracles destroying the ,hydra4 ,thus ,pisistratus made the temple of ,athena the center of the united ,athenian state1 and established the goddess as the chief divinity of ,attica4 ,this ,olympian religion was well suited to the state in the fifth century4 ,the ,athenian success in saving ,greece from the ,persians had magnified the importance of ,athens in the eyes of all her citizens4 ,their life was now one of action2 they were proudly conscious of their expanding empire1 their growing power1 and increasing wealth4 ,the joy which they felt in their present existence had something of the epic quality in it4 ,furthermore the growth of free democracy1 which opened up many channels of successful activity through the state1 had not yet resulted in that individualism with its disintegrating tendencies which marked the fourth century1 and the common interests of the ,athenians made the state the center of their thought4 ,they regarded it as an organization existing for the benefit of all free citizens4 ,its unity and its power1 so far as ,athens was concerned1 were symbolized by the goddess ,athena4 ,on her home and on her worship the resources of the state were lavished4 ,it was inevitable that her religion should be regarded as primarily a state affair1 and that at the same time she and the other protecting gods should seem to the individual citizen somewhat more removed from human interests and sympathy as they gained in the august majesty which the wealth of the empire lent them4 ,exactly as to many a ,christian the wealth and magnificence of a splendid cathedral seem to put ,god farther away than the bare simplicity of some beloved chapel1 so the ,parthenon undoubtedly made ,athena seem more august and more remote to many an ,athenian than the rude and simple protecting deity of his country home4 ,the result of these various causes which were operative in the fifty years of ,athens' greatness was that a part of religion became a state concern1 and that men's loyalty was centered on the state4 ,patriotism and pride in empire took the place to a considerable extent of what may be roughly described as personal religion4 ,this1 of course1 does not mean that a belief in the gods among the mass of the people had died out in any sense4 ,the ordinary ,athenian continued his worship as before at the local shrines and joined with the other citizens in paying tribute to the great divinities4 ,but especially with many of the intellectual and leading men religion was absorbed1 so to speak1 into patriotism1 exactly as has been the case in our own time in ,france and ,italy4 ,this attitude of mind finds supreme expression in the funeral oration of ,pericles1 which he pronounced over those who had died in the first year of the ,peloponnesian ,war4 ,his speech is devoted to glorifying the ,athenians and to celebrating the noble service which the fallen rendered when they gave up their lives for their fatherland4 ,there is not one syllable about the gods1 one word of gratitude to heaven1 or a single expression of solace to the relatives of the dead based on any hope of immortality4 ,in the service of the state ,pericles saw every incentive and every reward4 ,this will be clear from the following paragraphs3#aed 8,such was the end of these men2 they were worthy of ,athens1 and the living need not desire to have a more heroic spirit1 although they may pray for a less fatal issue4 ,the value of such a spirit is not to be expressed in words4 ,any one can discourse to you forever about the advantages of a brave defence1 which you know already4 ,but instead of listening to him ,i would have you day by day fix your eyes upon the greatness of ,athens1 until you become filled with the love of her2 and when you are impressed by the spectacle of her glory1 reflect that this empire has been acquired by men who knew their duty and had the courage to do it1 who in the hour of conflict had the fear of dishonor always present to them1 and who1 if they failed in an enterprise1 would not allow their virtues to be lost to their country1 but freely gave their lives to her as the fairest offering which they could present at her feast4 ,the sacrifice which they collectively made was individually repaid to them2 for they received again each one for himself a praise which grows not old1 and the noblest of all sepulchres--,i speak not of that in which their remains are laid1 but of that in which their glory survives1 and is proclaimed always and on every fitting occasion both in word and deed4 ,for the whole earth is the sepulchre of famous men2 not only are they commemorated by columns and inscriptions in their own country1 but in foreign lands there dwells also an unwritten memorial of them1 graven not on stone1 but in the hearts of men4 ,make them your examples1 and esteeming courage to be freedom and freedom to be happiness1 do not weigh too nicely the perils of war4 ,the unfortunate who has no hope of a change for the better has less reason to throw away his life than the prosperous who1 if he survive1 is always liable to a change for the worse1 and to whom any accidental fall makes the most serious difference4 ,to a man of spirit1 cowardice and disaster coming together are far more bitter than death1 striking him unperceived at a time when he is full of courage and animated by the general hope4 ,wherefore ,i do not now commiserate the parents of the dead who stand here2 ,i would rather comfort them4 ,you know that your life has been passed amid manifold vicissitudes2 and that they may be deemed fortunate who have gained most honour1 whether an honorable death like theirs1 or an honorable sorrow like yours1 and whose days have been so ordered that the term of their happiness is likewise the term of their life4 ,i know how hard it is to make you feel this1 when the good fortune of others will too often remind you of the gladness which once lightened your hearts4 ,and sorrow is felt at the want of those blessings1 not which a man never knew1 but which were a part of his life before they were taken from him4 ,some of you are of an age at which they may hope to have other children1 and they ought to bear their sorrow better2 not only will the children who may hereafter be born make them forget their own lost ones1 but the city will be doubly a gainer4 ,she will not be left desolate1 and she will be safer4 ,for a man's counsel cannot have equal weight or worth1 when he alone has no children to risk in the general danger4 ,to those of you who have passed their prime ,i say3 #8,congratulate yourselves that you have been happy during the greater part of your days2 remember that your life of sorrow will not last long1 and be comforted by the glory of those who are gone4 ,for the love of honour alone is ever young1 and not riches1 as some say1 but honour is the delight of men when they are old and useless4'0 ,the loyalty to the state1 however1 which animates this oration we must remember actually resulted in the glorification of ,athena and the other great gods4 ,for they1 too1 were a part of the state1 and had a share in its reputation and prosperity4 ,but ,i must point out again that in this exaltation of the ,olympic gods there was nothing of that personal relation of the individual to divinity1 such as must exist in every really religious age4 ,yet at the risk of repetition1 ,i would recall the fact that the practice of religion by individuals had not ceased at ,athens4 ,the common man still paid devotion to his guardian gods1 made offerings to the dead1 and shared in many forms of worship4 ,furthermore the spread of the ,eleusinian mysteries in this century1 so that a new and larger initiation hall had to be erected at ,eleusis1 shows that thoughts of the future life and the deepest religious feelings still existed in large numbers of the citizens4 ,we have here1 then1 an apparent contradiction1 such as has appeared many times and in many places in the religious history of man4 ,many of the leaders of the state were interested in religion only as it was an affair of state1 in the same way in which the army and navy were4 ,on the other hand there were large numbers who felt a more personal interest in religion and who cultivated a more personal relation to divinity4 ,nor were there lacking men of the most intellectual class to deal with the higher concepts of religion which had been developing during the recent centuries4 ,these ideas find their truest utterance in the work of the poets1 and we have already seen how ,pindar1 ,aeschylus1 and ,sophocles interpreted nobler views with regard to the gods1 human conduct1 and man's relation to the divinities1 to all ,greece and especially to ,athens which had now become the intellectual center of the ,hellenic world4 ,but another new force had been developing among the ,greeks during the sixth century which was destined to deal a far greater blow to traditional religion than any other--,i mean philosophy4 ,this began in ,ionia and was cultivated in other parts of greater ,greece before it came to ,athens4 ,but after the ,persian ,wars the prominence and prosperity of that city was so great and her intellectual eminence was so high that she attracted the men of note in many departments of life4 ,among them was the philosopher ,anaxagoras of ,clazomenae who made ,athens his home for about thirty years 7c4 #dfb-dcb ,b4,c474 ,he became a member of the most intellectual ,athenian society of his day1 a friend of ,euripides1 and an intimate of ,pericles4 ,when dangers began to threaten the state1 with the prospect of war looming on the horizon1 the people began to blame their great leader2 to injure him1 they banished one and another of his friends4 ,the two most noted were ,phidias the sculptor1 of whose art the marbles of the ,parthenon are still the unsurpassed witnesses1 and ,anaxagoras the philosopher2 the charge against both was impiety4 ,anaxagoras taught that the sun was a red hot mass of rock1 as the moon was a cold mass1 like the earth4 ,according to this teaching the sun and moon could no longer be regarded as gods1 so that a charge of impiety was as easily based on such doctrines as it was on the teaching of ,galileo twenty centuries later4 ,but although the philosopher was driven out1 philosophy could not be so easily banished4 ,the eager intellectual life of ,athens had caught the spark1 and the flame of philosophy was never extinguished on the ,athenian altars for almost a thousand years1 until the ,emperor ,justinian closed the philosophic schools in #ebi ,a4,d4 ,now philosophy aimed from the very first to explain the origin and structure of the universe by reducing all things to a single principle1 or to a few principles at most4 ,the purpose of the philosopher was to carry out a more systematic search for unity than the thought of the poet or of the ordinary man could accomplish4 ,we have seen how ,hesiod and the ,orphics tried by cosmogonies to explain the origin of the world4 ,the philosophers turned to physical science for their explanation4 ,but in every case their work was from its very nature antagonistic to popular polytheism1 which saw a separate divinity in every phenomenon4 ,it was inevitable that the conflict should become an open one sooner or later4 ,xenophanes of ,colophon 7flor4 c4 #edj ,b4,c47 was the first to enter the lists4 ,driven into exile by civil disturbances at about the age of twenty-five1 he lived most of his life in ,sicily4 ,he was as much a social and religious reformer and satirist as philosopher4 ,with a frankness which passed beyond the freedom of his age he struck at the popular beliefs with regard to the gods1 which taught that the gods were born and had clothes and voices and forms like mortals4 ,he illustrated the folly of the ,greeks in making the gods after their own image by reminding them that the ,ethiopians made their gods flat-nosed and black1 and the ,thracians theirs blue-eyed and red-haired1 while if cattle and horses and lions had but hands and could draw and mould and fashion like men1 then each would draw and fashion the gods in his own image4#aee ,for the current notions of divinity he held ,homer and ,hesiod responsible and charged that these poets had attributed to the gods everything that was reckoned as shame and reproach among men--stealing1 adultery1 and cheating4#aef ,he likewise opposed the doctrine that the gods had taught men their knowledge1 but declared that man had always learned through experience and investigation the better way for himself4#aeg ,xenophanes went even further than this and used the science of his day to prove that what was regarded as the appearances of the gods was merely meteorological phenomena4 ,in the place of many gods he declared that there was but one1 and he not like mortal men either in form or intelligence1 but that he was wholly sight1 wholly intelligence1 wholly hearing--that is to say1 god and the universe are identical1 and the cosmos is eternal1 sentient1 and intelligent4#aeh ,there could hardly have been a greater contrast than between this pantheism and the polytheism of the day4 ,it is true that ,xenophanes offers no adequate explanation of the way in which phenomena arise2 he does not solve the problem of deriving the transient out of that which is permanent and fixed4 ,but nevertheless he crudely anticipated the thought of later philosophers and theologians and began the open struggle with polytheism which was to continue for many centuries4 ,another philosopher who deserves our attention here is ,heraclitus of ,ephesus who flourished in the early fifth century4 ,as he surveyed the world he was impressed with the variety of phenomena that moved before him1 with the fact that nothing is stable but that everything is always in process of change4 ,he declared therefore that nothing is permanent but that all things in reality are in a state of flux and flow 7 74 ,the explanation for this constant change he apparently found in the crude science of the day which observed that changes in temperature cause changes of form1 some solids becoming liquid and liquids gaseous4 ,this phenomenon he thought was due to fire4 ,fire he regarded as universal in the cosmos--indeed1 as identical with it1 and he is reported as saying that this universe1 which is the same for all beings1 no god or mortal has made1 but it has always been and is and ever will be eternal fire1 which sometimes grows the brighter and again is quenched4 ,this fire he is willing to call god2 it is to him the principle which permeates the universe and causes all change within it4 ,such being the case1 ,heraclitus maintains that true knowledge is not concerned with many things but solely with the unity in the world which his teachings set forth4 ,in his scorn for his predecessors he outdoes ,xenophanes4 ,not only ,homer and ,hesiod1 but ,pythagoras1 ,xenophanes1 ,archilochus1 and ,hecateus are alike condemned4 ,homer and ,archilochus he declares deserve to be driven from the games and flogged1 such folly had they taught4#aei ,in his assaults on the popular religion ,heraclitus did not concern himself so much with mythology as with the rites and ceremonies current in his time4 ,he evidently attacked the representatives of the mystery religions1 calling them night walkers1 magi1 priests of ,bacchus1 devotees of the wine-vat1 and mystery-mongers4 ,in another fragment he ridicules those who pray to the images of the gods1 for that is as if one were to pray to a man's house2 and again he declares that if men on ordinary occasions sang songs like the hymns which they raise in honor of ,dionysus they would be acting most shamelessly4 ,man's duty to his mind is to devote himself wholly to the apprehension of the divine unity in the world1 of that wisdom to which alone he would consent to give the name of ,zeus4#afj ,we have now seen from these two representatives how philosophy regarded traditional polytheism1 and taught that the unity of the universe was identical with god4 ,but neither ,xenophanes nor ,heraclitus offered any satisfactory explanation of the way in which multiplicity could arise out of unity4 ,still less did they conceive of a personal god4 ,this concept was reserved for ,plato or possibly for his great teacher4 ,a slight approach toward an explanation of variety was made1 it is true1 by ,heraclitus1 through his 8fire0 and also through a doctrine which ,i have not mentioned1 namely that 8strife10 the action of opposites1 is the cause of change4 ,now another philosopher1 ,empedocles of ,agrigentum1 whom we have already met as a mystic1 offered an explanation of the cause of phenomena not dissimilar to that of ,heraclitus1 and yet one that marked an advance4 ,for his elements ,empedocles took the four of popular belief--earth1 air1 fire1 water1 which he said were combined in various forms by the principles of 8friendship0 and of 8strife02 or1 as we should say today in less symbolic language1 by affinity and incompatibility4 ,but like ,heraclitus ,empedocles fails to make clear how or why these principles act at all on his elements4 ,in short before ,anaxagoras no thinker conceived of any satisfactory formative or motive principles to explain phenomena2 likewise none had arrived at a well defined distinction between a material principle and a formative principle4 ,anaxagoras solved the problem in a way highly satisfactory for his age and in a manner which unconsciously anticipated many of the principles of modern science4 ,according to him all substances are elementary1 existing in seeds or germs1 infinite in number1 infinitesimal in size4 ,aristotle and the ancients in general understood him to mean that these seeds or germs are minute particles of the things which we know in the mass1 as for example bread or water1 or flesh and bones4 ,some modern scholars think that he meant that the original mass of matter was infinitely divided and that every atom had in it a portion of everything else3 the various combinations of these seeds1 atoms1 we name bread1 water1 or flesh and bones according to the predominance of these things in the seeds which make up the whole4 ,yet whether ,aristotle and the ancients or the moderns be right is a matter of little moment to us now4 ,anaxagoras thought that these 8seeds10 whatever they were1 were set in motion and combined to produce the infinite diversity of the natural objects by ,mind 774 ,anaxagoras' great service1 then1 was his introduction of ,mind into philosophy as a formative1 a motive principle to provide the cause for change and diversity4 ,it is not to be denied that ,anaxagoras conceived his principle to be as material as the elements themselves1 and that he did not employ his principle fully1 even after he introduced it into the world4 ,indeed1 he did not advance beyond a mechanical concept of the cause of phenomena4 ,but nevertheless he is significant in the history of ,european thought as the founder of the dualistic system which largely prevailed thereafter4 ,his contemporaries1 too1 recognized him as an innovator1 for we are told that the wits of ,athens nicknamed him 8,mind40 ,with the consequences of this new dualism we shall be much concerned hereafter4 ,another group of men contributed to the intellectual life of that wonderful fifty years of ,athenian history which began with the defeat of the ,persians and ended with the outbreak of the ,peloponnesian ,war4 ,how keen the intellectual life of that time was is shown by the high excellence of the plays to which the masses of the common citizens listened in the theater4 ,aeschylus1 ,sophocles1 and ,euripides were not enjoyed by the few but by the great body of ,athenian citizens1 and their plays were known even among the remote ,greek colonies4 ,the intellectual spirit of the age was stimulated to inquiry and to scepticism4 ,herodotus is wholly sceptical1 and the agnostic tendency of the time is shown by the entire lack of mythology and superstition displayed by ,thucydides4 ,a further stimulus was furnished by the development of a higher education given by professional teachers--the ,sophists4 ,the last half of the fifth century is often called with good reason the 8,age of the ,sophists40 ,we must understand clearly just what we mean by this term as applied to the men of this time1 for today the word sophist has an unfavorable connotation4 ,the ,sophists of the fifth century neither formed a philosophic school nor were they charlatans4 ,the most prominent among them was ,protagoras of ,abdera whose ability and character is shown by the fact that ,pericles selected him to draw up the laws for ,thurii in #ddd-dc ,b4,c4 ,gorgias of ,leontini in ,sicily enjoyed such high reputation that in #dbg he was sent at the head of an embassy to ,athens4 ,these ,sophists were simply men devoted to the pursuit of wisdom1 frequently professional teachers who undertook to give a general culture1 to train their pupils to take part in society and the state4 ,for the old training which had been gained by observation they substituted a formal discipline2 they offered instruction in rhetoric1 politics1 music1 in short in all the higher branches1 as we should call them4 ,but they had no unity of doctrine4 ,by the close of the fifth century they had fallen somewhat into disrepute and were under suspicion1 since in the ,athenian state all the youths who could afford to pay the fees which these professional teachers charged belonged to the aristocratic class1 which frequently voted against the democracy4 ,the ,sophists owed their great influence to the fact that they met an actual need in the small society of ,athens which included an unusual number of men with eager alert minds and great intellectual curiosity4 ,now it should be observed that rhetoric1 which formed a considerable part of the new education introduced by these professional teachers since political life was the chief career open to a young ,athenian1 led to habits of examination1 analysis1 and definition4 ,we are all familiar with the fact that any attempt to analyze and define customary beliefs and practices is pretty certain to detect inconsistencies unobserved before2 to lead1 at first at least1 to confusion and to doubt as to the validity of the practice or belief under consideration2 and that when applied to traditional morality or religion it is likely to loosen the obligations which men have hitherto regarded4 ,for illustrations of this truth we have only to look about us and to see how in this generation1 as in the generations of our fathers1 long accepted beliefs have crumbled before examination1 as for example the institution of slavery1 the justice of which few questioned a century and a quarter ago4 ,so it was inevitable that in ,athens some of the effects of the sophistic teaching should be destructive4 ,and these effects were exaggerated by the great store which was set on skill in disputation4 ,when moral or religious themes were under discussion1 the point at issue was not the value of this or that position1 but rather the relative skill of the disputants4 ,we are so familiar with this in academic life1 in college debates1 for example1 that the question of the moral effect does not rise in our minds4 ,but it is little wonder that in the fifth century in ,athens the ,sophists were charged with making the worse cause the better4 ,furthermore the ,sophists were sceptical as to the possibility of acquiring absolute knowledge about anything4 ,this scepticism may have been due to a failure on the part of the science of the day which led individuals to turn from nature to man as the object of their inquiry4 ,protagoras maintained that all knowledge was relative1 since the only way in which a man can know anything is through his senses2 through them he perceives that an object is hot or cold1 round or square1 sweet or bitter4 ,he pointed out1 also1 that the same object will not always appear the same even to the same individual2 hence he declared that there is no such thing as absolute truth1 but that whatever seems true to you or to me at the moment is the truth for you or for me1 and that it is not at all necessary that you and ,i should hold the same thing to be true at one and the same time4 ,whatever seems to the individual true is true1 according to him4 ,from this came his famous dictum that man1 that is the individual1 is the measure of all things4#afa ,it is clear that this doctrine when applied to politics1 morals1 or religion was upsetting4 ,so long as men studied nature1 they were concerned with discovering the inflexible laws which govern the world4 ,but when they turned their attention from nature to society or government1 they realized that human institutions seemed to be the result on the whole of conventions agreed upon and adopted by mankind4 ,the ,sophists held in general that the form of the state1 the current moral and religious beliefs and social customs had no absolute validity2 that they were the results of convention2 and that their only warrant was that they worked well in practice1 that they were profitable to the individual and to society4 ,this pragmatic view of institutions fell in well with the temper of the last half of the fifth century1 both in the period of ,athens' imperial supremacy and in the time of her trial during the ,peloponnesian ,war1 when in passion or despair the people disregarded law and1 as in the case of the ,melians1 all that humanity had counted sacred4 ,it was an age when many held that might and right were identical1 and for this view the ,sophists1 even though unwittingly1 furnished arguments2 for if the test of an institution or act is that it works well when put into practice1 success proves validity4 ,the ,sophists1 too1 taught that virtue 77 was nothing else than what we call today efficiency4 ,it is not strange that the conservative ,athenians came to look on them with suspicion4 ,with regard to the gods ,protagoras was naturally agnostic4 ,he began his 8,treatise on the ,gods0 with the words3 8,so far as the gods are concerned1 ,i cannot know whether they exist or do not exist2 or what their nature is4 ,many things prevent our knowing4 ,the matter is obscure and life is short40#afb ,one may be curious to know what large matter ,protagoras found for his discussion when he began with this frank confession of ignorance2 but it should be observed that in this confession there is nothing necessarily antagonistic to the popular theology of his day4 ,it only shows what the words plainly declare1 that a belief in the gods cannot depend upon knowledge4 ,another ,sophist1 ,prodicus1 maintained that the divinities were nothing but the kindly powers of nature which man had deified2#afc and the 8,gentle ,critias10 one of the worst of the ,thirty ,tyrants1 and a ready pupil of the earlier ,sophists1 is said to have set forth in a satyric drama the theory that the gods were the clever invention of someone who wished to scare men out of their desire to do evil4#afd ,the effect of such scepticism and agnosticism we can easily imagine4 ,many things had been wrongly laid at the door of the ,sophists1 but it is small wonder that the conservative ,athenian citizens came to look with distrust and alarm on these new-fangled subversive notions2 that they banished ,protagoras and burned his books in the market place2 or finally that they should have put ,socrates to death4 ,into this age of intellectual ferment and readjustment1 of scepticism and eager inquiry1 the age of ,anaxagoras and the ,sophists1 ,socrates entered4 ,he was at once the child of his time and the greatest fecundator of men's minds that ,europe had yet known4 ,he was born in #dfi ,b4,c4 and was forced to drink the hemlock in ,march1 #cii1 so that he had completed the allotted span of life4 ,the son of a sculptor1 we are told that he followed his father's profession in his youth1 but apparently he did not continue this long4 ,whence he derived the means of livelihood we do not know4 ,he received the regular ,athenian education1 was interested especially in geometry and astronomy2 the works of the philosophers he had read1 but professed that he gained little from them4 ,one is tempted to dwell on the picturesque characteristics of this man--his refusal to teach for pay1 as did the ordinary teachers1 his profession of complete ignorance--his only claim to wisdom1 he said himself1--his ugliness of feature1 and his beauty of soul1 his omnivorous interest in the work of the humble craftsmen1 above all on his belief that he had a warning spirit1 a daemon1 which checked him when his course was wrong4 ,although in obedience to this inward monitor ,socrates refrained from politics1 he fulfilled all his civic duties in peace and in war4 ,he conformed to the traditional religion1 sacrificing and praying to the traditional gods1 although he undoubtedly did not hold that they were the limited and sensual creatures of the popular belief4 ,when he prayed he asked not for gold or silver or power1 but for what the gods knew was good for him4 ,at the close of ,plato's ,phaedrus he offers this appeal3 8,beloved ,pan1 and all ye other gods who haunt this place1 grant me beauty of the inward soul1 and make the outward and the inward man to be but one40 ,this was the man who was charged with corrupting the youth of ,athens4 ,socrates had much in common with the ,sophists4 ,although it is evident that in his earlier years he had been interested in physical science1 we know that he turned away from that in the course of time1 convinced that man alone was more than man could understand4 ,he rather confined his attention to man himself1 and made man and his conduct the center of philosophic inquiry4 ,with the ,sophists ,socrates held that the cultivation of excellence1 of virtue1 whatever that might be1 was the chief thing4 ,he also identified virtue and knowledge1 and like the ,sophists was sceptical as to man's ability to attain absolute knowledge4 ,practicability was the test he applied to various opinions4 ,if one notion as to the state or society or anything else worked better than another1 it was1 therefore1 in his view the better2 and according to him it was by the adoption of such useful opinions that the individual became the wiser man4 ,he held that education does not consist in putting things into people's heads1 but in leading them to discover the truths which they already possess4 ,he therefore employed discussion as to the validity of hypotheses to bring out the latent knowledge in the minds of his young friends4 ,this method of his--dialectic--was not identical with that of the ,sophists apparently1 but was not unlike theirs4 ,it was1 therefore1 natural that his own time should have reckoned him as one of the professional class4 ,how then was he distinguished from these ,sophists8 ,externally1 first of all1 by the fact that he did not teach for pay1 that his purpose was unselfish1 his interest being solely the elucidation of truth and so the establishment of virtue4 ,he himself believed that he had a divine commission to serve the ,athenians as a missionary4 ,plato makes him declare in his defence before his judges3 8,men of ,athens1 ,i should be guilty of a crime indeed if through fear of death or anything else ,i should desert the post to which ,i am assigned by the god4 ,for the god ordains 444 that ,i should follow after wisdom and examine myself and others40#afe ,he conceived of himself as the physician of the soul1 and maintained that his whole business was 8to persuade all1 both young and old1 not to care about the body or riches1 but first and foremost about the soul--how to make the soul as good as possible40#aff ,as ,i have already said1 he believed that if men could only know what justice1 goodness1 and temperance were they would naturally and inevitably be just and good and temperate4 ,vice he thought was due to a lack of knowledge2 therefore he employed his questioning1 dialectic1 to endeavor to secure clear definitions of these and other virtues1 for he was convinced that if only he and his associates could discover what virtue was1 they would at once pursue virtue and flee from all wrongdoing4 ,we may smile at the navet of this belief1 that virtue is something that can be taught1 that to be practised it needs only to be seen2 but we must remind ourselves that his confidence was based on another belief1 which was that virtue is the best and the most profitable for the individual2 and that since each man desires the best for himself1 if he sees what is right1 he will follow that course unswervingly to the end4 ,it may be said with reason that this is a utilitarian view1 and so it is2 but in ,socrates it was combined with a power of will which enabled him to translate his convictions into reality1 for it was in obedience to this conviction that the great teacher gave up his life4 ,thus far we have seen that in the ferment of the last part of the fifth century in ,athens there were two forces which were in a sense opposed to each other1 the ,sophists with their inevitable scepticism1 who taught that all truth was subjective1 that justice and goodness were only that which seemed just and good to the individual2 opposed to them in reality was ,socrates1 not only in spirit but also by the doctrine which he endeavored to establish2 for his search was always directed at finding the reality1 was always aimed at knowledge in opposition to opinion4 ,these objective truths1 the universals1 which to him were the only real things in the world1 he endeavored to obtain by a process of definition which was not wholly adequate2 but he turned men away from mere observation1 from what seemed to be true1 to search for permanent objective reality4 ,how fruitful his teaching was1 was shown by many schools1 but above all by his greatest pupil1 ,plato4 ,his followers have lasted to the present day4 ,the last third of the fifth century was a new era for ,greece4 ,the ,peloponnesian ,war broke out in the year #dca1 and lasted until #djd4 ,on the one side was ,athens with the empire which she had boldly built and somewhat ruthlessly held2 on the other was a large number of allied states of ,greece with ,sparta at their head4 ,the war ended with the complete humiliation of ,athens4 ,she lost her empire1 her wealth1 and a large part of her population4 ,these disasters gave opportunity and occasion for new forces to come to the front4 ,early in the war the mercurial ,athenians had shown themselves impatient of the leadership which had made ,athens great1 and they rejected ,pericles4 ,they were easily led astray by wild schemes1 as when they followed the imperialistic party headed by ,alcibiades and sent out the ,sicilian expedition in #dae1 which was to meet irreparable disaster two years later4 ,in time of distress1 under the burden of political and economic misfortune1 men often turn to reconsider the bases of their beliefs and actions1 to test the validity of the doctrines which have hitherto guided them4 ,this was the case at ,athens4 ,the old beliefs went by the board2 society1 government1 and religion all became subjects of doubt and of reexamination4 ,the greatest spokesman of this time was ,euripides4 ,although he was the younger contemporary of ,sophocles1 who outlived him by a few months1 ,euripides belongs to a new age4 ,the former represents imperial ,athens of the age of ,pericles1 the latter the ,athens of the ,peloponnesian ,war4 ,born of a family apparently well-to-do he certainly received a liberal education4 ,politics and society seem never to have attracted him to active participation in them1 but the intellectual life of his time he shared to the full2 and more than any extant writer of his day1 he shows that he felt the force of the movements which were transforming ,athenian thought4 ,it has been aptly said that in ,sophocles the poetical course of traditional religion culminated2 in ,euripides we have for the first time the poetic and philosophical development fully combined4 ,he was a profound thinker1 troubled by the most difficult problems of humanity1 and approaching tradition with the liberal frankness of the new age4 ,yet we must always bear in mind that he was a dramatic poet1 not a systematic theologian or moral teacher4 ,again and again fidelity to his art made him put sentiments into the mouths of his characters which must have been abhorrent to him4 ,nor have we any right to search for some hidden meaning in his plays4 ,yet after all allowances have been made1 we cannot doubt that in his dramas he frequently expresses his personal views on politics1 morals1 and religion1 which were quite at variance with the views of tradition4 ,toward the gods of the current mythology no one could have been more frankly sceptical or scornful than he4 ,as ,nestle1 a ,german critic1 has pointed out1 the basic principle of his attacks is found in his verse3 1 4#afg ,if the gods do aught that is base1 then they are not gods4 ,that is1 as the same critic says1 for ,euripides 8,god and sin are mutually exclusive terms40 ,sophocles held the same belief1 yet his point of view was wholly different1 as is shown by his verse3 4#afh ,nothing to which the gods lead men is base4 ,that is1 whatever the gods do is good no matter how it may seem to man4 ,there is then a fundamental difference between the two tragedians3 the elder has faith to believe in the righteousness of the traditional gods1 the younger is ready to throw tradition over4 ,the unreasonableness and immorality of popular beliefs and the baffling existence of evil in the world ,euripides could not reconcile with a faith in the existence of all powerful and just beings such as he held the gods must be1 if they exist at all4 ,his firm conviction that divinity1 if it have any existence1 must be absolutely just1 explains the poet's boldness in holding up to scorn the popular notions4 ,in the ,hippolytus he exhibits the goddess of love in a shameful light1 and makes ,artemis join with the innocent hero of the play in condemning her4 ,indeed throughout the tragedy the traditional beliefs are treated with powerful irony4 ,when ,phaedra is filled with shame at the passion for her step-son with which ,aphrodite has inspired her1 the nurse tempts her to yield1 quoting ancient tales of the celestials' amours as examples3 ,whoso have scrolls writ in the ancient days1 ,and wander still themselves by paths of song1 ,they know how ,zeus of yore desired the embrace ,of ,semele2 they know how radiant ,dawn ,up to the gods snatched ,cephalus of yore1 ,and all for love2 yet these in ,heaven their home ,dwell1 neither do they flee the face of ,gods1 ,content1 ,i trow1 to be love's vanquished ones4 ,thou--wilt not yield8#afi 99 99 99 99 99 ,nay1 darling1 from thy deadly thoughts refrain1 ,and from presumption--sheer presumption this1 ,that one should wish to be more strong than ,gods4 ,in love flinch not2 a ,god hath willed this thing4#agj ,but ,phaedra dies by her own hand rather than yield to the goddess's design4 ,the innocent ,hippolytus1 second victim of divine injustice1 cries out as he dies3 ,innocent ,i1 ever fearing the ,gods1 who was wholly heart-clean ,above all men beside1-- ,lo1 how am ,i thrust ,unto ,hades1 to hide ,my life in the dust6 ,all vainly ,i reverenced ,god1 and in vain unto man was ,i just4#aga ,what greater condemnation of the traditional gods could there be than this6 ,in the ,hercules ,hera drives the hero mad and makes him the slayer of his own innocent children1 all because of the goddess's jealousy of ,zeus4 ,small wonder that ,hercules cries when the truth is brought home to him3 ,to such a ,goddess ,who shall pray now8 who1 for a woman's sake ,jealous of ,zeus1 from ,hellas hath cut off ,her benefactors1 guiltless though they were4#agb ,the hero refuses to find any consolation for his woes in the suggestion that the gods too have sinned and suffered for their wrongs--8if minstrel legends be not false40 ,whereat he exclaims3 ,i deem not that the ,gods for spousals crave ,unhallowed3 tales of ,gods' hands manacled ,ever ,i scorned nor ever will believe1 ,nor that one ,god is born another's lord4 ,for ,god hath need1 if ,god indeed he be1 ,of naught3 these be the minstrels' sorry tales4#agc ,this play then like the ,hippolytus is a condemnation through ,hera and ,zeus of the whole system of gods4 ,in these sentiments there is something more than direct defiance of tradition4 ,euripides does not1 like ,pindar1 refine away the baser elements of legends2 or1 like ,aeschylus and ,sophocles1 obscure the uglier features of the ancient mythology4 ,on the contrary1 constrained by his profession as dramatic poet to draw his themes from the dark tales of gods and heroes in a mythological age--tales whose immorality was wholly hateful to him--he accomplishes his purpose by showing these gods and heroes on his stage engaged in actions and prompted by motives which are so base as to destroy the spectator's regard for beings of such a sort1 and to win the onlooker's sympathy for the mortal victim against the higher power4 ,to the shameless natures of the gods the poet bluntly gives fitting characterizations3 he names them cruel1 vengeful1 treacherous1 licentious4 ,euripides is no less iconoclastic in dealing with current religious practices2 there is none that escapes his scorn4 ,sacrifices and votive offerings seem to him unworthy of true gods4 ,the folly of popular wonder at the riches of temples is brought out in a fragment of the lost ,philoctetes1 in which the hero sarcastically bids his hearers see how even the gods prize gain1 and therefore men should not hesitate to get profit and thereby make themselves equal to the gods4#agd ,that it is not the size of the gift1 but piety which secures the favor of just ,heaven1 is the lesson of another couplet4#age ,temples and statues1 and all the sacred privileges attached thereto are treated with equal disregard for tradition2 and the sacred institution of blood-vengeance is most emphatically condemned4 ,for the common trust in omens given by dreams and the flight of birds he has only ridicule4 ,so in the ,tauric ,iphigenia when ,iphigenia learns from ,orestes that her brother lives1 she cries3 ,false dreams1 avaunt6 ,so then ye were but naught4#agf ,to which ,orestes answers3 ,ay1 and not even ,gods1 whom men call wise1 ,are less deceitful than be fleeting dreams4 ,utter confusion is in things divine ,and human4 ,wise men grieve at this alone ,when--rashness8--no1 but faith in oracles ,brings ruin--how deep1 they that prove it know4#agg ,the condemnation of the interpreter of signs given by birds is made the more effective in the ,phoenissae by putting it into the mouth of the seer ,tirisias3 ,who useth the diviner's art ,is foolish4 ,if he heraldeth ill things1 ,he is loathed of those to whom he prophesies4 ,if pitying them that seek to him1 he lie1 ,he wrongs the ,gods4#agh ,in the ,iphigenia at ,aulis ,achilles bitterly asks1 8,what is a seer80 and answers his own question1 8,a man who speaks few truths and many lies40#agi ,even prayer is sometimes regarded as of doubtful aid1 although naturally ,euripides' characters often appeal to the ,gods4 ,at times1 too1 the poet is more openly atheistic or agnostic with reference to the popular religion4 ,the most striking illustration is found in the prayer which he puts into the mouth of ,hecuba1 the ,trojan queen3 ,o ,earth's ,upbearer1 thou whose throne is ,earth1 ,whoe'er thou be1 ,o past our finding out1 ,zeus1 be thou ,nature's ,law1 or ,mind of ,man1 ,to thee ,i pray2 for treading soundless paths1 ,in justice dost thou guide all mortal things4#ahj ,you will observe that although this prayer rejects all current polytheism1 it is far from denying the existence of a divine power--rather it maintains in poetic language the existence of such a principle--the reason of the universe which shows itself in nature as law and in the mind of man as reason4 ,this pantheism finds expression elsewhere in his poetry4 ,in illustration ,i will quote two fragments4 ,the first identifies divinity with all embracing ether3 ,seest thou the boundless ether there on high1 ,that folds the earth around with dewy arms8 ,this deem thou ,zeus1 this reckon one with ,god4#aha ,the second identifies god with the intelligence which pervades the world3 ,thee1 self-begotten1 who in ether rolled ,ceaselessly round1 by mystic links dost blend ,the nature of all things1 whom veils enfold ,of light1 of dark night flecked with gleams of gold1 ,of star-hosts dancing round thee without end4#ahb ,the last three passages show how the poet's mind was filled with the philosophic thought of the day4 ,in identifying divinity with the ether he was apparently giving poetic expression to the views of his contemporary1 the philosopher ,diogenes of ,apollonia1 whom he must have known at ,athens4 ,diogenes followed ,anaximenes in making 8,air0 7or the 8,ether07 the basic element of the world1 but advanced beyond his predecessor in attributing to 8,air0 intelligence and movement--indeed he held that it could only be conceived as intelligent2 and he further said that this intelligent 8,air10 which was the cause and1 by virtue of its intelligence1 the director of all things1 seemed to him to be god4 ,in the mind of man therefore the divine principle shows itself as intellect1 in nature it is law4 ,but in ,hecuba's prayer there is a higher conception of god than even this--the divine reason is also world-ruling ,justice3 ,justice and ,god are one4 ,this identification in a sense is as old as ,hesiod1 but ,euripides conceives of ,justice not as the daughter of ,zeus but as identical with the cosmic reason1 immanent in all things1 forming and directing all things4 ,when the poet speaks of ,justice in ways more natural to the ordinary man1 he combats the current notion that ,justice dwells in heaven where men's sins are recorded in a book2 rather1 he says1 she is here on earth with men1 unseen but seeing all4#ahc ,yet he never carried out this idea and reconciled it with the actual moral condition of the world and the undeserved sufferings of mankind4 ,the problem of evil and doubt constantly vexed him2 neither faith nor reason gave him rest3 ,when faith overfloweth my mind1 ,god's providence all-embracing ,banisheth griefs3 but when doubt whispereth #8,ah but to know6' ,no clue through the tangle ,i find of fate and of life for my tracing3 ,there is ever a change and many a change1 ,and the mutable fortune of men evermore sways to and fro ,over limitless range4#ahd ,on death and the possibility of a future life ,euripides again gives us no consistent views4 ,he thought that men fear the great transition from inexperience with it2 but he found some comfort in the fact that death comes in obedience to nature's universal law1 and therefore should cause no alarm4#ahe ,still he felt that the possibility of life beyond the grave gave no certainty of joy1 for many1 like ,macaria in the ,heraclidae1 might say3 ,if in the grave aught be3 ,but ah that naught might be6--for if there too ,we mortals who must die shall yet have cares1 ,i know not whither one shall turn2 since death ,for sorrow is accounted chiefest balm4#ahf ,sometimes he expresses or hints at the view that our souls return to the air or ether from which they sprang4#ahg ,again he uses the ,homeric pictures of a cheerless other world4 ,once he refers to the ,orphic doctrine in the cryptic utterance1 8,who knows but life be death1 and death be reckoned life below80--verses which ,plato and other philosophers were to interpret after him4 ,if space allowed1 we might gladly dwell on ,euripides' sympathy with human poverty and suffering1 on the hints he gives that he perceived the common brotherhood of man4 ,in his noble ideals of womanhood he surpasses his contemporaries4 ,above all these matters it is important for us with our present interest to note that more than once the tragedian seems to wish to inculcate the truth that the standard of morality among men was far superior to that of the traditional pantheon4 ,no other poet of his age sets forth the true nobility of man so perfectly as ,euripides4 ,the last play of the long list he wrote was the ,bacchae4 ,composed in ,macedonia1 it was first produced at ,athens after the poet's death4 ,as was fitting for a tragedy written in the home of ,dionysus1 the drama deals with the ,dionysiac possession1 enthusiasm1 the 8divine madness10 on which the ,greeks ever set high store4 ,no play has so baffled interpretation4 ,some scholars think it a recantation2 others vigorously deny it4 ,personally ,i am inclined to hold with ,adam that ,dionysus in the play 8stands for the spirit of enthusiasm in the ancient ,greek meaning of the word10 and that the principal lesson of the drama is to be found in the verse1 8,not with knowledge is wisdom bought0#ahh--that is1 reason is not all in man1 but there is something greater--enthusiasm1 inspiration4#ahi ,from what we have been considering thus far1 it is evident that ,euripides' spirit was primarily iconoclastic2 there can be no question that he contributed to the decay of the ancient beliefs and that he helped drive the ,olympians from their thrones in the minds of thinking men4 ,for fifty years he openly uttered his criticisms in the theater at the high festival of ,dionysus before the quick-witted ,athenians4 ,the effect must have been great1 for no poet enjoyed more widespread popularity4 ,on the positive side ,euripides offers no system of religion or of morals4 ,indeed1 he seems never to have arrived at any complete unity in his thought4 ,but he is stimulating now1 and in his own day unquestionably goaded men to reflection1 just because he raises so often fundamental questions--the questions which reflecting men were asking then and have been asking ever since--questions which are never wholly answered1 but which always demand an answer4 ,the stimulating character of his dramas makes him indeed one of the great religious poets of the world4 ,,footnotes3 #aed ,thuc4 #b1 #dc-dd4 #aee ,frgg4 #ad-af4 #aef ,frg4 #aa4 #aeg ,frg4 #ah4 #aeh ,frgg4 #bc-bf4 #aei ,frgg4 #a1 #b1 #cj1 #ca1 #dj-db2 cf4 #eg1 #fg1 #ij4 #afj ,frgg4 #ad1 #ae1 #bi1 #cb1 #da1 #abh4 #afa ,frg4 #a4 #afb ,frg4 #d4 #afc ,frg4 #e4 #afd ,frg4 #be #a ,nauck#b1 pp4 #ggj ff4 #afe ,apol4 #bh ,e4 #aff ,apol4 #cj ,a4 #afg ,frg4 #bib1 #g4 #afh ,frg4 #bbf1 #d4 #afi ,hipp4 #dea-dei4 #agj ,hipp4 #dgc-dgf4 #aga ,hipp4 #acfe-acfi4 #agb ,h4 ,f4 #acjg ff4 #agc ,h4 ,f4 #acda ff4 #agd ,frg4 #gid4 #age ,frg4 #idf4 #agf ,i4,t4 #efi4 #agg ,i4,t4 #egj-ege4 #agh ,phoen4 #ied-ieh4 #agi ,i4,a4 #ief f4 #ahj ,tro4 #hhd-hhh4 #aha ,frg4 #ida4 #ahb ,frg4 #eic4 #ahc ,frgg4 #aea1 #bee1 #ejf4 #ahd ,hippol4 #aajb ff4 #ahe ,frgg4 #geg1 #haf4 #ahf #eib ff4 #ahg ,hel4 #ajad ff4 #ahh #cie4 #ahi ,adam1 ,religious ,teachers1 p4 #caf4 ,v ,,plato ,,and ,,aristotle ,socrates became the father of many philosophic schools4 ,his pupils naturally differed from one another in the emphasis which they gave to this or that side of their master's teaching and in the ways in which they combined his doctrines with principles laid down by earlier thinkers1 but all agreed in this1 that they directed their attention to man as the center of thought and inquiry4 ,from this time ethics and religion became the dominant themes of philosophy4 ,our subject bids us confine our attention to the greatest of these pupils1 ,plato4 ,plato was born at ,athens in the year #dbh_/g ,b4,c4 of an ancient family1 which was related to the law-giver ,solon4 ,after being educated in the best ,athenian fashion1 he attached himself to ,socrates in his twentieth year1 when the latter was already about sixty years old1 and he continued to associate with his master for ten years until the latter's condemnation and death4 ,probably he was not one of the inner circle1 but he tells us that he was present at his master's trial and with other followers of ,socrates was prepared to go bondsman1 if a fine were inflicted4 ,sickness prevented him from sharing in the discussion of the last day1 which is related to us in the ,phaedo4 ,after ,socrates' death1 ,plato was absent from ,athens for about twelve years1 residing first in the neighboring city of ,megara1 where his association with ,euclides1 one of ,socrates' oldest pupils1 must have contributed to the development of his own philosophy4 ,later in southern ,italy1 if we accept the traditional account of his travels1 he had an opportunity to study more closely in their home the ,orphic-,pythagorean systems and doctrines1 many of which no doubt he had often heard ,socrates discuss4 ,at ,syracuse in ,sicily he won over ,dion1 the young brother-in-law of the tyrant ,dionysius4 ,the latter1 however1 found his moral teachings offensive1 seized him1 and had him offered for sale as a prisoner of war in the slave market at ,aegina4 ,but a friend1 ,anniceris1 bought him and set him free4 ,when ,plato's other friends wished to repay to ,anniceris the money he had spent1 the latter refused1 and the sum was used to purchase a grove sacred to the hero ,academus1 in which ,plato opened a philosophic school4 ,there1 save for the interruptions caused by two journeys to ,sicily1 he continued to teach for about forty years1 dying in #cdg ,b4,c4 at the age of eighty4 ,to this school came pupils from almost every part of the ,greek world4 ,the chief subjects studied were the various branches of mathematics--including of course astronomy and harmonics1--and dialectics1 by which is meant 8the art of question and answer1 the art of giving a rational account of things and of receiving such an account from others40 ,the distinctive methods employed were those of analysis and division which ,plato seems to have developed so far that the invention of the former was actually1 but erroneously1 attributed to him4 ,the purpose of analysis was to secure an explanation or proof of a proposition2 that of division was to arrive at a proper classification or division of the object under consideration4 ,plato's instruction was evidently given in considerable part by lectures1 of which his hearers took notes2 there was also scientific research on the part of the pupils who worked out the problems or difficulties set them by their master4 ,nor were these researches wholly mathematical and astronomical1 for there is good reason to believe that studies in natural history were also pursued4 ,indeed1 ,aristotle1 for twenty years a member of the ,academy1 must have had opportunities here to carry on those researches which interested him most in the early part of his life4 ,but whatever the studies1 the purpose was to lead the pupils to the discovery and contemplation of ,reality1 of ,being1 of the fundamental and permanent as against the individual and transitory phenomenon4 ,of ,plato's lectures we know virtually nothing2 his ,dialogues represent those parts of his doctrine which he wished to give to the outside world2 it is probable that they in