,note3 ,images of the original pages are available through ,internet ,archive_/,american ,libraries4 ,see https3_/_/archive4org_/details_/peterabe lard#jjmccaiala ,transcriber's note3 ,text enclosed by underscores is in italics 7italics74 ,small capitals are represented in upper case as in ,,small ,,caps4 ,footnotes have been numbered in a single series4 ,each footnote is placed at the end of the paragraph which includes its anchor4 ,,peter ,,ab,,lard ,all rights reserved ,copyrighted in ,america ,,peter ,,ab,,lard by ,,joseph ,mc,c,a,b,e ,author of #8,twelve ,years in a ,monastery1' etc4 ,illustration ,london ,duckworth and ,co4 #c ,henrietta ,street1 ,w4,c4 #aija ,edinburgh3 ,t4 and ,a4 ,constable1 7late7 ,printers to ,her ,majesty ,,preface ,the author does not think it necessary to offer any apology for having written a life of ,ablard4 ,the intense dramatic interest of his life is known from a number of brief notices and sketches1 but ,english readers have no complete presentation of the facts of that remarkable career in our own tongue4 ,the ,history of ,abailard of ,mr4 ,berington1 dating from the eighteenth century1 is no longer adequate or useful4 ,many ,french and ,german scholars have rewritten ,ablard's life in the light of recent knowledge and feeling1 but1 beyond the short sketches to be found in ,compayr1 ,poole1 ,rashdall1 ,cotter ,morison1 and others1 no ,english writer of the nineteenth century has given us a complete study of this unique and much misunderstood personality4 ,perhaps one who has also had a monastic1 scholastic1 and ecclesiastical experience may approach the task with a certain confidence4 ,in the matter of positive information the last century has added little directly to the story of ,ablard's life4 ,indirectly1 however1 modern research has necessarily helped to complete the picture2 and modern feeling1 modern humanism1 reinterprets much of the story4 ,since the work is intended for a circle of readers who cannot be assumed to have a previous acquaintance with the authorities who are cited here and there1 it is necessary to indicate their several positions in advance4 ,the chief sources of the story are the letters of ,ablard and ,heloise4 ,the first letter of the series1 entitled the #8,story of my ,calamities1' is an autobiographical sketch1 covering the first fifty years of ,ablard's life4 ,to these must be added the letters of ,st4 ,bernard1 abbot of ,clairvaux3 of ,peter the ,venerable1 abbot of ,cluny3 of ,jean ,roscelin1 canon of ,compigne1 ,ablard's early teacher3 and of ,fulques of ,deuil1 a contemporary monk4 ,a number of ,latin works written shortly after ,ablard's death complete1 or complicate1 the narrative4 ,the principal of these are3 the ,vita ,beati ,bernardi1 written by his monk-secretary3 the ,vita ,beati ,goswini1 by two monks of the period3 the ,de gestis ,frederici ,i4 of a ,cistercian bishop1 ,otto of ,freising3 the ,metalogicus and the ,historia ,pontificalis of ,john of ,salisbury3 and the ,vita ,ludovici ,grossi and ,de rebus a se gestis of ,suger1 abbot of ,st4 ,denis1 and first royal councillor4 ,many of the chronicles of the twelfth century also contain brief references4 ,chief amongst the later ,french historians is ,du ,boulai with his ,historia ,universitatis ,parisiensis--#8the most stupid man who ever wrote a valuable book1' says ,mr4 ,r4 ,l4 ,poole4 ,amongst other ,french chroniclers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries we may mention3 ,de ,launoy 7,de scholis celebrioribus71 ,dubois 7,historia ,ecclesi ,parisiensis71 ,lobineau 7,histoire de ,bretagne71 ,flibien 7,histoire de l'abbaye de ,saint ,denys and ,histoire de la ville de ,paris71 ,longueval 7,histoire de l'glise ,gallicane71 ,tarb 7,recherches historiques sur la ville de ,sens71 and1 of course1 the ,histoire littraire de la ,france1 ,gallia ,christiana1 and ecclesiastical historians generally4 ,a large number of #8lives' of ,ablard have been founded on these documents4 ,in ,french we have ,la vie de ,p4 ,ablard of ,gervaise1 a monkish admirer of the eighteenth century1 far from ascetic in temper1 but much addicted to imaginative description3 the historical essay of ,mme4 and ,m4 ,guizot1 prefixed to ,m4 ,oddoul's translation of the letters of ,ablard and ,heloise3 the ,ablard of ,m4 ,rmusat1 pronounced by ,ste4 ,beuve himself to be #8un chef d'uvre'3 and the ,lettres ,compltes of ,m4 ,grard1 with a helpful introduction4 ,in ,german ,reuter chiefly discusses ,ablard as a thinker in his ,geschichte der religisen ,aufklrung3 ,deutsch is mainly preoccupied with his theology in his ,peter ,ablard1 but gives an exhaustive study of the last years of his life in ,ablards ,verurtheilung zu ,sens3 ,neander discusses him in his ,heilige ,bernhard3 and ,hausrath offers the most complete and authoritative study of his career and character in his recent ,peter ,ablard4 ,in ,english we have1 as ,i said1 the eighteenth-century work of ,berington1 a small fantastic ,american version 7quite valueless71 and the more or less lengthy studies of ,ablard found in ,rashdall's fine ,universities of ,europe1 ,cotter ,morison's ,life and ,times of ,st4 ,bernard 7scarcely a judicious sketch71 ,compayr's ,ablard and the ,universities 7in which the biography is rather condensed71 ,roger ,vaughan's ,life of ,st4 ,thomas of ,aquin1 and ,mr4 ,r4 ,l4 ,poole's ,illustrations of the ,history of ,medival ,thought 7from whom we may regret we have not received a complete study of ,ablard74 ,january #ca1 #aija4 ,,contents ,,chap4 ,,page ,i4 ,,the ,,quest ,,of ,,minerva #a ,,ii4 ,a ,,brilliant ,,victory #ah ,,iii4 ,,progress ,,of ,,the ,,academic ,,war #da ,,iv4 ,,the ,,idol ,,of ,,paris #fd ,v4 ,,dead ,,sea ,,fruit #if ,,vi4 ,,the ,,monk ,,of ,,st4 ,,denis #abd ,,vii4 ,,the ,,trial ,,of ,a ,,heretic #adf ,,viii4 ,,cloud ,,upon ,,cloud #afc ,,ix4 ,,back ,,to ,,champagne #aha ,x4 ,,the ,,trials ,,of ,,an ,,abbot #bjb ,,xi4 ,,the ,,letters ,,of ,,ab,,lard ,,and ,,heloise #bbd ,,xii4 ,a ,,return ,,to ,,the ,,arena #bec ,,xiii4 ,,the ,,final ,,blow #bha ,,xiv4 ,,consummatum ,,est #cji ,,xv4 ,,the ,,influence ,,of ,,ab,,lard #cbi ,,chapter ,i ,,the ,,quest ,,of ,,minerva ,peter ,ablard was born towards the close of the eleventh century4 ,no other personality that we may choose to study leads to so clear and true an insight into those strange days as does that of the luckless ,breton philosopher4 ,it was the time of transition from the darkest hour of medival ,europe to a period of both moral and intellectual brilliance4 ,the gloom of the #8century of iron' still lay on the land1 but it was already touched with the faint1 spreading dawn of a new idealism4 ,there is1 amongst historians1 a speculation to the effect that the year #ajjj of the ,christian era marked a real and very definite stage in the history of thought4 ,usually we do violence to events by our chronological demarcations2 but it is said that ,christendom confidently expected the threatened rolling-up of the heavens and the earth to take place in the year #ajjj4 ,slowly1 very slowly1 the sun crept over the dial of the heavens before the eyes of idle men4 ,but no ,christ rode on the clouds1 and no ,anti-,christ came into the cities4 ,and the heaviness was lifted from the breasts of men1 and the blood danced merrily in their veins once more4 ,they began again #8to feel the joy of existence1' as an old writer has it1 and to build up their towers afresh in the sun-light4 ,it was a strangely chequered period1 this that changed the darkness of the tenth into the comparative radiance of the thirteenth century4 ,all life was overcast by densest ignorance and grossest lust and fiercest violence1 the scarcely altered features of the #8converted' northern barbarians2 yet the light of an ideal was breaking through1 in the pure atmosphere of reformed monasteries1 in the lives of saintly prelates and women refined beyond their age1 and in the intellectual gospel of a small band of thinkers and teachers4 ,amid the general degradation of the ,church and the cloister strong souls had arisen1 ardent with a contagious fire of purity4 ,high-minded prelates had somehow attained power1 in spite of the net of simony and corruption4 ,the sons of ,st4 ,benedict1 rising and falling too often with the common tide1 had1 nevertheless1 guarded some treasures of the earlier wisdom1 and shared them lovingly at their gates with the wandering scholar4 ,thousands there were who could close heart and home at the fiery word of a preacher1 and go to starve their souls in the living tomb of a monastery4 ,thousands could cast down their spades and their wine-cups1 and rush to meet death in the trail of a frenzied hermit4#a ,they were the days of the travail of the spirit2 and they rise before us in arresting vision when we look into the life of ,peter ,ablard4 #a ,i am thinking1 of course1 of the thousands of simple folk who rushed blindfold into the fatal procession towards ,jerusalem1 setting their children on their rude carts1 and asking navely1 at each tower that came in sight in their own ,france1 if that was the ,holy ,city3 those whose bones marked the path to ,palestine for later ,crusaders4 ,as to the professional warriors1 there is surely more humour than aught else in the picture of the ,king of ,france and his like setting forth to #8do penance' for their vice and violence by a few months of adventure1 carnage1 and pillage4 ,that life begins some day in the last decade of the eleventh century1 when the young ,breton1 then in his fifteenth or sixteenth year1 went out from his father's castle into the bright world on the quest of ,minerva4 ,of his earlier years we know nothing4 ,later fancy has brooded over them to some purpose1 it is true1 if there are any whom such things interest4 ,the usual unusual events were observed before and after his birth1 and the immortal swarm of bees that has come down the ages1 kissing the infant lips of poets and philosophers1 did not fail to appear at ,pallet4 ,in point of sober fact1 we rely almost exclusively on ,ablard's autobiography for the details of his earlier career1 and he tells us nothing of his childhood1 and not much of his youth4 ,it matters little4 ,the life of a soul begins when it looks beyond the thoughts of parents and teachers--if it ever do--out into the defiant world1 and frames a view and a purpose4 ,the home from which ,ablard issued1 somewhere about the year #ajie1 was an ancient castle at ,pallet1 in ,brittany1 about eleven miles to the south-east of ,nantes4 ,at the end of the village1 which was threaded on the high road from ,nantes to ,poitiers1 a steep eminence dominated the narrow flood of the ,sanguze4 ,the castle was built on this3 overlooking the village more1 as it chanced1 in a spirit of friendly care than of haughty menace4 ,the spot is still visited by many a pilgrim--not with a priestly benediction2 but the castle is now the mere relic of a ruin4 ,in the most penetrating movements of his prophetic genius1 ,ablard never foresaw the revolt of the serfs1 or indeed any economic development4 ,in this one respect he failed to detect and outstrip what little advance was made in his day4 ,his father's castle has disappeared with the age it belonged to1 and the sons of his vassals now lay the bones of their dead to rest on his desolated hearth4 ,brenger1 the father1 was a noble of a rare type4 ,he had fortunately received a little culture before setting out in the service of ,hoel ,,iv41 ,duke of ,brittany and ,count of ,nantes1 and he in turn communicated his taste and his knowledge to his children4 ,from the fact1 too1 that he and his wife ,lucia adopted the monastic life a few years after ,ablard's departure1 we may gather that they were also above the moral level of their class4 ,it is not idle to note that ,ablard's mind encountered no evil or irreligious influences when it first opened4 ,all the circumstances that are known to us suggest a gentle1 uplifting1 and reverential education4 ,he was the eldest of the sons of ,brenger2 and1 partly1 no doubt1 because greater care had been taken with his education1 partly in the necessary consciousness of mental power1 he early determined to leave home1 and wander over the land in search of learning4 ,his words give one the impression that he shouldered a wallet1 and sallied forth alone1 after the adventurous fashion of the day4 ,however that may be1 he says that he resolved to leave the chances of the favour of ,mars to his brothers1 and set out to woo the gentler ,minerva4 ,abandoning the rights of primogeniture and the possible grace of kings1 he passed away from the great castle1 and turned eagerly in the direction of the nearest school4 ,it was not uncommon in those #8,dark ,ages' for a young noble to resign the comfort of the chteau and the glamour of a courtly life in this way4 ,the scholastic fever1 which was soon to inflame the youth of the whole of ,europe1 had already set in4 ,you could not travel far over the rough roads of ,france without meeting some foot-sore scholar1 making for the nearest large monastery or episcopal town4 ,before many years1 it is true1 there was a change1 as the keen-eyed ,jew watched the progress of the fever4 ,there arose an elaborate system of conveyance from town to town1 an organisation of messengers to run between the chteau and the school1 a smiling group of banks and bankers4 ,but in the earlier days1 and1 to some extent1 even later1 the scholar wandered afoot through the long provinces of ,france4 ,here and there a noble or a wealthy merchant would fly past in his silks and furs1 with a body-guard of a dozen stout fellows2 or a poor clerk would jog along on his ass1 looking anxiously towards each wood or rock that bordered the road ahead4 ,robbers1 frequently in the service of the lord of the land1 infested every province4 ,it was safest to don the coarse frieze tunic of the pilgrim1 without pockets1 sling your little wax tablets and style at your girdle1 strap a wallet of bread and herbs and salt on your back1 and laugh at the nervous folk who peeped out from their coaches over a hedge of pikes and daggers4 ,few monasteries refused a meal or a rough bed to the wandering scholar4 ,rarely was any fee exacted for the lesson given4 ,for the rest1 none were too proud to earn a few sous by sweeping1 or drawing water1 or amusing with a tune on the reed-flute3 or to wear the cast-off tunics of their masters4 ,it is fitting that we should first find little ,pierre--,master ,roscelin recalls him in later years as #8the smallest of my pupils'--under the care of a rationalist scholar4 ,love was the first rock on which the fair promise of his early manhood was shattered1 but throughout the long1 sternly religious years that followed1 it was his restless application of reason to the veiled dogmas of faith that brought endless cruelty and humiliation upon him4 ,now1 ,jean ,roscelin1 canon of ,compigne1 was the rationalist of his day4 ,as ,ablard was fated to do1 he had attempted to unveil the super-sacred doctrine of the ,trinity2 not in the spirit of irreverent conceit1 with which people credited both him and ,ablard1 but for the help of those who were afflicted with a keen intellect and an honest heart4 ,for this he had been banished from ,england in #ajic1 and from the kingdom of ,france1 and had settled in one or other of the ,gaulish provinces4 ,mme4 ,guizot1 in her very careful study of ,ablard1 sees no evidence for the statement that he studied under ,roscelin1 but the fact is now beyond dispute4 ,otto von ,freising1 a contemporary historian1 says that he #8had ,roscelin for his first master'2 ,aventinus and others also speak of ,roscelin as an early teacher of his4 ,roscelin himself1 in a letter which it seems #8frivolous1' as ,deutsch says1 to hesitate to accept1 claims that ,ablard sat at his feet--it was the literal practice in those days--#8from boyhood to youth4' ,ablard1 on the other hand1 writes that he attended ,roscelin's lectures #8for a short time'2 but this correspondence took place at a moment when the one would be greatly disposed to exaggerate and the other to attenuate4 ,an anonymous anecdote1 which we shall examine presently1 pretends that he found ,roscelin unsatisfactory1 but #8controlled his feeling so far as to remain under ,roscelin for a year4' ,it is clear enough that he spent a few of his earlier years on the hay-strewn floor of ,master ,roscelin's lecture-hall4 ,there is some uncertainty as to the locality1 but a sufficient indication to impart an interest to the question4 ,roscelin says it was at the #8,locensis ecclesia4' ,this is easily understood if we interpret it to mean the monastery of ,locmenach#b in ,brittany4 ,the monks of ,st4 ,gildas1 on the coast of ,brittany1 a wild band whose closer acquaintance we shall make later on1 had established a branch monastery at ,locmenach4 ,as will appear in due time1 they would be likely to have small scruple about increasing its revenue by erecting a chair for one of the most famous dialecticians in ,christendom1 in spite of his condemnation for heresy at ,london and ,soissons4 ,we have no special information about the manner of school-life at ,locmenach1 save that we know the monks of ,st4 ,gildas to have been the living antithesis to the good monks of ,bec2 but it is interesting to find ,ablard studying dialectics under a famous rationalist1 and in a monastery that was subject to the ,abbey of ,st4 ,gildas of ,rhuys4 ,the dark pages of his later history will give point to the dual circumstance4 #b ,locmenach locus monachorum1 #8the place of the monks4' ,the older name was ,moriacum4 ,it is now called ,locmin1 and lies a few miles to the east of ,vannes4 ,there is one other1 and less reliable1 account of ,ablard in his school-days4 ,in an anecdote which is found in one or two older writers1 and on the margin of an old ,ablard manuscript1 it is stated that he studied mathematics under a certain ,master ,tirricus4 ,the anecdote is generally rejected as valueless1 on the ground that it contains clear trace of the work of a #8constructive imagination'2 but ,mr4 ,poole points out that #8there is no reason to doubt' the authenticity of the substance of the narrative1 and it seems to me that the fictional element may be reduced to a very slender quantity4 ,the story runs that ,tirric1 or ,theodoric1 one day found ,ablard shedding tears of fruitless perspiration over mathematical problems4 ,he had already1 it is said1 mastered the higher branches of knowledge1 and was even teaching1 but had omitted mathematics1 and was endeavouring to remedy the omission by taking private lessons from ,tirric4 ,noting his effort1 the master is represented to say3 #8,what more can the sated dog do than lick the bacon8' #8,to lick the bacon' is1 in the crude ,latinity of the age1 bajare lardum1 and the story pretends the phrase afforded a nickname for ,pierre 7,bajolard or ,baiolard71 and was eventually rounded into ,ablard or ,abailard4 ,the construction is so crude1 and the probability that ,ablard is a surname needing no legendary interpretation is so high1 that the whole anecdote is often contemptuously rejected4 ,it is surely much more reasonable to read the phrase as a pun on ,ablard's name1 which some later writer1 to whom the name was unfamiliar1 has taken in a constructive sense4#c #c ,the name occurs in a dozen different forms in the ancient records4 ,i adopt the form which is generally used by modern ,french writers4 ,d',argentr and other historians of ,brittany say that it was not unknown about ,nantes in those days4 ,we must remember that it was the period when nicknames1 trade-names1 etc41 were passing into surnames4 ,another pun on the name1 which greatly tickled the medival imagination1 was #8,aboilar1' supposed to convey the idea that he was a dog who barks at heaven 7aboie le ciel74 ,it was perpetrated by ,hugo ,metellus1 a rival master4 ,there are several good reasons for retaining the historical framework of the anecdote4 ,it is a fact that ,ablard never mastered mathematics2 chancing to mention arithmetic in one of his works1 he says1 #8,of that art ,i confess myself wholly ignorant4' ,it was unfortunate for mathematics4 ,most probably the puerility of that liberal art1 in its early medival form1 repelled him4 ,in the next place1 there was a distinguished master living in ,france of the name of ,tirric1 or ,theodoric1 who is said to have had a leaning to mathematics4 ,he taught in the episcopal school at ,chartres1 long famous for the lectures of his brother ,bernard4 ,finally1 a ,master ,tirric 7presumably the same7 turns up at ,ablard's trial in #aaba1 and boldly and caustically scourges papal legate and bishops alike4 ,however1 if we attribute so much authority to the story1 it clearly refers to a later date4 ,the picture of ,ablard1 already a teacher1 sated with knowledge1 coming #8in private' to repair an omission in the course of his studies1 must be relegated to one of the intervals in his teaching at ,paris1 not1 as ,mr4 ,poole thinks1 to the period between leaving ,roscelin and arriving at ,paris4 ,ablard himself merely says that he #8went wherever dialectics flourished4' ,for five or six years he wandered from school to school1 drawn onward continually by the fame of schools and of masters4 ,schools were plentiful1 and the age was already rich in great teachers4 ,charlemagne had inaugurated the scholastic age two hundred years before with the founding of the ,palace ,school1 and had directed that every monastery and every episcopal town should give instruction4 ,with periods of languor the ,benedictines had sustained the scholastic tradition through the soulless age that followed1 and the second half of the eleventh century saw a brisk development4 ,there was the great abbey of ,bec1 in ,normandy1 where ,st4 ,anselm still detained crowds of pupils after the departure of ,lanfranc4 ,but at ,bec the students were not part of a #8great undisciplined horde1' as ,rashdall calls the students of the early ,middle ,ages4 ,with its careful regulations1 its bare-back castigations1 its expurgated classics1 and its ever watchful monks1 it contrived at once to cultivate the mind 7in moderation7 and to guard the sanctity of faith and morals4 ,cluny1 in the south1 had a similar school at its gates1 and the same control of the scholars it lodged and fed4 ,st4 ,denis1 near ,paris1 had another famous ,benedictine school4 ,the forty monasteries that ,william of ,dijon had recently reformed had opened free schools for the wandering pupils1 and even fed the poorer youths4 ,then there were men of ,european fame teaching in the cathedral cloisters of the larger towns4 ,at ,chartres1 good ,bishop ,ivo--the only lawyer who ever lived and died in the odour of sanctity--had spent much energy in the improvement of his school4 ,little ,john1 or ,john of ,salisbury1 has left us a proud record of its life at a slightly later date1 when ,tirric and his brother ,bernard presided over it4 ,at ,tournai1 ,master ,eudes of ,orleans1 the peripatetic of the time1 walked the cloisters all day with his questioning scholars1 and gathered them before the cathedral door of an evening to explain the profound mysteries of the solid spheres that whirled overhead1 and of the tiny1 immortal fires that were set in them4 ,other famous episcopal schools were those of ,tours1 ,rheims1 ,angers1 and ,laon4 ,but every bishop had his master or masters for the teaching of grammar1 rhetoric1 and dialectics 7the trivium71 and in the larger towns were #8lectors' of the other four liberal arts 7the quadrivium71 music1 geometry1 arithmetic1 and astronomy4 ,theology was taught under the watchful eye of the bishop and his chapter1 and in time chairs of ,hebrew1 and1 with the progress of the ,saracenic invasion of the intellectual world1 even of ,arabic1 were founded4 ,at the abbey of ,st4 ,denis1 monk ,baldwin1 sometime physician to the ,king of ,england1 taught and practised the art of healing4 ,at ,chartres1 also1 medicine was taught somewhat later2 and there are stories of teachers of law4 ,and beside all these1 there were the private masters1 #8coaches1' etc41 who opened schools wherever any number of scholars forgathered4 ,thus the historical imagination can readily picture all that is contained in the brief phrase with which ,ablard dismisses the five or six years of his studies4 #8,there was no regular curriculum in those days1' ,mr4 ,rashdall says1 in his study of the #8,universities of ,europe'2 but the seven liberal arts were taught1 and were gradually arranging themselves in a series under the pressure of circumstances4 ,music ,ablard certainly studied2 before many years his songs were sung through the length and breadth of ,france4 ,none of his contemporaries made a more eager and profitable study of what was called grammar--that is1 not merely an exercise in the rules of ,donatus and ,priscian1 but a close acquaintance with the great ,latin poets and historians4 ,rhetoric and dialectics he revelled in--#8,i went wherever dialectics flourished4' ,to so good purpose did he advance in this work of loosening the tongue and sharpening the wit1 that throughout his life the proudest orators and thinkers of ,christendom shrank in dismay from the thought of a verbal encounter with him4 #8,i am a child beside him1' pleaded ,bernard of ,clairvaux1 at a time when ,france1 and even ,rome1 trembled at the sound of his own voice4 ,but we must defer for a few pages the consideration of medival dialectics4 #8,illi soli patuit quicquid scibile erat1' said an ancient epitaph2 and1 though the historian handles epigrams with discretion1 it must be admitted that ,ablard surpassed his contemporaries1 not only in ability and in utterance1 but also in erudition4 ,there is the one exception of mathematics1 but it seems probable that he despised what passed under that name in the twelfth century4 #8,mathematics1' he says somewhere1 in a sarcastic parenthesis1 #8the exercise of which is nefarious4' ,but in the thrust and parry of dialectics he found a keen delight2 and so he wandered from place to place1 edging his logical weapons on fellow-pupils and provincial masters1 until one day1 about the opening year of the twelfth century1 he directed his steps towards far-famed ,paris--beautiful1 naughty1 brilliant1 seductive ,paris1 even in those distant days4 ,but the ,paris of the first decade of the twelfth century was wholly different1 not only from the ,paris of to-day1 but even from the ,paris of ,victor ,hugo's famous picture4 ,,chapter ,,ii ,a ,,brilliant ,,victory ,if you desire to see the ,paris of those early days1 imagine yourself beside the spot where the modern ,pantheon stands4 ,it is the summit of what ,paris called #8the hill' for many a century--the hill of ,st4 ,genevieve4 ,save for the large monastery of secular canons beside you1 the abbey of ,st4 ,genevieve1 there is yet little sign of the flood of grimy masonry that will creep up slowly from the river valley1 as the ages advance1 and foul the sweet country for miles beyond4 ,paris lies down in the valley below1 a toy city4 ,the larger island in the ,seine bears almost the whole weight of the capital of ,france4 ,it has1 it is true1 eaten a little way into the northern bank of the river1 to which it is joined by the ,great ,bridge4 ,that is the ,lombard ,quarter1 and ,lutetian commerce is increasing rapidly4 ,numbers of curious ships sail up the broad1 silver bosom of the ,seine1 and make for the port of ,st4 ,landry4 ,the commercial quarter is already spreading in the direction of ,montmartre1 with the public butchery and bakery at its outskirt2 but it is a mere fringe4 ,the broad valleys and the gentle hills that are one day to support ,paris are now clothed with vineyards and orchards and cornfields1 and crowned with groves of olive#d and oak4 ,on the nearer side1 too1 the city has already overflowed the narrow limits of the island4 ,there are houses on the fine stone bridge1 the ,little ,bridge1 and there is a pretty confusion of houses1 chapels1 schools1 and taverns gradually stealing up the slope of ,st4 ,genevieve4 ,but1 here also1 most of the hill is covered with gardens and vineyards1 from which a chapel or a relic of old ,roman ,lutetia peeps out here and there--the ruins of the famous old therm lie half-way down the hill below us--2 and along the valley of the #8444 florentibus ripis amnis' 7to quote a poet of the time71 to east and west1 are broad lakes of fresh green colour1 broken only in their sweet monotony by an occasional island of masonry1 an abbey with a cluster of cottages about it4 #d ,this and other details ,i gather from fragments of the minor poets of the time4 ,it is down straight below us1 on the long1 narrow island1 that we see the heart of ,france1 the centre of its political1 intellectual1 and ecclesiastical life4 ,a broad1 unpaved road1 running from ,great ,bridge to ,little ,bridge1 cuts it into two4 ,church occupies most of the eastern half1 ,state most of the western2 their grateful subjects pack themselves as comfortably as they can in the narrow fringe that is left between the royal and ecclesiastical domains and the bed of the river4 ,each generation in turn has wondered why it was so scourged by #8the burning fire' 7the plague71 and resolved to be more generous to the ,church4 ,from the summit of ,st4 ,genevieve we see the front of the huge1 grey1 ,roman cathedral1 that goes back to the days of ,childebert1 and the residences of its prelates and canons bordering the cloister4 ,over against it1 to the west1 is the spacious royal garden1 which is graciously thrown open to the people two or three times a week1 with the palace of ,king ,philip at the extremity of the island4 ,that is ,paris in the year of grace #aajj2 and all outside those narrow limits is a very dream of undulating scenery1 with the vesture of the vine1 the fir1 the cypress1 the oak1 the olive1 and the fig2 and the colour of the rose1 the almond1 the lily1 and the violet2 and the broad1 sweet ,seine meandering through it2 and the purest air that mortal could desire4 ,to our young philosopher ,paris probably presented itself first in the character of #8the city of philosophers4' ,each of the great abbeys had its school4 ,that of the abbey of ,st4 ,genevieve will soon be familiar to us4 ,the abbey of ,st4 ,germain of ,auxerre1 to the north1 and the abbey of ,st4 ,germain of the ,meadow1 to the west1 had schools at their gates for all comers4 ,st4 ,martin in the ,fields had its school1 and the little priory of ,st4 ,victor1 to the east1 was soon to have one of the most famous of all schools of theology4 ,the royal abbey of ,st4 ,denis1 a few miles away1 had a school in which ,prince ,louis was then being trained1 together with the illustrious ,abbot ,suger4 ,a number of private schools were scattered about the foot of ,st4 ,genevieve4 ,the ,jews had a school1 and--mark the liberality of the time--there was1 or had been until a very few years before1 a school for women2 it was conducted by the wife and daughters of famous ,master ,manegold1 of ,alsace1 women who were well versed in ,scripture1 and #8most distinguished in philosophy1' says ,muratori4 ,but ,ablard went straight to the centre of ,paris1 to the cloistral enclosure under the shadow of old ,notre ,dame1#e where was the first episcopal school in the kingdom1 and one of the first masters in ,christendom4 ,william of ,champeaux was a comparatively young master1 who had forced his way into high places by sheer ability4 ,he was held to be the first dialectician in ,france1 and #8almost the first royal councillor4' ,in the great philosophic controversy of the period he was the leader of the orthodox school4 ,the ,bishop of ,paris had brought him to the island-city1 and vested him with the dignity of archdeacon of the cathedral and scholasticus 7chancellor or rector7 and master of the episcopal school4 ,so high was the repute of his ability and his doctrine that1 so ,fleury says1 he was called #8the pillar of doctors4' ,from an obscure local centre of instruction he had lifted the ,parisian school into a commanding position1 and had attracted scholars from many lands4 ,and he was then in the prime of life4 ,within a few months ,ablard made his authority totter1 and set his reputation on the wane4 ,in six or seven years he drove him1 in shame and humiliation1 from his chair1 after a contest that filled ,christendom with its echoes4 #e ,the ,notre ,dame of to-day1 like the earlier ,louvre1 dates from the end of the twelfth century4 ,let us repeat that ,william of ,champeaux was then in the prime of life1 or only ten years older than ,ablard4 ,there are those who talk of the #8venerable teacher' and the audacious1 irreverent stripling4 ,this picture of the conflict is historically ridiculous4 ,rousselot and ,michaud1 two of the most careful students of ,champeaux's life1 give the date of his birth as #ajfh and #ajgj1 respectively4 ,he had fought his way with early success into the first chair in ,christendom2 he cannot have been much older than ,ablard when he secured it4 ,ablard had an immeasurably greater ability2 he was frankly conscious of the fact2 and he seems promptly to have formed the perfectly legitimate design of ousting ,william--whose philosophy certainly seemed absurd to him--and mounting the great chair of ,notre ,dame4 ,such a thought would naturally take shape during the course of the following twelve months4 ,the only indication that ,ablard gives us is to the effect that ,william was well disposed towards him at first1 though there is no foundation in recorded fact for the assertion that ,william invited the youth to his house1 but they were gradually involved in a warm dialectical encounter4 ,ablard was not only a handsome and talented youth 7which facts he candidly tells us himself71 but he was a practised dialectician4 ,the lectures of those untiring days lasted for hours1 and might be interrupted at any moment by a question from a scholar4 ,moreover1 ,william was principally occupied with dialectics1 and it would be quite impossible--if it were desired--to instruct youths in the art of disputing1 without letting them exercise their powers on the hosts of problems which served the purpose of illustration4 ,hence the young ,breton must have quickly brought his keen rapier into play4 ,the consciousness of power and the adolescent vanity of exhibiting it1 both generously developed in ,ablard1 would prepare the way for ambition4 ,question and answer soon led on to a personal contest4 ,but there was a stronger source of provocation1 and here it will be necessary to cast a hurried glance at the great controversy of the hour4 ,cousin has said that the scholastic philosophy was born of a phrase that ,boetius translated out of ,porphyry4 ,it is a good epigram2 but it has the disadvantage of most epigrams--it is false4 ,the controversy about genera and species is by no means of vital importance to the scholastic philosophy1 as ,ablard himself has said4 ,however1 there is much truth in the assertion that this celebrated controversy1 as a specific question1 may be traced entirely to ,porphyry4 ,boetius was the chief author read in the early medival schools4 ,amongst other works they had his ,latin translation of ,porphyry's ,introduction to ,aristotle1 and in one corner of this volume some roving scholastic had been arrested by the allusion to the old ,greek controversy about genera and species4 ,to put it shortly3 we have mental pictures of individual men1 and we have also the idea of man in general1 an idea which may be applied to each and all of the individual men we know4 ,the grave problem that agitated the centuries was1 whether not only the individual human beings who live and move about us1 but also this #8general man' or species1 had an existence outside the mind4 ,the modern photographer has succeeded in taking composite photographs4 ,a number of human likenesses are super-imposed on the same plate1 so that at length individual features are blended1 and there emerges only the vague portrait of #8a man4' ,the question that vexed the medival soul was1 whether this human type1 as distinct from the individual mortals we see in the flesh1 had a real existence4 ,in whatever terms the problem be stated1 it is sure to appear almost childish to the non-philosophical reader2 as1 indeed1 it appeared to certain scholars even of that time4 ,john of ,salisbury1 with his ,british common sense and impatience of dialectical subtlety1 petulantly spoke of it as #8the ancient question1 in the solution of which the world has grown grey1 and more time has been consumed than the ,csars gave to the conquest and dominion of the globe1 more money wasted than ,crsus counted in all his wealth4' ,but listen to another ,briton1 and one with the fulness of modern life outspread before him4 ,archbishop ,roger ,vaughan1 defending the attitude of the enthusiasts in his ,thomas of ,aquin1 says3 #8,kill ideas1 blast theories1 explode the archetypes of things1 and the age of brute force is not far distant4' ,and ,rousselot declares1 in his ,philosophie du ,moyen ,age1 that the problem of universals is #8the most exalted and the most difficult question in the whole of philosophy4' ,poor philosophy6 will be the average layman's comment4 ,however1 though neither ancient ,greeks nor medival formalists were guilty of the confusion of ideas and ideals which ,dom ,vaughan betrays1 the schoolmen had contrived to connect the question in a curious fashion with the mystery of the ,trinity4 ,when1 therefore1 ,jean ,roscelin began to probe the question with his dialectical weapons1 the ears of the orthodox were opened wide4 ,the only position which was thought compatible with the faith was realism--the notion that the species or the genus was a reality1 distinct from the individuals that belonged to it1 and outside the mind that conceived it4 ,by and by it was whispered in the schools1 and wandering scholars bore the rumour to distant monasteries and bishoprics1 that ,roscelin denied the real existence of these universals4 ,indeed1 in his scorn of the orthodox position1 he contemptuously declared them to be #8mere words'2 neither in the world of reality1 nor in the mind itself1 was there anything corresponding to them2 they were nothing but an artifice of human speech4 ,europe was ablaze at once4 ,st4 ,anselm assailed the heretic from the theological side2 ,william of ,champeaux stoutly led the opposition1 and the defence of realism1 from the side of philosophy4 ,such was the question of the hour1 such the condition of the world of thought1 when ,pierre ,ablard reached the cloistral school at ,paris4 ,if you stated the problem clearly to a hundred men and women who were unacquainted with philosophic speculations1 ninety-nine of them would probably answer that these universals were neither mere words nor external realities1 but general or generalised ideas--composite photographs1 to use the interesting comparison of ,mr4 ,galton1 in the camera of the mind4 ,that was the profound discovery with which ,ablard shattered the authority of his master1 revolutionised the thought of his age1 and sent his fame to the ends of the earth4 ,he had introduced a new instrument into the dialectical world1 common sense1 like the little girl in the fairy tale1 who was brought to see the prince in his imaginary clothes4#f ,this1 at least1 ,ablard achieved1 and it was a brilliant triumph for the unknown youth3 he swept for ever out of the world of thought1 in spite of almost all the scholars of ,christendom1 that way of thinking and of speaking which is known as realism4 ,i am familiar with the opinion of scholastic thinkers in this question1 from the thirteenth century to the present day4 ,it differs verbally1 but not substantially1 from the conceptualism of ,ablard4 ,the stripling of twenty or twenty-one had enunciated the opinion which the world of thought was to adopt4 #f ,lest there be a suspicion of caricature1 or of ignorance 7though ,i too have sat in the chair of scholastic philosophy1 and held grave discourse on genera and species71 let me remind the reader of the theological import which was read into the problem4 ,we still have some of the arguments with which ,ablard assailed his chief--but enough of philosophy1 let us proceed with the story4 ,once more the swift and animated years are condensed into a brief phrase by the gloomy autobiographist2 though there is a momentary flash of the old spirit when he says of the earlier stage that he #8seemed at times to have the victory in the dispute1' and when he describes the final issue in the words of ,ovid1 #8444 non sum superatus ab illo4' ,he soon found the weak points in ,william's armour1 and proceeded to attack him with the uncalculating passion of youth4 ,it was not long before the friendly master was converted into a bitter1 life-long enemy2 and that1 he wearily writes1 #8was the beginning of my calamities4' ,possibly3 but it is not unlikely that he had had a similar experience at ,locmenach4 ,however that may be1 it was a fatal victory4 ,ten years afterwards we find ,william in closest intimacy and daily intercourse with ,bernard of ,clairvaux4 ,most of the scholars at ,notre ,dame were incensed at the success of ,ablard4 ,in those earlier days the gathering was predominantly clerical2 the more so1 on account of ,william's championship of orthodoxy4 ,but as the controversy proceeded1 and rumour bore its echo to the distant schools1 the number and the diversity of the scholars increased4 ,many of the youths took the side of the handsome1 brilliant young noble1 and encouraged him to resist4 ,he decided to open a school4 ,there was little organisation in the schools at that period--the university not taking shape until fully sixty years afterwards 7,compayr7--and ,ablard would hardly need a #8license' for the purpose1 outside the immediate precincts of the cloister4 ,but ,william was angry and powerful4 ,it were more discreet1 at least1 not to create a direct and flagrant opposition to him4 ,the little group of scholars moved to ,melun1 and raised a chair for their new master in that royal town4 ,it was thirty miles away1 down the valley of the ,seine2 but a thirty mile walk was a trifle in the days when railways were unknown1 and ,william soon noticed a leakage in his class4 ,moreover1 ,melun was an important town1 the king spending several months there every year4 ,william made strenuous efforts to have the new academy suppressed1 but he seems to have quarrelled with some of the courtiers1 and these took up the cause of the new master of noble rank4 ,when ,ablard saw the powerlessness of the chancellor of ,notre ,dame1 he decided to come a little nearer4 ,there was another fortified and royal town1 ,corbeil by name1 about half-way to ,paris1 and thither he transferred his chair and his followers4 ,the move was made1 he tells us1 for the convenience of his students4 ,his reputation was already higher than ,william's1 and the duel of the masters had led to a noisy conflict between their respective followers4 ,corbeil being a comfortable day's walk from ,paris1 there was a constant stream of rival pupils flowing between the two4 ,in the schools and the taverns1 on the roads and the bridges1 nothing was heard but the increasing jargon of the junior realists and conceptualists4 ,besides the great problem1 dialectics had countless lesser ones that would furnish argumentative material for an eternity4 #8,whether the pig that is being driven to market is held by the man or the rope'2 #8whether a shield that is white on one side and black on the other may be called either black or white1' and problems of that kind1 are not to be compared in point of depth and fecundity with such mere matters of fact as the origin of species4 ,but the long and severe strain had gravely impaired ,ablard's health2 he was compelled to close his school1 and return to ,brittany4 ,william was not the only one who rejoiced4 ,the ,church was beginning to view with some alarm the spread of the new doctrine and the new spirit4 ,cynical rivals were complaining that #8the magician' had brought #8a plague of frogs' on the land4 ,ablard tells us that he remained #8for several years almost cut off from ,france4' ,rmusat thinks it was probably during this period that he studied under ,roscelin1 but there is now little room for doubt that his intercourse with the famous nominalist falls in the earlier years4 ,much more probable is it that we should assign his relations to ,tirric of ,chartres to the later date4 ,the substance of the anecdote that was found on the margin of the ,ratisbon manuscript seems to accord admirably with ,ablard's circumstances in the period we have now reached4 ,the question1 however1 will interest few1 beyond the narrow circle of historical specialists4 ,he himself is silent about the few years of rest in the ,breton castle1 merely stating that he returned to ,paris when he had recovered his health4 ,we have to remember that the autobiography he has left us was entitled by him the #8,story of my ,calamities4' ,it is not the full presentment of the swiftly moving drama of the life of ,ablard4 ,he speaks of