no sense adequately reproduce his teachings to his disciples4 ,how much of his philosophy ,plato received from his master ,socrates1 how much he developed for himself cannot now be determined4 ,socrates left no writings2 we know him only from the writings of others1 and above all from the dialogues of ,plato4 ,there he is the chief spokesman1 who leads his associates along various paths toward truth2 and certainly no pupil ever built a nobler monument to his teacher than ,plato did4 ,among modern scholars there are many views as to the extent of ,plato's debt to his master3 one extreme wing1 which has many adherents1 would limit the ,socratic elements in the ,platonic doctrine to the ethical interest1 the search for universals1 and the dialectic method2 the other wing1 of which the eminent ,english ,platonist ,burnet is the chief representative1 would attribute to ,socrates practically everything found in the dialogues which ,plato wrote before he began his teaching in the ,academy4 ,indeed ,burnet holds that ,plato's chief purpose in the earlier dialogues was to set forth the life and teaching of ,socrates2 he therefore claims that the 8doctrine of ideas10 with all its consequences1 and much besides1 are purely ,socratic1 taken over by ,plato in developed form4 ,few of us can accept either of these extreme views2 it seems more probable that the truth lies between1 that ,plato learned much relating to 8ideas0 and their ,pythagorean origins from his teacher1 just as he derived from him his ethical interest and his method4 ,but to reduce the brilliant pupil to a mere reporter of his master's views with little philosophy of his own until he was past forty1 is quite incredible1 and such a procedure has no proper warrant4 ,when speaking of ,socrates in my previous lecture ,i avoided this question1 for a discussion of it there would have been unprofitable and confusing2 and even now for convenience ,i propose to treat that part of ,plato's philosophy which immediately concerns us as if it were wholly his own1 begging you1 however1 to keep in mind always that undoubtedly much in germ or developed form was derived directly from ,plato's chief teacher4 ,furthermore ,i must ask you to remember that ,plato had been given to poetry when a youth1 and that although he renounced the practice of the art1 he remained a poet in spirit to the end of his life2 all his thoughts were touched with poetry1 enlivened with humour1 and fired with religious zeal4 ,he was a consummate literary artist1 and a man of many sides4 ,it was natural therefore that he should nowhere set forth a crystallized system of philosophy such as a less imaginative and duller person might have done2 he was apparently a man who grew through all his eighty years4 ,the result is that in spite of the fact that we may properly speak of 8the unity of ,plato's thought10 we find in his works variety1 variation1 and even contradiction4 ,the requirements of our present situation1 however1 force us to consider our themes categorically1 though that procedure is somewhat unfair to ,plato4 ,let us then first examine the central thought of ,plato's philosophy--the 8doctrine of ideas40 ,developing the doctrines of earlier philosophers1 especially those of ,heraclitus and ,anaxagoras1 ,plato held that the world is dual4 ,in it is the phenomenal world visible to us1 which includes all natural objects and those made by man1 a transient and unreal world which we know only through our senses4 ,but beside it1 or rather behind it1 is another world invisible but permanent and real1 which can be grasped only by the reason4 ,this is the world of ideas4 ,yet the two worlds are not separate1 for the world of the senses owes its existence wholly to its dependence on the world of ideas4 ,to understand ,plato's view we must consider in an elementary way what he meant by 8ideas40 ,the words which he uses 71 7 signify 8form10 and in logic are used in the sense of 8class10 8kind10 8species10 8the general principle for the classification of objects40 ,the translation 8idea0 is traditional1 and there is no adequate reason for preferring 8form0 or any other ,english equivalent4 ,now ,plato's statement that the world of phenomena depends on the invisible world of ideas seems at first sight paradoxical1 for by it he means that the individual tree1 book1 desk1 chair1 good man1 or whatever you please1 is not the real being at all1 but that the ideas of tree1 book1 desk1 chair1 and goodness alone possess reality4 ,it may be made plain by an illustration which shall be ,plato's own4 ,at the beginning of the tenth book of the ,republic ,socrates and ,glaucon are conversing together4 ,the master wins ,glaucon's assent first to the proposition that although there are many beds and tables in the world1 there are only two ideas1 one of a bed1 the other of a table4 ,he then goes on to show that the workman makes a bed or table by shaping his material according to the idea of a bed or a table1 but that he does not create the ideas themselves4 ,that is done by ,god who is the real maker of the real bed1 that is1 of the idea of a bed4 ,the carpenter makes only the particular bed which owes its temporary existence to the eternal idea--the real bed--which is in ,nature1 in the mind of ,god4 ,or if ,plato should appear before us tonight1 he might say1 8,suppose we take a dozen books of different sizes and different shapes and appearance1 how do we recognize that these diverse objects are all books80 ,then when we hesitated to give an answer1 as we probably should1 he would reply1 8,it is because each one of these individual books partakes of the idea of book4 ,the idea is present in the individual example and thereby gives the individual its existence2 the individual depends therefore on the idea1 not the idea on the individual4 ,if this dozen1 or indeed if all the books in the entire world were to be destroyed1 the idea of book would still remain1 and new books could be made by causing the materials1 out of which books are constructed1 to partake of the idea of book4 ,that is1 all individual books are transitory1 impermanent1 unreal2 the idea of book is permanent1 eternal1 it alone has reality2 and all individual things1 therefore1 exist1 so far as they have any real existence1 only by partaking of the ideas4 ,so all things come into being and owe their existence to sharing in the eternal ideas40 ,we should be unjust to ,plato if we thought that he regarded this doctrine as a perfect explanation of the relation between the visible and invisible worlds4 ,far from holding such a view he himself evidently held it to be a 8guess at truth10 which served to show in its way that there is a permanent reality behind the phenomena of the visible world and a truth which is beyond sense4 ,indeed ,plato is very conscious of troublesome questions which arise in connection with the doctrine1 and in three dialogues--his ,philebus1 ,parmenides1 and ,sophist--he endeavors to meet some of these questions1 and there he offers admirable criticism of his own views4 ,with reference to the source of the doctrine1 as ,i have said above1 we cannot tell how much ,plato derived from ,socrates or how much he developed for himself4 ,socrates was evidently always searching for universals1 trying to determine what goodness is in itself in contrast to the goodness embodied in a good man1 what are virtue1 courage1 and such qualities4 ,the teacher or the pupil may have extended the ideas1 the universals1 to include all things1 even the humble articles of furniture which are the examples in the ,republic4 ,but in any case by this doctrine of 8ideas10 8forms10 ,plato secured a basis for reality1 a means of attaining absolute knowledge in contrast to that relative knowledge1 which according to the ,sophists was the utmost which man could attain4 ,plato would have quite agreed with ,protagoras that if the senses were our only avenues to knowledge1 then indeed man would be the measure of all things and his knowledge would be limited to the transient phenomenal world2 that is1 he could have no knowledge of reality2 but by apprehending through our reason the ideas--that is1 the realities--on which the phenomenal world depends1 we can gain genuine knowledge and free ourselves from subjection to mere opinion4 ,plato also teaches that there are various grades of ideas1 some being subordinate to others2 the highest of all is that of the ,good1 identified by him with the ,beautiful4 ,this supreme idea is at once the cause of all existence and knowledge1 and comprehends within itself all other ideas2 as the sun in the visible world1 so in the world of true knowledge the ,good 8is the universal author of all things right and beautiful1 itself the source of truth and intelligence40 ,it is the ,absolute1 the universal ,reason1 ,god4#aij ,we have seen that ,plato sets the world of ideas apprehended by reason over against the world of phenomena1 known to us through our senses4 ,the latter world is material1 the former immaterial4 ,this concept of the immateriality of ideas was something new in philosophy4 ,anaxagoras had thought his formative principle 771 as his predecessors had thought theirs1 to be as material as the 8seeds0 out of which all things were made2 but ,plato developed an immaterial1 an ideal world1 wherein are found all cause and all reality4 ,now the ,platonic ideas are apprehended by the human intellect4 ,what are the consequences of this fact8 ,it must follow that man's reason has a nature similar to that of the ideas2 like them it must belong to the world which is above the senses2 and with them it must partake of the ,absolute4 ,but ,plato shows that the ideas are eternal and immortal1 and draws therefrom the logical conclusion that man's intellect1 his reasoning soul1 likewise knows no creation and is free from death4 ,however he is not content to let the matter rest on this argument alone1 but he supports the doctrine of immortality by many proofs1 as in the ,phaedrus where ,socrates explains3 8,the soul through all her being is immortal1 for that which is ever in motion is immortal2 but that which moves another and is moved by another1 in ceasing to move1 ceases also to live4 ,only the self-moving1 as it never leaves itself1 never ceases to move and is the fountain and beginning of motion to all that moves besides40#aia ,in the ,phaedo#aib he represents ,socrates as offering a number of different arguments to his questioning friends4 ,one of these is that by which he first proves that souls exist before they are domiciled in our bodies1 for recollection implies a previous existence1 and since men can recall and recognize things which they have never seen or been taught in their present existence1 it follows that they have been born with this knowledge1 so that what we call learning is after all only a recollection of ideas gained in a previous existence4 ,socrates concludes his argument with the question3 8,then may we not say1 ,simmias1 that if1 as we are always repeating1 there is an absolute beauty1 and goodness1 and an absolute essence of all things2 and if to this1 which is now discovered to have existed in our former state1 we refer all our sensations1 and with this compare them1 finding these ideas to be pre-existent and our inborn possession--then our souls must have had a prior existence1 but if not1 there would be no force in the argument80 ,to this his hearers give ready assent4 ,in the ,meno this same argument is very adroitly drawn from the realm of mathematics4#aic ,an untutored slave is made to 8recollect0 that the square of the hypothenuse of an isosceles right-angled triangle is equal to twice the square of one of its sides4 ,this is the doctrine of recollection to which ,wordsworth has given beautiful expression in his familiar lines3 ,our birth is but a sleep and a forgetting3 ,the soul that rises with us1 our life's star1 ,hath had elsewhere its setting1 ,and cometh from afar2 ,not in entire forgetfulness1 ,and not in utter nakedness1 ,but trailing clouds of glory do we come ,from ,god1 who is our home4 ,but as ,simmias and ,cebes in the ,phaedo point out1 this doctrine only shows that the soul existed before the body2 it does not prove that the soul is immortal4 ,socrates therefore goes on to prove this further point1 largely by showing the simple and unchanging nature of the soul which is like that of the ideas1 and he therefore concludes that since it cannot admit of change1 it must be free from death4 ,again he argues that since the soul can rule and use the body as it will1 it must be anterior to the body and hence have an eternal and never ending existence4#aid ,the final and apparently most convincing proof to ,plato's mind1 in spite of its dialectic character1 is that the notion of life cannot be separated from the soul1 for the soul is that which gives life2 therefore since a dead soul is an impossibility1 we must agree that the soul is immortal4#aie ,to follow out in detail the other arguments would occupy too much time now1 interesting as it might prove4 ,indeed if we were to rehearse all of ,plato's proofs of the immortality of the soul1 we should run through practically the entire gamut of the arguments which have ever been offered4 ,his frequent return to the subject indicates the importance which he gave to the belief4 ,before we approach ,plato's ethical and religious views we must glance for a moment at his psychology1 for on that depends in no small measure his moral system4 ,in the fourth book of the ,republic when discussing the different forms of government1 ,socrates is made to show that the soul has three parts or elements3 the first is the divine or rational part 7 1 7 whose seat is in the head1 the second1 the courageous or passionate element 7 7 residing in the heart1 and the third is the appetite 7 7 which belongs to the diaphragm or liver4#aif ,in the ,phaedrus#aig this same division is set forth in a myth4 ,now when in an individual all three parts are in accord under the leadership of reason1 whose orders are enforced by courage on appetite1 the man is virtuous2 but if appetite and courage unite against reason1 discord results and the man is vicious4 ,as the state is well ordered when harmony exists among its parts1 so harmony of the soul1 led by the reason1 produces the virtuous human being4 ,in the earlier dialogues the soul is evidently regarded as a unit1 so that the parts are really forms or manifestations of the soul2 all three are immortal4 ,but in the ,timaeus only the reason is immortal1 the other parts being separable and bound to the body with which they die4#aih ,now we have already seen that the soul1 or at least its rational part1 being divine and immortal1 has an affinity for the eternal ideas and is endowed by a natural love for the true1 the beautiful1 and the good4 ,it is therefore impelled toward the divine world of ideas by a natural passion1 and this effort on the part of man's reason is philosophy4 ,the true philosopher then is the lover of truth and reality1 who is absorbed in the pleasures of the soul so that he will hardly be conscious of bodily pleasure2 indeed he will not think much of human life or even fear death4#aii ,the soul1 however1 in its effort to mount into the realm of the ideas1 is held back by the body in which it is imprisoned and fettered in the world of the senses4 ,thus we find in ,plato the ,orphic belief that man has a dual nature1 made up of a divine soul and a mortal hindering body4 ,we shall presently see how he gave to the emotional belief of that sect a philosophic basis and so transformed it into a reasonable article of morality and religion4 ,now we may consider ,plato's moral and religious views4 ,the highest good for man1 according to his teaching1 is likeness to ,god--that is1 the largest possible participation in the ideas of the ,good which are in the ,absolute4 ,in direct proportion to the success of the rational soul in appropriating to itself these ideas1 the man will practise justice and holiness1 that is1 be righteous2 but inasmuch as the world of ideas cannot be apprehended by the senses1 the rational soul of the philosopher must always try to escape from the world of the senses where evils dwell4 ,as ,socrates in the ,theaetetus#bjj assures ,theodorus3 8,evils1 ,theodorus1 can never pass away2 for there must always remain something which is antagonistic to the good4 ,having no place among the gods in heaven1 of necessity they hover around the mortal nature and this earthly sphere4 ,wherefore we ought to fly away from earth to heaven as quickly as we can2 and to fly away is to become like ,god1 so far as this is possible2 and to become like him is to become holy1 just1 and wise 444 ,god is never in any way unrighteous--he is perfect righteousness2 and he of us who is the most righteous is most like him4444 ,to know this is true wisdom and virtue2 and ignorance of this is manifest folly and vice40 ,the man1 then1 whose soul strives to become like ,god will inevitably be righteous4 ,plato's philosophy thus results in practical morality4 ,furthermore we are assured in the ,republic that a seeker after righteousness will not be neglected by the gods1 for ,socrates there says3#bja 8,then this must be our notion of the just man1 that even when he is in poverty or sickness or any other seeming misfortune1 all things will in the end work together for good to him in life and death3 for the gods have a care of any one whose desire is to become just and be like ,god1 so far as man can attain the divine likeness1 by the pursuit of virtue40 ,the path by which man is to attain to likeness of ,god1 and so to freedom from his lower nature1 is that of a noble asceticism which ,socrates described to ,simmias and ,cebes the night before his own death3#bjb 8,no one who has not studied philosophy and who is not entirely pure at the time of his departure is allowed to enter the company of the gods1 but the lover of knowledge only4 ,and this is the reason1 ,simmias and ,cebes1 why the true votaries of philosophy abstain from all fleshly lusts1 and hold out against them and refuse to give themselves up to them1 not because they fear poverty or the ruin of their families1 like the lovers of money and the world in general2 nor like the lovers of power and honour1 because they dread the dishonour or the disgrace of evil deeds40 8,no1 ,socrates1 that would not become them10 said ,cebes4 8,no indeed10 he replied1 8and therefore they who have any care of their own souls1 and do not merely live moulding and fashioning the body1 say farewell to all this2 they will not walk in the ways of the blind3 and when philosophy offers them purification and release from evil1 they feel that they ought not to resist her influence1 and whither she leads they turn and follow40 8,what do you mean1 ,socrates80 8,i will tell you10 he said4 8,the lovers of knowledge are conscious that the soul was simply fastened and glued to the body--until philosophy freed her1 she could only view real existence through the bars of a prison1 not in and through herself2 she was wallowing in the mire of every sort of ignorance1 and by reason of lust had become the principal accomplice in her own captivity40 ,and a little later ,socrates says3 8,the soul of the true philosopher thinks that she ought not to resist this deliverance 7which philosophy offers71 and therefore abstains from pleasures and desires and pains and fears1 so far as she is able40 ,somewhat earlier in the dialogue ,socrates had stated in still more emphatic terms the necessity of putting the body aside if man's soul would attain real knowledge3#bjc 8,for if while in company with the body the soul cannot have pure knowledge1 one of two things follows--either knowledge is not to be attained at all1 or if at all1 after death4 ,for then1 and not till then1 the soul will be parted from the body and exist in herself alone4 ,in this present life1 ,i reckon that we make the nearest approach to knowledge when we have the least possible intercourse or communion with the body1 and are not surfeited with the bodily nature1 but keep ourselves pure until the hour when ,god himself is pleased to release us4 ,and thus having got rid of the foolishness of the body we shall be pure and shall hold converse with the pure1 and know of ourselves the clear light everywhere1 which is no other than the light of truth40 ,as the phrase1 8until the hour when ,god himself is pleased to release us10 shows1 man might not hasten the time of his release by his own act4 ,and in other places1 in familiar ways1 ,plato teaches that man may not desert the station where god has set him on guard until the command is given4 ,finally in the ,cratylus1#bjd where ,socrates in discussing the origin and nature of language indulges in some serious fooling in connection with the name of the soul 771 he says that he imagines that those who first gave the soul its name 8psyche10 771 wished to express the truth that the soul when in the body is the source of life1 and gives the body the ability to breathe and revive1 and that when this power fails the body1 then it perishes and dies4 ,as for body1 he reminds his interlocutor that that word 77 is variously interpreted1 some saying that it is the grave 77 of the soul1 which may be regarded as in a tomb during this present life2 and he adds that the ,orphic poets were probably the ones who invented the name1 for they had the notion that the embodied soul is suffering punishment for sin1 and that the body is a prison in which the soul is incarcerated until the penalty of sin is paid4 ,likewise in the ,gorgias#bje ,socrates refers to the same ,orphic idea and quotes a verse from ,euripides3 8,who knows whether life be not death and death life80 ,that is1 this death in life is due to the body which tends to strangle the soul4 ,only when the reasoning soul has escaped from this tomb of the flesh can it really live4 ,this is the reason why the true philosopher is always pursuing death in the sense that he is trying to free his soul1 so far as may be1 from the concerns of the body that it may enjoy life at its best4#bjf ,i have used ,plato's own words thus extensively for they set forth more eloquently than any words of mine the essential features of his doctrine4 ,it requires no argument to show how great his debt to the ,orphics and ,pythagoreans was4 ,but we cannot fail to see that he went far beyond his predecessors1 for to their emotional belief in the immortality of the soul he gave an intellectual basis1 by showing that the rational soul is of the same nature and substance as the ,absolute1 and therefore immortal and ever striving to apprehend the ,absolute to which it belongs4 ,in place of the external purifications and simple taboos which made up the ,orphic course of life1 ,plato substitutes a noble discipline1 reminding us of ,st4 ,paul--a discipline which has for its aim nothing less than the likening of man's soul to ,god4 ,when ,plato teaches that man must begin his immortality here 8by the practice of death10 we now see that he really means the practice of life2 for life can only begin when the soul is released from its bodily tomb4 ,from the ,orphics and ,pythagoreans ,plato adopted also the doctrine of the transmigration of souls4 ,according to his view a thousand years--ten times the longest span of human life--elapsed between death and rebirth1 during which the wicked received their ten-fold punishment and the righteous their like reward4 ,when the time to return on earth came around1 the souls were allowed to choose their new life as they pleased1 only the wicked souls1 8which had never seen the truth10 could not pass into the bodies of men4 ,the choice made and their next destiny determined1 the souls passed to the plain of ,forgetfulness where each must drink of the river of ,lethe2 in the darkness of midnight there was an earthquake and thunderstorm1 and the souls were driven1 like shooting stars1 to their birth4 ,ten thousand years were required to complete the round of rebirths and to allow the soul to return to its heavenly home4 ,but the soul of a philosopher1 8guileless and true10 might secure release after three rebirths if each time he had chosen the higher life4 ,some incurable sinners were not allowed to return to earth1 but when their souls approached the mouth of the cavern which led to the upper world1 the mouth gave a mighty roar and drove them back1 while fiends tortured them with all the sufferings which a fertile imagination could devise4 ,the path of salvation therefore lay in following righteousness and justice1 in choosing the good1 that is1 in true philosophy4 ,at the close of the ,republic ,socrates relates the vision of ,er the ,pamphylian whose soul returned with a report of the other world1 and so concludes3 8,and thus1 ,glaucon1 the tale has been saved and has not perished1 and will save us if we are obedient to the word spoken2 and we shall pass safely over the river of ,forgetfulness and our soul will not be defiled4 ,wherefore my counsel is1 that we hold fast ever to the heavenly way and follow after justice and virtue always1 considering that the soul is immortal and able to endure every sort of good and every sort of evil4 ,thus shall we live dear to one another and to the gods1 both while remaining here and when1 like conquerors in the games who go round to gather gifts1 we receive our reward4 ,and it shall be well with us both in this life and in the pilgrimage of a thousand years which we have been describing40#bjg ,with regard to the ultimate fate of the soul ,plato is not wholly clear2 but apparently he held that with the exception of those who had done unpardonable wrongs the souls of men1 when their wanderings and rebirths were over and they had attained to purity1 returned to ,god1 to the universal reason2 probably1 however1 he thought of their return as being without loss of individuality1 for ,plato lays so much stress on the individual soul that we cannot believe that he would have allowed it to lose its personality in the ,absolute4 ,this account1 ,i trust1 for all its imperfections1 is sufficient to indicate what a great advance ,plato made in his concept of the spiritual life4 ,man's reason is now made the means and agent of his spiritual ascent2 the reasoning soul1 by its own nature1 strives to seek its own1 and so finds its goal by virtue of its reason4 ,the human will is not neglected in the ,platonic system1 but it is by no means made prominent4 ,man's salvation is attained when the soul through the exercise of its reason has risen superior to its bodily prison1 freed itself of the imperfections and evils which are necessarily associated with the body1 and purified has attained to ,god's likeness4 ,in the preceding discussion ,i have used the word ,god freely1 but it may fairly be asked how far such use is justified1 and furthermore whether ,plato was a pantheist or a polytheist4 ,it is indeed somewhat difficult to answer these questions1 for in many passages he speaks of the gods in the plural after the common manner1 and in the ,timaeus he especially provides for a multitude of gods secondary to the ,absolute2 in many other places he speaks of the ,divine 7 7 or simply ,god 774 ,sometimes he seems to conceive of ,god as a living personality2 again ,god is apparently only the impersonal idea of the ,good4 ,yet in spite of the fact that his expressions range from polytheism almost to monotheism1 considering the sum total of his thought1 we are justified in speaking of his idea of ,god4 ,at the same time we must always understand that his thought admitted many gods1 subordinate to the ,absolute and included in it4 ,but whatever the form of expression which he uses1 ,plato conceives of ,god as the giver of good alone4 ,for him there is no deception or deceit in the divine2 the chastening of man by ,god is always for the purpose of making man better1 never to satisfy any punitive desire4 ,the notion of 8the envy of the gods10 which is so prominent in ,aeschylus1 ,herodotus1 and other writers of the fifth century1 to ,plato is abhorrent and inconceivable4 ,furthermore he makes the ,divine1 the idea of the ,good1 the measure of truth1 not man1 as ,protagoras would have had him4 ,his world therefore has a divine warrant of its validity2 it is ordered by the mind of the good and just ,god1 and not by the will of a debased divinity or by mere chance4 ,previous thinkers had made ,justice the highest attribute of divinity2 to this ,plato added ,goodness as the chief characteristic of ,god4 ,but in this discussion of ,plato's religious philosophy we have left one important subject untouched--the problem of evil4 ,this was a question which a mind so acute and inquisitive as ,plato's could not finally avoid4 ,of the presence of evil in the world he was fully aware1 and indeed he maintained that evils must always exist1 for there must remain something antagonistic to the good2 and since evils cannot exist in heaven the earth is their abode1 from which man must try to escape4#bjh ,on the source of evil1 however1 he touches only in the ,statesman and the ,timaeus2#bji in both the question is intimately connected with his theories of creation1 which he sets forth in myth4 ,but leaving aside the ,platonic imagery1 ,i will simply remind you that earlier in this lecture we saw that ,plato conceived the world we know as dual--the phenomenal world known through the senses and the world of ideas apprehended by reason4 ,now the ideas alone have ,being2 but the phenomenal world is always in a state of ,becoming1 that is1 of coming into being and of ceasing to be2 it is both temporal and imperfect4 ,obviously there must be some principle1 parallel in a way to the perfect and eternal ideas1 such that it can receive them1 and by its participation in them bring the imperfect sensible world into transitory existence4 ,this principle is to ,plato the material element4 ,now since he ascribes to the ideas alone real existence1 that is1 ,being1 the material principle must be ,not-being4 ,it is the negative substratum of all sensible phenomena1 itself invisible1 without form or characteristic1 or in ,plato's words 8the receptacle1 and in a manner1 the nurse of all generation0 for1 although itself formless1 it is capable of taking on all the forms which the ideas may impose upon it4 ,plato himself could not avoid the difficulties which such a material substratum raises1 and at times he is forced to speak as if it were something real in itself1 having an existence beside the ideas4 ,but his true notion seems to be that matter is mere negation1 like the ,aristotelian 1 something which cannot be grasped by the intellect1 as can the ideas1 or perceived by the senses1 as can the phenomenal world2 it is identical with space4 ,of course when ,plato talks about this negative principle1 he inevitably speaks as if we could know something about it4#baj ,the ,absolute in ,plato's thought had not only life and intelligence but also creative activities2 and the acts of creation consisted in imposing on the formless material principle the ideas which the ,absolute comprehends in itself1 or1 as perhaps he would have preferred to say1 in making the material principle partake of the appropriate idea4 ,in the ,cratylus he illustrates the relation of matter to the idea by the way in which the artisan makes a shuttle out of wood1 always forming his material with reference to the true or ideal shuttle4#baa ,we may illustrate further by examples modelled on ,plato's own4 ,think for a moment of the potter and his clay4 ,the clay is formless matter which the potter takes and places on the wheel1 and there imposes upon the clay the idea of the pot which is in his own mind2 so the pot acquires a real existence in so far as it partakes of or embodies the idea which exists in the potter's mind4 ,or we may think of the sculptor and the shapeless block of marble4 ,by imposing his idea upon the marble1 by making the shapeless block embody his idea1 the sculptor brings the statue into being4 ,these illustrations1 both ,plato's and my own1 are of course misleading1 for the wood1 clay1 and marble from which the several objects are made are far from being the negative substance which ,plato would have us believe his material principle to be4 ,but they may serve to suggest the way in which he conceived the varied world about us to come into its temporary existence4 ,now to ,plato's mind the ,absolute and the ideas are perfect2 yet we know that the phenomenal world is imperfect1 and imperfection is evil2 therefore1 he says1 evil must be found in the negative substratum1 since as we have already seen1 this was regarded by ,plato as in every way the opposite of the perfect ideas4 ,this imperfection1 inherent in the material principle1 is the 8necessity0 of which he speaks in the ,theaetetus as causing evils--the opposite of the good4#bab ,evil1 therefore1 is eternal1 but1 as we have earlier learned1 the individual may escape1 if he will take the deliverance which philosophy offers him4 ,as ,i have said1 the course of creation is explained through myth in the ,timaeus and the ,statesman4#bac ,in the former ,god is represented as creating first the gods of heaven which are the fixed stars and planets1 from whom sprang the gods of popular mythology4 ,the ,creator had already conceived of creatures of the air1 sea1 and land2 but these he did not himself create1 for then they would have been on equality with the gods2 he rather commissioned the gods to create man and the lower animals1 while he furnished the divine part1 the soul4 ,man's soul therefore is of the same nature as the universal soul1 but his body is material1 made of the four elements of earth1 air1 fire1 and water1 and it is imperfect1 being subject to the passions4 ,in the ,statesman ,plato sets forth his theory of the development of man from an earlier stage to the present3 the significant thing for us at the moment is his explanation of man's falling away from virtue as due to the admixture of matter in him1 that this fall was 8inherent in the primal nature which was full of disorder40 ,this1 then1 will at least suggest ,plato's view as to the origin of evil in the world4 ,his language is that of myth1 and it seems evident that he did not formulate his explanation perfectly even in his own mind4 ,we shall best regard it as one of his guesses at truth4 ,it is1 of course1 easy to find weaknesses in his thought on this question and to show that the explanation which he suggests is not satisfactory4 ,but we shall do better to remember the difficulty of the problem and to recognize the value of his attempt to reach its solution4 ,the greatest service1 however1 which ,plato did was to establish by means of his doctrine of ideas a rational relation between the invisible world of reason and the visible world of the senses2 and by pointing out that the rational part of man's soul is of the same substance as the ideas and therefore of the same substance as the ,absolute1 to give an intellectual basis to the doctrine of a natural striving on the part of man after the supreme ,good4 ,hardly second to this was his service in the field of ethics1 where he showed that man's spiritual advance depends upon the constant curbing of the passions and the body4 ,the greatness of his genius is shown by the fact that throughout antiquity the highest religious thought of paganism had its source in his work and was only a development of it4 ,before we have finished these lectures we shall gain some hints of his profound influence on ,christianity4 99 99 99 99 99 ,platonic philosophy by attributing to the ideas an existence apart from things1 and conversely by denying all existence to anything but the ideas1 had removed all reality to the supernatural world4 ,it was inevitable that this view should be promptly attacked4 ,the challenge came from ,plato's greatest pupil1 ,aristotle4 ,aristotle1 born at ,stagira in ,thrace about #chd ,b4,c41 by inheritance and early training had a strong bent toward natural science1 since he was descended from a line of physicians who1 according to ,galen1 taught anatomy by dissection4 ,for twenty years he was the pupil and assistant of ,plato in the ,academy4 ,after the death of his master he went to the court of ,hermias1 a prince of ,mysia1 and in #cdc he was appointed tutor to the son of ,king ,philip of ,macedon1 ,alexander1 then thirteen years of age4 ,about #cce he opened a school in the ,lyceum at ,athens1 where he taught for some thirteen years4 ,then1 being accused of impiety after ,alexander's death1 he withdrew to ,chalcis in ,euboea1 as he said1 that the ,athenians might not sin a second time against philosophy2 there he died about #cbb4 ,into ,aristotle's encyclopedic knowledge and enormous scientific activities we may not now go2 and indeed we need not dwell at very great length upon him1 for his influence in religion was less potent than ,plato's through antiquity and the earlier ,middle ,ages4 ,the chief cause of the elder philosopher's greater influence is to be found in the fact that ,plato's thought centered on man1 his morality1 and his relation to ,god1 while ,aristotle was concerned primarily with the universe of which man was to him only a part2 to ,plato virtue was inseparably connected with religion1 and was therefore something to be sought with fervent spirit as well as with cool reason2 to ,aristotle virtue was rather an intellectual matter1 an even balance of the soul1 that natural perfection of the whole organism on which the well-being and happiness of man depended--a state which was to be attained by right calculation1 choice1 and habit4 ,so it came to pass that although ,aristotle's works on logic were continuously studied in one form or another1 his great sway in many realms of human thought1 including theology1 began in the thirteenth century1 when1 learning first from ,arabic scholars1 later aided and stimulated by the ,latin conquest of ,constantinople in #abjd1 the western intellectual world eagerly studied his works anew4 ,then ,albertus ,magnus1 ,st4 ,thomas ,aquinas1 and ,roger ,bacon raised him to the supreme position in philosophy and theology1 so that he became for that age indeed 8the master of those who know40 ,let us now consider some parts of his philosophy4 ,he criticized ,plato's doctrine that ideas have an existence apart from things1 and not unjustly charged that ,plato had taken the universals1 which we arrive at by abstraction1 and had elevated these general concepts into eternal and immortal elements1 claiming for them that they were anterior to the things of sense and alone had real existence4 ,in his own philosophy he took a position fundamentally opposed to that of ,plato1 for he insisted that 8ideas10 8forms0 and the phenomenal world could not exist apart1 for if they did1 then we should be obliged to postulate a third world beyond them2 that is to say1 that if the idea of man1 for example1 had a substantial existence apart from individual men1 then there would have to be an idea antecedent to both the idea of man and the individual men1 the model of both1 and this idea would be a 8third man40 ,he further pointed out that men know the ideas only in the concrete objects1 never apart from those objects of which they are the ideas1 that the essence can never be separated from that of which it is the essence1 since then both thing and essence would cease to exist4 ,so he charged ,plato with using meaningless poetic metaphors when he said that ideas1 forms1 existed apart from things4 ,reality to ,aristotle was always in the individual object1 itself an indissoluble union of matter and form4 ,of course he recognized that the human mind could abstract these two elements each from the other and could think of the matter and the form as separate1 but he would not allow that these abstractions had substantial reality in the sense that they could ever exist by themselves4#bad ,since then to him the ,platonic ideas were nothing apart from the individual objects1 ,aristotle could find no principle of movement or change in them2 so he claimed that the doctrine of ideas was sterile and came to naught4 ,in his own system he enumerated four principles or causes1 which he insisted1 however1 are only known to us from individual things3 the material cause 7 o 1 71 the formal cause 7 1 71 the efficient cause 7 71 and the final cause 7 o 1 74 ,to make his meaning clear let us use in part his own illustrations3 the material cause of the statue is the bronze of which it is made1 just as in the example of the pot which we used a little while ago1 the clay was its material cause2 the formal cause is the idea of the statue1 or of the pot1 or of the octave in music1 which the artist has in mind2 the artist himself is the efficient cause2 and the object of the action1 the completed pot1 statue1 or whatever it may be1 is the final cause4#bae ,that is to say the statue exists potentially in the bronze1 the pot potentially in the clay1 the octave potentially in the musical sounds1 but these things can be called in actual existence only by the operation of the other three causes2 and the same thing holds true in animate nature4 ,it is possible therefore to state the matter generally and to say that in every case the individual is produced by the operation of the formal1 efficient1 and final causes on the material cause1 bringing to actuality the potentiality in matter4 ,of course we may regard the formal1 efficient1 and final causes as different aspects of the same formal cause--a thing which ,aristotle himself does in more than one passage1#baf so that in the last analysis he regards matter and form as the two causes or principles of things4 ,these two are to him correlatives1 each completing the other1 although he gives greater importance to the formal than to the material cause4 ,these two causes1 he says1 attract each other2 and their union brings about movement1 which is always the evolution of something from something else4 ,from these considerations ,i trust that it is evident that ,aristotle regarded every object of nature1 whether animate or inanimate1 as the product of causation2 behind each individual he found another individual1 and he saw that each object was the result of conscious causal activity4 ,so1 looking on the world with scientific eyes1 he found therein continuous movement dependent on a chain of causes1 and he pointed out that such a chain requires a first cause which must be the source of all activity4 ,this first cause was to him ,mind1 pure ,thought1 ,god1 conscious1 eternal1 and good4 ,but his ,first ,cause was at the same time the ,final ,cause1 for the supreme ,mind conceives the end toward which all creative activity is tending1 that is1 it acts with intelligence so that the world is the creation of intelligence and is directed toward wise ends4#bag ,the order of the universe bears witness to the ,mind which set it in order1 and which keeps it in motion1 all for intelligent ends2 for to use ,aristotle's own expression1 8,god and ,nature do nothing without a purpose40#bah ,thus ,aristotle introduced into theology cosmological and teleological arguments for the existence of ,god4 ,but when ,aristotle defines ,god as pure ,thought1 the supreme ,idea or ,form1 with no admixture of matter1 it might seem that he had contradicted himself4 ,it will be remembered1 however1 that in his system matter and form do not stand quite on an equality--matter is somewhat subordinate to form4 ,he regarded matter as the point of departure for something higher--the clay being antecedent and lower than the pot1 the bronze than the statue--for the higher product always results from the operation of the formal cause on the material4 ,of course in our illustrations the bronze and the clay are not absolute matter1 but only matter with reference to the higher products evolved from them--the pot and the statue4 ,indeed ,aristotle did not suppose that there was such a thing as absolute matter existing by itself1 but he rather thought of his material cause as matter not yet formed1 the germ from which the actual object was to be developed by the operation of the formal cause4 ,now he saw in the universe an ascending scale of existence1 just as today we recognize such a scale in the animal world1 each stage being more perfect than that below it2 he pointed out that with reference to the lower1 each higher stage was ideal1 but material with reference to that which was still higher4 ,so in every stage the idea1 the form1 preceded and conditioned the material element1 and in a sense we may correctly say that ,aristotle gradually refined away his material element in the ascending scale4 ,at the summit ,aristotle placed the perfect and supreme ,idea1 ,god1 the eternal antecedent of all activity1 the prime mover of the universe4 ,so in the end he identified ,god and ,form4 ,strictly speaking in his system ,god could not be a resultant of form and matter1 for then ,god would not be the ultimate being1 but some cause would lie behind him2 and he would not be perfection1 since some potentiality1 the characteristic of matter1 would still reside in him4 ,as a matter of fact ,aristotle in a number of passages identifies his ultimate material and form 7 72#bai not that he would have granted that there was a material element in the ,supreme ,being2 but in the light of what we have just said we can understand how he might have held that the ultimate material and ,god were identical4#bbj ,it readily follows from ,aristotle's concept of ,god as the prime mover1 the source of all activity in the world1 that ,god can be but one4 ,monotheism is the logical result of the ,aristotelian reasoning4 ,moreover it was inevitable that ,aristotle should make ,god transcendent1 that is1 that he should place him above all objects of the natural world1 since if the ,first ,cause is pure thought unmixed with matter1 he cannot be immanent in material things4 ,the immateriality which ,plato gave to his ideas1 his pupil transferred to ,god4 ,midway between the natural and the supernatural worlds ,aristotle placed man1 whom he regarded as bound to the world of nature by his body and the lower elements of his mind1 but connected with ,god through his reason1 for he held that the human mind possessed attributes of the divine intelligence4 ,aristotle's psychology was based on his belief that there was a purpose in all nature1 and on his view that in the individual were always united form and material4 ,with reference to animate beings he showed that they had their formative principle within them1 which brought to actuality the material which had the potentiality of life1 and which determined the purpose for which the individual creature existed4 ,this formative principle was then for him the soul of the animate being1 whether plant1 lower animal1 or man2 it was the internal principle which determined the processes of nutrition1 growth1 and decay common to all animate creatures1 and no less the functions peculiar to the lower and the higher animals throughout the scale of life4 ,the soul of a plant1 then1 he defined as the assimilative principle 7 7 ,but creatures of the next1 higher stage1 the so-called lower animals1 he saw had senses1 desires1 and self-movement2 to their souls therefore he assigned the additional elements of sensation 7 71 appetite 7t rektikn71 and motion 7 74 ,finally1 he said1 the human soul had mind 77 in addition to the elements possessed by the lower animals and plants1 for man has the power of thought and reflection4 ,therefore man is the highest creature1 the most perfect organism in the natural order4 ,but the human mind1 as ,aristotle pointed out1 has two activities3 it concerns itself with knowing and with reasoning2 it is passive1 receptive1 in that it receives ideas from without1 and creative in that it can reflect on its own ideas and so create new ideas which are in no sense dependent on material objects--are1 as we say1 abstract ideas4 ,to this creative part of man's soul1 to his reason alone1 did ,aristotle grant eternal existence and immortality4 ,all other activities of the soul--knowing1 moving1 seeking1 feeling1 and assimilating--he held to be bound to the body and hence to perish with it2 but the reasoning element he maintained was in no way dependent on the material world1 was always active1 and therefore it alone was immortal and eternal4#bba ,yet after establishing the immortality of the reasoning element ,aristotle failed to define the fate of the immortal human reason after death2 of joys or pains beyond the grave he gave no description4 ,in ethics ,aristotle taught that the highest human good was that happiness which results when man's mind under the direction of reason is active toward virtuous ends2 that moral virtue is a habit which is acquired by cultivation1 a condition which is attained when the appetites are controlled by the will and guided by the reason4 ,now in the ,aristotelian system man alone was regarded as capable of moral action4 ,the animals are guided by appetite and lack intelligence to direct them2 ,god is pure reason and therefore we cannot attribute to him any moral qualities2 but man possesses the characteristics of the lower creatures and has at the same time the divine element1 the reason1 which connects him with ,god4 ,therefore since man is endowed with reason which can either prompt the will to check the appetite or bid the will let appetite go its way1 he is capable of choice and so of morality4 ,by thus emphasizing the controlling function of the will ,aristotle prepared the way for the ,stoics1 as we shall see in our next lecture4 ,virtue in the active life of society was to him always the mean between two extremes1 both of which were themselves vices4 ,courage1 for example1 lies midway between cowardice and rashness2 temperance between indulgence and abstinence2 and so on through the whole range of the ethical virtues4 ,above these virtues of the active life1 ,aristotle placed a higher rank--the intellectual virtues of wisdom1 knowledge1 good-sense1 practical insight1 etc41 which result from a harmony of the active and the receptive parts of the intellect4 ,highest of all he put the speculative activities of the intellect1 which he regarded as its proper and most constant function4 ,this 8theoretical0 or 8contemplative0 life 7 7 he said brought man his highest happiness just because it was his highest activity4 ,yet ,aristotle could not hold out the hope that men could attain this joy fully or in great numbers2 he saw that the greater part of human life was concerned with practical virtues1 with good character2 and he believed that only when man was good in everyday life could he hope to rise to the contemplative life1 but that in that life1 at moments1 he might catch glimpses of the happiness which belonged continuously to ,god4#bbb ,unquestionably ,aristotle did a large service in putting ethics on a more scientific basis than his predecessors had done1 but his chief contributions to the subject with which we are now concerned were in the field of theology4 ,there1 as we have already noted1 he established the cosmological and teleological arguments for the existence of ,god2 and he also introduced a clearly defined transcendentalism1 thus making explicit what had been implied in parts of ,plato's teachings4 ,yet he failed to provide that satisfaction for religious hopes and fears which men desired1 and so1 as ,i have said1 the cold scientific reasoning of the ,stagirite had far less influence in religion than the enthusiastic thought of his teacher until after many centuries had passed4 99 99 99 99 99 ,although we may readily recognize that the influence of philosophy on the religious belief of the most enlightened in this time was great1 we may still question whether it had any considerable influence on the religious customs of the people4 ,practice is always more conservative than thought1 and we find that the thinkers who did most to destroy traditional theology frequently conformed to the traditional worship of the common man4 ,so ,socrates sacrificed in the usual way to the gods1 although he held advanced ideas with regard to prayers and oaths4 ,no doubt ,plato and ,aristotle passed for pious so far as their religious practices were concerned1 in spite of the fact that they put new content into ancient forms4 ,the former frequently made the speakers in his dialogues refer to the gods in quite the traditional way1 and in his ,timaeus he set forth a kind of systematic theology2 in his ,laws1 written in his old age as a supplement to his ,republic1 he planned for his ideal state a religious organization1 involving a plurality of gods1 not dissimilar to that of the actual ,athenian state2 he represented his chief spokesman as proving the existence of the gods1 giving warrant for the familiar practices of religion1 and justifying the ways of gods to men2 moreover he proposed to have statutes against impiety and the introduction of religious rites not recognized by law4#bbc ,aristotle clearly had slight respect for the common notions as to the gods1 but for all that he regarded the worship of many gods as natural1 and he thought that worship was indispensable for the existence of a state2 therefore in his ,politics he made a place for a polytheistic religion1 defined the duties of priests and other sacred officials1 and provided that all the expenses of public worship should be borne by the state4#bbd ,the charge1 prompted by political passion1 brought against ,aristotle for impiety in deifying ,hermias1 the prince of ,mysia1 shows that he was not regarded as atheistic4 ,as a matter of fact with all the changes in religious thought which the centuries brought in ,greece1 sacred customs and practices remained but little altered down to the end of antiquity4 ,theology has small interest for the common man4 ,he must depend for his assurance on the performance of those acts which immemorial custom has sanctioned as the proper means of securing the favor of the gods1 rather than on the speculations of some theologian or on his own poor reflections4 ,sacrifice and prayer before the sacred statue or symbol1 community worship at the great festivals1 private devotion at the shrine within the home1 rites of riddance and appeasing1 the promise and payment of vows1 remained the practices of the mass of men for many centuries after the prophet of ,nazareth delivered his message--indeed ,christianity took over many of these things and has kept them to the present day4 ,then too we must remember that the civic character of the common ,greek religion had a higher side1 for it strengthened the bond of family and of city-state2 and through the great festivals at ,olympia1 ,delphi1 and ,nemea it helped to form a dim concept of a ,greek nation4 ,thus it elevated men's notions of responsibility to the social units1 both small and great4 ,furthermore1 apart from the civic and national sides of ,greek religion1 the general religious thought of the mass was gradually ennobled with the passage of the centuries2 in spite of the survival into later antiquity of certain rude and primitive elements1 religion became more moral and more spiritual1 as we have already seen was the case with the ,eleusinian ,mysteries4 ,plato and ,aristotle in the very nature of the case could have little influence on the many in their day2 but when their thoughts had been transmuted into terms which the common man could comprehend and express in living1 philosophy became for the many a guide of life4 ,,footnotes3 #aij ,it is sometimes said that ,plato does not identify the ,idea of the ,good with ,god1 but ,i cannot interpret the following passages save as ,i have done above3 ,phil4 #bb ,c2 ,tim4 #bh ,a-#bi ,e2 #cg ,a2 #ib ,c4 #aia ,phaedrus1 #bde2 cf4 ,laws1 #aj1 #hid ,b ff41 #ab1 #iff ,e4 #aib ,phaedo1 #gb ff4 #aic ,meno1 #ha ff4 #aid ,phaedo1 #hf ff4 #aie ,phaedo1 #aje4 #aif ,rep4 ,,iv1 #dbg ff41 esp4 #ddj ,e-#dda ,a2 ,,vi1 #ejd2 ,,viii1 #eej2 ,,ix1 #ehj-eha2 cf4 ,timaeus1 #fi-gb4 #aig #bdf f4 #aih #fi ff4 #aii ,rep4 ,,vi1 #dhd ff4 #bjj ,theaet4 #agf4 #bja ,x1 #fac4 #bjb ,phaedo1 #hb f4 #bjc ,phaedo1 #ff ,e ff4 #bjd #cii f4 #bje #dib ,e-#dic ,a4 #bjf ,phaedo1 #fc ff4 #bjg ,rep4 ,x1 #fad ff42 cf4 ,phaedrus1 #bdh f4 #bjh ,theaet4 #agf4 #bji ,statesman #bgb ff42 ,tim4 #db ff4 #baj ,tim4 #di ,e-#eb ,b2 cf4 ,aristot4 ,phys4 #a1 #i1 #aib a1 #c ff42 #d1 #b1 #bji b1 #aa ff4 #baa ,crat4 #chi f4 #bab ,theaet4 #agf4 #bac ,tim4 #bi ,e ff42 ,statesman1 #bgb ,b ff4 #bad ,met4 ,i1 #i1 #iij b ff42 ,,vi1 #h2 ,,xii1 #aj2 ,,xiii1 #c4 #bae ,phys4 ,,ii1 #c1 #aid b1 #af ff42 cf4 ,met4 ,i1 #c1 #ihc a1 #bd ff42 ,,vi1 #g1 #ajcb a1 #ac ff42 ,,vii1 #d1 #ajdd a1 #cb ff42 et passim4 #baf ,e4 g4 ,phys4 ,,ii1 #g1 #aih a1 #bb ff4 #bag ,phys4 ,,viii1 #f1 #beh b1 #aj ff42 ,met4 ,,xi1 #g 7entire74 #bah ,de caelo1 ,i1 #d1 #bga a1 #cc4 #bai ,e4 g4 ,met4 ,,vii1 #f1 #ajde b1 #ah f4 #bbj ,cf4 the whole discussion of ,god in ,met4 ,,xi4 #bba ,on the foregoing see the ,de anima in general and especially ,,ii1 #a2 ,,iii1 #d and #e4 #bbb ,cf4 on the foregoing the two ethical works1 the ,nicomachean and the ,eudemian ,ethics1 entire4 #bbc ,laws1 ,,vi1 #gei and ,x entire4 #bbd ,politics1 ,,vi1 #h1 #acbb b1 #ah ff42 ,,vii1 #h1 #acbh b1 #ab ff42 #acbi a1 #bg ff42 #accj a1 #h f42 #acca b1 #d-f1 #ag f4 ,,vi ,,later ,,religious ,,philosophies ,plato and ,aristotle mark the culmination of a great period in ,greek thought4 ,after them metaphysical speculation made little if any advance in antiquity4 ,indeed we are all aware of the fact that the greater part of the thinking world has been divided between ,platonists and ,aristotelians ever since1 although in our own time we are seeing a return by some to the philosophic position of the ,sophists and ,heraclitus4 ,now in our discussion of the philosophies of ,plato and ,aristotle you must have felt that their systems were for the intellectual lite4 ,the large demands which they make upon the reason and the habit of reasoning unfit them for the great majority of mankind1 since the average man desires a practical guide in life which he can readily follow1 rather than a philosophical system which he can grasp only by the careful use of his intellect4 ,furthermore1 in the period after ,alexander1 when national life and interests were weakened or destroyed by the ,macedonian's conquests and the struggles of his successors1 the individual was forced to withdraw from public life2 he lost the satisfactions which the politics of his community had once furnished1 felt himself without the social supports which the compact life of his city-state had formerly given1 and so1 turned in on himself1 he naturally sought for a sure rule of life and a guarantee of individual happiness4 ,we shall now consider first a school of practical philosophy which followed ,aristotle--that of the ,stoics1 and then some mystic philosophies of the early centuries of our era4 ,socrates1 the great teacher and the dramatic spokesman of ,plato's dialogues1 gave the impulse to many philosophic systems4 ,the only one we need to glance at now is that of the ,cynics founded by ,antisthenes1 who had been one of ,socrates' many pupils4 ,it was continued by the whimsical and notorious ,diogenes of ,sinope1 whose name is familiar to us all4 ,the founder of ,cynicism emphasized the ,socratic aim of individual virtue to the neglect of all else1 for like his master he maintained that virtue was the only good1 the sole aim in life1 and that it was sufficient in itself for happiness4 ,but he also went to the extreme of declaring that all external relations and obligations were to be neglected1 and that there was no middle ground of the slightest importance between virtue and vice4 ,antisthenes also taught that whoever possessed virtue was wise1 the rest of the world foolish2 and that virtue was a thing which could be taught1 and which once learned could never be lost4 ,to the ,cynic all pleasure was vicious1 but sweat and toil blessings if associated with the individual freedom which was the aim of the school4 ,although the ,cynics were concerned only with practical virtue in this world here and now1 their puritanical and doctrinaire system deserves this place in our consideration1 because it was the first to attempt to make philosophy a practical guide for the common man in everyday life4 ,it is quite true that this was also ,socrates' position1 but his mind and common sense took so large a view of the relations of man that he never fell into the narrow exclusiveness of the ,cynics4 ,with them philosophy was not speculative1 but became the art of virtuous living2 it easily degenerated into insolent and ostentatious show1 and doubtless deserved many of the jibes which the later satirists threw at it4 ,within the sect1 strictly speaking1 the doctrine of virtue as man's chief good came to little because it lacked the principle of moral activity4 ,the will of man was not challenged to act in advancing him along the path of virtue4 ,but ,stoicism took over the doctrine1 gave it life by insisting on the exercise of the will in the practice of virtue1 and made thereby such a contribution to the practical life of virtue that we are still the ,stoics' heirs4 ,it was toward the close of the fourth century that ,zeno of ,citium in the island of ,cyprus established a school in the ,painted ,porch 7 7 at ,athens4 ,zeno had been an adherent of no one school or philosophical sect3 he had listened to both ,cynic1 ,megarian1 and ,platonic teachers4 ,it was natural1 therefore1 in view of the training of the founder and of the fact that he was born in a place distant from the great centers of the ,greek world1 that the ,stoic school from the beginning should draw its tenets from many sources and that it should have a cosmopolitan character4 ,furthermore the time in which it was founded had a potent and direct influence upon it4 ,alexander the ,great died in #cbc ,b4,c41 after carrying his arms to the banks of the ,indus and enlarging the ,greek world far beyond even his own vast dreams4 ,the ideal state1 even in the mind of ,alexander's great teacher ,aristotle1 was at this time thought to be one which corresponded closely to the actual ,greek state1 a community of limited size1 whose free population should be all of the same stock1 and one in which the manual toil should be performed by slaves4 ,a sharp contrast to this was the mighty empire which ,aristotle's pupil carved in an incredible fashion out of ,europe1 ,africa1 and ,asia4 ,it is not to be wondered at that a philosophy1 the principles of which were drawn from various ,athenian schools1 as ,i have just said1 and which was developed by men like ,zeno of ,citium and ,chrysippus of ,soli in ,cilicia should have a character which made it appeal to the enlarged and varied world of ,hellenism1 and to the ,roman ,empire which succeeded that of ,alexander4 ,the development of ,stoicism corresponded to its eclectic origin4 ,the system established by ,zeno was enlarged and rounded out by ,chrysippus4 ,it was welcomed by the ,romans in the second century ,b4,c4 when ,panaetius of ,rhodes transplanted the system to ,rome4 ,in the hands of its earliest leaders the school had held to a severe and uncompromising doctrine1 not dissimilar to that of the ,cynics4 ,but ,panaetius greatly modified this teaching1 and accommodated the school to the other great philosophic systems of the time1 especially to the doctrines of ,plato and ,aristotle2 and thus he made ,stoicism suited to the educated ,roman world4 ,among his disciples he numbered many of the ,roman aristocracy of the second century ,b4,c41 the most famous of whom were ,laelius and the younger ,scipio4 ,that unyielding dogmatism of the older school which had paralleled ,cynicism in teaching that between virtue and vice there was no intermediate position1 that the philosopher was the perfectly virtuous man1 and that he and the vicious were absolutely separated1 was replaced by a doctrine of the possibility of gradual progress in virtue4 ,indeed some with good sense held that this was the most to which man could attain1 that he could never hope to reach perfection1 but that his duty was to accomplish a daily advance toward excellence4 ,panaetius did a great service in adapting ,stoicism to life4 ,a famous pupil of ,panaetius was ,posidonius of ,apamea in ,syria1 who drew many ,romans to hear him at his school in ,rhodes1 among them ,cicero and ,pompey4 ,he carried still further the synthesis of ,stoicism with ,platonism and ,aristotelianism1 and by the astounding range of his learning and the brilliancy of his style acquired a large influence4 ,he seems also to have given ,stoicism a strong religious cast4 ,like other philosophies ,stoicism had embraced many subjects--logic1 including dialectic and rhetoric1 physical science1 including cosmology and theology1 and ethics4 ,but by the first century of the ,roman ,empire it had become almost exclusively a philosophy of moral and religious edification1 well calculated to steel men against the distress and trouble of that age4 ,its great representatives in this last period were ,seneca1 ,epictetus1 and ,marcus ,aurelius1 whose works are still a source of strength for many thoughtful men4 ,let us now consider briefly the system of the ,stoics4 ,our theme confines us chiefly to the moral and religious sides of their philosophy2 but this is only a slight limitation1 for true to the teachings of the ,cynics1 who had greatly influenced the founder of the school1 throughout their history the ,stoics laid much emphasis on ethics1 that is1 on the art of a righteous and virtuous life4 ,they were never so much concerned with speculation as to the nature of virtue as with its practice4 ,to them virtue was man's highest aim1 and by it they meant righteousness in the practical relations of life4 ,they defined it as a condition of the soul in which the soul is in continuous harmony with itself4 ,virtue they subdivided into the four chief elements of intelligence1 discretion1 courage1 and justice4 ,some also recognized subordinate virtues1 but these ,i name were the four that made up the supreme excellence4 ,furthermore the ,stoics1 like ,socrates and the ,cynics1 identified virtue with knowledge and regarded the ideal philosopher as the one who had attained to true and complete wisdom and consequently to perfect virtue4 ,therefore the ideal of the wise man became the very center of the ,stoic doctrine4 ,he was thought to combine in himself all perfection1 and as ,seneca says1 differs from ,god only by being mortal4 ,as ,i have already observed1 the early ,stoics had fixed an absolute gulf between the perfect wise man and the unwise2 like the ,cynics they had declared that virtue once attained could not be lost2 but the practical good sense of a later age modified these extreme views and taught that there were degrees in virtue1 and that the most that the ordinary man could do was daily to advance and make progress toward his goal4 ,as ,seneca says3 8,i am not yet wise1 nor shall ,i ever be4 ,do not ask me to be equal to the best but rather to be better than the base4 ,this is enough for me--to take away daily something from my faults and daily to reject my errors40#bbe ,that man might attain to virtue1 according to the ,stoic1 he must free himself from the world and its influences1 through the exercise of his will he must strive to attain to freedom from all excess of feeling and passion4 ,the extremist said that he must raise himself to a position where he was entirely free from passion1 where he had attained to complete 4 ,the milder ,stoics held the view that the wise man would not be one who felt no passion or desire1 but rather one in whom virtue overmastered the passions4 ,the mastery1 whether complete or partial1 all agreed was to be attained by the exercise of the will2 therefore man must regard as wholly indifferent to him all things that are not within the control of that faculty4 ,on this point ,epictetus discourses most interestingly4#bbf ,he points out that the materials we employ in life are indifferent to us1 neither good nor bad2 they are like the dice with which we play our game4 ,but like the gamester we must try to manage life dexterously2 whatever happens we must say3 8,externals are not within my power2 choice is4 ,where then shall ,i seek good and evil8 ,why1 within1 in what is my own40 ,and then he continues1 pointing out that we must count nothing good or evil1 profitable or hurtful1 or of any concern to us1 that is controlled by others4 ,in tranquillity and calm we must accept what life brings1 concerned only with what actually depends on the will of each one of us4 ,we must act in life as we do in a voyage3 the individual can choose the pilot1 the sailors1 and the hour of his departure2 after that he must meet quietly all that comes1 for he has done his part2 and if a storm arise1 he must face with indifference disaster or safety1 for these matters are quite beyond the control of his will4 ,so sickness and health1 abundance and need1 high position or the loss of station are things which my will cannot control4 ,therefore to me as a philosopher they are indifferent2 ,i must have no anxiety about them2 they really are not my affair4 ,but my thoughts and my acts are matters that ,i can control1 and in them ,i must find all my concern4 ,the external circumstances1 the acts of others1 do not touch me1 but my own acts1 my own relations1 my own inner life are things to which ,i must give all of my attention4 ,so the ,stoic reasoned1 holding that virtue was quite sufficient for happiness1 and that it made man master of his world4 ,thus we see that to the doctrine of virtue1 which the ,cynics had magnified1 the ,stoics had added the vitalizing principle of the operation of man's will1 and thereby had made the pursuit of wisdom1 which to them was identical with virtue1 a powerful means of moral and spiritual edification4 ,but when the ,stoic discoursed of virtue and wisdom1 what did he conceive the highest aim of man to be8 8,to live in accord with ,nature10 was the answer which the followers of ,zeno usually gave4 ,by that they meant that man must bring himself into accord with that ,nature which rules all things2 that he must make his will and reason agree with the universal will and reason of which in truth they are a part4 ,others said that one must live in harmony with himself4 ,but as we shall presently see1 their definition was essentially the same as that of their fellows1 for to the ,stoic man was in himself an epitome of the cosmos4 ,in their explanation of the universe the ,stoics held to a materialism which they borrowed from the teachings of ,heraclitus1 who had maintained that only matter had any existence whatever2 therefore their system was in theory a materialistic monism1 but with their monistic principle they combined an idea which in reality they had derived from ,aristotle1 apparently without realizing the possible consequence to their view that matter alone exists4 ,although holding that everything is material1 they recognized in all things the presence of an active and a passive principle1 the active principle forming and directing1 the other being formed and directed1 so that by the operation of the active principle upon the passive all the phenomena of the world come into being4 ,the passive principle corresponded to ,aristotle's material1 while the active principle included both his efficient and final causes4 ,to their active principle the ,stoics gave all the characteristics that ,heraclitus had given to his 1 reason1 or ,anaxagoras to his 1 mind4 ,in short they attributed to it all the characteristics of reason and intelligence1 so that in spite of their argument that the active principle was no less material than the passive1 that it was the element of fire or vapor or both1 it was inevitable that in practice their philosophy should ultimately tend toward a dualism and that the ancient conflict of matter and mind1 of body and soul1 should have its place in their teaching4 ,they thought that the operative principle1 fire1 the divine reason1 expresses itself in every part of the universe1 that everything which exists is permeated by this divine spirit and directed by it4 ,it is nothing less than the world-reason1 ,god1 which begets all things2 so that they called it 1 that is1 the reason that contains within itself the germs of all things that are to be4 ,now since man is of course a part of the cosmos1 the ,stoic argued that in him the world-reason naturally expresses itself2 it is that which guides him1 in fact it is his reason1 the directing portion of his soul4 ,and it is the possession of this soul1 itself a part of the universal reason1 which makes it possible for man to live in accord with ,nature1 for he attains that aim whenever his soul is in agreement with the universal soul which is its source4 ,in this way the ,stoic1 for all his materialism1 emphasized the divine nature of man and the community of human reason with ,god4 ,the pantheistic character of this philosophy is now evident4 ,the world-reason1 ,god1 whatever the ,stoic might call it1 is all1 embraces all within itself1 and permeates all4 ,this conception is in marked contrast to the teachings of ,aristotle and the later ,platonists1 who conceived of ,god as transcendent1 removed from the world about us4 ,we have here the doctrine of the immanence of ,god1 in whom all things live and move and have their being1 because the world-reason is the principle on which all life and action directly depend4 ,in this doctrine of the immanence of ,god the ,stoics brought together again the worlds of matter and of reason which ,plato had separated2 and in the pantheistic character of this teaching they established a belief which later fitted in with the general course of pagan thought under the ,roman ,empire1 when philosophy and religion were at one in recognizing the existence in the world of but a single divine principle1 although all systems1 including ,stoicism1 found a way to provide for the multitude of gods which popular belief demanded4 ,the ,stoic theology then is in technical language a materialistic pantheism1 and the world is only a mode of ,god4 ,such abstractions are difficult to grasp and have no personal meaning for the common man4 ,but in practice the ,stoic thought and spoke of ,god as a personality4 ,nowhere is this feeling expressed with so much devotion as in ,cleanthes' ,hymn to ,zeus2 the language is largely that of poetic tradition1 but the thought is not that of common polytheism3 ,most glorious of immortals1 many named1 powerful over all1 ,zeus1 thou author of all nature1 guiding all with law1 ,hail to thee4 ,thee 'tis right all mortals should address1 ,for from thee men derive their race1 they who alone ,of all things mortal1 living1 creeping on the ground1 ,have gift of speech4 ,so will ,i hymn thee1 and thy power forever sing4 ,for thee this entire cosmos1 circling earth around1 ,obeys where'er thou leadest1 and 'tis gladly ruled by thee4 ,such servant hast thou in thy hands invincible1 ,the two-edged thunderbolt1 ever living flame4 ,for by its strokes are all things in nature wrought2 ,with it thou dost direct the common law1 which throughout all ,forever moves1 with every gleam commingled1 great and small4 ',tis this hath made thee supreme king o'er all2 ,for naught e'er comes to pass on earth apart from thee1 ,o ,god1 ,nor in the sacred pole of ether above nor in the deep1 ,save all the sin men do with folly cursed4#bbg ,but some of you have doubtless remembered that ,fate 77 plays a large part in ,stoicism1 that the ,stoic writers describe it as the cause that works through all things and brings all things to pass4#bbh ,we must therefore consider what the ,stoic meant by ,fate1 how he explained the existence of evil1 and what provision he made for the freedom of the will4 ,fate was identified with reason or with what we call natural law2 and since the ,stoic held that it does not operate in a mechanical way1 but is directed by reason to the best possible ends1 it followed that ,fate became identical with ,providence 774#bbi ,this world then for the ,stoic is the best of all possible worlds4 ,yet the question will inevitably be asked as to why it is that evil can exist in such a world1 in which a particular ,providence rules all things for the best4 ,we have already seen that ,cleanthes held that ,god directed all things but the deeds of the wicked3 ,naught e'er comes to pass on earth apart from thee1 ,o ,god1 ,nor in the sacred pole of ether above nor in the deep1 ,save all the sin men do with folly cursed4 ,for the most part however the ,stoics did not attempt to place evil outside the domain of ,fate1 but boldly maintained that the existence of good is inconceivable without the existence of its opposite1 evil4 ,they taught that many of the things which are ordinarily reckoned evils by men were nothing of the sort2 what we call physical evils1 for example1 were for them not evils1 because they could not affect the wise man1 the philosopher2 or if they affected him1 they could serve only as discipline1 and therefore contribute to good ends4 ,man has within him the possibility of good2 he must also have the possibility of evil1 and therefore he must possess the freedom of choice without which goodness or evil has no moral value4 ,evil therefore like the good must be part of a world in which ,god rules all things to the best and wisest ends4 ,still there remains the difficulty that if man can determine his own choice1 how can we still speak of ,fate as directing the world4 ,the answer is found in the nature of man1 whose body is properly directed by his soul4 ,this soul through experience develops reason1 and the reasoning soul1 as we have already seen1 is a part of the universal reason1 ,god4 ,when the reason rules a man's impulses and directs his will to follow the right course1 it leads him into the path of freedom1 for freedom consists in the complete subjugation of the impulses to reason4 ,the ,stoic had only to appeal to common experience to show that if the body and its impulses prevail1 man obviously is a slave2 but if reason dominates he is free4 ,as ,epictetus taught3 8,freedom and slavery1 the first is the name of virtue1 the other of vice1 but both are the effects of choice4 ,those who do not have the power of choice are touched by neither of these things4 ,but the soul is accustomed to be master of the body1 and the things of the body have properly nothing to do with the will to choose2 for no man is a slave if he is free in his power to choose40#bcj ,the perfect philosopher1 then1 is wholly free1 for his every act is guided by reason1 and therefore he lives perfectly in accord with ,nature and himself4 ,freedom lies in choice1 but the choice once made1 the consequences inevitably follow4 ,so the freedom of the individual was reconciled with the rule of a determining ,fate4 ,we have thus far seen that ,stoicism was a philosophy for the individual2 that it demanded that man1 being a free agent1 recognize his high calling as a reasonable being and put himself by the exercise of his will into accord with ,nature and himself1 and so attain or at least advance toward perfection4 ,but in contrast to ,cynicism ,stoicism did not demand that its sectaries should cut themselves off from society2 on the contrary it recognized that man is normally a member of a social group4 ,if in its doctrine of personal edification it was strongly individualistic1 it was no less cosmopolitan in its social philosophy4 ,although the earlier ,stoics had not taken part in political life--probably because of the conditions of the time1--none had forbidden participation in public affairs1 but on the contrary all favored it4 ,moreover the ,stoic could not limit his view to the small political unit or to the society contained therein2 but inasmuch as each individual possesses a soul that is a part of the cosmic reason1 all mankind is a community of reasoning beings1 and every man is a brother of every other4#bca ,thus ,stoicism gave a philosophic basis to the idea of the brotherhood of man4 ,it taught also that external circumstances1 birth1 wealth1 high position1 physical freedom or slavery1 are indifferent matters2 that the slave if a philosopher is the equal of the philosophic emperor4 ,such doctrines as these gave a new dignity to the individual and were destined to produce great social effects in the course of time3 they resulted toward the close of the first century of our era in a new humanitarian spirit which began to care for the poor and the weak4 ,ultimately the ,stoic ,roman jurists wrote into the great law-codes the doctrine of the brotherhood of man1 distinguishing between natural law1 according to which all men are brothers on an equal footing1 and human law which has brought about distinctions4 ,these law-codes saved the written doctrine for the later centuries1 and ,christianity on its part absorbed much of ,stoic teaching2 through these two channels we have inherited many of the ideas which are moving forces in modern democracy4 ,these matters touch us so closely that we may well pause for a moment and listen to some ancient witnesses4 ,on the question whether a slave could be said to confer benefits on his master1 ,seneca wrote that whoever denied the possibility of this was ignorant of the principles of all human law3 8for the question is as to the spirit of the one who confers the benefit1 not as to his position in life4 ,virtue is closed to no man2 but she is open for all1 admits all1 invites all1 both freeborn and freedmen1 slaves1 kings1 and exiles all alike4 ,she does not choose house or wealth2 she is satisfied with the bare man and asks nothing more40#bcb ,again he points out that only the body can be enslaved2 that no prison can hold the mind and keep it from consorting with the divine4#bcc ,he sums up3 8,all of us have the same origin1 the same source2 no man is nobler than another save he who has a more upright character and one better fitted to honorable pursuits40#bcd ,the great jurists speak no less plainly than the philosopher4 ,julius ,paulus1 at the beginning of the third century of our era1 laid down the principle that nature has established between men a certain relationship2 this his contemporary ,ulpian expressed more plainly in these words3 8,by natural law all men are equal40 ,and ,florentinus wrote3 8,slavery is a provision of the law of nations1 by which one man1 contrary to the law of nature1 is subject to the domination of another40#bce ,such doctrines as these naturally broke down allegiance to city and nation1 and made men feel that they were citizens of the world4 ,seneca distinguished two states1 the one that into which a man is born2 the other1 the great and true commonwealth where dwell both gods and men1 in which one looks not to this corner or to that1 but measures its borders by the course of the sun4#bcf ,in like language ,musonius taught that the wise man1 i4e41 the philosopher1 believes himself to be a citizen of the city of ,god1 which consists of gods and men4#bcg ,so the ,emperor ,marcus ,aurelius reflected3 8,to me as ,antoninus my city is ,rome1 but as a man it is the universe40#bch ,we may seem to have wandered somewhat from the religious aspect of ,stoicism1 but the digression finds its justification not only in the fact that both the belief in the natural equality of men and the cosmopolitan character of ,stoicism grew out of the doctrine that each man's reason is a part of the universal reason1 but also in the significance these things had for that time and for ours4 ,the ,stoic felt himself commissioned to preach and to turn men from their evil ways2 he became a missionary to the world1 exhorting men to the pursuit of sobriety1 patience1 virtue1 and to the imitation of ,god4 ,seneca recalled with new emphasis ,plato's definition of man's duty3 8,the first point in the worship of the gods is to believe that the gods exist2 second to render unto them their majesty2 to render likewise their goodness without which there is no majesty2 to know that the gods preside over the world1 that they direct the universe by their power1 protect mankind1 and sometimes have regard for individuals4 ,the gods neither bring evil nor have it in themselves2 but they chastise and check some men1 they inflict penalties1 sometimes they punish under the guise of blessings4 ,would'st thou propitiate the gods8 ,be thou good thyself4 ,he has worshipped them aright who has imitated them40 ,and again3 8,the divine nature is not worshipped with the fat bodies of slain bulls1 or with gold or silver votive offerings1 or with money collected for the sacred treasury1 but with a pious and upright will40#bci ,epictetus reviews the gifts of providence to men and asks3 8,what words can praise the works of providence in us and set them forth according to their worth8 ,if we have understanding1 ought we to do anything else1 individually or all together1 save sing hymns and bless the deity and tell of his benefits8444 ,but since most of you have become blind1 should there not be someone to fulfill this duty and on behalf of all to sing the hymn to ,god8 ,for what else can ,i do1 a lame old man1 but sing hymns to ,god8 ,if ,i were a nightingale1 ,i should do the part of a nightingale2 if ,i were a swan1 ,i should do the part of a swan4 ,but now ,i am a rational creature1 and therefore must praise ,god4 ,this is my task4 ,i will do it1 nor will ,i leave my post1 so long as ,i may keep it2 and ,i urge you to join in this same song40#bdj ,under the ,empire ,stoicism lost the moderate interest in speculation which it had once had1 and became almost exclusively a moral philosophy4 ,it was an age which called for moral resistance1 when men were obliged to steel themselves to endure oppression and disaster1 to 8endure and refrain40 ,this is the motto of the later ,stoics1 1 by which they meant3 8,refrain from all that thy will cannot control2 endure all that may assault thee2 practise thyself in following the guide of reason2 resist all passions40 ,this is almost the sum total of the discourses of ,epictetus4 ,the ancient conflict between body and soul also came to the front once more1 and ,stoicism showed the same ascetic tendency that is found in all the later philosophies4 ,to it ,marcus ,aurelius gives clearest expression4 ,reflecting on his own nature the ,emperor quotes a saying of ,epictetus3 8,thou art a poor soul burdened with a corpse40#bda ,again in self-exhortation he says3 8 ,this thing ,i am is but flesh1 breath1 and the guiding reason4 ,farewell my books6 strain after them no more4 ,they are not for thee4 ,as if already in the presence of death1 despise thy flesh--it is only foul blood and bones1 a web and tissue of sinews and veins and arteries4 ,consider breath too6 ,what is it8 ,a puff of wind never the same1 but every moment exhaled and again inhaled4 ,last comes the guiding reason--on that set all thy mind40#bdb ,the ,emperor bids his books farewell4 ,philosophy was no longer a thing for the closet and the scholar's study1 but a matter of practical life in the market place and public square2 the unlettered might pursue it as well as the learned1 for it was the art of living--an art which the noblest pursued with all the enthusiasm of religious emotion4 ,although the ,stoic was most concerned with the present1 and could offer no continued life for the individual soul beyond the time when all the universe should sink back into the original fire1 his fervor could be that of the seer with a vision of eternity4 ,the contributions which the ,stoics made to the ethical and religious life were large4 ,they showed that there is a moral order in nature to which man as a part of nature must conform2 by emphasizing the community of reason between man and ,god1 so that in ,epictetus' phrase we are but fragments of ,god1#bdc they gave a religious sanction to duty toward ,god and man which had hitherto been lacking2 and by the conclusions which they logically drew as to the brotherhood of man1 disregarding distinctions of birth1 position1 or race1 and looking to character alone1 they gave a great impulse to the improvement of morals1 to the spread of justice and kindliness in private relations1 and to a genuine love for humanity4 ,the stimulus which a belief in personal immortality might have given them was replaced by a sense of divine kinship and a challenge to the will to choose the nobler course under the guide of reason4 ,on the theological side they established the doctrine of the immanence of ,god in opposition to the transcendental views of the ,platonists and ,aristotelians4 ,since the whole cosmos is in their view animated by the universal reason1 every part of it is alive4 ,the heavenly bodies were therefore naturally regarded as divine1 gods to whom the names of the greater gods of popular theology were conveniently given4 ,but on the whole the traditional gods were explained allegorically1 being regarded as the names assigned to various manifestations of ,god in nature4 ,so ,zeus was the heavens or the ether1 ,hera air1 ,poseidon the waters1 ,demeter earth1 ,hephaestus fire1 ,hades darkness1 and so on4 ,now this physical allegorizing tended to destroy all belief in the mythological divinities more effectually perhaps than any other assault that had been made since the attacks began in the sixth century4 ,but we must not think that the ,stoics disbelieved in the existence of gods4 ,i have just spoken of their doctrine that the heavenly bodies are divine2 and they held that the spirits of the wisest and best survive the body as lesser divinities1 as daemons4 ,all these1 however1 will cease to be when the present age comes to an end and the cosmos sinks back into universal fire4 99 99 99 99 99 ,in the religious philosophies which we have thus far considered the reason and the will were the chief means by which security and happiness here or hereafter could be obtained4 ,these systems taught that salvation was a matter of man's own effort1 and within his own power4 ,yet in ,marcus ,aurelius1 for example1 we have again and again clear evidence that the last great ,stoic was conscious of the insufficiency of man to save his own soul unaided1 and the philosophies to which we are now to turn recognize man's weakness and make salvation an act of grace from ,god4 ,as we have remarked before1 the last three centuries before our era among the ,greeks were centuries in which their national life and culture decayed4 ,autocratic forms of government arose which cut men off from active participation in politics and turned their attention in upon themselves4 ,there was a loss of creative power in literature1 art1 and speculative thought2 and men were conscious of a failure of the sense which their forefathers had had1 that this life could give them great satisfaction4 ,these things1 and the extremes of wealth and poverty1 terror of the imperial power1 the selfish greed and hopelessness of the mass of the people1 all combined under the early ,empire to fill the minds of the thoughtful with sadness and pessimism4 ,we find these sentiments in every writer of the first two centuries of our era who deals with contemporary society4 ,seneca feels that the world is lost and helpless2 that life itself is a fatal gift compared with which nothing is so deceitful and treacherous4 ,filled with ardour for his philosophy and with confidence in the efficacy of its moral teachings1 he nevertheless at times loses heart4 ,this is likewise true of the rest4 ,as we read the pages of ,epictetus and ,marcus ,aurelius1 in spite of the inspiring words of that halting slave who in ,nicopolis preached high fortitude to his hearers and of the ,emperor who in distant camp among the ,quadi on the banks of the ,gran or in winter quarters at ,carnuntum recounted his blessings and exhorted his own soul to endure1 we have at times an inevitable sense of the hopelessness of the struggle4 ,furthermore1 as has been frequently pointed out1 the last centuries before our era had been marked by a feeling on the part of many of a separation from ,god and by a longing in some way to bridge the gulf between the human and the divine1 to secure a revelation from heaven1 and to attain to direct vision and knowledge of ,god4 ,as the satisfactions of life1 which the earlier1 freer centuries had given1 grew less1 in weariness of spirit1 conscious of his own weakness and lack of power to secure his soul's freedom and happiness1 man turned for help from outside himself4 ,the reason and the will alone had failed4 ,god's grace was needed for salvation4 ,the conquests of ,alexander had not only diffused ,hellenic speech and thought over a wide area1 but they had also opened the way by which the nearer ,east could influence the western part of the ancient world4 ,alexandria in ,egypt became the chief intellectual center2 from it especially spread intellectual movements to the remoter parts of the ,roman world4 ,as ,i hope to show in my next lecture1 ,greek culture became the common property of all educated men4 ,it was natural also that some of the philosophies cultivated at ,alexandria should show the influence of ,jewish thought1 for this metropolis had been from its founding a center for ,jews as well as ,greeks4 ,the longing for tranquillity in this life1 for a revelation of ,god1 and for the assurance of personal salvation which could not find satisfaction in ,stoicism1 ,epicureanism1 and the later ,aristotelian schools1 led to a revival of ,pythagorean mysticism and of ,platonism4 ,these elements1 combined in more than one case with ,jewish thought1 were the materials out of which the principal mystic schools developed at ,alexandria4 ,the three with which we are chiefly concerned are ,neopythagoreanism1 ,judeo-,aexandrian philosophy1 and ,neoplatonism4 ,the ,pythagorean school had ceased to have a separate existence by the fourth century ,b4,c41 but the ideas which the school had cherished were not lost4 ,in the last century before our era these doctrines were revived1 and in accordance with the syncretistic spirit of the age were combined with ,platonic teachings into a philosophic1 or as we may more truly say1 a theosophic system4 ,the first representative of this revival known to us by name is ,nigidius ,figulus1 a friend and contemporary of ,cicero4 ,its most famous leader was ,apollonius of ,tyana in ,cappadocia1 who lived under ,nero4 ,by the third century a mass of marvellous legends had gathered about this ,apollonius which is preserved in his life1 written about #baj ,a4,d4 by ,philostratus at the request of the ,empress ,julia ,domna4 ,the extant evidence shows us clearly that by the second century ,b4,c4 the process had begun at ,alexandria of reconciling ,jewish theology with ,greek philosophy4 ,the first1 however1 to combine the two into a system1 known to us as the ,judeo-,aexandrian1 was the learned ,philo1 who was born about #be ,b4,c4 ,he belonged to one of the most prominent ,jewish families2 in #dj ,a4,d41 he was chosen to head a delegation of ,aexandrian ,jews which was sent to the ,emperor ,caligula4 ,his purpose in common with the other adherents of this school was primarily religious1 and he aimed at a better understanding of his own religion rather than at building up a system of philosophic thought4 ,to accomplish his purpose he took from the ,hellenic schools whatever seemed useful1 without troubling himself overmuch about the logical relation of the parts which he wove together4 ,the movement actually developed a school which had a large historical significance4 ,the third philosophy is ,neoplatonism1 founded at ,alexandria1 according to tradition1 by ,ammonius ,saccas at the beginning of the third century4 ,ammonius had been reared in the ,christian faith1 but on reaching maturity returned to pagan philosophy4 ,his instruction was given wholly by word of mouth4 ,of his numerous pupils the most famous were ,origen1 the church father1 and ,plotinus4 ,the latter and his pupil ,porphyry were the chief representatives of the school in the period we have now under consideration4 ,obviously in the time at our disposal we cannot consider in detail all the several doctrines of these three schools1 but we must focus our attention on certain elements which are of prime importance in the pagan philosophy of the day and most significant because of their relation to ,christianity4 ,before we proceed to this1 however1 ,i must ask you to remember that we are now dealing not with rigidly logical systems1 but with mystic philosophies1 with theosophies4 ,there is much in them1 therefore1 that we cannot hope to understand clearly1 because these philosophers themselves abandoned the path of reason alone and let intuition and emotion guide them in their loftiest experiences4 ,let us first examine certain characteristics common to all these schools4 ,they all combine large elements drawn from ,platonism with borrowings from later philosophies1 especially ,stoicism2 and1 as ,i have already indicated1 ,judeo-,alexandrianism shows the influence of ,jewish thought4 ,all hold to the dual nature of man1 a view which first became of religious significance with the ,orphics in the sixth century4 ,plato1 you will remember1 emphasized the conflict of flesh and spirit1 and we have seen how the ,stoics1 for all their monistic theory1 came finally to the same dualism4 ,closely connected with this view was the contempt for the world of the senses which these schools show4 ,this was due to a development of the ,platonic doctrines of matter and of the descent of souls into corporeal dwellings2 these teachings in their turn led to a confirmation of the belief that the ascetic life was the proper one for the philosopher--a doctrine which had been held in considerable degree by the ,stoics and ,cynics4 ,in theology all maintained the transcendence of ,god1 and postulated between ,god and this world intermediary powers1 which work ,god's will and cause all the sensible phenomena with which we are acquainted4 ,finally all believed in the possibility of a direct revelation of ,god to man1 when in a state of enthusiasm or ecstasy4 ,this belief in direct divine revelation1 together with the ascetic tendencies of the several schools1 led to the establishment of the ideal of sanctity as that toward which the faithful sectary should strive4 ,pythagoras was canonized by his later followers1 ,plato became 8the divine02 ,apollonius of ,tyana grew in tradition to be the model of the saint on earth4 ,he was regarded as one filled with divine inspiration1 a worker of miracles4 ,he ate no flesh1 but lived solely on bread1 fruits1 and ordinary herbs2 water was his only drink2 he practised silence and neglected his person4 ,the same description almost fits ,plotinus1 as made known to us by his biographer ,porphyry4 ,in all the essential practices these pagan saints anticipated their later ,christian counterparts4 ,let us look at the theology of these schools a little more closely4 ,but before we proceed1 it is important to define clearly what we mean by the transcendence of ,god1 for the term is often loosely used4 ,a transcendent god is one who is absolutely above the world and above man's knowledge1 a god who is so far removed that man can have no dealings with him directly1 nor can he deal directly with man or make his works manifest to man1 save through an intermediary4 ,such essentially was ,aristotle's ,god1 his ,first ,cause4 ,the opposite idea is that of the immanence of ,god1 such as we have seen in the ,stoic teachings1 in which ,god is conceived of as existing in all things4 ,now it is evident that in any system of philosophy or theology which believes in a transcendent ,god1 and yet regards the visible world1 including man1 as the creation of the divine1 some provision must be made for a being or beings1 mediary between the transcendent ,god and the world1 which shall express ,god's will and make ,god intelligible to man4 ,if such a being or beings do not exist to serve as mediators between the world and ,god1 then man can have no knowledge of the divine whatsoever1 and ,god cannot express himself in the world4 ,now in ,plato's philosophy the transcendency of ,god was at least implicit1 it was clearly defined in ,aristotle's thought1 and the idea certainly belonged to the ,jewish-,alexandrian thought of the last two centuries before the beginning of the ,christian era4 ,philo sets forth the doctrine most plainly4 ,according to him ,god is so far above all mortal things that he must be defined in a negative way4 ,all that we can say of him is that he is pure being1 incorporeal1 invisible1 without qualities1 above all virtue1 and above all knowledge4 ,we therefore cannot say that ,god is good or beautiful1 because he is above all beauty and goodness2 he is eternal1 unchanging1 existing in and for himself alone4 ,his perfection is beyond our power to comprehend2 our intellect cannot grasp his nature4 ,all that man can know or say of ,god is that ,god is4#bdd ,yet naturally ,philo is not content with negative definitions1 but does attempt to express in a more or less traditional fashion the perfection of ,god2 he speaks of him as that being which includes all reality within himself1 or as the only being of whom real existence can be predicated2 again as the absolute happy and perfect being2 or as the original of all beauty4 ,he likewise pictures ,god as the source of all activity1 as the being to whom endless activity is as proper as it is for fire to burn or snow to chill2 ,god is therefore the cause of all the activity in the world1 as he is the supreme cause of all things4 ,yet with his view of the transcendence of ,god1 ,philo could not say that ,god is present in the world save in his acts2 and these acts he does not perform directly1 for if ,god were to deal directly with the matter out of which the visible world is made1 contact with that matter would defile the divine perfection4 ,the creation of the world1 therefore1 ,god accomplished by incorporeal powers 771 by ideas 771 which are his servants4#bde ,the chief of these is the supreme reason1 the word1 the logos4 ,in this logos all the ideas have their place1 as the plan of a city has its place in the soul of its architect4 ,the logos stands midway between ,god and the created world2 it is not eternal as ,god is1 or mortal as we1 but occupies a middle position4 ,the indebtedness of ,philo to ,plato is self-evident4 ,plato's absolute and ,plato's ideas have been made mediary between the transcendent ,god and the visible world4 ,this term1 logos1 the word1 had been familiar not only to ,greek philosophy from the time of ,heraclitus but it had also a verbal parallel at least in certain ,jewish expressions1 8the wisdom of ,god10 8the word of ,god10 which ,philo interprets in terms of the logos4 ,according to ,philo the logos has a double rle4 ,through the logos ,god created the world out of inert and formless matter1 and continues to reveal himself through it to the world4 ,the logos also serves as the high priest1 the intercessor and advocate of the world with ,god4#bdf ,let me here note1 however1 that in ,philo's thought the logos could not take corporeal form2 it could not become flesh and dwell among us1 and therefore it was not possible that the logos should be identified completely with the idea of the ,jewish ,messiah4 ,following ,plato and the ,stoics ,philo teaches that man's reason1 his soul1 is a particle1 so to speak1 of the divine intelligence that has entered into the human body4 ,the human spirit1 therefore1 is divine1 but man's body is mortal and sinful4 ,here then1 as in most of the philosophies which were influenced by ,platonism1 a discipline is necessary to subdue the flesh and free the spirit3 man must constantly exercise his choice in preferring the things of the spirit1 for through the gift of ,god man is free with power to choose the right or wrong4 ,the moral obligation of man and the path of his salvation is the same as we have seen in earlier ,greek thought4 ,to this end ,philo lays much weight on practice and education as contributing to advance in virtue2 he is fired with a passionate longing for purity4 ,in a notable passage he speaks thus to his own soul3 8,haste thee1 ,o my soul1 to become ,god's dwelling place1 pure1 holy2 to become strong instead of utterly weak1 powerful instead of impotent1 wise instead of foolish1 most reasonable instead of wandering40#bdg ,yet he goes beyond his predecessors in teaching that man is so possessed by sin that he can escape from the bondage only by divine help2 that his own reason and his own will are insufficient for the task4 ,knowledge and virtue are not acquired by unaided human effort1 but are the gifts of ,god4 ,philo outdoes even the ,stoics in requiring man to free himself from the passions of the body1 and yet he points out that just because man is subject to these passions1 because he is a sinner1 he cannot unaided follow and imitate ,god1 or make himself ,god's holy temple4 ,man's goodness then is due to the favor of ,god2 salvation is an act of grace4 ,the end of man's effort and hope is to attain to knowledge of ,god and thereby to find supreme happiness4 ,but man cannot reach this by his own will or intellect1 for ,god is so far removed from the world that he cannot be fully apprehended by one dwelling here1 so that the gulf between man and ,god must be bridged4 ,this is possible1 ,philo teaches1 when the soul in ecstasy passes out of itself1 beyond the sensuous world1 the realm of ideas and the logos1 to be at one with ,god4 ,this vision of ,god is the supreme blessing1 accorded only to the most perfect and holy among men2 in it the human soul finds not only its rest and full satisfaction1 but its own consummation4#bdh ,you recognize at once that we have here philosophy fired with religious emotion1 that in ,philo's system at the end reason gives way before a passionate desire for revelation through union with ,god4 ,philosophy has become theosophy4 ,the ecstacy which we have hitherto seen1 has been connected chiefly with the worship of ,dionysus1 in which it was stimulated by means which we find offensive4 ,but this ecstasy is not aroused by dance or music1 or indeed by contemplation1 but is attained in a purely passive condition when the soul is emptied of itself and becomes one with the ,absolute4 ,these same ideas--the transcendence of ,god1 the existence of mediary powers between ,god and the world1 the ascetic life as a means of growth1 the dependence of man on ,god's grace for his salvation1 the possibility of the ,beatific ,vision--all are common in varying degrees to all the mystic philosophies of the day4 ,in the third century ,neoplatonism became the most popular and influential4 ,through ,origen and ,st4 ,augustine it passed into ,christian theology4 ,the real problem for ,neoplatonism1 as for the other religious philosophies of this time1 was to set forth the way by which the soul of man could grasp the ,divine directly and find its happiness and complete satisfaction in perfect unity with him4 ,we have just seen how ,philo had conceived of ,god as wholly transcendent1 and had established the logos as the mediator who furnishes the necessary connection between the eternal1 transcendent ,god and the created1 temporal world4 ,plotinus outdid ,philo in that he removed his ,god one stage still farther away4 ,his definition of ,god is necessarily similar to that of ,philo1 but he endeavors to give a notion of an ,absolute more remote1 if possible1 than that of his predecessors4 ,god he says is neither reason itself nor can he be grasped by the use of reason1 but is above all knowledge and reason4#bdi ,we must conceive of him as absolute unity1 as at once pure creative activity1 the first cause1 the power on which the world depends1 and at the same time as the final cause toward which the world is tending4 ,the acts of creation are constant2 yet ,god does not create the visible world directly1 but as the sun without effort or loss to itself sends out its rays1 so ,god out of the fullness of his perfection emanates ,intelligence 771 in which are immanent the ,ideas3 these are the causes of all things which come into being4 ,the second grade of emanation is that of the ,world-soul 771 which pours itself out1 so to speak1 into the individual souls4 ,the last stage of emanation is that of ,matter1 the material which in itself has no characteristics of being4 ,the sensible world is produced by the action of the ,ideas on ,matter1 forming and shaping it through ,intelligence4#bej ,you will note here the four stages1 ,god1 ,intelligence1 ,soul1 and ,matter1 as compared with ,philo's three1 ,god1 the ,logos1 and ,matter4 ,you may well ask at this point why these later philosophers with their desire to know ,god1 should still lay so much emphasis on his transcendence1 apparently vying with one another in pushing the ,divine beyond the universe1 which they still regarded as his creation4 ,now we have already seen that ,plato implied that his material principle was imperfect and thereby the source of evil1 and that his ,absolute1 the supreme ,idea1 was separate from matter4 ,in the period we are now considering all schools which owed ultimate allegiance to ,plato or the ,pythagoreans held to a clearly defined dualistic view of the universe4 ,conscious that the visible1 material world is imperfect and full of evil1 unstable and decaying1 they argued that ,god cannot be immanent in the world1 for if he were1 he would be subject to evil1 imperfection1 and change1 whereas we must conceive him to be good1 perfect1 and unchanging