joy only when it is the prelude to sorrow1 or when some faint spark of the old ardour leaps into life once more4 ,when ,ablard at length returned to the arena1 he found a significant change4 ,william had deserted the cloistral school4 ,in a solitary spot down the river1 beyond the foot of the eastern slope of ,st4 ,genevieve1 was a small priory that had belonged to the monks of ,st4 ,victor of ,marseilles4 ,thither1 says ,franklin1 ,william had retired #8to hide his despair and the shame of his defeat4' ,the controversy had by no means been decided against him yet4 ,indeed1 ,william's biographers loyally contend that he was sincerely touched by the religious spirit of the age1 and adopted the monastic life from the purest of motives4 ,ablard1 on the other hand1 declares that the inspiration came from a hope of exchanging the chair of ,notre ,dame for that of an episcopal see4 ,ablard is scarcely an ideal witness1 though the passage was written nearly thirty years afterwards1 yet his interpretation is probably correct2 at least1 if we take it as a partial explanation4 ,william was shrewd enough to see that his supremacy in the scholastic world was doomed1 and that the best alternative was a bishopric4 ,he was still young 7about thirty-eight1 apparently7 and ambitious2 in his character of archdeacon1 he was already only one step removed from the episcopate2 and he had influence and qualifications above the average4 ,it is scarcely correct to say1 as ,gervaise does1 that at that time #8the monastery was the recognised path to the episcopacy1' on account of the wide degradation of the secular clergy4 ,their degradation was assuredly deep and widespread1 but so were simony and electoral corruption4 ,we generally find1 in the old chronicles1 one or other of the deceased bishop's archdeacons ascending the vacant throne4 ,however1 ,william of ,champeaux was a religious man2 for the pious the surest path to the episcopate passed through the monastery4 ,whatever be the correct analysis of the motive--and it was probably a complex feeling1 including all the impulses suggested1 which ,william himself scarcely cared to examine too narrowly--the fact is that in the year #aajh he donned the black cassock of the canon regular1 and settled with a few companions in the priory of ,st4 ,victor4 ,the life of the canons regular was a compromise between that of the sterner monks and the unascetic life of the secular canons and secular clergy4 ,they followed1 on the whole1 the well-known rule of ,st4 ,augustine4 ,they arose at midnight to chant their matins1 but1 unlike the ,cistercians1 they returned to bed as soon as the #8office' was over4 ,they ate meat three times a week1 and were not restricted in the taking of fish and eggs4 ,they had linen underclothing1 and much friendly intercourse with each other1 and they were less rigidly separated from the world4 ,altogether1 not too rough a path to higher dignities--or to heaven--and 7a not unimportant point7 one that did not lead far from ,paris4 ,such was the foundation of one of the most famous schools of mystic theology4 ,the abbey that ,william instituted1 before he was removed to the coveted dignity in #aaac1 has attained an immortality in the world of thought through such inmates as ,richard and ,hugh of ,st4 ,victor4 ,ablard's first impulse on hearing the news was to repair at once to the cloistral school4 ,he found the chair occupied4 ,william had not1 in fact1 resigned his title of scholastic1 and he had placed a substitute in the chair4 ,it was a poor ruse1 for there was now no master in ,christendom who could long endure the swift1 keen shafts of the ambitious ,breton4 ,ablard would quickly make the chair of ,notre ,dame uncomfortable for the most pachydermatous substitute2 and he seems to have commenced the edifying task at once1 when he heard that the unfortunate ,william had set up a chair of rhetoric at ,st4 ,victor4 ,like a hawk1 ,master ,peter descended on the ill-fated canon4 ,the ,bishop of ,mans had1 it appears1 stimulated ,william into a renewal of activity1 and he had chosen that apparently safe section of the trivium1 the art of rhetoric4 ,with what must have been a mock humility1 ,ablard went down the river each day with the crowd of monks and clerks to receive instruction in rhetoric from the new ,prior of ,st4 ,victor's4 ,deutsch remarks1 with ,teutonic gravity1 that we do not read of a reconciliation between the two4 ,nor do we find that ,ablard had been #8converted' to the spirit of ,robert of ,arbrissel or ,bernard of ,clairvaux during his retirement at ,pallet4 ,ablard1 now nearly thirty years of age1 could have taught ,william the art of rhetoric with more profit than he himself was likely to derive from ,william's prlectiones4 ,his obvious aim was to break ,william's connection with ,paris and with ,notre ,dame4 ,the high and gentle spirit of these latter days1 that studies the feelings of an antagonist1 and casts aside an ambition that would lead over the fallen fame of a fellow-man1 did not commend itself to the medival mind4 ,and so the contest ran on1 until at length a new rumour was borne over the roads and into the schools of ,europe4 ,the #8pillar of doctors' was broken--had fallen beyond restoration4 ,guillaume de ,champeaux had changed his doctrine on the question of universals4 ,swiftly the story ran over hill and dale--they were days when the words of masters outstripped the deeds of kings and the fall of dynasties3 the champion of realism had so far yielded to ,ablard's pressure as to modify his thesis materially4 ,for long years he had held that the universal was essentially one and the same in all its individuals2 now he admitted that it was only indifferently1 or individually1 identical4#g ,the death of ,king ,philip was a matter of minor interest to a world that brooded night and day over the question of genera and species4 #g ,the reader would probably not be grateful for a long explanation of the meaning of the change4 ,it amounted to a considerable approach of ,william's position towards that of ,ablard4 ,ablard felt that he need strive no longer in the hall of the poor canon regular1 and he turned his attention to the actual occupant of the chair of ,notre ,dame4 ,we need not delay in determining the name of the luckless master1 whether it was ,robert of ,melun1 as some think1 or ,adam of the ,little ,bridge1 or ,peter the ,eater--poor man6 a sad name to come down the ages with2 it was merely an allusion to his voracious reading4 ,he had the saving grace of common-sense1 whatever other gifts he was burdened with4 ,as soon as he saw the collapse of ,william's authority and the dispersal of his pupils1 he resolved to decline a contest with the irresistible ,breton4 ,he voluntarily yielded the chair to ,ablard1 and took his place on the hay-strewn floor amongst the new worshippers4 ,such a consummation1 however1 was not to the taste of the angered scholastic4 ,a substitute had1 it seems1 the power to subdelegate his license1 so that the installation of ,ablard in the cathedral school was correct and canonical4 ,but ,william was still scholastic of the place1 and he had an obvious remedy4 ,robert1 or ,peter1 or whoever it may have been1 depended on him1 and he at once set to work to recall the delegation4 ,ablard says that he trumped up a false and most obnoxious charge against the intermediary4 ,he did1 at all events1 succeed in changing the appointment1 and thus rendering ,ablard's subdelegated license null4 ,the new-comer was a man of different temper1 so that ,ablard only occupied the great chair #8for a few days4' ,he could not teach in or about the episcopal school without a #8respondent1' and he therefore once more transferred his chair to ,melun4#h #h ,to transfer a chair was frequently a physical operation in those days4 ,there is1 in one of the old records1 a story of a dissatisfied master and his pupils removing their chair to another town1 higher up the river4 ,they were not welcome1 it seems1 and their chair was pitched into the river to find its way home4 ,the ,prior of ,st4 ,victor's had won a pyrrhic victory4 ,whether or no ,ablard had learned a lesson from him1 and began in his turn to practise the subtle art of diplomacy1 we cannot say1 but ,paris was soon too warm for the prior4 ,the lawless students respected his authority no longer1 and clamoured for ,ablard4 ,the king was dead3 long live the king6 ,they discovered that ,william's conversion was peculiarly incomplete4 ,for a man who had felt an inner call to leave the world1 he still evinced a fairly keen interest in its concerns4 ,william found their #8ceaseless raillery' intolerable4 ,he fled1 says ,archbishop ,roger ,vaughan1 #8to hide his shame in a distant monastery4' ,ablard merely records that #8he transferred his community to a certain town at some distance from the city4' ,the path to ,paris lay open once more4 ,,chapter ,,iii ,,progress ,,of ,,the ,,academic ,,war ,when ,ablard and his admirers returned from ,melun to ,paris1 they found ,william's new successor sitting resolutely in the chair of ,notre ,dame4 ,from some manuscripts of the #8,story of my ,calamities' it appears that he had won repute by his lectures on ,priscian1 the ,latin grammarian4 ,he had thus been able to augment the little band who remained faithful to ,william and to orthodoxy with a certain number of personal admirers4 ,clearly1 the episcopal school must be taken by storm4 ,and so1 says ,ablard1 his pen leaping forward more quickly at the recollection1 twenty years afterwards1 #8we pitched our camp on the hill of ,st4 ,genevieve4' ,during the century that preceded the coalescence of the schools into a university1 ,st4 ,genevieve was the natural home of rebellion4 ,roscelin had taught there4 ,joscelin the ,red1 another famous nominalist1 was teaching there4 ,the #8feminists' had raised their tabernacle there2 the ,jews their synagogue4 ,from its physical advantages the hill naturally presented itself to the mind of every master who had designs on the episcopal school or the episcopal philosophy4 ,its gentle1 sunny flanks offered ideal situations for schools1 and the students were breaking away more and more from the vicinity of the cloister and the subordination it expressed4 ,a new town was rapidly forming at its foot1 by the river1 and on the northern slope2 a picturesque confusion of schools1 chapels1 brothels1 taverns1 and hospices4 ,it was the cradle of the famed ,latin ,quarter--very ,latin in those days1 when the taverns swung out their ,latin signs1 #8taverna de grangia1' #8ad turbotum1' #8apud duos cygnos1' and so forth1 and the songs that came from the latticed1 vine-clothed arbours were half ,french1 half ,celtic-,latin4 ,ablard did not open a private school on #8the hill4' ,he delivered his assault on #8the island' from the abbey of ,st4 ,genevieve at the summit1 the site now occupied by the ,pantheon4 ,there is nothing in the least remarkable in the abbey opening its gates to one who was obviously bent on assailing the great ecclesiastical school1 and who was already regarded as the parent of a new and freer generation of students4 ,the secular canons had little deference for authority and little love of asceticism at that period4 ,st4 ,norbert had fruitlessly tried to reform them1 and had been forced to embody his ideal in a new order4 ,cardinal ,jacques de ,vitry1 the classical censor of the twelfth century1 makes bitter comment on their hawks and horses1 their jesters and singing-girls1 and their warmer than spiritual affection for their sisters in religion1 the #8canonesses4' ,it was natural enough that an abbey of secular canons should welcome the witty and brilliant young noble--and the wealth that accompanied him4 ,we have little information about the abbey at that precise date1 but history has much to say of its affairs some thirty or forty years afterwards1 and thus affords a retrospective light4 ,in the year #aadf ,innocent the ,second paid a visit to ,paris4 ,the relics of ,st4 ,genevieve were one of the treasures of the city1 and thither his holiness went with his retinue1 and ,king ,louis and his followers4 ,in the crush that was caused in the abbey church1 the servants of the canons quarrelled with those of the court1 and one of them was unlucky enough to bring his staff down with some force on the royal pate4 ,that was a death-blow to the gay life of the abbey4 ,paris1 through the abbot of ,st4 ,denis1 who was also the first royal councillor1 quickly obtained royal and papal assent to the eviction of the canons1 and they were soon summarily turned out on the high road4 ,they did not yield without a struggle1 it is true4 ,many a night afterwards1 when the canons regular who replaced them were in the midst of their solemn midnight chant1 the evicted broke in the doors of the church1 and made such turmoil inside1 that the chanters could not hear each other across the choir4 ,and when they did eventually depart for less rigorous surroundings1 they thoughtfully took with them a good deal of the gold from ,genevieve's tomb and other ecclesiastical treasures1 which were not reclaimed until after many adventures4 ,to this abbey of ,st4 ,genevieve1 then1 the militant master led his followers1 and he began at once to withdraw the students from ,notre ,dame1 as he candidly tells us4 ,if ,bishop ,galo and his chapter found their cloistral school deserted1 they might be induced to consider ,ablard's gifts and influence4 ,so the war went on merrily between the two camps4 ,the masters fulminated against each other2 the students ran from school to school1 and argued it out on the bridge and in the taverns1 and brought questions to their logical conclusion in the ,pr-aux-clercs4#i ,there was certainly1 as we saw previously1 ample room for litigation in the problems of medival dialectics4 ,john of ,salisbury studied dialectics under ,ablard at ,st4 ,genevieve 7though not in the abbey7 at a later date1 and he tells us that when he returned to ,paris twelve years afterwards he found his dialectical friends just where he had left them4 #8,they had not added the smallest proposition1' he says contemptuously4 ,little ,john preferred #8philology1' as they called classical studies in his day4 #i ,until a comparatively recent date #8aller sur le ,pr' meant1 in the language of the ,latin ,quarter1 to settle an affair of honour4 ,we get a curious insight into the school-life of the period in the ,life of ,saint ,goswin4 ,goswin of ,douai--whom we shall meet again once or twice--was studying in the school of ,master ,joscelin the ,red1 down the hill4 ,he was a youthful saint of the regulation pattern3 had borne the aureole from his cradle4 ,about this time he is described as brimming over with precocious zeal for righteousness1 and astounded at the impunity with which ,ablard poured out his novelties4 ,why did not some one silence #8this dog who barked at the truth'8 ,already1 the authors of the saint's life--two monks of the twelfth century--say1 #8,ablard's hand was against every man1 and every man's hand against him1' yet no one seemed inclined #8to thrash him with the stick of truth4' ,the young saint could not understand it4 ,he went to ,master ,joscelin at length1 and declared that he was going to do the work of the ,lord himself4 ,joscelin is reported to have endeavoured to dissuade him with a feeling description of ,ablard's rhetorical power2 we do not know1 however1 that ,joscelin was void of all sense of humour4 ,in any case the saintly youngster of #8modest stature' with the #8blue-grey eyes and light air' had a good measure of courage4 ,it will be interesting1 perhaps1 to read the issue in the serio-comic language of the times4 #8,with a few companions he ascended the hill of ,st4 ,genevieve1 prepared1 like ,david1 to wage single conflict with the ,goliath who sat there thundering forth strange novelties of opinion to his followers and ridiculing the sound doctrine of the wise4 #8,when he arrived at the battlefield--that is1 when he entered the school--he found the master giving his lecture and instilling his novelties into his hearers4 ,but as soon as he began to speak1 the master cast an angry look at him2 knowing himself to be a warrior from his youth1 and noticing that the scholar was beginning to feel nervous1 he despised him in his heart4 ,the youth was1 indeed1 fair and handsome of appearance1 but slender of body and short of stature4 ,and when the proud one was urged to reply1 he said3 8,hold thy peace1 and disturb not the course of my lecture40' ,the story runs1 however1 that ,ablard's students represented to him that the youth was of greater importance than he seemed to be1 and persuaded him to take up the glove4 #8,very well1' said ,ablard1 and it is not improbable1 #8let him say what he has to say4' ,it was1 of course1 unfortunate for ,goliath1 as the young champion of orthodoxy1 aided by the ,holy ,spirit1 completely crushed him in the midst of his own pupils4 #8,the strong man thus bound by him who had entered his house1 the victor1 who had secured the ,protean-changing monster with the unfailing cord of truth1 descended the hill4 ,when they had come to the spot where their companions awaited them in the distant schools i4e4 when they had got to a safe distance from ,ablard's pupils1 they burst forth in pans of joy and triumph3 humbled was the tower of pride1 downcast was the wall of contumacy1 fallen was he that had scoffed at ,israel1 broken was the anvil of the smiter1' etc4 etc4 ,the course of events does not seem to have been much influenced by this breaking of the #8anvil4' ,joscelin was soon compelled to seek fresh pastures2 he also found ultimate consolation in a bishopric1 and a share in the condemnation of ,ablard4 ,the commentator of ,priscian must then have received the full force of ,ablard's keen dialectical skill and mordant satire4 ,his students began to fall away to the rival camp in large numbers4 ,william was informed in his distant solitude1 and he returned 7#8impudenter1' says ,ablard7 in haste to ,st4 ,victor's4 ,he opened his old school in the priory1 and for a time ,paris rang more loudly than ever with the dialectical battle4 ,but ,william's intervention proved fatal to his cause4 ,the substitute had kept a handful of students about him1 ,ablard says1 but even they disappeared when ,william returned4 ,the poor ,priscianist could think of nothing better than to develop #8a call to the monastic life1' and he obeyed it with admirable alacrity4 ,however1 just as ,ablard was about to enter on the last stage of the conflict1 he was recalled to ,pallet by his mother4 ,the eleventh century had witnessed a strong revival of the monastic spirit4 ,when men came at length to feel the breath of an ideal in their souls1 the sight of the fearful disorder of the age stimulated them to the sternest sacrifices4 ,they believed that he who said1 #8,if thou wilt be perfect1 go and sell that thou hast1 and give to the poor1' was ,god1 that he meant what he said1 and that he spoke the message to all the ages4 ,so there uprose a number of fervent preachers1 whose voices thrilled with a strange passion1 and they burned the ,christ-message into the souls of men and women4 ,in ,brittany and ,normandy ,robert of ,arbrissel and two or three others had been at work years before ,st4 ,bernard began his apostolate4 ,they had broken up thousands of homes--usually those which were helping most to sweeten the life of the world--and sent husband and wife to spend their days apart in monasteries and nunneries4 ,the modern world speaks of the harshness of it2 in their thoughts it was only a salutary separation for a time1 making wholly certain their speedy reunion in a not too ethereal heaven4 ,in the great abbey of ,fontevraud1 founded by ,robert of ,arbrissel in the year #aajj1 there were nearly four thousand nuns1 a large proportion of whom were married women4 ,even in their own day the monastic orators were strongly opposed on account of their appalling dissolution of domestic ties4 ,roscelin attacked ,robert of ,arbrissel very warmly on the ground that he received wives into his monasteries against the will of their husbands1 and in defiance of the command of the ,bishop of ,angers to release them3 he boldly repeats the charge in a letter to the ,bishop of ,paris in #aaba4 ,not only sober thinkers and honest husbands would resent the zeal of the ,apostle of ,brittany2 the courtly1 and the ecclesiastical and monastic1 gallants of the time would be equally angry with him4 ,we have another curious objection in some of the writers of the period4 ,answering the question why men were called to the monastic life so many centuries before women1 they crudely affirm that the greater frailty of the women had made them less competent to meet the moral dangers of the cenobitic life4 ,thus from one cause or other a number of calumnies1 still found in the chronicles1 were in circulation about ,robert of ,arbrissel4#aj ,it would be interesting to know what half-truths there were at the root of these charges2 there may have been such1 in those days1 quite consistently with perfect religious sincerity4 ,in the martyrologies of some of the monastic orders1 there are women mentioned with high praise who disguised themselves as men1 and lived for years in monasteries4 ,it is noteworthy that medival folk worked none of those miracles at the tomb of ,robert of ,arbrissel that they wrought at the tombs of ,st4 ,bernard and ,st4 ,norbert4 ,he is not a canonised saint4 #aj ,as a mere illustration of the times--no one would think of taking it seriously--we may quote the passage referring to him in ,dubois's ,historia ,ecclesi ,parisiensis 7also found in ,lobineau74 ,a monk and bishop1 ,gaufridus ,vindoniencensis1 writes to remonstrate with ,robert for #8inventing a new kind of martyrdom' 444 #8inter feminas et cum ipsis noctu frequenter cubare4 ,hinc tibi videris1 ut asseris1 ,domini ,salvatoris digne bajulare crucem1 cum extinguere conaris male accensum carnis ardorem4' ,later he complains of ,robert's partiality1 treating some nuns with unusual sweetness and others with excessive acrimony2 and amongst the punishments inflicted on the latter he mentions the penance of #8stripping4' ,however1 in spite of both responsible and irresponsible opposition1 ,robert of ,arbrissel1 ,vitalis the ,norman1 and other nervous orators1 had caused an extensive movement from the hearth to the cloister throughout ,brittany and ,normandy1 such as ,st4 ,bernard inaugurated in ,france later on4 ,home after home--chteau or chaumire--was left to the children1 and they who had sworn companionship in life and death cheerfully parted in the pathetic trust of a reunion4 ,ablard's father was touched by the sacred fire1 and entered a monastery4 ,his wife had to follow his example4 ,whatever truth there was in the words of ,roscelin1 the ,church certainly commanded that the arrangement should be mutual1 unless the lady were of an age or a piety beyond suspicion1 as ,st4 ,francis puts it in his #8,rule4' ,lucia had agreed to take the veil after her husband's departure4 ,this was the news that withheld the hand of #8the smiter' on the point of dealing a decisive blow1 and he hastened down to ,brittany to bid farewell to his #8most dear mother4' ,not only in this expression1 but in the fact of his making the journey at all in the circumstances1 we have evidence of a profound affection4 ,since he had long ago abdicated his rights of primogeniture1 there cannot have been an element of business in the visit to ,pallet4 ,he was not long absent from ,paris4 ,the news reached him in ,brittany that the prior had at length discovered a dignified retreat from the field4 ,soon after ,ablard's departure the bishopric of ,chlons-sur-,marne became vacant1 and ,william was nominated for the see4 ,he bade a fond farewell to ,paris and to dialectics4 ,from that date his ability was devoted to the safe extravagances of mystic theology1 under the safe tutorship of ,st4 ,bernard4#aa ,he had left his pupil ,gilduin to replace him at ,st4 ,victor1 and the school quickly assumed a purely theological character2 but the luckless chair of ,notre ,dame he entrusted to the care of ,providence4 #aa ,it will interest many1 however1 to learn 7from the pages of ,du ,boulai's ,historia ,universitatis ,parisiensis7 that he is charged by the querulous ,gaufridus ,vindoniencensis with teaching that only the gravest sins were matter for obligatory confession4 ,these particularly grave transgressions are heresy1 schism1 paganism1 and ,judaism--all non-ethical matters6 ,ablard now formed a resolution which has given rise to much speculation4 ,instead of stepping at once into the chair of the cloistral school1 which he admits was offered to him1 he goes off to some distance from ,paris for the purpose of studying theology4 ,it is the general opinion of students of his life that his main object in doing so was to make more secure his progress towards the higher ecclesiastical dignities4 ,that he had such ambition1 and was not content with the mere chair and chancellorship of the cloistral school1 is quite clear4 ,in his clouded and embittered age he is said1 on the high authority of ,peter of ,cluny1 to have discovered even that final virtue of humility4 ,there are those who prefer him in the days of his frank1 buoyant pride and ambition4 ,if he had been otherwise in the days of the integrity of his nature1 he would have been an intolerable prig4 ,he was the ablest thinker and speaker in ,france4 ,he was observant enough to perceive it1 and so little artificial as to acknowledge it1 and act in accordance4 ,yet there was probably more than the counsel of ambition in his resolution4 ,from the episode of ,goswin's visit to ,st4 ,genevieve it is clear that whispers of faith1 theology1 and heresy were already breaking upon the freedom of his dialectical speculations4 ,he must have recalled the fate of ,scotus ,erigena1 of ,brenger1 of ,roscelin1 and other philosophic thinkers4 ,philosophic thought was subtly linked with ecclesiastical dogma4 ,he who contemplated a life of speculation and teaching could not afford to be ignorant of the ecclesiastical claims on and limitations of his sphere4 ,such thoughts can scarcely have been unknown to him during the preceding year or two1 and it seems just and reasonable to trace the issue of them in his resolution4 ,he himself merely says3 #8,i returned chiefly for the purpose of studying divinity4' ,hausrath quotes a passage from his ,introductio ad theologiam with the intention of making ,ablard ascribe his resolution to the suggestion of his admirers4 ,on careful examination the passage seems to refer to his purpose of writing on theology1 not to his initial purpose of studying it4 ,ablard would naturally look about for the first theological teacher in ,france4 ,there were1 in point of fact1 few theological chairs at that time1 but there was at least one ,french theologian who had a high reputation throughout ,christendom4 ,pupil of ,st4 ,anselm of ,canterbury at ,bec1 canon and dean of the town where he taught1 ,anselm of ,laon counted so many brilliant scholars amongst his followers that he has been entitled the #8doctor of doctors4' ,william of ,champeaux1 ,william of ,canterbury1 and a large number of distinguished masters1 sat at his feet4 ,his scholia to the ,vulgate were in use in the schools for centuries4 ,he and his brother ,raoul had made ,laon a most important focus of theological activity for more countries than ,france4 ,england was well represented there4 ,john of ,salisbury frequently has occasion to illustrate the fame and magnitude of the cathedral school4 ,anselm had been teaching for forty years when ,ablard1 aetat4 thirty-four1 appeared amidst the crowd of his hearers4 ,we can well conceive the fluttering of wings that must have occurred1 but ,laon was not ,paris1 and ,anselm was not the man to enter upon an argumentative conflict with the shrewd-tongued adventurer4 ,two incidents of contemporary life at ,laon1 in which ,anselm figured1 will be the best means of illustrating the character of the theologian4 ,abbot ,guibertus1 of that period1 has left us a delightful work #8,de vita sua1' from which we learn much about ,laon and ,anselm4 ,the treasure of the cathedral was entrusted1 it seems1 to seven guardians--four clerics and three laymen4 ,one of these guardians1 a ,canon ,anselm1 was a wolf in sheep's clothing4 ,he purloined a good deal of the treasure2 and when the goldsmith1 his accomplice1 was detected1 and turned king's evidence1 ,anselm denied the story1 challenged the goldsmith to the usual duel1 and won4#ab ,the canon was encouraged1 and shortly set up as an expert burglar4 ,one dark1 stormy night he went with his #8ladders and machines' to a tower in which much treasure was kept1 and #8cracked' it4 ,there was dreadful ado in the city next day2 most horrible of all1 the burglar had stolen a golden dove which contained some of the hair and some of the milk of the ,virgin ,mary4 ,in the uncertainty the sapient ,master ,anselm 7no relation1 apparently1 of ,canon ,anselm ,beessus1 the burglar and cathedral treasurer7 was invited to speak4 ,his advice largely reveals the man4 ,those were the days1 it must be remembered1 when the defects of the detective service were compensated by a willingness and activity of the higher powers which are denied to this sceptical age4 ,when their slender police resources were exhausted1 the accused was handed over to a priest1 to be prepared1 by prayer and a sober diet of bread1 herbs1 salt1 and water1 for the public ordeal4 ,on the fourth day priests and people repaired to the church1 and when the mass was over1 and the vested priests had prostrated themselves in the sanctuary1 the accused purged himself of the charge or proved his guilt by carrying or walking on a nine foot bar of heated iron1 plunging his arms #8for an ell and a half' into boiling water1 or being bodily immersed in a huge tank1 cold1 and carefully blessed and consecrated4 #ab ,when ,anselm's guilt was ultimately proved1 people were somewhat troubled as to the ill-success of their ,providential detective service1 until they heard that the goldsmith1 in accusing the canon1 had broken faith with him4 ,these are familiar facts4 ,the difficulty at ,laon was that there was no accused to operate on4 ,the ,solomon ,laudunensis was therefore called into judgment1 and his proposal certainly smacks of the thoroughness of the systematic theologian4 ,a baby was to be taken from each parish of the town1 and tried by the ordeal of immersion4 ,when the guilty parish had been thus discovered1 each family in it was to purge itself by sending an infant representative to the tank4 ,when the guilt had been thus fastened on a certain house1 all its inmates were to be put to the ordeal4#ac #ac ,luckily the citizen-parents were wiser than their ,solomon for once4 ,they proposed that the process should commence with the seven treasurers4 ,in spite of preliminary experiments in private the canon was convicted4 ,but the reader must go to the pious ,geoffroy's narrative 7,migne1 vol4 #aef1 col4 #ajaa7 to read how the burglar was tortured1 how he obtained release for a time by trickery1 and how1 being unable to sleep at night for a miraculous dove1 he finally confessed and restored4 ,we see ,anselm in a very different light in an incident that occurred a year or two before ,ablard's arrival4 ,through the influence of the ,king of ,england and the perennial power of gold a wholly unworthy bishop had been thrust upon the people of ,laon4 ,illiterate1 worldly1 and much addicted to military society1 he was extremely distasteful to ,anselm and the theologians4 ,the crisis came when the ,english king1 ,henry ,i41 tried to levy a tax on the people of ,laon4 ,the bishop supported his patron2 ,anselm and others sternly opposed the tax in the name of the people4 ,feeling ran so high that the bishop was at length brutally murdered by some of the townsfolk1 and the cathedral was burned to the ground4 ,anselm immediately1 and almost alone1 went forth to denounce the frenzied mob1 and had the unfortunate prelate--left for the dogs to devour before his house--quietly buried4 ,such was the man whom ,ablard chose as his next1 and last1 #8teacher4' ,in the circumstances revealed in the above anecdotes it would have been decidedly dangerous to attack ,anselm in the manner that had succeeded so well at ,notre ,dame4 ,there is1 however1 no just reason for thinking that ,ablard had formed an intention of that kind4 ,no doubt1 it is impossible to conceive ,ablard in the attitude of one who seriously expected instruction from a master4 ,yet it would be unjust to assume that he approached the class-room of the venerable1 authoritative theologian in the same spirit in which he had approached ,william of ,champeaux's lectures on rhetoric4 ,we do not find it recorded that he made any attempt to assail directly the high position of the old man4 ,it was sufficient for the purpose we may ascribe to him that he should be able to state in later years that he had frequented the lectures of ,anselm of ,laon4 ,with whatever frame of mind the critic came to ,laon1 he was not long in discovering the defects of ,anselm's teaching4 ,anselm had one gift1 a good memory1 and its fruit1 patristic erudition4 ,the fame that was borne over seas and mountains was founded mainly on the marvellous wealth of patristic opinion which he applied to every text of ,scripture4 ,there was no individuality1 no life1 in his work4 ,to ,ablard the mnemonic feat was a mechanical matter2 and indeed1 he probably cared little at that time how ,st4 ,ambrose or ,st4 ,cyril may have interpreted this or that text4 ,little as he would be disposed to trust the fame of masters after his experience1 he tells us that he was disappointed4 ,he found the #8fig-tree to be without fruit1' fair and promising as it had seemed4 ,the lamp1 that was said to illumine theological ,christendom1 #8merely filled the house with smoke1 not light4' ,he found1 in the words of his favourite ,lucan1 #8magni nominis umbra1 ,qualis frugifero quercus sublimis in agro'3 and he determined #8not to remain in this idleness under its shade very long4' ,with his usual heedlessness he frankly expressed his estimate of the master to his fellow pupils4 ,one day when they were joking together at the end of the lecture1 and the students were twitting him with his neglect of the class1 he quietly dropped a bomb to the effect that he thought masters of theology were superfluous4 ,with the text and the ordinary glosses any man of fair intelligence could study theology for himself4 ,he was contemptuously invited to give a practical illustration of his theory4 ,ablard took the sneer seriously1 and promised to lecture on any book of ,scripture they cared to choose4 ,continuing the joke1 they chose the curious piece of ,oriental work that has the title of ,ezechiel4 ,once more ,ablard took them seriously1 asked for the text and gloss1 and invited them to attend his first lecture1 on the most abstruse of the prophets1 on the following day4 ,most of them persisted in treating the matter as a joke1 but a few appeared at the appointed spot 7in ,anselm's own territory7 on the following day4 ,they listened in deep surprise to a profound lecture on the prophet from the new and self-consecrated #8theologus4' ,the next day there was a larger audience2 the lecture was equally astonishing4 ,in fine1 ,ablard was soon in full sail as a theological lector of the first rank1 and a leakage was noticed in ,anselm's lecture hall4 ,ablard's theological success at ,laon was brief1 if brilliant4 ,two of the leading scholars1 ,alberic of ,rheims and ,lotulphe of ,novare1 urged ,anselm to suppress the new movement at once4 ,seven years later we shall meet ,alberic and ,lotulphe playing an important part in the tragedy of ,ablard's life2 later still ,alberic is found in intimacy with ,st4 ,bernard4 ,the episode of ,laon must not be forgotten4 ,probably ,anselm needed little urging1 with the fate of ,william of ,champeaux fresh in his ears4 ,at all events he gave willing audience to the suggestion that a young master1 without due theological training1 might at any moment bring the disgrace of heresy on the famous school4 ,he #8had the impudence to suppress me1' ,ablard has the impudence to say4 ,the students are said to have been much angered by ,anselm's interference1 but there was no ,st4 ,genevieve at ,laon--happily1 perhaps1--and ,ablard presently departed for ,paris1 leaving the field to the inglorious #8,pompey the ,great4' ,,chapter ,,iv ,,the ,,idol ,,of ,,paris ,a new age began for ,paris and for learning1 when ,peter ,ablard accepted the chair of the episcopal school4 ,it would be a difficult task to measure the influence he had in hastening the foundation of the university--as difficult as to estimate the enduring effect of his teaching on ,catholic theology4 ,there were other streams flowing into the life of the period1 and they would have expanded and deepened it1 independently of the activity of the one brilliant teacher4 ,the work of a group of less gifted1 though highly gifted1 teachers had started a current of mental life which would have continued and broadened without the aid of ,ablard4 ,life was entering upon a swifter course in all its reaches4 ,moreover1 the slender rill of ,greek thought1 which formed the inspiration of the eleventh century1 was beginning to increase4 ,through ,alexandria1 through ,arabia1 through ,spain1 the broad stream of the wisdom of the ,greeks had been slowly travelling with the centuries4 ,in the twelfth century it was crossing the ,pyrenees1 and stealing into the jealous schools of ,europe4 ,the homeless ,jew was bringing the strong1 swift1 noble spirit of the #8infidel ,moor' into a hideous world1 that was blind with self-complacency4 ,the higher works of ,aristotle 7the early ,middle ,ages had only his logic71 the words of ,plato1 and so many others1 were drifting into ,france4 ,christian scholars were even beginning to think of going to see with their own eyes this boasted civilisation of the infidel4 ,yet it is clear that ,ablard stands for a mighty force in the story of development4 ,at the end of the eleventh century ,paris was an island2 at the end of the twelfth century it was a city of two hundred thousand souls1 walled1 paved1 with several fine buildings and a fair organisation4 ,at the end of the eleventh century the schools of ,paris1 scattered here and there1 counted a few hundred pupils1 chiefly ,french2 at the end of the twelfth century the ,university of ,paris must have numbered not far short of ten thousand scholars4 ,let us see how much of this was effected by ,ablard4 ,the pupil who had left ,paris when both ,william and ,ablard disappeared in #aaac would find a marvellous change on returning to it about #aaaf or #aaag4 ,he would find the lecture hall and the cloister and the quadrangle1 under the shadow of the great cathedral1 filled with as motley a crowd of youths and men as any scene in ,france could show4 ,little groups of ,french and ,norman and ,breton nobles chattered together in their bright silks and fur-tipped mantles1 and with slender swords dangling from embroidered belts2 #8shaven in front like thieves1 and growing luxuriant1 curly tresses at the back like harlots1' growls ,jacques de ,vitry1 who saw them1 vying with each other in the length and crookedness of their turned-up shoes4#ad ,anglo-,saxons looked on1 in long fur-lined cloaks1 tight breeches1 and leathern hose swathed with bands of many coloured cloth4 ,stern-faced northerners1 ,poles1 and ,germans1 in fur caps and coloured girdles and clumsy shoes1 or with feet roughly tied up in the bark of trees1 waited impatiently for the announcement of #8,li ,mestre4' ,pale-faced southerners had braved the ,alps and the ,pyrenees under the fascination of #8the wizard4' ,shaven and sandalled monks1 black-habited clerics1 black canons1 secular and regular1 black in face too1 some of them1 heresy-hunters from the neighbouring abbey of ,st4 ,victor1 mingled with the crowd of young and old1 grave and gay1 beggars and nobles1 sleek citizens and bronzed peasants4 #ad ,the ,count of ,anjou had just invented them to hide the enormity of his bunions4 ,flattering courtiers found them excellent4 ,the ,english king's jester had exaggerated the turned-up points1 and the nobles were driving the practice to death1 as is the aristocratic wont4 ,crevier and other writers say that ,ablard had attracted five thousand students to ,paris4 ,sceptics smile1 and talk of ,chinese genealogies4 ,mr4 ,rashdall1 however1 has made a careful study of the point1 and he concludes that there were certainly five thousand1 and possibly seven thousand1 students at ,paris in the early scholastic age1 before the multiplication of important centres4 ,he points out that the fabulous figures which are sometimes given--,wycliffe says that at one time there were sixty thousand students at ,oxford1 ,juvenal de ,ursinis gives twenty thousand at ,paris in the fifteenth century1 ,italian historians speak of fifteen thousand at ,bologna--always refer to a date beyond the writer's experience1 and frequently betray a touch of the laudator temporis acti4 ,it is1 at all events1 safe to affirm that ,ablard's students were counted by thousands1 if they had not #8come to surpass the number of the laity' ordinary citizens1 as an old writer declares4 ,philippe ,auguste had to direct a huge expansion of the city before the close of the century4 ,there is nothing in the commercial or political development of ,paris to explain the magnitude of this expansion4 ,it was a consequence of a vast influx of students from all quarters of the globe1 and the fame of ,master ,ablard had determined the course of the stream4 ,one condition reacted on another4 ,a notable gathering of students attracted ,jews and merchants in greater numbers4 ,they1 in turn1 created innumerable #8wants' amongst the #8undisciplined horde4' ,the luxuries and entertainments of youth began to multiply4 ,the schools of ,paris began to look fair in the eyes of a second world--a world of youths and men who had not felt disposed to walk hundreds of miles and endure a rude life out of academic affection4 ,the #8dancers of ,orleans1' the #8tennis-players of ,poitiers1' the #8lovers of ,turin1' came to fraternise with the #8dirty fellows of ,paris4' ,over mountains and over seas the mingled reputation of the city and the school was carried1 and a remarkable stream set in from ,germany1 ,switzerland1 ,italy 7even from proud ,rome71 ,spain1 and ,england2 even #8distant ,brittany sent you its animals to be instructed1' wrote ,prior ,fulques to ,ablard 7a ,breton7 a year or two afterwards4 ,at five or six o'clock each morning the great cathedral bell would ring out the summons to work4 ,from the neighbouring houses of the canons1 from the cottages of the townsfolk1 from the taverns1 and hospices1 and boarding-houses1 the stream of the industrious would pour into the enclosure beside the cathedral4 ,the master's beadle1 who levied a precarious tax on the mob1 would strew the floor of the lecture-hall with hay or straw1 according to the season1 bring the ,master's text-book1 with the notes of the lecture between lines or on the margin1 to the solitary desk1 and then retire to secure silence in the adjoining street4 ,sitting on their haunches in the hay1 the right knee raised to serve as a desk for the waxed tablets1 the scholars would take notes during the long hours of lecture 7about six or seven71 then hurry home--if they were industrious--to commit them to parchment while the light lasted4 ,the lectures over1 the stream would flow back over the ,little ,bridge1 filling the taverns and hospices1 and pouring out over the great playing meadow1 that stretched from the island to the present ,champ de ,mars4 ,all the games of ,europe were exhibited on that international playground3 running1 jumping1 wrestling1 hurling1 fishing and swimming in the ,seine1 tossing and thumping the inflated ball--a game on which some minor poet of the day has left us an enthusiastic lyric--and especially the great game of war1 in its earlier and less civilised form4 ,the nations were not yet systematically grouped1 and long and frequent were the dangerous conflicts4 ,the undergraduate mind1 though degrees had not yet been invented1 had drawn up an estimate1 pithy1 pointed1 and not flattering1 of each nationality4 ,the ,english were1 it is sad to find1 #8cowardly and drunken1'--to the #8,anglophobes'2 the ,french were #8proud and effeminate'2 the ,normans #8charlatans and boasters1' the ,burgundians #8brutal and stupid'2 the ,bretons #8fickle and extravagant'2 the ,flemings #8blood-thirsty1 thievish1 and incendiary'2 the ,germans #8choleric1 gluttonous1 and dirty'2 the ,lombards #8covetous1 malicious1 and no fighters'2 the ,romans #8seditious1 violent1 and slanderous4' ,once those war-cries were raised1 peaceable folk hied them to their homes and hovels1 and the governor summoned his guards and archers4 ,the centre of this huge and novel concourse was the