unity4 ,therefore the motive which prompted all these theologians was their desire to save the unity and perfection of ,god by removing him from all possible contact with matter1 to which some like the ,neoplatonists1 following ,plato1 absolutely denied all the attributes of being4 ,and the doctrine of divine transcendence was the more natural for ,philo and all who had come under the influence of ,jewish thought1 since the ,old ,testament constantly affirms the absolute exaltation and perfection of ,god4 ,in like manner the doctrine of mediary powers was helped by the ,jewish idea of the wisdom of ,god and the popular post-exilic belief in angels4 ,yet when the theologians had removed ,god beyond the confines of the world1 beyond all knowledge1 they had still to deal with the passionate longing for knowledge of ,god and for assurance of salvation which was strong in large numbers of the uninstructed1 as well as in the philosophic lite4 ,this knowledge and assurance could only be supplied by a belief in the direct revelation of ,god to man4 ,such a belief was traditional in the ,old ,testament2 on the ,greek side it was fostered by the feeling that the great teachers ,pythagoras and ,plato were divinely inspired2 and in the popular ,oriental religions which we shall consider in a later lecture1 divine revelation was a fundamental article of faith4 ,but let us return to ,plotinus4 ,the second grade of emanation in the ,neoplatonic system is the ,world-soul 771#bea which1 though inferior to ,intelligence 771 is nevertheless divine and immaterial4 ,it stands midway between ,intelligence and ,matter and is related to both4 ,within the ,world-soul1 which is the highest of all souls1 corresponding to ,plato's idea of the ,good1 are all individual souls4#beb ,these descend into matter and1 pervading bodies in all their parts1 give them sensation1 reason1 and all their life4 ,but even as the sunlight descending into darkness is dimmed or wholly lost1 so by their descent and birth into corporeal forms souls are made to forget their divine origin4 ,they wish to be independent2 like children who leave their parents and dwell apart from them1 the souls of men forget their own nature and their divine father2 they lose their freedom2 they honor that which is not honorable1 and so fall deeper into sin4 ,the sinner therefore must be turned from his ways1 must be made to remember his divine race1 to honor the things of the spirit1 and to cease reverencing those things which are not the soul's concern4#bec ,the soul's return is to be accomplished by an asceticism with which we are now familiar4 ,this the leaders illustrated in their own lives4 ,porphyry tells us that his master remained unmarried1 abstained from animal food1 lived in the simplest fashion1 and so despised his body that he seemed ashamed of its possession4#bed ,the pupil laid even more stress on the subjugation of the flesh that the soul might be free and return toward ,god4 8,the more we turn toward that which is mortal10 he says1 8the more we unfit our minds for the infinite grandeur1 and the more we withdraw from attachment to the body1 in that same measure we approach the divine40#bee ,he taught that men must regard their bodies as garments1 which not only burden but actually defile them1 and which they like athletes must lay aside that naked and unclothed they may enter the stadium to contend in the ,olympia of the soul4#bef ,plotinus1 however1 held that men would not all rise above the plane of the senses1 but that many would remain caught by them1 thinking that the good is identical with pleasure and pain with evil2 others are more capable1 he said1 but they cannot turn their gaze upward1 and so they devote themselves to the virtues of the practical life4 ,but there is a third class of divine men of greater strength and keener insight1 who can see and follow the gleam from above1 so that they rise beyond the mists of this world to their true and natural abode1 like men returning to their native city after long wandering4#beg ,the soul's final aim in its flight from evil ,plotinus defines in ,plato's words3 it is likeness to ,god4#beh ,that is the sum of all virtue4 ,but the master distinguishes grades and degrees of virtue in practice4 ,there are the social virtues of wisdom1 courage1 temperance1 and justice1 which serve to regulate the passions and help man to form right opinions4 ,at this stage these cardinal virtues are related solely to external objects1 and serve primarily to better man in his mundane activities4 ,next come those virtues which purify the soul from the pollution of the body1 the activities which have nothing to do with the body but belong wholly to the soul2 they are concerned with thought and reason4 ,but in the highest range the virtues of the lower stages are no longer related to external objects1 but have to do with the ,intelligence 77 alone4 ,this is the contemplative life1 man's highest activity1 in which he becomes himself divine4#bei ,yet the ,neoplatonist held that there is a still higher stage4 ,when man's soul has mounted upward to ,intelligence and lives the contemplative life1 the space between ,intelligence and ,god is yet unbridged4 ,this gulf can only be crossed when the soul in ecstasy1 forgetful of all thought and of self1 rises to complete knowledge and union with the ,one4#bfj ,this supreme privilege1 according to ,porphyry1 was vouchsafed his master four times in the years he was his pupil2 and once he too had seen the ,beatific ,vision4#bfa ,it is evident that ,neoplatonism1 the last stage of ,greek philosophy1 is no isolated or strange phenomenon4 ,on its metaphysical side it is the consummation and final synthesis of the whole course of ,greek thought from the sixth century to its own day2 likewise in ethics it combined the views of its chief predecessors as its leaders understood them2 and finally in the doctrine of the soul's union with ,god it only carried the mystical tendencies of previous centuries to their natural conclusion4 ,if time allowed1 we might consider the way in which the ,neoplatonists reconciled their theology with the polytheism and demonology of popular belief1 but that would lead us too far2 indeed it would take us away from our own proper subject and from the main interest of the great leaders of this school4 ,they were most concerned with finding out and showing men the true path to the soul's peace and happiness1 and we are chiefly interested in the history of their thought on this high theme4 ,they found their object not in the exercise of the reason or the will alone1 but in mysticism4 ,,footnotes3 #bbe ,de vita beata1 #ag4 #bbf ,diss41 ,i1 #a2 ,,ii1 #e1 #ac2 and often4 #bbg ,stob4 ,ecl4 ,i1 #a1 #ab ,,svf1 ,i1 #ecg4 #bbh ,diog4 ,lart4 ,,vii1 #adi ,,svf1 ,i1 #age4 #bbi ,aetius1 ,i1 #bg1 #e ,,svf1 ,i1 #agf2 ,,ii1 #igd ff4 #bcj ,gnomol4 ,stobaei #ca ,schenkl2 cf4 ,diss4 #d1 #a 7,on ,freedom7 entire4 #bca ,cf4 ,cic4 de ,fin4 ,,iii1 #fd mundum autem censent 7,stoici7 regi numine deorum eumque esse quasi communem urbem et civitatem hominum et deorum2 et unumquemque nostrum eius mundi esse partem1 ex quo illud natura consequi ut communem utilitatem nostrae anteponamus4 ,sen4 ,ep4 #ie1 #eb membra sumus corporis magni1 etc42 cf4 ,epict4 ,i1 #c 7,how one should proceed from the fact that ,god is the ,father of all men to the conclusions therefrom74 #bcb ,sen4 de ,ben4 #c1 #ah1 #b4 #bcc ,ibid4 #bj4 #bcd ,ibid4 #bh4 #bce ,dig4 ,i1 #a1 #d4 #e1 #d2 ,,xvii1 #cb4 #bcf ,de otio1 #d1 #a2 cf4 ,epist4 #fh1 #b4 #bcg ,stob4 ,flor4 #dj1 #i4 #bch ,,vi1 #dd2 and often4 #bci ,ep4 #ie1 #ej2 #aae1 #e4 #bdj ,diss4 ,i1 #af1 #ae-ba4 #bda ,,iv1 #da4 #bdb ,,ii1 #b4 #bdc ,diss4 ,i1 #ad1 #f2 ,,ii1 #h1 #aa3 4 #bdd ,it is impossible to give here all the numerous references to ,philo's works on which these and the following statements depend4 ,the most important of ,philo's works bearing on the nature of ,god are de allegoriis legum1 de somniis1 de opificio mundi1 de ,cherubim1 quod deus sit immutabilis4 ,for detailed references consult ,zeller1 ,phil4 d4 ,griechen1 ,,iii1 #bd1 pp4 #djj ff4 #bde ,de special4 legib4 ,i1 #cbi2 de vita ,mosis1 ,,ii1 #abg ff4 #bdf ,quis rer4 div4 her4 #bje f4 #bdg ,de somn4 ,i1 #adi4 ,wendland's transposition and choice of text are not followed here4 #bdh ,de alleg4 leg4 ,,iii1 #bi ff4 #bdi ,porph4 ,vita ,plot4 #bc2 ,plot4 ,enn4 ,v1 #a2 ,,vi1 #i1 #c2 and often4 #bej ,enn4 ,,iv1 ,v1 and ,,vi4 #bea ,plot4 ,enn4 ,v1 #a f4 #beb ,enn4 ,,iv1 #c1 #g1 and #i4 #bec ,enn4 ,v1 #a1 and often4 #bed ,vita ,plot4 #a ff4 #bee ,ad ,marc4 #cb4 #bef ,de abs4 ,i1 #ca4 #beg ,enn4 ,v1 #i1 #a4 #beh ,enn4 ,i1 #b1 #a4 #bei ,enn4 ,i1 #b1 entire4 #bfj ,enn4 ,,vi1 #i1 #aa4 #bfa ,porph4 ,vita ,plot4 #bc4 ,,vii ,,the ,,victory ,,of ,,greece ,,over ,,rome ,by her victory at ,zama in #bjb ,b4,c4 ,rome made her position as mistress of the western ,mediterranean secure2 and in the next century she extended her political dominion over ,greece4 ,but the same period saw captured ,greece take her captor captive4 ,nor was this subjugation of the victor by the vanquished any sudden thing--in fact it had begun centuries earlier4 ,the course of that conquest will be the main subject of the present lecture4 ,the story of the sale of the ,sibylline ,books to ,king ,tarquin is familiar to all3 how the ,cumaean ,sibyl brought to the ,king nine books of oracles2 when he refused their purchase she went away and burned three1 and offered the remaining six at the price she had originally demanded for the nine2 upon his second refusal she burned three more1 and then offered the last three on the original terms4 ,tradition says that her confidence in human curiosity was justified1 and that ,tarquin1 after consultation with his seers1 purchased the last three books4#bfb ,although we cannot today determine what historical truth lies behind this nave story1 the date of the reputed sale--the sixth century before our era--coincides with the first period of ,greek influence at ,rome4 ,by their geographical position the early ,romans were exposed to influences from two superior civilizations--the ,etruscan at the north1 the ,greek in southern ,italy4 ,the ,etruscans had entered ,italy probably from the ,east at some time between the eleventh and the eighth centuries ,b4,c42 but before their coming they had advanced in culture beyond the ,latins whose territories they touched on the ,tiber4 ,by the sixth century certainly the ,romans had come into close political and commercial relations with them1 and indeed had already felt their power1 for an ,etruscan dynasty ruled at ,rome4 ,in spite of the patriotic efforts of ,roman historians1 we can now see that the ,etruscan domination lasted long after the traditional expulsion of the kings4 ,from their northern neighbors the ,romans took many political and social institutions as well as certain religious elements4 ,the most important of the latter were the ,college of the ,haruspices1 the ,great ,games in the ,circus1 the ,triumph1 and the ,capitoline ,triad of ,jupiter1 ,juno1 and ,minerva1 which was established by the ,tarquins to strengthen their political position4 ,but far greater was the influence of the ,greeks1 whose colonies1 firmly established1 rich and prosperous1 fringed the whole southern part of the ,italian peninsula4 ,from them the ,romans got their alphabet1 their weights and measures1 and certain political institutions2 but most important of all for our present interest1 they received from them religious influences which finally so overlaid the early ,roman religion that the ,romans themselves could not well discover its original elements1 and we are hardly in a better situation4 ,furthermore1 if we can believe that there is a kernel of historic truth in the story that ,king ,tarquin the ,proud sent an embassy to consult the oracle at ,delphi1 ,rome was not wholly without connection with ,greece proper in the sixth century before our era4 ,we have then in ,rome of the sixth and earlier centuries an example of a state whose rude civilization was brought into close and intensive contact with the higher civilizations about her4 ,it was inevitable that the results should be rapid and profound4 ,of ,roman religion before it was influenced by the ,greeks and the ,etruscans we have comparatively little knowledge4 ,our literary sources for that period are late and fragmentary1 and consist almost wholly of the speculations of the learned4 ,but we have preserved in fragmentary form some twenty stone calendars1 dating from the early empire4 ,these calendars are not unlike that classic work known to us all1 the ,old ,farmer's ,almanack1 in that they not only enumerate the days and the months1 but also note religious festivals and great historic events4 ,in all of them two styles of letters are employed4 ,the larger letters in part indicate one class of religious festivals2 other festivals and historical notices are inscribed in letters of smaller size4 ,theodor ,mommsen was the first to see the meaning of this difference4 ,he showed that the religious festivals recorded in the larger letters represented the earliest stage of ,roman religion known to us4#bfc ,some forty-five fixed public festivals in the year's round are thus indicated4 ,we cannot now discover the character of a number of these1 and the functions of some of the gods who belonged to that earliest stage were as obscure to the scholars of the time of ,cicero as they are to us today4 ,but we can determine the approximate date at which this earliest period of ,roman religion closed1 so to speak1 for there is no mention in these entries of the triad of the ,capitol--,jupiter1 ,juno1 and ,minerva4 ,as ,i have just said1 tradition tells us that this group was introduced by the ,tarquin dynasty in the first half of the sixth century before our era2 so that the date that can be set for the close of this first stage of ,roman religion is somewhere about #fjj-eej ,b4,c4 ,an examination of the character of the earliest festivals shows the stage of civilization which had been attained by the ,romans4 ,some thirteen or fourteen among those whose nature can be discovered had to do with agriculture1 a few perhaps with grazing1 a few others with war2 certain ones were connected with the household and the cult of dead ancestors1 or were the occasions on which special efforts were made to avert the baneful influences of the dead4 ,the ,romans then at this stage were a simple agricultural people1 busy with their efforts to get a living from the soil with the aid of their flocks and herds1 and engaged in armed conflicts with the neighbors4 ,their religion had little in it that showed the exercise of the imagination2 it was confined rather to those elements which a life rooted in the ground1 possessing no broad outlook1 required4 ,the heavenly bodies1 the sun1 moon1 and stars1 and the operations of nature were not deified2 and the social relations1 which later furnished many abstract divinities1 as yet had no place among the divine powers4 ,only those things which had to do with the ,roman's daily life in his own neighborhood received his devotion4 ,furthermore in this earliest stage the gods were hardly conceived anthropomorphically4 ,varro says that for the first hundred and seventy years of ,roman history the ,romans did not represent their gods by statues4 ,according to his chronology this brings us to the founding of the ,capitoline temple in which the ,etruscan triad of ,jupiter1 ,juno1 and ,minerva were worshipped4 ,in general we may say that his statement is true1 for the ,romans were in the aniconic stage until they learned from their neighbors to represent their divinities by images in human form4 ,in this primitive period the ,roman thought of his gods not as individuals but as powers 7numina71 resident in and associated with departments4 ,this is an idea extremely difficult for us to grasp with our sophisticated minds4 ,to the early ,roman ,janus1 for example1 was not the god of the door or the threshold1 he was the door or the threshold--not simply resident in it1 but not even distinguished from the object itself4 ,so ,vesta was the fire on the hearth2 ,saturn was the sown grain2 ,ceres the growing grain2 ,flora the blossoming flower2 ,fons the spring of water2 and so on4 ,the circle of such powers could never be closed1 as the number of departments in which divine powers might reside was indefinite4 ,yet even in this early stage certain numina were regarded as more prominent than others4 ,at the head of the list stood ,janus1 the numen of the door or passage1 whose importance was such that still in later times his priest1 the rex sacrorum1 took precedence of all others1 and prayers began with an appeal to him4 ,jupiter was the god of the sky and of all the phenomena which seem to have their origin there2 ,juno the feminine counterpart of ,jove2 ,mars the god of war and protector of the land2 ,quirinus a similar divinity1 belonging originally perhaps to a separate settlement on the ,quirinal ,hill4 ,the list closed with ,vesta1 the goddess of the hearthfire1 with whose name the ancient litanies always ended4 ,these were the great gods of the period before ,greek influence came4 ,yet in this earliest time the divinities had little1 if any1 personality in our sense of the word4 ,they were simply powers4 ,personalities and anthropomorphic forms they acquired under the influence of the ,greeks1 who had left the primitive stage many centuries behind them and had long represented their divinities in human shape4 ,the religion of the early ,romans was at once both simple and elaborate4 ,there were no temples in the later sense2 no cult images of the gods4 ,but religion was thought to consist primarily in the employment of a scrupulous care in all dealings with the divine powers1 that is to say the ritual had to be exactly performed so that the numina might be forced1 if need be1 to perform the things the suppliant desired4 ,such a concept naturally led to the development even in this earliest time of an elaborate ritual1 on the exact performance of which all depended4 ,this character ,roman religion maintained to the end4 ,so fixed was the ritual that the ancient litanies could not be changed4 ,we have still preserved the songs of the ,arval ,brothers and of the ,salii1 which are of such primitive form that in the historical period they were largely unintelligible to those who sang them2 yet no syllable of the venerable formulae might be varied4 ,furthermore religion was regarded as a state affair4 ,it was by state action that certain gods had been recognized and given a kind of citizenship2 no others therefore were of concern to the ,romans unless the state adopted them also by formal decree4 ,the state likewise determined where and when worship should be carried on4 ,these legislative enactments1 according to tradition1 had followed the actual establishment of the state by ,romulus2 and in the historical period the establishment of the religious organization of a colony1 for example1 was regularly subsequent to the political4 ,in fact the ,romans said that the earliest religious system had been established by ,king ,numa1 as the political system had been made by ,romulus1 for they had a natural tendency to regard their institutions as the creations of individuals4 ,the historical significance of this belief for us is that the 8religion of ,numa0 marked the earliest stage of which the ,romans were conscious4 ,it is that indicated in the calendars by the entries in large letters4 ,the ,romans further thought of their religion as a contract between the state and its gods4 ,this view comes out clearly in the vows made at the beginning of the year or of a campaign4 ,at such seasons the king1 and later the consuls or other officials1 promised that if the divine powers should prosper them against their foes1 and should grant them abundant harvests1 increase of the crops and herds1 then the state1 when the gods had done their part1 would in its turn pay the price promised in the form of votive gifts and sacrifices4 ,livy furnishes us many illustrations4 ,for example1 in a crisis during the struggle with the ,samnites the ,roman leader prayed thus to the goddess of war3 8,bellona1 if thou wilt today grant us victory1 then ,i promise thee a temple40#bfd ,another is the vow made near the beginning of the ,second ,punic ,war3 8,if the state of the ,roman ,people1 the ,quirites1 shall be preserved1 as ,i would have it preserved1 for the next five years in these wars--the war which the ,roman ,people is carrying on with the ,carthaginians and the wars which they have with the ,gauls who live this side the ,alps1--then the ,roman ,people1 the ,quirites1 will give a gift1 etc402 a long list of the offerings to be made follows4#bfe ,in this first period the religion of the family also was already fixed in the form which it retained to the end of antiquity4 ,vesta of the hearthfire1 the ,penates of the larder1 the ,lar of the farm1 the ,genius of the pater familias1 were the divine powers which were worshipped in the house4 ,rites were paid also to the ,manes1 the shades of the dead4 ,as within the home the head of the family naturally performed the priestly offices1 so in the state during the regal period the king was chief priest4 ,advisers and assistants were given him1 who with the organization of the republic acquired an independent position1 so that thereafter the ,pontifex ,maximus and his associates1 who formed the ,college of the ,pontifices1 were at the head of the state religion4 ,although it is impossible here to go into the details of the ,roman priesthoods1 it is important to note that these priestly offices were state magistracies just as much as the offices of consul and praetor1 and that with a few exceptions priestly office never debarred its holder from performing any other political function4 ,the ,roman state was not burdened with sacerdotalism4 ,now this early religion of which ,i have been giving a brief summary was the religion of a little city-state2 it was suited to a small1 unimaginative community4 ,as such it remained formal and practical--a religion intended to secure material blessings2 but it lacked all spiritual elements1 and offered little or nothing to satisfy man's natural hope for a happy future life4 ,more than this1 it contained little to ennoble daily life1 save as it taught the lesson of duty and of fidelity towards the gods in the performance of contracts agreed upon4 ,yet it was not an uncomfortable religion for unreflective men1 winning their existence from the soil and gaining their wealth from crops1 their power through war4 ,it did not1 however1 have in it the possibility of satisfying men's higher desires4 ,under the influence of the ,greeks and the ,etruscans the ,hellenic gods were early introduced to ,rome4 ,the temple of ,jupiter on the ,capitoline1 which the ,tarquin kings apparently built to establish a new religious center associated with their own dynasty1 housed ,jupiter1 ,juno1 and ,minerva2 but they were only the ,greek gods ,zeus1 ,hera1 and ,athena1 who had travelled to ,rome by way of ,etruria4 ,in this temple the gods were represented in human form1 and thereafter the process of anthropomorphizing and individualizing the divinities must have gone on apace4 ,some gods came by migration and trade1 like the ,greek ,castor and ,pollux1 who were introduced to ,rome from the neighboring town of ,tusculum1 and ,hercules1 whom ,greek immigrants had established at ,tibur4 ,but the greatest influence in introducing ,greek gods was the ,sibylline ,books4 ,whenever need pressed the state1 these books were consulted that they might indicate what new means should be employed to win divine aid4 ,we can name at least ten ,greek divinities who were thus brought in before the outbreak of the ,second ,punic ,war4 ,apollo must have come at the time of the acquisition of the ,sibylline ,books1 or soon after1 for the ,books were believed to contain his directions2 we know that he had a temple by #dcc ,b4,c4 ,under the name of the ,italian divinity ,mercury1 the ,greek ,hermes had received a shrine in #die2 two years later the triad ,ceres1 ,liber1 and ,libera1 an ,italian disguise for ,demeter1 ,dionysus1 and ,kore1 were domiciled near ,mercury2 and not long before #cii ,b4,c4 the ,greek ,poseidon1 with the name of ,neptunus1 was established near the city walls4 ,then there was apparently a pause for about a century4 ,but in #bic ,b4,c4 a serious plague ravaged the city1 so that the ,sibylline ,books were consulted4 ,this time they were found to say that relief was certain if the ,greek god of healing1 ,aesculapius1 were brought to ,rome4 ,the divinity consented1 and two years later a temple was dedicated to him on the island in the ,tiber where the hospital of ,san ,bartolomeo today continues his kindly work4 ,again in the crisis of the year #bdi ,b4,c41 warned by many omens1 the ,romans obeyed the ,books' injunction to establish on the ,campus ,martius a festival to the ,greek ,pluto and ,persephone under the names ,dispater and ,proserpina4 ,this festival was to be renewed every saeculum1 and ultimately became the festival which ,augustus celebrated with such magnificence in #ag ,b4,c4 ,finally in #bch ,b4,c4 the ,greek ,aphrodite was adopted under the ,italian name ,flora4 ,you will observe that most of the ,greek gods were identified with ,roman or ,italian divinities long familiar to the ,romans2 but in every case sooner or later the ,greek god so completely overshadowed his ,italian counterpart that the ,italian lost his identity in the ,greek4 ,besides these divinities which ,i have named the popular mind identified many others1 and in the end a large part of the ,greek pantheon crept into the ,roman system4 ,the temple for ,jupiter and his associates1 ,juno and ,minerva1 had been built on the ,capitoline ,hill in the ,etruscan style and the three gods were represented by ,etruscan terra-cotta images2 but the homes of the ,greek divinities were erected in the ,greek style by ,greek architects1 and the statues of the divinities were copies of statues in ,greek cities4 ,these set models for the representation of other gods4 ,we can readily understand how men's concepts of their gods were profoundly influenced by their artistic representations4 ,the introduction of these ,greek gods is probably to be connected with the political struggles of the two centuries between #ejj and #cjj ,b4,c4 ,at the beginning of the ,republic the patricians were the only ones who had considerable political rights or who enjoyed the privileges of the state religion1 whereas the plebeians were struggling to secure admission to both political and priestly offices2 and during these two centuries the humbler class found religious satisfaction in the worship of these new gods1 whose rites were public1 open to all1 and not restricted to the privileged citizens1 as were the rites of the older divinities4 ,in #cfg_/f ,b4,c41 the plebeians secured admission to the consulate and to the ,college of ,ten who had charge of the ,sibylline ,books1 and by the year #cjj they had obtained a right to all important political offices1 including practically all the priesthoods4 ,a social significance also attached to the temples of these new gods3 that of ,mercury1 the god of trade1 became the resort of the guild of merchants2 the temple of ,minerva on the ,aventine the center for the various guilds of craftsmen1 including that of poets4 ,along with the ,greek gods had come also the ,greek ritual4 ,the ,hellenization of ,roman religion may be said to have been completed by the year #bag ,b4,c4 when1 as ordered by the ,sibylline ,books1 at the great festival of the lectisternium twelve gods were represented as sharing a sacred meal with the people2 these twelve gods were ,greek divinities1 although all but ,apollo were called by ,roman names3 ,jupiter and ,juno1 ,neptune and ,minerva1 ,mars and ,venus1 ,apollo and ,diana1 ,volcanus and ,vesta1 ,mercury and ,ceres4#bff ,while the practical character of ,roman religion still remained1 the ,romans' concept of the gods themselves1 as well as much of the ritual1 had been profoundly altered4 ,in other fields as well ,greece began her conquest of ,rome before ,rome entered on her political subjugation of ,greece4 ,an educated young ,greek1 taken captive at the fall of ,tarentum in the year #bgb ,b4,c41 became the teacher of his master's children at ,rome2 when set free1 he continued his profession under the name of ,livius ,andronicus4 ,there was1 however1 no ,roman literature available1 so that he had to supply this lack by translating the ,odyssey into the rude ,saturnian verse current in the mouths of the ,latins4 ,in the year #bdj ,b4,c4 he presented a tragedy and a comedy adapted from ,greek originals1 and thus through epic and dramatic poetry he became the founder of ,latin literature4 ,we must realize that at this time the only literature existing was the ,greek1 which in its unexampled history of six centuries and more had originated and perfected almost every major literary form since known4 ,it was inevitable that ,andronicus and his successors should turn to the ,greek for their models and that the early drama should largely consist of adaptations1 chiefly from the cosmopolitan comedy of ,greece4 ,that this was possible and natural shows in part how common knowledge of the ,greek language and of ,greek customs was already in ,rome of the third and second centuries before our era4 ,now these adapted plays1 both tragedies and comedies1 had a share in breaking down the older religious and social strictness1 as we can easily see from the extant comedies of ,plautus and of ,terence4 ,these prove beyond question that the later ,greek drama1 when adapted for ,roman audiences1 must have had a considerable influence upon ,roman religion and ,roman society4 ,the gods are intentionally held up to ridicule2 they are represented as being more immoral and baser than common men2 nor is the human society which is presented in these plays an edifying spectacle4 ,although we should not attribute too great influence in such matters to the stage1 there is no possible question that the theatre had its effect then1 as it has its influence now4 ,at the close of the third century before our era native epic poetry began under the influence naturally of the ,homeric epics4 ,naevius1 who flourished during the ,second ,punic ,war1 wrote a narrative poem1 the ,bellum ,punicum1 in the native ,saturnian measure--a poem which enjoyed great success and continued to be read in ,horace's day4 ,in it he popularized among the ,romans a simple form of the legend of ,rome's connection with ,troy1 which is familiar to us from ,virgil and ,livy4 ,his successor in this field was ,ennius1 who died in #afi ,b4,c4 ,he boldly adopted the ,greek hexameter for his poetic history of ,rome1 the ,annales1 and moulded the ,latin language to this measure so successfully that thereafter this remained the metre for the ,roman epic4 ,from ,naevius and ,ennius through ,virgil to the end of the fourth ,christian century1 when ,claudian closed the long line of classical ,latin poets1 every one drew his form1 his imagery1 and many of his incidents from the ,greek epics4 ,the splendid results of the ,second ,punic ,war1 made the more glorious by the long years of doubt and disaster1 stirred the ,romans to a desire to record their national history in prose form4 ,but the only prose which had been developed for this purpose was ,greek2 therefore the ,roman historians wrote in that language for half a century until ,cato the ,censor set the fashion of writing in ,latin prose4 ,so we might go on and point out how in oratory1 lyric poetry1 elegy1 and in almost every other form of literature the ,greeks were the direct models for the ,romans1 as in a way they have been for the literatures of all peoples since4 ,furthermore in poetry1 history1 and indeed in all classes of literature1 ,greek myths and legends were adopted or worked over to fit new conditions1 tales and genealogies invented on ,greek models1 and everywhere the ,greek gods were given ,latin names and adapted to their new environment4 ,the disastrous result for the indigenous religion is self-evident4 ,during the third and second centuries education came to mean first of all the study of the ,greek language and literature4 ,i have just spoken of some of the evidence we possess which shows that ,greek was early widely known among all classes at ,rome4 ,by the ,second ,punic ,war it became customary in well-to-do and noble families to employ a private teacher 7grammaticus7 within the house to give instruction in the ,greek language and literature2 in the middle of the second century ,b4,c41 with the growth of a wider interest in the formal study of ,greek literature1 schools arose in which the grammatici taught a considerable number of pupils together4 ,the ,greek authors studied were first of all ,homer1 and then the great tragedians2 among the writers of comedy ,menander was the favorite2 the fables of ,aesop and lyric poetry also found their place4 ,modelled on this ,greek curriculum was the study of ,latin literature--,livius ,andronicus1 ,ennius1 with selections from the ,roman writers of tragedy and comedy4 ,in due season ,virgil and ,horace occupied the first rank4 ,furthermore not far from the beginning of the last century before our era ,greek rhetoricians began formal instruction at ,rome1 and they continued to hold the field against ,latin rhetoricians throughout antiquity4 ,we see therefore that all education of every grade from the time of the ,second ,punic ,war was either ,greek or modelled directly on the ,greek4 ,by it the ,latin tongue was refined and perfected2 but more significant for us at the present moment is the fact that thereby ,latin society was made familiar with ,greek social1 philosophic1 and religious ideas so far as they were represented in ,greek literature4 ,i have earlier said that the temples of the ,greek gods at ,rome were built in ,greek style by ,greek architects1 and that the images of the gods within were copies of famous ,greek works of art4 ,by these the ,romans' ideas as to the personality of their divinities were fixed in the ,greek concepts4 ,as ,rome extended her conquests over ,greek lands1 first in southern ,italy and ,sicily1 and then in ,greece proper1 she acquired as part of the spoils of war great treasures of ,greek sculpture and painting2 the number of statues and other works of art which were brought home by ,memmius alone after the destruction of ,corinth in #adf ,b4,c4 can hardly be estimated4 ,a large number of them represented the gods1 and intensified the process of ,hellenization with which we are now concerned1 for the statues and other representations of ,cronos1 ,zeus1 ,hera1 ,ares1 and ,athena readily represented ,saturn1 ,jupiter1 ,juno1 ,mars1 and ,minerva4 ,in cases where the similarity was not so close1 the nearest ,greek analogy was selected2 if none was satisfactory1 still the best was made of the case1 as when the ,greek representations of the ,dioscuri1 ,castor and ,pollux1 came to do service for the ,lares ,praestites4 ,among the spoils of war were many ,greek paintings1 for which mythological scenes were favorite subjects1 and such frequently represented the baser1 sensual side of traditional religion4 ,the effect on the ignorant was to give them a lower concept of divinity2 the intellectual classes were disgusted with the gods of such a sort and rejected them4 ,but the most potent influence that came from ,greece to ,rome was naturally philosophy4 ,we cannot fix any date for the introduction of ,greek philosophic thought at ,rome1 yet it certainly became influential soon after the close of the ,second ,punic ,war4 ,we have already seen that long before this time the ,greek philosophic systems were highly developed and had done much to drive the traditional gods from their high places4 ,it was inevitable that these philosophies should have a swift effect when they once became known to the newly ,hellenized ,roman society of the second century ,b4,c4 ,the poet ,ennius1 who belonged to the first half of that century1 was a man of strong religious bent and moral convictions1 and he heartily scorned the superstitious notions of his day4 ,he had been already influenced by ,epicurean scepticism with regard to the existence of the gods1 and the following words1 spoken by ,teucer in one of his tragedies1 may well have represented his own view3 8,i have always said1 and ,i shall always say1 that the gods of heaven exist1 but ,i believe that they have no care for what the race of man does4 ,for if they had such care1 it would be well with the good and ill with the wicked2 which is not the case now40#bfg ,it is the ancient difficulty of justifying the ways of ,god to men4 ,ennius adopted the easy solution by denial1 which he had already learned from ,epicureanism4 ,the same poet also translated and made known to the ,romans the ,sacred ,history of ,euhemerus4 ,this was a romantic tale written in the third century before our era in which the author told of an imaginary voyage which he had made from ,arabia to the island ,panchaea in the ,indian ,ocean2 there he found inscribed on a column the history of the supposed gods ,uranus1 ,cronos1 and ,zeus1 and learned that they and the other gods and heroes had been originally historical persons who were raised to their high position because of the services they had rendered mankind4 ,this ,sacred ,history was an interesting example of the rationalizing tendency of the age that produced it2 its effect upon the ,roman1 whose belief in the traditional religion was already shaken1 we can readily understand4 ,unquestionably ,ennius' work and the plays of the comedians hastened the work of unbelief1 although they were only two of many factors that contributed to the ultimate result4 ,the first half of this same second century was also a time of religious unrest4 ,whatever may have been the reason1 whether the common longing for mystic assurance of safety and salvation had come naturally to the front in the ,roman and ,italian mind1 or whether the large number of ,greeks1 slaves1 traders1 and other members of the lower and immigrant classes had moved the natives by mystic practices which they had brought with them1 certain it is that a considerable part of the ,romans found no satisfaction for their deeper longings in the traditional religion1 and turned to a form of the ,greek mysteries4#bfh ,the mysteries of ,bacchus which had gradually made their way up the peninsula from the ,greek cities of the south led to such excesses in #ahf ,b4,c4 that the ,roman senate felt obliged to adopt stern measures2 yet it is significant that it did not dare to forbid the celebration of these mysteries1 but attempted only to control them4 ,the ,bacchic mysteries offered essentially the same religious satisfaction that the great mysteries at ,eleusis did4 ,their influence at this time in ,italy shows how conscious men had become of larger religious desires and how little the current forms of religion satisfied them4 ,the conservatives in the state abhorred the ,bacchic rites and would have no more part in them than in philosophy1 towards which they showed an amusing timidity4 ,five years after the regulation of the mysteries an attempt was made to introduce at ,rome some philosophic books which were generally regarded as subversive in their tendencies4 ,the method of their introduction was the same one which has been used many times for similar purposes4 ,some farmers plowing in their fields at the foot of the ,janiculum found two stone chests or coffins with inscriptions upon them in both ,latin and ,greek1 saying that in one ,king ,numa ,pompilius had been buried1 and that in the other were the books of the sacred law established by him4 ,on opening the sarcophagi it was discovered that the body of the king had disappeared1 but in the second chest were found two rolls of seven books each2 one set was in ,latin and treated of the pontifical law1 the other1 in ,greek1 dealt with ,greek philosophy--tradition said it was the philosophy of ,pythagoras4 ,after solemn deliberation by the officials it was found that these books tended to destroy religion1 and a timid senate ordered them to be publicly burned4#bfi ,again about #agc ,b4,c41 the senate required the ,epicurean philosophers1 ,aldus and ,philiscus1 to leave the state2#bgj and once more in #afa it passed a vote banishing the ,greek philosophers and rhetoricians4#bga ,in #aef_/e an embassy from ,athens included the ,peripatetic philosopher ,critolaus1 the ,academic ,carneades1 and the ,stoic ,diogenes1 who during their stay at ,rome exhibited their skill in disputation and their eloquence in speeches before the people4 ,the populace was charmed1 but old fashioned people were horrified at such exhibitions4 ,cato the ,censor was so shocked that he moved in the senate that the ,roman youth should not be allowed to listen to such teachings4#bgb ,but it was too late2 philosophers might be driven from the state1 but philosophy had found a foothold at ,rome4 ,the two schools that made the strongest appeal to the ,romans at the end of the ,republic were ,epicureanism and ,stoicism4 ,the former had wide influence until the first century of our era1 chiefly because its agnosticism1 or rather its denial of the existence of any future life1 offered a refuge from the uncertainty which prevailed now that the old beliefs were broken up and men1 harrassed by political disorders1 had not yet found an abiding place in any positive philosophy4 ,the ,epicureans did not deny the existence of gods1 it is true1 but they declared that the gods1 if they existed1 must dwell in some remote place in the upper ether in eternal sunshine1 undisturbed by any care for mortals4 ,they explained the universe by a resort to the atomistic materialism of ,democritus1 a philosopher of the late fifth century4 ,their religious aim1 if we may so define it1 was to free men from the terror which their superstitious beliefs in the gods and in future punishment brought upon them4 ,no writer sets this forth with greater genius or with greater passion than ,lucretius1 the contemporary of ,cicero4 ,his six books are devoted to an explanation of the universe and its phenomena1 of the nature of man1 and of the impossibility of immortality4 ,this splendid poem furnishes us the best proof that in that day the mass of men still believed in immortality and longed for an assurance that their belief was not in vain4 ,in practical ethics the ,epicureans did not differ much from the other systems of their time4 ,they taught that happiness must be found in the avoidance of pain1 and that inasmuch as some pleasures have painful results they were to be rejected1 as some pains were to be accepted1 for they were followed by pleasure2 and they held that in self-control and choice lay the means by which man could attain to his goal1 which was 1 complete repose of the mind4 ,so the ,epicurean tried to reach an end similar to that of the ,stoic1 although his premises were somewhat different4 ,epicureanism made a natural appeal to men in a time like the last century and a half of the ,republic1 when the ancient confidence in the state religion was gone1 when the simplicity of the earlier centuries had been replaced by a more elaborate method of living1 made possible through the rapid increase of wealth1 and when in every department of ,roman life rapid changes were taking place4 ,yet for various reasons ,epicureanism gradually lost its hold4 ,it may be that the passivity which it engendered failed to make a lasting appeal to the ,roman mind1 or more probably other philosophies may have offered more attractive means of attaining the same goal of happiness4 ,at any rate1 as ,i pointed out in an earlier lecture1 the ,roman temperament had an especial leaning towards ,stoicism4 ,i there spoke of the introduction of ,stoicism at ,rome by ,panaetius during the second century ,b4,c41 and ,i sketched the tendencies of his system so far as popular religion was concerned4 ,it was probably ,panaetius who was responsible for that threefold theology which was set forth by the famous ,scaevola1 who declared that there were three classes of gods--those of the poets1 those of the statesmen1 and those of the philosophers4 ,the mythical theology of the poets1 he said1 was full of absurd and degrading stories unworthy of the attention of men2 the religion of the state was nothing but a wise device1 a useful convention adopted by statesmen as suited to the necessities of the political organism2 but the theology of the intelligent man1 the philosopher1 was alone true1 yet naturally it was beyond the power of the common man to grasp4 ,such was the attitude of the most famous jurist and the head of the state religion at the beginning of the last century before our era4#bgc ,a little later ,varro1 the famous polyhistor1 in writing of the gods and religion in his great ,encyclopedia of ,roman ,antiquities1 made a similar distinction between theologies and showed throughout his treatment the pantheistic influence of the ,stoic philosophy4 ,in his works he was the first fully to combine the mythological traditions with the philosophic doctrines which the ,romans had been learning for over a century4 ,yet the ,epicurean and the ,stoic schools were not the only ones which numbered adherents among the ,romans4 ,the representatives of the later ,academy1 ,philo of ,larissa and ,antiochus of ,ascalon1 had many pupils4 ,cicero1 ,atticus1 ,brutus1 and ,varro had all heard the latter lecture at ,athens4 ,but the teachings of ,plato had been greatly modified1 inasmuch as these later ,academicians had adopted the greater part of ,stoicism into their philosophy4 ,furthermore the sceptical tendency which is so clearly marked among the ,sophists of the fifth century had gradually developed during the fourth and third centuries into something like a philosophic system4 ,the ,sceptics1 however1 can hardly be called a school2 they included those men in the various schools who doubted the possibility of attaining to absolute knowledge4 ,among the ,romans they had close affinity with the tenets of the later ,academicians on the one hand and with ,stoic doctrines on the other4 ,but their keen consciousness of the limitations of human knowledge made them also a factor in producing a certain agnosticism among the educated4 ,as a matter of fact1 the majority of the ,romans were plain men1 not given to speculation1 with a fondness for the concrete rather than the abstract4 ,they naturally selected from the various philosophies the elements which appealed to their practical sense1 and which fortified them to meet the burdens and responsibilities of their daily life4 ,on the whole ,stoicism did this service more than any other of the current systems1 and in the end1 as we have already seen1 ,stoicism became the chief philosophy under the early ,empire4 ,the ,stoics' interest in grammar and logic also appealed to the legal character of the ,roman mind2 their system of duties1 which were to be met unflinchingly1 accorded with the ,roman temper1 and their cosmopolitan view found favor with a people that were masters of the greater part of the known world4 ,but whatever the system of philosophy or selection of philosophic doctrines the ,roman adopted1 he found therein no warrant for a belief in the state religion4 ,philosophy could go no further than it did with ,scaevola and ,varro4 ,the traditional religion was abandoned by the intellectual ,romans2 they substituted for it either agnosticism1 some form of moral philosophy1 or a pantheistic concept of the world4 ,in truth the conquest of ,greece over ,rome was complete3 in literature1 art1 philosophy1 and religion captured ,greece had taken her captor captive2 by the beginning of our era ,greek thought had penetrated to all the great centers of the ,roman ,empire1 and under that long peace1 which with comparatively few interruptions lasted for two centuries after the battle for ,actium1 philosophy and many new religions1 including ,christianity1 travelled the great ,roman roads from one end of the ancient world to the other4 ,the last century of the ,republic from the time of the ,gracchi to the battle of ,actium in #ca ,b4,c4 was not only a period of religious change but also a time of political decay4 ,the strength of the ,republic was so far gone that democratic government no longer existed1 and the rule fell into the hands of political leaders4 ,however much the ,gracchi may have been inspired by public spirit and high purpose1 they set in motion a train of events that was destined to result in the loss of all public liberty and in the foundation of the ,empire4 ,the history of this last century must be read in the history of individuals--,tiberius and ,gaius ,gracchus2 ,saturninus2 ,marius1 ,cinna1 and ,sulla2 ,pompey1 ,caesar1 and ,crassus2 ,octavian1 ,antony1 and ,lepidus4 ,these were the political bosses who for good or ill led the state and combined for its control4 ,from the day that ,caesar crossed the ,rubicon in ,january #di to the battle of ,actium in ,september #ca ,b4,c41 ,italy and many other lands around the ,mediterranean were harassed almost continuously by civil war4 ,the ,italian peninsula never fully recovered from the disasters of this time4 ,even with the horrors of the ,european struggle before us1 we in this land can hardly picture to ourselves either these disasters or the joy with which the majority of the inhabitants of the ,roman world hailed the pax ,romana which the ,emperor ,augustus established4 ,with peace came a revival of trade and a return of prosperity1 to which eloquent witness is given by ,virgil and ,horace4 ,the founder of the ,empire1 ,augustus1 attempted to revive the old state religion and to introduce certain modifications to the advantage of his own position4 ,in this he was aided by the sense of dissatisfaction which the preceding disasters had increased1 and by that inherent belief which always seems to persist1 even in times of great religious doubt1 that somehow the prosperity of the state is inseparably connected with the rites of religion4 ,under his direction temples were rebuilt1 old priesthoods reestablished1 and the ancient ritual performed with a magnificence that men had never before seen4 ,he also magnified the worship of ,apollo and of ,apollo's sister ,diana2 the former god in fact he regarded as his patron divinity1 and three years after his victory at ,actium he dedicated a magnificent temple to him on the ,palatine4 ,but the new worship of ,apollo did not attain to the supreme position to which ,augustus apparently wished to raise it1 and his efforts to recall the old state religion could not bring back men's belief1 although they could restore its practices4 ,indeed we must bear in mind that the traditional worship of the greater ,roman gods continued to exist to the end of antiquity1 in spite of the fact that it had lost its vitality centuries before its final downfall4 ,one important and permanent contribution to religion ,augustus did make3 as early as the year #db ,b4,c41 the masterful youth had forced an unwilling senate to declare ,julius ,caesar divine2 thereby he established the worship of the deified emperors--a cult which was to last nearly four centuries4 ,the significance for us of this worship of the emperor lies in the fact that now for the first time there was introduced into the entire civilized world a common religion4 ,from the remotest ,east to the farthest ,west1 from ,britain on the north to the edge of the ,great ,desert on the south1 temples to the deified emperors had been erected before a century of the ,empire had passed1 and these did much to accustom men to the idea of one common worship for the whole world4 99 99 99 99 99 ,thus far we have been considering almost wholly those forces which were operating in the ,roman world first to obscure the original ,roman religion and finally to break down faith in that traditional religion which had resulted from the victory of the gods of ,greece over those of ,rome4 ,yet the age of ,augustus was far from being irreligious4 ,of the truth of this statement ,virgil alone would be sufficient witness if all others were lacking1 for the ,aeneid owed its immediate popularity and its permanent high place1 not only to the unmatched expression which it gave to ,roman imperialism1 but also to its religious tone1 which the poet's contemporaries and their successors found partly in ,virgil's exact knowledge of ,roman ritual and felt still more in the sixth book of the ,aeneid1 where the current beliefs in a future life with rewards and punishments were set forth in combination with impressive prophecy after the event2 all was planned and combined in such a way as to make a strong appeal to the ,romans' national pride and religious sense alike4 ,moreover under the ,empire positive elements tending to elevate religious thought and to purify morals were not lacking4 ,on many of these we have already touched in our last lecture1 for they were largely to be found in philosophy1 one of the greatest gifts which ,greece gave to her conqueror4 ,even at the risk of repetition1 we shall now consider briefly some of these constructive forces4 ,although ,epicureanism taught that man's highest good was pleasure1 it was far from being a thoroughgoing hedonism1 as ,i pointed out a little while ago4 ,on the contrary its founder taught that the pleasures of the mind were superior to those of the body1 and that the cardinal virtue of man was correct insight1 that is to say1 wisdom1 virtue1 and justice2 and that these three factors--wisdom1 virtue1 and justice--were necessary for a pleasant life4#bgd ,such doctrine as this does not properly make for religion1 but it does contribute to the welfare and comfort of society4 ,epicureanism was the most quietistic of the later philosophic schools and so was well adapted to the conditions of the later ,republic and the early ,empire4 ,we have seen how ,pythagoreanism in its revival had something approaching the ,christian cult of the ,saints1 and made sanctity an ideal of human life as well as an object of admiration4 ,platonism never lost its own religious fervor and missionary zeal1 but had indeed communicated them to most of the eclectic later schools4 ,yet of all the schools perhaps ,stoicism made the largest contribution directly to the moral and indirectly to the religious life of the first two centuries of our era4 ,the ,stoic1 like the ,cynic1 his doctrinaire and less effective intellectual cousin1 at this time conceived of his task as that of a missionary to a lost world2 he was a director of men's souls4 ,speculation was by most regarded as unpractical