master of the cathedral school4 ,after long years of conventual life ,heloise draws a remarkable picture of the attitude of ,paris towards its idol4 ,women ran to their doors and windows to gaze at him1 as he passed from his house on ,st4 ,genevieve to the school4 #8,who was there that did not hasten to observe when you went abroad1 and did not follow you with strained neck and staring eyes as you passed along8 ,what wife1 what virgin1 did not burn8 ,what queen or noble dame did not envy my fortune8' ,and we shall presently read of a wonderful outburst of grief when the news of the outrage done to ,ablard flies through the city4 #8,no man was ever more loved--and more hated1' says the sober ,hausrath4 ,it is not difficult to understand the charm of ,ablard's teaching4 ,three qualities are assigned to it by the writers of the period1 some of whom studied at his feet3 clearness1 richness in imagery1 and lightness of touch are said to have been the chief characteristics of his teaching4 ,clearness is1 indeed1 a quality of his written works1 though they do not1 naturally1 convey an impression of his oral power4 ,his splendid gifts and versatility1 supported by a rich voice1 a charming personality1 a ready and sympathetic use of human literature1 and a freedom from excessive piety1 gave him an immeasurable advantage over all the teachers of the day4 ,beside most of them1 he was as a butterfly to an elephant4 ,a most industrious study of the few works of ,aristotle and of the ,roman classics that were available1 a retentive memory1 an ease in manipulating his knowledge1 a clear1 penetrating mind1 with a corresponding clearness of expression1 a ready and productive fancy1 a great knowledge of men1 a warmer interest in things human than in things divine1 a laughing contempt for authority1 a handsome presence1 and a musical delivery--these were his gifts4 ,his only defects were defects of character1 and the circumstances of his life had not yet revealed them even to himself4 ,even the monkish writers of the ,life of ,st4 ,goswin1 whose attitude towards his person is clear1 grant him #8a sublime eloquence4' ,the epitaphs that men raised over him1 the judgments of episcopal ,otto von ,freising and ,john of ,salisbury1 the diplomatic letter of ,prior ,fulques1 the references of all the chroniclers of the time1 ,i refrain from quoting4 ,we learn his power best from his open enemies4 #8,wizard1' #8rhinoceros1' #8smiter1' #8friend of the devil1' #8giant1' #8,titan1' #8,prometheus1' and #8,proteus1' are a few of their compliments to his ability3 the mellifluous ,st4 ,bernard alone would provide a rich vocabulary of flattering encomiums of that character3 #8,goliath1' #8,herod1' #8,leviathan1' #8bee1' #8serpent1' #8dragon1' #8hydra1' #8,absalom1' are some of his epithets4 ,when1 later1 we find ,st4 ,bernard1 the first orator and firmest power in ,france1 shrink nervously from an oral encounter with him1 and resort to measures which would be branded as dishonourable in any other man1 we shall more faithfully conceive the charm of ,ablard's person and the fascination of his lectures4 ,yet no careful student of his genius will accept the medival estimate which made him the #8,socrates of ,gaul1' the peer of ,plato and of ,aristotle4 ,he had wonderful penetration and a rare felicity of oral expression1 but he was far removed from the altitude of ,socrates and ,plato and the breadth of ,aristotle4 ,he had no #8system' of thought1 philosophical or theological2 and into the physical and social world he never entered4 ,his ideas--and some of them were leagues beyond his intellectual surroundings--came to him piecemeal4 ,yet we shall see that in some of those which were most abhorrent to ,bernard--who was the ,church for the time being--he did but anticipate the judgment of mature humanity on certain ethical and intellectual features of traditional lore4 ,the thesis cannot be satisfactorily established until a later stage4 ,when we proceed to examine the erudition which gave occasion to the epitaph1 #8to him alone was made clear all that is knowable1' we must bear in mind the limitations of his world4 ,when ,aristotle lent his mind to the construction of a world system1 he had the speculations of two centuries of ,greek thinkers before him2 when ,thomas of ,aquin began to write1 he had read the thoughts of three generations of schoolmen after ,ablard1 and all the ,arabic translations and incorporations of ,greek thought4 ,at the beginning of the twelfth century there was little to read beside the fathers4 ,if we take #8all that was knowable' in this concrete and relative sense1 the high-sounding epitaph is not far above the truth4 ,his ,latin is much better than that of the great majority of his contemporaries4 ,judged by a perfect classical standard it is defective2 it admits some of the erroneous forms that are characteristic of the age4 ,but it is not without elegance1 and it excels in clearness and elasticity4 ,it could not well be otherwise1 seeing his wide and familiar acquaintance with ,latin literature4 ,he frequently quotes ,lucan1 ,ovid1 ,horace1 ,vergil1 and ,cicero2 students of his writings usually add an acquaintance with ,juvenal1 ,persius1 ,statius1 ,suetonius1 ,valerius ,maximus1 ,quintilian1 and ,priscian4 ,it was a frequent charge in the mouths of his enemies that he quoted the lewdest books of ,ovid in the course of his interpretation of ,scripture4 ,the constant glance aside at the literature of human passion and the happy flash of wit were not small elements in his success4 ,those who came to him from other schools had heard little but the wearisome iteration of ,boetius1 ,cassiodorus1 and ,martianus ,capella4 ,they found the new atmosphere refreshing and stimulating4 ,his command of ,greek and ,hebrew is a subject of endless dispute4 ,his pupil ,heloise certainly had a knowledge of the two tongues1 as we shall see presently4 ,she must have received her instruction from ,ablard4 ,but it is clear that ,ablard likes to approach a controversy which turns on the interpretation of the original text of ,scripture through a third person1 such as ,st4 ,jerome4 ,he rarely approaches even the easy ,greek text of the ,new ,testament directly1 and he has no immediate acquaintance with any ,greek author4 ,aristotle he has read in the ,latin translation of ,boetius1 through whose mediation he has also read ,porphyry's ,isagoge4 ,he was certainly familiar with the ,de ,interpretatione and the ,categories2 ,cousin grants him also an acquaintance with the ,prior ,analytics2 and ,brucker and others would add the ,sophistici ,elenchi and the ,topics4 ,the physical and metaphysical works of ,aristotle were proscribed at ,paris long after the ,jewish and ,arabian translations had found a way into other schools of ,france4 ,the golden thoughts of ,plato came to him through the writings of the fathers2 though there is said to have been a translation of the ,timus in ,france early in the twelfth century4 ,his knowledge of ,hebrew must have been equally1 or even more1 elementary4 ,only once does he clearly approach the ,hebrew text without patristic guidance2 it is when1 in answering one 7the thirty-sixth7 of the famous #8,problems of ,heloise1' he adduces the authority of #8a certain ,hebrew1' whom he #8heard discussing the point4' ,in this we have a clear clue to the source of his ,hebrew4 ,the ,jews were very numerous in ,paris in the twelfth century4 ,when ,innocent the ,second visited ,paris in #aaca1 the ,jews met him at ,st4 ,denis1 and offered him a valuable roll of the law4 ,by the time of ,philippe ,auguste they are said to have owned two-thirds of the city3 perceiving which1 ,philippe recollected1 or was reminded1 that they were the murderers of ,christ1 and so he banished them and retained their goods4 ,ablard indicates that they took part in the intellectual life of ,paris in his day2 in ,spain they were distinguished in every branch of higher thought2 and thus the opportunity of learning ,hebrew lay close at hand4 ,one does not see why ,rmusat and others should deny him any acquaintance with it4 ,his knowledge1 however1 must have been elementary4 ,he does not make an impressive1 though a novel1 use of it in deriving the name of ,heloise 7,helwide1 or ,helwise1 or ,louise7 from ,elohim1 which he does1 years afterwards1 in the sober solitude of his abbey and the coldness of his mutilation4 ,add an extensive acquaintance with ,scripture and the fathers1 and the inventory is complete4 ,not difficult to be erudite in those days1 most people will reflect4 ,well1 a phonogram may be erudite4 ,the gifts of ,ablard were of a higher order than industry and memory1 though he possessed both4 ,he takes his place in history1 apart from the ever-interesting drama and the deep pathos of his life1 in virtue of two distinctions4 ,they are1 firstly1 an extraordinary ability in imparting such knowledge as the poverty of the age afforded--the facts of his career reveal it2 and secondly1 a mind of such marvellous penetration that it conceived great truths which it has taken humanity seven or eight centuries to see--this will appear as we proceed4 ,it was the former of these gifts that made him1 in literal truth1 the centre of learned and learning ,christendom1 the idol of several thousand eager scholars4 ,nor1 finally1 were these thousands the #8horde of barbarians' that jealous ,master ,roscelin called them4 ,it has been estimated that a pope1 nineteen cardinals1 and more than fifty bishops and archbishops1 were at one time among his pupils4 ,we are now at1 or near1 the year #aaah4 ,in the thirty-ninth year of his age1 the twenty-third year of his scholastic activity1 ,ablard has reached the highest academic position in ,christendom4 ,he who loved so well1 and so naturally1 to be admired1 found himself the centre of a life that had not been seen since ,greek sages poured out wisdom in the painted colonnade1 and the marble baths1 and the shady groves of ,athens4 ,his self-esteem was flattered2 his love of rule and of eminence was gratified4 ,poor as many of his pupils were1 their number brought him great wealth4 ,his refinement had ample means of solacing its desires4 ,the petty vexations of the struggle were nobly compensated4 ,before him lay a world of fairest promise into which he1 seemingly1 had but to enter4 ,then there arose one of the forces that shattered his life1 beginning its embodiment in an idyll1 ending quickly in a lurid tragedy4 ,it is the most difficult stage in the story of ,ablard4 ,i approach it only in the spirit of the artist1 purposing neither to excuse nor to accuse1 but only to trace1 if ,i may1 the development of a soul4 ,ablard's life had until now been purely spiritual1 almost wholly intellectual4 ,his defects were spiritual--conceit and ambition2 if1 as men assure us1 it is a defect to recognise that you have a supra-normal talent1 and to strive for the pre-eminence it entitles you to4 ,the idealist spirit in which he had turned away from the comfort and quiet of the chteau had remained thus far the one fire that consumed his energy4 ,in the pretty theory of ,plato1 his highest soul had silenced the lower1 and reduced the lowest to the barest requisite play of vegetative life4 ,there are men who go through life thus4 ,the scientist would crudely--it is the fashion to say #8crudely'--explain that the supra-normal activity of the upper part of the nervous system made the action of the lower part infra-normal2 but let us keep on the spiritual plane4 ,there are men whose soul is so absorbed in study or in contemplation that love never reaches their consciousness2 or if it does1 its appeal is faint1 and quickly rejected4 ,the condition of such a life1 highly prized as it is by many1 is constant intellectual strain4 ,ablard had now arrived at a point when the mental strain began instinctively to relax4 ,wealth would inevitably bring more sensuous pleasure into his life4 ,he was not one of the #8purely intellectual'2 he had a warm imagination and artistic power4 ,no immediate purpose called for mental concentration4 ,sensuous enjoyment crept over the area of his conscious life4 ,during a large proportion of his time1 too1 he was following with sympathy the quickening life of the passionate creations of ,ovid and ,vergil and ,lucan4 ,the inner judge1 the sterner ,i1 is indisposed to analyse1 unless education1 or faith1 or circumstance1 has laid a duty of severer watchfulness upon it4 ,blending with other and not alarming sensuous feelings1 veiling itself1 and gently1 subtly passing its sweet fire into the veins1 the coming of love is unperceived until it is already strong to exert a numbing influence on the mind4 ,ablard awoke one day to a consciousness that a large part of the new sweetness that pervaded his life was due to the birth of a new power in his soul--a power as elusive to recognition as it is imperious in its demands4 ,then is the trial of the soul4 ,before quoting ,ablard's confession1 with respect to this transformation of his character1 it is necessary1 out of justice to him1 to anticipate a little1 in indicating the circumstances of the making of the confession4 ,the long letter which ,ablard entitled the #8,story of my ,calamities' was written twelve or thirteen years after these events4 ,by that time he had not only endured a succession of cruel persecutions1 but his outlook on life and on self had been entirely changed4 ,not only had the memory of the events faded somewhat1 but he had become colour-blind in an important sense4 ,a frightful mutilation had distorted his physical and psychic nature4 ,partly from this cause1 and partly under the stress of other circumstances1 he had become a ,puritan of the ,puritans1 an ascetical hermit4 ,as is the wont of such1 he manifests a tendency to exaggerate the shadows cast by actions of his which he can no longer understand2 for nature has withdrawn her inspiration4 ,on the point we are considering he does not evince the smallest desire of concealment or palliation1 but rather the reverse4 ,and1 finally1 the letter1 though written ostensibly for the solace of a friend in distress1 was clearly written for circulation1 and for the conciliation of the gentler of the ,puritans1 who knew his life well4 ,after speaking of the wealth and fame he had attained1 he says3 #8,but since prosperity ever puffs up the fool1 and worldly ease dissolves the vigour of the mind1 and quickly enervates it by carnal allurements2 now that ,i thought myself to be the only philosopher in the world1 and feared no further menace to my position1 whereas ,i had hitherto lived most continently1 ,i began to loose the rein to passion4 ,and the further ,i had advanced in philosophy and in reading ,holy ,writ1 so much the wider did ,i depart from philosophers and divines by the uncleanness of my life4 ,it is well known to thee that philosophers and divines have ever been distinguished for this virtue of continence4 ,but1 whilst ,i was thus wholly taken up with pride and lust1 the grace of ,god brought me a remedy1 unwilling as ,i was1 for both maladies2 for lust first1 and then for pride4 ,for lust1 by depriving me of its instrument2 for pride--the pride which was chiefly born of my knowledge of letters1 according to the word of the ,apostle1 #8knowledge puffeth up'--by humbling me in the burning of the book by which ,i set such store4 ,and now ,i would have thee learn the truth of both these stories1 from the events themselves rather than from rumour1 in the order in which they befell4 ,since then ,i had ever abhorred the uncleanness of harlots1 and ,i had been withheld from the company and intercourse of noble dames by the exactions of study1 nor had ,i more than a slight acquaintance with other women1 evil fortune1 smiling on me1 found an easier way to cast me down from the summit of my prosperity2 proud1 as ,i was1 and unmindful of divine favour1 the goodness of ,god humbled me1 and won me to itself4' ,and the penitent passes on immediately to give the story of his relation to ,heloise4 ,it is quite clear that all the vehement language with which he scourges himself before humanity refers exclusively to his liaison with ,heloise4 ,searching about1 as he does1 for charges to heap upon his dead self1 he yet denies that he had intercourse with women of any description before he knew the one woman whom he loved sincerely throughout life4 ,in a later letter to ,heloise1 not intended to circulate abroad1 he repeats the statement2 recalling their embraces1 he says they were the more treasured #8since we had never known the like 7ista gaudia7 before4' ,moreover1 he says a little later in the #8,story' that up to the time of his liaison with ,heloise he had a #8repute for chastity' in the city2 the events we have to follow prove this to have been the case4 ,finally1 let us carefully remember that there would be no advantage in concealing any earlier disorder1 and that there is clear indication1 even in the short passage ,i have quoted1 of a disposition rather to magnify faults than to attenuate4 ,i labour the point1 because a writer who has introduced ,ablard to many of the present generation1 and for whom and whose thoughts ,i have otherwise a high regard1 has somehow been led to lay here a very damning indictment of ,ablard4 ,mr4 ,cotter ,morison was a follower of the religion that worships the departed great1 and should have a special care to set in light the character of those whom the ,church has bruised in life1 and slandered after death1 under a false view of the interest of humanity4 ,yet1 in his ,life of ,st4 ,bernard1 he has grossly added to the charge against ,ablard1 with the slenderest of historical bases4 ,it were almost an injustice to ,kingsley to say that ,cotter ,morison's ,ablard recalls the great novelist's pitiful ,hypatia4 ,the ,positivist writer thus interprets this stage in ,ablard's career4 ,after saying that his passion broke out like a volcano1 and that he felt #8a fierce1 fiery thirst for pleasure1 sensual and animal1' he goes on in this remarkable strain3 #8,he drank deeply1 wildly4 ,he then grew fastidious and particular4 ,he required some delicacy of romance1 some flavour of emotion1 to remove the crudity of his lust4 ,he seduced ,heloise4' ,was ever a graver perversion in the historical construction of character by an impartial writer8 ,stranger still1 ,mr4 ,cotter ,morison has already warned his readers that the #8,story of my ,calamities' must be shorn of some penitential exaggeration1 if we are to give it historical credence4 ,but ,mr4 ,morison has witnesses4 ,prior ,fulques1 in a letter to ,ablard1 reminded him that he squandered a fortune on harlots4 ,the assertion of this monk of ,deuil1 based1 professedly1 on the reports of ,ablard's bitter enemies1 the monks of ,st4 ,denis1 and made in a letter which is wholly politic1 is held by ,mr4 ,morison to #8more than counterbalance' the solemn public affirmation of a morbidly humble1 self-accusing penitent4 ,and this1 after warning us not to take ,ablard's self-accusation too literally6 ,i shall examine this letter of ,prior ,fulques' more closely later4 ,not only does the letter itself belong to1 but the charge refers to1 a later period1 and will be weighed then4 ,there is nothing at this stage to oppose to the quiet and indirect claim of ,ablard1 allowed by the action of ,fulbert1 that his character was unsullied up to the date of his liaison with ,heloise4 ,let us return to the accredited historical facts4 ,somewhere about the year #aaah ,ablard first felt the claims of love4 ,he was wealthy and prosperous1 and living in comparative luxury4 ,he had those gifts of imagination which usually reveal an ardent temperament4 ,whether it was ,heloise who unwittingly kindled the preparing passion1 or whether ,ablard yielded first to a vague1 imperious craving1 and sought one whom he might love1 we do not know4 ,but we have his trustworthy declaration that he detested the rampant harlotry1 and knew no woman until he felt the sweet caress of ,heloise4 ,i have now to set out with care the story of that immortal love4 ,but nine readers out of ten are minded to pass judgment on the acts and lives of those we recall from the dead4 ,my function is to reconstruct the story as faithfully as the recorded facts allow4 ,yet ,i would make one more digression before doing so4 ,what standard of conduct shall be used in judging ,ablard8 ,there are a thousand moral codes--that of the ,hindu and that of the ,christian1 that of the twelfth century and that of the twentieth4 ,in the twelfth century even the ,st4 ,bernards thought it just that a man who could not see the truth of the ,church's claims should be burned alive1 and his soul tortured for all eternity2 that a ,being was just and adorable who tortured a twelfth century babe for ,adam's sin2 that twelfth century ,jews might be robbed because their remote ancestors had put ,christ to death2 that the sanctity of justice demanded1 literally1 an eye for an eye2 and so forth4 ,one may1 of course1 choose whatever standard of conduct one likes to measure ,ablard's1 or anybody else's1 actions3 ,cardinal ,newman1 and such writers1 have a fancy for judging him by the perfected code of the nineteenth4 ,we cannot quarrel with them2 though it is well to point out that they are not measuring ,ablard's subjective guilt1 nor portraying his character1 in so doing4 ,and if any do elect to judge ,ablard by the moral code of the twelfth century1 it must be noted that this varied much1 even on the point of sexual morality4 ,st4 ,bernard and his like saw an inherent moral evil in sexual union2 they thought the sanctity of the priestly character was incompatible with it1 and that virginity was1 in itself1 and by the mere abstinence from sexual commerce1 something holier than marriage4 ,apart from this1 no doubt--if it can be set apart in the question--good men were agreed4 ,but1 as will appear presently1 there were large bodies of men1 even clerks1 who not only differed from them in practice1 but also in their deliberate moral judgment4 ,we must approach closer still4 ,when we have to determine an individual conception of the law1 for the purpose of measuring real and personal guilt1 we must have a regard to the surrounding influences1 the current thoughts and prevailing habits1 which may have impaired or obscured the feeling of its validity in any respect4 ,it is well1 then1 first to glance at the morals of the time when one feels eager to measure ,ablard's guilt4 ,it was a period when the dark triumph of what is called materialism1 or animalism1 was as yet relieved only by a sporadic gleam of idealism4 ,there was purity in places1 but over the broad face of the land passion knew little law4 ,if the unlettered ,greek had immoral gods to encourage him1 the medival had immoral pastors4 ,the ,church was just endeavouring to enforce its unfortunate law of celibacy on them4 ,with a stroke of the pen it had converted thousands of honest wives into concubines4 ,the result was utter and sad demoralisation4 ,in thus converting the moral into the deeply immoral1 the ,church could appeal to no element in the consciences of its servants2 nor even to its basic ,scriptures4 ,writers of the time use hyperbolic language in speaking of the prevalent vice1 and the facts given in the chronicles1 and embodied in the modern collections of ancient documents1 fully sustain it4 ,speaking of the close of the eleventh century1 ,dubois1 in his ,historia ,ecclesi ,parisiensis1 says3 #8,the condition of the ,church in general at that time was unhappy and wretched 444 nearly all the clergy were infected with the vice of simony 444 lust and shameful pleasure were openly rampant4' ,it is true that he excepts his #8,church of ,paris1' but his own facts show that it is only a piece of foolish loyalty4 ,cardinal ,jacques de ,vitry1 who studied at ,paris towards the close of the century 7it must have been worse in ,ablard's time71 gives a clearly overdrawn1 yet instructive1 picture of its life in his ,historia ,occidentalis4 #8,the clergy1' he says1 probably meaning the scholars in general1 of whom the majority were clerics1 #8saw no sin in simple fornication4 ,common harlots were to be seen dragging off clerics as they passed along to their brothels4 ,if they refused to go1 opprobrious names were called after them4 ,school and brothel were under the same roof--the school above1 the brothel below4444 ,and the more freely they spent their money in vice1 the more were they commended1 and regarded by almost everybody as fine1 liberal fellows4' ,the vice that has ever haunted educational centres and institutes was flagrant and general4 ,it is a fact that the authorities had at length to prohibit the canons to lodge students in their houses on the island4 ,in the country and in the other towns the same conditions were found4 ,in ,father ,denifle's ,chartularium there is a document 7,no4 ,v47 which throws a curious light on the habits of the clergy4 ,a priest of ,rheims was dancing in a tavern one ,sunday1 when some of the scholars laughed at him4 ,he pursued them to their school1 took the place by storm1 half-murdered1 and then 7presumably recalling his sacerdotal character7 excommunicated them4 ,at another time1 ,cardinal ,jacques tells us1 the lady of a certain manor warned the priest of the village to dismiss his concubine4 ,he refused2 whereupon the noble dame had the woman brought to her1 and ordained her #8priestess1' turning her out before the admiring villagers with a gaudy crown4 ,another poor priest told his bishop1 with many tears1 that1 if it were a question of choosing between his church and his concubine1 he should have to abandon the church2 the story runs that1 finding his income gone1 the lady also departed4 ,there is an equally dark lament in ,ordericus ,vitalis1 the ,norman1 who lived in ,ablard's day4 ,the letters and sermons of ,ablard--,ablard the monk1 of ,st4 ,bernard1 and of so many others1 confirm the darkest features of the picture4 ,only a few years previously the king had lived with the wife of one of his nobles1 in defiance of them all2 and when a council1 composed of one hundred and twenty prelates1 including two cardinals and a number of bishops1 met at ,poitiers to censure him1 the ,duke of ,aquitaine broke in with his soldiers1 and scattered them with the flat of his sword4 ,indeed1 an ancient writer1 ,hugo ,flaviniacensis1 declares there was a feeling that ,pope ,paschal did not1 for financial reasons1 approve the censure passed by his legates4 ,considering the enormous prevalence of simony1 one could hardly expect to find the ,church in a better condition4 ,the writers of the time make it clear that there was an appalling traffic in bishoprics1 abbeys1 prebends1 and all kinds of ecclesiastical goods and dignities4 ,we have already seen one tragic illustration of the evil1 and we shall meet many more4 ,a few years previously the king had nominated one of his favourites1 tienne de ,garlande1 for the vacant bishopric of ,beauvais2 and this youth1 #8of no letters and of unchaste life1' at once took even major orders1 and talked of going to ,rome #8to buy the curia4' ,but1 as with regard to the previous point1 it is useless to give instances4 ,corruption was very prevalent2 and one cannot wonder at it in view of the reputation which the papacy itself had1 in spite of its occasional quashing of a corrupt election4 ,this point will be treated more fully in the sixth chapter4 ,the question of the deep and widespread corruption of the regular clergy must also be deferred4 ,in his fourth letter to ,heloise1 ,ablard complains that #8almost all the monasteries of our day' are corrupt2 ,jacques de ,vitry affirms that no nunneries1 save those of the ,cistercians1 were fit abodes for an honest woman in his day4#ae ,it is not a little instructive to find ,abbot ,ablard1 in his latest and most ascetic period1 telling his son 7a monk71 in the course of a number of admirable moral maxims1 that3 #8,a humble harlot is better than she who is chaste and proud1' and that #8,far worse is the shrewd-tongued woman than a harlot4' #ae ,the condition of monasteries will be found treated more fully on p4 #abe2 that of nunneries on p4 #bji4 ,finally1 mention must be made of the extreme violence of the age4 ,several illustrations have been given in the course of the narrative1 and it will bring many more before the reader4 ,they were still the days of the lex talionis1 the judicial duel1 the ordeal1 and the truce of ,god4 ,murder was common in town and country4 ,we have seen the brutal murder of the ,bishop of ,laon in #aaab2 we find the ,bishop of ,paris threatened by the relatives of his archdeacon1 and the ,prior of ,st4 ,victor's murdered by them1 in #aacc4 ,but the story will contain violence enough4 ,as for #8the undisciplined student-hordes of the ,middle ,ages1' see the appalling picture of their life in ,rashdall's ,universities of ,europe4 ,our period is pre-university--and worse3 with the founding of the university came some degree of control4 ,yet even then the documentary evidence discloses a fearful condition of violence and lawlessness4 ,in the year #aaig we find the ,bishop of ,paris abolishing the #8,feast of ,fools4' ,on ,january #ast 7and also on the feast of ,st4 ,stephen71 it seems1 a carnival was held1 during which the masquers had free run of the cathedral and the churches1 making them echo with ribald songs1 and profaning them with bloodshed and all kinds of excess4 ,in #abah1 says ,crevier1 we find the ecclesiastical judges of ,paris complaining that the students break into the houses of the citizens1 and carry off their womenfolk4 ,in #abjj we find a pitched battle between the students of ,paris and the governor and his guards1 in which several are killed2 and the king condemns the unfortunate governor to be tried by ordeal2 to be hanged forthwith if it proves his guilt1 and to be imprisoned for life 7in case ,providence has made a mistake7 if it absolves him4 ,after another of these battles1 when the governor has hanged several students1 the king forces him and his council to go in their shirts to the scaffold and kiss the bodies4 ,in another case1 in #abbh1 the king sides with the governor1 and the masters close the university in disgust until the students are avenged4 ,but of story-telling there would be no end4 ,and1 indeed1 there is the danger of giving a false impression of scantiness of evidence when one follows up a large assertion with a few incidents4 ,it is1 however1 clear from the quoted words of accredited historians1 and will be made clearer in the progress of the narrative1 that simony1 unchastity1 violence1 cruelty1 and usury were real and broad features of the age of ,ablard4 ,the reader will not forget them1 when he is seeking to enter into the conscience of the famous master4 ,,chapter ,v ,,dead ,,sea ,,fruit ,the great cemetery of ,pre ,lachaise at ,paris is a city of historic tombs4 ,names of world-fame look down on you from the marble dwellings of the dead1 as you pass along its alleys and broad avenues4 ,paris loves to wander there on ,sundays2 to scatter floral symbols of a living memory on the youngest graves1 and to hang wreaths of unfading honour over the ashes of those who have fought for it and served it4 ,the memory of the dead soon fades1 they say1 yet you will see men and women of ,paris1 on many a summer's day1 take flowers and wreaths in solemn pity to lay on the tomb of a woman who was dust seven hundred years ago4 ,it is the grave of ,heloise1 and of her lover1 ,ablard4 ,it is scarcely necessary to say that in a serious endeavour to depict the historical ,heloise much myth and legend must be soberly declined4 ,even historians have been seduced from their high duty in writing her praise3 witness the fond exaggeration of ,m4 de ,rmusat1 which would make her #8the first of women4' ,yet it must be admitted that impartial study brings us face to face with a very remarkable personality4 ,this will be easily accepted in the sequel1 when we have followed the course of her life to some extent--when1 for instance1 we see the affection and the extraordinary respect with which she inspires the famous abbot of ,cluny1 ,peter the ,venerable4 ,it is more difficult to recall her at the period of her fateful meeting with ,ablard4 ,we have1 however1 the sober assurance of ,peter the ,venerable that1 even at this early date1 she was #8of great repute throughout the entire kingdom'2 and there is no reason whatever to resent ,ablard's assertion that she was already distinguished for her knowledge4 ,the mythic additions to the portraiture of ,heloise refer almost exclusively to her parentage and her beauty4 ,ablard introduces her to us as the niece of a canon of the cathedral chapter1 named ,fulbert4 ,it is quite clear that ,ablard considered her such throughout life1 and that it was the belief of ,heloise herself2 but of her parentage neither of them speaks4 ,in strict justice1 the only inference we may draw from this is that she lost her parents at an early age4 ,we should never have known the parentage of ,ablard but for his own autobiography4 ,however1 the tradition that has charged itself with the romance of ,ablard's life found in this silence a convenient pretext for weaving further romantic elements into the story4 ,there is a pretty collection of myths about ,heloise's birth1 most of them1 of course1 making her illegitimate4 ,the issue of lawful wedlock is ever too prosaic and ordinary for the romantic faculty--in spite of facts4 ,the favourite theory is that ,heloise was the daughter of ,canon ,fulbert2 even ,hausrath thinks ,fulbert's conduct points to this relationship4 ,two other canons of ,paris are severally awarded the honour by various writers4 ,on the other hand1 it was inevitable that she should be given a tinge of #8noble' blood1 and this is traced on the maternal side4 ,turlot makes the best effort--from the romantic point of view--in describing her as the daughter of an abbess1 who was the mistress of a ,montmorency1 but who gave an air of respectability to her family matters by passing for the mistress of ,fulbert4 ,from the less interesting point of view of history1 we can only say that she lived with her uncle1 ,canon ,fulbert1 and we must admit that we do not know whether she was illegitimate or an orphan4 ,but the former category was very much the larger one1 even in those violent days4 ,it was also natural that tradition should endow her with a singular beauty3 an endowment which sober history is unable to confirm4 ,she must1 it is true1 have had a singular grace and charm of person4 ,it is impossible to think that her mental gifts alone attracted ,ablard4 ,moreover1 in the course of the story1 we shall meet several instances of the exercise of such personal power4 ,but we cannot claim for her more than a moderate degree of beauty4 #8,not the least in beauty of countenance1' says ,ablard1 #8she was supreme in her knowledge of letters4' ,the antithesis does not seem to be interpreted aright by those writers who think it denies her any beauty4 #8,not the least' is a figure of rhetoric1 well known to ,ablard1 which must by no means be taken with ,teutonic literalness4 ,but that #8repute throughout the kingdom1' which ,peter the ,venerable grants her1 was based on her precocious knowledge4 ,it is generally estimated that she was in her seventeenth or eighteenth year when ,ablard fell in love with her4 ,she had spent her early years at the ,benedictine nunnery at ,argenteuil1 a few miles beyond ,st4 ,denis4 ,her education was then continued by her uncle4 ,canon ,fulbert has no reputation for learning in the chronicles of the time2 in fact1 the only information we have of him1 from other sources than the story of ,ablard1 is that he was the happy possessor of #8a whole bone' out of the spine of ,st4 ,ebrulfus4 ,however1 it is indisputable that ,heloise had a reputation for letters even at that time4 ,both ,ablard and ,peter of ,cluny are explicit on the point2 the latter says to her1 in one of his admiring letters1 #8in study you not only outstripped all women1 but there were few men whom you did not surpass4' ,from this it is clear that the learning of ,heloise was not distinguished only when compared with the general condition of the feminine mind4 ,in fact1 although ,abbot ,peter speaks slightingly of womanly education in general1 this was a relatively bright period4 ,we have already seen the wife and daughters of ,manegold teaching philosophy at ,paris with much distinction at the close of the eleventh century1 and one cannot go far in the chronicles of the time without meeting many instances of a learned correspondence in ,latin between prelates and women4 ,nevertheless1 the learning of ,heloise cannot have been considerable1 absolutely speaking4 ,her opportunities were even more limited than the erudition of her time4 ,that she knew ,hebrew is explicitly stated by ,ablard and ,peter of ,cluny1 and also by ,robert of ,auxerre2 but she probably learned it 7with ,greek7 from ,ablard1 and knew no more than he4 ,her ,latin is good2 but it is impossible to discuss here her famous ,letters1 which give us our sole direct insight into her personality4 ,learned1 critical1 penetrative1 she certainly was1 but ,rmusat's estimate is entirely inadmissible4 ,beside ,aspasia or ,hypatia she would #8pale her ineffectual fire4' ,it is not difficult to understand how the two were brought together4 ,both of high repute #8in the whole kingdom1' or1 at all events1 in ,paris1 they could not long remain strangers4 ,ablard was soon #8wholly afire with love of the maid1' he tells us1 and sought an opportunity of closer intercourse with her4 ,though ,cotter ,morison's theory of the sated sensualist looking round for a dainty morsel is utterly at variance with ,ablard's narrative--the only account of these events that we have--it is1 nevertheless1 clear that ,ablard sought the intimacy of ,heloise for the purpose of gaining her love4 ,he says so repeatedly2 and1 though we have at times to moderate the stress of his words1 we cannot refuse to accept their substance4 ,mr4 ,poole considers the idea of a deliberate seduction on the part of ,ablard #8incredible4' ,it is strange that one who is so familiar with the times should think this4 #8,i thought it would be well to contract a union of love with the maid1' ,ablard says4 ,from the circumstance that he had to approach ,fulbert 7who was1 however1 only too willing7 through the mediation of friends1 it does not seem rash to infer that he had had no personal intercourse with the canon and his niece4 ,it was through her fame and1 perhaps1 an occasional passing glance that he had come to love her4 ,he had1 however1 little diffidence about the issue4 ,though between thirty-five and forty years of age1 he looked #8young and handsome1' he tells us2 and we learn further from ,heloise that he had gifts #8of writing poetry and of singing' which no female heart could resist4 ,the #8,socrates of ,gaul' set out on a love-adventure4 ,and one fine day the little world of ,paris was smirking and chattering over the startling news that ,master ,peter had gone to live with ,heloise and her uncle4 ,the simple canon had been delighted at the proposal to receive ,ablard4 ,alleging the expense of maintaining a separate house and the greater convenience of ,fulbert's house for attending the school1 ,ablard had asked his hospitality in consideration of a certain payment and the instruction of ,heloise in leisure hours4 ,it may or may not be true that ,fulbert was avaricious1 as ,ablard affirms1 but the honour of lodging the first master in ,christendom and the valuable advantage to his niece are quite adequate to explain ,fulbert's eager acceptance4 #8,affection for his niece and the repute of my chastity1' says ,ablard1 blinded the canon to the obvious danger1 if not the explicit intention4 ,the master was at once established in the canon's house4 ,one reads with pity how the uncle1 blind1 as only an erudite priest can be1 to the rounded form and quickened pulse1 child-like1 gave ,ablard even power to beat his niece1 if she neglected her task4 ,a tradition1 which seems to have but a precarious claim to credence1 points out the spot where the idyll of that love was lived4 ,in the earlier part of the present century there was a house at the corner of the ,rue des ,chantres 7on the island1 facing the ,hotel de ,ville71 which bore an inscription claiming that #8,heloise and ,ablard1 the model of faithful spouses1 dwelt in this house4' ,if we accept the vague legend1 we can easily restore in imagination the little cottage of ,fulbert4 ,it lay a few yards from the water's edge1 and one could look out from its narrow windows over the gently sloping garden of the bank and the fresh1 sweet bosom of the river2 the quays were beyond--where the ,hotel de ,ville now stands--and further still outspread the lovely panorama that encircled ,paris4 ,in a very short time master and pupil were lovers4 ,he did assuredly fulfil his promise of teaching her4 ,most probably it was from him that she learned what ,greek and ,hebrew she knew2 for ,ablard1 in later years1 not only reminds her nuns that they #8have a mother who is conversant with these tongues1' but adds also that #8she alone has attained this knowledge1' amongst the women of her time4 ,it is also clear that he taught her dialectics1 theology1 and ethics4 ,but it was not long1 he confesses1 before there were #8more kisses than theses1' and #8love was the inspirer of his tongue4' ,he does not hesitate to speak of having #8corrupted' or seduced her1 but it is only prejudice or ignorance that can accept this in the full severity and gravity of the modern term4 ,heloise had been educated in a nunnery2 but before many years we find these nuns of ,argenteuil turned on the street for #8the enormity of their lives4' ,the charge must not be taken too literally just yet1 but it should make us hesitate to credit ,heloise with a rigorous moral education4 ,she lived1 too1 in a world where1 as we saw1 such liaisons were not considered sinful4 ,it is far from likely that she would oppose any scruple to ,ablard's desire4 ,indeed1 from the study of her references to their love1 in the letters she wrote long years afterwards--wrote as an abbess of high repute--one feels disposed to think that ,ablard would have had extreme difficulty in pointing out to her the sinfulness of such a love4 ,it is with an effort1 even after twenty years of chaste1 conventual life1 that she accepts the ecclesiastical view of their conduct4 ,ablard sinned2 but let us1 in justice1 limit his sin at least to its due objective proportion2 its subjective magnitude ,i shall not venture to examine4 ,in a few months the famed philosopher appeared in a new character1 as #8the first of the troubadours1' to use the words of ,ampre4 #8 mesure qu'on a plus d'esprit les passions sont plus grandes1' said ,pascal4 ,of all false epigrams that is surely the falsest1 but it would be easily inspired by the transformation of ,pierre ,ablard4 ,the sober-living man of forty1 whom all had thought either never to have known or long since to have passed the fever of youth1 was mastered by a deep1 tyrannical passion4 ,the problems of dialectics were forgotten1 the alluring difficulties of ,ezechiel unheeded4 ,day after day the murmuring throng was dismissed untaught from the cloistral school2 whilst passers-by heard songs that were ardent with deep love from the windows of the canon's house4 ,all ,paris1 even all ,france1 caught the echo1 says ,heloise1 and #8every street1 every house1 resounded with my name4' ,the strange #8,story of love and learning1' as an old ballad expressed it1 was borne through the kingdom in ,ablard's own impassioned words4#af #af ,not a single one of ,ablard's songs has come down to us4 ,a few songs are to be found which bear his name1 but they are not genuine4 ,it is an unfortunate loss1 since the religious hymns of his later years convey no better impression of his true and unspoiled poetic faculty than the moonlight does of the rays of the sun4 ,months ran on1 and the purblind priest remained wholly unconscious of what all ,paris sang nightly in its taverns4 ,at length the truth was forced upon his mind1 and he at once interrupted the love-story4 ,he drove ,ablard from the house1 and raised the usual futile barriers to the torrent of passion4 ,whether the canon was really more earnest than the majority of his order1 and therefore sincerely shocked at the thought of the liaison1 or whether it had disturbed some other project he had formed1 it is impossible to say4 ,heloise herself1 in her sober maturity1 affirms that any woman in ,france would have thought her position more honourable than any marriage4 ,however that may be1 ,fulbert angrily forbade a continuance of the relation4 ,once more ,ablard must have felt the true alternative that honour placed before him3 either to crush his passion and return to the school1 or to marry ,heloise and sacrifice the desire of further advancement in ecclesiastical dignity4 ,ablard was not a priest at that time4 ,he was probably a canon of ,notre ,dame1 but there are very satisfactory reasons for holding that he did not receive the priesthood until a much later date4 ,in the #8,story' he makes ,heloise address him1 about this time1 as #8a cleric and canon1' but he is nowhere spoken of as a priest4 ,had he been a priest1 the circumstance would have afforded ,heloise one of the most powerful objections to a marriage2 in the curious and lengthy catalogue of such objections which we shall find her raising presently she does not mention the priesthood4 ,but even if he were a priest1 it is not at all clear that he would have considered this in itself an impediment to marriage4 ,from the acts of the ,council of ,london 7#aajb71 the ,council of ,troyes 7#aajg71 the ,council of ,rheims 7#aaai71 and others1 we find that the decree of the ,church against the marriage of priests1 and even bishops1 was far from being universally accepted4 ,indeed1 we have specific reason for thinking that ,ablard did not recognise an impediment of that character4 ,in a work which bears the title ,sententiae ,abaelardi1 we find the thesis1 more or less clearly stated1 that the priest may marry4 ,the work is certainly not ,ablard's own composition1 but the experts regard it as a careful summary of his views by some master of the period4 ,apart from the laxer view of love-relation which ,ablard probably shared1 we can only find firm ground to interpret his reluctance to marry in the fear of injuring his further ambition4 ,marriage was fast becoming a fatal obstacle to advancement in the ecclesiastical world2 a lover--with wealth--was not a serious difficulty4 ,even this point1 however1 cannot be pressed2 it looks as though his ambition had become as limp and powerless as all other feelings in the new tyranny of love4 ,historians have been so eager to quarrel with the man that they have1 perhaps1 not paid a just regard to the fact that ,heloise herself was violently opposed to marriage1 and conscientiously thought their earlier union more honourable4 ,this will appear presently4 ,whatever struggle may have distracted ,ablard after their separation1 he was soon forced to take practical measures4 ,heloise found means to inform him--not with the conventional tears1 but1 he says1 #8with the keenest joy'--that she was about to become a mother4 ,fate had cut the ethical knot4 ,he at once removed her from ,fulbert's house during the night1 and had her conveyed1 in the disguise of a nun1#ag to his home at ,pallet4 ,it is not clearly stated that ,ablard accompanied her1 but1 beside the intrinsic probability1 there is a local tradition that ,ablard and ,heloise spent many happy months together at ,pallet1 and there is a phrase in the #8,story' which seems to confirm it4 ,however that may be1 we find him in ,paris again1 after a time1 seeking a reconciliation with ,fulbert4 #ag ,this detail is found in ,ablard's second letter to ,heloise4 ,it is characteristic of ,mr4 ,cotter ,morison's #8sketch' of ,ablard that he should have missed it1 and thought fit to deny it4 ,deutsch reads him a severe lesson on the duty of accuracy in his ,peter ,ablard4 ,fulbert was by no means the quiet1 passive recluse that one would imagine from his earlier action1 or inaction4 ,the discovery of ,ablard's treachery and the removal of his niece had enkindled thoughts of wild and dark revenge4 ,he feared1 however1 to attack ,ablard whilst ,heloise remained at ,pallet2 it is a fearful commentary on the times that ,ablard should coolly remark that a retaliation on the part of his own relatives was apprehended4 ,revenge was considered a legitimate daughter of justice in those days4 ,a compromise was at length imagined by ,ablard4 ,he proposed to marry ,heloise1 if ,fulbert and his friends would agree to keep the marriage secret4 ,in this we have a still clearer revelation of the one serious flaw in ,ablard's character--weakness4 ,no doubt1 if we had had an autobiography from an unmaimed ,ablard--an ,ablard who identified himself with1 and endeavoured proudly to excuse1 the lover of ,heloise--we should be reminded of many extenuating elements2 the repugnance of ,heloise1 the stupid anti-matrimonialism of the hierarchy1 the current estimate of an unconsecrated liaison1 and so forth4 ,even as it is1 ,ablard perceives no selfishness1 no want of resolution1 in his action4 #8,out of compassion for his great anxiety1' he says1 he approached ,fulbert on the question of a private marriage4 ,the canon consented1 though secretly retaining his intention of taking a bloody revenge1 ,ablard thinks2 and the master hastened once more to ,brittany for his bride4 ,ablard probably flattered himself that he had found an admirable outlet from his narrow circumstances4 ,fulbert's conscience would be salved by the ,church's blessing on their love2 the hierarchy would have no matrimonial impediment to oppose to his advancement2 ,paris would give an indulgent eye to what it would regard as an amiable frailty1 if not a grace of character4 ,unfortunately for his peace1 ,heloise energetically repulsed the idea of marriage4 ,the long passage in which ,ablard gives us her objections is not the least interesting in the #8,story4' #8,she asked1' he writes1 #8what glory she would win from me1 when she had rendered me inglorious1 and had humbled both me and her4 ,how great a punishment the world would inflict on her if she deprived it of so resplendent a light3 what curses1 what loss to the ,church1 what philosophic tears1 would follow such a marriage4 ,how outrageous1 how pitiful it was1 that he whom nature had created for the common blessing should be devoted to one woman1 and plunged in so deep a disgrace4 ,profoundly did she hate the thought of a marriage which would prove so humiliating and so burdensome to me in every respect4' ,then follows an elaborate1 rhetorical discourse on the disadvantages of matrimony1 with careful division and subdivision1 arguments from reason1 from experience1 from authority1 and all the artifices of rhetoric and dialectics4 ,that the learned ,heloise did urge many of its curious points will scarcely be doubted1 but as a careful and ordered piece of pleading against matrimony it has an obvious ulterior purpose4 ,st4 ,paul is the first authority quoted2 then follow ,st4 ,jerome1 ,theophrastus1 and ,cicero4 ,she 7or he7 then draws an animated picture of the domestic felicity of a philosopher1 reminding him of servants and cradles1 infant music and the chatter of nurses1 the pressing throng of the family and the helplessness of the little ones4 ,the example of monks1 of ,nazarites1 and of philosophers is impressively urged2 and if he will not hesitate1 as #8a cleric and a canon1' to commit himself #8irrevocably to domestic joy1' at least let him remember his dignity as a philosopher4 ,the sad fate of the married ,socrates is adduced1 together with the thunder and rain incident4 ,finally1 she is represented as saying that it is #8sweeter to her and more honourable to him that she should be his mistress rather than his wife1' and that she prefers to be united to him #8by love alone1 not by the compulsion of the marriage vow4' ,when the letter containing this curious passage reached ,heloise1 nearly twenty years after the event1 she1 an abbess of high repute for holiness1 admitted its correctness1 with the exception that #8a few arguments had been omitted in which she set love before matrimony and freedom before compulsion4' ,holy abbess writing to holy abbot1 she calls ,god to witness that #8if the name of wife is holier1 the name of friend1 or1 if he likes1 mistress or concubine1 is sweeter1' and that she #8would rather be his mistress than the queen of a ,csar4' ,they who disregard these things in sitting in judgment on that famous liaison are foredoomed to error4 ,but ,ablard prevailed4 #8,weeping and sobbing vehemently1' he says1 #8she brought her discourse to an end with these words3 8,one thing alone remains for us now1 we must exhibit in our common ruin a grief as strong as the love that has gone before40' ,it is an artistic termination to ,ablard's discourse1 at all events4 ,back to ,paris once more1 therefore1 the two proceeded4 ,heloise had a strong foreboding of evil to come from the side of ,fulbert2 she did not trust his profession of conciliation4 ,however1 she left her boy1 whom1 with a curious affectation1 they had called ,astrolabe 7the name of an astronomic apparatus71 in the charge of ,ablard's sister ,denyse4 ,they were married a few days after their arrival at ,paris4 ,the vigil was spent1 according to custom1 in one of the churches3 they remained all night in prayer1 and the ceremony took place after an early ,mass in the morning4 ,their arrival in ,paris had been kept secret1 and only ,fulbert and a few friends of both parties were present at the marriage4 ,then they parted at the altar3 the man weakly proceeding to follow his poor ambition in the school1 the noble young wife making herself a sad sacrifice to his selfishness and irresolution4 ,during the next few dreary months they saw each other rarely and in secret4 ,ablard was a man of the type that waits for the compulsion of events in a serious conflict of desires1 or of desire and duty4 ,he could not lay aside his day-dream that somehow and some day the fates would smooth out a path along which he could carry both his whole ambition and his love4 ,events did decide for him once more4 ,fulbert1 it seems1 broke his faith with ,ablard and divulged the marriage4 ,but when people came to ,heloise for confirmation1 she did more than #8lie with the sweetness of a ,madonna1' in ,charles ,reade's approving phrase2 she denied on oath that she was the wife of ,ablard4 ,fulbert then began to ill-treat her 7the circumstance may be commended to the notice of those historians who think he had acted from pure affection71 and ,ablard removed her secretly from her uncle's house4 ,it was to the convent at ,argenteuil that ,ablard conveyed his wife this time4 ,one passes almost the very spot in entering modern ,paris by the western line1 but the village lay at a much greater distance from the ancient island-city1 a few miles beyond ,st4 ,denis1 going down the river4 ,it was a convent of ,benedictine nuns1 very familiar to ,heloise1 who had received her early education there4 ,in order to conceal ,heloise more effectually1 he bade her put on the habit of the nuns1 with the exception of the veil1 which was the distinguishing mark of the professed religious4 ,here she remained for some months2 ,ablard waiting upon events1 as usual1 and occasionally making a secret visit to ,argenteuil4 ,according to ,turlot1 the abbess of ,argenteuil was the mother of ,heloise4 ,we know1 at least1 that the nunnery was in a very lax condition1 and that1 beyond her unconquerable presentiment of evil1 ,heloise would suffer little restraint4 ,indeed1 ,ablard reminds her later1 in his second letter to her1 that their conjugal relations continued whilst she was in the nunnery4 ,how long this wretched situation continued it is impossible to determine4 ,it cannot have been many months1 at the most1 before ,fulbert discovered what had happened2 it was probably a matter of weeks4 ,yet this is the only period in which it is possible to entertain the theory of ,ablard's licentiousness4 ,we have already seen that ,cotter ,morison's notion of a licentious period before the liaison with ,heloise is quite indefensible4 ,the tragic event which we have presently to relate puts the latest term to the possibility of such licence4 ,now1 there are two documents on which ,ablard's critics rely3 a letter to him from ,fulques1 prior in the monastery of ,deuil near ,paris1 and a letter from his former teacher1 ,master ,roscelin4 ,prior ,fulques1 however1 merely says he #8has heard' that ,ablard was reduced to poverty through #8the greed and avarice of harlots'2 and ,roscelin explicitly states that he heard his story from the monks of ,st4 ,denis4 ,indeed1 we may at once exclude ,roscelin's letter2 not merely because it was written in a most furious outburst of temper1 when a man would grasp any rumour1 but also on the ground that his story is absurd and impossible4 ,he represents ,ablard1 when a monk at ,st4 ,denis1 later1 returning to his monastery with the money earned by his teaching1 and marching off with it to pay a former mistress4 ,we shall see1 in a later chapter1 that ,ablard did not begin to teach until he had left ,st4 ,denis4 ,if1 however1 ,roscelin's story is too absurd to entertain in itself1 it is useful in casting some light on ,fulques's letter4 ,fulques was writing to ,ablard on behalf of the monks of ,st4 ,denis4 ,he would be well acquainted with their gossip1 and would1 therefore1 probably be referring to the story which ,roscelin shows to be impossible in giving it more fully4 ,it is not unlikely that the story was really a perverse account of ,ablard's visits to ,heloise at ,argenteuil4 ,in any case we are reduced to the gossip of a band of monks of notorious character 7teste ,st4 ,bernard71 of indirect and uncertain information1 and of bitter hostility to ,ablard4 ,and this is all the evidence which can be found in support of the calumny4 ,on the strength of this monkish gossip we are asked to believe that ,ablard grossly deceived his young wife1 and made an attempt1 as ridiculous 7if the rumour contained truth7 as it was hypocritical1 to deceive the readers of his heart-naked confession4 ,we are to suppose that #8the abhorrence of harlots1' of which he spoke earlier1 entirely disappeared when he found himself united by the sacred bonds of both religion and love to a noble and devoted wife4 ,we are to suppose that his apparent detestation and condemnation of his past conduct was a mere rhetorical artifice to conceal the foulest and most extraordinary episode in his career from the people amongst whom he had lived--an artifice1 moreover1 which would be utterly inconsistent with his life and character at the time he wrote the #8,story4' ,it is almost impossible to take such a notion seriously4 ,once more1 then1 we are in a period of waiting for the direction of events4 ,it came this time in tragic accents that for ever cured the unfortunate ,breton of his listless trust in fate4 ,fulbert learned at length that ,heloise had been sent to ,argenteuil1 and had taken the habit4 ,the canon at once inferred that this was a preliminary step to a dissolution of the marriage4 ,he would be unaware that it had been consummated1 and would suppose that ,ablard intended to apply to ,rome for a dispensation to relieve him of an apparent embarrassment4 ,he decided on a fearful revenge1 which should at least prevent ,ablard from marrying another4 ,and one early morning1 a little later1 ,paris was in a frenzy of excitement4 ,canons1 students1 and citizens1 thronged the streets1 and pressed towards ,ablard's house on ,st4 ,genevieve4 #8,almost the entire city1' says ,fulques1 went clamouring towards his house3 #8women wept as though each one had lost her husband4' ,ablard had been brutally mutilated during the night4 ,hirelings of ,canon ,fulbert had corrupted his valet1 and entered his room whilst he slept4 ,they had perpetrated an indescribable outrage1 such as was not infrequently inflicted in the quarrels of the ,patareni and the ,nicolait4 ,in that dark night the sunshine disappeared for ever from the life of ,pierre ,ablard4 ,henceforth we have to deal with a new man4 ,it is a pious theory of the autobiographist himself that this mutilation led indirectly to his #8conversion4' ,there is undoubtedly much truth in this notion of an indirect occasioning of better thoughts and of an indirect influence being cast on his mind for life4 ,yet we of the later date1 holding a truer view of the unity of human nature1 and of the place that sex-influence occupies in its life1 can see that the #8conversion' was largely a direct1 physical process4 ,we have1 in a very literal sense1 another man to deal with henceforward4 ,as ,ablard lay on the bed of sickness1 the conversion gradually worked onwards towards a critical decision4 ,it is not clear that the mutilation would prove of itself an impediment to scholastic honour or ecclesiastical office1 but the old life could not be faced again by one with so little strength and so keen a sensibility4 #8,i pondered on the glory ,i had won and on the swift chance blow that had obscured it1 nay1 wholly extinguished it3 on the just judgment of ,god by which ,i had been punished in the member that had sinned3 on the justice of treachery coming from him whom ,i had myself betrayed3 on the joy of my rivals at such a humiliation3 on the endless sorrow this wound would inflict on my family and my friends3 on the speed with which this deep disgrace would travel through the world4 ,what path was open to me now8 ,how could ,i ever walk abroad again1 to be pointed at by every finger1 ridiculed by every tongue1 a monstrous spectacle to all8444 ,in such sorry plight as ,i was1 the confusion of shame rather than a devout conversion impelled me to seek refuge in the monastery4' ,to this natural #8confusion of shame' we must look for an explanation of1 not merely the folly1 but the cruelty and selfishness1 of ,ablard's proposal4 ,it involved the burial of ,heloise in a nunnery4 ,no one could shrink more feelingly from the unnatural shade of the cloister than did ,heloise1 as ,ablard must have known1 but in his pain and despair he forgot the elementary dictates of love or of honour4 ,in any other circumstances the act would be deemed brutal4 ,indeed1 he wantonly increased the suffering of his young wife by ordering her to take the vows first4 ,twenty years afterwards she plaintively tells him the sorrow he gave her by such a command4 #8,god knows1' she says1 #8,i should not have hesitated1 at your command1 to precede or to follow you to hell itself4' ,she was #8profoundly grieved and ashamed' at the distrust which seemed to be implied in his direction4 ,but hers was the love that #8is stronger than death1' and she complied without a murmur1 making of her sunny nature one more victim on the altar of masculine selfishness4 ,ablard has left us a dramatic picture of her taking the vows4 ,it shows clearly that the love which impelled her to such a sacrifice was not the blind1 child-like affection that is wholly merged in the stronger loved one1 but the deep1 true love that sees the full extent of the sacrifice demanded1 and accepts it with wide-opened eyes4 ,at the last moment a little group of friends surrounded her in the convent-chapel4 ,the veil1 blessed by the bishop1 lay on the altar before them1 and they were endeavouring to dissuade her from going forward to take it4 ,she waved them aside--waved aside for the last time the thought of her child and the vision of a sun-lit earth--and took the fateful step towards the altar4 ,then1 standing on the spot where the young nun generally knelt for the final thanksgiving to ,god1 she recited with the tense fervour of a human prayer the words of ,cornelia in ,lucan3 #8,o spouse most great1 ,o thou whose bed my merit could not share6 ,how hath an evil fortune worked this wrong ,on thy dear head8 ,why hapless did ,i wed1 ,if this the fruit that my affection bore8 ,behold the penalty ,i now embrace ,for thy sweet sake6' ,and1 weeping and sobbing1 she walked quickly up the steps of the altar1 and covered herself with the veil of the religious profession4 ,,chapter ,,vi ,,the ,,monk ,,of ,,st4 ,,denis ,ablard had now entered upon the series of blunders which were to make his life a succession of catastrophes4 ,a stronger man would have retired to ,pallet1 and remained there until the discussion of his outrage had abated somewhat2 then boldly1 and1 most probably1 with complete success1 have confronted the scholastic world once more1 with his wife for fitting companion1 like ,manegold of ,alsace4 ,in his distraction and abnormal sense of humiliation1 ,ablard grasped the plausible promise of the monastic life4 ,in the second place1 he1 with a peculiar blindness1 chose the abbey of ,st4 ,denis for his home4 ,the abbey of ,st4 ,denis was not only one of the most famous monasteries in ,europe1 but also a semi-religious1 semi-secular monarchical institution4 ,it was the last monastery in the world to provide that quiet seclusion which ,ablard sought4 ,it lay about six miles from ,paris1 near one of the many bends of the ,seine on its journey to the sea4 ,dagobert was its royal founder2 its church was built over the alleged bones of the alleged ,st4 ,denis the ,areopagite1 the patron of ,france2 it was the burial-place of the royal house4 ,over its altar hung the oriflamme of ,st4 ,denis1 the palladium of the country1 which the king came to seek1 with solemn rite and procession1 whenever the cry of #8,st4 ,denis for ,france' rang through the kingdom4 ,amongst its several hundred monks were the physicians and the tutors of kings--,prince ,louis of ,france was even then studying in its school4 ,rangeard1 in his history of ,brittany1 says1 that at the beginning of the twelfth century there were more irregular than regular abbeys in ,france4 ,ablard himself writes that #8nearly all the monasteries' of his time were worldly4 ,the truth is that few monasteries1 beside those which had been very recently reformed1 led a very edifying life4 ,hence it is not surprising1 when one regards the secular associations of the place1 to find that the ,benedictine abbey of ,st4 ,denis was in a very lax condition4 ,ablard soon discovered that1 as he says1 it was an abbey #8of very worldly and most disgraceful life4' ,the great rhetorician has a weakness for the use of superlatives1 but other witnesses are available4 ,st4 ,bernard wrote of it1 in his famed1 mellifluous manner1 that it was certain the monks gave to ,csar the things that were ,csar's1 but doubtful if they gave to ,god the things that were ,god's4 ,a chronicler of the following century1 ,guillaume de ,nangis1 writes that #8the monks scarcely exhibited even the appearance of religion4' ,the abbey had not been reformed since #iid1 so that human nature had had a considerable period in which to assert itself4 ,the preceding abbot1 ,ives ,i41 was accused at ,rome of having bought his dignity in a flagrant manner4 ,the actual abbot1 ,adam1 is said by ,ablard to have been #8as much worse in manner of life and more notorious than the rest as he preceded them in dignity4' ,it is certainly significant that the ,benedictine historian of the abbey1 ,dom ,flibien1 can find nothing to put to the credit of ,adam1 in face of ,ablard's charge1 except a certain generosity to the poor4 ,nor have later apologists for the angels1 de ,nangis1 ,duchesne1 etc41 been more successful4 ,ecclesiastical history only finds consolation in the fact that ,adam's successor was converted by ,bernard in #aabg1 and at once set about the reform of the abbey4 ,when ,ablard donned the black tunic of the ,benedictine monk in it1 probably in #aaai1 the royal abbey was at the height of its gay career4 ,st4 ,bernard himself gives a bright picture of its life in one of his letters4 ,he speaks of the soldiers who thronged its cloisters1 the jests and songs that echoed from its vaulted roofs1 the women who contributed to its gaiety occasionally4 ,from frequent passages in ,ablard we learn that the monks often held high festival4 ,it may be noted that monastic authorities nearly always give occasion to these festivities1 for1 even in the severest rules1 one always finds an egg1 or some other unwonted luxury1 admitted on #8feast-days4' ,it is the consecration of a principle that no body of men and women on earth can apply and appreciate better than monks and nuns4 ,the feasts of ,st4 ,denis rivalled those of any chteau in gay ,france4 ,the monks were skilful at mixing wine--it is a well-preserved monastic tradition--their farmer-vassals supplied food of the best in abundance1 and they hired plenty of conjurors1 singers1 dancers1 jesters1 etc41 to aid the task of digestion4 ,nor was the daily life too dull and burdensome4 ,royal councils were frequently held at the abbey1 and one does not need much acquaintance with monastic life to appreciate that circumstance4 ,then there was the school of the abbey1 with its kingly and noble pupils--and corresponding visitors3 there was the continual stream of interesting guests to this wealthiest and most famous of all abbeys3 there was the town of ,st4 ,denis1 which was so intimately dependent on the abbey4 ,above all1 there were the country-houses1 of which the abbey had a large number1 and from which it obtained a good deal of its income4 ,some dying sinner would endeavour to corrupt the ,supreme ,judge by handing over a farm or a chteau1 with its cattle1 and men and women1 and other commodities of value1 to the monks of the great abbey4 ,these would be turned into snug little #8cells' or #8priories1#8 and important sources of revenue4 ,sometimes1 too1 they had to be fought for in the courts1 if not by force of arms4 ,ablard complains that #8we monks compel our servants to fight duels for us'3 he has already complained of the frequent presentation to monasteries of both man and maid servants4 ,in #aaaa we find some of the monks of ,st4 ,denis1 at the head of a small army1 besieging the chteau of ,puiset1 capturing its lieutenant1 and casting him into a monastic prison4 ,at ,toury ,abbot ,adam had his important dependence armed as a fortress1 and made a financial speculation in the opening of a public market4 ,rangeard tells us1 in addition1 that many of the monks were expert in canon law1 and they travelled a good deal1 journeying frequently to ,rome in connection with matrimonial and other suits4 ,but before ,ablard turned his attention to the condition of the abbey1 he was long preoccupied with the thought of revenge4 ,revenge was a branch virtue of justice in those days1 and ,ablard duly demanded the punishment of talio4 ,the valet1 who had betrayed him1 and one of the mutilators1 had been captured1 and had lost their eyes1 in addition to suffering the same mutilation as they had inflicted4 ,but ,ablard seems to have been painfully insistent on the punishment of ,fulbert4 ,the matter belonged to the spiritual court1 since ,ablard was a cleric1 and ,bishop ,girbert does not seem to have moved quickly enough for the new monk4 ,fulbert escaped from ,paris1 and all his goods were confiscated1 but this did not meet ,ablard's 7and the current7 idea of justice4 ,he began to talk of an appeal to ,rome4 ,in these circumstances was written the famous letter of ,prior ,fulques1 to which we have referred more than once4 ,it is a characteristic piece of medival diplomacy4 ,fulques was the prior of ,deuil1 in the valley of ,montmorency1 a dependency of the abbey of ,st4 ,florent de ,saumur4 ,he was apparently requested by the abbot of ,st4 ,denis to persuade ,ablard to let the matter rest4 ,at all events1 he begins his letter with a rhetorical description of ,ablard's success as a teacher1 depicting ,britons and ,italians and ,spaniards braving the terrors of the sea1 the ,alps1 and the ,pyrenees1 under the fascination of ,ablard's repute4 ,then1 with a view to dissuading him from the threatened appeal to ,rome1 he reminds him of his destitution and of the notorious avarice of ,rome4 ,there is no reason why we should hesitate to accept ,fulques's assertion that ,ablard had no wealth to offer the abbey when he entered it4 ,if1 as seems to be the more correct proceeding1 we follow the opinion that he spent the interval between the first withdrawal of ,heloise and the marriage with her at ,pallet1 he cannot have earned much during the preceding two or three years4 ,he was hardly likely to be a provident and economical person4 ,most of whatever money he earned1 after he first began to serve up stale dishes to his students in the absorption of his passion1 would probably pass into the coffers of ,fulbert or1 later1 of the nunnery at ,argenteuil4 ,there is no need whatever to entertain theories of licentiousness from that ground4 ,we have1 moreover1 already sufficiently discussed that portion of ,fulques's letter4 ,but the second part of the prior's argument1 the avarice of ,rome1 requires a word of comment4 ,it is characteristic of the ecclesiastical historian that in ,migne's version of ,fulques's letter the indictment of ,ablard is given without comment1 and the indictment of ,rome is unblushingly omitted4 ,it might be retorted that such historians as ,deutsch and ,hausrath insert the indictment against ,rome1 and make a thousand apologies for inserting the charge against ,ablard4 ,the retort would be entirely without sting1 since a mass of independent evidence sustains the one charge1 whilst the other is at variance with evidence4 ,the passage omitted in ,migne1 which refers to ,ablard's proposal to appeal to ,rome1 runs as follows4 #8,o pitiful and wholly useless proposal6 ,hast thou never heard of the avarice and the impurity of ,rome8 ,who is wealthy enough to satisfy that devouring whirlpool of harlotry8 ,who would ever be able to fill their avaricious purses8 ,thy resources are entirely insufficient for a visit to the ,roman ,pontiff4444 ,for all those who have approached that see in our time without a weight of gold have lost their cause1 and have returned in confusion and disgrace4' ,let us1 in justice1 make some allowance for the exigency of diplomacy and the purposes of rhetoric2 the substance of the charge is abundantly supported by other passages in ,migne's own columns4 ,for instance1 ,abbot ,suger1 in his ,vita ,ludovici ,grossi1 says of his departure from ,rome after a certain mission1 #8evading the avarice of the ,romans we took our leave4' ,the same abbot speaks of their astonishment at ,st4 ,denis when ,paschal ,,ii4 visited the abbey in #aajf3 #8contrary to the custom of the ,romans1 he not only expressed no affection for the gold1 silver1 and precious pearls of the monastery 7about which much fear had been entertained71' but did not even look at them4 ,it may be noted1 without prejudice1 that ,paschal was seeking the sympathy and aid of ,france in his quarrel with ,germany4 ,in the apology of ,berengarius1 which is also found in ,migne1 there is mention of #8a ,roman who had learned to love gold1 rather than ,god1 in the ,roman curia4' ,bernard of ,cluny1 a more respectable witness1 tersely informs us that #8,rome gives to every one who gives ,rome all he has4' ,matthew of ,paris is equally uncomplimentary4 ,we have spoken already of the licentious young tienne de ,garlande and his proposal of going to ,rome to buy the curia's consent to his installation in a bishopric2 also of the rumour that ,pope ,paschal disapproved1 out of avarice1 the censure passed on the adulterous king4 ,duboulai1 after giving ,fulques's letter1 is content to say that the pope feared too great an interference with the officials of the curia on account of the papal schism4 ,whether the letter of the monastic diplomatist had any weight with ,ablard or no1 it seems that he did desist from his plan1 and laid aside all thought of ,fulbert4 ,but the unfortunate monk soon discovered the disastrous error he had made in seeking peace at the abbey of ,st4 ,denis4 ,there had1 in fact1 been a serious mistake on both sides4 ,the monks welcomed one whom they only knew as a lively1 witty1 interesting associate1 a master of renown1 a poet and musician of merit4 ,a new attraction would accrue to their abbey1 a new distraction to their own life1 by the admission of ,ablard4 ,the diversion of the stream of scholars from ,paris to ,st4 ,denis would bring increased colour1 animation1 and wealth4 ,the erudite troubadour and brilliant scholar would be an excellent companion in the refectory1 when the silent meal was over1 and the wine invited conversation4 ,they were rudely awakened to their error when ,ablard began to lash them with mordant irony for their #8intolerable uncleanness4' ,they found that the love-inspired songster was dead4 ,they had introduced a kind of ,bernard of ,clairvaux1 a man of wormwood valleys1 into their happy abbey3 a morose1 ascetic1 sternly consistent monk1 who poured bitter scorn on the strong wines and pretty maids1 the high festivals and pleasant excursions1 with which the brothers smoothed the rough path to ,paradise4 ,and when the gay ,latin ,quarter transferred itself to ,st4 ,denis1 and clamoured for the brilliant master1 ,ablard utterly refused to teach4 ,abbot ,adam gently remonstrated with his #8subject1' pointing out that he ought now to do more willingly for the honour of ,god and the sake of his brothers in religion what he had formerly done out of worldly and selfish interest4 ,whereupon ,abbot ,adam was urgently reminded of a few truths1 nearly concerning himself and #8the brothers1' which1 if not new to his conscience1 were at least novel to his ears4 ,so things dragged on for a while1 but ,adam was forced at length to rid the monastery of the troublesome monk4 ,finding a pretext in the importunity of the students1 he sent ,ablard down the country to erect his chair in one of the dependencies of the abbey4 ,these country-houses have already been mentioned4 ,large estates were left to the abbey in various parts of the country4 ,monks had to be sent to these occasionally1 to collect the revenue from the farmers and millers1 and1 partly for their own convenience1 partly so that they might return something in spiritual service to the district1 they built #8cells' or #8oratories' on the estates4 ,frequently the cell became a priory2 not infrequently it rebelled against the mother-house2 nearly always1 as is the experience of the monastic orders at the present day1 it was a source of relaxation and decay4 ,the precise locality of the #8cell' which was entrusted to ,brother ,peter is matter of dispute1 and the question need not delay us4 ,it was somewhere on the estates of ,count ,theobald of ,champagne1 and therefore not very far from ,paris4 ,here ,ablard consented to resume his public lectures1 and #8gathered his horde of barbarians about him' once more1 in the jealous phrase of ,canon ,roscelin4 ,otto von ,freising relates that ,ablard had now become #8more subtle and more learned than ever4' ,there is no reason to doubt that he continued to advance in purely intellectual power1 but it seems inevitable that he must have lost much of the brightness and charm of his earlier manner4 ,yet his power and his fascination were as great as ever4 ,maisoncelle1 or whatever village it was1 was soon transformed into the intellectual centre of ,france4 ,it is said by some historians that three thousand students descended upon the village1 like a bewildering swarm of locusts4 ,ablard says the concourse was so great that #8the district could find neither hospitality nor food' for the students4 ,one need not evolve from that an army of several thousand admirers1 but it seems clear that there was a second remarkable gathering of students from all parts of ,christendom4 ,there was no teacher of ability to succeed him at ,paris2 he was still the most eminent master in ,europe4 ,even if he had lost a little of the sparkle of his sunny years1 no other master had ever possessed it4 ,indeed1 it is not audacious to think that the renewal of his early success and the sweetness of life in lovely ,champagne may have in time quickened again such forces and graces of his character as had not been physically eradicated4 ,he began to see a fresh potentiality of joy in life4 ,unfortunately for ,ablard1 his perverse destiny had sent him down to the neighbourhood of ,rheims4 ,it will be remembered that ,anselm of ,laon was urged to suppress ,ablard's early theological efforts by two of his fellow-pupils1 ,alberic of ,rheims and ,lotulphe of ,novare4 ,alberic appears to have been a man of ability1 and he had been made archdeacon of the cathedral1 and head of the episcopal school1 at ,rheims4 ,he had associated ,lotulphe with himself in the direction of the schools1 and they were teaching with great success when ,ablard appeared on the near horizon4 ,anselm of ,laon and ,william of ,champeaux had gone1 and the two friends were eager to earn the title of their successors4 ,the apparent extinction of ,master ,ablard had largely increased their prestige1 and had filled the school of ,rheims4 ,indeed1 we gather from the details of a #8town and gown' fight which occurred at ,rheims about this time that the students had almost come to outnumber the citizens4 ,hence it is not surprising that ,ablard's newfound peace was soon disturbed by rumours of the lodging of complaints against him in high quarters4 ,the ,archbishop of ,rheims1 ,ralph the ,green1 began to be assailed with charges4 ,in the first place1 he was reminded1 it was uncanonical for a monk to give lectures1 and take up a permanent residence1 outside his monastery2 moreover1 the said monk was most unmonastically engaged in reading ,aristotle1 with a flavour of ,vergil1 ,ovid1 and ,lucan4 ,raoul le ,vert probably knew enough about ,st4 ,denis not to attempt to force ,ablard to return to it4 ,then the grumblers--#8chiefly those two early intriguers1' says the victim--urged that ,ablard was teaching without a #8respondent'2 but the archbishop still found the pretext inadequate4 ,then1 at length1 came the second great cloud1 the accusation of heresy4 ,the convert had now made theology his chief object of study4 ,the students who gathered about him in his village priory loudly demanded a resumption of the lectures on dialectics and rhetoric1 but ,ablard had really passed to a new and wholly religious outlook4 ,he complied with the request1 only with a secret intention that1 as he states in the #8,story1' philosophy should be used as a bait in the interest of divinity4 ,the religious welfare of his followers now seriously concerned him4 ,it will be seen presently that he exercised a strict control over their morals1 and it was from the purest of motives that he endeavoured1 by a pious diplomacy1 to direct their thoughts to the study of ,holy ,writ4 ,his rivals and enemies have attempted to censure him for this casting of pearls before swine4 ,certainly there were dangers accompanying the practice1 but these were not confined to ,ablard's school4 ,we can easily conceive the disadvantage of discussing the question1 for instance1 utrum ,maria senserit dolorem vel delectationem in ,christo concipiendo8 before a crowd of twelfth century students4 ,however1 ,ablard's attitude was wholly reverent1 and his intention as pure as that of ,st4 ,anselm4 ,the one characteristic feature of ,ablard's theological work--the feature which was constantly seized by his enemies1 and which invests him with so great an interest for the modern student--was his concern to conciliate human reason4 ,his predecessors had complacently affirmed that reason had no title to respect in matters of faith4 ,they insulted it with such pious absurdities as #8,i believe in order that ,i may understand' and #8,faith goeth before understanding4' ,ablard remained until his last hour constitutionally incapable of adopting that attitude4 ,he frequently attributes his obvious concern to meet the questioning of reason to the desire of helping his followers4 ,this is partly a faithful interpretation of their thoughts--for which1 however1 he himself was chiefly responsible--and partly a subtle projection of his own frame of mind into his hearers4 ,the development of the reasoning faculty which was involved in so keen a study of dialectics was bound to find expression in rationalism4 ,ablard seems already to have written two works of a very remarkable character for his age4 ,one of these is entitled ,a ,dialogue between a ,philosopher1 a ,jew1 and a ,christian4 ,it may have been founded on the ,octavius of ,minucius ,felix2 on the other hand it may be classed with ,lessing's ,nathan4 ,it has been called #8the most radical expression of his rationalism1' and it would certainly seem to embody his attitude during the period of his highest prosperity4 ,the ultimate victory lies with the ,christian1 so far as the work goes 7it is unfinished71 but incidentally it shows more than one bold departure from traditional formul4 ,ablard's reluctance to consign all the heathen philosophers to ,tartarus would be highly suspect to his pious contemporaries4 ,it is a matter of faith in the ,roman ,catholic ,church to-day that no man shall enter heaven who has not a belief in a personal ,god1 at least2 many theologians add the narrower qualification of a literal acceptance of the ,trinity4 ,but ,ablard tempered his audacity by proving that his favourite heathens had this qualification of a knowledge of the ,trinity1 probably under the inspiration of ,st ,augustine4 ,the ,dialogue was not much assailed by his rivals2 probably it was not widely circulated4 ,it is1 however1 an important monument of ,ablard's genius4 ,it anticipated not merely the rationalistic attitude of modern theology1 but also quite a number of the modifications of traditional belief which modern rational and ethical criticism has imposed4 ,ablard regards the ethical content of ,christianity1 and finds that it is only the elaboration or the reformation of the natural law1 the true essence of religion4 ,god has given this essential gift in every conscience and in every religion2 there are no outcasts from the plan of salvation2 the higher excellence of the ,christian religion lies in its clearer formulation of the law of life4 ,the popular notions of heaven and hell and deity are travesties of true ,christian teaching4 ,god1 as a purely spiritual being1 is the supreme good1 and heaven is an approach to ,him by obedience2 hell1 isolation from ,him4 ,when we remember that ,ablard had before him only the works of the fathers and such recent speculations as those of ,anselm1 we shall surely recognise the action of a mind of the highest order in these debates4 ,the second work was not less remarkable4 ,it was a collection of sentences from the fathers on points of dogma4 ,so far the compilation would be an admirable one1 but apart from the growing accusation that ,ablard was wanting in reverence for the authority of the fathers1 there was the suspicious circumstance that he had grouped these eighteen hundred texts in contradictory columns4 ,thus one hundred and fifty-eight questions are put by the compiler1 relating to ,god1 the ,trinity1 the ,redemption1 the ,sacraments1 and so forth4 ,the quotations from the fathers are then arranged in two parallel columns1 one half giving an affirmative1 and the rest a negative1 answer to the question4 ,such a work would be perfectly intelligible if it came from the pen of a modern freethinker4 ,ablard's ,sic et ,non 7,yes and ,no71 as the work came to be called1 has borne many interpretations4 ,such careful and impartial students of ,ablard's work as ,deutsch pronounce the critical element in it to be #8constructive1 not sceptical4' ,most probably it was the intention of the compiler to shatter the excessive regard of his contemporaries for the words of the fathers1 and thus to open the way for independent speculation on the deposit of revelation 7to which he thought he had as much right as ,jerome or ,augustine71 by making a striking exhibition of their fallibility4 ,neither of these works seems to have fallen into the hands of ,alberic4 ,twenty years afterwards we find a theologian complaining of the difficulty of obtaining some of ,ablard's works1 which had been kept secret4 ,he probably refers to one or both of these works4 ,however that may be1 ,ablard wrote a third book during his stay at ,maisoncelle1 and on this the charge of heresy was fixed4 ,wiser than the ,church of those days1 and anticipating the wisdom of the modern ,church of ,rome1 ,ablard saw the great danger to the faith itself of the ,anselmian maxim1 ,fides praecedit intellectum4 ,he argued that1 as the world had somehow outlived the age of miracles1 ,god must have intended rational evidence to take its place4 ,in any case1 there was an increasingly large class of youths and men who clamoured for #8human and philosophic grounds1' as he puts it1 who would lie to their consciences if they submitted to the current pietism4 ,ablard believed he would render valuable service to the ,church if he could devise rational proofs1 or at least analogies1 of its dogmas4 ,it was in this frame of mind1 not in a spirit of destructive scepticism1 that he raised the standard of rationalism4 ,he at once applied his force to the most preterrational of dogmas1 and wrote his famous ,treatise on the ,unity and ,trinity of ,god4 ,a manuscript of the treatise was discovered by ,stlzle a few years ago4 ,it is unnecessary to inflict on the reader an analysis of the work4 ,it is perfectly sincere and religious in intention1 but1 like every book that has ever been penned on the subject of the ,trinity1 it contains illustrations which can be proved to be heretical4 ,we may discuss the point further apropos of the ,council of ,soissons4 ,,chapter ,,vii ,,the ,,trial ,,of ,a ,,heretic ,the swiftly multiplying charges seem to have impaired ,ablard's health4 ,he became much more sensitive to the accusation of heresy than the mere injustice