and useless1 save as it might help to elevate men's minds and so contribute to their moral edification4 ,many of the aristocracy1 whose wealth furnished only a splendid cloak for the disorder of their souls within1 had in their houses philosophers who served as confessors and private chaplains--physicians to the soul4 ,such was ,seneca1 to whose real significance and merit we must not be blinded either by his own weakness or by the monstrosity of the emperor whose minister he was4 ,he was a spiritual director1 a confessor1 and a guide to many of the aristocracy4 ,his correspondence shows how he endeavored to build up his friends in virtue and moral strength1 not by theoretical speculation as to the nature of virtue1 but by wise instructions as to the practice of a virtuous life4 ,epictetus on the other hand was more of a preacher to the masses4 ,arrian occasionally gives us the dramatic setting of his master's discourses1 as for example3 8,when a man asked his advice as to the way in which he could persuade his brother to be no longer angry at him1 ,epictetus said10 etc4#bge ,these words show that the text of ,epictetus' sermons might often be furnished by the question of an individual1 but the sermons themselves make it clear that any one who wished might hear the teacher4 ,seneca and ,epictetus are simply the two examples best known to us of the philosophic director and the missionary1 but it is clear that there were many of both classes4 ,their essential moral and religious teachings were in practical accord4 ,what were some of the supports and satisfactions which ,stoicism offered serious men in the disordered political and social world of the early ,empire8 ,first of all1 it laid stress on conduct and frankly proposed to give rules by which men could attain to the peace they sought4 ,both ,seneca and ,epictetus inculcated daily self-examination1 and this practice was not the habit of their school alone4 ,the eclectic ,sextius1 who belonged to the generation before ,seneca1 at the end of each day asked his soul3 8,what fault of yours have you cured today8 ,what vice resisted8 ,in what way are you a better man80 ,seneca himself found the same practice helpful2 he would say to himself3 8,in that discussion you spoke with too much warmth4 ,do not engage again with the ignorant1 for they who have never learned do not wish to learn40#bgf ,epictetus quoted from the 8,golden ,words0 of ,pythagoras and reminded his hearers that the verses were not for recitation but for use3 8,never let sleep come to thy languid eyes e'er thou hast considered each act of the day4 #8,where have ,i slipped8' #8,what done1 what failed to do8' ,begin thus and go through all2 and then chide thyself for thy shameful acts1 rejoice over thy good40#bgg ,such a searching of one's daily acts ,epictetus regarded as an essential exercise to prepare and train a man to meet the vicissitudes of life4 ,in the discourse in which he quotes these ,pythagorean verses1 he continues with the question3 8,what is philosophy80 8,is it not a preparation against things which may happen to a man80 ,he argues that a man who throws away the patience which philosophy teaches him is like an athlete who because of the blows he receives wishes to withdraw from the pancratium--still worse than he1 for the athlete may avoid his contest and escape the blows2 but no man can escape the buffetings of life4 ,therefore the preacher says that to give up philosophy is to abandon the one resource against misfortune1 the only source of happiness and courage4 ,the pagan missionary no less than the ,christian apostle to the ,gentiles regarded life as a battle to be fought and a race to be run4 ,epictetus often compared human life to a warfare2 he said that men were assigned their several places and duties in this world1 just as in an army one man is obliged to stand watch1 another to spy1 and a third to fight1 each doing his part in the place in which the great general1 ,god1 had set him1--a figure which ,socrates had used five centuries earlier in his defence before his judges4 ,in accord with this view of life as a battle or an athletic contest1 the philosophers laid much weight on training4 ,seneca and ,epictetus both exhorted their pupils to exercise themselves in the means whereby they could meet misfortune or be ready to perform any duty which the changes of life might bring them4 ,the latter had a discourse 8,on ,exercise10 which was apparently a favorite theme for all ,stoic preachers4#bgh ,the purpose of this exercise was to train the individual in right abstentions and the proper use of his desires1 so that he would be always obedient to reason and do nothing out of season or place--in short to make him an adept in living so that he could manage his usual life with adroit uprightness and meet the sudden changes of fortune undismayed4 ,in another discourse ,epictetus pointed out that the misfortunes of life were tests sent by ,god to prove the individual's fidelity in training2 8,god says to you1 #8,give me proof if you have duly practised athletics1 if you have eaten what you should1 if you have exercised1 if you have obeyed the trainer4' ,and then will you show yourself weak when the time for action comes8 ,now is the time for a fever4 ,bear it well4 ,now the time for thirst4 ,endure thy thirst well40#bgi ,in my last lecture ,i spoke of the doctrine of constant advance in virtue which these later moral teachers magnified4 ,stoicism had come to recognize the facts of human life and in practice had abandoned the older doctrine of the sudden and complete perfection of man by philosophy4 ,seneca's honest words ,i must quote again3 8,i am not yet wise1 nor shall ,i ever be4 ,do not ask me to be equal to the best but rather to be better than the base4 ,this is enough for me--to take away daily something from my faults and daily to rebuke my errors4 ,i have not attained complete moral health1 nor shall ,i ever attain it40#bhj ,it is unnecessary to point out that such teaching as is given in these words was far more tonic than the uncompromising doctrine of an earlier day1 for progress in virtue each man could feel was within his power2 sudden perfection he knew was beyond the strength of any man4 ,furthermore the philosophers gave detailed injunctions as to the ways in which one could further his moral progress1 as for example when ,seneca1 following ,epicurus1 advised ,lucilius to select some person of noble character like a ,cato1 a ,scipio1 or a ,laelius1 and to imagine that he was always present1 watching and judging the novice's every act2 then when he had advanced to the point where his self-respect was sufficient to keep him from wrong-doing1 he could dismiss his guardian4#bha ,but if ,seneca recognized the limitations of human nature1 he still kept clearly in view the ultimate goal of man's effort--that perfection of the individual which according to the ,stoic was attained when his reason was harmoniously developed and had become supreme4#bhb ,then man was to be wholly independent1 happy1 and serene2 his mind would be like that of ,god4 ,self-examination1 self-training1 daily advance in virtue1 ultimate calm and peace--these were the moral habits and the attainable goals which the later ,stoics tried to teach their age4 ,moreover the ,stoic doctrine of the community between the divine and the human reason gave a dignity to man2 cut off from activity in the political world he realized that he was dwelling in a world in which ,god and men were the citizens1 that he shared in that divine polity1 free in the freedom which his relationship to ,god gave him4 ,between man and ,god for the ,stoic there was no gulf fixed2 on the contrary as ,seneca wrote his younger friend3 8,god is near you1 with you1 within you4 ,this ,i say1 ,lucilius3 a holy spirit sits within us1 watcher of our good and evil deeds1 and guardian over us4 ,even as we treat him1 he treats us4 ,no man is good without ,god4 ,can any one rise superior to fortune save with ,god's help80#bhc ,a nobler concept of the worship of the gods and of man's duty toward them arose3 not by the lighting of lamps1 the giving of gifts1 the slaying of bullocks1 or visitations to the temples were the gods to be worshipped1 but by a recognition of their true nature and goodness1 by rendering to them again their perfect justice1 and by ascribing to them constant praise4#bhd ,in the contemplation of ,god alone and in loving obedience to his commands lay the means of freeing the mind from sorrow1 fear1 desire1 envy1 avarice1 and every base thought1 and of securing that peace which no ,caesar but only ,god could give4#bhe ,a belief in the goodness of ,god and the perfection of his works made the ,stoic naturally regard this world as the best of all possible worlds1 and urge men to accommodate themselves to the natural order1 in which he saw the perfect product of the supreme reason4 ,he could not think that the world was out of joint1 but he believed that all was perfect harmony for one who would set himself in tune with the universe4 ,so ,marcus ,aurelius wrote3 8,everything is harmonious to me that is harmonious to thee1 ,o ,universe2 nothing is too early or too late for me that is in due time for thee4 ,everything is fruit to me that thy seasons bring1 ,o ,nature2 from thee are all things1 in thee are all things1 to thee all things return4 #8,beloved city of ,cecrops1' sings the poet3 ,shall ,i not say1 #8,o beloved city of ,god8'0#bhf ,it is easy to understand from passages like this how stabilizing and how ennobling later ,stoicism was4 ,to reverence ,god1 to do nothing that ,god would not approve1 to think ever of ,god1 and to trust in the harmonious purpose of the universe was the ,emperor's constant exhortation to himself4 ,with this purpose was associated a similar desire to help his fellowmen2 and yet in spite of the ,emperor's religious devotion and sympathetic interest in humanity1 in spite of the exaltation of spirit which appears in his ,meditations1 there is still a note of sadness which had already been sounded by ,seneca and ,epictetus2 there is a sense of the vanity of all things which makes itself felt again and again as we read his book4 ,for all his belief in the harmony of this universe the ,emperor exhorts himself too much to make the best of a sad and wicked world4 ,what ,marcus ,aurelius felt others had been feeling for generations4 ,the passion for assurance of protection here and salvation hereafter1 the longing for union with ,god1 would not be quieted4 ,the ,west offered little satisfaction2 the answers from the ,east will occupy our next lectures4 ,,footnotes3 #bfb ,dionys4 ,hal4 ,,iv1 #fb4 #bfc ,see p4 #cgj f4 for an example of such a calendar4 #bfd #bif ,b4,c41 ,livy ,x1 #ai1 #ag4 #bfe ,livy ,,xxii1 #aj1 #b ff4 #bff ,livy ,,xxii1 #aj1 #i4 #bfg ,scen4 #caf ff41 ,vahlen4 #bfh ,livy ,,xxxix1 #h ff4 #bfi ,livy ,,xl1 #bi2 ,plin4 ,n4 ,h4 ,,xiii1 #hd4 ff4 #bgj ,athen4 ,,xii1 #edg ,a2 ,aelian ,v4 ,h4 ,,ix1 #ab4 #bga ,suet4 de rhet4 #a2 ,aul4 ,gell4 ,,xv1 #aa1 #a4 #bgb ,plin4 ,n4 ,h4 ,,vii1 #aab2 ,plut4 ,c4 ,m4 #bb4 #bgc ,augustin4 ,civ4 ,dei ,,iv1 #bg4 #bgd ,epic41 p4 #gb ,usener4 ,cf4 p4 #ei1 and frg4 #ejf4 #bge ,diss4 ,i1 #ae1 #a4 #bgf ,sen4 de ,ira ,,iii1 #cf1 #a-d4 #bgg ,epict4 ,diss4 ,,iii1 #aj1 #b4 #bgh ,diss4 ,,iii1 #ab4 #bgi ,diss4 ,,iii1 #aj1 #h4 #bhj ,de vita beata1 #ag4 #bha ,epist4 #aa1 #h-aj2 #be1 #e1 #f4 #bhb ,epist4 #da1 #h2 #ib1 #b f42 and often4 #bhc ,epist4 #da1 #b4 #bhd ,seneca ,epist4 #ie1 #dg-ej2 #aae1 #e4 ,epict4 ,diss4 ,i1 #af4 #bhe ,epict4 ,diss4 ,,ii1 #af1 #de-dg2 ,,iii1 #ac1 #i ff4 #bhf ,,iv1 #bc4 ,,viii ,,oriental ,,religions ,,in ,,the ,,western ,,half ,,of ,,the ,,roman ,,empire ,in our previous lectures we have had occasion more than once to refer to the effect of the conquests of ,alexander in opening up the nearer ,east to the ,european ,west1 and in making easy the contact between ,greeks and ,orientals1 especially those of ,semitic and ,persian stocks4 ,greece1 ,egypt1 and western ,asia were for a brief period united in one great empire2 and although that political empire quickly broke into many units1 the sway of the ,greek language and of ,greek ideas was permanently extended over wide areas where they had not had potent influence before1 and by this extension a door was opened for the entrance of oriental ideas into the ,west4 ,no doubt the ,macedonian conqueror simply accelerated a process which had been going on imperceptibly through the channels of trade and of war from prehistoric times4 ,now with regard to the question of oriental influence on the ,greek world from the earliest period1 there has been much extravagant statement and conjecture3 the ,orphics1 ,pythagoras1 ,plato1 and others too are said to have derived many of their ideas from the ,east4 ,such inaccuracies ,i wish to avoid4 ,indeed ,i will take this opportunity to state that apart from certain cults which we shall presently consider ,i am unable to see any clear proof of direct and concrete eastern influence on ,greek or ,roman philosophic and religious thought until the second century ,b4,c41 at the earliest2 and that ,i believe that the amount of such influence later--up to the time when the ,jewish and the ,greek streams of thought united in ,christian theology--has been greatly overestimated4 ,nevertheless it is true that in certain places1 especially at ,alexandria in ,egypt1 the greatest intellectual center in the ancient world after #cjj ,b4,c41 there was some mingling of ,hellenic and ,semitic thought4 ,the translation of the sacred books of the ,jews into ,greek1 which we know as the ,septuagint1 began as early as the third century1 but this translation was made for ,hellenized ,jews of the dispersion and had little interest for ,greeks until the ,christian period4 ,but in the middle of the second century before our era a certain ,aristobulus endeavored to reconcile ,greek philosophy1 especially that of the ,peripatetic ,school1 with ,jewish wisdom1 and to show that the ,greeks drew their philosophy from the ,mosaic laws and the prophets4 ,the so-called ,wisdom of ,solomon also betrays the influence of ,hellenic thought on ,jews at ,alexandria2 and we have in an earlier lecture seen how the ,greek and the ,jew met in ,philo4 ,moreover all the later ,platonists1 ,pythagoreans1 and similar sects were in some degree at least in accord with the ,jewish thought of the time2 and in general we know that the intellectual metropolis of the ancient world showed a fusion of ,west and ,east in society and ideas such as was hardly found elsewhere4 ,but while this mingling of the ,greek and the ,jew was going on at ,alexandria1 a new power was rising in ,italy1 which1 having secured the mastery of the western half of the ,mediterranean1 turned its attention toward the ,east4 ,let us call to mind the position of ,rome at the close of the ,second ,punic ,war in #bjb ,b4,c4 ,she was mistress of practically the entire ,italian peninsula from the ,alps to the ,straits of ,messina2 by her two wars with ,carthage she had gained ,sicily1 ,corsica1 ,sardinia1 and a large part of ,spain--in short at the end of the third century before our era ,rome was the dominant power in the ,west4 ,within the next two centuries she was destined to take and in no small degree to ,latinize all of modern ,spain and ,portugal1 the whole of ,france and ,belgium1 a part of ,holland1 the ,rhine districts1 ,switzerland1 southern ,germany1 and ,austria below the ,danube2 she was to extend her power over the greater part of the ,balkan peninsula including ,greece2 and she was to become mistress of the most of ,asia ,minor1 of ,syria and ,palestine1 of ,egypt1 and of all northern ,africa with the exception of what is now ,morocco4 ,the whole civilized world1 and many lands to which this name could hardly be applied1 were brought under her sway before the close of the first ,christian century4 ,in their conquests of eastern lands ,roman soldiers came directly into contact with ,asiatic1 ,syrian1 and ,egyptian forms of religion1 so that on their return to the ,west they brought with them some knowledge of eastern gods4 ,but the influence of oriental cults had begun before ,rome entered on her military conquests2 for a long time she had had mercantile and diplomatic relations with ,asia ,minor and ,egypt4 ,trade indeed was one of the great channels through which gods no less than goods moved from the ,east to the ,west4 ,the ,greeks of western ,asia ,minor1 of ,delos1 of southern ,italy and ,sicily were the middlemen who assisted in these transfers4 ,furthermore1 beginning with the second pre-christian century1 enormous numbers of slaves were brought from ,asia ,minor and the neighboring lands to ,italy and the ,west4 ,these slaves were of every degree from the most ignorant to the highly cultivated1 but whatever their class they brought with them their own religions1 which they practised in their captivity and thus made known to their masters4 ,at a later period1 under the ,empire1 auxiliary troops1 enlisted in the eastern provinces1 were stationed at many points in the ,west4 ,the remains of shrines and hundreds of inscriptions found along the ,danube and the ,rhine1 in remotest ,britain1 in ,spain and ,portugal1 as well as in ,france and other lands1 show that these auxiliary troops did much to introduce oriental gods to the areas in which they served4 ,so traders1 slaves1 and soldiers became the great agents in transfer of those oriental religions1 which in the first three centuries of our era were spread over all the western part of the ,roman ,empire4 ,yet the first oriental deity to be received at ,rome was invited there by vote of the ,senate4 ,in one of the darkest hours of the ,second ,punic ,war1 in #bje ,b4,c41 the ,sibylline ,books declared that ,hannibal would be forced to leave ,italy if the great ,mother of the ,gods could be brought from ,phrygia to ,rome4 ,king ,attalus of ,pergamum1 a friend and ally of the ,romans1 readily gave up the meteoric stone which represented the goddess1 and in #bjd this was received with great ceremony at ,rome4 ,thirteen years later the divinity was installed in her permanent home on the ,palatine1 where the ruins of her temple may still be seen4 ,the character of her worship was wholly different from that of any god hitherto known at ,rome1 and the citizens must have been greatly shocked when they first beheld it2 ,phrygian priests dancing and mutilating themselves furnished an appalling contrast to the sober ritual of the state4 ,so offensive were these performances that no ,roman was allowed to become a priest of the goddess until after the close of the ,republic4 ,only on ,april #d did a state official--the city praetor--offer sacrifice in the temple of the goddess1 and on this same day sodalities formed among the aristocracy dined together in her honor2 in #aid plays were presented on her festal day1 and three years later with the dedication of her temple there were established in her honor the ,ludi ,megalenses1 which1 however1 did not differ essentially from similar festivals in honor of ,roman gods4 ,but the temple service was restricted to the imported ,phrygian priests1 who were allowed on certain days to dance through the streets to the sound of their wild music1 singing hymns to the goddess1 and taking up collections for the support of the worship4 ,under the ,empire ,roman citizens were admitted to the priestly offices4 ,yet from the first the goddess was held in high esteem1 for the promise of the ,sibylline ,books had been fulfilled--,hannibal had been forced to withdraw to ,africa1 and the ,roman cause had triumphed with divine help4 ,other divinities came in what may be described as unofficial ways1 through the agencies that ,i have already mentioned4 ,for example1 as early as the third century before our era1 the worship of the goddess ,isis and her associates ,serapis1 ,anubis1 and the rest1 spread from ,alexandria into ,sicily and southern ,italy1 as it had extended in the same period to ,delos and the other islands of the ,aegean ,sea1 and to the coast of ,asia ,minor4 ,before #aje ,b4,c4 a temple had been built at ,puteoli1 the important seaport of that day on the ,bay of ,naples1 which had close commercial relations with ,delos and other ports in the ,east4 ,the temple of ,isis at ,pompeii was erected at about the same period4 ,within half a century a shrine of the goddess had been established on the very ,capitol at ,rome1 where she maintained herself in spite of many efforts to dislodge her4 ,this ,egyptian cult had been introduced by immigrant traders and slaves1 but it soon spread to other classes4 ,about #ch ,a4,d41 a temple to the goddess was erected on the ,campus ,martius not far from the ,pantheon4 ,there is today in front of the church of ,santa ,maria sopra ,minerva a little east of the ,pantheon an elephant carrying on his back a small obelisk at which he casts an amusing look4 ,that obelisk originally stood before the temple of ,isis1 which was the chief center of the ,egyptian cult at ,rome to the end of paganism4 ,the campaigns of ,sulla and ,pompey in ,asia ,minor had brought the soldiers into contact with the worship of a ,cappadocian 8,mother-goddess10 ,m1 to whom the ,romans gave the ,italian name of ,bellona4 ,the cult of this divinity was apparently carried on privately at ,rome during the last half-century of the ,republic1 but the goddess did not receive official recognition before the third ,christian century4 ,it was in the first century of our era1 however1 that a flood of divinities came from the ,east to the ,west4 ,of these ,i can mention only a few4 ,from northern ,syria slaves and traders brought the ,syrian goddess ,atargatis1 whom they made known as far as ,britain under the name of ,dea ,syria4 ,from many ,syrian towns came the local ,baalim1 who were regularly identified with ,iupiter ,optimus ,maximus4 ,so ,adad1 the consort of ,atargatis at ,hierapolis in ,syria1 was known in the ,west2 the ,baal of ,heliopolis1 ,baalbec1 was worshipped as ,iupiter ,optimus ,maximus ,heliopolitanus1 not only in ,italy1 but in the ,balkan peninsula1 along the ,danube and the ,rhine1 and in ,gaul4 ,the ,syrian port ,berytus1 the modern ,beyrout1 became apparently a center for the export1 so to speak1 of these oriental divinities4 ,we have inscriptions which show that an association of ,syrian merchants coming from this city was settled at ,puteoli1 where they formed a religious society1 cultores ,iovis ,heliopolitani ,berytenses1 which carried on the worship of the ,baal of ,heliopolis at the end of the first and the beginning of the second century of our era4 ,a dedication to the same god1 from ,nmes in southern ,france1 was set up by a retired centurion1 who tells us that his home was ,beyrout2 and likewise in the third century at ,zellhausen near the ,rhine another centurion paid his devotions to the gods and wrote himself down as from the same place4 ,from the little town of ,doliche in ,commagene1 a district of northern ,syria1 soldiers carried their warlike god to the western borders of the ,roman world2 ,damascus furnished ,iupiter ,optimus ,maximus ,damascenus2 and ,i might quote many other illustrations4 ,more important1 however1 than these divinities was the god ,mithras1 whose worship originated in ,persia1 but had long been established in ,asia ,minor4 ,it was to become prominent in the ,west at the close of the first ,christian century4 ,i have already said that these oriental gods were known over virtually all the western world4 ,we naturally find the evidence for their worship most abundant in the great centers of trade and in those districts where soldiers were quartered4 ,in ,italy the ports of ,puteoli on the ,bay of ,naples and of ,ostia at the mouth of the ,tiber1 together with the capital1 ,rome1 were the greatest centers4 ,but the oriental cults were found throughout the ,italian peninsula4 ,in the provinces of the ,gauls and the ,germanies we find two great areas--the populous valleys of the ,rhone and the upper ,garonne1 and the ,rhine valley4 ,the chief centers1 as we should expect1 were for the most part the larger towns or army headquarters3 ,marseilles1 ,arles1 ,orange1 ,die1 ,vaison1 ,vienne1 ,nmes1 ,narbonne1 and ,bordeaux2 ,lyons1 ,trves1 ,mayence1 ,heddernheim1 and ,cologne4 ,occasionally a small town showed remarkable devotion to some cult1 as did ,lactoure in ,aquitaine1 where the ,great ,mother of the ,gods was especially popular in the latter third of the second and the first half of the third century of our era4 ,in like fashion these cults flourished along the valley of the ,danube and even in remote ,dacia1 which included approximately modern ,rumania and ,transylvania2 dedications are also found in the more important towns in ,africa1 ,spain1 and ,britain1 being most abundant in the last named province along the line of ,hadrian's wall4 ,with regard to the centuries during which these oriental religions flourished our evidence1 aside from that for the ,great ,mother1 shows clearly that some entered southern ,italy in the second century ,b4,c4 or even earlier1 and that they began at ,rome about #ajj ,b4,c42 there they lasted to the very close of the fourth century of our era1 almost a hundred years after the recognition of ,christianity by ,constantine4 ,in the provinces of the ,roman ,empire these cults did not become prominent until about #ajj ,a4,d41 and they ceased before the close of the third century4 ,when in #cjg ,a4,d4 ,diocletian1 ,galerius1 and ,licinius restored a shrine of ,mithras1 8the protector of their empire10 at ,carnuntum on the ,danube1 they were honoring a god whose potency in the ,european provinces had ended more than a generation before4#bhg ,the reasons for the decay of these cults we shall consider later4 ,but ,i should like you now to observe that in ,rome these religions flourished for a good century longer than they did in the western provinces4 ,the explanation of this fact is to be found in that sharp conflict between paganism and ,christianity which went on through the fourth century1 when the pagan party rallied its forces of every sort for a final defense against the advance of ,christianity4 ,this movement at ,rome1 which had slight influence elsewhere save perhaps in some of the largest cities1 produced a pagan revival which helped to maintain the adopted oriental religions for over a century after they had lost all vitality in the provinces4 ,the character of these oriental religions offers a marked contrast to that of the ,roman4 ,in my last lecture ,i pointed out that this latter was a formal1 practical1 bread-and-butter sort of religion1 one that was natural to an unimaginative agricultural people2 it was a religion in which the worship of the gods consisted primarily in the exact performance of ritual to secure practical blessings of a material kind4 ,i further tried to show that this religion offered no satisfaction to man's deeper questionings1 made slight appeal to religious emotion1 and had little moral effect except in the emphasis which it laid on duty2 we also saw that the forms of ,greek religion1 which were imported into ,italy1 were serviceable chiefly in that they were cults in which all classes of citizens could share1 and because they offered certain aesthetic satisfactions2 ,i likewise spoke of the way in which the ,greco-,roman religion of the state fell into decay after the end of the third century before our era1 so that before ,cicero's day the intellectual class had lost their belief in it4 ,this did not mean1 however1 that men had lost their religious longing4 ,far from it4 ,for there is abundant proof that under the stimulus of ,greek philosophy and mysticism1 questionings as to the nature of man1 his relation to divinity1 and his immortality became more earnest4 ,to these questions the ,greco-,roman religion offered no answer4 ,the oriental gods1 however1 were of a very different sort from those of ,greece and ,rome3 they required a spiritual devotion on the part of their devotees and they made strong appeals to the religious emotions4 ,these appeals were increased by the exotic character of these foreign cults1 for it seems to be a characteristic of the human mind in time of special need or distress to seek some foreign source of help or relief4 ,egypt and the ,east made a far greater appeal to the imagination at the close of the ,roman ,republic and in the early ,empire than they do even today4 ,furthermore many of these religions could claim the warrant of great age3 ,isis and ,osiris had been mighty in ,egypt for two thousand years2 the ,great ,mother of the ,gods belonged to a class of ,asiatic mother-goddesses of immemorial antiquity2 and ,mithras came from a period beyond the knowledge of the ,roman world4 ,whenever records failed1 pious tradition supplied the need4 ,the devotees formed closed communities1 sacred brotherhoods1 to which admission was obtained through rites of initiation4 ,their rituals were essentially mysteries1 in which through emotional experiences and revelations the devout gained assurance of divine aid here and hereafter4 ,furthermore these oriental religions had proselyting priests who recruited the number of devotees by their appeals1 and each religion numbered among its followers considerable bodies of men who followed a certain holy life--they were known as sacrati1 8the consecrated40 ,there was1 in fact1 much in common between these oriental mysteries and the greater mysteries of ,greece and the ,orphic religion4 ,these oriental gods1 moreover1 were adaptable4 ,they were sometimes identified with familiar ,greek and ,roman divinities1 in the same fashion as ,greek gods had been given ,italian names2 but their adaptability went much further4 ,freed from all local restrictions1 the ,orientals could take on the characteristics and functions required by their new environment without losing their individualities1 and their systems could be easily modified and elevated to meet the needs and demands of successive generations4 ,unmoral or even immoral when first brought into the ,greco-,roman world1 a number of them adopted first the current secular morality and eventually became strong moral agencies4 ,finally they all displayed a pantheistic tendency4 ,we have already seen how philosophy inclined from the first toward pantheism or monotheism2 that the general attitude which first belonged to the philosopher became finally common to large numbers of men1 for the human mind naturally tends to see resemblances and through them affinities1 rather than their opposites4 ,therefore in religious thought men1 acting consciously or unconsciously under the influence of philosophy and of this syncretistic tendency1 now looked through the variety of popular polytheism and found unity in the divine2 they did not deny the multiplicity of gods1 but they rather regarded each of the many gods as a manifestation of the one divine principle in the world4 ,so religion was in agreement with ,stoicism and the later mystic philosophies4 ,the devotees of the oriental gods generally adopted this syncretistic view1 so that most1 if not all1 saw in their god the supreme all-embracing divinity whose divine nature was manifest in countless other gods4 ,this belief is best expressed by ,apuleius1 who composed his famous ,metamorphoses in the middle of the second century of our era4 ,after his hero ,lucius had passed through many hardships and adventures1 the saving goddess ,isis appeared in a vision and thus declared herself3 8,lo1 ,i am here1 ,lucius1 moved by thy prayers1 ,i1 the parent of the universe1 mistress of the elements1 the primal offspring of the ages1 greatest of divinities1 queen of the dead1 first among the celestials1 the single form of gods and goddesses2 ,i1 who by my word rule the bright heights of heaven1 the healthful breezes of the sea1 the gloomy silent shades below4 ,to my divinity1 one in itself1 the entire world does reverence under many forms1 with varied rites1 and manifold names4 ,hence it is that the primal ,phrygians call me at ,pessinus the ,mother of the ,gods1 hence the ,athenians1 who are sprung from the ground on which they dwell1 name me ,cecropian ,minerva1 the wave-beat ,cyprians ,paphian ,venus1 the archer ,cretans ,dictynnan ,diana1 the ,sicilians with their triple speech ,stygian ,proserpina1 the people of ,eleusis ancient ,ceres1 others ,juno1 others ,bellona1 some ,hecate1 again ,rhamnusia2 but the ,aethiopians on whom shine the growing rays of the sun at his birth1 the ,arians1 and the ,egyptians1 mighty in their ancient learning1 worship me with the proper rites and call me by my true name ,queen ,isis40#bhh ,this revelation by the goddess not only squares with the pantheism of philosophic thought and with the doctrine of emanations of the divine1 such as were believed in by the ,neoplatonists1 but it is also in harmony with the popular polytheism4 ,at the beginning of the second century of our era the genial ,plutarch first stated a philosophy of a universal syncretistic religion3 8,not different gods among different peoples--gods of ,barbarians1 of ,greeks1 of the ,south1 or of the ,north2 but even as sun and moon1 heaven and earth and sea are common to all1 yet have different names among different peoples1 so there is one ,intelligence which rules in the world1 one ,providence which directs it2 the same powers act everywhere4 ,honors1 names1 and symbols vary40#bhi ,this statement represents the attitude of all the more enlightened classes after the beginning of the second century4 ,a pantheism1 which made abundant provision for a subordinate polytheism1 was the dominant belief4 ,in fact ,greco-,roman paganism ended in such a pantheism1 in which the sun was the symbol of the supreme and all-embracing divinity4 ,although many1 if not most1 of these eastern religions were probably mysteries1 requiring that their devotees should undergo certain initiatory rites before being admitted to full participation in the sacred service1 we shall confine ourselves to sure ground and shall consider briefly the mysteries of ,isis1 of ,mithras1 and of the ,great ,mother of the ,gods--especially those of ,isis1 because ,apuleius1 from whose work ,i quoted a moment ago1 has left us a rather full account of the initiation of his hero ,lucius1 whose experiences in this part of the ,metamorphoses are apparently the author's own4 ,isis and ,osiris were ancient gods whose worship had been wide spread in ,egypt from very early times2 they had been carried by ,egyptian traders to some other parts of the ,mediterranean world before the conquests of ,alexander4 ,but the form of the ,isiac religion which ultimately spread over the ,greco-,roman world was a conscious mingling of ,egyptian and ,hellenic elements4 ,the ,ptolemies naturally desired to unite the ,greeks and ,egyptians under their rule1 and ,ptolemy ,soter 7#cjf-bhe ,b4,c471 the first of the line1 according to ,plutarch1 employed ,manetho1 a priest at ,heliopolis in ,egypt1 and ,timotheus1 one of the sacred family of the ,eumolpidae in ,eleusis1 to work out a modified religion of ,isis1 with whom was now associated a new divinity1 ,serapis1 said to have been originally ,hades of ,sinope1 a ,greek colony on the south shore of the ,black ,sea4 ,thus ,greek elements were grafted on the ,egyptian stock1 ,serapis being identified with ,osiris4 ,the ancient forms apparently were largely retained1 and the priesthood remained ,egyptian2 but ,greek became the common language for the ritual1 while ,greek artists made statues of ,isis and her consort1 and ,greek poets sang the goddess's praise4 ,thus the spread of this composite religion was rendered easy1 especially as its mysteries claimed to give that assurance of salvation for which men longed4 ,the mysteries were based on the story of ,osiris1 the brother and husband of ,isis4 ,according to the tale ,set1 or ,typhon1 killed ,osiris1 but the body was discovered by ,isis4 ,however while ,isis was visiting her son ,horus1 ,set again gained possession of the body1 tore it in pieces1 and scattered its fragments far and wide4 ,but these ,isis once more found and buried1 and now ,osiris lives again and reigns in the lower world1 and also in heaven1 as the sun2 that is1 ,osiris-,serapis is lord of life and death4 ,the story was early brought into relation with the ,egyptian doctrine of immortality4 ,it is another myth of a god who dies and lives again1 whose rebirth1 like that of ,dionysus1 ,attis1 and ,adonis1 becomes the warrant of man's future existence4 ,the story was early acted as a kind of passion play at ,abydos2 this element was kept in the ,ptolemaic creation1 so that in ,rome1 at least beginning with the reigns of ,caligula and of ,claudius1 ,isis' hunt for her murdered consort1 her mourning for him1 and her joy over the discovery of his body and over his revival were experienced again yearly by her priests during the days from ,october #bh to ,november #c4 ,the final joy of the participants in this sacred season was indicated by the name1 ,hilaria1 given to the last day4 ,the ,empire also knew a spring festival of the goddess as ruler of the sea and protectress of sailors4 ,there were three grades of initiation into the ,isiac mysteries4 ,the first was that of ,isis1 the second of ,osiris-,serapis1 the third led to the priesthood4 ,in ,apuleius' story his hero ,lucius had through over-curious tampering with a magic unguent been changed into the shape of an ass4 ,in this form he suffered various adventures which fill the greater part of the extraordinary work2 but at last1 through the favor of the goddess1 he was restored to his human form1 and in a vision was commanded to devote himself to the divine service4 ,although most eager to be initiated1 he was informed that he must wait until the goddess should indicate her willingness to receive him4 ,finally another vision told him that the happy day had arrived4 ,at dawn the priest met him and conducted him to the temple1 where the matin service of opening the shrine was solemnly performed4 ,then he told ,lucius that he must provide certain things before the initiation took place--evidently gifts to the temple and the priests and something in the nature of a fee4 ,after these had been secured1 ,lucius was taken to a public bath nearby1 where after prayer the priest sprinkled him with holy water and duly purified him4 ,then ,lucius was led back to the temple1 set at the feet of the goddess1 and secretly given many instructions 8too sacred for utterance02 openly he was charged to abstain for ten consecutive days from all pleasures of the table1 to eat no animal food1 and to drink no wine4 ,after the ten days of preparation had been reverently observed1 toward nightfall great numbers of the initiates assembled bringing gifts to the neophyte4 ,when the uninitiate had been excluded from the temple area1 a fresh robe was placed about ,lucius and he was led into the holiest part of the shrine4 ,what there took place he might not tell2 only this much he could say3 8,i approached the bounds of death4 ,i trod the threshold of ,proserpina4 ,i was carried through all the elements and returned again to the upper air4 ,at dead of night ,i saw the sun all glowing with a brilliant light4 ,the gods of heaven and of hell ,i approached in very person and worshipped face to face40#bij ,our imagination may busy itself as much as it will with trying to conceive the means which were employed to produce this effect2 it is most probable that a hypnotic condition was induced in the neophyte and that in this state he was made to see the proper visions4 ,but that must remain uncertain4 ,this1 however1 is clear3 the initiate1 through a series of emotional experiences1 was inspired with the belief that he had seen a divine vision4 ,like the seer in the ,apocalypse1 he knew that there was no night in the final abode of those who had been consecrated4 ,by passing through the elements he had acquired a knowledge of holy things1 which no uninitiated could possibly gain3 he had been given assurance that he was to be ever after under the divine protection--in fact he had attained the certainty of salvation4 ,but let us follow ,apuleius' hero through his later experiences4 ,the morning after his secret initiation ,lucius was clothed in twelve sacred articles of dress and placed on a wooden dais in the middle of the shrine before the statue of the goddess2 over him was thrown a linen garment1 richly embroidered in various colors with marvellous animals1 with ,indian dragons and hyperborean gryphons4 ,in his right hand was put a lighted torch1 while on his head was placed a garland of palm leaves1 which stood out like the rays of the sun4 ,then the curtains were drawn back and the neophyte was displayed to the assembled people4 ,the meaning of this ceremony also is evident3 by initiation ,lucius had become one with the god1 and therefore this exhibition of him is the epiphany of the initiate as the ,sun ,god4 ,the last is clearly indicated by the garland of palm leaves which represented the rays of the sun4 ,the meaning of the dress is obscure to us1 but naturally it was effective in the impression which it made on the wearer and on those who viewed him4 ,after this epiphany certain minor rites followed on the next day1 completing the initiation of ,lucius into the first degree1 that of ,isis4 ,after continuing for some days enjoying the inexpressible bliss afforded him by the sight of the goddess and receiving the blessings which her power bestowed1 ,lucius set out from ,corinth for ,rome in obedience to a vision which the goddess had granted him4 ,there1 when a year had rolled round1 he was divinely warned that he was to advance to the second degree1 that of the invincible ,osiris2 and shortly after this he was ordered in like manner to take the highest degree of initiation2 henceforth he was a priest and an official in the sacred association4 ,for the second and third degrees the same days of preparation were required as for the first1 and like ceremonies were performed4 ,when the final initiation had been undergone1 ,lucius was marked by a shaven head1 and apparently also by a sign branded on his forehead1 as one who had consecrated his life to ,isis4#bia ,this is a brief summary of the fullest account which we possess of an initiation into any of these oriental mysteries4 ,we see from it not only how the initiate was given the satisfaction of feeling that he had seen divinity face to face--a vision by which he obtained a foretaste of the final knowledge of god and received assurance of his own salvation2 but also how his religious life was constantly fed and supported by daily religious services1 by matins and vespers in the temple4 ,in these his emotions were stimulated and his consecration renewed by a ritual made impressive through every means which an immemorial history had sanctified and by every suggestion which an elaborate symbolism could give4 ,he realized that he had become a member of a body set apart from the rest of the world4 ,the members of this holy company were called 8the consecrated ones10 sacrati4 ,they had been born again indeed through initiation into the ,isiac life4 ,the term reborn1 renatus1 is used frequently of the initiates1 the day of whose initiation was often referred to and celebrated as their birthday4 ,more widely spread and more powerful than the religion of ,isis was the religion of ,mithras4 ,into the details of its early history we may not now go1 but we must limit ourselves to a few points only4 ,mithraism had its origin in ,persia1 yet it was greatly influenced by the ancient theology of the ,chaldeans and by ,babylonian astrology1 as well as later by the more barbarous religions of ,asia ,minor1 whither it was carried by ,persian colonists during the last three centuries before the ,christian era4 ,the ,romans first came into contact with it during ,pompey's campaign against the pirates of ,cilicia in #fg ,b4,c41 but the soldiers seem not to have been greatly impressed at that time1 for it was about a hundred and fifty years later that ,mithraism began to be influential in the ,west4 ,soldiers1 traders1 and slaves all aided in its spread4 ,for the most part it followed in the steps of the ,syrian gods1 with whom it was closely associated4 ,along the borders of the ,roman ,empire1 at the military stations on the ,danube1 on the ,rhine1 and by ,hadrian's ,wall in ,britain inscriptions and ruined chapels still attest the popularity of the cult2 there are few ,roman military centers in ,europe1 outside of ,greece1 or in the ,african provinces1 which have not given evidence of its existence4 ,in the ports of ,italy1 ,puteoli and ,ostia1 in ,rome1 and in all the chief cities of the ,west1 traders and slaves introduced the ,persian religion2 and the cult attracted many ,roman citizens2 it found favor with the imperial house1 especially from ,commodus to ,diocletian4 ,in fact during the second and third centuries ,christianity found in ,mithraism its chief rival4 ,mithras himself was an extremely ancient divinity known to the ancestors of both the ,iranian and ,indian peoples4 ,in early ,zoroastrianism he had no place1 but later appeared as one of the inferior divinities4 ,under the manifold influences to which ,persian ,mazdaism was exposed1 the position of ,mithras gradually rose in importance4 ,the details of the theology at the time the religion became known to the ,romans cannot be determined1 but it seems evident that the main features were these3 the ,mazdaists conceived of the world as a battleground in which the powers of light and of righteousness were ever fighting against the powers of darkness and of evil2 at the head of the powers of light was ,ahura ,mazda1 ,oromasdes1 or1 to use the form more familiar to us1 ,ormuzd2 opposed to him was ,ahriman1 the archfiend and adversary1 lord of the world of darkness1 who with his demons was thought to strive continually to spread evil in the world2 midway was ,mithras whose function was to help mankind and to hasten the destruction of wickedness4 ,so far as we can judge from the sculptured monuments1 ,mithras in the sacred myths was not identified with the sun1 yet it is clear that he was regarded by the ,roman devotees as the chief divinity of light4 ,this position was the more easily assured him by the fact that he had been originally such a god1 so that the ,chaldeans had identified him with ,shamash1 their solar divinity1 just as the ,greeks in ,asia ,minor had made him equivalent to their sun god1 ,helios4 ,later philosophy too lent its aid in that it took the sun as the supreme symbol of divinity4 ,on ,roman dedications ,mithras is often called simply 8,the ,invincible ,sun10 ,sol ,invictus4 ,for all its exotic character ,mithraism could offer nothing essentially new in point of theology which would attract devotees1 nor could it win them simply by its elaborate and distinctive ritual4 ,the characteristic which distinguished it from the other religions of its time save ,christianity was the thoroughgoing dualism to which ,i have just referred--,i mean that dualism which divided the world into two opposing armies1 the one the legions of light and righteousness1 the other the forces of sin and darkness4 ,the evil principle was deified in the same way as the principle of good4 ,it is quite true that the ,greeks and other peoples had conceived of evil powers1 like the ,titans for example1 but nowhere was the opposition between the two made so sharp or the conflict regarded as so constant4 ,in the cosmic struggle the ,mithraist believed man shared2 for he too1 the microcosm1 was both good and evil1 so that the same battle had to be waged within him as everywhere in the world4 ,this religion1 then1 was able to supply a strong moral motive for the individual3 he was bound to struggle continually against the powers of sin to aid in bringing about the final victory of the powers of righteousness1 and he was taught that in this struggle ,mithras gave the faithful constant aid4 ,mithraism therefore was well suited to stir and energize the individual in a time when the ancient fibre of the ,romans was relaxing and when the signs of social and economic decay were evident4 ,in the first three centuries of the ,empire1 as we have already had occasion to observe more than once1 the loss of political power and the weakening of the satisfactions which a vigorous society can give1 led men to search for other rewards and assurances than those of this world2 in the mystic philosophies and religions they found their strength and hope4 ,no oriental pagan cult had so much to offer as ,mithraism4 ,its compelling system of ethics1 the high ideal of moral purity which it inherited from its ,persian source1 the fraternity which its associations fostered1 and the confidence which the promise of ,mithras' aid gave the individual1 all combined to extend its sway to the westernmost boundaries of the ,roman ,empire and to maintain its power until it was forced to yield before the victorious advance of a nobler faith4 ,the ,mithraic worship was carried on in small chapels which would seldom hold as many as a hundred worshippers at once1 so that when the number of devotees was considerable more than one chapel was required4 ,no less than five have been found at ,ostia1 the seaport at the mouth of the ,tiber1 and in the capital some sixty have been discovered4 ,these structures were generally half-subterranean1 recalling the sacred cave of the ,mithraic legend4 ,before each was a pronaos1 an anteroom1 from which steps led down to the chapel proper4 ,through the middle of this ran an aisle flanked on either side by a raised platform for the devotees4 ,in the floor were often represented the signs of the ,zodiac1 which played an important part in the belief4 ,the farther end of the chapel contained a relief which always reproduced the same scene in the type which some ,pergamene sculptor had established in the ,hellenistic period4 ,the god ,mithras was shown in the act of slaying the sacred bull2 subordinate figures and creatures were also represented1 and on some reliefs a series of scenes from the sacred legends formed a frame for the central representation4 ,we can readily understand something of the effect produced on the mind of the neophyte when he was first introduced into the lighted chapel from the darkness without4 ,the rows of worshippers on either side1 the symbolic figures and signs1 and especially the sacred relief which was doubtless brightly illuminated1 must have all combined to stimulate acutely the tiro's imagination1 already stirred by his anticipations4 ,there were seven grades of initiation1 each with its symbol and magic name4 ,the first stage was that of the ,raven 7corax71 the second that of the ,hidden ,one 771 and the third that of the ,soldier 7miles74 ,these first three degrees seem to have been preliminary1 so that the initiate was not admitted to full participation in the privileges of the sacred community until he had been inducted into the fourth degree1 the ,lion 7leo74 ,the succeeding degrees were the ,persian 7,persa71 the ,courier of the ,sun 771 and the ,father 7pater72 the head of a number of ,mithraic communities was apparently the ,pater ,patrum4 ,each stage had its proper initiatory ceremonies1 admission to which required abstinence1 lustrations and ablutions1 and many symbolic acts4 ,the courage and constancy of the neophyte were tested2 oaths were administered to him2 a seal was set on his forehead2 he was bound to secrecy2 and doubtless many other vows were required4 ,the candidate for the degree of the ,soldier was presented with a crown which he was expected to thrust aside and to say that ,mithras was his only crown4 ,he was made to feel that he had enlisted for a sacred warfare against the powers of evil and to realize that perfect purity was the goal toward which the faithful must strive4 ,apparently the culminating point of the tests and trials which the neophyte underwent was a symbolic death in which he died at the hands of the priest and rose again into a new and purified existence4 ,such rites are common in similar mysteries1 but there is some reason to suspect that in ,mithraism the symbolic act had an especially terrifying nature4 ,the religious life of the devotees was fed by meetings held in the half-underground chapels4 ,a part of the services evidently consisted of a sacred communion1 which1 with consecrated cup and loaf1 recalled the sacred meal which ,mithras had once celebrated with the ,sun after he had completed his service upon the earth4 ,this is shown on a relief discovered some years since at ,konjica in ,dalmatia1 in which ,mithras and the ,sun are shown reclining at table1 where they are served by attendants1 one of whom wears a ,phrygian cap1 another a mask of a crow1 a third that of a lion1 while the head of the fourth is hopelessly mutilated4#bib ,it was believed that this mystic communion on earth gave the devotees strength and wisdom1 that it imparted the power necessary to combat the emissaries of evil1 and conferred immortality upon those who partook of it4 ,the parallelism with the ,christian eucharist is self-evident1 and it is not strange that the church fathers claimed that the ,mithraists had stolen from ,christianity4 ,according to the ,mithraic doctrine the divine essence in man survived1 and was susceptible of rewards and punishments after this life4 ,when the body died the emissaries from heaven and the powers of darkness contended for the possession of the soul4 ,it stood on trial before ,mithras1 the final judge4 ,if the man had been impure1 his soul was dragged below for torture1 but if virtuous1 then his soul rose to the celestial regions4 ,at this point we come upon a doctrine which seems to be foreign to ,mazdaism1 and which was doubtless borrowed from alien sources4 ,the heavens were conceived to be seven spheres presided over by the seven planets1 the ,sun1 the ,moon1 ,mars1 ,mercury1 ,jupiter1 ,venus1 and ,saturn4 ,in each sphere was a gate guarded by an angel of ,ormuzd4 ,to open these gates magic names and passwords were necessary1 which were known only to the initiates4 ,the souls of men were thought to have descended from the empyrean through these spheres1 receiving from the planets that presided over them the passions and qualities which they exhibited when incarnate on earth4 ,as the righteous soul returned1 it dropped at each stage of its ascent its earthly passions and faculties like garments1 until1 stripped and pure1 it entered into eternal bliss4 ,in the realms of everlasting light beyond the stars1 it enjoyed the companionship of the gods themselves4 ,with this concept of the final fate of the soul there was inconsistently united a doctrine of a final resurrection of the flesh when the world should come to an