of it can explain4 ,we have an evidence of his morbid state at this period in a letter he wrote to the ,bishop of ,paris4 ,the letter must not be regarded as a normal indication of the writer's character1 but1 like the letter of ,canon ,roscelin which it elicited1 it is not a little instructive about the age in which the writers lived4 ,there are hypercritical writers who question the correctness of attributing these letters to ,ablard and ,roscelin1 but the details they contain refer so clearly to the two masters that any doubt about their origin is1 as ,deutsch says1 #8frivolous and of no account'2 he adds that we should be only too glad1 for the sake of the writers1 if there were some firm ground for contesting their genuineness4 ,a pupil of ,ablard's1 coming down from ,paris1 brought him word that ,roscelin had lodged an accusation of heresy against him with the bishop4 ,as a monk of ,st4 ,denis1 ,ablard still belonged to ,bishop ,girbert's jurisdiction4 ,roscelin had himself been condemned for heresy on the ,trinity at ,soissons in #ajib1 but his was an accommodating rationalism2 he was now an important member of the chapter of ,st4 ,martin at ,tours4 ,report stated that he had discovered heresy in ,ablard's new work1 and was awaiting the return of ,girbert to ,paris in order to submit it to him4 ,ablard immediately grasped the pen1 and forwarded to ,girbert a letter which is a sad exhibition of #8nerves4' #8,i have heard1' he says1 after an ornate salutation of the bishop and his clergy1 #8that that ever inflated and long-standing enemy of the ,catholic faith1 whose manner of life and teaching are notorious1 and whose detestable heresy was proved by the fathers of the ,council of ,soissons1 and punished with exile1 has vomited forth many calumnies and threats against me1 on account of the work ,i have written1 which was chiefly directed against his heresy4' ,and so the violent and exaggerated account of ,roscelin's misdeeds continues4 ,the practical point of the epistle is that ,ablard requests the bishop to appoint a place and time for him to meet ,roscelin face to face and defend his work4 ,the whole letter is marred by nervous passion of the most pitiful kind4 ,it terminates with a ridiculous1 but characteristic1 dialectical thrust at the nominalist3 #8in that passage of ,scripture where the ,lord is said to have eaten a bit of broiled fish1 he ,roscelin is compelled to say that ,christ ate1 not a part of the reality1 but a part of the term 8broiled fish40' ,roscelin replied directly to ,ablard1 besides writing to ,girbert4 ,the letter is no less characteristic of the time1 though probably an equally unsafe indication of the character of the writer4 #8,if1' it begins1 in the gentle manner of the time1 #8you had tasted a little of that sweetness of the ,christian religion which you profess by your habit1 you would not1 unmindful of your order and your profession1 and forgetful of the countless benefits you received from my teaching from your childhood to youth1 have so far indulged in words of malice against me as to disturb the brethren's peace with the sword of the tongue1 and to contemn our ,saviour's most salutary and easy commands4' ,he accepts1 with an equally edifying humility1 ,ablard's fierce denunciation3 #8,i see myself in your words as in a mirror4 ,yet ,god is powerful to raise up out of the very stones1' etc4 ,but he cannot long sustain the unnatural tone1 and he suddenly collapses into depths of medival ,latin1 which for filth and indecency rival the lowest productions of ,billingsgate4 ,the venerable canon returns again and again1 in the course of his long letter1 to ,ablard's mutilation1 and with the art of a ,terence or a ,plautus4 ,as to the proposed debate1 he is only too eager for it4 ,if ,ablard attempts to shirk it at the last moment1 he #8will follow him all over the world4' ,he finally dies away in an outburst of childish rage which beats ,ablard's peroration4 ,he will not continue any longer because it occurs to him that ,ablard is1 by the strictest force of logic1 a nonentity4 ,he is not a monk1 for he is giving lessons2 he is not a cleric1 for he has parted with the soutane2 he is not a layman1 for he has the tonsure2 he is not even the ,peter he signs himself1 for ,peter is a masculine name4 ,these were the two ablest thinkers of ,christendom at the time4 ,fortunately for both1 the battle royal of the dialecticians did not take place4 ,possibly ,roscelin had not lodged the rumoured complaint at all4 ,in any case ,girbert was spared a painful and pitiful scene4 ,a short time afterwards1 however1 ,alberic and ,lotulphe found an excellent opportunity to take action4 ,some time in the year #aaba a papal legate1 ,conon1 ,bishop of ,praeneste1 came to ,rheims4 ,conon had been travelling in ,france for some years as papal legate1 and since it was the policy of ,rome to conciliate ,france1 in view of the hostility of ,germany1 the legate had a general mission to make himself as useful and obliging as possible4 ,archbishop ,ralph1 for his part1 would find it a convenient means of gratifying his teachers1 without incurring much personal responsibility4 ,the outcome of their conferences was1 therefore1 that ,ablard received from the legate a polite invitation to appear at a provincial synod1 or council1 which was to be held at ,soissons1 and to bring with him his #8celebrated work on the ,trinity4' ,the simple monk was delighted at the apparent opportunity of vindicating his orthodoxy4 ,it was his first trial for heresy4 ,when the time drew near for what ,ablard afterwards called #8their conventicle1' he set out for ,soissons with a small band of friends1 who were to witness the chastisement of ,alberic and ,lotulphe4 ,but those astute masters had not so nave a view of the function of a council4 ,like ,st4 ,bernard1 with whom1 indeed1 they were already in correspondence1 they relied largely on that art of ecclesiastical diplomacy which is the only visible embodiment of the ,church's supernatural power4 ,moreover1 they had the curious ecclesiastical habit of deciding that an end--in this case1 the condemnation of ,ablard--was desirable1 and then piously disregarding the moral quality of the means necessary to attain it4 ,how far the two masters had arranged all the conditions of the council we cannot say1 but these certainly favoured their plans4 ,soissons1 to begin with1 was excellently suited for the holding of a council which was to condemn1 rather than investigate4 ,its inhabitants would remember the sentence passed on ,roscelin for a like offence4 ,in fact ,longueval says1 in his ,histoire de l'glise ,gallicane1 that the people of ,soissons were religious fanatics as a body1 and had of their own impulse burned1 or #8lynched1' a man who was suspected of ,manichism1 only a few years previously4 ,alberic and ,lotulphe had taken care to revive this pious instinct1 by spreading amongst the people the information that #8the foreign monk1' #8the eunuch of ,st4 ,denis1' who was coming to the town to be tried1 had openly taught the error of tri-theism4 ,the consequence was that when the ,benedictine monk appeared in the streets with his few admirers1 he had a narrow escape of being stoned to death by the excited citizens4 ,it was a rude shock to his dream of a great dialectical triumph4 ,on one point1 however1 ,ablard's simple honesty hit upon a correct measure4 ,he went straight to ,bishop ,conon with his work1 and submitted it for the legate's perusal and personal judgment4 ,the politician was embarrassed4 ,he knew nothing whatever about theology1 and would lose his way immediately in ,ablard's subtle analogies4 ,however1 he bade ,ablard take the book to the archbishop and the two masters4 ,they in turn fumbled it in silence1 ,ablard says1 and at length told him that judgment would be passed on it at the end of the council4 ,meantime ,ablard had succeeded in correcting1 to some extent1 the inspired prejudice of the townsfolk4 ,every day he spoke and disputed in the streets and churches1 before the council sat1 and he tells us that he seemed to make an impression on his hearers4 ,alberic1 in fact1 came one day with a number of his pupils for the purpose of modifying his rival's success2 though he hurriedly retreated when it was shown that his specially prepared difficulty had no force4 ,premising #8a few polite phrases1' he pointed out that ,ablard had denied that ,god generated himself in the ,trinity2 for this statement1 he carefully explained1 he did not ask reasons1 but an authority4 ,ablard promptly turned over the page1 and pointed to a quotation from ,st4 ,augustine4 ,it was a swift and complete victory4 ,but ,ablard must needs improve on it by accusing his accuser of heresy1 and ,alberic departed #8like one demented with rage4' ,priests and people were now openly asking whether the council had discovered the error to lie with itself rather than with ,ablard4 ,they came to the last day of the council4 ,before the formal opening of the last session1 the legate invited the chief actors in the comedy 7except ,ablard7 to a private discussion of the situation4 ,conon's position and attitude were purely political4 ,he cared little about their dialectical subtleties2 was1 in fact1 quite incompetent to decide questions of personality1 modality1 and all the rest4 ,still it was mainly a minor political situation he had to deal with1 and he shows an eagerness to get through it with as little moral damage as possible4 ,ralph the ,green1 president of the council1 knew no more than ,conon about theology2 he also regarded it as a political dilemma1 and the prestige of his school would gain by the extinction of ,ablard4 ,ralph had nine suffragan bishops1 but only one of these is proved to have taken part in the #8conventicle4' ,it was ,lisiard de ,crespy1 ,bishop of ,soissons1 who would support his metropolitan4 ,joscelin1 an earlier rival of ,ablard1 was teaching in ,soissons at that time1 and would most probably accompany his bishop4 ,abbot ,adam of ,st4 ,denis was present2 so were ,alberic and ,lotulphe4 ,one man of a more worthy type sat with them1 an awkward and embarrassing spokesman of truth and justice1 ,geoffroi1 ,bishop of ,chartres1 one of the most influential and most honourable members of the ,french episcopacy4 ,conon at once shrewdly introduced the formal question1 what heresy had been discovered in ,ablard's book8 ,after his ill-success in the street-discussion1 ,alberic seems to have hesitated to quote any definite passage in the work4 ,indeed1 we not only have two contradictory charges given1 but the texts which seem to have been used in this council to prove the charge of tri-theism were quoted by the ,council of ,sens in #aada in proof of an accusation of ,sabellianism4 ,otto von ,freising says that ,ablard held the three divine persons to be modifications of one essence 7the ,anselmists claiming that the three were realities72 ,ablard himself says he was accused of tri-theism4 ,every #8analogy' that has been found in the natural world for the dogma of the ,trinity1 from the shamrock of ,st4 ,patrick to the triangle of ,pre ,lacordaire1 exposes its discoverer to one or other of those charges--for an obvious reason4 ,after the death of ,dr4 ,dale ,i remember seeing a passage quoted by one of his panegyrists in illustration of his singularly sound and clear presentation of dogma3 it was much more ,sabellian than anything ,ablard ever wrote4 ,however1 the explicit demand of the legate for a specimen of ,ablard's heresy was embarrassing4 ,nothing could be discovered in the book to which ,ablard could not have assigned a parallel in the fathers4 ,and when ,alberic began to extort heresy by ingenious interpretation ,geoffroi de ,lves reminded them of the elementary rules of justice4 ,in the formal proceedings of a trial for heresy no one was condemned unheard4 ,if they were to anticipate the trial by an informal decision1 the requirement of justice was equally urgent4 ,they must give the accused an opportunity of defending himself4 ,that was the one course which ,alberic dreaded most of all1 and he so well urged the magical power of ,ablard's tongue that the bishop's proposal was rejected4 ,geoffroi then complained of the smallness of the council1 and the injustice of leaving so grave and delicate a decision to a few prelates4 ,let ,ablard be given into the care of his abbot1 who should take him back to ,st4 ,denis and have him judged by an assembly of expert theologians4 ,the legate liked the idea4 ,the ,rheims people regarded it1 for the moment1 as an effective removal of ,ablard from their neighbourhood4 ,the proposal was agreed to1 and the legate then proceeded to say the ,mass of the ,holy ,ghost4 ,meantime ,archbishop ,ralph informed ,ablard of the decision4 ,unsatisfactory as the delay was1 he must have been grateful for an escape from the power of ,rheims4 ,he turned indifferently from the further session of the council4 ,unfortunately another conference was even then taking place between ,alberic1 ,ralph1 and ,conon2 and ,ablard was presently summoned to bring his book before the council4 ,alberic and ,lotulphe were1 on reflection1 dissatisfied with the result4 ,their influence would have no weight in a trial at ,paris1 and their ambition required the sacrifice of the famous master4 ,they therefore went to the archbishop with a complaint that people would take it to be a confession of incompetency if he allowed the case to go before another court4 ,the three approached the legate again1 and now reminded him that ,ablard's work was published without episcopal permission1 and could justly be condemned on that ground4 ,as ignorant of canon law as he was of theology1 and seeing the apparent friendlessness of ,ablard1 and therefore the security of a condemnation1 ,conon agreed to their proposal4 ,ablard had long looked forward to the hour of his appearance before the ,council4 ,it was to be an hour of supreme triumph4 ,the papal legate and the archbishop in their resplendent robes in the sanctuary2 the circle of bishops and abbots and canons2 the crowd of priests1 theologians1 masters1 and clerics2 the solemn pulpit of the cathedral church1 from which he should make his highest effort of dialectics and oratory2 the scattered rivals1 and the triumphant return to his pupils4 ,he had rehearsed it daily for a month or more4 ,but the sad1 heart-rending reality of his appearance6 ,he was brought in1 condemned4 ,he stood in the midst of the thronged cathedral1 with the brand of heresy on his brow1 he1 the intellectual and moral master of them all4 ,a fire was kindled there before the ,council4 ,there was no need for ,geoffrey of ,chartres to come1 the tears coursing down his cheeks1 to tell him his book was judged and condemned4 ,quietly1 but with a fierce accusation of ,god ,himself in his broken heart1 as he afterwards said1 he cast his treasured work in the flames4 ,even in that awful moment the spirit of comedy must needs assert its mocking presence2 or is it only part of the tragedy8 ,whilst the yellow parchment crackled in the flames1 some one who stood by the legate muttered that one passage in it said that ,god the ,father alone was omnipotent4 ,soulless politician as he was1 the ignorant legate fastened on the charge as a confirmation of the justice of his sentence4 #8,i could scarcely believe that even a child would fall into such an error1' said the brute1 with an affectation of academic dignity4 #8,and yet1' a sarcastic voice fell on his ear1 quoting the ,athanasian ,creed1 #8and yet there are not ,three omnipotent1 but ,one4' ,the bold speaker was ,tirric1 the ,breton scholastic1 who1 as we have seen1 probably instructed ,ablard in mathematics4 ,his bishop immediately began to censure him for his neat exhibition of the legate's ignorance1 but the teacher was determined to express his disgust at the proceedings4 #8,you have condemned a child of ,israel1' he cried1 lashing the #8conventicle' with the scornful words of ,daniel1 #8without inquiry or certainty4 ,return ye to the judgment seat1 and judge the judges4' ,the archbishop then stepped forward to put an end to the confusion4 #8,it is well1' he said1 making a tardy concession to conscience1 #8that the brother have an opportunity of defending his faith before us all4' ,ablard gladly prepared to do so1 but ,alberic and ,lotulphe once more opposed the idea4 ,no further discussion was needed1 they urged4 ,the council had finished its work2 ,ablard's errors had been detected and corrected4 ,if it were advisable to have a profession of faith from ,brother ,peter1 let him recite the ,athanasian ,creed4 ,and lest ,ablard should object that he did not know the ,creed by heart1 they produced a copy of it4 ,the politic prelates were easily induced to take their view4 ,in point of fact the archbishop's proposal was a bare compliance with the canons4 ,ablard's book had been condemned on the ground that it had been issued without authorisation2 nothing had been determined as to the legitimacy of its contents4 ,the canons still demanded that he should be heard before he was sent out into the world with an insidious stigma of heresy4 ,but charity and justice had no part in that pitiful conventicle4 ,archbishop and legate thought it politic to follow the ruling of ,alberic to the end1 and the parchment was handed to ,ablard4 ,and priest and prelate1 monk and abbot1 shamelessly stood around1 whilst the greatest genius of the age1 devoted to religion in every gift of his soul1 as each one knew1 faltered out the familiar symbol4 #8,good ,jesus1 where wert thou8' ,ablard asks1 long years afterwards4 ,there are many who ask it to-day4 ,so ended the holy ,council of ,soissons1 ,provincial ,synod of the arch-diocese of ,rheims1 held under the gis of a papal legate1 in the year of grace #aaba4 ,its acta are not found in ,richard1 or ,labb1 or ,hefele3 they #8have not been preserved4' ,there is an earlier ecclesiastical council that earned the title of the latrocinium 7#8rogues' council'71 and we must not plagiarise4 ,ingenious and audacious as the apologetic historian is1 he has not attempted to defend the ,council of ,soissons4 ,but his condemnation of it is mildness itself compared with his condemnation of ,ablard4 ,for a crowning humiliation ,ablard was consigned by the council to a large monastery near ,soissons1 which served as jail or penitentiary for that ecclesiastical province4 ,the abbot of this monastery1 ,geoffrey of the ,stag's-neck1 had assisted at the council1 and ,dom ,gervaise would have it that he had secured ,ablard for his own purposes4 ,he thinks the abbot was looking to the great legal advantage1 in the frequent event of a lawsuit1 of having such an orator as ,ablard in his monastery4 ,it is a possibility1 like many other details in ,gervaise's ,life of ,ablard4 ,in forbidding his return either to ,maisoncelle or to ,st4 ,denis1 and definitely consigning him to the abbey of ,st4 ,mdard1 the council was once more treating him as a legally convicted heretic4 ,as far as it was concerned1 it was filling the chalice of the poor monk's bitterness4 ,it is a mere accident that ,geoffrey was a man of some culture1 and was so far influenced by the hideous spectacle he had witnessed as to receive ,brother ,peter with sympathy and some honour4 ,,chapter ,,viii ,,cloud ,,upon ,,cloud ,the abbey of ,st4 ,mdard1 to which ,ablard accompanied his friendly jailer1 was a very large monastery on the right bank of the ,aisne1 just outside ,soissons4 ,at that time it had a community of about four hundred monks4 ,it derived a considerable revenue from its two hundred and twenty farms1 yet it bore so high a repute for regular discipline that it had become a general #8reformatory school' for the district4 #8,to it were sent the ignorant to be instructed1 the depraved to be corrected1 the obstinate to be tamed1' says a work of the time2 though it is not clear how ,herr ,hausrath infers from this that the abbey also served the purpose of monastic asylum4 ,for this character of penitentiary the place was chosen for the confinement of ,ablard4 ,thither he retired to meditate on the joy and the wisdom of #8conversion4' #8,god6 ,how furiously did ,i accuse ,thee6' he says of those days4 ,the earlier wound had been preceded1 he admits1 by his sin2 this far deeper and more painful wound had been brought upon him by his #8love of our faith4' ,whether ,abbot ,geoffrey thought ,ablard an acquisition or no1 there was one man in authority at ,st4 ,mdard who rejoiced with a holy joy at his advent4 ,this was no other than ,ablard's earlier acquaintance1 ,st4 ,goswin4 ,the zealous student had become a monastic reformer1 and had recently been appointed ,prior#ah of ,st4 ,mdard4 ,in the recently reformed abbey1 with a daily arrival of #8obstinate monks to be trained1' and a convenient and well-appointed ascetical armoury or whipping-room1 the young saint was in a congenial element4 ,great was his interest when #8,pope ,innocent1'#ai as his biographers say1 #8sent ,ablard to be confined in the abbey1 and1 like an untamed rhinoceros1 to be caught in the bonds of discipline4' ,ablard was not long in the abbey before the tamer approached this special task that ,providence had set him4 ,we can imagine ,ablard's feelings when the obtuse monk took him aside1 and exhorted him #8not to think it a misfortune or an injury that he had been sent there2 he was not so much confined in a prison1 as protected from the storms of the world4' ,he had only to live piously1 and set a good example1 and all would be well4 ,ablard was in no mood to see the humour of the situation4 ,he peevishly retorted that #8there were a good many who talked about piety and did not know what piety was4' ,then the prior1 say his biographers1 saw that it was not a case for leniency1 but for drastic measures4 #8,quite true1' he replied1 #8there are many who talk about piety1 and do not know what it is4 ,but if we find you saying or doing anything that is not pious1 we shall show you that we know how to treat its contrary1 at all events4' ,the saint prevailed once more--in the biography3 #8the rhinoceros was cowed1 and became very quiet1 more patient under discipline1 more fearful of the lash1 and of a saner and less raving mind4' #ah ,a prior is the second in command in an abbey1 or the head of a priory2 a priory was a small branch monastery1 in those days1 though it may now1 as with the ,dominicans1 be a chief house4 #ai ,this is erroneous2 ,calixtus ,,ii4 filled the papal chair at the time4 ,fortunately1 the boorish saint had a cultured abbot1 one at least who did not hold genius to be a diabolical gift1 and whose judgment of character was not wholly vitiated by the crude mystic and monastic ideal of the good people of the period4 ,the abbot seems to have saved ,ablard from the zeal of the prior1 and possibly he found companionable souls amongst the four hundred monks of the great abbey1 some of whom were nobles by birth4 ,we know1 at all events1 that in the later period he looked back on the few months spent at ,st4 ,mdard with a kindly feeling4 ,his imprisonment did not last long4 ,when the proceedings of the council were made known throughout the kingdom1 there was a strong outburst of indignation4 ,it must not be supposed that the ,council of ,soissons illustrates or embodies the spirit of the period or the spirit of the ,church2 this feature we shall more nearly find in the ,council of ,sens1 in #aada4 ,the conventicle had1 in truth1 revealed some of the evils of the time3 the danger of the ,church's excessively political attitude and administration1 the brutality of the spirit it engendered with regard to heresy1 the fatal predominance of dogma over ethic4 ,but1 in the main1 the conventicle exhibits the hideous triumph of a few perverse individuals1 who availed themselves of all that was crude and ill-advised in the machinery of the ,church4 ,when1 therefore1 such men as ,tirric1 and ,geoffrey of ,chartres1 and ,geoffrey of the ,stag's-neck1 spread their story abroad1 there were few who did not sympathise with ,ablard4 ,the persecutors soon found it necessary to defend themselves2 there was a chaos of mutual incriminations4 ,even ,alberic and ,lotulphe tried to cast the blame on others4 ,the legate found it expedient to attribute the whole proceeding openly to #8,french malice4' ,he had been #8compelled for a time to humour their spleen1' as ,ablard puts it1 but he presently revoked the order of confinement in ,st4 ,mdard1 and gave ,ablard permission to return to ,st4 ,denis4 ,it was a question of ,scylla or ,charybdis1 of ,prior ,goswin or ,abbot ,adam4 ,the legate seems to have acted in good faith in granting the permission--perhaps we should say in good policy1 for he again acted out of discreet regard for circumstances2 but when we find ,ablard availing himself of what was no more than a permission to return to ,st4 ,denis we have a sufficient indication of the quality of his experience at ,st4 ,mdard4 ,he does indeed remark that the monks of the reformed abbey had been friendly towards him1 though this is inspired by an obvious comparison with his later experience at ,st4 ,denis4 ,but ,st4 ,mdard was a prison2 that sufficed to turn the scale4 ,a removal from the penitentiary would be equivalent1 in the eyes of ,france1 to a revocation of the censure passed on him4 ,so with a heart that was hopelessly drear1 not knowing whether to smile or weep1 he went back1 poor sport of the gods as he was1 to the royal abbey4 ,for a few months ,brother ,peter struggled bravely with the hard task the fates had set him4 ,he was probably wise enough to refrain from inveighing1 in season and out of season1 against the #8intolerable uncleanness' of ,adam and his monks4 ,possibly he nursed a hope--or was nursed by a hope--of having another #8cell' entrusted to his charge4 ,in spite of the irregularity of the abbey1 formal religious exercises were extensively practised4 ,all day and night the chant of the breviary was heard in the monastic chapel4 ,there was also a large and busy scriptorium2 the archivium of the ancient abbey was a treasury of interesting old documents2 and there was a relatively good library4 ,it was in the latter that ,brother ,peter found his next adventure1 and one that threatened to be the most serious of all4 ,seeing the present futility of his theological plans1 he had turned to the study of history4 ,there was a copy of ,bede's ,history of the ,apostles in the library1 and he says that he one day1 #8by chance1' came upon the passage in which ,bede deals with ,st4 ,denis4 ,the ,anglo-,saxon historian would not admit the ,french tradition about ,st4 ,denis4 ,he granted the existence of a ,st4 ,denis1 but said that he had been ,bishop of ,corinth1 not of ,athens4 ,the legend about the martyrdom of ,denis the ,areopagite1 with his companions ,rusticus and ,eleutherius1 at ,paris in the first century1 is now almost universally rejected by ,roman ,catholic historians1 not to mention others4 ,it is1 however1 still enshrined with honour in that interesting compendium of myths of the ,christian era1 the ,roman breviary1 and is read with religious solemnity by every priest and every monastic choir in the ,catholic world on the annual festival4 ,however1 the abbey of ,st4 ,denis1 the monastery that owed all its wealth and repute to its possession of the bones of #8the ,areopagite1' was the last place in the world in which to commence a rationalistic attack on the legend4 ,with his usual want of tact and foresight ,brother ,peter showed the passage in ,bede to some of his fellow-monks1 #8in joke1' he says2 he might as well have cut the abbot's throat1 or destroyed the wine-cellar #8in joke4' ,there was a violent commotion4 ,heresy about the ,trinity was bad1 but heresy about the idol of the royal abbey was more touching4 ,it is not quite clear that ,ablard came to the opinion of modern religious historians1 that the ,st4 ,denis of ,paris was a much later personage than the ,areopagite of the ,acts of the ,apostles1 but he seems to hold that opinion4 ,in any case1 the monks felt that to be the substance of his discovery1 and held it to be an attack on the glory of the abbey4 ,venerable ,bede was1 they bluntly replied1 a liar4 ,one of their former abbots1 ,hilduin1 had made a journey to ,greece for the special purpose of verifying the story4 ,when the monks flew to ,abbot ,adam with the story of ,brother ,peter's latest outbreak1 ,adam saw in it an opportunity of terrifying the rebel into submission1 if not of effectually silencing him4 ,he called a chapter of the brethren4 ,one's pen almost tires of describing the cruel scenes to which those harsh days lent themselves4 ,the vindictive abbot perched on his high chair1 prior and elder brethren sitting beside him2 the hundreds of black-robed1 shaven monks lining the room2 on his knees in the centre the pale1 nervous figure of the ,socrates of ,gaul4 ,with a mock solemnity1 ,abbot ,adam delivers himself of the sentence4 ,brother ,peter has crowned his misdeeds1 in his pride of mind1 with an attack1 not merely on the abbey that sheltered him1 but on the honour and the safety of ,france4 ,the matter is too serious to be punished by even the most severe methods at the command of the abbey4 ,brother ,peter is to be handed over to the king1 as a traitor to the honour of the country4 ,the poor monk1 now thoroughly alarmed1 abjectly implores the abbot to deal with him in the usual way4 ,let him be scourged--anything to escape the uncertain temper of ,king ,louis4 ,no1 the abbey must be rid of him4 ,he is taken away into confinement1 with an injunction that he be carefully watched until it is convenient to send him to ,paris4 ,there were1 however1 some of the monks who were disgusted at the savage proceeding4 ,a few days afterwards he was assisted to escape from the monastic dungeon during the night1 and1 #8in utter despair1' he fled from the abbey1 with a few of his former pupils4 ,it was1 in truth1 a desperate move4 ,as a deserter from the abbey1 the canons required that two stalwart brothers should be sent in pursuit of him1 and that he be reimprisoned4 ,as a fugitive from the king's justice1 to which he had been publicly destined1 he was exposed to even harsher treatment4 ,however1 he made his way into ,champagne once more1 and threw himself on the mercy of his friends4 ,one of the friends whom he had attached to himself during his stay at ,maisoncelle was prior of ,st4 ,ayoul1 near the gates of ,provins4 ,it was a priory belonging to the monks of ,troyes1 and both ,hatton1 ,bishop of ,troyes1 and ,theobald1 ,count of ,champagne1 were in sympathy with the fugitive4 ,the prior1 therefore1 received ,ablard into his convent1 to afford at least time for reflection4 ,his condition1 however1 was wholly uncanonical1 and the prior1 as well as the abbot of ,st4 ,peter of ,troyes1 urged him to secure some regularity for his absence from ,st4 ,denis1 so that they might lawfully shelter him at ,st4 ,ayoul4 ,ablard summoned what diplomatic faculty he had1 and wrote to ,st4 ,denis4 #8,peter1 monk by profession and sinner by his deeds1 to his dearly beloved father1 ,adam1 and to his most dear brethren and fellow-monks1' was the inscription of the epistle4 ,brother ,peter1 it must be remembered1 was fighting almost for life2 and he was not of the heroic stuff of his friend and pupil1 ,arnold of ,brescia4 ,there are critics who think he descended lower than this concession to might1 that he deliberately denied his conviction for the purpose of conciliating ,adam4 ,others1 such as ,poole1 ,deutsch1 and ,hausrath1 think the letter does not support so grave a censure4 ,the point of the letter is certainly to convey the impression that ,bede had erred1 and that ,ablard had no wish to urge his authority against the belief of the monks4 ,in point of fact1 ,bede is at variance with ,eusebius and ,jerome1 and it is not impossible that ,ablard came sincerely to modify the first impression he had received from ,bede's words2 in the circumstances1 and in the then state of the question1 this would not be unreasonable4 ,at the same time a careful perusal of the letter gives one the impression that it is artistic and diplomatic2 that ,ablard has learned tact1 rather than unlearned history4 ,it reads like an effort to say something conciliatory about ,st4 ,denis1 without doing serious violence to the writer's conscience4 ,perhaps the abbot of ,st4 ,peter's could have thrown some light on its composition4 ,shortly afterwards ,abbot ,adam came to visit ,count ,theobald1 and ,ablard's friends made a direct effort to conciliate him4 ,the prior of ,st4 ,ayoul and ,ablard hurried to the count's castle1 and begged him to prevail upon his guest to release ,ablard from his obedience4 ,the count tried to persuade ,adam to do so1 but without success4 ,adam seemed determined1 not so much to rid his happy convent of a malcontent1 as to crush ,ablard4 ,he found plenty of pious garbs to cover his vindictiveness with4 ,at first he deprecated the idea that it was a matter for his personal decision4 ,then1 after a consultation with the monks who accompanied him1 he gravely declared that it was inconsistent with the honour of the abbey to release ,ablard2 #8the brethren had said that1 whereas ,ablard's choice of their abbey had greatly redounded to its glory1 his flight from it had covered them with shame4' ,he threatened both ,ablard and the prior of ,st4 ,ayoul with the usual canonical penalties1 unless the deserter returned forthwith to obedience4 ,adam's departure1 after this fulmination1 left ,ablard and his friends sadly perplexed4 ,the abbot had the full force of canon law on his side1 and he was evidently determined to exact his pound of flesh4 ,however1 whilst they were busy framing desperate resolves1 they received information of the sudden death of ,abbot ,adam4 ,he died a few days after leaving ,champagne1 on the #aith of ,february #aabb4 ,the event brought relief from the immediate pressure4 ,some time would elapse before it would be necessary to resume the matter with ,adam's successor1 and there was room for hope that the new abbot would not feel the same personal vindictiveness4 ,the monk who was chosen by the ,benedictines of ,st4 ,denis to succeed ,adam was one of the most remarkable characters of that curious age4 ,scholar1 soldier1 and politician1 he had an enormous influence on the life of ,france during the early decades of the twelfth century4 ,nature intended him for a minister and a great soldier3 chance made him a monk2 worldly brothers made him an abbot1 and ,st4 ,bernard completed the anomaly by #8converting' him in #aabg4 ,at the time we are speaking of he was the more active and prominent of two men whom ,bernard called #8the two calamities of the ,church of ,france4' ,he was born of poor parents1 near one of the priories or dependencies of ,st4 ,denis4 ,his talent was noticed by the monks1 and his #8vocation' followed as a matter of course4 ,he was studying in the monastic school when ,king ,philip brought his son ,louis to ,st4 ,denis1 and the abbot sent for him1 and made him companion to the royal pupil4 ,he thus obtained a strong influence over the less gifted prince1 and when ,louis came to the throne in #aajh1 ,suger became the first royal councillor4 ,being only a deacon in orders1 there was nothing to prevent him heading the troops1 directing a campaign1 or giving his whole time to the affairs of the kingdom4 ,he had proved so useful a minister that1 when some of the monks of ,st4 ,denis came in great trepidation to tell the king they had chosen him for abbot1 they were angrily thrust into prison4 ,suger himself was in ,rome at the time1 discharging a mission from the king1 and he tells us1 in his autobiography1 of the perplexity the dilemma caused him4 ,however1 before he reached ,france1 the king had concluded that an abbot could be as useful as a prior in an accommodating age4 ,in the sequel1 ,st4 ,denis became more royal1 and less abbatial than ever--until #aabg4 ,st4 ,bernard complained that it seemed to have become the #8war office' and the #8ministry of justice' of the kingdom4 ,ablard now seems to have been taken in hand by a more astute admirer1 ,burchard1 ,bishop of ,meaux4 ,they went to ,paris together1 and apparently did a little successful diplomacy before the arrival and consecration of ,suger4 ,the newly created abbot 7he had been ordained priest the day before his consecration7 refused to undo the sentence of his predecessor4 ,he was bound by the decision of the abbey1 he said2 in other words1 there was still a strong vindictive feeling against ,ablard in the abbey1 which it was not politic to ignore4 ,it is quite impossible that ,suger himself took the matter seriously4 ,but before ,suger's arrival ,ablard and his companions had made friends at court4 ,whether through his pupils1 many of whom were nobles1 or through his family1 is unknown1 but ,ablard for the second time found influence at court when ecclesiastical favour was denied4 ,one of the leading councillors was tienne de ,garlande1 the royal seneschal1 and means were found to interest him in the case of the unfortunate monk4 ,we have already seen that ,stephen had ecclesiastical ambition in his earlier years1 and had become a deacon and a canon of tampes4 ,but when his patron1 ,king ,philip1 submitted to the ,church and to a better ideal of life1 ,stephen concluded that the path to ecclesiastical dignities would be less smooth and easy for the #8illiterate and unchaste1' and he turned to secular ambition4 ,at the time of the events we are reviewing he and ,suger were the virtual rulers of ,france2 from the ecclesiastical point of view he was the man whom ,st4 ,bernard associated with ,suger as #8a calamity of the ,church4' #8,through the mediation of certain friends' ,ablard had enlisted the interest of this powerful personage1 and the court was soon known to favour his suit4 ,there are many speculations as to the motive of the king and his councillors in intervening in the monastic quarrel4 ,recent ,german historians see in the incident an illustration of a profound policy on the part of the royal council4 ,they think the king was then endeavouring to strengthen his authority by patronising the common people in opposition to the tyrannical and troublesome nobility4 ,following out a parallel policy with regard to the ,church1 whose nobles were equally tyrannical and troublesome1 ,stephen and ,suger would naturally befriend the lower clergy in opposition to the prelates4 ,hence the royal intervention on behalf of the monk of ,st4 ,denis is associated with the intervention on the side of the peasantry a few years before4 ,the theory is ingenious1 but hardly necessary4 ,ablard says that the court interfered because it did not desire any change in the free life of the royal abbey1 and consequently preferred to keep him out of it4 ,that is also ingenious1 and complimentary to ,ablard4 ,but it is not a little doubtful whether anybody credited him with the smallest influence at ,st4 ,denis4 ,we shall probably not be far from the truth if we suppose a court intrigue on the monk's behalf which his friends did not think it necessary to communicate fully to him4 ,geoffrey of ,chartres and other friends of his were ,french nobles4 ,many of his pupils had that golden key which would at any time give access to tienne de ,garlande4 ,in any case ,stephen and ,suger had a private discussion of the matter1 and the two politicians soon found a way out of the difficulty4 ,ablard received an order to appear before the king and his council4 ,the comedy--though it was no comedy for ,ablard--probably took place at ,st4 ,denis4 ,louis the ,fat presided1 in robes of solemn purple1 with ermine border4 tienne de ,garlande and the other councillors glittered at his side4 ,abbot ,suger and his council were there to defend the #8honour' of the abbey2 and ,brother ,peter1 worn with anxiety and suffering1 came to make a plea for liberty4 ,louis bids the abbot declare what solution of the difficulty his chapter has discovered4 ,suger gravely explains that the honour of their abbey does not permit them to allow the fugitive monk to join any other monastery4 ,so much to save the face of the abbey4 ,yet there is a middle course possible1 the abbot graciously continues3 ,brother ,peter may be permitted to live a regular life in the character of a hermit4 ,brother ,peter expresses his satisfaction at the decision--it was precisely the arrangement he desired--and departs from the abbey with his friends1 a free man once more1 never again1 he thinks1 to fall into the power of monk or prelate4 ,,chapter ,,ix ,,back ,,to ,,champagne ,the scene of the next act in ,ablard's dramatic career is a bright1 restful valley in the heart of ,champagne4 ,it is the summer of #aabb1 and the limpid ,arduzon rolls through enchantingly in its course towards the ,seine4 ,in the meadow beside it are two huts and a small oratory1 rudely fashioned from the branches of trees and reeds from the river1 and daubed over with mud4 ,no other sign of human presence can be seen4 ,ablard and one companion are the only human beings to be found for miles4 ,and even all thought of the cities of men and the sordid passions they shelter is arrested by the great forests of oak and beech which hem in the narrow horizon and guard the restfulness of the valley4 ,by the terms of ,suger's decision ,ablard could neither lodge with secular friends nor enter any cell1 priory1 or abbey4 ,probably this coercion into leading an eremitical life was unnecessary4 ,the experience of the last three years had made a hermitage of his heart2 nothing would be more welcome to him than this quiet valley4 ,it was a spot he had noticed in earlier years4 ,in his ancient chronicle ,robert of ,auxerre says that ,ablard had lived there before2 ,mr4 ,poole thinks it was to the same part of ,champagne that he resorted on the three occasions of his going to the province of ,count ,theobald4 ,that would at least have to be understood in a very loose sense4 ,on the two former occasions he had found a home prepared1 a cell and a priory1 respectively2 he had now to build a hut with his own hands4 ,it was a deserted spot he had chosen1 he tells us2 and ,heloise adds1 in one of her letters1 that before ,ablard's coming it had been the haunt of robbers and the home of foxes and wild boars1 like the neighbouring forest of ,fontainebleau4 ,ablard must have seen this quiet side-valley in passing along the ,seine on the road to ,paris4 ,it was some twelve miles from ,troyes1 where he had a number of friends2 and when he expressed a desire to retire to it with his companion1 they obtained for him the gift of the meadow through which the ,arduzon ran4 ,bishop ,hatton gave them permission to build an oratory1 and they put together a kind of mud hut--#8in honour of the ,blessed ,trinity'6 ,here the heavy heart began once more to dream of peace4 ,men had tortured him with a caricature of the divine justice when his aim and purpose had been of the purest4 ,he had left their ignorant meddlesomeness and their ugly passions far away beyond the forests4 ,alone with ,god and with nature in her fairest mood1 he seemed to have escaped securely from an age that could not1 or would not1 understand his high ideal4 ,so for some time no sound was heard in the valley but the song of the birds and the grave talk of the two hermits and the frequent chant in the frail temple of the ,trinity4 ,but ,ablard's evil genius was never far from him2 it almost seems as if it only retired just frequently enough and long enough to let his heart regain its full power of suffering4 ,the unpractical scholar had overlooked a material point1 the question of sustenance4 ,beech-nuts and beech-leaves and roots and the water of the river become monotonous4 ,ablard began to cast about for some source of revenue4 #8,to dig ,i was not able1 to beg ,i was ashamed1' he says1 in the familiar words4 ,there was only one thing he could do--teach4 ,probably he began by giving quiet lessons to the sons of his neighbours4 ,he had only to let his intention be known in ,troyes1 and he would have as many pupils as he desired4 ,but he soon found that1 as was inevitable1 he had released a torrent4 ,the words in which he describes this third confluence of his streams of #8barbarians' do not give us the impression that he struggled against his fate4 ,with all his genius he remained a ,breton--short of memory and light of heart4 ,the gladdening climate of mid-,france and the brightness and beauty of the valley of the ,seine quickened his old hopes and powers4 ,the word ran through the kingdoms of ,gaul1 and across the sea and over the southern hills1 that ,ablard was lecturing once more4 ,and many hundreds1 probably thousands1 of youths gathered their scant treasures1 and turned their faces towards the distant solitude of ,nogent-sur-,seine4 ,then was witnessed a scene that is quite unique in the annals of education4 ,many centuries before1 the deserts of ,egypt had seen a vast crowd of men pour out from the cities1 and rush eagerly into their thankless solitude4 ,that was under the fresh-born influence of a new religious story1 the only force thought competent to inspire so great an abdication4 ,the twelfth century saw another great stream of men pouring eagerly into a solitude where there was no luxury but the rude beauty of nature4 ,week by week the paths that led into the valley by the ,arduzon discharged their hundreds of pilgrims4 ,the rough justice of nature offered no advantage to wealth4 ,rich and poor1 noble and peasant1 young and old1 they raised their mud-cabins or their moss-covered earth-works1 each with his own hand4 ,hundreds of these rude dwellings dotted the meadow and sheltered in the wood4 ,a bundle of straw was the only bed to be found in them4 ,their tables were primitive mounds of fresh turf2 the only food a kind of coarse peasant-bread1 with roots and herbs and a draught of sweet water from the river4 ,the meats and wines and pretty maids and soft beds of the cities were left far away over the hills4 ,for the great magician had extended his wand once more1 and the fascination of his lectures was as irresistible as ever4 ,they had built a new oratory1 in wood and stone1 for the loved master2 and each morning1 as the full blaze of the sun fell upon the strangely scarred face of the valley1 they arose from the hay and straw1 splashed or dipped in the running river1 and trooped to the spot where ,ablard fished for their souls with the charming bait of his philosophy4 ,then when the master tired of reading ,scripture1 and of his pathetic task of finding analogies of the infinite in the finite1 they relaxed to such games and merriment as youth never leaves behind4 ,discipline1 however1 was strict4 ,there is a song1 composed at the time by one of the pupils1 which affords an instructive glimpse of the life of the strange colony4 ,some one seems to have informed ,ablard of a group of students who were addicted to the familiar vice4 ,he at once banished them from the colony1 threatening to abandon the lectures unless they retired to ,quincey4 ,the poet of the group was an ,english youth1 named ,hilary1 who had come to ,france a little before4 ,amongst his ,versus et ludi1 edited by ,champollion1 we find his poetic complaint of the falseness of the charge and the cruelty of their expulsion4 ,it is a simple1 vigorous1 rhymed verse in ,latin1 with a ,french refrain4 ,it is obviously intended to be sung in chorus1 and it thus indirectly illustrates one of the probable recreations of the youths who were thus thrown upon their own resources4 ,many another of ,hilary's rough songs must have rung through the valley at nightfall4 ,perhaps ,ablard recovered his old gift1 and contributed to the harmless gaiety of the colony4 ,seared and scarred as he was1 there was nothing sombre or sour about his piety1 save in the moments of actual persecution4 ,with all his keen and living faith and his sense of remorse1 he remains a ,breton1 a child of the sun-light1 sensitive to the gladdening force of the world4 ,not until his last year did he accept the ascetic view of pleasures which were non-ethical4 ,watchful over the faith and morals of the colony1 he would make no effort to moderate the loud song with which they responded to the warm breath of nature4 ,the happiness of his little world surged in the heart of the master for a time1 but nature gave him a capacity for1 and a taste of1 manifold happiness1 only that he might suffer the more4 #8,i had one enemy--echo1' he says in his autobiography4 ,he was soon made uneasily conscious that the echo of his teaching and the echo of the glad life of the colony had reached ,clairvaux4 ,the first definite complaint that reached his ears referred to the dedication of his oratory4 ,though formally dedicated to the ,trinity1 it was especially devoted to the ,holy ,spirit1 in the character of ,paraclete 7,comforter72 indeed both it and the later nunnery were known familiarly as #8the ,paraclete4' ,some captious critics had1 it appears1 raised a question whether it was lawful to dedicate a chapel to one isolated member of the ,trinity4 ,the question was absurd1 for the ,church frequently offers worship to the ,holy ,spirit1 without mentioning the ,father and the ,son4 ,the cautious ,ablard1 however1 defends his dedication at great length4 ,a second attack was made under the pretext of questioning the propriety of an image of the ,trinity which was found in the oratory4 ,some sculptor in the colony had endeavoured to give an ingenious representation of the ,trinity in stone4 ,he had carved three equal figures from one block of stone1 and had cut on them inscriptions appropriate to each ,person of the ,trinity4#bj ,such devices were common in the ,church1 common in all ,trinitarian religions1 in fact4 ,but ,ablard was credited with intentions and interpretations in everything he did4 ,neither of these incidents proved serious1 however4 ,it was not until ,ablard heard that ,alberic and ,lotulphe were inciting #8the new apostles' to assail him that he became seriously alarmed4 ,the new apostles were ,bernard of ,clairvaux and ,norbert of ,prmontr4 #bj ,the statue was preserved in a neighbouring church until the eighteenth century4 ,it was destroyed at the ,revolution4 ,not many leagues from the merry valley on the ,arduzon was another vale that had been peopled by men from the cities4 ,it was a dark1 depressing valley1 into which the sun rarely struggled4 ,the ,valley of ,wormwood men called it1 for it was in the heart of a wild1 sombre1 chilly forest4 ,the men who buried themselves in it were fugitives1 not merely from the hot breath of the cities and the ugly deeds of their fellows1 but even from the gentler inspiration of nature1 even from its purest thrills4 ,they had had a vision of a golden city1 and believed it was to be entered by the path of self-torture4 ,the narrow windows of their monastery let in but little of the scanty light of the valley4 ,with coarse bread and herbs1 and a few hours' sleep on boxes of dried leaves1 they made a grudging concession to the law of living4 ,but a joke was a sacrilege in the ,valley of ,wormwood1 and a song a piece of supreme folly4 ,the only sound that told the ravens and the owls of the presence of man was the weird1 minor chant for hours together1 that did not even seem to break the silence of the sombre spot4 ,by day1 the white-robed1 solemn shades went about their work in silence4 ,the ,great ,father had made the pilgrimage to heaven so arduous a task that they dare not talk by the wayside4 ,foremost among them was a frail1 tense1 absorbed1 dominant little man4 ,the face was white and worn with suffering1 the form enfeebled with disease and exacting nervous exaltation2 but there was a light of supreme strength and of joy in the penetrating eyes4 ,he was a man who saw the golden city with so near1 so living a vision1 that he was wholly impatient of the trivial pleasures of earth3 a man formed in the mould of world-conquerors and world-politicians1 in whose mind accident had substituted a supernatural for a natural ideal3 a man of such intensity and absorption of thought that he was almost incapable of admitting a doubt as to the correctness of his own judgment and purpose and the folly of all that was opposed to it3 a man in whom an altruistic ethic might transform1 or disguise1 but could never suppress1 the demand of the entire nature for self-assertion4 ,this was ,bernard of ,clairvaux1 who had founded the monastery in the deepest poverty ten years before4 ,he was soon to be the most powerful man in ,christendom4 ,and he held that1 if the instinct of reasoning and the impulse of love did indeed come from ,god and not from the devil1 they were of those whimsical gifts1 such as the deity of the ,middle ,ages often gave1 which were given with a trust they would be rejected4 ,the other new apostle was ,st4 ,norbert1 the founder of the ,premonstratensian canons4 ,he had fruitlessly endeavoured to reform the existing order of canons1 and had then withdrawn to form a kind of monastery of canons at ,prmontr1 not far from ,laon1 where he occasionally visited ,anselm4 ,his disciples entered zealously into the task of policeing the country4 ,no disorder in faith or morals escaped their notice2 and although ,norbert was far behind ,bernard in political ability1 the man who incurred his pious wrath was in an unenviable position4 ,he had influence with the prelates of the ,church1 on account of his reforms and the sanctity of his life2 he had a profound influence over the common people1 not only through his stirring sermons1 but also through the miracles he wrought4 ,ablard frequently bases his rationalistic work on the fact1 which he always assumes to be uncontroverted1 that the age of miracles is over4 ,norbert1 on the contrary1 let it be distinctly understood that he was a thaumaturgus of large practice4 ,ablard ridiculed his pretensions1 and the stories told of him4 ,even in his later sermons we find him scornfully #8exposing' the miracles of ,norbert and his companions4 ,they used to slip medicaments unobserved into the food of the sick1 he says1 and accept the glory of the miracle if the fever was cured4 ,they even attempted to raise the dead to life2 and when the corpse retained its hideous rigidity after they had lain long hours in prayer in the sanctuary1 they would turn round on the simple folk in the church and upbraid them for the littleness of their faith4 ,this poor trickery was the chief source of the power of the ,premonstratensian canons over the people4 ,ablard could not repose and ridicule it with impunity4 ,these were the new apostles--#8pseudo-apostles' ,heloise calls them--whom ,alberic and ,lotulphe now incited to take up the task which they themselves dared pursue no longer4 ,and so1 says ,ablard1 #8they heaped shameless calumnies on me at every opportunity1 and for some time brought much discredit upon me in the eyes of certain ecclesiastical as well as secular dignitaries4' ,we shall find that1 when ,ablard stands before the ecclesiastical tribunal a second time1 many of his earlier friends have deserted him1 and have fallen under the wide-reaching influence of ,st4 ,bernard4 ,but it is strenuously denied by prejudiced admirers of ,st4 ,bernard that he had anything to do with ,ablard at this period4 ,father ,hefele1 for instance1 thinks that ,ablard is guilty of some chronological confusion in the passage quoted above2 looking back on the events of his life1 he has unconsciously transferred the later activity of ,bernard to the earlier date1 not clearly separating it in time from the work of ,alberic and ,norbert4 ,unfortunately1 the #8,story of my ,calamities' was written before ,bernard commenced his open campaign against ,ablard4 ,we shall see later that this is beyond dispute4 ,there is1 then1 no question of confusion4 ,mr4 ,cotter ,morison says it is #8not far short of impossible' that ,bernard showed any active hostility to ,ablard at that time1 and he thinks the charge springs merely from an over-excited imagination4 ,mr4 ,morison is scarcely happier here than in his earlier passage4 ,it must be understood that this reluctance to admit the correctness of ,ablard's complaint is inspired by a passage in one of ,bernard's letters4 ,in writing to ,william of ,st4 ,thierry 7ep4 cccxxvii4 in ,migne71 fifteen years afterwards1 he excuses his inaction with regard to ,ablard 7whose heresies ,william has put before him7 on the ground that he #8was ignorant of most1 indeed nearly all1 of these things4' ,this is interpreted to mean that he knew little or nothing about ,ablard until #aada1 and the ,ablardists generally give a more or less polite intimation that it is--what ,mr4 ,poole explicitly calls another statement of ,bernard's--a lie4 ,cotter ,morison1 however1 interprets #8these things' to mean #8the special details of ,ablard's heresy1' and it is therefore the more strange that he should join the ,bernardists in straining the historical evidence4 ,yet he is probably nearer to the truth than the others in his interpretation of ,bernard's words4 ,even modern writers are too apt at times to follow the practice of the ,church1 in judging a statement or an action1 and put it into one or other of their rigid objective categories4 ,in such cases as this we need a very careful psychological analysis1 and are prone to be misled by the ,church's objective moral boxes or classifications4 ,most probably ,bernard wrote in that convenient vagueness of mind which sometimes helps even a saint out of a difficulty1 especially where the honour of the ,church is involved1 and which is accompanied by just a suspicion of ethical discomfort4 ,in reality1 we may1 with all sobriety1 reverse ,mr4 ,morison's statement1 and say it is #8not far short of impossible' that ,bernard was ignorant of1 or indifferent to1 ,ablard's activity at that time4 ,ten years previously1 when ,bernard led his little band of white-robed monks to their wretched barn in the ,vale of ,bitterness1 he went to ,chlons to be consecrated by ,william of ,champeaux4 ,william conceived a very strong affection for the young abbot1 and he shortly after nursed him through a long and severe illness4 ,so great was their intimacy and so frequent their intercourse that people said ,chlons and ,clairvaux had changed places4 ,this began only twelve months after ,william had been driven from ,paris1 in intense anger1 by the heretical upstart1 ,peter ,ablard4 ,again1 ,alberic was another of ,bernard's intimate friends4 ,a year or two before ,ablard founded the ,paraclete--that is to say1 about the time of the ,council of ,soissons--we find ,bernard #8imploring' 7so even ,duchesne puts it7 the ,pope to appoint ,alberic to the vacant see of ,chlons after the death of ,william4 ,he failed to obtain it1 but afterwards secured for him the archbishopric of ,bourges4 ,anselm of ,laon was also a friend of ,bernard's4 ,moreover1 ,clairvaux was only about forty miles from ,troyes1 where ,ablard's latest feat was the supreme topic4 ,it is thus quite impossible for any but a prejudiced apologist to question ,bernard's interest in the life of the ,paraclete and its founder4 ,even were he not the heresy-hunter and universal reformer that he notoriously was1 we should be compelled to think that he had heard all the worst charges against ,ablard over and over again before #aabd4 ,to conceive ,bernard as entombed in his abbey1 indifferent to everything in this world except the grave1 is the reverse of the truth4 ,bernard had a very profound belief in what some theologians call #8the law of secondary causes'--,god does not do directly what he may accomplish by means of human instruments4 ,prayer was necessary2 but so were vigilance1 diplomacy1 much running to and fro1 and a vast correspondence4 ,he watched the ,church of ,god with the fiery zeal of a ,st4 ,paul4 ,he knew everything and everybody3 smote archbishops and kings as freely as his own monks3 hunted down every heretic that appeared in ,france in his day3 played even a large part in the politics of ,rome4 ,and we are to suppose that such a man was ignorant of the presence of the gay1 rationalistic colony a few leagues away from his abbey1 and of the unique character and profound importance to the ,church of that vast concourse of youths2 or that he refrained from examining the teaching of this man who had an unprecedented influence over the youth of ,france1 or from using the fulness of his power against him when he found that his teaching was the reverse of all he held sacred and salutary4 ,we may take ,ablard's statement literally4 ,bernard and ,norbert were doing the work of his rivals1 and were doing it effectively4 ,they who had supported him at ,soissons or afterwards were being poisoned against him4 ,count ,theobald and ,geoffrey of ,chartres are probably two whom he had in mind4 ,he feels that the net is being drawn close about him through the calumnies of these ubiquitous monks and canons4 ,the peace of the valley is broken2 he becomes morbidly sensitive and timorous4 ,whenever he hears that some synod or conventicle has been summoned he trembles with anxiety and expectation of another ,soissons4 ,the awful torture of that hour before the council comes back to him1 and mingles with the thought of the power of his new enemies4 ,he must fly from ,france4 ,away to the south1 over the ,pyrenees1 was a land where the poor monk would have found peace1 justice1 and honour4 ,spain was just then affording #8glory to ,god in heaven1 and peace to men of good-will on earth'3 it had been snatched from the dominion of ,christianity for a century or two4 ,so tolerant and beneficent was the reign of the ,moors that even the ,jews1 crushed1 as they were1 by seven centuries of persecution1 developed their finest powers under it4 ,they were found in the front rank of every art and science2 in every field where1 not cunning and astuteness1 but talent of the highest order and industry1 were needed to command success4 ,the ,moors had happily degenerated from the fierce proselytism of their religious prophet--whilst the ,christians had proportionately enlarged on that of theirs--and their human character was asserting the high natural ideal which it always does when it breaks away from the confining bonds of a narrow dogma4 ,it was towards this land that ,ablard turned his thoughts4 ,it seemed useless for him to exchange one ,christian land for another4 ,a few years before1 a small group of ,french monks had created a centre of education in a humble barn on the banks of the ,cam2 but was ,england more tolerant than ,france8 ,he remembered ,roscelin's experience4 ,there were famous schools in ,italy2 but some of his most brilliant pupils at the ,paraclete1 such as ,arnold of ,brescia1 had little good to say of ,italy4 ,the evil lay in ,christianity itself--in that intolerance which its high claim naturally engendered4 ,one does not like to accept too easily this romantic proposal to find refuge under the protection of the crescent1 yet ,ablard's words compel us to do so4 #8,god knows1' he says1 #8that at times ,i fell into so deep a despair that ,i proposed to go forth from ,christendom and betake me to the heathens 444 to live a ,christian life amid the enemies of ,christ4' ,possibly he would have done so1 if he had had a better knowledge of ,spain at that time4 ,the ,arabs of ,spain were no enemies of ,christ4 ,only a most perverse idea of their state could make an able thinker and teacher thus regard a life amongst them as a matter of ultimate and desperate resort4 ,had they but conquered ,europe1 materially or morally1 half the problems that still harass it--or ought to do--would have been solved long ago4 ,it is pathetic to find ,ablard speculating whether the hatred of the ,christians for him will not make his path easier to the favour of the ,arabs1 by producing in them an impression that he had been unfaithful to ,christian dogma4 ,the caliphs could keep a watchful eye on the thoughts of professed ,mohammedan philosophers1 but they cared little about the theories of others4 ,ablard1 with his pronounced tendency to concentrate on natural-religious and ethical truths1 would have found an honoured place in ,spain2 and he would quickly have buried his dogmas there4 ,ablard was spared the trial of so desperate and dreadful a secession4 ,far away on the coast of ,brittany an abbot died in #aabe1 and ,ablard's evil genius put it into the hearts of the monks to offer the vacant dignity to the famous teacher4 ,they sent some of their number to see him at the ,paraclete4 ,it seemed a providential outlet from his intolerable position4 ,there were abbeys and abbeys1 it was true1 but his ,breton optimism and trust in fate closed that avenue of speculation4 ,conon1 ,duke of ,brittany1 had agreed to his installation4 ,suger made no opposition2 he probably saw the net that was being drawn about him in ,france4 ,ablard turned sadly away from the vale of the ,paraclete and the devoted colony1 and faced the mists of the west and of the future4 #8,i came not to bring peace into the world but the sword4' ,,chapter ,x ,,the ,,trials ,,of ,,an ,,abbot ,ablard had1 of course1 committed another serious blunder in accepting the proffered #8dignity4' ,there was an error on both sides1 as there had been in his first fatal assumption of the cowl2 though on this occasion the pressure behind him was greater1 the alternative less clear1 and the prospect at least uncertain4 ,it will be remembered that ,ablard probably studied at ,locmenach in his early years4 ,this was a branch monastery of the ancient abbey of ,st4 ,gildas at ,rhuys1 on the coast2 and it is not impossible that some recollection of the monks of ,locmenach entered into his decision to become abbot of ,st4 ,gildas4 ,there were probably few abbeys in ,france at the time which were sufficiently moral and earnest in their life to offer a congenial home to this man who is held up to the blushes of the ages as a sinner1 and of whom the ,church only speaks in the low and solemn tone that befits a great scandal4 ,if ,ablard's first and chief misfortune is that he was a ,christian1 his second is that he was a monk4 ,the abbey of ,st4 ,gildas had reached the last stage of monastic decay4 ,the monks did not accept presents of pretty maid-servants1 nor receive fine lady visitors in their abbey1 like the monks of ,st4 ,denis2 nor were they eager to have a nunnery of sisters in religion close at hand1 like the cloistered canons4 ,theirs was not a case for the application of the words of ,erasmus3 #8,vocantur 8patres0--et saepe sunt4' ,each monk had a respectable wife and family on the monastic estate4 ,the outlying farms and cottages were colonised with the women and the little monklings2 there was no cemetery of infant bones at or near ,st4 ,gildas4 ,their monasticism consisted in the discharge of their formal religious exercises in church and choir--the chant of the ,mass and of the breviary4 ,and when the monk had done his day's work of seven or eight hours' chanting1 he would retire1 like every other ,christian1 to the bosom of his family4 ,the half-civilised ,celtic population of the district were quite content with this version of their duty1 and did not refuse them the customary sustenance4 ,ablard's horror on discovering this state of things was equalled by the surprise of the monks when they discovered his ,quixotic ideas of monastic life4 ,they only knew ,ablard as the amorous troubadour1 the teacher who attracted crowds of gay and wealthy scholars wherever he went1 the object of the bitter hostility of the monastic reformers whom they detested4 ,it was the ,bernardist or ,norbertian ,ablard whom they had chosen for their abbot4 ,surprise quickly turned to disgust when the new abbot lectured them in chapter--as a sexless ascetic could so well do--on the beauty of continence and the ,rule of ,st4 ,benedict4 ,they were rough1 ignorant1 violent men1 and they soon made it clear that reform was hopelessly out of the question4 ,the very locality proved an affliction4 ,he had exchanged the gentle beauty and the mild climate of the valley of the ,seine for a wild1 bleak1 storm-swept sea-shore4 ,the abbey was built on a small promontory that ran out into the ,bay of ,biscay1 a few leagues to the south of ,vannes4 ,it was perched on the edge of the steep granite cliffs1 and ,ablard's very pen seems to shudder as he writes of the constant roar of the waves at the foot of the rocks and the sweep of the ocean winds4 ,behind them stretched a long series of sand-hills4 ,they occupied a scarcely gracious interval between desolation and desolation4 ,for ,ablard was not of the temperament to appreciate the grandeur of an ever-restless ocean or to assimilate the strength that is borne on its winds4 ,he was sadly troubled4 ,here he had fled1 he says1 to the very end of the earth1 the storm-tossed ocean barring his further retreat1 yet he finds the world no less repulsive and cruel4 ,in the character of abbot1 ,ablard was at liberty to seek what consolation he could outside his abbey4 ,he soon found that there was none to be had in the vicinity of ,rhuys4 #8,the whole barbarous population of the land was similarly lawless and undisciplined1' he says2 that seems to include such other monks and priests as the locality contained4 ,even their language was unintelligible to him1 he complains2 for1 although he was a ,breton1 his ear would only be accustomed to ,latin and to ,romance ,french1 which would differ considerably from the ,celtic ,bas-,breton4 ,whether the lord of the district was equally wild--as seems most probable--or no1 the way to his chteau was barred by another difficulty4 ,he was considered the bitter enemy of the abbey1 for he had #8annexed' the lands that belonged by right to the monks4 ,moreover he exacted a heavy tribute from them4 ,they were frequently without food1 and wandered about stealing all they could lay their hands on for the support of their wives and families4 ,they violently urged ,ablard to fight for their rights and find food for them1 instead of giving them his ethereal discourses4 ,and the abbot succeeded just far enough to embitter the usurper against him1 without obtaining much for his lawless monks4 ,he found himself in a new dilemma4 ,if he remained in the abbey he was assailed all day by the hungry clamour and the brutal violence of his #8subjects'2 if he went abroad the tyrannical lord threatened to have him done to death by his armed retainers4 ,for three or four years ,ablard sustained this miserable existence almost without alleviation4 ,in #aabi1 however1 an event occurred which1 evil as it looked at the moment1 proved a source of considerable happiness to him for some years4 ,abbot ,suger1 the cowled warrior and statesman1 had become monastic reformer after his conversion4 ,the circumstance proved more lucrative to ,st4 ,denis than would be thought4 ,in his ,de rebus a se gestis1 ,suger writes at great length of the additional possessions he secured for the abbey1 and amongst these is enumerated the nunnery of ,st4 ,mary at ,argenteuil4 ,he was not only a rigid disciplinarian1 but he had an unusual acquaintance with ancient records4 ,many of his early years at ,st4 ,denis had been spent in the archivium1 in diligent scrutiny of deeds and documents relating to the earlier history of the abbey4 ,one day when he was absorbed in this study he hit upon a document from which it seemed possible to prove that the convent of the ,benedictine nuns at ,argenteuil1 two or three miles away1 belonged to the monks of ,st4 ,denis4 ,it was a complicated question1 the nuns dating their possession from the time of ,charlemagne4 ,but when ,suger became abbot of ,st4 ,denis himself1 and eager to employ his political ability and influence in the service of the abbey1 he recollected1 along with others1 the document relating to the nunnery4 ,when1 moreover1 he had been converted1 he was able to see the licentiousness of the nuns of ,argenteuil1 and make it a pretext for asserting the rights of his abbey4 ,in #aabg1 he states in his ,life1 he obtained from ,honorius ,,ii4 a bull which was supposed to legalise his seizure of the convent3 #8both in justice to ourselves and on account of the enormity of life of the nuns who were established there1 he restored the place to us with its dependencies1 so that the religious life might be re-instituted in it4' ,in his ,vita ,ludovici ,grossi he also lays stress on the #8foul enormity' of life in the nunnery4 ,how far we may accept the strong language of the enterprising abbot it would be difficult to say4 ,honorius1 who would be flattered by the request to pronounce on the domestics difficulties of the ,church of ,france1 would certainly not be over-exacting in the matter of proof4 ,still1 he sent a legate1 the ,bishop of ,albano1 and directed him to hold an inquiry into the affair1 together with the ,archbishop of ,rheims and the ,bishops of ,paris1 ,chartres1 and ,soissons4 ,the name of ,geoffrey of ,chartres is a guarantee that the inquiry was more than a mere cloak to cover the sanctioning of a questionable act4 ,although1 we must remember1 ,suger does not quote their words in the above passage1 they must have decided that his charge was substantially founded4 ,the nuns were turned out of their convent a few months afterwards4 ,the asserted corruption of the nunnery is quite in accord with what we know of the period from other sources4 ,we have already quoted ,jacques de ,vitry's observation that none of the convents of the time1 except those of the ,cistercians 7his own order71 were fit places for an honest woman2 and he describes the #8thousand tricks and wicked artifices' by which respectable dames were sometimes induced to enter them4 ,the same ,vandyke-like painter of the morals of the twelfth century elsewhere passes a comprehensive sentence on the convents of canonesses4 ,nor was this the first ,parisian nunnery to be suppressed in the twelfth century4 ,there was until #aajg a convent of ,benedictine nuns on the island1 on the site of the present ,rue ,calende4 ,it was close to the royal palace2 and the relations of the nuns to the nobles of the court had become so notorious that ,bishop ,galo had to intervene and put the good sisters on the street4 ,one has only to read ,ablard's sermon on #8,susannah' 7delivered to an exemplary community of nuns7 to realise the condition of the average nunnery at that time4 ,heloise was prioress of the convent of ,argenteuil4 ,this is1 indeed1 the only circumstance that need make us hesitate to accept ,suger's words at their literal value4 ,the ,heloise of those writers who have but touched the love-romance of the famous couple1 without entering into a deeper study of their characters1 is pitifully inadequate4 ,she had all the passion that poetic or decadent admirer has ever given her2 she had that freer1 because narrower1 view of the love-relation1 which only regarded her own particular and exceptional case1 and did not extend to the thousand cases on which the broad law of matrimony is based2 and she retained her ardent love and her particularist view throughout long years of conventual life4 ,we may examine this more directly in the next chapter4 ,for the moment it reveals1 when it is taken in conjunction with that integrity and altitude of life which none can hesitate to assign her1 a strength and elevation of character which are frequently obscured by the mere admirers of her passion4 ,we know nothing whatever of the eight or nine miserable years of her life at ,argenteuil2 but as soon as she does emerge into the light of history 7in #aacj7 she is found to be of an elevated and commanding character4 ,she was prior1 not abbess1 at ,argenteuil4 ,when she became abbess1 her community became a centre of light in ,france4 ,still1 ,heloise shared the fate of her sisters1 if she had not shared their sin2 in fact1 we may see a protest against their life in her refusal to follow them to a new home4 ,suger had been directed to find a nunnery which would receive the evicted sisters1 and most of them had gone to ,st4 ,mary of ,footel4 ,heloise had not accompanied them1 and she was still without a canonical home in #aabi1 when the news of these events reached the distant abbey of ,st4 ,gildas4 ,the finest and supreme test of love is to purge it of the last subtle admixture of sexual feeling and then measure its strength4 ,as a rule this is wholly impracticable--,mr4 ,w4 ,platt has a remarkable paper on the subject in his ,women1 ,love1 and ,life--but in the case of ,ablard the test was applied in supreme rigour1 and with a satisfactory issue4 ,there was indeed another consideration impelling ,ablard1 when he sought out his nun-wife4 ,the desertion of the ,paraclete had cost him many a heavy thought4 ,the little estate was still his legal property1 but it was insufficient to support a priest and companion at the oratory4 ,he would assuage both anxieties by installing ,heloise and such companions as she chose in his old home4 ,but the course of the story will reveal more clearly the deep affection he had for ,heloise4 ,it was faithfulness to the views he held since his conversion1 faithfulness to the ideal of the best men of the time1 as well as a dread of the ever ready tongue of the calumniator1 that separated him so long and so sternly from her4 ,in #aabi1 therefore1 the year in which the plague ravaged ,paris1 ,ablard revisited the quiet valley of the ,arduzon4 ,thither he invited ,heloise and some of her companions1 to whom he made over the legal possession of the estate4 ,poor ,heloise must have been disappointed4 ,the ardour which she reveals in her letters was evidently met by a great restraint and formality on his side4 ,he was severely correct in the necessary intercourse with his #8sisters in religion4' ,later events showed that1 ridiculous as it may well seem1 he had good reason for this deference to detractors4 ,however1 ,heloise soon won universal regard and affection in ,champagne4 #8,the bishops came to love her as a daughter1' says ,ablard1 #8the abbots as a sister1 and the laity as a mother4' ,they lived in deep poverty and some anxiety at first1 but nobles and prelates soon added generously to the resources of the new foundation4 ,noble dames1 too1 brought rich dowries with them in coming to ask for the veil in ,heloise's respected community4 ,the priory grew rapidly in importance and good repute4 ,in #aaca ,ablard sought a further favour for the new foundation1 in having ,heloise raised to the dignity of abbess4 ,innocent ,,ii4 was making a journey through ,france1 and lavishing favours 7when they cost him nothing7 generously and gratuitously on all sides1 behaving in a manner that departed widely from papal traditions4 ,it was the second year of the great papal schism1 and1 ,anacletus having bought or otherwise secured ,rome1 through his family1 the ,pierleoni1 ,innocent was making a successful bid for ,france1 where exception was taken to ,pierleone's ,jewish strain4 ,passing from ,chartres to ,lige1 on his way to meet ,lothair of ,saxony1 ,innocent spent a day or two at the ,benedictine abbey of ,morigni4 ,ablard joined the crowd of prelates who assembled there to do homage to the pope1 and he obtained the promise of a bull 7which was duly sent71 conferring the dignity of abbess on ,heloise1 and securing to her and her successors the full canonical rights of their abbey4 ,ablard seems to have been received with distinction by the papal court4 ,the chronicle of ,morigni mentions the presence of the ,abbot of ,st4 ,gildas1 and adds3 #8the most distinguished teacher and master in the schools1 to whom lovers of learning flocked from almost the whole of ,christendom4' ,later1 too1 ,ablard boasts 7so says ,bernard7 of his friends amongst the ,roman cardinals2 it must have been during the stay of the papal court at ,morigni that he met them4 ,another noteworthy personage whom ,ablard met there was ,st4 ,bernard4 ,we have no details about this first meeting of the two great antagonists1 but their names occur side by side in the chronicle as those of the most eminent teacher and the most distinguished preacher in ,france4 ,in the increasing bitterness of life at ,st4 ,gildas ,ablard now naturally sought consolation in the new abbey of the ,paraclete4 ,his relation to ,heloise personally remained marked by a reserve which hurt her1 but his visits to the abbey became more frequent and prolonged4 ,it appears that this loosened the tongues of some foolish people1 and ,ablard took up the accusation1 or insinuation1 with his usual gravity4 ,his apology is often described as #8ridiculous' and #8painful'2 and one certainly cannot take very seriously his dissertation on ,origen's misdeed and the ,oriental custom of eunuch-guardians4 ,more interesting is the second part1 in which he urges many precedents of the familiarity of saintly men with women4 ,his favourite saint1 ,jerome1 afforded a conspicuous illustration2 and others were not wanting4 ,it is too early in the history of theology to find the example of ,christ adduced4 ,a modern apologist could greatly extend the list1 beginning with ,francis of ,assisi 7and ,clare7 and ending with ,francis de ,sales 7and ,madame de ,chantal74 ,perhaps ,ablard's own case is the clearest proof that even masked sexual feeling may be entirely absent from such attachments4 ,those who care to analyse them will probably find the greater refinement1 gentleness1 sympathy1 and admiration of women to be quite adequate to explain such saintly intimacies1 without any subtle research into the psychology of sex4 ,however1 the complaint seems to have moderated the abbot's fervour for a time2 and indeed events soon became absorbingly interesting at ,st4 ,gildas4 ,the frequent journeys to ,champagne increased the bitterness of his monks4 ,then he had a serious accident1 nearly breaking his neck in a fall from his horse4 ,when he recovered1 he found that his monks had entered upon a most dangerous stage of conspiracy4 ,the accident seems to have suggested an idea to them1 and they determined to rid themselves of an abbot who was worse than useless4 ,they even put poison in the wine which he was to use in the ,mass one morning1 but he discovered the fact in time4 ,on another occasion he had an adventure which may have suggested an important incident in ,m4 ,zola's ,rome4 ,he had gone to ,nantes to visit the count in an illness1 and was staying with his brother ,dagobert1 who was a canon in the cathedral4 ,when the time came for the abbot and his monastic companion to sup1 ,ablard had1 providentially1 lost his appetite--or suspected something4 ,the monk supped--and died4 ,as ,ablard's servant disappeared after the meal1 it was natural to suppose that he had been paid by the ferocious monks to poison their abbot4 #8,how many times did they try to do away with me by poison6' he exclaimed4 ,but he lived apart from them1 and succeeded in frustrating the attempt4 ,then they hired robbers to apply their professional skill to the task4 ,whenever the monks heard that he was going anywhere1 they planted a few cut-throats on the route4 ,ablard had no great love for this ,dionysiac existence1 and he resolved to make a bold effort at reform4 ,he summoned the monks in solemn chapter1 and hurled the sentence of excommunication at the leaders of the revolt4 ,it sat more lightly on their shoulders than the abbot anticipated1 and he proceeded to call in the help of a papal legate4 ,the ,duke of ,brittany and several neighbouring bishops were invited to the function1 and the sentence of excommunication and expulsion from the abbey was repeated with impressive ceremony4 ,the chief rebels were thus restricted to following the abbot's movements without--in company1 apparently1 of the hired assassins of the monks and the equally dangerous servants of the lord of the manor--and ,ablard devoted his attention to reforming the remainder of the community4 ,but the old abbey was past redemption4 #8,the remaining monks began to talk1 not of poison1 but of cutting my throat1' he says4 ,the circle of knives was drawing closer upon him1 within and without1 and he saw that it would be impossible to guard his life much longer4 ,he gave up the struggle1 and fled from the abbey4 ,there is a local tradition which tells of a secret flight by night through a subterranean passage leading down to the sea4 ,ablard at least intimates there was little dignity in his retirement1 when he says3 #8under the guidance of a certain noble of the district ,i succeeded1 with great difficulty1 in escaping from the abbey4' ,where ,ablard found refuge from his murderous #8sons1' and where he spent the next three or four years1 it is difficult to say4 ,he probably moved from place to place1 generally remaining in the neighbourhood of ,rhuys1 but occasionally journeying to ,champagne or accepting an invitation to preach at some special festival4 ,the #8certain noble'--an uncertain one1 as the phrase usually implies--would be likely to give him immediate hospitality2 and the ,count of ,nantes was friendly1 and would find ,ablard a graceful addition at his board4 ,then there was the family chteau at ,pallet1 and the house of his brother ,dagobert at ,nantes4 ,we seem to find ,ablard's boy1 ,astrolabe1 under the care of this brother later on4 ,ablard would at all events see much of him1 and assist in educating him1 either at ,pallet or ,nantes4 ,the son had1 apparently1 not inherited the gifts of his parents4 ,an obscure mention of his death in a later necrologium merely indicates the close of a correct but ordinary ecclesiastical career4 ,but though ,ablard lacked neither wealth1 nor honour1 nor home1 he speaks of his condition as a very pitiable one4 ,deutsch has hazarded the conjecture that the monks of ,st4 ,gildas really desired an abbot who would be generally absent4 ,it seems rather that they wanted an abbot who would share their comfortable theory of life and at the same time have influence to enrich the abbey1 discontinue the paying of tribute1 and induce a higher authority to restrain their tyrannical neighbours4 ,they were therefore naturally inflamed when ,ablard deserted the immediate concerns of the abbey1 yet remained near enough to secure his revenue out of its income4 ,he retained his title 7we find no successor appointed until after his death71 and as he speaks of wealth1 we must suppose that he somehow continued to obtain his income4 ,the ,count of ,nantes would probably support his cause as long as he remained in ,brittany4 ,but1 at the same time1 this detained him in the constant danger of assassination4 ,wherever he went1 he apprehended bribery and corruption1 poison and poniards4 #8,my misery grew with my wealth1' he says1 and #8,i find no place where ,i may rest or live4' ,his classical reading promptly suggests the parallel of ,damocles4 ,it was in these circumstances that ,ablard wrote the famous letter which he entitled the #8,story of my ,calamities4' ,the passage ,i have just quoted occurs in its closing paragraph4 ,it is an invaluable document for the purpose of the great master's biography4 ,without it1 the life of ,ablard would occupy only a score of pages4 ,his contemporaries had numbers of monastic followers and admirers who were eager to write their deeds in letters of gold4 ,the little band of friends who stood around ,ablard in his final struggle were scattered1 cowed1 or murdered1 by triumphant ,bernardism4 ,at the mention of ,bernard's name ,christendom crossed itself and raised its eyes to the clouds3 at the mention of the #8,peripatetic of ,pallet' it closed its pious lips1 forgetful1 or ignorant1 of the twenty years of profound sorrow for the one grave delinquency of his life4 ,if the sins of youth are to leave an indelible stain1 one is forced to recall that ,augustine had been a greater sinner1 and that the ,canon of the ,church contains the names of converted prostitutes1 such as ,mary of ,magdala and ,mary ,magdalene of ,pazzi4 ,it may be thought by some ,catholics that1 in the uncertainty of human judgment1 there is a providential criterion given in the working of miracles2 but1 once more1 even the fifth century only credited ,st4 ,augustine with two miracles4 ,and if intention to serve the ,church be all-important1 ,ablard has won high merit2 or if effective service to the ,church1 then is his merit the greater1 for the thirteenth century1 in its construction of that theology and philosophy which the ,church even now deems sufficient for the needs of the world1 utterly rejected ,bernardism1 and borrowed its foundation from ,pierre ,ablard4 ,as a piece of literature the #8,story' lies under the disadvantage of being written in degenerate ,latin4 ,with all his classical reading1 ,ablard has not escaped the use of forms which gravely offend the classical taste4 ,perhaps ,john of ,salisbury is superior to him in this respect2 there have certainly been later theologians1 such as ,petavius1 who have far surpassed him4 ,but1 apart from this limitation in form1 it is as high above the many biographies and autobiographies of his contemporaries as he himself was above most of their writers4 ,abbot ,suger's autobiography is a piece of vulgar and crude self-advertisement beside it4 ,it has not the mere chance immortality which honours such works as that of ,suger1 and which is wholly due to the zeal of the modern collector of ancient documents2 it has the germ of immortality within it--the same soul that lives in the ,confessions of ,augustine3 those who understand that soul will not add the ,confession of ,rousseau4 ,and the confession of ,ablard has this singular feature3 it is written by a man to whom the former sinful self is dead in a way which was impossible to ,augustine4 ,that feature implies both advantages and disadvantages1 but it at least gives a unique value and interest to the document4 ,we have throughout relied on and quoted this autobiography1 so that an analysis of its contents would be superfluous4 ,there remains1 however1 the interesting question of ,ablard's motive for writing it4 ,it is ostensibly written as a letter1 addressed to a friend who is in trouble1 and merely