end4 ,it may be that the sublimated doctrine of the bliss of the purified soul did not appeal to the ordinary man1 and that1 therefore1 there was introduced from some external source this belief that the whole man1 flesh and spirit alike1 would ultimately enjoy a blissful existence4 ,in any case the ,mithraist believed that the struggle between the contending powers of good and evil was not to continue forever2 that in the fullness of time the evil powers would destroy the world1 but that ,mithras would once more descend1 wake the dead1 and separate the good from the evil2 with a new communion he would then confer immortality on all the just1 while the wicked would be consumed with ,ahriman and his fiends1 and ,mithras would reign in a new and sinless world forever4 ,these are some of the essential features of ,mithraism4 ,it was a religion which called for unceasing effort1 for action on the part of men1 and which promised them divine aid in their efforts4 ,it is little wonder that it was popular in the ,roman ,empire1 or that it appealed to soldiers and to civilians alike4 ,the remains of its chapels and the dedications to its god furnish more abundant evidence than we possess for any other oriental religion4 ,although in common with other cults of this sort it had fallen into decay in the provinces of the western world before the end of the third century1 yet it was kept alive by the pagan revival at ,rome until nearly #djj ,a4,d4 ,in the cult of the ,great ,mother of the ,gods and ,attis also there developed certain rites which gave the promise of security here and of salvation after death--the greatest religious concern of the opening centuries of the ,roman ,empire4 ,down to the close of the ,republic the ,great ,mother apparently exerted no very wide or deep influence on the people4 ,she had quickly accomplished the purpose for which she had been brought in #bjd ,b4,c41 and therefore1 with the exceptions of which ,i spoke earlier in this lecture1 her worship was left to the ,phrygian priests4 ,attis certainly played a small part at ,rome before the ,empire1 but by the second century of our era1 if not before1 he overshadowed to a considerable extent the ,great ,goddess herself4 ,the story of ,attis has many forms in detail1 due no doubt to original local differences and to the influences of later environment4 ,the kernel of the literary myth is as follows3 ,attis1 a beautiful shepherd1 was loved by the ,great ,goddess2 when he refused her advances1 he was driven mad by her1 and in his frenzy mutilated himself at the foot of a pine tree1 into which his spirit departed1 while from his blood sprang violets4 ,but in answer to the prayers of the mourning goddess ,attis was presently restored to life4 ,the primitive elements from which this myth developed we need not now discuss1 but it will be sufficient to note that in ,attis1 as in ,adonis1 we have an eastern vegetation-divinity1 a god who dies and lives again1 thus becoming a symbol of man's resurrection into immortality and an earnest of his hope4 ,the parallel cases of ,osiris1 ,dionysus1 and ,persephone will also occur to all4 ,in honor of ,attis a spring festival was held in which the drama of the myth was repeated by the priests and devotees4 ,this festival was introduced at ,rome during the reign of ,claudius 7#da-ed ,a4,d471 from which time the god's importance there may be dated4#bic ,the celebration began on ,march #ae1 which is designated in a calendar of the fourth century by ,canna intrat4 ,these obscure words must be brought into connection with the colleges of the ,cannophori1 8reed-bearers10 which are known to us from inscriptions1 but the significance of the day is not clear2 apparently it is to be connected with the story of the discovery of the infant ,attis1 who had been exposed among the reeds by the banks of the river ,gallus4 ,on ,march #bb1 ,arbor intrat1 the dendrophori1 8tree-bearers10 cut down a pine tree and in solemn procession brought its trunk1 decorated with violets and woolen fillets1 to the temple of the ,great ,mother on the ,palatine4 ,this act was obviously in memory of the pine tree into which the spirit of ,attis passed at his death4 ,two days later came the 8day of blood10 ,sanguen1 dies ,sanguinis1 which marked the height of the mourning for ,attis4 ,stimulated by wild music and dances1 the ,galli scourged themselves with whips loaded with pieces of bone or metal1 slashed their arms with knives1 offering their blood on the altar of the goddess1 while the would-be ,galli mutilated themselves4 ,the whole period from the first day was a time of sorrow1 during which fasting and continence were required2 it was followed on ,march #beth1 ,hilaria1 8rejoicing10 by the wildest outbursts of joy in celebration of the resurrection of ,attis4#bid ,the next day was that of 8rest10 ,requietio2 and on the #bgth1 the festival closed with the solemn bathing in the brook ,almo of the sacred meteoric stone1 which was the symbol of the ,great ,mother4 ,it is clear that this festival1 centering in the spring equinox1 had its origin in rites which were intended to recall the vegetation from its winter's death into vernal life again1 but like other similar festivals it had long had a deeper meaning before it came to ,rome4 ,as the ,orphic devotee by participation in the holy rites became a ,bacchus1 the ,isiac an ,osiris1 so here the orgiastic participant became an ,attis and received assurance of his own resurrection4 ,the result was identical in all essentials with that in other mysteries4 ,but from the second century of our era there was celebrated in the western part of the ,roman ,empire another mystic rite in the worship of the ,great ,mother to which we must now turn our attention for a moment4 ,i mean that ritual of purification and regeneration by means of the blood of a slain bull which the ancients called the taurobolium4 ,without much doubt this rite developed from the sacrifice of a bull to the ,great ,mother1 such as was made annually on ,march #ae at ,rome4 ,but the taurobolium was no ordinary sacrifice4 ,it is first mentioned in the west in an inscription from ,puteoli of #acd ,a4,d42#bie thence it quickly spread to ,rome1 from there to ,lyons2 and it was celebrated in many parts of the western provinces during the second and third centuries4 ,like the other oriental rites it lived on at ,rome long after it had died in the provinces1 the last celebration being near the close of the fourth century4 ,one of the earliest places at ,rome for the performance of the taurobolium was in the ,vatican district close by the circus erected by the ,emperor ,caligula and enlarged by ,nero4 ,there1 certainly from the time of ,antoninus ,pius to the end of the fourth century1 this purifying and regenerating ritual was performed1 never with more passionate hope of its efficacy than during the fourth century1 when for some seventy years this pagan shrine and ,st4 ,peter's first basilica stood side by side1 fanes of the dying faith and of the triumphing religion4 ,it stirs the imagination to recall that when in the early seventeenth century certain changes were being made in the present ,st4 ,peter's1 a considerable number of inscriptions were discovered buried in the ground1 recording the celebration of the taurobolium by members of the nobility after the first ,st4 ,peter's had been built4#bif ,so side by side the two rival religions contended for the mastery4 ,the two descriptions of the ritual we have date from the fourth century4#big ,the one who was to be purified1 after first laying aside his ordinary garments and dressing himself in rags as a suppliant and beggar1 descended into a pit4 ,this was covered with planks pierced with holes2 then the sacred bull was slain over the planks that his blood1 falling on the devotee1 might cleanse him and give him freedom from his sin4 ,the recipient endeavored to have every part of his person--especially his eyes1 nose1 and ears--washed by the cleansing streams2 he opened his mouth to catch the falling blood and swallowed it4 ,when he issued forth from the pit1 dripping with his horrible purification1 he was greeted by his fellow consecrates as one who had been born again4 ,usually the efficacy of the new birth given by the taurobolium was thought to last only twenty years 7renatus in ,,xx annos71 at the expiration of which time the ritual was apparently repeated2#bih once1 however1 we have the confident assertion that the devotee was 8born again for eternity40#bii ,in all these mystic rites there were many common elements4 ,first1 all gave assurance of the salvation of the soul through the exact performance of the rites of initiation and through the ritual of service4 ,as we have earlier seen1 philosophy1 especially ,neopythagoreanism and ,neoplatonism1 aimed at the same object as these oriental faiths2 the means were different but the end was one4 ,the devotee of ,mithras1 of ,isis1 of ,cybele and ,attis1--whatever the god might be--believed that by initiation he had been born into a new life1 that the rites which he celebrated had a purifying power1 and that they protected him against the assaults of evil spirits4 ,furthermore his religious life was constantly fed and nourished by membership in a brotherhood which was consecrated and set apart from the rest of the world1 as well as by regular services within the shrine of his divinity4 ,again the gods of ,greece and ,rome required only occasional and rare service2 the ,orientals claimed the whole of a man's life3 not only at the great festivals but apparently at daily matins and vespers they received the praise and worship of their followers4 ,the priests were no longer civilians1 sharing in the ordinary life of their communities1 but persons withdrawn for the divine service1 distinguished by their dress and other signs4 ,moreover these oriental mystic religions were practically universal1 in spite of the fact that only men were admitted to the mysteries of ,mithras2 membership in the sacred associations did not depend on birth1 wealth1 or learning1 but on devotion4 ,advance in religious proficiency was usually marked by different grades1 to which the devotee received a divine call4 ,in these initiations the individual obtained direct revelations which gave him knowledge and freedom4 ,he was made to feel his relation to the universe both visible and invisible1 and to find himself in unity with it4 ,rebirth into a new life1 constant support of faith through membership in a sacred community and by religious services1 confident assurance of salvation--these were the common characteristics of the oriental religions which go far to explain their hold on the ,roman world in the early centuries of our era4 ,the question may well be asked how far these religions inculcated morality and what their ethical characters were4 ,it is certainly true that originally they were not moral or concerned with morality any more than most other religions have been2 indeed in the stories of ,cybele and ,attis1 of ,isis and ,osiris1 and of many other gods1 there were obscene elements almost as offensive to the enlightened ancient as to us4 ,mithraism on the other hand was singularly free from coarse myths4 ,in time the baser tales were allegorized and their symbolism universally accepted1 so that1 as ,st4 ,augustine tells us1 the ancient stories were interpreted to the people for their moral edification4 ,isis became the everpresent divine mother and kind providence2 ,serapis was a god of gracious pity toward men2 the ,great ,mother laid aside her wild ,phrygian character and changed into the beneficent mother of all ,nature1 while ,attis became the ,sun-god1 the common symbol of all-embracing divinity4 ,with such changes as these came a response to what we may call secular ethics1 and there can be no question that from the second century of our era at least the oriental faiths taught a morality which would win our approval in large measure today4 ,there were indeed many elements in them which made for righteousness4 ,the concept of divinity as a kindly providence which cared for the individual and exacted the same good qualities from man1 the unremitting devotion demanded of the devotees1 the sense of moral pollution and the longing for moral purification1 the shifting of men's eyes from the material gains of this world to the ideal rewards of the next--all these and many other things gave to the oriental cults distinct and positive ethical and spiritual values4 ,furthermore1 the self-restraint1 the gentle asceticism1 the obligation to strive unceasingly on the side of righteousness against the evil powers1 which these religions imposed1 are not to be neglected4 ,within the religious bodies1 whose members were brothers 7fratres1 consecranei7 the individual learned submission to the head of the society 7pater71 gained self-control and courage for his struggle against the evils of life4 ,no one can read the evidence we possess and not be impressed by the earnestness and devotion of the faithful4 ,that the oriental religions actually contributed to the higher moral and spiritual life of the ,roman ,empire during the second1 third1 and fourth centuries is certain4 ,it is very true that these pagan religions from the ,east had their charlatans and quacks in abundance1 that their noblest elements were often entangled in a mesh of magic1 superstitions1 and false beliefs2 but ,christianity too suffered from the same evils4 ,christianity triumphed because of its own inherent superiority to the other religions1 not because its rivals were wholly evil and degrading4 ,to fail to recognize the real moral value of oriental ,paganism is to fail to understand the first centuries of our era1 and so to remain blind to the true nature of the world in which ,christianity established its greater worth4 ,yet even if we were inclined to doubt the value of these religions from our present point of view1 there could be no question of their effect upon their devotees4 ,no one who reads the prayer of praise to ,isis which ,lucius offered before leaving ,corinth for ,rome1 can mistake its sincerity3 8,o thou holy and eternal protectress of the human race1 thou who art ever kind to care for mortals and who showest unceasingly the sweet affection of a mother for the misfortunes of wretched men1 neither day nor any night1 nor even the slightest moment of time passes without thy blessings2 thou carest for men on land and sea1 thou drivest from them the storms of life and ever extendest a saving hand1 wherewith thou unravellest even the inextricable web of ,fate2 thou assuagest the tempests of ,fortune1 and thou holdest in restraint the baneful courses of the stars4 ,thee the gods of heaven above adore1 the gods of the world below obey2 thou spinnest the sphere of heaven1 thou lightest the sun1 guidest the universe1 and tramplest ,tartarus beneath thy feet4 ,to thee the stars make answer1 the seasons return1 the divinities show their joy1 the elements do their service4 ,at thy nod the breezes blow1 the clouds send their nourishing rains1 seeds swell1 and buds increase4 ,before thy majesty the birds who traverse the heavens are in awe1 the beasts that roam the mountains1 the serpents that lurk beneath the ground1 the monsters that swim the deep4 ,but ,i am all too weak in wit to render thy praises1 too poor in purse to offer thee due sacrifice2 my voice has not the eloquence to express all that ,i feel concerning thy majesty4 ,nay1 had ,i a thousand mouths and tongues or eternal continuance of speech unbroken1 it were not enough4 ,therefore will ,i try to do that which alone a devotee faithful1 but poor withal1 can accomplish4 ,i will guard the memory of thy divine features and thy most holy god-head deep within my heart's secret shrine and there keep that image forever40#cjj ,it may have seemed strange to some of you that in this course of lectures we should be considering matters which at first sight appear so alien to ,greek thinking as these oriental mysteries4 ,the reason is to be found in the goal toward which we are aiming1 for it has been our purpose from the beginning to trace the history of ,greek religious thought through to the time when it had in large measure determined the form of ,christian thought and had provided the means by which the latter could be made intelligible to the contemporary world4 ,it is necessary therefore to examine the several elements which made up the sum total of the religious thought of the earlier ,christian centuries4 ,moreover1 as we have now seen1 the purpose of the oriental mysteries was one with the aim of the ,greek mysteries and with the object of the ,greek mystic philosophies4 ,therefore we have been obliged to bring into our plan these eastern religions4 ,but ,i need not remind you that at this time there was another oriental religion spreading over the world which we have not yet considered4 ,when ,christianity was introduced to the ,west1 it must have presented itself as a new eastern mystery4 ,men had long been accustomed to such religions2 for centuries they had sought either through mysteries such as were celebrated at ,eleusis or like those brought in from the ,east1 to find the satisfaction of their hopes for a happy immortality4 ,in these mysteries1 as in the mystic philosophies1 one of the central ideas was that of the direct vision of the divine which was a revelation of ,god to man4 ,this act of grace had supplanted1 or rather had been added to1 the use of the reason or of the will which the philosophers had urged as the means of man's salvation4 ,through a long course of centuries men had been trained by philosophy1 by mystery1 and by political events1 until an environment had been created which was favorable to the ideas of ,christianity--an environment also which was destined to influence profoundly this new religion in its earlier centuries1 so that it ultimately received a form different from that foreshadowed in the teachings of its founder4 ,the relation of ,christianity to the world into which it entered and some of the reasons for its triumph will be the subject of our final lectures4 ,,footnotes3 #bhg ,,cil4 ,,iii1 #ddac4 ,,iii1 #dgif from ,tanzenberg in southern ,austria1 is an important witness here1 for it records the restoration in #caa by the governor of the province of a ,mithraic shrine which had been deserted for over fifty years4 #bhh ,apuleius1 ,met4 ,,xi1 #e4 #bhi ,plutarch1 de ,is4 et ,osir41 #fg4 #bij ,apuleius1 ,met4 ,,xi1 #bc4 #bia ,apuleius1 ,met4 ,,xi1 #ai-cj4 #bib ,published by ,cumont1 ,mystres de ,mithra#b1 p4 #acb1 fig4 #ah4 #bic ,lydus1 de mens4 ,,iv1 #ei4 ,cf4 ,cumont1 ,the ,oriental ,religions1 pp4 #ee ff4 ,some scholars doubt the evidence and would place the introduction of the festivals in the time of the ,antonines2 so ,wissowa1 ,religion und ,kultus der ,rmer#b1 p4 #cbb4 #bid ,the same name was used in the festival of ,isis4 ,cf4 p4 #bgc4 #bie ,,cil4 ,x1 #aeif4 #bif ,ibid4 ,,vi1 #dig-ejd2 cf4 ,,igsi4 #ajai1 #ajbj4 #big ,prudentius1 ,persiteph4 #aj1 #ajaa ff42 ,anon41 ,carmen contra ,paganos #eg ff4 #bih ,,cil4 ,,vi1 #eab1 iterato viginti annis expletis taurobolii sui4 ,probably we should read taurobolio suo4 #bii ,ibid4 ,,vi1 #eaj4 #cjj ,apuleius1 ,met4 ,,xi1 #be4 ,,ix ,,christianity ,in the previous lectures we have traced the development of ,greek religious thought from the ,homeric poems to the third century of our era2 we have seen how ,greece extended her intellectual dominion over the entire ,mediterranean world which the military and political genius of ,rome bound into one empire2 and we have examined the chief oriental mysteries which spread throughout the same area4 ,we now turn to ,christianity4 ,in dealing with this it will be necessary to review at some length the work of ,jesus and the doctrines of ,paul1 that we may have in mind the material which was later brought into accord with the philosophic thought and the intellectual habits of the ,roman ,empire outside that district in which ,christianity had its birth4 ,but before we do this we should recall some characteristics of the ancient world in the earliest centuries of our era4 ,in the first place we must realize that it was a ,greco-,roman world1 one in which the civilizations of two great peoples--the one intellectual1 the other political--had been compounded4 ,in the eastern half of the ,empire ,greek influence dominated4 ,alexander's conquests had made ,greek the common language of a great area with the result that in the ,east ,greek thought and ,greek habits of expression--that is to say1 ,greek philosophy and ,greek rhetoric--were practically native4 ,the ,west also1 as ,i have earlier tried to show1 had received ,greek philosophy and ,greek rhetoric more than a century and a half before our era1 so that indeed over all the ,roman ,empire common habits of thought and universal modes of expression prevailed4 ,the eastern half of the ,empire contained ,alexandria1 which had been the chief intellectual center from the third century before our era2 in the ,west was ,rome1 the center of that imperial power which made the world a political unit2 yet western thought owed not merely its form but almost its existence to ,greek influences4 ,in the second place the ,east was the home of the learning of the world4 ,the ,greeks furnished the ,west not only philosophy and rhetoric but the sciences as well4 ,building on the mathematics and astronomy which they had learned from their ,eastern neighbors and the ,egyptians they soon developed these two sister sciences4 ,tradition says that in the sixth century ,b4,c4 the philosopher ,thales predicted an eclipse of the sun2 certainly a century later the ,greeks had made great advances2 and such were their attainments by the opening of our era that only in comparatively modern times has a new period in the history of astronomy and mathematics begun4 ,in the descriptive sciences of botany and zology especially the ,greeks had reached a high position by the fourth century ,b4,c4 ,the work of ,aristotle1 of ,theophrastus1 and of others still holds the profound respect of all modern scientists who are familiar with the history of their subjects4 ,in geography and mineralogy also their accomplishments were not inconsiderable2 likewise in many branches of physics they did notable work2 while ,greek scientific medicine1 already highly developed in ,hippocrates' day 7c4 #dfj-cgg ,b4,c471 was further advanced in the succeeding centuries4 ,the works of ,galen 7#abi-;c4 #aii ,a4,d47 remained the authoritative treatises for more than fourteen hundred years4 ,all these sciences the ,romans learned from the ,greeks1 and although in some fields they made notable application of their lessons1 they never surpassed their teachers4 ,moreover ,greece and ,hellenized ,asia ,minor1 ,syria1 and ,egypt had a knowledge of the conduct of business1 of banking1 and of the details of administration which they gave to the western half of the ,empire4 ,indeed ,roman history between the battle of ,actium and the reign of ,diocletian from one point of view is the history of the spread of eastern ideas to the ,west and of their absorption there4 ,not only did captive ,greece take her captor captive1 but in a sense ,egypt1 ,syria1 and ,asia ,minor won their conquests as well4 ,many causes operated to further this intellectual domination of the ,hellenized ,east over the ,roman ,west4 ,the eastern provinces had not suffered in the civil wars at the end of the ,republic as had many parts of the ,west2 their wealth was not wasted1 and in general their social and economic relations were comparatively undisturbed4 ,under the wise administration of the ,emperors these provinces grew richer2 their inhabitants1 especially the ,greeks among them1 gained a consciousness of their own intellectual superiority which they had not had in the last two centuries before our era4 ,the influence of the ,east1 therefore1 was in many ways consciously exerted4 ,thirdly we must bear in mind that the world was cosmopolitan4 ,for centuries traders had carried not only wares but ideas from one part of the ancient world to another1 slaves had done their part1 which was not small1 since many of them were educated2 and from the time of ,augustus the soldiers drawn from every province of the ,empire exerted a great influence in breaking down the barriers between the nations4 ,for the idea of a cosmopolitan world ,stoicism had furnished a philosophic basis2 the actuality was realized in large measure by the natural developments under ,roman imperial rule4 ,separate nations had ceased to exist2 and in the universal levelling which a growing autocracy produced1 the differences between citizens1 provincials1 and slaves were diminished and an approach was made to a cosmopolitan equality4 ,furthermore the ,roman world of the first three centuries was virtually a world of peace4 ,merchants and traders1 tourists and missionaries moved freely from one end of the ,empire to the other4 ,the value of this ,roman peace was recognized by the ,christians2 near the end of the second century the ,christian writer ,irenaeus declared3 8,the ,romans have given the world peace and we travel without fear along the roads and across the sea wherever we will40#cja ,the world was also one of religious unrest and inquiry4 ,the traditional religions and the inherited forms of religious expression had in large part failed4 ,there was1 as has been said in an earlier lecture1 a sense of weariness and dissatisfaction which showed itself in the large resort of all classes to ,stoic philosophy1 in the devotion among the cultured to the mystic philosophies1 in conversions to ,judaism1 and later in the ready reception of oriental religions1 including ,christianity4 ,we have already seen how both philosophy and mysticism recognized that men had a sense of moral guilt and were conscious of an estrangement from ,god through sin1 from which they desired to secure purification1 that is1 to attain freedom from the common lot of the bondage of wickedness4 ,philosophy and mysticism also agreed in holding that the means at man's disposal were not sufficient to accomplish his release1 that the reason and the will unaided could not free him1 and that therefore external help was necessary--that an act of grace made known by a divine revelation was required4 ,this escape from sin1 this freeing of man's spirit1 for which they longed1 was regarded as a reunion with ,god1 which gave the promise of security and salvation here and hereafter1 and which thereby answered man's hope for an unbroken and a perfected existence4 ,it was into a world of such a nature and with such religious thoughts as these that ,christianity entered4 ,but ,christianity grew out of ,judaism4 ,it will be well therefore to recall briefly to our minds those religious ideas of the ,jews to which the mission and the teaching of ,jesus were immediately related4 ,at the beginning of our era a majority of the ,jews had abandoned the earlier notion of a golden age1 a material kingdom of ,god1 which was to be set up on earth1 for a belief in a more spiritual kingdom1 which was to be established at some future time either on a transformed earth or in a supermundane heaven4 ,they no longer expected that the whole nation would share in the supreme happiness of this kingdom1 but only those individuals who by righteousness and through ,god's mercy had won a place therein2 the wicked were to be either utterly destroyed or punished forever in ,sheol4 ,moreover the ,jews generally entertained ,messianic expectations of various kinds2 they did not1 however1 look forward with confidence1 as their forefathers had done1 to the coming of one who should be a national king on earth4 ,there were besides hopes of revelation from ,god on which we must not pause4 ,nor is it necessary to speak of the weaknesses of ,judaism1 its tendency to make the practice of religion a matter of conformity to the minute regulations of the law1 its frequent disregard of moral motives1 its pride and religious pretence4 99 99 99 99 99 ,all thoughtful readers of the ,new ,testament are aware that within it are represented three stages in the early development of ,christianity4 ,in the first the disciples of ,jesus formed a group and then a sect within the ,jewish nation4 ,the second was that in which the gospel was carried outside ,judea into the ,roman ,empire to ,gentiles as well as to ,jews4 ,thus the transformation of ,christianity into a universal religion was begun4 ,in that movement1 as we all know1 ,paul was the chief figure4 ,the third stage was that in which philosophic thought began to operate upon the doctrines of this new religion4 ,it was the period in which ,christian theology started to develop2 the time in which ,christian thought began to be expressed in philosophic form and squared with the philosophy of the day4 ,the fourth ,gospel is the document in our canon in which the use of a great philosophic conception for the expression of ,christian ideas is first obvious4 ,let us now consider briefly the teachings that belong to these three stages1 as they are represented by ,jesus1 by ,paul1 and by the writer of the ,johannine books4 ,like every great spiritual teacher ,jesus built on the beliefs of his time1 refining1 enlarging1 ennobling1 and transforming men's conceptions of ,god and of his kingdom1 of man and of his salvation4 ,his teachings were concrete2 he made no attempt to present his views in philosophic form1 but inculcated his lessons as occasion offered or required4 ,his words and the history of his life are preserved to us in imperfect and fragmentary forms1 having been recorded after his death at a time when his followers had considerably increased in numbers and were to be found at many places outside ,judea and ,syria4 ,for our present purpose we must confine ourselves to the three synoptic gospels4 ,of these ,mark in essentially its present form was written shortly after #gj2 ,matthew and ,luke can hardly be earlier than #hj-ij ,a4,d4 ,these gospels are necessarily both historical and interpretative2 their writers were children of their own day and shared in its beliefs and superstitions4 ,they were naturally credulous toward the myths and legends which had rapidly grown up about ,jesus4 ,when we consider their great eschatological interest1 we realize that the authors actually tell us an extraordinary amount concerning ,jesus' life and teachings4 ,the historical interpretation of the gospels must take all these matters into account4 ,it is impossible to understand ,jesus' teachings if we detach them from his person1 for in a very real sense he was himself the gospel4 ,only by grasping so far as possible his personality can we comprehend in any adequate degree the impression which he made on his followers4 ,their discipleship at the time and the whole development of ,christianity after ,jesus' death depended on that personality4 ,nor is there anything strange in this fact2 we are in a degree familiar with it in our own experience1 whenever any great teacher or leader appears4 ,let us now consider ,jesus' views as to the nature of ,god and as to man's relation to him4 ,first of all he taught his disciples that they must regard ,god as their ,father4 ,this idea was by no means new or foreign to the thoughts of his hearers4 ,in the ,old ,testament we not infrequently find ,israel spoken of as the son of ,god2 it was said that ,god took a special and gracious interest in the people of ,israel1 that he cared for them wholly1 or especially1 and that they were his beloved people whom he had chosen to be the agents of his revelation4 ,jesus taught that ,god's fatherhood expresses itself in infinite love for men1 that this love extends not only to the righteous but to the wicked as well1 so that both receive his care and blessings3 8,but ,i say unto you1 ,love your enemies1 and pray for them that persecute you2 that ye may be sons of your ,father which is in heaven3 for he maketh his sun to rise on the evil and the good1 and sendeth rain on the just and the unjust40#cjb ,furthermore he showed that the divine care is given to the humblest and smallest parts of the universe1 so that the heavenly ,father marks even the fall of a sparrow to the ground4 ,the perfect nature of ,god's love ,jesus made the measure of ,god's perfection2 and1 although he recognized man's limitations and the moral value of an honest advance in righteousness1 he set as man's ultimate goal nothing less than the perfection of ,god himself as shown in perfect love4#cjc ,again he gave a new hope to outcasts and sinners by declaring that those who repented of their sins and desired to enter into right relations with ,god would not be despised4 ,that was the meaning of the parable of the ,prodigal ,son3 it illustrated the generosity of ,god's affection and showed that it reached to the poorest and worst of men4 ,to realize fully the significance of this teaching we must remind ourselves of the attitude of self-righteous ,pharisees not only toward publicans and sinners but toward the common people1 association with whom they scrupulously shunned and among whom they hardly admitted that true piety could exist4 ,it was a scandal in their eyes that ,jesus mingled freely with the classes whose contact was defilement and whose intimacy was shame1 while he declared that he came to call not the righteous1 but sinners to repentance4 ,man's proper relation to ,god ,jesus held to be the exact converse of ,god's to man3 he taught that man's sonship consists in a likeness to ,god1 which will express itself in love toward ,god and toward all men4 ,this teaching is nowhere more clearly set forth than in the words which ,i have just quoted3 8,love your enemies1 and pray for them that persecute you2 that ye may be sons of your ,father which is in heaven20#cjd the same lesson he inculcated in the prayer which he taught his disciples3 8,forgive us our debts as we also have forgiven our debtors40 ,on another occasion he charged his followers3 8,whensoever ye stand praying1 forgive1 if ye have aught against anyone2 that your ,father also which is in heaven may forgive you your trespasses40#cje ,so ,jesus held that love and forgiveness1 the characteristics of ,god himself1 are required of men as sons of their heavenly ,father2 that those who wish to claim such a relationship to ,god must exercise the same generous affection toward their fellows that ,god shows to them2 and that with this must go such love of ,god as was taught in the law3 8,thou shalt love the ,lord thy ,god with all thy heart and with all thy soul1 and with all thy strength1 and with all thy mind2 and thy neighbour as thyself40#cjf ,salvation ,jesus would no doubt have defined in part as peace and confidence of mind in this world and eternal happiness in the next4 ,our data clearly show that he held that man secures salvation when he enters on the life which belongs to the sons of ,god1 and that the basis of this life1 as we have just seen1 is love1 while its outward signs are acts prompted by whole hearted affection for one's fellow-men and for ,god4 ,this life ,jesus evidently regarded as the natural one from which man departs through sin1 and therefore he taught that repentance from sin is the antecedent condition of entrance into right relations with ,god1 that is to say1 into salvation4 ,at the beginning of his ministry he preached in ,galilee that the kingdom of ,heaven was at hand and called on men to repent and to believe in the good news2 and at the end of his work he charged his disciples to preach repentance and the remission of sins to all peoples4#cjg ,but it is important that we should keep clearly before us the fact that ,jesus did not lay so much emphasis on the negative element of repentance as on the positive motive of love4 ,he taught that the man who had that motive would naturally exhibit it in a trustful dependence on ,god and in a righteousness of life which would be of a very different character from that of a life directed by mere obedience to legal and ritual requirements4 ,a man whose thoughts and acts were prompted by love of ,god and of his fellow-men had attained salvation--that is to say1 ,jesus held salvation to be a present experience1 one which could be realized at any time by any man who recognized ,god as his father with all which that implied1 and who consequently devoted himself to a life of unselfish service4 ,he declared that such a man had already entered into a joy and blessedness which no earthly misfortunes could disturb4 ,jesus therefore not only gave his followers a sure hope of salvation in the future1 when they should realize in heaven the supreme ideal of life and complete happiness1 but he also taught them that they could have a real experience of salvation in their present every-day lives4 ,it should be observed that ,jesus laid the greatest stress on the motives for righteousness1 and that he paid little attention to the negative and restrictive elements which are inevitably large in any legalistic system of ethics or religion4 ,for him mere external acts and observances were not enough1 but righteousness and service must be prompted from within4 ,furthermore1 although the record of his life and teachings show that he attached much importance to the social elements in religion1 he dwelt on the responsibility of the individual1 who must for himself1 by his motives1 character1 and actions fulfill the requirements for entrance into salvation4 ,with regard to ,jesus' conception of his own person it is difficult to speak with certainty on many points4 ,it is beyond question1 however1 that he regarded himself as one divinely commissioned to present the fatherhood of ,god and to set forth man's proper relations to ,god and to his fellow-men4 ,faith in the validity of his commission and in his teachings as showing the way of salvation was required of his followers1 for only by such faith could they be moved to transmute his teachings into action4 ,yet it is intimated that up to the time of his last arrival at ,jerusalem ,jesus made no effort to be popularly regarded as the ,messiah for whom the ,jews had looked4 ,when at ,caesarea ,philippi ,peter declared that he was the ,christ1 ,jesus 8charged the disciples that they should tell no man40#cjh ,his reasons for such caution seem evident when we consider the varied character of the ,jews' ,messianic hopes1 and the great probability that if he had allowed himself to be recognized as the one whom they expected1 his proper work would have been greatly hampered1 if not utterly checked4 ,the danger is well illustrated by the incident recorded in ,john1 when the people wished to take him by force and make him king1 so that he was obliged to withdraw from them4#cji ,but in spite of ,jesus' unwillingness to put forward ,messianic claims for himself1 it is clear that he considered his relation to ,god as unique in its knowledge and perfection4 ,when he asked his followers to believe on him1 he seems obviously to have called on them to trust him as the one who had been divinely commissioned to interpret ,god to men1 and to accept the validity of his teaching as to man's proper relations to ,god and his fellow-men1 that is1 as to the life which they should follow as the sons of their ,father4 ,the dogmatic associations which today are attached to the idea of a 8belief in ,christ10 obscure ,jesus' plain teaching for many4 ,but when his ministry had been brought to its tragic close1 his disciples saw him in a new light1 and thereafter made his person a matter of supreme moment1 as the ,church on the whole has done ever since4 ,again there has been much debate as to the significance of the sufferings and death of ,jesus4 ,from our data we must conclude that ,jesus did not give to his passion the interpretation which his disciples naturally gave after the event1 and which succeeding generations have given it4 ,yet toward the end of his ministry ,jesus recalled and applied to himself the doctrine that the good may suffer death1 not for his own faults1 but for the sins of others1 as found in the fifty-third chapter of ,isaiah2 and it seems clear that he regarded his rejection and crucifixion as essential factors in bringing men into the kingdom of ,god4 ,what relation now did the teachings of ,jesus bear to the religious beliefs and hopes of the ,jewish people8 ,certainly his words on most matters did not appear to his hearers opposed to ,jewish doctrines1 but rather they seemed to enlarge and to give a nobler content to their own ideas4 ,with the current doctrine that the salvation of the individual depended on his own righteousness he was thoroughly in accord4 ,he gave1 however1 a deeper meaning to the idea of righteousness3 in opposition to the extreme legalistic notions which were emphasized especially by some of the ,pharisees1 he taught that there must first exist the inner motive of love for ,god and man from which alone right actions could flow2 that one who had recognized his true relations to ,god and his fellows and whose transformed character showed itself in filial dependence on ,god and in loving and generous service towards men1 and in the practice of humility1 was already delivered from the bondage of sin and had entered into a new spiritual life4 ,although his contemporaries had abandoned their hopes of a prompt realization of the kingdom of ,god on earth1 ,jesus showed that that kingdom was already present in its beginning wherever men displayed the character and did the deeds which belonged to the kingdom--in other words1 that the kingdom could be realized here by changing present conditions so that ,god's will should be done on earth as in heaven4 ,god1 to ,jesus' mind1 was not to be conceived as a king ruling over his people1 but rather as a universal loving father1 whose affection extended to the wicked as well as to the good1 and embraced every class of mankind4 ,he taught further that from this divine love flowed an infinite grace which left no man outside the possibility of salvation4 ,but beyond all these elements in the teachings of ,jesus1 which1 because of their supreme moral demands1 made the way of salvation at once most simple and most severe1 more than the fact that his teachings dealt primarily with the health of the soul1 the personality of ,jesus1 his belief that he had received a divine commission1 and his consciousness of his unique relation to ,god must be taken into account if we are to understand adequately the effect of his teaching4 ,his immediate disciples never dreamed of separating themselves from the ,jews until events forced them to take that step1 but they were filled with the conviction that their ,master was the ,messiah and that a new revelation had come to them4 ,after ,jesus' death his followers made the central theme of their preaching the proclamation of him as the ,christ1 who by his sufferings and death had brought salvation to men2 they taught that through him men might be delivered from their sin and enter into the blessings promised by his gospel4 ,in general they laid more stress on eschatology than ,jesus had done1 for they confidently expected an early end of the world and the reappearance of ,christ in glory4 ,quietly no doubt at first they began to make converts in ,jerusalem4 ,then a persecution broke out and conversions were made outside ,judea among other peoples than the ,jews4 ,about the year #de a church1 largely ,gentile1 was formed at ,antioch1#caj the third city of importance in the ,empire4 ,the founding of this church definitely began the expansion of ,christianity beyond the bounds of ,judaism4 ,paul was the chief leader in extending the gospel to the ,gentiles1 and so much did he overshadow the other missionaries that his work and teaching mark the second period in the history of ,christianity4 ,although no account can here be given of his life and experiences1 it is necessary to have these in mind to understand his influence4 ,especially important is it to remember that he was a trained ,jew1 familiar with the ,old ,testament and with the theological doctrines of his people2 nor was he unacquainted with the ideas and the language of the ,greek world1 or untouched by the mysticism of his day4 ,a ,roman citizen by birth1 a ,hebrew of the ,hebrews by descent and education1 he was well fitted to play his great rle as the apostle who was to carry ,christianity out of ,judaism to the ,gentiles4 ,he was1 however1 no systematic theologian to lay down a logical body of doctrine as a ,greek might have done1 and his writings were all occasional4 ,furthermore he had not been a companion of ,jesus1 but was one who believed that by an extraordinary experience he had come directly into knowledge of the risen ,christ4 ,yet if ,paul was not a systematic theologian1 he combined with his intense religious devotion a keen habit of mind which made the fundamental elements of his thought stand out clearly4 ,to him ,christ's death and resurrection were the great facts of salvation1 the means whereby man was redeemed from sin4 ,if we read the ,epistle to the ,galatians1 perhaps the earliest of the ,pauline epistles 7c4 #df-ej ,a4,d471 which contains much autobiographical material1 we find certain ideas set forth there which are repeated again and again in his other writings4 ,we can hardly do better than to begin with this letter4 ,first1 ,christ is stated to be the redeemer of men from their sins2 this is shown by the words of the greeting3 8,grace to you and peace from ,god the ,father1 and our ,lord ,jesus ,christ1 who gave himself for our sins1 that he might deliver us out of this present evil world1 according to the will of our ,god and ,father40 ,the suffering of the good for the sins of others1 as we have already seen1 was an idea familiar to the ,jews1 and it was easy for a ,jewish convert to relate the death of ,jesus to the prophecy in the fifty-third chapter of ,isaiah4 ,paul saw in the death and the resurrection of ,jesus the proof that he was the ,christ4 ,the vicarious character of ,christ's death was probably an element in all apostolic teaching4 ,on it and the mystic indwelling of ,christ1 ,paul wholly based his preaching4 ,paul1 however1 did not teach that the death of ,christ in itself saved men without effort on their part2 on the contrary he held that man could attain redemption only through faith in ,jesus ,christ4 ,now 8faith0 meant to him something more than mere belief or trust2 it was trust marked by an attitude of sympathy with the divine nature and a readiness to receive that nature into one's self so that ,christ could dwell in man1 and the human and the divine natures could be united4 ,in this way to ,paul's mind the ,jew was set free from the requirements of the law and obtained justification1 that is1 gained forgiveness of his sins and reconciliation with ,god4 ,faith supplanted law1 and made men sons of ,god4 ,so he wrote3 8,we being ,jews by nature1 and not sinners of the ,gentiles1 yet knowing that a man is not justified by the works of the law1 save through faith in ,jesus ,christ1 even we believed on ,christ ,jesus1 that we might be justified by faith in ,christ1 and not by the works of the law3 because by the works of the law shall no flesh be justified40#caa ,and again3 8,but before faith came1 we were kept in ward under the law1 shut up unto the faith which should afterwards be revealed4 ,so that the law hath been our tutor to bring us unto ,christ1 that we might be justified by faith4 ,but now that faith is come1 we are no longer under a tutor4 ,for ye are all the sons of ,god1 through faith1 in ,christ ,jesus40#cab ,this attitude of the apostle was due in part to his own experience1 which had shown him the insufficiency of the ,jewish law1 and also in part to the polemic against ,judaism which was a necessary part of his ministry4 ,but his doctrine of justification by faith was not developed for forensic purposes2 it was one of his firmest convictions4 ,when ,paul spoke of ,christ dwelling in a man1 as he frequently did in the ,epistle to the ,galatians1#cac he meant his words to be taken literally3 he held that ,christ enters into the man1 frees him from the domination of the sinful flesh1 and1 being a life-giving spirit1 brings the ,christian from death to life2 and that in this way the believer by faith shares in ,christ's death1 resurrection1 and triumph4 ,therefore he exhorted the ,colossians3 8,if then ye were raised together with ,christ1 seek the things that are above1 where ,christ is1 seated on the right hand of ,god4 ,set your mind on the things that are above1 not on the things that are upon the earth4 ,for ye died1 and your life is hid with ,christ in ,god40#cad ,faith to ,paul's mind was a present union with the risen and glorified ,christ2 it was for him the means of salvation1 or rather it was salvation4 ,as he wrote in the sixth chapter of the ,epistle to the ,romans1 he held that through union with ,christ man dies to sin and rises to freedom from the bondage of wickedness2 he is reborn a new creature and enters into a new spiritual life4#cae ,closely associated with faith is ,paul's doctrine of the ,holy ,spirit4 ,the word itself 77 was intelligible to both the ,greek and ,jewish world1 but since ,paul was not a systematic theologian1 it is a matter of much dispute as to what his exact concept of the ,holy ,spirit was4 ,he evidently thought of the ,spirit as a divine objective reality4 ,in some passages he identifies ,christ and the spirit of ,christ or the spirit of ,god2#caf from this we may conclude that he probably thought the ,holy ,spirit to be a mode of the indwelling ,christ4 ,but if his concept is not clear to us1 we have no difficulty in understanding his ideas as to the operation of the ,spirit4 ,he taught that it is the ,spirit which assures men of their sonship so that they may address ,god as their ,father2 that it transforms the inner man2 and that it demands the sanctification of the body1 for the body is the temple of the ,holy ,spirit4#cag ,from the ,spirit come the fundamental virtues--8love1 joy1 peace1 long-suffering1 kindness1 goodness1 faithfulness1 meekness1 temperance40#cah ,thus the ,spirit is the means of continuing the believer in his course and of perfecting him in the ,christian life4 ,in common with his contemporaries ,paul of course believed that many ecstatic phenomena--speaking with tongues and prophesying1 for example--were the gifts of the ,spirit2 but his instructions to the excitable ,corinthians show his good sense and wisdom4#cai ,in all his teaching ,paul was highly practical4 ,it is not certain that he held a dualistic view of man's nature in the ,greek or ,persian sense1 but he was well acquainted with the struggle between man's lower and higher natures and he knew the warring elements within the individual4 ,he frequently contrasted the flesh and the spirit1 meaning by the first man's sinful nature which keeps him in the bondage of wickedness4 ,from this bondage and consequent death he held that man cannot escape by his own powers2 but that ,christ delivers man from sin and its consequences4 ,this deliverance is an act of grace1 a gift from ,god4 ,we have only to read the ,epistles which bear his name to see how wisely he dealt with actual errors and sins1 or stirred to concrete acts of righteousness the members of the churches which he had founded4 ,in most of his writing ,paul dwelt on the present salvation which the mystic union with ,christ secured1 but at times he treated the eschatological nature of salvation1 teaching that the full effects of it would be realized when ,christ should come to be glorified in his saints4 ,that this day would come quickly the apostle fully believed2 then the faithful1 dead and living alike1 would receive their full reward and the wicked their punishment4 ,these1 briefly1 are the fundamental elements in ,paul's doctrine3 first1 the significance of the death and resurrection of ,jesus2 second1 faith which secures the mystic union with ,christ2 third1 the indwelling ,holy ,spirit1 which completes man's redemption and moral regeneration4 ,for all ,paul doubtless found warrant in the life and words of ,jesus1 although he seems to have neglected the ethical teachings of the ,master4 ,paul's views have formed the basis of much of the doctrine of the ,church since his time1 although his idea of union with ,christ through faith soon fell into the background2 when it was revived it took on a form very unlike the apostle's teaching4 ,we have thus far seen two tendencies in ,christian thought4 ,the first appears in the synoptic gospels where ,jesus is represented as the mediator and teacher1 who interpreted to men the universal loving fatherhood of ,god and showed them their proper relations to ,god and to their fellow-men2 the other is seen in ,paul who taught that through the indwelling ,christ salvation was secured4 ,it was inevitable that reflective thought should act upon these teachings1 and that in the philosophic environment of the ,christian churches1 at least outside ,judea1 attempts should be made to apprehend and to formulate in intellectual terms the nature1 life1 and mission of ,jesus--in other words to create a ,christian philosophy or theology4 ,when in the period between #ej and #ajj ,a4,d41 ,christianity came into conflict with ,hellenistic philosophy and theosophy this work of building up a ,christian philosophy began4 ,this stage is the third represented in the ,new ,testament4 ,the so-called ,epistle to the ,hebrews 7c4 #ij ,a4,d47 is the first document of the ,new ,testament in which the ,greek intellectual habit clearly appears4 ,although the unknown author was writing to ,gentile ,christians for practical and not doctrinal ends1 there is good evidence that he had been influenced by ,alexandrian thought4 ,he presents ,christianity as the final and absolute religion1 emphasizes ,christ's priestly office and his sacrifice1 and gives a more philosophical and abstract definition of faith than any other writer of the ,new ,testament4 ,the great example1 however1 of the effect of the contact of ,christianity with ,greek thought is furnished by the ,gospel of ,john and the ,johannine ,epistles4 ,this fourth ,gospel was apparently written at ,ephesus1 probably between #ajj and #aaj ,a4,d41 by one who was well acquainted with the philosophy and mysticism of his time2 he was also strongly influenced by ,paul4 ,if the ,johannine ,epistles are not by the same author1 they represent the same range of ideas as the ,gospel1 and we are therefore justified in using them together with it4 ,the fourth ,gospel is much more an interpretation than a history of ,jesus' person and life2 it takes for granted that its readers are acquainted with the facts2 and it assumes that the church is one universal body4 ,let us now consider the opening words of this ,gospel3 8,in the beginning was the ,word1 and the ,word was with ,god1 and the ,word was ,god4 ,the same was in the beginning with ,god4 ,all things were made by him2 and without him was not anything made that hath been made4 ,in him was life2 and the life was the light of men4 ,and the light shineth in the darkness2 and the darkness apprehended it not4 ,there came a man1 sent from ,god1 whose name was ,john4 ,the same came for witness1 that he might bear witness of the light1 that all might believe through him4 ,he was not the light1 but came that he might bear witness of the light4 ,there was the true light1 even the light which lighteth every man1 coming into the world4 ,he was in the world1 and the world was made by him1 and the world knew him not4 ,he came unto his own1 and they that were his own received him not4 ,but as many as received him1 to them gave he the right to become children of ,god1 even to them that believe on his name3 which were born1 not of blood1 nor of the will of the flesh1 nor of the will of man1 but of ,god4 ,and the ,word became flesh1 and dwelt among us 7and we beheld his glory1 glory as of the only begotten from the ,father71 full of grace and truth40#cbj ,here then are two fundamental ideas3 first1 the eternal existence and divine nature of ,christ who is the ,word1 the ,logos of philosophic speech1 and second1 the revelation of ,god to man through the incarnate ,word--8the ,word became flesh and dwelt among us40 ,the concept of the ,logos as the world-reason we saw first appear in the philosophy of ,heraclitus2 then the idea developed through the centuries until the ,logos was equivalent to the reason of ,god1 at once existing in ,god and being his expression4 ,as such it was a part of ,alexandrian thought1 being found1 for example1 in ,philo4 ,the ,logos of the philosopher1 however1 was the agent connecting a transcendental god with the divine creation1 making and sustaining the world4 ,in so far the ,johannine statement is in accord with current thought and expression1 although we should probably be wrong if we affirmed that the author was drawing on ,philo directly2 it is far more probable that he was simply using ideas and language common in the intellectual circles of the day4 ,but if we compare the idea of the ,logos in the ,johannine prologue with that in ,philo we observe a profound and striking difference between the two4 ,for ,philo1 as we have just said1 the ,logos was an abstract entity which existed for cosmological purposes2 in the ,johannine thought1 although the ,logos is the creator of the world1 he is much more3 he is incarnate in mortal flesh that he may reveal ,god to man and bring man salvation4 ,the author wished to show that the creator and revealer were one1 that the ,logos had appeared as a man on earth4 ,now this emphasis on the human side of ,jesus1 the son of ,god1 was in all probability due to the arguments of some incipient ,gnostics who denied that the ,christ had come in the flesh1 and this polemic purpose goes far to explain the abruptness of the prologue4 ,when once the statement has been made the philosophical language dealing with the ,logos is dropped2 yet the position and emphasis of the ideas in the prologue were calculated to assure the enlightened readers of the fourth ,gospel that the witness of the generation which had seen ,jesus was true and must be accepted4#cba ,the first purpose of the author was to set forth the prime significance of the personal human ,jesus1 with whom men had lived on familiar terms and from whom they had learned the deepest truths4#cbb ,how then1 according to this writer1 does the incarnation of the ,word of ,god in the human ,jesus bring salvation to men8 ,the first answer is given by the use of a symbol which is employed in six passages in the ,gospel3#cbc ,christ is the light which lighteth every man2 that is1 the function of the incarnate ,word is to bring the light of true insight1 which is knowledge of ,god1--and ,jesus in himself brings that knowledge4 ,so ,jesus declared that he was the light of the world1 come to illumine the darkness of sin and ignorance in which men dwelt by manifesting the ,father to them4 ,he said in answer to ,philip3 8,he that hath seen me hath seen the ,father2 how sayest thou1 ,shew us the ,father8 ,believest thou not that ,i am in the ,father1 and the ,father in me8 the words that ,i say unto you ,i speak not from myself3 but the ,father abiding in me doeth his works4 ,believe me that ,i am in the ,father1 and the ,father in me3 or else believe me for the very works' sake40#cbd ,these words show also that knowledge could come only from belief2 hence followed the necessity of believing in ,jesus as the incarnation of the ,word of ,god1 and in the truth of his teachings4 ,it is the knowledge of the truth thus acquired which sets men free4#cbe ,yet the knowledge of ,god revealed to the believer through faith in ,christ was not to the author's mind the sole factor in securing salvation4 ,we have seen how prominent love is in the teachings of ,christ1 as reported by the synoptic writers2 to this element the ,johannine writer returned and made it almost preminent4 ,love is the definition of ,god himself in the ,first ,epistle2#cbf love was the motive which prompted ,god to reveal himself to the world through his only begotten son who by that revelation and in his person brought salvation to men4#cbg ,to love one another was the new commandment which ,christ gave his followers1 and the measure of their love was his love for them2 it was also to be the proof to the world that they were his disciples4#cbh ,love1 then1 was at once the warrant of their hope and the evidence of the new life into which they were reborn through belief in ,christ and acceptance of him as the revealer of ,god to men4 ,this new life is expressed in the fourth ,gospel as a mystical union with ,christ which cannot be distinguished in its essence from that of the ,pauline epistles2 only the way of entrance into it is differently described4 ,paul makes faith the gate2 although the ,johannine author does not lay less emphasis on faith than ,paul1#cbi he does not look at it in quite the same way as the earlier writer1 and he speaks of the entrance into the true relation with ,christ as a new birth--using the same idea as the pagan mystics4 ,the new birth was described as of the spirit1 whereas the first was of the flesh1#ccj and the believer's vital relation to ,christ was symbolized by the figures of the vine1 of the bread1 and of the water of life4#cca ,pauline influence may possibly be seen also in the ,johannine doctrine of the ,holy ,spirit--at any rate the fourth ,gospel shows that at the time it was written a belief in the ,holy ,spirit was well established1 so that the germ of the doctrine of the ,trinity was already planted4#ccb ,the ,holy ,spirit is variously referred to as the ,advocate or ,helper1 and the ,spirit of ,truth1 which was to be the active agent in edifying believers and rebuking the world when ,christ was no longer in the flesh4#ccc ,the purpose of the fourth ,gospel then was first to prove that ,jesus was the ,christ1 the ,son of ,god1 and secondly to bring men to a belief in this fact which would give them life in ,christ4#ccd ,the idea that salvation is present spiritual experience culminates in the ,johannine writings2 the doctrine that those who hear and believe have already entered into eternal life is clearly stated4#cce ,let us now summarize the fundamental ideas of primitive ,christianity which we have been examining in this lecture4 ,in the first place1 because of his nature and his teachings ,jesus was regarded as the revealer of ,god to men1 and at the same time1 being the ,christ1 he was held to be their saviour and redeemer4 ,paul emphasized ,christ's death and resurrection1 ,john the incarnation as the great central facts4 ,secondly1 love and faith and their effects on man's relation to ,god and to his fellow-men were made the essential elements in the ,christian life4 ,thirdly1 the doctrine of the mystic union of the believer with the divine ,christ and that of the indwelling ,holy ,spirit were fundamental in both the ,pauline and ,johannine writings4 ,revelation1 faith1 mystic union with the ,divine1 salvation--our previous studies have shown us that these ideas were both familiar and welcome in the ,greco-,roman world of the first century of our era4 ,we have now reviewed the essential elements in each of the three stages represented in the writings of the ,new ,testament4 ,in the first1 the teachings of ,jesus show no trace of any influence exerted by ,greek philosophic or religious thought4 ,with ,paul we begin to detect the signs of such influence--the germs of the doctrine of ,logos1 for example1 are found in the later epistles 7,philippians1 ,ephesians1 and ,colossians71 which set forth a belief in the eternal existence of ,christ1 the ,son of ,god4 ,but it remained for the ,johannine writer to give a fuller philosophic statement to this doctrine1 and in general to bring ,christianity well within the province of ,greek thought and expression4 ,thenceforth ,christianity belonged to the ,greek intellectual world4 ,,footnotes3 #cja ,adv4 haer4 ,,iv1 #cj1 #c4 #cjb ,matt4 ,v1 #dd-de4 #cjc ,matt4 ,v1 #dc-dh2 cf4 ,luke ,,vi1 #bg-cf4 #cjd ,matt4 ,v1 #dd-de2 ,luke ,,vi1 #ce4 #cje ,mark ,,xi1 #be4 #cjf ,deut4 ,,vi1 #e2 ,matt4 ,,xxii1 #cg2 ,mark ,,xii1 #cj2 ,luke ,x1 #bg4 #cjg ,matt4 ,,iv1 #ag2 ,luke ,,xxiv1 #dg4 #cjh ,matt4 ,,xvi1 #ac-bj2 ,mark ,,viii1 #bg-cj2 ,luke ,,ix1 #ah-ba4 ,cf4 ,mark ,,xiv1 #fa2 ,matt4 ,,xxvi1 #fc4 #cji ,john ,,vi1 #ae4 #caj ,acts ,,xi1 #ai-bf4 #caa ,gal4 ,,ii1 #ae-af4 #cab ,gal4 ,,iii1 #bc-bf4 #cac ,gal4 ,i1 #af2 ,,ii1 #bj2 ,,iii1 #bg2 ,,iv1 #ai4 ,so ,rom4 ,,viii1 #aj4 ,cf4 also #b ,cor4 ,,iv1 #f-g4 #cad ,col4 ,,iii1 #a-c4 #cae ,cf4 ,rom4 ,,vii1 #d ff42 ,phil4 ,,iii1 #aj f42 and the passages referred to p4 #cad4 #caf #b ,cor4 ,,iii1 #ag2 ,rom4 ,,viii1 #aj f4 #cag ,rom4 ,,viii1 #ae2 ,gal4 ,,iii1 #bf f42 ,,iv1 #f2 #a ,cor4 ,,iii1 #af f42 ,,vi1 #ai4 #cah ,gal4 ,v1 #bb f4 ,cf4 ,rom4 ,,xiv1 #ag4 #cai #a ,cor4 ,,xii-,,xiv4 #cbj ,john ,i1 #a-ad4 #cba ,harnack and some other scholars incline to regard the prologue as 8not the key to the ,gospel's comprehension02 but when we consider the importance which ,john attaches to the incarnation1 it is difficult to separate the body of the book from the opening passage4 #cbb ,cf4 #a ,john ,,iv1 #b-c4 #cbc ,john ,i1 #i2 ,,iii1 #ai-ba2 ,v1 #ce2 ,,viii1 #ab2 ,,ix1 #e2 ,,xii1 #ce-cf4 #cbd ,john ,,xiv1 #i-aa4 #cbe ,john ,,viii1 #ca ff4 #cbf #a ,john ,,iv1 #h1 #af4 #cbg ,john ,,iii1 #af-ag2 #a ,john ,,iv1 #i-aj4 #cbh ,john ,,xiii1 #cd-ce4 #cbi ,cf4 ,john ,,xx1 #ca4 #ccj ,john ,,iii1 #c1 #f2 cf4 ,v1 #bd4 #cca ,john ,,xv1 #a ff42 ,,iv1 #g ff42 ,,vi1 #cc ff4 #ccb ,theophilus1 ,ad ,autol4 #b1 #ae 7c4 #ahj ,a4,d471 is the first among our extant ,greek sources to use the word ,trinity 77 of the nature of ,god2 ,tertullian1 ,adv4 ,valent4 #ag 7c4 #bjj71 the first ,latin writer to employ trinitas in the same sense4 #ccc ,the preparatory discourse put into the mouth of ,jesus in ,john ,,xiv-,,xvi contains the ,johannine doctrine4 ,this discourse may be built up from traditional sayings of ,jesus1 but in its present form it bears unmistakable marks of its literary origin4 #ccd ,john ,,xx1 #ca4 #cce ,john ,v1 #bd2 #a ,john ,,iii1 #ad4 ,x ,,christianity ,,and ,,paganism ,in the last lecture we traced the growth of ,christianity through the three stages that are represented in the ,new ,testament1 and we saw that when the new religion passed beyond the bounds of ,palestine and entered on a campaign for converts among the ,gentiles1 it came into contact with ,greek philosophic thought and perforce began to state its doctrines in terms which should be intelligible to educated men4 ,for in spite of the fact that the majority of its adherents--like those of every other contemporary religion--were naturally of humble birth and station1 it is certain that from the first it appealed also to men of position and education1 and that such were among its followers4 ,therefore when it put forth its claims to be the universal religion1 it had to meet and satisfy the demands of the intellectual classes4 ,not only were the various forms of ,greek philosophy rivals of ,christianity1 but the oriental mysteries also proved serious opponents4 ,in our discussion of the most important of these mystery religions in an earlier lecture we tried to show the reasons for the wide appeal which they made during the first two centuries and a half of our era4 ,christianity therefore had to offer a greater assurance and satisfaction than these religions if it was to make headway against them4 ,thus ,christianity was forced to meet two classes of opponents4 ,but it was inevitable that while the new religion was seeking to influence the environment into which it had come1 it should itself be influenced by the world it had entered4 ,no living belief or institution can exist without being affected by the life of which it is a part4 ,christianity accordingly ran many dangers1 received many accretions1 and was in some ways transformed during the first few centuries of its history4 ,in this final lecture we shall consider briefly1 by means of significant illustrations1 first1 the way in which ,christianity during the second and third centuries accommodated itself to the intellectual world2 secondly1 the influence which the pagan environment had on ,christian thought2 and finally1 the causes of its triumph4 ,by the beginning of the second century it was evident that in its conflict with pagan polytheism and philosophy ,christianity could hope to win the victory only by taking into itself the fundamental elements of that intellectual life and civilization which the ,greco-,roman world had been establishing through centuries4 ,its claim that the gospel was universal1 that it solved the deepest mysteries and satisfied the highest human aspirations1 inevitably brought it into the arena of contemporaneous life4 ,it not only was obliged to defend itself in terms current in ,greek thought1 and to carry on a successful polemic against polytheism1 but it had to prove that it offered the fullest1 indeed the only true satisfaction of that longing for salvation which men felt4 ,from these necessities of attack and defense came the ,greek ,apologists of the second century1 the most important of whom were ,aristides1 ,justin1 ,tatian1 and ,athenagoras4 ,moreover as the ,christian communities multiplied1 their members were exposed to many influences which tended to injure or destroy the unity and purity of their belief1 so that for self-protection ,christianity was forced to develop a formal statement of its faith1 that is1 to create a dogmatic theology4 ,by formal dogma the common doctrine of the church could be maintained comparatively unimpaired and at the same time the faith could be made intelligible and attractive to the learned of the pagan world4 ,but to give philosophic expression to ,christianity's beliefs meant the ,hellenization of this religion4 ,the ,gnostics--to whom we shall presently return--were perhaps the first to undertake the construction of a ,christian theology1 but their aberrations were so extreme and violent that the growing church had to rid itself of them so far as possible4 ,the work of building up a dogmatic system was carried on more slowly in the great catechetical school of ,alexandria4 ,we have already seen the beginning of both the apologetic and the theological movements in the ,pauline and ,johannine writings of the ,new ,testament4 ,let us now consider the work of the ,apologists of the second century4 ,these defenders were all educated converts2 indeed some of them1 like ,aristides and ,athenagoras1 called themselves philosophers4 ,naturally they did not give up their philosophic custom when they went over to ,christianity1 but rather applied their intellectual habit to their new faith4 ,we should be wrong1 however1 in thinking that they wished to reconcile ,greek philosophy and ,christianity2 on the contrary they wished to show that ,christianity was the only true philosophy4 ,still all1 with the exception of ,tatian1 treated ,greek philosophy and civilization with respect and were ready to recognize ,god's revelations among the ,greeks as well as the ,jews4 ,they labored1 however1 with the fundamental antagonism between revelation and reason1 and were often obliged somewhat illogically to blame ,greek thinkers while praising them4 ,yet the sway of ,hellenic philosophy was so complete and the means of defense which it furnished so powerful1 that the ,christians readily disregarded logical difficulties and gladly used the weapons which pagan thought had forged4 ,it is impossible here to distinguish in full detail the contributions of the several ,apologists2 we must therefore be content with a summarized statement of their positions4 ,first of all they accepted the historic tradition of the person1 work1 and teachings of ,christ as authentic1 and made no attempt to enlarge or diminish that tradition4 ,they endeavored rather to present ,christianity as a rational religion in such a way as to win the approval of the intellectual world4 ,as ,harnack says3 8,these ,christian philosophers formulated the content of the ,gospel in a manner which appealed to the common sense of all the serious thinkers and intelligent men of the age4 ,moreover1 they contrived to use the positive material of tradition1 including the life and worship of ,christ1 in such a way as to furnish this reasonable religion with a confirmation and proof that had hitherto been eagerly sought1 but sought in vain40#ccf ,they all set forth ,christianity as a revelation from ,god1 given in the ,old ,testament through the inspired prophets1 who had foretold the supreme revelation in ,jesus ,christ4 ,christianity therefore was something which had existed from the beginning of the world2 it was a thing which revelation had continuously attested1 and which consequently was ultimate truth4#ccg ,according to ,justin not only the prophets of the ,old ,testament but also the ,greek philosophers had borne witness to the truth and had been in a measure ,christians4 ,this power of insight and of prophecy he would ascribe in the latter case as in the former to the operation of the reason of ,god1 a seed of which was granted to every man by nature2 all therefore that was reasonable in ,greek thought was due to divine inspiration4 ,he found the cause of the ,greeks' failure to expound the whole truth in the view that man's natural endowment was insufficient to enable him to resist the evil demons which beset him4#cch ,although ,athenagoras did not say that every man had within him a germ of the divine wisdom1 he no less than ,justin granted that the pagan poets and philosophers had known the truth in part2#cci their errors had been due to their dependence on themselves4 ,the full truth then was to be found in revelation1 which gave the ,apologists the sole and sufficient warrant of their faith and the complete rule of life4 ,but1 as ,i have said1 the ,apologists represented ,christianity as the one valid philosophy4 ,we must now examine briefly its principles4 ,first as to the nature of ,god4 ,in dealing with this subject the ,apologists used a method of thought and of expression very much like that employed by ,philo and the later ,platonists4 ,they contrasted ,god and the world3 the latter they said was created1 temporal1 and conditioned2 the former1 unconditioned1 eternal1 and self-existent2 the material world was apprehended by the senses1 ,god by the mind and reason alone4#cdj ,god1 therefore1 to them was the ,one1 pure spirit1 unchanging1 requiring nothing4 ,it followed from this idea of ,god that he must be regarded as supramundane1 if not transcendent4 ,as a matter of fact1 these writers were perhaps unconsciously trying to reconcile the personal attributes of ,god the ,father1 which the common ,christian faith ascribed to the ,godhead1 and the current concept of ,god as a transcendent and ineffable being4 ,a variety of expressions1 too numerous to be quoted here1 was employed to suggest ,god's exalted and perfect nature4 ,furthermore ,god was not regarded as a passive1 but as a living and active spirit1 who must express himself in creations2 he was therefore the ,first ,cause1 the ,lord1 ,father1 and ,creator of all4 ,the perfection of his nature made him also the source of moral good4 ,the complete contrast between the perfect1 supramundane ,god and the imperfect1 transient world required the ,apologists1 like the later pagan philosophers1 to postulate some agent connecting the two1 and they1 like ,philo and others1 found this in the ,logos1 which to them was the operative reason of ,god1 regarded as a person4 ,but there is this significant fact to be noted1 that the ,apologists reached their views with regard to ,god and the ,logos from a contemplation of the world itself in which they saw reason and order1 and detected spiritual forces working toward good ends4 ,therefore they believed that the world was created and directed by ,god's reason4 ,reflection on the chain of rational causation had led them to their conclusions4 ,but ,philo and the later ,platonists we might say conceived of the ,logos as a remedial being1 for through his mediation they saved the perfection of ,god from contamination with evil matter4 ,to the ,apologists1 however1 matter was only an indifferent finite substance4 ,the ,logos1 as the reason of ,god1 was identical with ,god in essence2 but as a projection by ,god from himself1 made for the purpose of creation and revelation1 the ,logos had a being distinct from ,god1 not in essence but in number1 so that he was a second ,god2 yet at the same time the ,logos1 being a mode of ,god1 ,god's operative reason1 was included in ,god2 therefore no polytheistic ideas were admitted here4#cda ,the ,logos then was regarded as a creature and a servant of ,god1 but he was held to be above all other creatures1 being one in essence with the ,divine4 ,moreover being created and therefore finite from the point of view of time1 the ,logos could enter into the finite and thus do the work of creation and revelation2 by the ,logos the world was made out of finite matter1 and man was endowed with reason and freedom of the will4 ,it is a striking fact1 however1 that with the exception of ,justin1 the ,apologists betray comparatively little interest in the incarnation of the ,logos in ,jesus ,christ4 ,their efforts were directed rather to establishing against the pagan world their claim that ,god is ,one and that the ,logos is the operative reason of ,god which exercises his powers4 ,furthermore they had little or nothing to say about the ,holy ,spirit as a separate person1 but for the most part they identified the ,logos and the ,spirit4#cdb ,the problem of evil the ,apologists solved by connecting it with a belief in the freedom of choice given spirits or angels who chose to depart from righteousness1 and1 thus becoming evil demons1 have from the first beset man and still do beset him with temptations which cause him to sin4 ,they regarded man1 by virtue of his endowments of reason and of freedom of the will1 as capable of immortal life or of complete death4 ,the conditions of immortality were first1 the maintenance of the knowledge of ,god and of his relation through the ,logos to the created world1 and secondly1 persistence in a life aimed at moral perfection1 a life which followed after the ,spirit and did not yield to the bodily passions4 ,in ,tatian especially there is a distinct ascetic strain4#cdc ,the best exposition of man's moral obligations the ,apologists believed to be found in the words of ,jesus1 but at the same time they agreed in holding that the essential element in a life of virtue was a clear knowledge of divine things through which man was at once raised above the things of this world into a pure and noble existence4 ,thus man was assured now of salvation1 and in the future life was destined to enjoy immortality and the perfection of knowledge which would come with the direct vision of ,god4#cdd ,but such a doctrine presupposes a revelation of ,god4 ,this1 as ,i have already pointed out1 the ,apologists said had been made in the beginning by the ,logos who disclosed himself in the created universe and in man as a part thereof4 ,man1 however1 by yielding to sin1 had lost that divine knowledge which had been his through the original revelation1 with the result that repeated revelations had been necessary4 ,the agents of these had been the inspired prophets of the ,old ,testament and to a slight degree the philosophers of ,greece4 ,the revelation of the ,logos in ,jesus ,christ was simply an attestation and guarantee of the truths and predictions of the prophets1 the highest stage in the history of revelation1 confirming that revelation without changing its content in any way4 ,but all this is something very different from the teachings of ,jesus1 or of ,paul1 or of the ,fourth ,gospel2 indeed the relations of the ,apologists to ,stoicism1 to ,philo and the later ,platonists1 seem fully as close as to the ,new ,testament4 ,of the writers in question ,justin alone--and he somewhat unsuccessfully--tried to set forth ,jesus as the redeemer in the strict sense of the word and to see in him a unique revelation of the ,logos4#cde ,side by side with the tendency to seek religious satisfaction in mysticism there existed even more strongly in intellectual circles a desire to find the principles of right conduct in a correct theory of the world4 ,such was1 for example1 the aim of the ,stoic4 ,in attempting to satisfy this desire the ,apologists probably represented the views of the majority of educated ,christians of their day who felt that the noble morality of ,christianity was its most edifying characteristic2 at any rate they knew that it was the strongest argument for the validity of their religion4 99 99 99 99 99 ,we have already seen many times that the idea that supreme knowledge was conferred by direct revelation and that such knowledge led to perfection was widespread not only among later ,greek thinkers and ,hellenized ,jews like ,philo1 but also among the devotees of the oriental mysteries4 ,lucius1 the hero of ,apuleius' ,metamorphoses1 believed that through the rites of initiation into the mysteries of ,isis he had been allowed to see the gods face to face and to acquire a knowledge which only such revelation could convey4#cdf ,magical papyri describe their contents as knowledge 771 meaning thereby the supernatural knowledge which they impart4 ,from the other extreme we can cite the case of the ,apostle ,paul1 who claimed that his knowledge and the gospel which he preached had come to him not from man1 but 8by the revelation of ,jesus ,christ40#cdg ,it was then a common belief of the day that through direct revelation one might obtain a secret knowledge 77 of divine things which no teaching could give4 ,such a revelation1 however gained1 was recognized as an act of grace toward men1 whereby they attained salvation4 ,it was this idea of a secret revealed knowledge which gave the name of ,gnostic to a series of movements in the early ,christian centuries to which we must now turn4 ,the ,gnostics never formed any single community or school1 but they comprised groups which exhibited the greatest diversity and range of beliefs and of morals2 the most famous and influential individuals were ,basilides1 who taught at ,alexandria in the time of ,hadrian1 and ,valentinus1 who was active at ,rome in the middle of the second century 7c4 #adj-;c4 #afe74 ,gnosticism did not originate within ,christianity1 but rather antedated it4 ,all its forms arose from some combination of oriental religions and mythologies with ,greek modes of philosophic thought1 which in many ways remind one of later ,neoplatonism4 ,when ,christianity was taken into the ,gnostic systems1 it was inevitable that it should be modified1 reshaped1 and stated in forms which might contain gross error4 ,yet it would be a mistake to regard the ,gnostics as fundamentally foes of ,christianity4 ,even if we cannot go so far as ,harnack and call them 8the theologians of the first century10 and attribute to them the first place in the early formation of a ,christian theology1#cdh we must recognize that they did a great1 and in some ways a permanent1 service to the new faith4 ,they were seekers after a philosophy of history2 they interpreted ,christianity as the religion which replaced both paganism and ,judaism1 and they held that the appearance of the redeemer had completed the development of the human race and had consummated the history of the universe4 ,such a view1 which in itself was quite in accord with the views of ,christians generally1 led the ,gnostics to reject the ,old ,testament because it was supplanted by the new revelation2 the ,apostolic writings they believed to contain first of all the rule of faith when taken at their face value1 and secondly to hold a secret and deeper meaning1 which could be obtained only by allegorical1 that is1 by esoteric interpretation4 ,but thus far the ,gnostics and the mass of ,christians were still in essential agreement1 although the latter held to faith 77 as the basic element in their religion1 while the former exalted knowledge 77 above it4 ,the ,christians1 however1 commonly believed the world to be the creation of ,god and wholly subject to him1 as we just now saw when examining the position of the ,apologists4 ,the ,gnostics on the other hand almost universally adopted some form of dualism which set off ,god and matter against each other as more or less independent entities4 ,in matter they saw the basis of evil2 at the other pole was the perfect supreme ,being who was wholly transcendent1 above all thought2 from this ,being1 according to ,basilides1 proceeded a series of emanations1 no less than three hundred and sixty-five in number1 the lowest of which were the angels who occupy the visible heaven2 they were the creators and rulers of all things on earth4 ,the chief of these angels was the ,god of the ,jews1 as he was made known in the ,old ,testament4#cdi ,valentinus1 too1 described a series of thirty ,eons1 descended from the perfect1 pre-existent ,eon and his feminine counterpart1 ,ennoea1 in which appear fantastic combinations of abstract ideas1 mathematical concepts1 and conjugal relations1 betraying the manifold origin of this bizarre system4#cej ,yet such doctrines represent only extravagant efforts to bridge the gap between a transcendent ,god and the world1 a task which ,philo and the later ,platonists accomplished in a more restrained manner4 ,the common ,gnostic explanation of the origin of the universe was that the cosmos arose from the descent into matter of some sparks of the divine4 ,the ,creator of the cosmos1 the ,demiurge1 was regarded as an intermediate creature1 sometimes as an evil one2 but he is never identical with the supreme ,being4#cea ,man1 also1 in their views1 was a dual creature1 made up of corruptible flesh and divine spirit4 ,some ,gnostics also divided mankind into two classes3 the spiritual who were capable of salvation1 and the material who were doomed to perish4 ,the ,valentinians1 however1 conceived of three kinds1 corresponding to the three forms of existence found throughout the world3 the spiritual1 the animal1 and the material4 ,of these the material men were predestined to destruction2 the animal by right choice might find rest in an 8intermediate space02 but the spiritual were to attain perfection and become 8as brides to the angels of the ,saviour40#ceb ,the ,gnostics of course were spiritual and destined for the supreme bliss4 ,as regards their views concerning the person of ,christ we may not now go into detail4 ,we can simply state the views of the two chief ,gnostics4 ,basilides identified ,christ with the first-born of the ,father1 the emanation ,mind 771 who came to destroy the ,god of the ,jews and all evil men1 but to save those who believed on him4#cec ,valentinus made ,christ one of the ,eons1 forming a conjugal pair of ,christ and the ,holy ,spirit2 but ,jesus who appeared on earth was another1 the perfect product of the whole pleroma of ,eons4#ced ,we may say that generally ,christ was regarded by the ,gnostics as one of the emanations of the supreme ,being1 by which the divine principle entered the visible world and made ,god known1 whereas he had been hidden hitherto4 ,christ1 therefore1 was a power1 a heavenly ,eon1 which was to be distinguished from his earthly appearance as the man ,jesus4 ,this view was in accord with other beliefs that ,christ had not actually appeared and suffered in the flesh1 to which is given the name docetism4 ,the ,gnostic ethics were based on the dual concept of man1 with the natural result that in many groups a marked asceticism was practised4 ,on the other hand the belief that the revelation brought by ,christ had freed men from law--an exaggeration of ,paul's position1 unchecked by ,paul's good-sense--led to the extremes of libertinism4 ,the ,gnostics laid much stress also on the magic value of the sacraments of baptism1 the ,lord's supper1 and anointing with oil4 ,they treated them as the means of initiation into the holy mysteries of ,christianity1 whereby the initiate obtained1 as in pagan mysteries1 the higher knowledge 771 which was salvation4 ,beyond this they resorted to the crassest magic1 playing with names and numbers1 employing images1 incantations1 invocations1 and many kinds of curious arts4#cee ,but in this respect they were hardly in disaccord with their contemporaries4 ,from the foregoing it will appear that the ,gnostic movement represented in general exaggerations of the normal ,christian tenets1 produced by an attempt to combine ,christianity with many ,greek and oriental elements4 ,the results varied from a doctrine which differed from that1 for example1 of the ,johannine writings chiefly in denying the actual human existence of ,christ1 to the most extravagant perversions of ,christian belief4 ,many ,gnostics remained within the ,church undisturbed1 others were bitterly attacked4 ,the entire movement which we have been considering is instructive1 for it illustrates in a striking way the danger which the growing ,church ran of being swamped in the confused floods of ,hellenic and oriental thought and mysticism4 ,the conflict with such foes as the ,gnostics was one of the chief causes which led to the formation of a body of accepted catholic doctrine1 for in dogma lay in part the protection of ,christianity4 ,although the ,church was able to free itself of most ,gnostic heresies1 she could not wholly escape their influence1 as we shall presently see4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the heir of both the ,gnostics and the ,apologists was the catechetical school at ,alexandria under the leadership of ,clement and ,origen 7c4 #bjj-bca74 ,the early history of this school is unknown1 but it became important at the close of the second century4 ,in it both the ,greek sciences and the holy ,scriptures were studied1 so that it was a natural place for the fusion of secular learning and ,christian theology4 ,clement1 who was first a pupil1 then a teacher in this school1 and at last its head for three years 7#bjj-bjc71 was the first to attempt an exposition of ,christianity with all the aid that heretical speculation and ,greek learning alike could give4 ,we possess from his hand three works of systematic edification4 ,the ,protrepticus is addressed to converts1 and in it he employs arguments similar to those of the ,apologists1 ,justin and ,athenagoras2 the ,paedagogus gives practical directions for the ,christian life2 and the ,stromateis1 8,miscellanies10 is intended to present and establish ,christianity as the true philosophy1 and so to lead the reader to supreme knowledge 771 as its full title announces4#cef ,from this it is at once evident that the ,gnostic movements had had their influence on ,clement2 and indeed1 after combatting ,gnostic errors frequently1 especially in the third book1 he devotes a considerable part of his sixth book and the whole of his seventh to a presentation of the true ,gnostic4#ceg ,his view as to the service done mankind by the ,greek intellect is summed up in the often-quoted words3 8,philosophy was a tutor to bring the ,greeks1 as the law was to bring the ,hebrews1 to ,christ40#ceh ,but since it was ,clement's great pupil and successor1 ,origen1 who actually founded ,christian theology as a philosophy1 and who established his views so firmly that although the ,church has rejected much in detail1 its dogmas still bear the stamp of his system1 we shall pass at once to him and endeavor to set forth in summary the most important elements of his doctrine4 ,origen held fast to the traditional teaching of the ,apostles and to the ,old ,testament which he felt contained the sum of ,christian truth1#cei and at the same time he worked freely as a speculative thinker4 ,for the greater part of the period during which he was the head of the ,alexandrian ,school1 7c4 #bjc-bca7 he was undisturbed by persecution and could work in the clear atmosphere of scientific study4 ,his theology was built on the secular theology of his day4#cfj ,god he regarded as wholly transcendent1 but potentially everywhere present1 incomprehensible to man save in so far as man could behold the revelation of him in nature and in ,christ4 ,he predicated justice1 goodness1 and omnipotence of ,god1 not simply as potentialities1 but as attributes exercised fully and eternally in the universe4 ,still to leave man a free agent1 ,origen was obliged to hold that ,god limited his own omnipotence4 ,the belief in the eternal exercise of ,god's attributes required him to regard creation as eternal1 so that he held that ,god and his creatures had eternally existed2 ,god therefore1 he said1 had never existed apart from his creation1 but the two were coternal4 ,this does not mean that ,origen regarded the present world as existing in visible form from eternity1 for he taught quite the contrary3 this present world did begin and will end in time1 but it is only one in an infinite series of worlds1 a single expression of the eternal creative activity of ,god4#cfa ,the ,logos in ,origen's system stands midway between ,god and the world4 ,in opposition to those who claimed that the ,logos had been begotten in time and was therefore a temporal creature1 he insisted that the ,logos was without beginning1 but was eternally generated by ,god4 ,in attempting to make his view clear he employed familiar figures1 saying that the ,logos1 the eternal ,son1 was related to the ,father1 as the gleam to the source of light1 or the will to the mind of man4 ,he was the wisdom1 the consciousness1 and the activity of ,god2 and he likewise was ,god's perfect image1 a second ,god4 ,yet in essence he was not independent1 but rather one with the ,father by whose will he was eternally created4 ,being created1 however1 he was one stage removed from ,god toward the multiple creation2 being the medium of the ,divine1 he was the ,creator of the world4#cfb ,it will be observed that in this philosophical system there is no necessity for the redeemer1 and indeed ,origen made somewhat less use of this concept of ,christ than most other writers4 ,on ,christ's incarnation he insisted1 but the essential work of the human ,christ was revelation4#cfc ,nor did ,origen's system require the ,holy ,spirit1 but to comply with the ,christian belief he gave the ,spirit a place with ,god the ,father1 and ,christ the ,son1 and made him the inspirer of the prophets and apostles4 ,the functions of the three persons in one1 so far as man is concerned1 he defined by saying that ,god gave man existence1 the ,son supplied reason1 and the ,spirit holiness4 ,although he held the ,spirit to be of the eternal essence of ,god1 he made him subordinate to the ,son1 being the first creation through the ,logos4 ,thus ,origen in reality established two stages of creation3 the ,logos and the ,holy ,spirit4#cfd ,below these he placed an infinite number of lesser spirits1 endowed with freedom and bound for a time with matter3 angels1 men1 and demons4 ,by the exercise of their freedom certain spirits have fallen from perfect holiness and1 entering into bodies1 have become the souls of men1 aided by those spirits which have held fast to purity and are ,god's angels1 and hindered by the demons who have fallen lower than men and who prefer evil and find pleasure in it4#cfe ,the chief of the fallen angels is the devil4#cff ,yet the world is ruled by divine providence toward ultimate good2 evil therefore will not finally conquer3 men who now choose the good become the sons of ,god and rise to the rank of angels4 ,ultimately1 by a process which will go on imperceptibly through countless ages1 even the evil spirits will be brought back to ,god and so all wickedness shall be purged away4#cfg ,then this course will begin again4 ,origen's human psychology was probably taken from his teacher ,clement2 but the views of both1 like those of the ,gnostics1 go back ultimately to ,plato4#cfh ,accordingly ,origen held that the human body has two souls1 the first the animal or the passionate1 the second the reasonable soul or the spirit4 ,the latter is man's divine essence which enters him from above2 the former becomes his at the time of his conception4#cfi ,to human spirits1 as to all others1 ,god granted freedom1 and through their evil choice they fell1 so that all men are born in a condition of sin4 ,the duty of man is to endeavor to give his divine soul the mastery in him that he may thereby become like ,god and attain eternal happiness2 his inherent sin must be overcome by his own will and determined aspiration4 ,not that ,origen believed that man could fully accomplish his own salvation2 on the contrary he held most firmly that divine grace was needed2 but he maintained that the first step1 an act of faith1 did depend on the individual's free choice4#cgj ,the historical revelation of the ,logos and the redemptive work of ,christ1 who by his death dealt the first blow in the struggle to overthrow the devil1 were both made a part of the plan of salvation by ,origen1 although1 as ,i have said1 redemption is not logically an indispensable element in his system4#cga ,there are three stages of ,christian progress1 according to ,origen4 ,in the first and lowest man may advance through faith and by a belief in the redemptive death of the historic ,christ to a state of sinlessness and to fellowship with ,god4 ,here the ,logos incarnate in ,jesus acts through revelation and redemption as a physician to cure men of their sins4 ,but beyond is a higher stage in which through love and knowledge the soul may mount from its view of the phenomenal world to the 8invisible things of ,god10 that is1 to an understanding of the whole creation2 and still further soar from these upward to 8the eternal power of ,god1 in short1 to ,god's own divinity40 ,in these higher stages the ,logos is the teacher of the divine mysteries2 they make the contemplative life in which the ,christian may obtain perfect knowledge4 ,to such a ,gnostic as the ,christian becomes who has been granted the vision1 the historic ,christ is no longer significant2 the ,logos in his manifold revelations teaches him the supreme truth4#cgb ,thus we see that ,origen assumed that there were two forms of ,christianity1 an exoteric for the mass1 who were capable only of faith and who could not grasp the deeper truths1 and an esoteric1 reserved for the few who could understand the mysteries of ,god and whose souls could rise to the knowledge of ,god himself4 ,this double view depended in part on his ,gnostic tendencies1 in part on his interpretation of ,scripture1 to which we shall presently turn4 ,we have now followed the development of ,christianity from the simple teachings of ,jesus into a ,greek philosophy1 as illustrated by the later writings of the ,new ,testament1 the ,apologists1 the ,gnostics1 and ,origen4 ,the last of these completed the process which began in ,paul and the ,epistle to the ,hebrews1 for he united successfully and fully1 the religious principles of the ,christian religion with the content of ,hellenic philosophy4 ,it must be evident furthermore that ,origen and those who prepared the way for him1 were no less debtors to the ,greeks than they were to the ,hebrews1 to ,jesus1 and to ,paul1 since the form and in no small degree the very matter of their philosophy had been provided by secular thought4 ,indeed ,porphyry with some reason charged ,origen with being more ,greek than ,christian4#cgc ,it will be observed that ,origen1 and his predecessors also in large measure1 made man's salvation a part of a philosophy of the entire universe1 each portion of which was to be fully understood only through a comprehension of the whole4 ,that is to say1 the scheme of salvation was an element in cosmological speculation4 ,the earliest ,greek philosophers had been concerned with a solution of the physical cosmos2 soon thinkers began to search for the causes of change1 without1 however1 troubling themselves with ethics or religion2 but from the end of the fifth century ,b4,c41 the position of man1 his obligations and his happiness1 the nature of the ,divine and the relation between ,god and the world1 became dominant themes4 ,in ,plato we see first fully developed a religious philosophy of the cosmos of which man's salvation is an inseparable part4 ,the line from ,plato to ,origen1 and we may add to the present day1 is unbroken4 ,thus we find that ,greek philosophy furnished the general plan for a statement of ,christianity which should not only be intelligible1 attractive1 and convincing to the learned and the simple alike1 but which should also prove triumphant over the ,gnostics and other aberrant thinkers4 ,this transformation of the rule of faith into an ,hellenic philosophy was contemporaneous with the growth of the separate churches into one body politic with an organization fitted for present defense and for future aggression4 99 99 99 99 99 ,if space allowed1 numerous illustrations might be adduced to show how pagan philosophy and mysticism had influenced ,christian theologians in details4 ,many examples we have already seen in passing1 such as the view held by both ,clement and ,origen1 as well as by the ,gnostics and perhaps by ,paul1 that the supreme ,christian truth was to be obtained by direct revelation1 by a vision of the ,divine4 ,this was a current belief not only in the later mystic philosophies1 like ,neopythagoreanism and ,neoplatonism1 but also in the mystic religions1 and in the ,greek mysteries likewise4 ,again it would be possible to show that ,origen's ethical system owed much more to ,stoicism and to later ,platonism than to the teachings of ,christ1 which1 however1 were easily brought into accord with the philosophers' doctrines4 ,or once more we might enlarge on the development of the triune nature of ,god1 whereby the transcendent ,god and the ,logos of pagan theology were united with a varying concept of the spirit of ,god1 also familiar in ,hellenic thought1 to produce the ,trinity of ,christian dogma4 ,thus in examining the ways in which ,christianity accommodated itself to the intellectual world for purposes of defense and conquest1 we have been seeing many examples of the influence which the pagan environment had on ,christianity4 ,let us now examine a few further illustrations4 ,the first of these shall be the method of interpretation which was applied to the sacred writings4 ,as early as the sixth century ,b4,c41 the ,homeric mythology had aroused a protest from ,xenophanes and others2#cgd and in defense a new form of interpretation was adopted by the supporters of ,homer who declared that there was a deeper meaning to the myths than appeared on the surface4 ,theagenes of ,rhegium 7c4 #ebe ,b4,c47 suggested that the ,homeric gods expressed either human faculties or natural elements1 and thus he began the long history of allegorical exegesis4#cge ,from this time such interpretation of myths became a common practice2 it was adopted by the ,stoics2 at ,alexandria ,jewish scholars took it over and applied it to the writings of the ,old ,testament1 so that before the beginning of our era the sacred writings were regularly so explained4 ,philo shows how universal the procedure was4 ,by it of course the historical character of the ,old ,testament was thrust into the background1 and thus many difficulties of interpretation were avoided which otherwise would vex a man who regarded every part of the sacred books as perfect4 ,naturally the early ,christians followed their predecessors1 and in fact allegorical interpretation of the ,old ,testament has lasted down to our own time4 ,origen helped to fix the standard system1 so to speak2 there were1 according to him1 three senses in which the ,scriptures were to be understood1 corresponding to the triple nature of man3 first1 the literal sense which was for the 8flesh10 the simple man2 secondly1 the psychic which fitted the moral man2 and finally the pneumatic sense1 for the spiritual man4#cgf ,the development of ,christian asceticism will serve as another illustration of our present theme4 ,it will be remembered that the ,orphics and the ,pythagoreans imposed on their followers a mode of life in which certain things were forbidden4 ,these two sects were the first to grasp the meaning of the dualism of the flesh and spirit which we have found significant throughout the course of our investigation4 ,plato and the later philosophic schools developed the higher significance of man's dual nature until asceticism in greater or less degree became the normal regimen for the philosopher of almost every school4 ,in the oriental religions also certain abstentions were required as preparation for initiation into their mysteries4 ,on the whole asceticism was foreign to both ,judaism and early ,christianity4#cgg ,in the ,pauline epistles it is true that we find passages in which the flesh and the spirit are contrasted2 virginity is moderately approved in the ,first ,epistle to the ,corinthians1 but the ,epistle to the ,colossians contains a direct argument against the errors of ascetic teachers in ,asia ,minor1 and the non-,pauline ,first ,epistle to ,timothy combats celibacy and vegetarianism4#cgh ,it was indeed somewhat difficult to find a satisfactory warrant for an ascetic life in the ,new ,testament4 ,christianity1 however1 could not escape its environment4 ,presently in the second century certain sects like the ,gnostics1 ,montanists1 and ,encratites appeared which laid great stress on ascetic practice2 at the same time the habit of fasting generally increased2 many bound themselves to perpetual virginity2 and riches were regarded as incompatible with the highest ,christian character4 ,in the third century numbers began to withdraw from the world1 and by the fifth century monasticism was established in both the ,east and the ,west4 ,but it was paganism which had given men the ideal of the ascetic saint1 and the ,church writers who furnished the warrant for the ,christian practice1 drew their arguments from ,greek philosophers1 and sometimes found it difficult to meet the criticisms of the ,jewish defenders of a normal human life4 ,the almost universal rite of baptism as a means of ritual purification was employed by the early ,christians4 ,jesus had been baptized by ,john1 but he never made baptism a condition of discipleship4 ,the ,apostles baptized with water immediately after conversion4 ,confession of sins1 repentance1 and the acknowledgment of ,jesus as the ,christ were the antecedent requirements2 the act itself was believed to mark the remission of sins and the bestowal of the ,holy ,spirit4 ,but by the early second century we find that the convert went through a period of instruction and was obliged to fast before he could be baptized4#cgi ,from the middle of this century a new group of ideas drawn from the mysteries was associated with the rite4 ,it became a mystery 771 the one who conferred it was a mystagogue 772 many forms of speech used in pagan initiations were employed2 and the pagan expression 8enlightenment0 71 7 became a ,christian term4 ,likewise those who had been initiated into the ,christian mysteries were said to bear a seal 77 on their foreheads4#chj ,in general it was commonly thought that baptism--the ,christian initiation--had a magic power to secure salvation similar to that which the pagan initiatory ritual was believed to possess4 ,moreover a long period of preparation was required1 a sharp distinction was made between those who had received this ,christian initiation and those who had not2 and the ,church became a secret association4#cha ,later the ,lord's ,prayer and the formula of baptism became a pass word 771 which was kept from the catechumens until shortly before baptism4 ,likewise the ,lord's ,supper in time assumed the character of a mystery4 ,ignatius1 ,justin1 and ,irenaeus1 all natives of the ,east and familiar with pagan mysteries1 ascribe an extraordinary efficacy to its celebration4 ,the elements were believed to become the flesh and blood of ,christ1#chb or to take on a heavenly nature in addition to the earthly1 whereby the partaker gained the hope of eternal resurrection4#chc ,ignatius early in the century had called the bread 8the medicine of immortality and antidote against death40#chd ,as such it had a magic value4 ,if time and subject allowed1 we might draw further illustrations of the influence of paganism from the calendar of the ,church1 which would show how pagan festivals were supplanted by ,christian2 or we might examine the list of accepted saints1 some of whom have heathen origins--others are composites1 so to speak2 or again we might turn to ,christian art and see how pagan types were adapted to ,christian uses4 ,but although such studies might prove interesting1 we may not enter on them now1 for we have already departed somewhat from our proper theme4 ,yet great as the influence of the pagan environment was on ,christianity1 there is always a possibility that in such a study as the present we may get a wrong point of view4 ,we should remember that ,christianity was a positive religion1 which in being transformed into a ,greek philosophy did not lose its own character2 indeed it was not obscured by the ,greek intellectual habit1 but it appropriated that habit and in the end made it its own4 ,pagan thought and practice affected ,christianity in countless ways1 but they did not overwhelm it4 ,nor must we underestimate the service which paganism rendered the faith which was to overthrow it4 ,the philosopher's long search for a rule of