intended to give him some consolation by a comparison of the sorrows of ,ablard4 ,no one will seriously question that this is only a rhetorical artifice4 ,probably it reached such a friend1 but it was obviously written for #8publication4' ,in its sincere acknowledgment of whatever fault lay on his conscience1 only striving to excuse where the intention was clearly good1 that is1 in the matter of his theological opinions1 the letter must be regarded as a conciliatory document4 ,not only its elaborate construction1 but its care in explaining how guiltless he was in the making of most of his enemies--,anselm1 ,alberic1 ,norbert1 ,bernard1 and the monks of ,st4 ,denis and ,st4 ,gildas--impel us to think that it was intended for circulation in ,france4 ,in a few years we shall find him in ,paris once more4 ,deutsch believes that the #8,story' was written and circulated to prepare the way for his return1 and this seems very probable4 ,from #8the ends of the earth' his thoughts and hopes were being redirected towards ,paris2 it had availed him nothing to fly from it4 ,but there were calumnious versions abroad of every step in his eventful life1 and even ,bernard sneered at his experience at ,st4 ,gildas4 ,he would make an effort to regain the affection of some of his old friends1 or to create new admirers4 ,whatever may have been the aim of ,ablard in writing his #8,story1' it had one immediate consequence of the first literary importance4 ,great of itself1 it evoked a correspondence which is unique in the literature of the world4 ,it fell into the hands of ,abbess ,heloise1 and led to the writing of her famous ,letters4 ,,chapter ,,xi ,,the ,,letters ,,of ,,ab,,lard ,,and ,,heloise ,the true interest of the correspondence between the abbot husband and the abbess wife1 which resulted from the publication of the #8,story of my ,calamities1' needs to be pointed out afresh at the beginning of the twentieth century4 ,it has been obscured through the eagerness of historians to indicate parallels and the tendency of poets and romancers to isolate features which appeal to them4 ,during the eighteenth century the famous letters were made familiar to ,english readers by a number of translations from the ,french or from the original ,latin4 ,even then there was a tendency to read them apart from the lives of the writers1 or at least without an adequate preliminary study of their characters and their fortunes4 ,those translations are read no longer4 ,apart from the limited number of readers who have appreciated the excellent ,french versions of ,madame ,guizot and ,m4 ,grard1 an idea is formed of the letters and their writers from a few ardent fragments1 which are misleading in their isolation1 and from the transference of the names #8,ablard' and #8,heloise' to more recent characters of history or romance4 ,the letters must be read anew in the light of our augmented knowledge and of the juster psychological analysis which it has made possible4 ,there are those whose sole knowledge of ,heloise is derived from the reading of ,pope's well-known poem1 which is taken to be a metrical exposition of her first letter4 ,with such an impression1 and a few broad outlines of the life of the lovers1 one is well prepared to accept the assertion of a parallel with the ,portuguese ,letters and other of the lettres amoureuses which were so dear to the eighteenth century4 ,probably few who compare ,pope with the original1 or indeed read him without comparison1 will agree with ,hallam that he has put #8the sentiments of a coarse and abandoned woman into her mouth4' ,johnson found #8no crudeness of sense1 no asperity of language' in ,pope's poem4 ,yet no one who has carefully read the original will fail to perceive that ,pope has given a greatly distorted version of it4 ,french versifiers found it #8un amusement littraire et galant1' as has been said of ,bussy-,rabutin's version1 to isolate the element of passion in the finer soul of ,heloise1 and thus present her as a twelfth-century ,marianne ,alcoforado4 ,pope has yielded somewhat to the same spirit4 ,he does indeed introduce the intellectual judgment and the complex ethical feeling of ,heloise in his poem1 but he alters the proportions of the psychic elements in her letter1 and prepares the way for a false estimate4 ,pope's ,heloise is framed in the eighteenth century as naturally as the real ,heloise is in the twelfth4 ,still1 it must be remembered that ,pope did not write from the original ,latin letters4 ,he evidently used some of the so-called #8translations1' but really paraphrases1 of his time4#ba #ba ,mr4 ,leslie ,stephen has kindly drawn my attention to ,elwin's theory 7,pope's ,works7 that he followed the translation of ,j4 ,hughes1 author of the ,siege of ,damascus4 ,hughes's #8translation' was little more faithful than the current ,french versions2 it is largely a work of imagination4 ,careful comparison does seem to show that ,pope used this version1 but he seems also to have used some of the very misleading ,french paraphrases4 ,elwin himself thinks ,pope did not look at the original ,latin4 ,the charge must also be laid1 though with less insistence1 against the parallels which some writers have discovered1 or invented1 for ,heloise4 ,the most famous are the ,portuguese ,letters1 a series of singularly ardent love-letters from a ,portuguese nun to a ,french noble4 ,the correspondents are said to have been ,marianne ,alcoforado and ,m4 de ,chamilly--to look at whom1 said ,st4 ,simon1 you would never have thought him the soul of the ,portuguese ,letters4 ,he was neither talented nor handsome1 and his liaison with the nun seems to have been no more than the usual temporary incident in a soldier's life4 ,when he returned to ,france she wrote the letters which are so frequently associated with those of ,heloise4 ,it is an unworthy and a superficial comparison4 ,there is a ground for comparison in the condition of the writer and in the free and vivid expression of a consuming love1 but they are separated by profound differences4 ,the ,portuguese nun has nothing but her love2 her life is being consumed in one flame of passion4 ,heloise is never so wholly lost in her passion2 she can regard it objectively4 ,even were ,ablard other than he was at the time1 no one who knows ,heloise could conceive her1 after her vows1 to say1 #8if it were possible for me to get out of this miserable cloister1 ,i should not wait in ,portugal for the fulfilment of your promise1' or imagine her1 under any conditions1 to talk lightheartedly to her lover of #8the languid pleasures your ,french mistresses give you1' and remind him that he only sought in her #8un plaisir grossier4' ,there is not a word1 in any of the ,portuguese ,letters1 of ,god1 of religious vows1 of any thought or feeling above the plane of sense1 of any appreciation of the literal sacrilege of her position1 of anything but a wilful abandonment to a violent passion4 ,there are the same defects1 though they are less obtrusive1 in the parallel which ,rousseau claimed in giving the title of the ,nouvelle ,helose to his ,savoyard letters4 ,the accidental resemblance of the religious costume is wanting here1 but1 on the other hand1 there is a greater show of character4 ,rousseau has confused the ,heloise of #aaag and the abbess of the letters4 ,from another point of view1 one would like to know what ,bussy-,rabutin or ,colardeau would have thought of the ,nouvelle ,helose as the expression of an absorbing passion4 ,rousseau1 who held that the ,portuguese ,letters had been written by a man1 was of the singular opinion that no woman could describe1 or even feel1 love4 ,the letters of his ,julie are pale fires beside the first and second letters of ,heloise4#bb #bb ,i hardly like to speak of the feeble creation of ,robert ,buchanan in such a company1 but his #8,new ,ablard' is a further illustration4 ,his pitiful ,mr4 ,bradley has no earthly resemblance to ,ablard1 except in a most superficial sense4 ,it is grotesque to compare him to ,ablard for his #8heresy'2 and to say that he recalls ,ablard in his weakness 7to the extent of bigamously marrying and blasting the life of a noble woman7 is deeply unjust4 ,ablard was not a cad4 ,in direct opposition to the writers who find parallels for the correspondence of abbess and abbot we have a few critics who deny or doubt the authenticity of the letters4 ,it is significant that the recent and critical ,german biographers of ,ablard do not even mention these doubts4 ,they have1 in truth1 the slenderest of foundations4 ,lalanne1 who has endeavoured to spread this heresy in faithful ,france1 can say little more than that he cannot reconcile the tone of the letters with the age and condition of the writers2 he also says that ,ablard would be hardly likely to preserve such letters had he received them from his wife4 ,orelli has tried to sow similar doubts in the apparently more promising soil of ,german culture1 but with no greater success4 ,if it seems incredible that ,heloise should have penned the letters which bear her name1 how shall we qualify the supposition that there lived1 some time within the following century1 a genius capable of creating them1 yet utterly unknown to his contemporaries8 ,if they are the work of some admirer of ,ablard1 as ,orelli thinks1 they reveal a higher literary competency than ,rousseau shows in his ,nouvelle ,helose4 ,we are asked to reject a wonder in the name of a greater wonder4 ,moreover1 an admirer of ,ablard would not have written the letters which bear his name in a style that has won for him anything but the admiration of posterity4 ,and it is quite impossible to admit one series of the letters without the other4 ,setting apart the letters of ,ablard1 which it is idle to question in themselves1 it must be admitted that there are features in the letters of ,heloise which are startling to the modern mind4 ,these are the features on which her romantic admirers have concentrated2 they will appear in due course4 ,but when one evades the pressure of modern associations1 and considers the correspondence in its twelfth-century setting1 there is no inherent improbability in it4 ,rather the reverse4 ,as to the publication of letters in which husband and wife had written the most sacred confidences1 we need not suppose1 as ,m4 ,grard does1 that ,heloise ever intended such a result1 or built up her notes into letters for that purpose4 ,nothing compels us to think that they were brought together until years after the writers had been laid in a common tomb4 ,there are obvious interpolations1 it is true1 but we shall only increase the difficulty--nay1 we shall create a difficulty--if we look upon the most extraordinary passages in the letters as coming from any other source than the heart of an impassioned lover4 ,as regards what a logician would call the external difficulty--that we cannot trace the letters further back than the middle of the thirteenth century--it need not discompose us4 ,the conditions which make a negative argument of that character valid are not present here4 ,ablard had been condemned and his party scattered4 ,there are no writers to whom we should look for allusions to the letters before ,guillaume de ,lorris and ,jehan le ,meung manifestly introduce them in the ,roman de la ,rose4 ,indeed this circumstance1 and the fact that the oldest manuscript we have dates from one hundred years after the death of ,heloise1 incline one to think that she wished the treasure to be preserved in a reverent privacy4 ,to give any large proportion of the letters here would be impossible1 yet we must give such extracts from them as may serve in the task of reconstructing character4 ,it was an age when the practice1 if not the art1 of letter-writing greatly flourished4 ,st4 ,bernard's letters form a portly and a remarkable volume4 ,the chroniclers of the time have preserved an immense number of the ,latin epistles which busy couriers bore over the land4 ,one is prepared1 therefore1 to find much formality1 much attention to the rules and the conventional graces of the epistolary art1 even in the letters of ,heloise4 ,the strong1 impetuous spirit does at times break forth1 in splendid violence1 from its self-imposed restraint1 but we have1 on the whole1 something very unlike the utter and unthinking outpouring of an ebullient passion which is found in the letters of the ,portuguese nun4 ,arguments are rounded with quotations from classic writers2 dialectical forms are introduced here and there2 a care for literary manner and construction of the ,latin periods is manifested4 ,bayle says her ,latin is #8too frequently pedantic and subtile4' ,it is1 at all events1 much superior to the average ,latinity of the time1 though1 as in the case of ,ablard1 the characteristic defects of this are not entirely avoided4 ,some day1 then1 after his #8,story' had gone forth on its peaceful mission into ,france1 ,ablard received a folded parchment in the once familiar hand4 #8,to her lord1 yea father3 to her spouse1 yea brother3 from his servant1 yea daughter--his wife1 his sister3 to ,ablard from ,heloise4' ,so ran the superscription1 a curious effort to breathe life into a formality of the day4 ,chance has brought to their abbey1 she says1 a copy of the letter he has recently sent forth4 ,the story of his saddened life and of the dangers that yet multiply about him has affected them so deeply that they are filled with anxiety for him4 #8,in hourly anguish do our trembling hearts and heaving breasts await the dread rumour of thy death4 ,by ,him who still extends to thee an uncertain protection we implore thee to inform us1 ,his servants and thine1 by frequent letter1 of the course of the storms in which thou art still tossed2 so that thou mayst let us at least1 who have remained true to thee1 share thy sorrow or thy joy4 ,and if the storm shall have abated somewhat1 so much the more speedily do thou send us an epistle which will bring so much joy to us4' ,she invokes the authority of ,seneca on the epistolary duties of friends1 and she has a holier claim than that of friend1 a stronger one than that of wife4 #8,at thy command ,i would change1 not merely my costume1 but my very soul1 so entirely art thou the sole possessor of my body and my spirit4 ,never1 ,god is my witness1 never have ,i sought anything in thee but thyself3 ,i have sought thee1 not thy gifts4 ,i have not looked to the marriage bond or dowry3 ,i have not even yearned to satisfy my own will and pleasure1 but thine1 as thou well knowest4 ,the name of wife may be the holier and more approved1 but the name of friend--nay1 mistress or concubine1 if thou wilt suffer it--has always been the sweeter to me4 ,for in thus humbling myself for thee1 ,i should win greater favour from thee1 and do less injury to thy greatness4 ,this thou hast thyself not wholly forgotten1 in the aforesaid letter thou hast written for the consolation of a friend4 ,therein also thou hast related some of the arguments with which ,i essayed to turn thee from the thought of our unhappy wedlock1 though thou hast omitted many in which ,i set forth the advantage of love over matrimony1 freedom over bondage4 ,god is my witness that if ,augustus1 the emperor of the whole world1 were to honour me with the thought of wedlock1 and yield me the empire of the universe1 ,i should deem it more precious and more honourable to be thy mistress than to be the queen of a ,csar4' ,she claims no merit for her devotion4 ,ablard's greatness more than justifies her seeming extravagance4 #8,who1' she asks1 going back to his golden age1 #8who did not hasten forth to look as thou didst walk abroad1 or did not follow thee with outstretched neck and staring eyes8 ,what wife1 what maid1 did not yearn for thee8 ,what queen or noble dame was there who did not envy my fortune8' ,yet she would ask this measure of gratitude from him1 that he write to her at times4 ,he had never known refusal from her4 #8,it was not religious fervour that drew me to the rigour of the conventual life1 but thy command4 ,how fruitlessly have ,i obeyed1 if this gives me no title to thy gratitude6444 ,when thou didst hasten to dedicate thyself to ,god ,i followed thee--nay1 ,i went before thee4 ,for1 as if mindful of the looking back of ,lot's wife1 thou didst devote me to ,god before thyself1 by the sacred habit and vows of the monastery4 ,indeed it was in this sole circumstance that ,i had the sorrow and the shame of noting thy lack of confidence in me4 ,god knows that ,i should not have hesitated a moment to go before or to follow thee to the very gates of hell1 hadst thou commanded it4 ,my soul was not my own but thine4' ,let him1 therefore1 make this small return of a letter to relieve her anxiety4 #8,in earlier days1 when thou didst seek worldly pleasure with me1 thy letters were frequent enough2 thy songs put the name of ,heloise on every lip4 ,every street1 every house in the city1 echoed with my name4 ,how juster would it be to lead me now to ,god than thou then didst to pleasure6 ,think then1 ,i beseech thee1 how much thou owest me4 ,with this brief conclusion ,i terminate my long letter4 ,farewell1 beloved4' ,it is small wonder that the epistle placed ,ablard in some perplexity4 ,true1 the devoted ,heloise had spoken throughout in the past tense4 ,but the ardour and the violence of her phrases betrayed a present depth of emotion which he must regard with some dismay4 ,he had trusted that time and discipline would subdue the flame he had enkindled1 and here it was indirectly revealed to live still in wondrous strength4 ,he could not refuse to write1 nor indeed would such a neglect profit anything2 but he would send her a long letter of spiritual direction1 and endeavour to divert her meditations4 #8,to ,heloise1 his sister in ,christ1 from ,ablard1 her brother in ,him1' was the characteristic opening of his reply4 ,if he has not written to her since her conversion1 he says1 it is not from neglect nor want of affection1 but from the thought that she needed neither counsel nor consolation4 ,she had been prioress at ,argenteuil1 the consoler and instructor of others4 ,yet1 #8if it seems otherwise to thy humility1' he will certainly write her on any point she may suggest4 ,she has spoken of prayer1 and so he diverges into a long dissertation on the excellence of prayer1 which fills nearly the whole of his pages4 ,on one or two occasions only does he approach that colloquy of soul to soul1 for which ,heloise yearned so ardently4 #8,we ourselves are united not only by the sanctity of our oath1 but also by the identity of our religious profession4 ,i will pass over your holy community1 in which the prayers of so many virgins and widows ever mount up to ,god1 and speak of thee thyself1 whose holiness hath much favour with ,god1 ,i doubt not1 and remind thee what thou owest me1 particularly in this grievous peril of mine4 ,do thou remember1 then1 in thy prayers him who is so specially thine own4' ,and when at length he nears the end of his edifying treatise1 he once more bares the heart that still beats within him4 ,if1 he says1 they hear before long that he has fallen a victim to the plots of his enemies1 or has by some other chance laid down his burden of sorrow1 he trusts they will have his body brought to rest in their home1 his own dear ,paraclete1 #8for there is no safer and more blessed spot for the rest of a sorrowing soul4' ,the long letter is1 on the whole1 prudent and formal to a degree4 ,yet it is not true that ,ablard had nothing but coldness and prudence to return to his wife's devotion4 ,it is quite obvious what ,ablard would conceive to be his duty in replying to ,heloise4 ,for her sake and for his1 for her happiness and his repute1 he must moderate the threatening fire4 ,but that he had a true affection and sympathy for her is made clear by the occasional failure of his pious resolution4 #8,sister1 who wert once dear to me in the world and art now most dear in ,christ1' he once exclaims parenthetically2 and at other moments he calls her #8dearest sister1' and even #8beloved4' ,when we remember the gulf that now separated them1 besides his obvious duty to guide her1 we shall accept the contrast of their letters without using harsh words of the distracted abbot4 ,but the pathos and the humanity of his closing paragraph defeated his purpose1 and the whole soul of the abbess flames forth in her reply4 ,it opens with a calm and somewhat artificial quarrel with the superscription of his letter1 but soon breaks out into strong reproach for his talk of death4 #8,how hast thou been able to frame such thoughts1 dearest8' she asks2 #8how hast thou found words to convey them8' #8,spare me1 beloved1' she says again3 #8talk not of death until the dread angel comes near4' ,moreover1 she and her nuns would be too distracted with grief to pray over his corpse4 ,seneca and ,lucan are quoted to support her4 ,indeed she soon lapses into words which the theologian would call blasphemous4 ,she turns her face to the heavens with that old1 old cry1 ,where is ,thy boasted justice8 ,they were untouched in the days of their sinful joy1 but smitten with a thousand sorrows as soon as their bed had the sacramental blessing4 #8,oh1 if ,i dared but call ,god cruel to me6 ,oh1 most wretched of all creatures that ,i am6' ,women have ever been the ruin of men--,adam1 ,solomon1 ,samson1 ,job--she runs through the long category of man's sneaking accusations4 ,she wishes she could make satisfaction to ,god for her sin1 but1 #8if ,i must confess the true infirmity of my wretched soul1 how can ,i appease ,him1 when ,i am always accusing ,him of the deepest cruelty for this affliction8' ,there is yet a further depth that she must lay bare to her father confessor and her spouse4 ,how can there be question of penance #8when the mind still retains the thought of sinning1 and is inflamed again with the old longing8 ,so sweet did ,i find the pleasures of our loving days1 that ,i cannot bring myself to reject them1 nor banish them from my memory4 ,wheresoever ,i go they thrust themselves upon my vision1 and enkindle the old desire4 ,even when ,i sleep they torment me with their fancied joy4 ,even during the ,mass1 when our prayer should be purest1 the dreadful vision of those pleasures so haunts my soul that ,i am rather taken up with them than with prayer4 ,i ought to be lamenting what ,i have done2 ,i am rather lamenting what ,i miss4 ,not only our actions1 but the places and the times are so bound up with the thought of thee in my mind1 that night and day ,i am repeating all with thee in spirit4 ,the movement of body reveals my thoughts at times2 they are betrayed in unguarded speech4 ,oh1 woe is me6444 ,not knowing my hypocrisy1 people call me 8chaste40 ,they deem bodily integrity a virtue1 whereas virtue resides in the mind1 not the body4' ,moreover1 virtue should be practised out of love for ,god1 whereas #8,god knows that in every part of my life ,i have more dread of offending thee than ,him2 ,i have a greater desire to please thee than ,him4' ,let him not deceive himself with trust in her prayers1 but rather help her to overcome herself4 ,and the poor woman1 the nobility of her soul hidden from her and crushed under the appalling ethical ignorance and perverse ordering of her times1 ends with a plaintive hope that she may yet1 in spite of all1 find some corner in heaven that will save her from the abyss4 ,we have here the passages which have made ,heloise an heroine in erotic circles for so many centuries4 ,on these words1 isolated from their context of religious horror and self-accusation1 have ,bussy-,rabutin1 and ,pope1 and the rest1 erected their gaudy structures2 on them is grounded the parallel with ,marianne ,alcoforado1 and ,rousseau's ,julie1 and so many other women who have meditated sin4 ,bayle has carried his ,pyrrhonism so far as to doubt that #8bodily integrity' which she claims for herself with so little boasting2 ,chateaubriand1 with broader and truer judgment1 finds in the letter the mirroring of the soul of a good woman4 ,there can be little doubt that the optimism of ,chateaubriand has for once come nearer to the truth than the cynicism of ,bayle4 ,the decadent admirers of ,heloise forget three circumstances which should have diminished their equivocal adoration3 the letter is from a wife to her husband1 from a penitent to her spiritual guide--women say such things every day in the confessional1 even in this very sensitive age--from a thoughtful woman to a man whom she knew to be dead to every breath of sensual love4 ,there is no parallel to such a situation4 ,further1 it is now obvious that the romancists have done injustice to the soul of ,heloise in their isolation of her impassioned phrases4 ,she objectifies her love3 she is not wholly merged in it4 ,she never loses sight of its true position in her actual life4 ,it is an evil1 a temptation1 a torment--she would be free from it4 ,yet she is too rational a thinker to turn to the easy theory of an outward tempter4 ,it is part of herself1 a true outgrowth of the nature ,god has given her2 and between the voice of nature and the voice of conscience1 complicated by the influence of conventual tradition and written law1 her soul is rent with a terrific struggle4 ,a modern confessor with a knowledge of physiology--there are a few such--could have led her into paths of peace without difficulty4 ,there was no sin in her4 ,it is impossible to say that ,ablard sails faultlessly through these troubled waters1 but his answer to her on this point is true and sound in substance4 #8,god grant that it be so in thy soul as thou hast written1' he says in his next letter4 ,it is true that he is chiefly regarding her humility1 and that he does not shed the kindly light of human wisdom on her soul which an earlier ,ablard would have done2 yet we can imagine what ,st4 ,bernard or ,robert d',arbrissel would have answered to such an outpouring4 ,however1 apart from the happy moderation of this reply1 ,ablard's third letter only increases our sympathy with this woman who wanders in the desert of the twelfth century of the ,christian era4 ,the wild cry of the suffering heart has startled him4 ,he becomes painfully ingenious in defending ,providence and the monastic or ,buddhistic view of life4 ,as to his death1 why should she be moved so strongly8 #8,if thou hadst any trust in the divine mercy towards me1 the more grievous the afflictions of this life seem to thee the more wouldst thou desire to see me freed from them6 ,thou knowest of a certainty that whoever will deliver me from this life will deliver me from a heavy penalty4 ,what ,i may incur hereafter ,i know not1 but there is no uncertainty as to that which ,i escape4' ,and again1 when he comes to her accusations of ,providence3 if she would follow him to #8the home of ,vulcan1' why cannot she follow him quietly to heaven8 ,as to her saying that ,god spared them in their guilt and smote them in their wedded innocence1 he denies the latter point4 ,they were not innocent4 ,did they not have conjugal relations in the holy nunnery of the ,virgin at ,argenteuil8#bc ,did he not profanely dress her in the habit of a nun when he took her secretly to ,pallet8 ,flushed with the success of his apology for ,providence1 the unlucky abbot goes from bathos to bathos4 ,there was not merely justice but love in the divine ruling4 ,they had merited punishment1 but had1 #8on the contrary1' been rescued from the #8vile and obscene pleasures' of matrimony1 from the #8mud and mire1' and so forth4 ,his mutilation was a skilful operation on the part of ,providence #8to remove the root of all vice and sordidness from him1 and make him fitter for the service of the altar4' #8,i had deserved death1 and ,i have received life4 ,do thou1 then1 unite with me in thanksgiving1 my inseparable companion1 who hast shared both my sin and my reward4' ,how fortunate it was that they married6 #8,for if thou hadst not been joined to me in matrimony1 it might easily have happened that thou wouldst have remained in the world'--the one thing that would have saved her from utter desolation4 #8,oh1 how dread a loss1 how lamentable an evil it had been1 if in the seeking of carnal pleasure thou hadst borne a few children in pain to the world1 whereas thou now bearest so great a progeny with joy to heaven4' ,again the #8mud and mire1' and the thanksgiving4 ,he even lends his pen1 in his spiritual ecstasy1 to the writing of this fearful calumny against himself3 #8,christ is thy true lover1 not ,i2 all that ,i sought in thee was the satisfaction of my miserable pleasure4' ,her passions are1 like the artificially stimulated ones of the deacons in ,gibbon and of ,robert d',arbrissel1 a means of martyrdom4 ,he had been spared all this1 she had plaintively written2 on the contrary1 he urges1 she will win more merit and reward than he4 #bc ,the one from which the nuns had been driven #8on account of the enormity of their life4' ,i have given a full summary of the long epistle1 because its psychological interest is great4 ,we have seen the gradual transformation of ,ablard--the steps in his #8conversion'--from chapter to chapter4 ,this letter marks the deepest stage of his lapse into ,bernardism4#bd ,it offers an almost unprecedented contrast to the ,ablard of #aaae4 ,and this is the man1 ,i may be pardoned for repeating1 who is held up by ecclesiastical writers 7even such as ,newman7 to the blushes of the ages4 ,perhaps the age is not far off that will sincerely blush over him--not for his personal defects4 #bd ,at a later date one of the censures passed by the doctors of the ,sorbonne on this classic sinner of the twelfth century is that he finds a shade of sin in legitimate conjugal relations4 ,heloise was silenced4 ,whether the pious dissertation had really influenced her1 or the proud utterance of her plaint had relieved her1 or she closed in upon her heart after such a reply1 it would be difficult to say4 ,her next letter is calm1 erudite1 dialectical4 #8,to her lord as to species1 her beloved in person' is the quaint heading of the epistle4 ,she will try to keep her pen within due bounds in future1 but he knows the saying about #8the fulness of the heart4' ,nevertheless1 #8just as a nail is driven out by a new one1 so it is with thoughts4' ,he must help her to dwell on other things4 ,she and her nuns beg him to write a new rule for them and a history of the monastic life4 ,there are points in the ,rule of ,st4 ,benedict which are peculiarly masculine2 she discusses them in early medival style4 ,she would like her nuns to be permitted to eat meat and drink wine4 ,there is less danger in giving wine to women2 and she navely quotes 7from ,macrobius7 ,aristotle's crude speculation on the subject4 ,then follows a long dissertation on wine1 temperance1 and intemperance1 bristling with proofs and weighty authorities4 ,briefly1 she quarrels with the ascetic view of life4 ,she happily avoids the hard sayings in which ,christ urges it on every page of the ,gospels1 and voices the eternal compromise of human nature4 ,who may become ,ablard's successor as their spiritual guide1 she does not know4 ,let him appoint a rule of life for them1 which will guard them from unwise interference1 and let it concede a little in the way of soft clothing1 meat1 wine1 and other suspected commodities4 ,ablard complies willingly1 quite entering into the spirit of the nail theory4 #8,i will make a brief and succinct reply to thy affectionate request1 dear sister1' he begins1 at the head of a very long and very curious sketch of the history of monasticism4 ,it is a brilliant proof of ,ablard's erudition1 relatively to his opportunities1 but at the same time an illustration of the power of constructing most adequate #8explanations' without any reference to the real agencies at work4 ,in a later letter ,ablard drew up the rule of life which had been asked4 ,it follows the usual principles and tendencies of such documents4 ,it offers1 however1 no little psychological interest in connection with the modifications which the abbess has desired4 ,the dialectician feels a logical reluctance to compromise1 and the fervent monk cannot willingly write down half measures4 ,yet the human element in him has a sneaking sympathy with the plea of the abbess1 and1 with much explanation and a fond acceptance of ,aristotelic theories1 the compromise is effected4 ,to the manuscript of this letter a later hand has added a smaller and more practical rule4 ,this is generally attributed to ,heloise herself1 and is certainly the work of some early abbess of the ,paraclete4 ,it supplements ,ablard's scheme of principles and general directions by a table of regulations--as to beds1 food1 dress1 visitors1 scandals1 etc4--of a more detailed character4 ,the closing letter of the famous series is one addressed by ,ablard to #8the virgins of the ,paraclete' on the subject of #8the study of letters4' ,it is from this epistle that we learn--as we do also from a letter of ,venerable ,peter of ,cluny--of ,heloise's linguistic acquirements4 ,the nuns are urged to undertake the study of the ,scriptural tongues1 ,latin1 ,greek1 and ,hebrew1 and are reminded that they have #8a mother who is versed in these three languages4' ,there is reason to think that neither master nor pupil knew much ,greek or ,hebrew4 ,this is followed shortly by a number of hymns and sermons4 ,heloise had asked him to write some hymns for liturgical use1 so as to avoid a wearisome repetition and to dispense with some inappropriate ones4 ,he sent ninety-three1 but they are of little literary and poetic value4 ,the source of his old-time poetic faculty is dried up4 ,a sequence for the ,feast of the ,annunciation1 which is attributed to him1 won praise from1 of all people1 ,luther4 ,but the number of hymns and songs #8attributed' to ,ablard is large4 ,the sermons1 of which thirty-four are to be found in the collection of his works1 are not distinguished in their order4 ,the abbot was not an eloquent preacher4 ,but they are carefully written1 erudite compositions1 which were delivered at ,st4 ,gildas1 or the ,paraclete1 or by special invitation4 ,some of them have much intrinsic interest or value--those on ,susannah and ,john the ,baptist1 for instance1 in connection with monastic affairs1 and that on ,st4 ,peter in connection with his rigid loyalty to ,rome4 ,a more interesting appendix to the correspondence is found in the forty-two #8,problems of ,heloise1' with the replies of ,ablard4 ,under the pretext of following out his direction1 but probably with a greater anxiety to prolong the intercourse1 ,heloise sent to him a list of difficulties she had encountered in reading ,scripture4 ,the daughters of ,charlemagne had responded to ,alcuin's exhortations with a similar list4 ,the little treatise is not unworthy of analysis from the historico-theological point of view1 but such a task cannot be undertaken here4 ,the problems are1 on the whole1 those which have presented themselves to every thoughtful man and woman who has approached the ,bible with the strictly orthodox view2 the answers are1 generally speaking1 the theological artifices which served that purpose down to the middle of the wayward nineteenth century4 ,with this mild outbreak of rationalism ,heloise passes out of the pages of history1 save for a brief reintroduction in ,ablard's closing year4 ,the interest and the force of her personality have been undoubtedly exaggerated by some of the chief biographers of ,ablard1 but she was assuredly an able1 remarkable1 and singularly graceful and interesting woman4 ,cousin once suddenly asked in the middle of a discourse3 #8,who is the woman whose love it would have been sweetest to have shared8' ,many names were suggested1 though there must have been a strong anticipation that he would name ,mme4 de ,longueville1 for he laboured at that very time under his posthumous infatuation for the sister of ,cond4 ,but he answered1 ,heloise1 #8that noble creature who loved like a ,st4 ,theresa1 wrote sometimes like ,seneca1 and who must have been irresistibly charming1 since she charmed ,st4 ,bernard himself4' ,it was a fine phrase to deliver impromptu1 but an uncritical estimate4 ,it is a characteristic paradox to say that she loved like a ,st4 ,theresa1 and an exaggeration to say that she ever wrote like ,seneca4 ,as to her charming ,st4 ,bernard--the #8pseudo-apostle1' as she ungraciously calls him1--they who read the one brief letter he wrote her will have a new idea of a charmed man4 ,yet with her remarkable ability1 her forceful and exalted character in the most devitalising circumstances1 and her self-realisation1 she would probably have written her name in the annals of ,france without the assistance of ,ablard4 ,it must be remembered that she had a very singular reputation1 for her age1 before she met ,ablard4 ,she might have been a ,st4 ,theresa to ,peter of ,cluny1 or1 as is more probable1 a ,montmorency in the political chronicle of ,france4 ,,chapter ,,xii ,a ,,return ,,to ,,the ,,arena ,the literary and personal activity described in the preceding chapter1 together with the elaboration of a new #8theology1' of which we shall read presently1 brings the story of ,ablard's life down to #aace or #aacf4 ,his movements during the three or four years after his flight from ,st4 ,gildas are very obscure4 ,st4 ,bernard seems to speak of his presence in ,paris at one time1 though the passages can1 and perhaps should1 be explained away4 ,heloise speaks of his visits to the ,paraclete4 ,on the whole he probably remained in ,brittany1 at ,nantes or ,pallet1 and devoted his time to literary work4 ,but in #aacf we find him in ,paris once more4 ,whether the monks succeeded in making ,brittany too insecure for him1 or the count failed to guarantee his income1 or a natural disgust with the situation and longing for the intellectual arena impelled him to return1 we cannot say4 ,it is only known that in #aacf he was once more quickening the scholastic life of ,europe from the familiar slope of ,st4 ,genevieve4 ,so swift and eventful has been the career of the great teacher that one realises with difficulty that he is now almost an old man1 a man in his fifty-seventh or fifty-eighth year4 ,it is twenty years since the grim termination of his early ,parisian activity1 and a new generation fills the schools4 ,the ideas with which he first startled and conquered the intellectual world have been made familiar4 ,the vigour1 the freshness1 the charming pertinacity of youth have departed4 ,yet there is no master in ,christendom1 young or old1 that can restrain the flood of #8barbarians' when #8,li mestre' reappears at ,paris4 ,john of ,salisbury was amongst the crowd4 ,it is from his ,metalogicus that we first learn of ,ablard's return to the arena1 and the renewal of his old triumph4 ,st4 ,bernard fully confirms the story1 after his fashion4 ,indeed1 in one sense ,ablard's triumph was greater than ever1 for he gathered a notable group of followers about him on ,st4 ,genevieve4 ,there was ,arnold of ,brescia1 the scourge of the ,italian clergy1 the #8gad-fly' of the hierarchy4 ,there was ,gilbert de la ,pore1 a dreaded dialectician and rationalistic theologian4 ,there was ,hyacinth1 the young deacon and noble from ,rome1 afterwards a power in the sacred college4 ,there was ,brenger1 the caustic critic1 who gave ,bernard many an unpleasant quarter of an hour4 ,there were future bishops and theologians in remarkable numbers4 ,however1 we have no information of a definite character until five years afterwards4 ,in fact ,john of ,salisbury complicates the situation by stating that ,ablard withdrew shortly after #aacf4 ,deutsch thinks that ,ablard left ,paris for a few years2 ,hausrath1 on the contrary1 conjectures that he merely changed the locality of his school4 ,john of ,salisbury would1 in that case1 have followed his lectures in the cloistral school in #aacf1 and would have remained faithful to the abbey1 following ,ablard's successor1 a ,master ,alberic1 when ,ablard was1 for some unknown reason1 constrained to move his chair to the chapel of ,st4 ,hilary1 also on the slope of ,st4 ,genevieve4 ,according to the ,historia ,pontificalis it was at ,st4 ,hilary that ,bernard visited him in #aada4 ,it is an ingenious way of keeping ,ablard in ,paris during the five years1 as most historians would prefer to do4 ,its weak point is the supposition that ,john of ,salisbury would continue to attend at the abbey of ,st4 ,genevieve with ,ablard teaching a few yards away4 ,the difficulty may be gladly left to the chronologist4 ,the first great fact in ,ablard's career after his return to ,paris is that ,st4 ,bernard begins to take an active interest in his teaching in the spring of #aada4 ,ten short weeks afterwards the prestige of the great teacher was shattered beyond recall1 and he set out upon his pathetic journey to the tomb4 ,it was a tense1 a titanic struggle1 on the side of ,bernard4 ,according to the religious story-books the episode is very clear and highly honourable to ,bernard4 ,abbot ,ablard had rewritten1 with what he thought to be emendations1 the theological treatise which had been burnt at ,soissons4 ,under the title of the ,theologia ,christiana1 this rationalistic exposition and defence of the dogmas of the faith1 especially of the ,trinity1 had #8crossed the seas and leaped over the ,alps1' in ,bernard's vivid phraseology4 ,with it travelled also an ,introductio ad theologiam1 which was written soon after it1 and his ,commentary on the ,epistle to the ,romans1 of earlier date4 ,the books we have previously mentioned1 the ,sic et ,non1 and the ,ethics or ,know ,thyself1 had a more limited and secluded circulation4 ,the theological work which has the title of ,epitome ,theologiae ,christianae or ,sententiae ,petri ,abaelardi is considered by most experts to be a collection of his opinions drawn up by some other masters for scholastic use4#be #be ,it is quite beside the writer's purpose1 and probably the reader's pleasure1 to give an analysis of these works4 ,i shall presently treat the specific points that have relation to his condemnation1 and ,i add a supplementary chapter on his teaching in general4 ,deutsch may be read by the curious1 and ,herr ,hausrath gives a useful shorter analysis4 ,the story runs that these works chanced to intrude on the pious meditations of a mystic theologian of the name of ,william of ,st4 ,thierry4 ,william was very nearly a saint1 and the new theology shocked him inexpressibly4 ,he had been abbot of ,st4 ,thierry at ,rheims1 but had been elevated from the ,benedictine level to the ,cistercian under ,bernard's influence1 and was peacefully composing a commentary on the highly mystical #8,song of ,songs1' in the ,cistercian monastery at ,signy1 when ,ablard's heresies reached him4#bf ,in his horror he selected thirteen definite heretical statements from the books1 and sent them1 with the treatises1 to his pious and powerful friend1 ,bernard of ,clairvaux1 with a pressing request to examine them and take action4 ,bernard replied that a cursory perusal of the books seemed to justify his follower's zeal4 ,he would put the matter aside until after ,holy ,week1 then talk it over with ,william4 ,in the meantime ,william must bear patiently with his inactivity1 since he #8had hitherto known little or nothing of these things4' ,easter over1 and the conference having presumably taken place1 ,bernard was convinced of ,ablard's errors4 ,faithful to ,christ's direction1 he went up to ,paris1 and personally reproved his erring brother1 without witnesses4 ,bernard's biographer 7and secretary-monk7 assures that ,ablard promised to amend his ways4 ,the amendment not taking place1 ,bernard paid him a second brotherly visit1 and1 as he refused to comply1 ,bernard followed out the evangelical direction of reproving him before others4 ,he attacked him in the presence of his students1 warning the latter that they must burn his heretical writings forthwith4 ,it is one of the scenes in ,ablard's career which it would have been interesting to have witnessed4 #bf ,a good idea of the man1 and of the rapidly growing school he belonged to1 will be formed from the opening sentence of one of his treatises3 #8,rotting in the lake of misery and in the mire of filth1 and stuck in the mud of the abyss that has no substance1 and from the depths of my grief1 ,i cry out to ,thee1 ,o ,lord4' ,he was in the midst of a similar ,bernardesque composition when he received ,ablard's works4 ,however1 we must defer for a moment the continuation of the ,bernardist version of the encounter1 and examine the course of events more critically4 ,the theory that ,st4 ,bernard had not occupied himself with the errors of ,ablard until ,william of ,st4 ,thierry drew his attention to them is a very poor and foolish composition4 ,we could as well imagine that ,newman knew #8little or nothing' of ,dr4 ,arnold's views in the early thirties4 ,bernard and ,ablard had been for many years the supreme representatives of the new #8,high' and #8,broad' movements of the twelfth century2 and ,bernard had a far more intense dread