life1 the ,greek and oriental mysteries1 and the mystic theosophies1 all provided an environment ready and favorable to ,christianity4 ,the rapid spread of this new religion1 at first in ,syria and ,asia ,minor1 was not due simply to the propinquity of these countries to ,palestine4 ,they had been for centuries familiar with mystic religions which in a crude way aimed to give what ,christianity promised in nobler fashion4 ,the same thing was true in a measure of the great centers of the ,west4 ,without an environment already prepared for it ,christianity would have had a very different history from the one we know4 ,moreover we have now abundantly seen how ,greek rhetoric and philosophy furnished the forms by which ,christianity made itself understood1 and how they gave the intellectual weapons by which in part it gained its victory over paganism4 99 99 99 99 99 ,now we may ask what were some of the chief reasons for ,christianity's triumph4 ,sometimes it is lightly said that its victory was due to the fact that it 8promised immortality to a hopeless world40 ,but we know that there were many contemporaneous religions which promised immortality and that the world was not without hope4 ,we must try to look somewhat more deeply1 and we cannot limit ourselves wholly to intellectual causes4 ,the first1 although not the most significant1 reason may be found in the positive and noble monotheism of ,christianity4 ,other religions by syncretistic processes arrived at a doctrine of the unity of the ,divine1 of one ,god who embraced in himself a multitude of divinities2 but the new faith1 supported by its ,jewish inheritance1 taught that ,god was but ,one and that there was no other4 ,yet the most important causes are to be found in the person and mission of ,jesus4 ,he brought a new revelation of ,god to men2 and it was a revelation which men believed the ,old ,testament had foretold4 ,the ,jewish ,scriptures were the one body of sacred writings known to the ,greco-,roman world1 and their authority was enormous wherever anti-,jewish prejudices were overcome1 or when1 as in ,christian thought1 ,jesus was related to its prophecies4 ,this influence had extended to ,greeks1 especially in such places as ,alexandria1 long before ,jesus began his ministry4 ,therefore it was natural that the ,gentiles' desire for revelation as well as the ,jews' ,messianic hopes should be attached to the ,old ,testament1 so that ,christianity had the support of its weighty authority4 ,again ,christianity knew its saviour and redeemer not as some god whose history was contained in a myth filled with rude1 primitive1 and even offensive elements1 as were the stories of ,attis1 of ,osiris1 and to a degree of ,dionysus4 ,such myths required violent interpretation to make them acceptable to enlightened minds4 ,on the contrary the ,christian saviour had lived and associated with men1 whose minds and senses had apprehended his person1 acts1 and character4 ,these witnesses had transmitted their knowledge directly1 and they had testified that the life of ,jesus corresponded to his teachings4 ,jesus was then an historical1 not a mythical being4 ,no remote or foul myth obtruded itself on the ,christian believer2 his faith was founded on positive1 historical1 and acceptable facts4 ,christianity showed a superior power of adaptation to every class2 it was a practical guide of life for all1 a guide which was soon recognized by its opponents to be of the highest ethical value4 ,in spite of the human weaknesses of ,christians1 their superior morality was generally recognized from the time of ,pliny4#che ,their motives for righteous living sprang from love and faith rather than from any social or rational sanctions2 and the fruits were 8love1 joy1 peace1 longsuffering1 kindness1 goodness1 faithfulness1 meekness1 temperance40 ,these virtues and the belief that ,christ's revelation and the mystic union of man with the ,divine brought salvation1 could be understood by the most unlettered4 ,the intellectual classes found ,christianity fulfilling the aim of both ,greek thought and of ,old ,testament prophecy2 in it they saw the ultimate philosophy4 ,christianity therefore proved itself a religion which satisfied men's desires and hopes as well as their philosophic aims in a more complete and spiritual way than oriental mysticism or ,greek rationalism2 and it gave a nobler assurance of salvation4 ,finally1 experience taught the value of ,christianity2 already in the second century the ,apologists could make the appeal to common knowledge of the ,christians to show the superiority of their faith4 ,yet by the close of the second century ,christianity had not won many adherents outside of ,syria and ,asia ,minor1 save in the greater cities4 ,the third century was the period in which paganism rapidly decayed and ,christianity swiftly advanced toward its triumph2 by the year #cjj it had filled the ,mediterranean world1 and the proud claim which ,tertullian had made a century before1 began to be justified3 8,we are of yesterday1 and yet we have filled all your holdings1 cities1 houses1 castles1 towns1 councils1 your very camps1 tribes1 wards1 the palace1 the senate1 the forum--we have left you only your temples40#chf ,the victory over pagan religions and philosophies was indeed certain2 but this success had been secured on the intellectual side by the transformation of the teachings of ,jesus and of the apostles into a ,greek philosophy4 ,it is as such that ,christianity has the final place in a history of ,greek religious thought4 ,,footnotes3 #ccf ,history of ,dogma1 ,,ii1 #agj4 #ccg ,vid4 ,justin's arguments1 ,apol4 ,i1 #ca-ec4 ,athenagoras1 ,legat4 #i1 limits himself to the testimonies of the prophets as to the nature of ,god4 ,cf4 also ,tatian1 #bj1 at the end4 #cch ,justin1 ,apol4 ,,ii1 #h ff42 cf4 ,i1 #df4 ,in two passages 7,apol4 ,i1 #dd and #ei7 ,justin illogically declares that the ,greeks owed all their true knowledge to their borrowings from ,moses4 ,herein he was simply following the ,alexandrian ,jews4 #cci ,legat4 #g4 #cdj ,tatian1 ,orat4 #e2 cf4 ,athen41 ,legat4 #d4 ,the ideas recur frequently in nearly all the ,apologists4 #cda 7,justin7 ,dial4 cum ,tryphone #fa1 #fb1 #aje1 #abh2 ,tatian1 ,orat4 #e-g2 ,athen41 ,legat4 #aj1 #af1 #bd4 #cdb ,cf4 ,justin1 ,apol4 ,i1 #e1 #ac1 #fa1 #fe1 #fg2 ,dial4 #g1 #bi1 #aaf2 ,tatian1 ,orat4 #ac2 ,athen41 ,legat4 #aj4 #cdc ,justin1 ,apol4 ,i1 #e1 #ae1 #ba1 #ef2 ,,ii1 #e-g2 ,tatian1 ,orat4 #g f41 #aa2 ,athen41 ,legat4 #bd ff4 #cdd ,justin1 ,apol4 ,i1 #ae ff41 and often in the apologetic writings4 #cde ,cf4 ,apol4 ,i1 #bc1 #fc2 ,,ii1 #f4 #cdf ,cf4 p4 #bgd4 #cdg ,gal4 ,i1 #aa-ab2 ,eph4 ,,iii1 #c-d4 #cdh ,history of ,dogma1 ,i1 #bbb ff4 #cdi ,irenaeus1 ,adv4 ,haer4 ,i1 #bd1 #c-d4 #cej ,irenaeus1 ,adv4 ,haer4 ,i1 #a-c4 #cea ,cf4 ,ptolemaeus1 apud ,epiphan41 ,haer4 ,,xxxiii1 #c-g1 ,epist4 ad ,floram1 at the beginning4 #ceb ,irenaeus1 ,adv4 ,haer4 ,i1 #e-h4 ,the ,valentinian idea of the triple nature of man is as old as ,plato4 #cec ,irenaeus1 ,adv4 ,haer4 ,i1 #bd1 #b-d4 #ced ,ibid41 ,i1 #b1 #e-f4 #cee ,cf4 ,irenaeus1 ,adv4 ,haer4 ,i1 #bc1 #d2 #bd1 #e4 #cef 4 #ceg ,cf4 also ,strom4 ,,ii1 #ai-bj4 #ceh ,strom4 ,i1 #e1 #bh1 #c2 cf4 ,i1 #bj1 #ig2 ,,vi1 #g1 #ei4 #cei ,cf4 ,de prin4 ,praef4 #a4 #cfj ,tradition says that ,origen heard the discourses of ,ammonius ,saccas1 the founder of the ,neoplatonic ,school4 ,porphyr4 apud ,euseb4 ,h4 ,e4 ,,vi1 #ai1 #f4 #cfa ,de prin4 ,i1 #a2 ,,iii1 #e4 #cfb ,de prin4 ,i1 #a and #b deal with ,god and ,christ respectively in a systematic way2 cf4 also ,,ii1 #e and #f4 ,besides there are many passages in ,origen's extant works1 too numerous for reference here1 which show his views4 #cfc ,de prin4 ,,ii1 #f4 #cfd ,de prin4 ,i1 #c2 ,,ii1 #g4 #cfe ,origen adopted the popular belief in the existence of angels and demons and made great use of it in explaining the present state of the world4 ,the passages in his works are too numerous to be all named here2 but ,de prin4 ,i1 #h1 entire is devoted to the topic4 #cff ,c4 ,cels4 ,,iv1 #fe2 ,de prin4 ,i1 #e4 #cfg ,de prin4 ,,iii1 #f2 cf4 ,i1 #e1 #c4 #cfh ,clement1 ,paed4 ,,iii1 #a1 #a4 ,strom4 ,v1 #ad1 #id2 ,,vi1 #af1 #acd f4 ,cf4 ,plato1 ,rep4 ,,iv1 #dcf ,a-#dda ,c2 ,tim4 #db ,a4 #cfi ,de prin4 ,,iii1 #d2 cf4 ,,ii1 #h4 #cgj ,de prin4 ,,iii1 #a2 ,in ,matt41 ser4 #fi2 in ,rom4 ,,iv1 #e2 ,,ix1 #c4 #cga ,c4 ,cels4 ,,vii1 #ag2 cf4 ,i1 #ca2 ,exhort4 ad ,mart4 entire4 #cgb ,c4 ,cel4 ,,iii1 #ei-fb2 ,,vii1 #df4 ,cf4 in ,joh4 ,i1 #bj-bb2 ,c4 ,cel4 ,,ii1 #ff-fi2 ,,iv1 #ae-ah2 ,,vi1 #fh4 #cgc ,apud ,euseb4 ,h4 ,e4 ,,vi1 #ai1 #g f4 #cgd ,cf4 pp4 #aai ff4 #cge ,schol4 ,venet4 ad ,il4 ,,xx1 #fg4 #cgf ,de prin4 ,,iv1 #aa;ff4 #cgg ,the ,essenes seem to have been a ,jewish sect strongly under the influence of ,orphic and ,pythagorean ideas4 ,neither they nor the ,therapeutae influenced ,judaism or ,christianity to any considerable extent4 #cgh #a ,cor4 ,,vii entire2 ,col4 ,,ii1 #bj-bc2 #a ,tim4 ,,iv1 #a-c4 #cgi ,didache #g4 #chj ,cf4 ,clement1 ,protrep4 #ab2 ,paed4 ,i1 #f2 ,strom4 ,,ii1 #c4 ,although we cannot be quite certain that and were technical terms of the ,greek mysteries1 they undoubtedly corresponded to ideas and practices found in both ,hellenic and oriental mystic religions4 ,for a full list of authorities see the works of ,hatch1 ,anrich1 ,wobbermin1 and ,clemen named1 p4 #cfh4 #cha ,cf4 ,celsus' charges1 ,origen1 ,c4 ,cel4 #a1 #a1 and ,origen's reply1 ibid41 #a1 #g4 ,origen defends an esoteric ,christianity by the examples of philosophy and the pagan mysteries4 #chb ,justin1 ,apol4 ,i1 #ff4 #chc ,iren41 ,adv4 ,haer4 ,,iv1 #ca1 #d2 frg4 #cf ,harvey4 #chd ,ignatius1 ad ,eph4 #bj4 #che ,plin41 ,ep4 ,x1 #if4 #chf ,apol4 #cg4 ,,appendix ,i ,,bibliography ,,general ,,works ,the relevant articles in the ,encyclopaedia ,britannica1 #aa ed41 are often valuable1 being written by specialists4 ,of other encyclopedic works the following are most useful3 ,hastings3 ,encyclopaedia of ,religion and ,ethics1 ,i-,,viii1 ,a-,mulla1 #aijh-4 ,w4 ,roscher3 ,ausfhrliches ,lexikon der griechischen und rmischen ,mythologie1 ,a-,tan1 #ahhd-4 ,pauly-,wissowa3 ,real-,encyclopdie der classischen ,altertumswissenschaft1 ,a-,imperator1 ,ra-,ryton1 #ahid-4 ,daremberg et ,saglio3 ,dictionnaire des antiquits grecques et romaines1 ,a-,via1 #ahhg-4 ,,greek ,,religion4--,l4 ,r4 ,farnell3 ,the ,cults of the ,greek ,states1 #e vols41 #ahif-aijg4 ,a comprehensive study of the greater divinities4 ,id43 ,the ,higher ,aspects of ,greek ,religion1 #aiab4 ,l4 ,campbell3 ,religion in ,greek ,literature1 #ahih4 ,j4 ,adam3 ,the ,religious ,teachers of ,greece1 #b ed41 #aiji4 ,an interesting and valuable book for the period from ,homer to ,plato4 ,a4 ,fairbanks3 ,a ,handbook of ,greek ,religion1 #aiaj4 ,an admirable treatment of the subject in moderate compass with excellent bibliographies4 ,g4 ,f4 ,moore3 ,history of ,religions1 ,i1 pp4 #djf-fjb1 on ,greek and ,roman ,religions1 #aiac4 ,the work of a master in the entire field4 ,ed4 ,meyer3 ,geschichte des ,altertums1 ,,ii-,v1 #ahic-aijb4 ,the religion of the ,greeks is nowhere else so well treated from the historical point of view4 ,g4 ,f4 v4 ,schoemann3 ,griechische ,altertmer1 #d ed41 by ,lipsius1 ,,ii1 pp4 #acc-fjg1 #aijb4 ,p4 ,stengel3 ,die griechischen ,kultusaltertmer1 #b ed41 #ahih4 ,the best treatment of the religious antiquities of the ,greeks4 ,o4 ,gruppe3 ,griechische ,mythologie und ,religionsgeschichte1 #b vols41 #ahig1 #aijf4 ,this is the most comprehensive work dealing with the subject2 its value is somewhat impaired by the author's peculiar views4 ,s4 ,wide3 ,griechische und ,rmische ,religion1 in ,gercke und ,norden3 ,einleitung in die ,altertumswissenschaft1 #b ed41 ,,ii1 pp4 #afi-bga1 #aiab4 ,,mythology4--,the ,mythology of all ,races1 ,i1 ,greek and ,roman1 by ,w4 ,s4 ,fox1 #aiaf4 ,a modern presentation of the myths connected with the chief gods2 the book is well illustrated and is provided with an ample bibliography4 ,preller3 ,griechische ,mythologie1 ,i1 #d ed41 by ,robert1 #ahid2 ,,ii1 #c ed41 by ,plew1 #ahgb4 ,,ethics4--,l4 ,schmidt3 ,die ,ethik der alten ,griechen1 #b vols41 #ahhb4 ,the standard treatment of the subject4 ,j4 ,denis3 ,histoire des thories et des ides morales dans l'antiquit1 #b ed41 #b vols41 #ahgi4 ,an historical account of ,greek morals to the end of the fifth century of our era4 ,m4 ,wundt3 ,geschichte der griechischen ,ethik1 #b vols41 #aijh1 #aiaa4 ,this book covers the periods from ,homer to ,marcus ,aurelius4 ,w4 ,e4 ,h4 ,lecky3 ,history of ,european ,morals1 ,i1 pp4 #afi-cef4 ,the period from ,augustus to ,neoplatonism1 #ahfi4 ,c4 ,martha3 tudes morales sur l'antiquit1 ,paris1 #ahif4 ,w4 ,h4 ,s4 ,jones3 ,greek ,morality in ,relation to ,institutions1 #aijf4 ,,philosophy4--,ed4 ,zeller3 ,die ,philosophie der ,griechen3 ,i1 #a and #b1 #e ed41 #ahib2 ,,ii1 #a1 #d ed41 #ahhi2 ,,ii1 #b1 #c ed41 #ahgi2 ,,iii1 #a1 #d ed41 #aiji2 ,,iii1 #b1 #d ed41 #aijc4 ,english translations from the fourth or third ,german editions3 ,pre-,socratic ,philosophy1 #b vols41 #ahha2 ,socrates and the ,socratic ,schools1 #ahhe2 ,plato and the ,older ,academy1 #ahhh2 ,aristotle and the ,early ,peripatetics1 #b vols41 #ahig2 ,the ,stoics1 ,epicureans1 and ,sceptics1 #ahib4 ,the best history of ancient philosophy1 containing full references to the sources4 ,th4 ,gomperz3 ,griechische ,denker1 #c vols41 #b ed41 #aijc-ji4 ,english translation3 ,greek ,thinkers1 #d vols41 #aija-ab4 ,a stimulating book1 but less useful than ,zeller's4 ,j4 ,burnet3 ,early ,greek ,philosophy1 #b ed41 #aijh2 id43 ,greek ,philosophy1 ,i1 ,thales to ,plato1 #aiad4 ,a4 ,w4 ,benn3 ,the ,greek ,philosophers1 #b ed41 #aiad4 ,three valuable books4 ,m4 ,louis3 ,doctrines religieuses des philosophes ,grecs1 #aiji4 ,i ,t4 ,d4 ,seymour3 ,life in the ,homeric ,age1 chaps4 xiv-xvi1 #aijg4 ,gives the facts with regard to religion in the ,iliad and ,odyssey4 ,j4 ,adam3 ,religious ,teachers1 pp4 #ba-hc4 ,e4 ,rohde3 ,psyche ,i#c1 pp4 #a ff41 #aijc4 ,ngelsbach3 ,homerische ,theologie1 #c ed41 #ahhd4 ,o4 ,gruppe3 ,griechische ,mythologie1 pp4 #ihg-ajae4 ,campbell3 ,religion in ,greek ,literature1 pp4 #ec-aac4 ,j4 ,girard3 ,le sentiment religieux en ,grce d',homre ,eschyle1 #c ed41 pp4 #a-acc1 #ahhg4 ,p4 ,waltz3 ,hsiode et son pome moral1 #aijf4 ,the most valuable treatment of ,hesiod's ,works and ,days4 ,ed4 ,meyer3 ,hesiods ,erga und das ,gedicht von den fnf ,menschengeschlectern1 in ,genethliakon1 #aiaj4 ,o4 ,gruppe3 ,die griechischen ,culte und ,mythen1 ,i1 pp4 #efg-fab1 #ahhg4 ,p4 ,decharme3 ,la critique des traditions religieuses chez les ,grecs1 pp4 #a-bf1 #aijd4 ,,ii ,the ,orphic fragments are quoted from the edition by ,abel1 #ahhe2 the tablets found in graves from ,diels3 ,fragmente der ,vorsokratiker1 #c ed41 ,,ii1 pp4 #afc ff41 #aiab4 ,lobeck3 ,aglaophamus sive de theologiae mysticae ,graecorum causis1 #ahbi4 ,the classic work4 ,rohde3 ,psyche1 ,i#c1 pp4 #bgh ff41 on the ,mysteries2 ,,ii#c1 pp4 #a ff41 on ,dionysiac religion and ,orphism4 ,adam3 ,religious ,teachers1 chap4 v4 ,campbell3 ,religion in ,greek ,literature1 pp4 #bch-bff4 ,fairbanks3 ,handbook of ,greek ,religion1 pp4 #abh-acg2 #bcj-bdh4 ,j4 ,e4 ,harrison3 ,prolegomena to the ,study of ,greek ,religion1 #b ed41 chaps1 viii-xii1 #aijh4 ,this book must be used with caution4 ,b4 ,i4 ,wheeler3 ,dionysus and ,immortality1 #ahii4 ,the ,ingersoll ,lecture for #ahih-ii4 ,girard3 ,le sentiment religieux1 pp4 #aga-big4 ,gruppe3 ,griechische ,culte und ,mythen1 ,i1 pp4 #fab-fge2 ,griechische ,mythologie1 #ajaf-ajda4 ,e4 ,maass3 ,orpheus4 ,untersuchungen zur griechischen1 rmischen1 altchristlichen ,jenseitsdichtung und ,religion1 #ahie4 ,a4 ,dieterich3 ,nekyia4 ,beitrge zur ,erklrung der neuentdeckten ,petrusapokalypse1 #b ed41 #aiac4 ,although the two preceding books deal primarily with early ,christianity1 they contain much matter bearing on early ,orphism and the ,mysteries4 ,farnell3 ,cults of the ,greek ,states1 ,,iii1 pp4 #abf-bac2 #cdc-cfg2 ,v1 #he-aha4 ,a4 ,mommsen3 ,feste der ,stadt ,athen1 pp4 #bjd-bgg2 #dje-dba1 #ahih4 ,p4 ,foucart1 ,les mystres d',eleusis1 #aiad4 ,the author's hypothesis of the ,egyptian origin of the ,eleusinian mysteries is untenable4 ,k4 ,h4 ,e4 ,de ,jong3 ,das antike ,mysterienwesen1 #aiji4 ,a discussion of the phenomena connected with the several mysteries4 ,,iii ,the fragments of ,archilochus1 ,solon1 ,theognis1 and ,simonides are quoted from ,bergk3 ,poetae ,lyrici ,graeci1 #c ed41 ,,ii and ,,iii2 those of ,aeschylus and ,sophocles from ,nauck3 ,tragicorum ,graecorum ,fragmenta1 #b ed41 #ahhi4 ,adam3 ,religious ,teachers1 pp4 #hc-ahc4 ,campbell3 ,religion in ,greek ,literature1 pp4 #aad-aba2 #afi-ahj2 #aie-bjh2 #bfg-bij4 ,girard3 ,le sentiment religieux1 pp4 #ace-agj2 #bdg-ddh4 ,decharme3 ,critique des traditions religieuses1 pp4 #ia-aab4 ,gruppe3 ,griechische ,mythologie1 pp4 #ajda-ajeh4 ,e4 ,buchholz3 ,die sittlichen ,weltanschauung des ,pindaros und ,aeschylos1 #ahfi4 ,f4 ,f4 ,c4 ,fischer3 ,de deo ,aeschyleo1 #aiab4 ,dronke3 ,die religisen und sittlichen ,vorstellungen des ,aeschylos und ,sophocles1 ,jahrbb4 fr klass4 ,phil41 ,suppl4 ,,iv1 pp4 #a-aaf4 ,f4 ,lbker3 ,die sophokleische ,theologie und ,ethik1 #ahea1 #ahee4 ,,iv ,the fragments of the pre-,socratic philosophers are quoted from ,diels3 ,fragmente der ,vorsokratiker1 #b vols41 #c ed41 #aiab2 those of ,euripides from ,nauck3 ,tragicorum ,graecorum ,fragmenta1 #b ed41 #ahhi4 ,adam3 ,religious ,teachers1 pp4 #ahd-cee4 ,campbell3 ,religion in ,greek ,literature1 pp4 #bia-ccg4 ,zeller3 ,philosophie der ,griechen1 ,i1 #ae1 pp4 #eba-eeb2 ,i1 #be1 pp4 #fbc-hcg2 #ifh-aafd2 ,english translation1 ,pre-,socratic ,philosophy1 ,,ii1 pp4 #a-bjf2 #cba-eaf4 ,socrates and the ,socratic ,schools1 pp4 #ci-bcf4 ,gomperz3 ,griechische ,denker1 ,i#b1 pp4 #abg-acd2 #afh-bjd2 #cca-cif2 ,,ii#b1 pp4 #c-ie2 ,english translation1 ,i1 #aee-afd2 #bjh-bed2 #dab-dif2 ,,ii1 pp4 #c-aah4 ,g4 ,grote3 ,history of ,greece1 chaps4 #fg-fh4 ,burnet3 ,early ,greek ,philosophy1 pp4 #adc-aia2 #bbg-cah2 ,greek ,philosophy1 pp4 #eg-ha2 #aje-aib4 ,benn3 ,greek ,philosophers1 pp4 #fe-adc4 ,louis3 ,doctrines religieuses1 pp4 #a-ie4 ,decharme3 ,critique des traditions religieuses1 pp4 #dc-fc2 #aac-adj2 ,euripide et l'esprit de son thetre1 #ahic2 ,english translation by ,james ,loeb3 ,euripides and the ,spirit of his ,dramas1 #aijf4 ,a4 ,verrall3 ,euripides the ,rationalist1 #ahie4 ,w4 ,nestle3 ,euripides der ,dichter der griechischen ,aufklrung1 #aijb4 ,v ,adam3 ,religious ,teachers1 pp4 #cef-dfj4 ,on ,plato by one of the best of recent ,english ,platonists4 ,zeller3 ,philosophie der ,griechen1 ,,ii1 #ad1 pp4 #chi-ihb2 ,,ii1 #bc1 pp4 #a-hjf2 ,english translation1 ,plato and the ,older ,academy1 pp4 #a-eeb2 ,aristotle and the ,early ,peripatetics1 ,i-,,ii1 pp4 #a-cdg4 ,gomperz3 ,griechische ,denker1 ,,ii#b1 pp4 #bjc-ecc2 ,,iii#b1 entire2 ,english translation1 ,,ii1 pp4 #bdi-cig1 ,,iii and ,,iv1 entire4 ,burnet3 ,greek ,philosophy3 ,i1 pp4 #bje-cej4 ,benn3 ,greek ,philosophers1 pp4 #add-cbf4 ,e4 ,caird3 ,the ,evolution of ,theology in the ,greek ,philosophers1 ,i1 pp4 #eh-chb2 ,,ii1 pp4 #a-cj4 #aijd4 ,louis3 ,doctrines religieuses1 pp4 #ii-afd4 ,decharme3 ,critique des traditions religieuses1 pp4 #aha-bai2 #bcc-bdb4 ,campbell1 ,religion in ,greek ,literature1 pp4 #cdb-cfg4 ,,vi ,the fragments of the early ,stoics are quoted from von ,arnim3 ,stoicorum ,veterum ,fragmenta1 ,i-,,iii1 #aijc-je 7,s ,v ,f74 ,benn3 ,greek ,philosophers1 pp4 #cbf-cfd2 #deb-dgc2 #ebc-ehh4 ,caird3 ,theology in ,greek ,philosophers3 ,,ii1 pp4 #ca-caf4 ,louis3 ,doctrines religieuses1 pp4 #aii-cdc4 ,decharme3 ,critique des traditions religieuses1 pp4 #bei-eja4 ,zeller3 ,philosophie der ,griechen3 ,,iii1 #ad1 pp4 ,i-#cgc2 ,,iii1 #bd1 pp4 #hb-bah2 #bed-gce4 ,the ,english volume3 ,stoics1 ,epicureans1 and ,sceptics1 includes no more than its title indicates4 ,e4 ,v4 ,arnold3 ,roman ,stoicism1 #aiaa4 ,a useful book4 ,e4 ,bevan3 ,stoics and ,sceptics1 #aiac4 ,renan3 ,marc-,aurle1 #ahhb4 ,e4 ,brhier3 ,les ides philosophiques et religieuses de ,philo1 #aijh4 ,j4 ,martin1 ,philon1 #aijh4 ,whittaker3 ,the ,neo-,platonists1 #aija4 ,b4 ,a4 ,g4 ,fuller3 ,the ,problem of ,evil in ,plotinus1 #aiab4 ,,vii ,for the political relations of ,italy to ,greece and the ,east reference should be had to the standard histories of ,rome2 the following books deal primarily with religion4 ,g4 ,wissowa3 ,religion und ,kultus der ,rmer1 #b ed41 #aiab4 ,the ,standard book on the subject2 a comprehensive work of sound learning4 ,marquardt3 ,rmische ,staatsverwaltung1 ,,iii1 #b ed41 #ahhe4 ,w4 ,warde ,fowler3 ,the ,religious ,experience of the ,roman ,people from the ,earliest ,times to the ,age of ,augustus1 #aiaa4 ,the best book for the period4 ,id43 ,roman ,ideas of ,deity in the last ,century before the ,christian ,era1 #aiad2 ,the ,roman ,festivals of the ,period of the ,republic1 #ahii4 ,j4 ,b4 ,carter3 ,the ,religion of ,numa1 #aijf2 ,the ,religious ,life of ,ancient ,rome1 chaps1 i-iii1 #aiaa4 ,g4 ,boissier3 ,la religion romaine d',auguste aux ,antonines1 #f ed41 #aijf4 ,a valuable book written by a master4 ,dill3 ,roman ,society from ,nero to ,marcus ,aurelius1 #b ed41 pp4 #bhi-edf1 #aiaa4 ,e4 ,beurlier3 ,le culte imprial1 #ahia4 ,,viii ,dill3 ,roman ,society from ,nero to ,marcus ,aurelius1 pp4 #edg-fbf4 ,glover3 ,the ,conflict of ,religions in the ,early ,empire1 #c ed41 #aiji4 ,benn3 ,greek ,philosophers1 pp4 #dhg-ebb4 ,j4 ,reville3 ,la religion ,rome sous les ,svres1 #ahhf4 ,f4 ,cumont3 ,textes et monuments relatifs aux mystres de ,mithra1 #b vols41 #ahid-aijj4 ,the only treatment of any of the oriental religions which takes fully into account the monumental1 epigraphical1 and literary evidence4 ,id43 ,les mystres de ,mithra1 #b ed41 #aijb2 ,english translation1 #aiaj2 ,les religions orientales dans le paganisme romaine1 #aijg2 ,english translation1 #aiaa2 ,astrology and ,religion among the ,greeks and ,romans1 #aiab4 ,j4 ,toutain3 ,les cultes paens dans l'empire romain1 ,,ii1 #a ,les cultes orientaux1 #aiaa4 ,a valuable treatment of the oriental religions in the ,latin provinces4 ,the geographical distribution of these religions in ,britain1 the ,gauls and ,germanies1 and in ,spain has been discussed by ,c4 ,h4 ,moore in the following places3 ,harvard ,studies in ,classical ,philology1 ,,xi1 pp4 #dg ff42 ,transactions of the ,american ,philological ,association1 ,,xxxviii1 pp4 #aji ff42 and in ,studies in the ,history of ,religions presented to ,c4 ,h4 ,toy1 #aiab4 ,g4 ,showerman3 ,the ,great ,mother of the ,gods1 #aija4 ,hepding3 ,attis1 #aijc4 ,g4 ,lafaye3 ,histoire der culte des divinits d',alexandrie hors de l',egypte1 #ahhd4 ,r4 ,reitzenstein3 ,die hellenistischen ,mysterienreligionen1 #aiaj4 ,,ix-,x ,many of the pertinent articles in ,hastings' ,dictionary of the ,bible and ,encyclopaedia of ,religion and ,ethics1 in the ,encyclopaedia ,britannica1 #aa ed41 and in similar works are written by specialists and are valuable4 ,a4 ,harnack3 ,lehrbuch der ,dogmengeschichte1 ,i1 #d ed41 #aiji2 ,english translation from the third ,german edition1 ,i and ,,ii1 #aija4 ,the most valuable book on the subject4 ,f4 ,loofs3 ,leitfaden zum ,studium der ,dogmengeschichte1 #d ed41 ,halle1 #aijf4 ,the opening chapters cover the early period4 ,g4 ,b4 ,stevens3 ,the ,theology of the ,new ,testament1 #aijc4 ,h4 ,holtzmann3 ,lehrbuch der neutestamentlichen ,theologie1 #b vols41 #b ed41 #aiaa4 ,a4 ,c4 ,mc,giffert3 ,history of ,christianity in the ,apostolic ,age1 #ahig4 ,j4 ,h4 ,ropes3 ,the ,apostolic ,age1 #aijf4 ,s4 ,j4 ,case3 ,the ,evolution of ,early ,christianity1 #aiad4 ,k4 ,lake3 ,the ,earlier ,epistles of ,st4 ,paul1 #aiaa2 ,the ,stewardship of ,faith1 #aiae4 ,t4 ,r4 ,glover3 ,the ,conflict of ,religions in the ,roman ,empire1 #aiji4 ,j4 ,geffcken3 ,zwei griechischen ,apologeten1 #aijg4 ,an important commentary to ,aristides and ,athenagoras1 preceded by an introduction dealing with the history and characteristics of the ,greek ,apologists1 and followed by a sketch of the development of the apologetic literature after ,athenagoras to ,augustine4 ,a4 ,puech3 ,les apologistes grecs du ,,iie sicle de notre re1 #aiab4 ,h4 ,s4 ,mansel3 ,the ,gnostic ,heresies1 #ahge4 ,e4 de ,faye3 ,gnostiques et gnosticisme1 #aiac4 ,c4 ,bigg3 ,the ,christian ,platonists of ,alexandria1 #ahhf4 ,e4 de ,faye3 ,clment d',alexandrie1 #b ed41 #aijf4 ,p4 ,wendland3 ,die hellenistisch-rmische ,kultur in ihren ,beziehungen zu ,judentum und ,christentum1 #b ed41 #aiab4 ,a book of prime importance on the conditions of the ancient world during the beginnings of ,christianity4 ,e4 ,hatch3 ,the ,influence of ,greek ,ideas and ,usages upon the ,christian ,church1 #h ed41 #aija4 ,g4 ,anrich1 ,das antike ,mysterienwesen in seinem ,einfluss auf das ,christentum1 #ahid4 ,g4 ,wobbermin3 ,religionsgeschichtliche ,studien zur ,frage der ,beeinflussung des ,urchristentums durch das antike ,mysterienwesen1 #ahif4 ,c4 ,clemen3 ,religionsgeschichtliche ,erklrung des ,neuen ,testaments1 #aiji2 ,english translation3 ,primitive ,christianity and its ,non-,jewish ,sources1 #aiab2 ,der ,einfluss der ,mysterienreligionen auf das lteste ,christentum1 #aiac4 ,c4 ,h4 ,moore3 ,greek and ,roman ,ascetic ,tendencies in ,harvard ,essays on ,classical ,subjects1 pp4 #ig-adj1 #aiab4 ,h4 ,streithman3 ,geschichte der frhchristlichen ,askese in der ,umgebung des werdenden ,christentums1 #aiad4 ,this book ,i have been unable to see4 ,a4 ,deissman3 ,licht vom ,osten1 #c ed41 #aiji2 ,english translation1 ,light from the ,ancient ,east1 chap4 iv1 #aiaj4 ,r4 ,reitzenstein3 ,die hellenistischen ,mysterienreligionen1 #aiaj4 ,e4 ,maass3 ,orpheus4 ,untersuchungen zur grieschischen1 rmischen1 altchristlichen ,jenseitsdichtung und ,religion1 #ahie4 ,a4 ,dieterich3 ,nekyia1 #b ed41 #aiac4 ,a4 ,harnack3 ,mission und ,ausbreitung des ,christentums in den ersten drei ,jahrhunderten1 #b vols41 #c ed41 #aiae2 ,english translation3 ,the ,expansion of ,christianity in the ,first ,three ,centuries1 #b ed41 #b vols41 #aijh4 ,,appendix ,,ii ,,specimen ,,of ,a ,,roman ,,calendar ,taken from the ,fasti ,praenestini1 which were composed between #d and #aj ,a4,d4 ,the letters of the first column show the eight days of the ,roman nundinae1 which are repeated for the successive nundinal periods2 the second column gives the number of days before the ,calends1 ,nones1 or ,ides as the case may be2 in the third column the character of the day is indicated by ,c comitialis1 ,f fastus1 ,n and ,,np nefastus1 and the oldest festivals are given3 ,,vin ,vinalia1 ,,rob ,robigalia1 etc42 the small capitals give the festivals added within the historical period and sundry other notices4 ,,april #bc-cj ,a ,,viiii ,,vin ,f ,,vini ,,omnis ,,novi ,,libamentvm ,,iovi ,,consecratvm,,est ,,cvm ,,latini ,,bello ,,preme ,,rentvr ,,ab,,rvtilis,,qvia,,mezentivs,,rex,,etr v,,sco,,rvm ,,paciscebatvr,,si,,svbsidio ,,venissit,,omnivm,,annorvm ,,vini,,frvctvm,,sig,,divo,,avgvsto,,pat ri,,ad,,theatrvm ,,marc,,elli ,,ivlia,,avgvsta,,et,,ti,,avgvstvs,,dedi carvnt ,b ,,viii ,,cti,,caesar,,togam,,virilem,,svmpsit,, imp,,caesare,,vii,,agrippa ,,iii,,cos ,,feriae,,robigo,,via,,clavdia,,ad,,mill iarivm ,c ,,vii ,,rob ,,np ,v,,ne,,robigo,,frvmintis,,noceat,,sacri ficiv,m ,,et,,lvdi,,cvrsoribvs,,maioribvs,,minor ibvsq ,,fivnt,,festvs,,est ,,pverorvm ,,llnoniorvm ,,qvia ,,proximvs,,svperior ,,meretricvm ,,est ,d ,,vi ,f ,,hvnc,,diem,,divvs,,caesar,,addidit ,e ,v ,c ,f ,,iiii ,,np ,,lvdi ,,florae ,,feriae,,ex,s,c,,qvod,,eo,,di,e ,,aedicvl,a,,et,,ara ,,vestae,,in,,domv,,imp,,caesaris,,avgv, ,sti ,,po,,ntif,,ma,x ,,dedicatast,,qvirinio ,,et ,,valgio ,co,s ,,eodem ,,die,,aedis,,florae,,qvae,,rebvs,,flore scendis ,,praeest ,,dedicata,,est,,propter ,,sterilitatem,,frvgvm ,g ,,iii ,c ,,lvdi ,h ,,pr ,c ,,lvdi ,,xxx ,,index ,absolute3 in ,plato1 #aeb1 #afc f41 #aff4 ,academus1 #ade4 ,academy3 ,platonic1 #ade ff42 influence of later ,a4 on ,romans1 #bdd4 ,acropolis1 #aji ff4 ,actium3 the battle of1 #bde1 #bdf1 #bdg4 ,acts1 ,,xi1 #ai-bf3 #caa4 ,adad1 #bfc4 ,adam1 ,james1 quoted1 #adc4 ,adonis1 #ea1 #bgb4 ,aelian1 ,v4 ,h41 ,,ix1 #ab3 #bdj4 ,aeschylus1 #gi1 #ha1 #hh1 #ij ff41 #aag1 #acg1 #afd2 on conflict of duties1 #ig f42 concept of ,zeus1 #ib ff42 ,fate1 #ic f42 freedom of choice1 #ie ff42 justice as attribute of ,zeus1 #id2 man's obligations1 #id ff42 nature of universe1 #ia f42 pantheism1 #ic2 punishment after death1 #ii4 ,ag41 #afj ff43 #ib f42 ,choeph41 #cjf ff41 #djj ff43 #ih2 #ajee ff43 #if f42 ,eum41 #bfd ff43 #ii2 ,pers41 #hbg ff43 #ie2 ,sept41 #eig-fjh3 #ie2 ,suppl41 #ebd f41 #egd3 #ib2 ,frg4 #gj3 #ic4 ,aesculapius1 #bca4 ,aesop1 #bcf4 ,aetius1 ,i1 #bg1 #e3 #aid4 ,ages of man3 ,hesiod's five1 #cg f4 ,ahriman1 #bgh4 ,ahura ,mazda1 #bgh4 ,alaric1 #ff4 ,albertus ,magnus1 #aga4 ,alexander the ,great1 #afi2 effect of conquests1 #ahc1 #ahe f41 #bje f41 #beg f41 #bif f4 ,alexandria1 #bje ff41 #big2 ,jews at1 #bje f41 #beh1 #bfb4 ,allegorical interpretation1 #cej f4 ,ammonius ,saccas1 #bjg4 ,anaxagoras1 #aag ff41 #adh1 #aeb1 #aib4 ,anaximander1 #dc4 ,anaximenes1 #dc4 ,andania3 mysteries at1 #ga4 ,andocides3 de ,myst4 #ca3 #gb4 ,antigone1 #ig f41 #ajd1 #ajf1 #ajg4 ,anniceris1 #ade4 ,antioch3 church at1 #caa4 ,antiochus of ,ascalon1 #bdd4 ,antisthenes1 #ahd4 ,antony1 #bdf4 ,anubis1 #bfb4 1 #ahi4 ,aphrodite1 #ag1 #acf1 #bca4 ,apollo1 #af f41 #if f41 #bcj1 #bcc1 #bdg4 ,apollonius of ,tyana1 #bjf1 #bji4 ,apologists3 the ,greek1 #cbg ff42 attitude toward ,greek culture and philosophy1 #cbi ff41 #cce2 on creation1 #ccc2 ,holy ,spirit1 #ccc2 ,logos1 #ccb f42 incarnation1 #ccc2 morality1 #ccd f42 nature of ,god1 #cca f42 problem of evil1 #ccc f42 revelation1 #ccc ff42 salvation1 #ccd4 ,see also ,aristides1 ,athenagoras1 ,justin1 and ,tatian4 ,apuleius1 #cce f42 ,met4 ,x1 #e3 #bfi f42 #ai-cj3 #bgc-f2 #bc3 #bgd2 #be3 #bic f4 ,archilochus1 #gf1 #gi1 #aba4 ,frgg41 #ef1 #gd1 #c ff43 #gf2 #hh3 #gi4 ,ares1 #ag1 #bcg4 ,aristides1 #cbh4 ,aristobulus1 #beh4 ,aristocracies1 #dj4 ,aristophanes1 ,frogs1 #ded ff43 #ga4 ,aristotle1 #gj1 #adf1 #afi ff41 #ahc1 #ahf1 #ahg1 #aia1 #bji1 #baj1 #big2 attitude toward traditional religion1 #ahj f42 on the contemplative life1 #agh f42 cosmological and teleological arguments for the existence of ,god1 #agd1 #agi2 creative intelligence1 #agd2 criticism of ,plato's ideas1 #afi1 #aga f42 ethics1 #agg ff42 first and final causes1 #agc f42 four causes1 #agb f42 ,god1 #agc ff42 ideal state1 #ahf2 immortality1 #agg2 influence of1 #agj f42 matter and ,god1 #agd f42 monotheism1 #age f42 teleology1 #agc f42 transcendence of ,god1 #agf1 #agi2 psychology1 #agf ff4 ,de anima1 ,,ii1 #a2 ,,iii1 #d1 #e1 #agg2 de caelo1 ,i1 #d1 #bga;a1 #cc3 #agd2 ,ethica ,nic4 et ,eud43 #agi2 ,met41 ,i1 #c1 #ihc;a1 #bd ff42 #i1 #iij;b ff43 #agb2 ,,vi1 #h3 #agb2 ,,vii1 #f1 #ajde;b1 #ah f43 #age2 #g1 #ajcb;a1 #ac ff43 #agb2 ,,vii1 #d1 #ajdd;a1 #cb ff43 #agb2 ,,xi1 #g3 #agd2 ,,xi1 entire3 #age2 ,,xii1 #aj3 #agb2 ,,xiii1 #c3 #agb2 ,phys41 ,i1 #i1 #aib;a1 #c ff43 #aff2 ,,ii1 #c1 #aid;b1 #af ff43 #agb2 ,,ii1 #g1 #aih;a1 #bb ff43 #agc2 ,,iv1 #b1 #bji;b1 #aa ff43 #aff2 ,,viii1 #f1 #beh;b1 #aj ff43 #agd2 ,pol41 ,,vi1 #h1 #acbb;b1 #ah ff42 ,,vii1 #h1 #acbh;b1 #ab ff42 #acbi;a1 #bg ff42 #accj;a1 #h f42 #acha;b1 #d-f1 #ag f43 #aha2 ,frg41 #de3 #gj4 ,army3 and oriental religions1 #bei f4 ,art3 influence of ,greek on ,roman concepts of gods1 #bca1 #bcf f4 ,artemis1 #ag1 #ace4 ,arval ,brothers1 #bbg4 ,asceticism1 #aeh f41 #bjh1 #bji1 #bab f41 #bad1 #bah1 #cea ff4 ,associations3 religious1 #ec f41 #bfh1 #bgf1 #bij f4 1 #bdb4 ,atargatis1 #bfc4 ,athena1 #af1 #ea1 #if1 #ajb1 #aaj1 #aaa ff4 ,athenaeus1 ,deip41 ,,xi1 p4 #dif3 #fi2 ,,xiii1 p4 #edg ,a3 #bdj4 ,athenagoras1 #cbh ff42 ,legat4 #d1 #g3 #cca2 #i3 #ccj2 #aj1 #af1 #bd3 #ccc2 #bd ff43 #ccd4 ,athens1 #da1 #dh1 #ec1 #aji ff4 ,atreus3 the house of1 #if f4 ,attalus1 #bfa4 ,atticus1 #bdd4 ,attis1 #ea1 #bgb1 #bhe ff41 #ceg4 ,augustine1 ,saint1 #bad2 ,civ4 ,dei1 ,,iv1 #bg3 #bdc4 ,augustus1 #bca1 #bdf ff4 ,aulus ,gellius1 ,n4 ,a4 ,,xv1 #aa1 #a3 #bda4 ,baal3 of ,damascus1 #bfd2 of ,doliche1 #bfd2 of ,heliopolis1 #bfc4 ,bacchae1 of ,euripides1 #adb f4 1 #ea4 ,bacchylides1 #ad1 #ej-fc3 #hg f4 ,bacon1 ,roger1 #aga4 ,baptism1 #cdj1 #cec f4 ,basilides1 #ccf ff4 ,beyrout1 #bfc4 ,birth1 the new1 #cbc4 ,body3 tomb of soul1 #ee1 #afj4 ,brotherhood of man1 #aig ff41 #bjb4 ,burnet3 on ,plato1 #adg4 ,business3 knowledge of1 possessed by the ,east1 #bih4 ,calamis1 #hc4 ,calendars1 ,roman1 #bbc4 ,callichoros1 #fc4 ,caesar1 ,julius1 #bdf1 #bdg4 ,capitoline ,triad1 #bbb1 #bbd f41 #bca4 ,carneades1 #bda4 ,carmen contra ,paganos1 #eg ff43 #bhi4 ,castor and ,pollux1 #bcj1 #bcg4 ,catechetical ,school of ,alexandria1 #cda f4 ,cato the ,censor1 #bce1 #bda4 ,cato of ,utica1 #bed4 ,ceres1 #bbe1 #bcj1 #bcc4 ,chalcis1 #db4 ,charondas1 #da4 ,christ3 in ,gnostic systems1 #cci2 the indwelling1 #cad1 #cag1 #cbb f42 the light of men1 #cba f42 the ,logos1 #cah ff42 in ,origen1 #cdd2 the theme of apostolic preaching1 #caa1 #cab f4 ,see also ,jesus and ,messiah4 ,christianity1 #bif ff41 #cja ff42 and ,paganism1 #aha1 #cbf ff42 ,apologists1 #cbg ff42 debt to ,paganism1 #cee f42 dogma as safeguard of faith1 #cbh2 ethical value1 #ceg f42 fundamental ideas of primitive ,christianity1 #cbd f42 ,gnostics1 #ccf ff42 modification by philosophy1 #cbf ff42 a mystery1 #bie1 #cdj2 ,origen1 #cdb2 reason for triumph1 #cef ff42 relation to ,greek philosophy1 #cjb1 #cag f41 #cbd ff41 #cee2 teachings of ,jesus1 #cjb ff42 of ,johannine writings1 #cah ff42 of ,paul1 #caa ff42 spread in the third century1 #ceh2 the ultimate philosophy1 #ceh4 ,chrysippus1 #ahf4 ,cicero1 #ahg1 #bdd2 de ,fin41 ,,iii1 #fd3 #aig4 ,cimon1 #aaj4 ,cinna1 #bdf4 ,claudian1 #bce4 ,cleanthes1 ,hymn1 #aic ff4 ,clement of ,alexandria1 #ee1 #fi1 #he1 #ic2 ,paed41 ,i1 #f3 #cec2 ,,iii1 #a1 #a3 #cdf2 ,protrep1 #ab3 #cec2 pp4 #ab1 #ah ,p3#fi2 ,strom4 ,i1 #e1 #bh1 #c2 ,i1 #bj3 #ig2 ,,ii1 #ai1 #bj3 #cdb2 ,,ii1 #c3 #cec2 ,v1 #ad1 #id3 #cdf2 ,,vi1 #g1 #ei3 #cdb2 ,,vi1 #af1 #acd f43 #cdf4 ,clytemnestra1 #ih4 ,colonization1 #da ff4 ,colossians3 ,epistle to1 ,,ii1 #bj-bc3 #ceb2 ,,iii1 #a-c3 #cad4 ,communion1 ,mithraic1 #bhb f42 ,christian1 #ced4 ,constantinople3 the conquest of1 #agj4 ,contemplative life3 according to ,aristotle1 #agh f42 ,neoplatonists1 #bai2 ,origen1 #cdg4 ,convention1 the basis of institutions1 #abg4 ,corinthians3 #a ,epistle to1 ,,iii1 #af f42 ,,vi1 #ai3 #cae2 ,,vii3 #ceb2 ,,xii-,,xiv3 #caf2 #b ,epistle to1 ,,iii1 #ag3 #cae2 ,,iv1 #f-g3 #cad4 ,corpus ,inscriptionum ,latinarum 7,,cil71 ,,vi1 #dig-ejd3 #bhh2 ,,vi1 #eaj1 #eab3 #bhi2 ,x1 #aeif3 #bhh4 ,cosmopolitanism3 ,stoic1 #aif ff42 of ,roman ,empire1 #bii4 ,crassus1 #bdf4 ,creon1 #ajd f4 ,critias1 ,frg4 #be #a ,n#b3 #abh4 ,criticism of gods1 #hj f4 ,critolaus1 #bda4 ,cronos1 #bcg1 #bch4 ,croton1 #ec4 ,cult of dead1 #bf1 #dd4 ,cultores ,iovis ,heliopolitani ,berytenses1 #bfc4 ,cybele1 #hc4 ,cynics1 #ahd f41 #ahh1 #bjh4 ,dea ,syria1 #bfc4 ,death3 life after4 ,see ,future ,life4 ,deianeira1 #aje ff4 ,delos1 #bfj1 #bfb4 ,delphi1 #ec1 #aji4 ,demeter1 #ah1 #fb ff41 #bcj4 ,democracy at ,athens1 #aab4 ,democritus1 #bda4 ,deo1 #fi4 ,deuteronomy ,,vi1 #e3 #cje4 ,dialogues3 the ,platonic1 #adf ff4 ,diana1 #bcc1 #bdg4 ,didache1 #g3 #cec4 ,digest ,i1 #a1 #d4e3 #d2 ,,xvii1 #cb3 #aih4 ,dio ,chrysostom1 ,or4 ,,xii1 #ea3 #bg4 ,diogenes of ,apollonia1 #adj4 ,diogenes ,laertius1 ,,vii1 #adi3 #aid4 ,diogenes of ,sinope1 #gb1 #ahd4 ,diogenes the ,stoic1 #bda4 ,dion1 #ade4 ,dionysius of ,halicarnassus1 ,,iv1 #fb3 #bba4 ,dionysius of ,syracuse1 #ade4 ,dionysus1 #ah1 #dg ff41 #adb f41 #bcj1 #bgb1 #bhf1 #ceg4 ,dispater1 #bca4 ,dittenberger1 ,sylloge#b #fec3 #ga4 ,docetism1 #cbj1 #cci4 ,draco1 #da4 ,drama3 effect at ,rome1 #bcc f4 ,dualism3 ,gnostic1 #cch f42 ,mithraic1 #bgi2 ,orphic1 #ej ff41 #ee f42 ,platonic1 #adh ff41 cf4 #bjh1 #bab1 #baf2 ,pythagorean1 #fb2 ,stoic1 #aia4 1 #fi4 1 #baa4 ,ecstacy1 #bac f41 #bah ff4 ,education1 ,roman1 #bce ff4 1 #adi4 ,eleusinian mysteries1 #fb ff41 #aaf4 ,eleusinion at ,athens1 #fe f4 ,eleusis1 #fb ff41 #aaf4 ,empedocles1 #eb1 #ec1 #ee1 #eg1 #abb2 ,frg4 #aae3 #eg f4 ,emperor1 worship of1 #bdg f4 ,ennius1 #bcd1 #bce1 #bcf1 #bch f42 ,scen4 #caf ff43 #bch4 ,envy of the gods1 #bd1 #hg1 #id f41 #afd4 ,ephemeris ,arch41 ,,iii 7#ahhc71 p4 #ha1 #h3 #ga4 ,ephesians3 ,epistle to1 ,,iii1 #c-d3 #ccf4 ,epictetus1 #ahg1 #bja1 #bjd f41 #bej ff42 ,diss41 ,i1 #a3 #ahi2 ,i1 #c3 #aig2 ,i1 #ad1 #f3 #bjb2 ,i1 #ae1 #a3 #bej2 ,i1 #af3 #bee2 ,i1 #af1 #ae-ba3 #bjj2 ,,ii1 #e1 #ac3 #ahi2 ,,ii1 #h1 #aa3 #bjb2 ,,ii1 #af1 #de-dg3 #bee2 ,,iii1 #aj1 #b3 #bea2 ,,iii1 #aj1 #h3 #bec2 ,,iii1 #ab3 #beb2 ,,iii1 #ac1 #i ff43 #bee2 ,,iv1 #a3 #aif2 ,gnomol4 ,stobaei1 #ca3 #aif4 ,epicurea1 pp4 #ei1 #gb2 ,frg4 #ejf3 #bdi4 ,epicureanism3 at ,rome1 #bch1 #bda ff4 ,epicurus1 #bed4 ,epoptae1 #fg4 ,er the ,pamphylian1 #afb4 ,eretria1 #db4 ,eteocles1 #ig4 ,ethics1 #bdb1 #bdi4 ,see ,morality4 ,etruscan influence at ,rome1 #bbb ff4 ,eucharist3 an initiation or mystery1 #cdj1 #ced4 ,euclides1 #ade4 ,euhemerus3 ,sacred ,history1 #bch f4 ,eumolpidae and ,ceryces1 #fg4 ,euripides1 #hb1 #ajg1 #aag1 #acc ff42 on cosmic reason1 #aci ff42 future life1 #ada f41 #afj2 humanity1 #adb2 traditional religion1 #acd ff42 a religious poet1 #adc4 ,bacch41 #cie3 #adc2 ,hel41 #ajad ff43 #adb2 ,heracl41 #eib ff43 #ada f42 ,h4,f41 #acjg ff41 #acda ff43 #acg2 ,hipp41 #dea ff41 #dgc ff41 #acfe ff43 #acf2 #aajb ff43 #ada2 ,i4,a41 #ief f43 #aci2 ,i4,t41 #efi1 #egj ff43 #ach2 ,phoen41 #ied ff43 #aci2 ,tro41 #hhd ff43 #aci2 ,frgg41 #aea1 #bee3 #ada2 #bib1 #g3 #ace2 #ejf3 #ada2 #eic3 #adj2 #geg3 #ada2 #gid3 #ach2 #haf3 #ada2 #ida3 #adj2 #idf3 #ach4 ,evil3 origin and problem of3 in ,apologists1 #ccc f42 ,gnostics1 #cch f42 ,hesiod1 #cf ff42 ,homer1 #ad2 ,orphism1 #eb2 ,plato1 #aeg1 #afe ff42 ,stoicism1 #aid ff4 ,faith1 #cjh f41 #cac ff41 #cba ff4 ,fate3 in ,homer1 ,,ii ff42 ,stoicism1 #aid ff4 ,fire3 in ,heraclitus1 #abj f42 ,stoicism1 #aib4 ,first cause3 ,aristotle's1 #agc f4 ,flora1 #bbe1 #bca4 ,florentinus1 #aih4 ,folk-religion in ,homer1 #bf4 ,fons1 #bbe4 ,freedom of the will1 #hh1 #aie ff41 #ccc f41 #cde4 ,furies1 #if4 ,future life1 #bd ff41 #ci1 #df1 #dh1 #ef1 #hh ff41 #ii1 #ajg f41 #ada f41 #bgd1 #bhc ff41 #caf f41 #cci1 #cde f4 ,galatians3 ,epistle to1 ,i1 #a ff43 #cab f42 ,i1 #aa-ab3 #ccf2 ,i1 #af3 #cad2 ,,ii1 #ae-af1 #bj3 #cad2 ,,iii1 #bc-bf1 #bg3 #cad2 ,,iii1 #bf-bg3 #cae2 ,,iv1 #f3 #cae2 ,,iv1 #ai3 #cad2 ,v1 #bb f43 #cae4 ,galen1 #afi1 #bih4 ,galileo1 #aah4 ,games in the circus1 #bbb4 ,genius1 #bbh4 ,getae1 #di4 ,giants1 #hg4 1 #ccf ff41 #cdj1 #cdb4 ,gnostics1 #cbh1 #ccf ff42 on ,christ1 #cci f42 doctrine of emanations1 #cch2 dualism1 #cch f42 ethics1 #cdj2 nature of god1 #cch2 origin of evil1 #cch2 revelation1 #ccg2 sacraments1 #cdj4 ,see also ,basilides and ,valentinus4 ,god3 immanence of1 #aic1 #bjc1 #bji2 kingdom of1 #cja1 #caj2 nature of1 according to the ,apologists1 #ccc f42 ,aristotle1 #agc ff42 ,gnostics1 #cch2 ,jesus1 #cjc ff42 ,origen1 #cdc2 ,plato1 #aea ff41 #aeg1 #afc ff42 ,stoics1 #aib ff41 #bjc2 personal concept of in ,plato1 #afc f42 ,stoicism1 #aic f42 transcendence of1 #agf1 #bjh ff41 #bae ff41 #cca f41 #cch1 #cdc1 #cej4 ,gods3 concept of in ,aeschylus1 #ia ff42 ,archilochus1 #gf1 #gi f42 ,critias1 #abh2 ,epicureans1 #bda f42 ,euripides1 #acd ff42 ,hesiod1 #bi ff42 ,homer1 #f ff42 ,pindar1 #hc ff42 ,protagoras1 #abh2 ,sophocles1 #ajj ff42 ,theognis1 #gf ff42 ,xenophanes1 #aah f4 ,good3 the ,platonic idea of1 and god1 #aea f4 ,goodness1 attribute of god1 #afd4 ,gorgias1 #abd4 ,government3 ,homeric1 #ae1 #dj2 effect of changes in1 #dj ff41 #ahc f4 ,gracchi1 #bdf4 ,great ,mother of the ,gods1 #bfa1 #bfg1 #bhe ff4 ,greece and ,rome1 #bba ff4 ,greek colonies3 influence on ,rome1 #bbb f4 ,greek language3 knowledge of in ,republican ,rome1 #bcc ff42 universally understood in ,roman ,empire1 #bif f4 ,greek religion3 phase treated1 #d4 ,hades3 the ,homeric1 #ai2 as place of penance1 #ef ff41 #hh f41 #afa f4 ,harnack1 quoted1 #cba1 #cbi f41 #ccg4 ,hebrews3 ,epistle to1 #cah1 #cdh4 ,hecateus1 #aba4 ,hellenization of ,roman religion1 #bbi ff4 ,hephaestus1 #ag f4 ,hera1 #ae f41 #acf1 #bcg4 ,heraclea1 #ec4 ,heraclitus1 #ic1 #ajg1 #abj ff41 #adh1 #ahc1 #aia f41 #bab1 #cai2 ,frgg41 #a1 #b1 #ad1 #ae1 #bi1 #cj-cb1 #dj-db1 #eg1 #fg1 #ij1 #abh3 #aba4 ,hercules1 #acg1 #bcj4 ,hermes1 #ai1 #bcj4 ,hermias1 #afi1 #aha4 ,herodotus1 #c1 #di1 #ga1 #abd1 #afd2 ,hist41 ,,ii1 #ec3 #c4 ,hesiod1 #c1 #bh ff41 #dc1 #hj1 #aah1 #aai1 #aba2 ,theog41 #bbj ff43 #cj2 ,w4 and ,d41 #dg-ajd1 #aji ff43 #cg2 #agd f41 #ahb ff43 #ch2 #bac ff43 #cb2 #bbe ff43 #cc2 #beb ff41 #bef ff43 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#bfa4 ,luke3 ,gospel1 #cjb f42 ,,vi1 #bg-cf3 #cjd2 ,,vi1 #ce3 #cje2 ,,ix1 #ah-ba3 #cjh2 ,x1 #bg3 #cje2 ,,xxiv1 #dg3 #cjf4 ,lydus1 de ,mens41 ,,iv1 #ei3 #bhf4 ,m1 #bfc4 ,macaria1 #ada4 ,magic1 lacking in ,homer1 #bd4 ,magna ,mater4 ,see ,great ,mother of the ,gods4 ,manes1 #bbh4 ,marcus ,aurelius1 #gh1 #ahh1 #bjd f42 ,reflections1 ,,ii1 #b3 #bja2 ,,iv1 #da3 #bja2 ,,iv1 #bc3 #bef2 ,,vi1 #dd3 #aii4 ,marius1 #bdf4 ,mars1 #bbf1 #bcc1 #bcg4 ,matter1 #aff ff41 #agb f41 #bae ff41 #cca1 #ccb1 #cch4 ,matthew3 ,gospel1 #cjb f42 ,,iv1 #ag3 #cjf2 ,v1 #dc-dh1 #dd-de3 #cjd1 #cje2 ,,xvi1 #ac-bj3 #cjh2 ,,xxii1 #cg3 #cje2 ,,xxvi1 #fc3 #cjh4 ,mark3 ,gospel1 #cjb f42 ,,viii1 #bg-cj3 #cjh2 ,,xi1 #be2 ,,xii1 #cj3 #cje2 ,,xiv1 #fa3 #cjh4 ,megara1 #db1 #ge1 #ade4 ,menander1 #bcf4 ,mercury1 #bcj1 #bcb1 #bcc4 ,mercy1 attribute of gods1 #ajf4 ,messiah1 #bab1 #cjh1 #caa4 ,messianic hopes1 #cja4 ,metempsychosis1 #ef ff41 #fa4 ,miletus1 #db1 #dc4 ,mind1 as formative principles1 #abc f4 ,minerva1 #bbb1 #bbd1 #bbe1 #bcj1 #bcb1 #bcc1 #bcg4 ,minoan ,age1 #c4 ,mithras1 #bfd1 #bfg1 #bgg ff42 chapels1 #bhj f42 communion1 #bhb f42 destruction of world1 #bhd2 dualism1 #bgi2 ethics1 #bhj2 final judgment1 #bhd2 identified with sun1 #bgi2 initiation1 #bha f42 popularity1 #bgg f42 religion1 origin and history1 #bgg f42 resurrection of body1 #bhd2 rewards and punishments1 #bhc f4 ,mommsen1 ,theodor1 #bbc4 ,monotheism1 ,christian1 #cef4 ,morality1 #bj f41 #ce1 #de1 #fj1 #gb1 #aef ff41 #afi1 #agg1 #ahd f41 #ahh ff41 #bja f41 #bac1 #bai1 #bdi1 #bea ff41 #bfh1 #bgi f41 #bia1 #cje f41 #cad f41 #ccd1 #cdj1 #cde ff4 ,multiplicity and unity1 #abj ff4 ,murder1 #de4 ,musonius1 #aii4 ,mycenaean ,age1 #c4 ,mystae1 #fg4 ,mysteries3 not mentioned in ,homer1 #ah2 ,bacchic at ,rome1 #bci f42 ,eleusinian1 #fb ff41 #aaf2 ,oriental1 #bfh ff41 #bhi f42 influence on ,christianity1 #cec f4 1 #cec4 1 #fe1 #cec4 ,mystery religions1 #eb ff41 #fb ff41 #bfh ff4 ,mysticism1 in later ,greek philosophy1 #bad ff4 ,naevius1 #bcd1 #bce4 ,nature1 in ,stoicism3 #aia1 #aif4 ,neoplatonism1 #bjf ff42 #bad ff4 ,neopythagoreanism1 #bjf ff4 ,neptunus1 #bcj1 #bcc4 ,nestle1 quoted1 #acd4 ,new ,testament3 three stages of ,christianity represented therein1 #cja f4 ,nigidius ,figulus1 #bjf4 1 #abc1 #aeb1 #bae1 #bag1 #bai1 #cci4 ,numa1 #bbg4 ,octavian1 #bdf4 ,odysseus1 #aj1 #ab1 #ac1 #af1 #ah1 #ba1 #bd1 #bf1 #ajd4 ,odyssey3 translated by ,livius ,andronicus1 #bcc4 ,oedipus1 #ig1 #ajc1 #aje1 #ajf1 #ajg4 ,old ,testament1 #baf1 #bag1 #beh1 #cjc1 #cea1 #cef f4 ,olympian religion1 #be ff41 #aaj ff4 ,onomacritus1 #ec4 ,orestes1 #if ff4 ,orgiastic cults3 not mentioned in ,homer1 #ah4 ,oriental influence on ,greek thought1 #beg f4 ,oriental religions1 #beg ff43 character1 #bff ff43 chronology1 #bfe f43 common elements1 #bhi f43 decay1 #bfe1 #ceg2 distribution1 #bfj1 #bfd f42 effect on devotees1 #bic f42 morality1 #bfh1 #bia ff42 mysteries1 #bfh1 #bga2 opponents of ,christianity1 #cbf2 pantheistic tendencies1 #bfh ff42 revival at ,rome1 #bff4 ,origen1 #bjg1 #bad1 #cda ff42 on angels1 men1 and demons1 #cde2 ,christ1 #cdd2 creation1 #cdc f42 esoteric and exoteric ,christianity1 #cdg f42 the founder of ,christian philosophy1 #cdb ff41 #cdh2 on freedom1 #cdf2 ,holy ,spirit1 #cde2 incarnation1 #cdd1 #cdg2 ,logos1 #cdd f41 #cdg2 nature of ,god1 #cdc2 psychology1 #cdf2 revelation1 #cdc1 #cdd1 #cdg2 salvation1 #cdf f41 #cdh f42 ultimate destruction of wickedness1 #cdf4 ,c4 ,cels41 ,i1 #a4g3 #ced2 ,i1 #ca3 #cdg2 ,,ii1 #ff4fi3 #cdg2 ,,iii1 #ei-fb1 #cdg2 ,,iv1 #ae4ah3 #cdg2 ,,iv1 #fe3 #cde2 ,,vi1 #fh3 #cdg2 ,,vii1 #ag3 #cdg2 ,exhort4 ad ,mart41 #cdg2 in ,ioh41 ,i1 #bj-bb3 #cdg2 in ,matt41 ser4 #fi3 #cdf2 de ,prin41 praef41 ,i3 #cdc2 ,i1 #a4b3 #cdd2 ,i1 #c4e4h3 #cde2 ,i1 #e1 #c3 #cdf2 ,,ii1 #e4f3 #cdd2 ,,ii1 #g3 #cde2 ,,ii1 #h3 #cdf2 ,,iii1 #a4 #d4 #f3 #cdf2 ,,iii1 #e3 #cdd2 ,,iv1 #aa ff43 #cea2 in ,rom41 ,,iv1 #e2 ,,ix1 #c3 #cdf4 ,ormuzd1 #bgh1 #bhc4 ,oromasdes1 #bgh4 ,orpheus1 #eb4 ,orpheus of ,croton1 #ec4 ,orphica3 ,frgg41 #g3 #ed2 #ad3 #ee2 #df3 #ed2 #aae3 #ee2 #aag3 #eg2 #aed3 #ef2 #bbc3 #eg2 ,tab4 ,orph4 #ah3 #eh4 ,orphism1 #eb ff41 #ic1 #aah1 #ade1 #bjh1 #beg1 #cea2 ascetic tendency1 #ei2 contributions to ,greek religious ideas1 #ei2 rule of life1 #ef2 theogonies1 #ed4 ,osiris1 #ea1 #bfg1 #bga f41 #bhf1 #ceg4 ,paganism3 influence on ,christian thought1 #cdi ff42 service to ,christianity1 #cee f4 ,pan1 #hc1 #acj4 ,panaetius1 #ahf f41 #bdc4 ,panathenaic festival1 #aaa4 ,pandora1 #cf f4 ,pantheism1 #ac1 #df1 #ed1 #hd f41 #ic1 #aai1 #adj1 #afc f41 #aib ff41 #bfh ff4 ,parthenon1 #aaj f41 #aab4 ,pathos in ,homer1 #be1 #df4 ,paul1 #afa1 #cjb1 #caa ff41 #cdh1 #cdi2 on ,christ's death and resurrection1 #cab f42 dualism1 #caf2 faith1 #cac ff42 ,holy ,spirit1 #cae f42 indwelling ,christ1 #cad2 salvation1 #cab ff4 ,see also ,colossians1 ,corinthians1 ,ephesians1 ,galatians1 ,philippians4 ,paulus1 ,julius1 #aih4 ,pausanias1 #hc4 ,pax ,romana1 #bde1 #bdf1 #bii4 ,peloponnesian ,war1 #abd1 #abg1 #acc4 ,penates1 #bbh1 #bcg4 ,pericles1 #aaj1 #aac ff41 #aag f41 #abd1 #acc f4 ,persephone1 #ai1 #fb ff41 #bca1 #bhf4 ,persian ,wars1 #hb1 #hc1 #aji1 #aag4 ,pessimism3 in ,theognis1 #gg2 under ,roman ,empire1 #bjd f4 ,phaedra1 #ace f4 ,pharisees1 #cjd f41 #cji4 ,phidias1 #bf1 #aaj1 #aag4 ,philippians3 ,epistle to1 ,,iii1 #aj f43 #cae4 ,philo of ,alexandria1 #bjg1 #baj ff41 #baf1 #beh1 #cbj1 #cca1 #ccb1 #cch1 #cea4 ,de alleg4 leg41 ,,iii1 #bi ff43 #bad2 quis rer4 div4 her4 #bje f43 #bab2 de somn41 ,i1 #adi3 #bac2 de special4 legib41 ,i1 #cbi3 #baa4 ,philo of ,larissa1 #bdd4 ,philoctetes1 #aja4 ,philodemus1 #ic4 ,philolaus1 #ee4 ,philosophers1 banished from ,rome1 #bdj f4 ,philosophic schools at ,athens closed1 #aah4 ,philosophy3 ,greek1 and ,apologists1 #cbh ff42 beginnings of1 #dc f42 ,clement's attitude toward1 #cdb2 enemy of traditional religion1 #aag ff42 function of according to ,plato1 #aeh2 influence on ,christianity1 #cjb1 #cag f41 #cbd ff41 #cee f41 #ceh2 influence at ,rome1 #bci ff42 practical 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dualism1 #adh2 on final fate of soul1 #afc2 goodness as attribute of god1 #afd2 on highest good of man1 #aef2 human reason1 #aeb2 ideas1 #adh ff43 immortality1 #aeb ff42 matter1 #afe f42 morality1 #aef ff41 #afi2 nature of god1 #aea f42 and ,orphic dualism1 #aef2 pantheism1 #afc f42 on problem of evil1 #afe ff42 psychology1 #aee f42 transmigration of souls1 #afa f4 ,alc41 ,,ii1 #adi ,d ff43 #bc2 ,apol41 #cg ,e3 #aje2 ,crat41 #cii f43 #afj2 #chi f43 #aff2 ,euth41 #ad ,e3 #bc2 ,gorgias1 #dib ,e-#dic ,a3 #afj2 ,laws1 ,,vi1 #gei3 #ahj2 ,x1 #hid ,b ff43 #aec2 ,x entire3 #ahj2 ,,xii1 #iff ,e3 #aec2 ,meno1 #ha ff43 #aec2 ,phaedo1 #fc ff43 #afj2 #ff ,e ff43 #aei2 #gb ff43 #aec2 #hb f43 #aeh2 #hf ff41 #aje3 #aed2 ,phaedrus1 #bde3 #aec2 #bdf f43 #aee2 #bdh f43 #afc2 ,phil41 #bb ,c3 #aeb2 ,rep41 ,,iv1 #dbg ff43 #aee2 ,,iv1 #dch ,a-#dda ,c3 #cdf2 ,,vi1 #ddj ,e-#dda ,a3 #aee2 ,,vi1 #dhd ff43 #aef2 ,,vi1 #ejd3 #aee2 ,,viii1 #eej3 #aee2 ,,ix1 #ehj f43 #aee2 ,x1 #fac3 #aeg2 ,x1 #fad ff43 #afc2 ,statesm41 #bgb ff43 #afe1 #afg2 ,theaet41 #agf3 #aeg1 #afe1 #afg2 ,tim41 #bh ,a-#bi ,e1 #cg ,a3 #aeb2 #db ff43 #afe1 #cdf2 #di ,e-#eb ,b3 #aff2 #fi-gb3 #aee f42 #ib ,c3 #aeb4 ,plautus1 #bcd4 ,pliny the ,elder1 ,n4 ,h41 ,,vii1 #aab3 #bda2 ,,xiii1 #hd ff43 #bdj4 ,pliny the ,younger1 ,epist41 ,x1 #if4 ,plotinus1 #bjg1 #bji1 #bae ff42 ,enn41 ,i1 #b3 #bai2 ,,iv entire1 #bae2 ,,iv1 #c1 #g1 #i3 #bag2 ,v entire3 #bae2 ,v1 #a3 #bae1 #bag1 #bah2 ,v1 #i1 #a3 #bai2 ,,vi entire3 #bae2 ,,vi1 #i1 #c3 #bae2 ,,vi1 #i1 #aa3 #bai4 ,plutarch3 philosophy of religion1 #bgj2 de aud4 poet41 #ba ,f3 #gb2 de ,is4 et ,osir41 #fg3 #bgj2 ,c4 ,m41 #bb3 #bda4 ,pluto1 #fc f41 #bca4 ,politics1 ,roman3 in relation to religion1 #bcb4 ,polynices1 #ig1 #ajd4 ,pompeii1 #bfb4 ,pompey1 #ahg1 #bdf1 #bfc4 ,pontifex maximus1 #bbi4 ,pontifices1 #bbi4 ,porphyry1 #bjg1 #bji1 #bah1 #bai2 de abst41 ,i1 #ca3 #bah2 ad ,marc41 #cb3 #bah2 vita ,plot41 #a ff43 #bah2 #bc3 #bae1 #bbj2 apud ,euseb41 ,h4 ,e41 ,,vi1 #ai1 #f3 #cdc2 ,,vi1 #ai1 #g f43 #cdh4 ,poseidon1 #ah1 #bcj4 ,priesthoods1 ,roman1 #bbi4 ,proclus1 ad ,plat4 ,tim41 p4 #bic ,c3 #fi4 ,prodicus1 ,frg41 #e3 #abh4 ,prometheus ,bound1 #ia ff4 ,prometheus1 myth of1 #cf f4 ,proserpina1 #bca4 ,see ,kore4 ,protagoras1 #abd1 #abf f41 #abh1 #aea2 ,frg41 #a3 #abg2 #d3 #abh4 ,providence1 #ac1 #aid f4 ,prudentius1 ,peristeph41 ,x1 #ajaa ff43 #bhi4 3 in ,plotinus1 #bae4 ,psychology3 ,aristotelian1 #agf ff42 ,gnostic1 #cci2 ,homeric1 #bd2 ,origen's1 #cdf2 ,orphic1 #ee2 ,platonic1 #aee2 ,stoic1 #aib1 #aie4 ,ptolomaeus1 ,epist4 ad ,floram1 #cci4 ,ptolemy ,soter1 #bga f4 ,purification1 #de4 ,puteoli1 #bfb1 #bfc1 #bfd4 ,pythagoras1 #fj f41 #bea4 ,pythagorean books at ,rome1 #bdj4 ,pythagoreanism1 #eb1 #fj ff41 #ade1 #bjf1 #bji1 #baf1 #bag1 #beg1 #cea4 ,quirinus1 #bbf4 ,reason1 the cosmic1 #abc1 #aci ff4 ,relativity of knowledge1 #abf f4 ,religion1 ,greek3 of common man1 #aha f42 in ,athens of fifth century ,b4,c41 #aab ff4 ,religion1 ,roman1 #bbc ff4 ,renatus1 #bgg1 #bhi4 ,repentance1 in teachings of ,jesus1 #cjf4 ,revelation1 #bji1 #bad1 #bag1 #cjj1 #ccd ff41 #cdi1 #cef f4 ,rhetoric1 ,greek3 spread to ,west1 #big4 ,rhetoricians1 ,greek3 banished from ,rome1 #bda4 ,roman ,empire3 characteristics at beginning of the ,christian era1 #bif ff4 ,romans3 ,epistle to1 ,,vi2 ,,vii1 #d ff43 #cae2 ,,viii1 #aj f43 #cad1 #cae2 ,,viii1 #ae2 ,,xiv1 #ag3 #cae4 ,rome1 and ,greece1 #bba ff42 connection with ,troy1 #bcc2 political power of1 #bei ff4 ,romulus1 #bbg4 ,sacrati1 #bfh1 #bgf4 ,sacrifice3 obligation of1 #ba ff41 #ce f4 ,st4 ,demetra1 #ff4 ,salamis3 battle of1 #aji4 ,salii1 #bbg4 ,salvation1 #dg1 #ee1 #eh1 #fj1 #bab f41 #bgd f41 #cjf f41 #cbd1 #ccd4 ,sanctity3 ideal of1 #bji4 ,samothrace3 mysteries of1 #ga4 ,saturn1 #bbe1 #bcg4 ,saturninus1 #bdf4 ,scaevola1 #bdc1 #bde4 ,scepticism1 of ,sophists1 #abf ff4 ,sceptics1 #bdd4 ,scholia ,venet4 ad ,il41 ,,xx1 #fg3 #cej4 ,science3 ,east home of1 #big f4 ,scipio1 #ahg1 #bed4 ,second ,punic ,war1 #bce1 #bei4 ,secular games1 #bca4 ,self-consciousness1 #h1 #ba1 #da ff4 ,seneca1 #ahg1 #ahh1 #bjd1 #bej ff42 de ,ben41 ,,iii1 #ah1 #b4 #bj4 #bh3 #aih2 ,epist41 #aa1 #h-aj2 #be1 #e4 #f3 #bed2 #da1 #b3 #bee2 #da1 #h3 #bed2 #fh1 #b3 #aii2 #ib1 #b f43 #bed2 #ie1 #dg-ej3 #bjj1 #bee2 #ie1 #eb3 #aig2 #aae1 #e3 #bjj1 #bee2 de ,ira1 ,,iii1 #cf1 #a-d3 #bea2 de ,otio1 #d1 #a3 #aii2 de ,vita ,beata1 #ag3 #ahi1 #bec4 ,serapis1 #bfb1 #bga f4 ,seven ,wise ,men1 #dc4 ,shamash1 #bgh4 ,sibyl3 ,cumaean1 #bba4 ,sibylline ,books1 #bba ff41 #bcj ff41 #bfj ff4 ,sicilian expedition1 #acc4 ,simonides1 ,frg41 #fa3 #gf4 ,socrates1 #ajd f41 #abi ff41 #add ff41 #ahd1 #ahe1 #ahh1 #beb4 ,sol invictus1 #bgi4 ,solon1 #da1 #gi1 #ha2 ,frgg41 #d1 #a-af3 #gi2 #ac3 #gi f42 #ac1 #ca f43 #ha4 ,sophists1 #abd ff41 #aea1 #ahc1 #bdd4 ,sophocles1 #ha1 #ij f41 #ii ff41 #aag1 #acc ff42 attitude toward gods1 #ajj f42 concept of divine ordinances1 #ajc f42 criticism of gods1 #ajj ff42 and ,eleusinian mysteries1 #ajh2 on good and evil1 #ajj2 life after death1 #ajg ff42 suffering1 #aje ff4 ,ai41 #abg ff43 #ajb f42 #acdc f43 #ajd2 ,antig41 #dej ff43 #ajd2 #fba ff43 #ajj2 #acdg ff43 #ajb2 ,o4 ,c41 #die ff43 #ajc2 #abfg ff43 #ajf2 #acha f43 #ajj2 ,o4 ,t41 #hfc ff43 #ajc2 ,phil41 #ddf ff43 #aja2 #addj ff43 #ajb2 ,trach41 #aacf3 #aje2 ,frgg41 #ajc3 #aja2 #bbf3 #ajb1 #ace2 #fjj3 #aje2 #gec3 #ga1 #ajh4 1 #id1 #ajb4 1 #cec4 1 #aff4 ,stobaeus1 ,ecl41 ,i1 #a1 #ab3 #aid2 ,flor41 #dj1 #i3 #aii4 ,stoicorum ,veterum ,fragmenta 7,,svf71 ,i1 #age1 #agf1 #ecg2 ,,ii1 #igd ff43 #aid4 ,stoics and ,stoicism1 #ahd ff41 #bjh1 #bji1 #bab1 #bac1 #bda1 #bdc f41 #bde1 #bdi ff41 #bed f41 #cce1 #cej2 allegorical interpretation of myths1 #bjc1 #cej2 ascetic tendency1 #bja2 on brotherhood of man1 #aig f41 #bjb2 and ,christianity1 #aig f42 cosmopolitanism1 #aif ff41 #bed2 eclectic character1 #ahe ff42 ethics1 #ahg ff42 on evil1 #aid ff42 failure of1 #bef2 on ,fate1 #aid2 freedom of the will1 #aie f42 1 #aib2 on immanence of god1 #aic1 #bjc2 individualism1 #aif2 missionary impulse1 #aii2 modified by ,panaetius and ,posidonius1 #ahg ff42 a moral philosophy1 #ahg f41 on ,nature1 #aia2 pantheism1 #aib f42 on ,providence1 #aid2 psychology1 #aib1 #aie2 on worship1 #aii f41 #bee4 ,suetonius1 de ,rhet41 #a3 #bda4 ,sulla1 #bdf1 #bfc4 1 #ced4 ,syncretism1 #bfh ff4 ,tarquins1 #bba1 #bbb1 #bbi f4 ,tatian1 #cbh2 ,orat41 #e3 #cca2 #e-g3 #ccc2 #g f41 #aa3 #ccd2 #ac3 #ccc2 #bj3 #ccj4 ,taurobolium1 #bhh ff4 ,terence1 #bcd4 ,tertullian1 ,apol41 #cg3 #ceh2 adv4 ,valent41 #ag3 #cbc4 ,thales1 #dc1 #big4 ,theagenes1 #cej4 ,thebes1 #ej1 #gb4 ,theophrastus1 #big4 ,theophilus1 ad ,autol41 #b1 #ae3 #cbc4 ,theognis1 #ge ff42 #afe f43 #gf2 #afg f43 #gg2 #aga f43 #gf2 #cai ff43 #gh2 #cgc-chj3 #hj2 #chc ff43 #gh2 #dbe-dca3 #gg2 #ehc f43 #gg2 #gca ff43 #ha2 #ajbi ff43 #gh2 #ajge ff43 #gg4 ,theogony1 of ,hesiod1 #bh ff4 1 1 in ,plato1 #afd4 ,theseus1 #aje4 ,thomas ,aquinas1 #aga4 ,thucydides1 #aac ff41 #abd2 ,hist41 ,,ii1 #dc-dd3 #aac4 1 #aee4 ,thurii1 #abd4 ,tibur1 #bcj4 ,timothy3 #a ,epistle to1 ,,iv1 ,i-#c3 #ceb4 ,tiresias1 #aci4 ,titans1 #ea f4 ,transcendence of god1 #agf1 #bjh ff41 #bae ff41 #cca f41 #cch1 #cdc1 #cej4 ,transmigration of souls1 #afa f4 ,trinity1 #cej4 ,triumph1 #bbb4 ,tusculum1 #bcj4 ,typhon1 #bgb4 ,tyrannies1 #da4 ,ulpian1 #aih4 ,union with god1 #dg ff41 #bac1 #bai f41 #cjj1 #cad1 #cag1 #cbb f41 #ceh4 ,uranus1 #bch4 ,valentinian ,i1 #ff4 ,valentinus1 #ccf ff4 ,varro1 #bbe1 #bdc f41 #bde4 ,vesta1 #bbe1 #bbf1 #bbh1 #bcc4 ,virgil1 #bcd1 #bcf1 #bdf2 ,aen41 ,,vi3 #bdh4 ,vision of ,god1 #bac f41 #bai f41 #cdg1 #cdi4 ,volcanus1 #bcc4 ,vows1 #bbg f4 ,wisdom of ,solomon1 #beh4 ,wordsworth1 quoted1 #aed4 ,works and ,days1 of ,hesiod1 #cj ff4 ,xenophanes1 #aah ff41 #cej2 ,frgg41 #aa1 #ad-af1 #ah1 #bc-bf3 #aai4 ,xenophon1 apud ,stob4 ,flor41 #hh1 #ad3 #gf4 ,xerxes1 #id f4 ,zaleucus1 #da4 ,zama1 battle of1 #bba4 ,zeno1 #ahe ff4 ,zeus1 #ad f41 #ai f41 #bf f41 #ed1 #ge ff41 #gi1 #hj1 #hc1 #ib ff41 #aic f41 #bjc1 #bcg1 #bch4 ,zopyrus1 #ec4 ,transcriber's ,notes3 ,underscores before and after a word or phrase indicate italics in the original text4 ,carat symbol designates a superscript4 ,small capitals have been converted to ,,solid capitals4 ,old or antiquated spellings have been preserved4 ,typographical errors have been silently corrected but other variations in spelling and punctuation remain unaltered4