of rationalism than ,newman4 ,scarcely an event of moderate importance occurred in ,church1 school1 or state1 in ,france at least1 that escaped the eye of the abbot of ,clairvaux in those days4 ,he was #8acting-,pope' to the ,church of ,christ1 and he felt all the responsibility4 ,and1 amongst the multitudinous cares of his office1 none gave him greater concern than the purity of the faith and the purification of the disquieting scholastic activity of the day4 ,we have seen in a former chapter how largely antithetic his position was to that of ,ablard1 and that he was a man who could not doubt for a moment the truth of his own conception of religion4 ,there was the same marked antithesis at the very bases of their theological conceptions1 in the mental soil in which those conceptions took root4 ,bernard was more authoritative than ,anselm of ,laon1 more mystic than ,anselm of ,canterbury4 ,he had gone further than ,anselm on the theory that #8faith precedes reason'2 ,ablard had gone beyond ,roscelin with the inverse proposition4 ,perhaps ,bernard's commentary on the #8,song of ,songs' furnishes the best illustration of his frame of mind and his outlook4 ,towards the close of his life he devoted himself to long and profound meditation on that beautiful piece of ,oriental literature4 ,we must not forget1 of course1 that the ,church is largely responsible for his extravagance on this point4 ,it has indeed taken the civilisation of the ,west more than two thousand years to discover that its glowing verses are inspired only by the rounded limbs and sweet breath of a beautiful woman2 and its most erotic passages are still solemnly applied to the ,mother of ,christ on her annual festivals4 ,but ,bernard revelled in its #8mystic' phrases4 ,day by day1 for more than a year1 he gathered his monks about him in the auditorium at ,clairvaux1 and expounded to them the profound spiritual meanings of the #8,song4' ,eighty-three long sermons barely exhausted the first two chapters4 ,in the end he devoted three lengthy discourses1 on successive days1 to the elucidation of the words3 #8,in my bed at night ,i have longed for him whom my soul loveth4' ,this mystic and unreasoning attitude brought him into fundamental antagonism with ,ablard4 ,to him faith was the soul's first duty2 reason might think itself fortunate if there were crumbs of knowledge in the accepted writings which it could digest4 ,to reason1 to ask a question1 was honestly incomprehensible and abhorrent to him4 ,he insisted that the rationalist told ,god he would not accept what he could not understand2 whereas the rationalist was prevented by his own logic from questioning the veracity of the ,infinite1 and merely insisted that1 in a world of hallucination and false pretence1 it were well to make sure that the proposition in question really did come from ,god4 ,bernard thought reasoning about the ,trinity implied irreverence or incredulity2 ,ablard felt it to be a high service to divine truth1 in preparing it for minds which were not blessed with the mystic sense4 ,bernard believed ,christ died purely and crudely to make amends to the ,father2 ,ablard thought this would impute vindictiveness to ,god4 ,and so on through a long list of dogmatic points which were of unspeakable importance in the eyes of the twelfth century4 ,a conflict was inevitable4 ,in ,bernard's thought ,ablard was employing an extraordinary ability to the grave prejudice of the honour of ,god1 the safety of the ,church1 and the supreme interest of humanity4 ,bernard would have deserted his principles and his clear subjective duty if he had remained silent4 ,if he had #8a quick ear' to catch #8the distant thunder roll of free inquiry1' as ,cotter ,morison says1 and no one questions1 he must have turned his zealous attention to ,ablard long ago1 as we have already seen4 ,but the rationalist had been rendered powerless in ,brittany for some years4 ,now that he was teaching with great effectiveness at ,paris once more1 ,bernard could not but take action4 ,however1 it is a task of extreme difficulty for an impartial student to trace with confidence the early stages of that memorable conflict4 ,we have seen the ,bernardist version2 the version of some of the recent biographers of ,ablard is very different4 ,deutsch and ,hausrath1 able and critical scholars1 believe that the letter from ,william of ,st4 ,thierry had been written1 wholly or in part1 by ,bernard himself2 that ,bernard's reply was part of a comedy of intrigue2 that a timid and treacherous conventicle of the ,cistercian monks1 including ,bernard1 had deliberately drawn up in advance this equivocal plan of campaign4 ,now1 if the ,catholic enthusiast is incapable of dealing quite impartially with such a problem1 it is equally certain that the heretic has a similar disturbing element in his natural predilection for picking holes in the coats of the canonised4 ,the evidence must be examined very carefully4 ,the presumption is that a man of the exalted idealism and stern self-discipline of ,st4 ,bernard would not lend himself to such manuvres4 ,yet these things are not inconsistent with the dignity of canonisation2 moreover1 the object was a great and holy one--and ,bernard had a mortal dread of the dialectician4 ,in the first place1 then1 it is impossible to credit ,bernard with the whole of the letter which bears the name of ,william of ,st4 ,thierry4 ,much of it is by no means ,bernardesque in style and manner2 and there are passages which it is quite impossible1 on moral grounds1 to conceive as having been written by ,bernard himself4 ,at the same time much of it does certainly seem to have been written by ,bernard4 ,there are few better judges of such a point than ,deutsch4 ,the contention that ,william would not have dared to address such a demand simultaneously to ,bernard and ,geoffrey without instructions is more precarious4 ,on the other hand1 the letter seems in many respects to support the idea of a diplomatic arrangement4 ,it is addressed to ,bernard and to ,geoffrey of ,chartres1 and opens as follows3 #8,god knows that ,i am filled with confusion1 my lords and fathers1 when ,i am constrained to address you1 insignificant as ,i am1 on a matter of grave urgency1 since you and others whose duty it is to speak remain silent4' ,after a little of this strain he recounts how he #8lately chanced to read a certain work' of the dreadful heretic he has named--the ,theology of ,peter ,ablard4 ,from it he selects thirteen heretical propositions 7we shall meet them later71 which he submits to their judgment4 ,if they also condemn1 he calls for prompt and effective action4 #8,god knows that ,i too have loved him' ,ablard1 he says1 #8and would remain in charity with him1 but in such a cause as this ,i know no friend or acquaintance4' ,finally1 he says3 #8,there are1 ,i am told1 other works of his1 the ,sic et ,non and the ,scito te ,ipsum1 and others 444 but ,i am told that they shun the light1 and cannot be found4' ,without straining an impressionist argument1 it may be at once pointed out that the letter betrays itself4 ,several of the propositions in the list are not found in either of ,ablard's theologies2 they are taken from the works which ,william affirms he has never seen4 ,an intrigue is revealed2 some other person1 not at ,signy1 has had an important share in the epistle1 if not in the actual writing of it4 ,again1 as ,neander says in his ,life of ,st4 ,bernard1 the passage about his affection cannot be taken seriously2 he had been passionately devoted to ,bernard for some years4 ,the letter is evidently written for use or publication1 and reveals a curious piece of acting4 ,bernard's reply is also clearly #8part of the comedy1' as ,hausrath says4 ,bernard is much addicted to tutoyer his friends1 even his lady friends4#bg ,his previous letters to ,william1 written before he was a #8son of religion' and a devoted follower1 are written in that familiar style4 ,but in this brief note #8thou' and #8thine' become #8you' and #8your4' #8,i consider your action both just and necessary4 ,the book itself1 betraying the mouth of those that speak iniquity1 proves that it was not idle4444 ,but since ,i am not accustomed1 as you know well1 to trust my own judgment1 especially in matters of such moment1' it must wait a little4 ,he will see ,william about it after ,easter4 #8,in the meantime be not impatient of my silence and forbearance in these matters2 most of them1 indeed nearly all of them1 were not known to me before 7cum horum plurima et pene omnia hucusque nescierim74' #bg ,witness his genial letter to our ,english ,matilda4 ,the letter is almost incomprehensible1 coming from such a man4 ,he take the first discovery of so influential a heretic so calmly2 he not trust his own judgment in such matters6 ,save for the literary form1 which is unmistakable1 the letter is wholly out of place in the bulky volume of ,bernard's correspondence4 ,it is part of the play2 and its brevity and vagueness seem to indicate an unwillingness or ethical discomfort on the part of the writer4 ,the closing sentence in it has given trouble even to ,bernard's biographers1 and must disconcert every admirer of the great uplifter of the twelfth century4 ,cotter ,morison says #8he must refer to the special details' of ,ablard's teaching4 ,it is impossible to acquit the words of the charge of evasiveness and a half-conscious inaccuracy1 even if they be so interpreted4 ,we have already given the general considerations which compel us to think ,bernard made himself fully acquainted with ,ablard's opinions4 ,we have already discussed the probability of his share in the driving of ,ablard into ,brittany4 ,other indications are not wanting4 ,in #aacb ,bernard was sent on a papal mission into ,burgundy2 his companion was ,joscelin1 ,ablard's early rival4 ,bernard attacks with some spirit the errors of an unnamed master in his ,treatise on ,baptism2 these errors are the opinions of ,ablard4 ,on one occasion1 indeed1 they had a direct controversy4 ,bernard had visited the ,paraclete1 and had criticised the way in which the nuns1 following ,ablard's direction1 recited the ,lord's ,prayer4 ,ablard had inserted #8supersubstantial' for #8daily4' ,heloise duly reported the criticism1 and ,ablard flew to arms4 ,the letter was characteristic4 ,a sweet and genial prelude1 a crushing argumentative onslaught1 and an ironical inversion of the charge4 #8,but let each do as he pleases1' the rhetorician concluded2 #8,i do not wish to persuade any man to follow me in this4 ,he may change the words of ,christ as he likes4' ,however1 we need not strain detailed indications4 ,it is impossible to think that ,bernard was unacquainted with #8novelties' that the echo of a great name had borne to the ends of the earth4#bh ,when we have seen the whole story of ,bernard's share in the struggle1 it will be easier to understand this letter4 ,it is puerile to think that we detract anything from the moral and spiritual greatness of ,st4 ,bernard in admitting an occasional approach to the common level of humanity4 ,and there was present in strength that delusive ideal which has led so many good men into fields that were foreign to their native grandeur--the good of the ,church4 #bh ,fas est et ab hoste doceri4 ,the ,benedictine defenders of ,bernard 7in ,migne7 say1 in another connection3 #8,was there a single cardinal or cleric in ,rome who was unacquainted with his dogmas8' ,there is no record of a conference with ,william of ,st4 ,thierry after ,easter4 ,the pupil has played his part1 and he now vanishes completely from the theatre4 ,but from the subsequent report which was sent to the pope1 and from the ,life of ,st4 ,bernard1 written by his admiring secretary1 we learn that ,bernard visited ,ablard in private1 and admonished him of his errors4 ,the scene is unfortunately left to the imagination2 though the report we have mentioned speaks of a #8friendly and familiar admonition4' ,bernard's biographer would have us believe that ,ablard was quite subdued--the #8rhinoceros' was tamed again--by ,bernard's brotherly address1 and promised to retract his errors4 ,it is possible that ,ablard put him off with amiable generalities1 but quite incredible that he made any such promise4 ,we need not speculate1 with ,hausrath1 on the probability of interference from his more ardent students4 ,the episcopal report to the pope does not mention any broken promise4 ,it could have used such a circumstance with great effect4 ,then followed ,bernard's second visit and warning4 ,it would be difficult to say which dreaded the other more in these curious interviews1 but ,bernard had convinced himself of his duty to crush ,ablard1 and he was following out a very correct and excellently-devised scheme4 ,the ,gospel required a twofold personal correction of an erring brother1 before he was denounced to the synagogue4 ,the second one was to have witnesses4 ,bernard therefore boldly admonished ,ablard in the presence of his students1 and bade them burn the works of their master4 ,it is a thousand pities we have no ,ablardist record of these proceedings4 ,if ,ablard said little during the conferences1 he must have known that he was rapidly approaching another1 perhaps a supreme1 crisis in his life4 ,he knew his ,gospel1 and he knew ,bernard4 ,the next step was the denunciation to the synagogue4 ,he had had an experience of such denunciation1 and he would certainly not expect a less insidious attack from the abbot of ,clairvaux1 who had avoided his dialectical skill so long4 ,he determined to checkmate the ,cistercians4 ,very shortly afterwards ,bernard was dismayed to receive a letter from the ,archbishop of ,sens1 in which he was invited to meet the redoubtable dialectician at ,sens in a few weeks' time1 and discuss the right and wrong of their quarrel before the whole spiritual and temporal nobility of ,france4 ,it was now a question of dialectics and rhetoric versus diplomacy2 though indeed we must credit ,ablard--or his #8esquire1' as ,bernard calls ,arnold of ,brescia--with a fine diplomatic move in claiming the discussion4 ,there are several reasons for thinking that the ,bishop of ,paris was in ,rome at the time1 or the discussion should have been sought at ,notre ,dame4 ,the next instantia was the ,archbishop of ,sens1 and ,ablard continued to assail that prelate until he was forced to accept the petition4 ,not improbably it appealed to the sporting instinct of old #8,henry the ,boar1' a man of noble extraction1 and of extremely worldly life before he fell under the influence of the ubiquitous ,bernard4 ,the quarrel of the two great luminaries of ,france was now notorious4 ,he could not well refuse to open the lists for a superb trial by combat4 ,but ,bernard had an entirely different theory of the condemnation of a heretic4 ,he trusted to his personal influence and immense epistolary power4 ,ablard's works were available1 and were sufficient for the grounding of a condemnation1 he said4 ,he was not merely impatient of the implied doubt of the infallibility of his judgment2 he shrank nervously from the thought of such an encounter4 ,he did not conceal for a moment his dread of ,ablard's power4 #8,i am a boy beside him1' he pleaded1 #8and he is a warrior from his youth4' ,on the other hand1 if it became a question of a diplomatic struggle for a condemnation of the books at ,rome1 the positions would be exactly reversed4 ,he refused to enter the lists with ,ablard4 ,in the meantime the day which the ,archbishop of ,sens had appointed was rapidly approaching4 ,it was the ,octave of1 or eighth day after1 ,pentecost4 ,on the ,sunday after ,whitsunday1 now dedicated to the ,trinity1 there was to be a brilliant religious function in the cathedral at ,sens4 ,it was customary to expose the relics to veneration on that day1 and as ,sens1 the metropolitan church of ,paris#bi and other important towns1 had a very valuable collection of relics1 the ceremony attracted a notable gathering of lords1 spiritual and temporal4 ,louis ,,vii4 was to be there1 with the usual escort of ,french nobles3 the curiously compounded monarch had a profound veneration for relics1 and something like a passion for the ceremonies that accompanied their translation1 veneration1 and so forth4 ,all the suffragans of the archbishop would be present1 with a number of other bishops1 and abbots1 clerics1 and masters innumerable4 ,quite apart from the duel between the greatest thinker and the greatest orator in ,europe1 there would be a very important and weighty gathering at the cathedral on that day4 ,ablard willingly assented4 ,bernard is fond of repeating in his later letters that ,ablard set to work #8to summon his friends and followers from all parts4' ,we shall see that the only noteworthy supporters of ,ablard at ,sens were pupils or masters from ,paris1 which lay at a convenient distance4 ,bernard was shortly to lose his serenity in a sea of rhetoric4 #bi ,the see of ,paris was not elevated into an archbishopric until a much later date4 ,there is a minor quarrel as to whether ,bernard reversed his decision1 and intimated his acceptance to the archbishop before the day arrived4 ,father ,hefele thinks he did so4 ,it is1 however1 clear that1 in his letter to the pope afterwards1 ,bernard wishes to convey the impression that he held out until the last moment1 and only yielded to the entreaties of his friends in actually presenting himself4 ,we shall refer to this letter to ,pope ,innocent shortly1 but it is worth while to notice now the edifying picture he draws of his own preparation in contrast with that of #8the dragon4' ,ablard is represented as feverishly whipping up his supporters1 whilst ,bernard refuses to hear of such an encounter1 not only on account of ,ablard's world-famed skill in debate1 but also because he thinks it improper to discuss sacred things in this fashion4 ,but friends represent that the ,church will suffer1 and the enemies of ,christ triumph4 ,wearily and #8without preparation'--trusting wholly in the divine promise of inspiration--he presents himself on the appointed day before #8,goliath4' ,in point of historical fact there is no reason for thinking that ,ablard made any effort to gather supporters4 ,the few we read of accompanied him from ,paris4 ,he had scarcely a single friend in the ranks of his #8judges4' ,on the other hand we do know that ,bernard himself sent out a strong and imperious #8whip' to his episcopal supporters4 ,there is a brief letter1 contained in the ,migne collection1 which was despatched to all the ,french bishops on whom ,bernard could rely for sympathy and support4 ,they have heard1 he says1 of his summons to appear at ,sens on the ,octave of ,pentecost4 #8,if the cause were a personal one1' he goes on1 #8the child of your holiness could perhaps not undeservedly look to your support patrocinium4 ,but it is your cause1 and more than yours2 and so ,i admonish you the more confidently and entreat you the more earnestly to prove yourselves friends in this necessity--friends1 ,i should say1 not of me1 but of ,christ4' ,and he goes on to prejudge the case in the mind of the official judges with his rhetorical denunciation of ,ablard's heresies4 #8,be not surprised1' he concludes1 #8that ,i summon you so suddenly and with so brief a notice2 this is another ruse of our cunning adversary1 so that he might meet us unprepared and unarmed4' ,the consequence of the sending of this whip will be apparent when we come to examine the composition of the gathering at ,sens4 ,it marks the beginning of a period of most remarkable intrigue4 ,the idyllic picture of the poor abbot making his way at the last moment to the assembly with a sublime trust in ,providence and the righteousness of his cause must be regarded again at the close of the next chapter4 ,whether ,bernard formally accepted the summons or not1 therefore1 authentic information was conveyed to both sides that the debate would take place4 ,it will be readily imagined how profoundly stirred the kingdom of ,france would be over such an expectation4 ,the bare qualities of the antagonists put the discussion leagues above any remembered or contemporary event in the scholastic world2 the object of the debate--the validity of the new thought that was rapidly infecting the schools--was a matter of most material concern4 ,deutsch has a theory of the conflict which seems to be only notable as an illustration of the profundity of the ,teutonic mind4 ,he opines there may have been a political struggle underlying the academic demonstration4 ,louis was just beginning his struggle with ,rome over the vexed question of investitures1 and it is conceivable that the ,ablardists leaned to the side of the king1 in opposition to ,bernard and the #8ultramontanes4' ,it is conceivable1 but not at all probable4 ,ablard's sermon on ,st4 ,peter indicates a really ultramontane sentiment2 moreover1 he has ever kept aloof from the political side of life4 ,his follower1 ,arnold of ,brescia1 would be likely enough to fall in with any such regal design4 ,arnold was a young ,luther1 of premature birth4 ,born in ,italy at the beginning of the twelfth century1 he had travelled to ,france1 and studied under ,ablard1 at an early age4 ,he returned to ,italy1 and assumed the monastic habit4 ,an enthusiastic idealist and a man of proportionate energy and audacity1 he soon entered upon a fiery crusade against the sins of the monks1 the clergy1 and the hierarchy4 ,he was driven from ,italy in #aaci1 then from ,switzerland1 and he had just taken refuge in ,paris when ,bernard started his campaign4 ,since one of his most prominent theories was that the higher clergy should be stripped of all temporal privileges and possessions1 his place is easily determined on the question of investitures4 ,however1 it is most unlikely that he should have dragged ,ablard into these semi-political and dangerous questions4 ,and although ,bernard most sedulously urges the association of the hated ,arnold with ,ablard in his letters to ,rome1 he never mentions a suspicion of such a coalition as ,deutsch suggests2 nor1 in fine1 does the conduct of the secular arm give the least countenance to the theory4 ,the conflict was inevitable1 without the concurrence of any political intrigue4 ,ablard and ,bernard were the natural representatives of schools which could no longer lie down in peace in the fold of the ,church4 ,ablard foresaw disaster to the ,church in the coming age of restless inquiry unless its truths could be formulated in his intellectual manner4 ,bernard was honestly convinced that ,ablard was #8preparing the way for ,anti-,christ4' ,and it followed as a further consequence that ,bernard should wish to avoid the discussion to which ,ablard looked for salvation from the menace of the mystical school4 ,it will appear presently that ,bernard was less concerned with the details of ,ablard's teaching than with his spirit4 ,he1 however1 dwells on them for controversial purposes1 and they are certainly full of interest for the modern mind4 ,the point will be more fully developed in a supplementary chapter4 ,for the moment a brief glance at them will be instructive enough4 ,they differ a little in ,bernard's letter from the list given by ,william of ,st4 ,thierry1 but one cannot even glance at them without noticing how remarkably this thinker of the twelfth century anticipated the judgment of the nineteenth century4 ,his theses1 like the theses of the advanced theology of these latter days1 indicate two tendencies--an intellectual tendency to the more rational presentment of dogma1 and an ethical tendency to the greater moralisation of ancient dogma4 ,we have already seen a good illustration of this anticipation of modern tendencies in ,ablard's treatment of the traditional doctrines of heaven and hell respectively1 and we shall see more later on4 ,of the fourteen specific points 7thirteen in ,william's letter7 contained in the present indictment1 we may pass over most of those which refer to the ,trinity as without interest4 ,ablard's phrases were new1 but he cordially rejected the ,arianism1 ,nestorianism1 and so forth1 with which ,bernard insisted on crediting him4 ,in the ninth proposition1 that the species of bread and wine remain in the air after transubstantiation1 and that adventurous mice only eat the species1 not the ,body of ,christ1 ,ablard enunciated an opinion which has been widely adopted by modern ,catholic theologians4 ,in his second proposition1 that the ,holy ,ghost was the ,platonic anima mundi1 ,ablard was merely trying to save ,plato from the damnation of the ,bernardists4 ,on the ethical side1 ,ablard's theses 7in their context in his works7 are truly remarkable4 ,thus the third1 #8,that ,god can only do those things which ,he actually does1 and in the way and at the time that ,he does them1' and the seventh1 #8,that ,god is not bound to prevent evil1' are obviously indications of an ethical attempt to save the sanctity of the ,infinite in view of the triumph of evil4 #8,that ,christ did not become ,man for the purpose of saving us from the yoke of the devil' is an early formulation of the familiar modern conception of the ,incarnation4 #8,that ,god does not do more for the elect1 before they accept his grace1 than for the damned1' and #8,that we have shared the punishment but not the guilt of ,adam1' are further clear anticipations of the refined theology of modern times4 #8,no man can sin before he exists1' said ,ablard1 to ,bernard's mighty indignation4 #8,that ,god alone remits sin' is heretical to the modern ,catholic1 but the dogma was not completely born until the following century2#cj #8that evil thoughts1 and even pleasure1 are not of themselves sinful1 but only the consent given to them1' and #8that the ,jews who crucified ,christ in ignorance did not sin1 that acts which are done in ignorance cannot be sinful1' express the universal opinion of even modern ,catholic theologians1 in the sense in which ,ablard held them4 #cj ,and the thesis is rejected in ,ablard's ,apology4 ,and #8these1' wrote ,bernard1 with fine contempt1 to his friend1 ,pope ,innocent1 #8are the chief errors of the theology1 or rather the stultilogy1 of ,peter ,ablard4' ,,chapter ,,xiii ,,the ,,final ,,blow ,on the #dth of ,june #aada1 the cathedral at ,sens was filled with one of the strangest throngs that ever gathered within its venerable walls4 ,church and state and the schools had brought their highest representatives and their motley thousands to witness the thrilling conflict of the two first thinkers and orators of ,france4 ,on the previous day the magnificent ceremony of the veneration of the relics had taken place4 ,at that ceremony the abbot of ,clairvaux had discoursed of the meaning and potency of their act4 ,and when the vast crowds of gentle and simple folk had quickened and sobbed and enthused at his burning words1 he had ventured to ask their prayers for the conversion of an unbeliever1 whom he did not name4 ,now1 on the ,monday morning1 the great concourse had streamed into the cathedral once more1 an intense eagerness flashing from the eyes of the majority4 ,the red ,mass of the ,holy ,spirit had been chanted by the clerics1 and the clouds of incense still clung about the columns and the vaulted roof of the church4 ,king ,louis sat expectant1 and stupid1 on the royal throne2 the ,count de ,nevers and a brilliant group of nobles and knights standing beside and behind him4 ,opposite them another gaily apparelled group presented ,henry1 ,archbishop of ,sens1 with five of his suffragan bishops2 beside him sat ,samson1 ,archbishop of ,rheims1 with three suffragans4 ,mitred abbots added to the splendour with their flash of jewels4 ,shaven monks1 with the white wool of ,cteaux or the black tunic of ,st4 ,benedict1 mingled with the throng of canons1 clerics1 scholastics1 wandering masters1 ragged1 cosmopolitan students1 and citizens of ,sens and ,paris in their gay holiday attire4 ,it was1 at first sight1 just such an assembly as ,ablard had dreamed of when he threw down the gauntlet to the ,cistercian4 ,but he must have looked far from happy as he stood in the midst of his small band of followers4 ,as he passed into the cathedral1 he had noticed ,gilbert de la ,pore in the crowd1 the brilliant master who was to be ,bernard's next victim1 and he whispered smilingly the line of ,horace3 #8,it is thy affair when thy neighbour's house is on fire4' ,with ,ablard were the impetuous young master1 ,brenger of ,poitiers2 the stern1 ascetic1 scornful young ,italian1 ,arnold of ,brescia1 flashing into the eyes of the prelates the defiance that brought him to the stake fourteen years afterwards2 and the young ,roman noble1 ,hyacinth1 who afterwards became cardinal4 ,beside these1 and a host of admiring nonentities1 ,ablard almost looked in vain for a friendly face amidst the pressing throng4 ,the truth was that1 as ,rmusat says1 #8if ,bernard had not prepared for debate1 he had made every preparation for the verdict4' ,the whole cathedral was with him4 ,after his discourse of the preceding day1 and the rumours that had preceded it1 the priest-ridden citizens of ,sens were prepared to stone the heretic1 as the people of ,soissons had threatened to do4 ,the students would be divided1 according to their schools4 ,the monks longed to see the downfall of their critic4 ,the king--the man who was to bear to his grave #8the curse of ,europe and the blessing of ,st4 ,bernard'--was not likely to hesitate4 ,the ,count de ,nevers was a pious1 credulous noble1 who afterwards became a ,cistercian monk4 ,otto of ,freising says ,count ,theobald of ,champagne was present1 though the report does not mention him2 in any case he had fallen largely under ,bernard's influence since his sister had gone down in the ,white ,ship in #aabj4 ,the clergy of ,sens were with ,bernard2 their motto was3 #8,the church of ,sens knows no novelties4' ,of the judges proper1 ,geoffrey1 ,bishop of ,chartres1 was almost the only one who could be termed neutral2 and even he had now become greatly amenable to ,bernard's influence4 ,archbishop ,henry was completely in the hands of ,bernard1 his converter1 who scolded him at times as if he were a boy4 ,archbishop ,samson of ,rheims owed his pallium to ,bernard1 in the teeth of the king's opposition2 he was deprived of it some years afterwards4 ,hugo of ,mcon1 the aged ,bishop of ,auxerre1 was a relative of ,bernard's and a fellow-monk at ,cteaux4 ,joscelin of ,vieri1 ,bishop of ,soissons1 was the former teacher of ,goswin1 and the associate of ,bernard on a papal mission a few years before4 ,geoffrey1 ,bishop of ,chlons1 ,ablard's former friend at ,st4 ,mdard1 had since been helped to a bishopric by ,bernard4 ,hatto1 ,bishop of ,troyes1 had been won to ,bernard4 ,alvise1 ,bishop of ,arras1 is said to have been a brother of ,abbot ,suger and friend of ,goswin4 ,of the only two other bishops present1 ,helias of ,orleans and ,manasses of ,meaux1 we have no information4 ,in such an assembly the nerve of the boldest speaker might well fail4 ,bernard had preached during the ,mass on the importance of the true faith4 ,then when the critical moment came1 he mounted the pulpit with a copy of the writings of ,ablard1 and the dense crowd1 totally ignorant1 most probably1 of previous events1 which were known only to the intimate friends of each combatant1 held its breath for the opening of the struggle4 ,the frail1 worn1 nervous figure in the flowing1 white tunic began to read the indictment1 but suddenly ,ablard stepped forth before the astonished judges1 and1 crying out3 #8,i will not be judged thus like a criminal2 ,i appeal to ,rome1' turned his back on them and strode out of the cathedral4 ,chroniclers have left to our imagination the confusion that followed1 and we may leave it to that of the reader4 ,although the bishops afterwards made a show of disputing it1 the appeal was quite canonical1 and was admitted at ,rome4 ,but it was a course which had not entered into the thoughts of the most astute of them1 and which completely upset their plans4 ,they could not now touch the person of ,ablard4 ,bernard1 indeed1 did not deprive the great audience of the discourse he had #8not prepared1' although it was now quite safe from contradiction4 ,we have it1 some say1 in his later letter to the pope1 a most vehement denunciation and often perversion of ,ablard's teaching4 ,he gained an easy victory1 as far as ,sens was concerned4 ,the next day the prelates met together1 condemned ,ablard's teaching as heretical1 and forwarded a report1 submitting his person and his works1 to ,rome4 ,the question why ,ablard behaved in so extraordinary a manner has had many answers4 ,the answer of the godly1 given by ,bernard's monkish biographer1 is of the transcendental order4 ,brother ,geoffrey relates that ,ablard confessed to his intimate friends that he mysteriously lost the use and control of his mind when ,bernard began4 ,bishop ,otto of ,freising says that he feared #8a rising of the people4' ,he would be more likely to provoke one by thus affronting their great cathedral and prelates4 ,the true interpretation is that the assembly was a play1 covering an unworthy intrigue1 and he had been secretly informed of it4 ,the bishops had drawn up their verdict1 over their cups1 on the preceding day4 ,desperate efforts are made1 of course1 to destroy an interpretation which does not leave the discredit on ,ablard1 but it has now been based on incontrovertible evidence4 ,in the first place the bishops ingenuously confess it themselves in their eagerness to evade a different accusation4 ,in order to influence the judgment1 or rather the decision1 of the pope1 they told him that they had found ,ablard's teaching to be heretical4 ,how1 then1 were they to reconcile this with the notice of ,ablard's appeal to ,rome8 #8,we had1' they say in their report1 #8already condemned him on the day before he appealed to you4' ,it matters little who wrote this report--whether ,bernard#ca or ,henry's secretary--because it was signed by the bishops4 ,they reveal their secret conclave of the ,sunday evening4 ,henry was particularly anxious to justify them1 at all costs1 on the charge of disregarding the appeal1 because he had been suspended by ,innocent for that offence a few years previously4 #ca ,it is singular that ,mr4 ,poole1 who credits ,bernard with writing the report1 should speak of the words as a deliberate #8lie of excuse1' especially as he adopts the witness of ,brenger to a previous condemnation4 ,we are not only compelled by independent evidence to take them as correct1 but one imputes a lesser sin to ,bernard 7from the ,catholic point of view7 in doing so4 ,again1 in the ,historia ,pontificalis1 attributed to ,john of ,salisbury1 there is an account of ,bernard's attempt to secure the condemnation of that other brilliant dialectician1 ,gilbert de la ,pore1 in #aadh4 ,it is expressly stated that ,bernard called the chief personages together the night before the synod1 and was leading them to pronounce on ,gilbert's #8errors1' when an archdeacon of ,chlons spoiled his strategy4 ,further1 the writer goes on to say that the cardinals--there were a number present for the synod--were greatly incensed with ,bernard1 and #8said that ,abbot ,bernard had beaten ,master ,ablard by a similar stratagem4' ,it is not unlikely that they learned the story from ,hyacinth1 the young ,roman4 ,the classical witness to this over-night conclave is ,ablard's pupil1 ,brenger of ,poitiers4 ,unfortunately1 his narrative is marred by obvious exaggerations and a careless1 heated temper4 ,it occurs in an apology for ,ablard1 or an #8open letter' to ,bernard1 which he wrote some months afterwards4 ,after reminding ,bernard of some of the frivolities of his early youth1 and much sarcastic comment on his actual reputation1 he gives what purports to be a detailed description of the secret meeting4 ,no one who reads it will take it literally4 ,yet when1 in later years1 he was run down1 like ,gilbert and ,arnold1 by the relentless sleuthhound1 he made a partial retractation4 ,what he has written as to the person of #8the man of ,god' must1 he says1 be taken as a joke4 ,but a few lines previously he has appealed to this very narrative in justification of his abuse of ,bernard3 #8,let the learned read my 8,apology10 and they may justly censure me if ,i have unduly blamed him ,bernard4' ,it is not impossible that ,brenger merely retracts such remarks as that about ,bernard's juvenile #8cantiunculas4' ,in any case1 we may justly transcribe a portion of the narrative1 after these qualifications4 #8,at length1 when the dinner was over1 ,peter's work was brought in1 and some one was directed to read it aloud4 ,this fellow1 animated with a hatred of ,peter1 and well watered with the juice of the grape1 read in a much louder voice than he had been asked to do4 ,after a time you would have seen them knock their feet together1 laugh1 and crack jokes2 you would think they were honouring ,bacchus rather than ,christ4 ,and all the time the cups are going1 the wine is being praised1 the episcopal throats are being moistened4 ,the juice of the lethal drink had already buried their hearts4444 ,then1 when anything unusually subtle and divine was read out1 anything the episcopal ears were not accustomed to1 they hardened their hearts and ground their teeth against ,peter4 8,shall we let this monster live80 they cried4444 ,the heat of the wine at length relaxed the eyes of all in slumber4 ,the reader continues amidst their snoring4 ,one leans on his elbow in order to sleep4 ,another gets a soft cushion4 ,another slumbers with his head resting on his knees4 ,so when the reader came to anything particularly thorny in ,peter1 he shouted in the deaf ears of the pontiffs3 8,do you condemn80 ,and some of them just waking up at the last syllable1 would mutter3 8,we condemn40' ,it is not difficult to take off the due and considerable discount from the youthful extravagance of ,master ,brenger4 ,bernard's followers 7in the ,histoire littraire de la ,france7 say he had #8too noble a soul and too elevated a sentiment to stoop to the refutation of such a work4' ,he has never1 at all events1 essayed to rebut the charge of procuring a verdict against ,ablard on the day before the synod4 ,even in our own days it is a familiar source of merriment in ecclesiastical and monastic circles to see a group of prelates fervently following the red ,mass of the ,holy ,ghost as a preliminary to a discussion of points which they have notoriously settled over their cups the night before4 ,such a meeting of the bishops on the ,sunday would be inevitable4 ,bernard would inevitably be present1 and ,ablard infallibly excluded4 ,in any case1 the evidence is too precise and substantial to be rejected4 ,indeed1 the story fully harmonises with our knowledge of ,bernard's earlier and subsequent conduct4 ,it is not ours to inquire minutely how far ,bernard was consistent with himself and his lofty ideals in acting thus4 ,bernard was defeated for the moment by the unexpected appeal from the verdict of the unjust judges4 ,but he knew well that ,ablard had avoided ,scylla only to plunge into ,charybdis4 ,ablard's knowledge of the curia was restricted to a few days' acquaintance with it in a holiday mood at ,morigni4 ,arnold of ,brescia probably urged his own acquaintance with it in vain4 ,moreover many years had elapsed since his name was inscribed by the side of that of ,bernard in the chronicle of ,morigni4 ,bernard1 the secluded contemplative1 knew the curia well4 ,he hastened home1 told his secretary to prepare for a journey across the ,alps1 and sat down to write a batch of extremely clever epistles4 ,the battle was fought and won before ,ablard had covered many leagues in the direction of ,italy4 ,the first document that ,bernard seems to have written is the report upon the synod which was sent to ,innocent ,,ii4 in the name of the ,archbishop of ,rheims and his suffragans4 ,hausrath1 who is the least restrained by considerations of ,bernard's official sanctity of all ,ablard's apologists1 and others1 hold that both the reports of the proceedings1 that of ,samson and that of ,henry 7for the two archbishops1 with their respective suffragans1 reported separately to the pope71 were written by ,bernard4 ,it is at least clear that the ,rheims report was drawn up by him4 ,mr4 ,poole says this is admitted even by ,father ,hefele4 ,bernard's style is indeed unmistakable4 ,in this official document1 therefore1 the pope is informed1 not so much that a dispute about ,ablard's orthodoxy is referred to his court1 as that #8,peter ,ablard is endeavouring to destroy the merit of faith1 in that he professes himself able to comprehend by his human reason the whole being of ,god4' ,from this gross calumny#cb the writer passes on to assure the pope that ,ablard #8is a great man in his own eyes1 ever disputing about the faith to its undoing1 walking in things that are far above him1 a searcher into the divine majesty1 a framer of heresies4' ,he goes on to recount that ,ablard's book had been condemned and burnt once before1 at ,soissons1 #8because of the iniquity that was found in it'2 whereas every scholar in ,france knew that it was condemned on the sole ground that it had been issued without authorisation4 #8,cursed be he who has rebuilt the walls of ,jericho1' fulminates the abbot of ,clairvaux4 ,finally1 he represents ,ablard as boasting of his influence at ,rome4 #8,this is the boast of the man1' he says1 #8that his book can find wherein to rest its head in the ,roman curia4 ,this gives strength and assurance to his frenzy4' ,the sole object of his appeal is #8to secure a longer immunity for his iniquity4 ,you must needs apply a swift remedy to this source of contagion4' ,and the monstrous epistle closes with a trust that ,innocent will do his part1 and that swiftly1 as they had done theirs4 ,thus was the pope introduced1 in a handwriting he had so many reasons to respect1 to ,ablard's appeal for consideration4 #cb ,ablard explicitly and very emphatically rebukes such pretension in the very books which ,bernard is supposed to have read4 ,the second report1 which is signed by ,archbishop ,henry and his suffragans1 and which may not have been drawn up by ,bernard1 is more free from diplomatic turnings1 but also gravely unjust to the appellant4 ,it gives the pope a lengthy account of the order of events since the receipt of the letter of ,william of ,st4 ,thierry4 ,from it we have quoted the words in which the bishops themselves confess the secret conclave on the ,sunday4 ,the bishops were affronted1 it says1 by ,ablard's appeal1 which was #8hardly canonical1' but they were content with an examination of his doctrines 7consisting of ,bernard's vehement harangue7 and found them to be #8most manifestly heretical4' ,they therefore #8unanimously demand the condemnation of ,ablard4' ,to put the point quite explicitly1 the pope is clearly to understand that the ,church of ,france has already dealt with ,ablard4 ,it is not quite so insidious as the report which ,bernard wrote1 and to which--sad sign of the growing quality of the ,church--even ,geoffrey of ,chartres lent his venerable name4 ,bernard's official task seemed to be at an end with the despatch of the report4 ,his profound and generous trust in the ,holy ,spirit would lead one to expect a complete withdrawal from the quarrel into which he had been so unwillingly forced4 ,but ,bernard's conception of the activity of the ,holy ,spirit1 though equal in theoretical altitude1 was very different in practice from that of a ,francis of ,assisi4 ,we have amongst his works no less than three epistles that he wrote at the time to ,pope ,innocent in his own name4 ,one of them consists of a few prefatory remarks to the list of ,ablard's errors4 ,the two others are of a much more personal and interesting character4 ,it is difficult to say whether1 and if so1 why1 the two letters were sent to the pope1 but it is not necessary to determine this4 ,both were certainly written by ,bernard for the purpose4 ,the first letter is addressed #8to his most loving father and lord1 ,innocent1 ,sovereign ,pontiff by the grace of ,god1 from ,brother ,bernard1 called the abbot of ,clairvaux4' ,from the first line he aims at determining the case in the pope's mind4 #8,it is necessary that there be scandals amongst us--necessary1 but assuredly not welcome4' ,hence have the saints ever longed to be taken from this troubled world4 ,bernard is equally tired of life4 ,he knows not whether it be expedient that he die1 yet #8the scandals and troubles' about him are pressing his departure4 #8,fool that ,i was to promise myself rest if ever the ,leonine trouble#cc was quelled and peace was restored to the ,church4 ,that trouble is over1 yet ,i have not found peace4 ,i had forgotten that ,i still lingered in the vale of tears4' ,his sorrow and his tears have been renewed4 #8,we have escaped the lion ,pierleone1 only to meet the dragon ,ablard1 who1 in his insidious way1 is perhaps not less dangerous than the lion roaring in high places4 ,did ,i say insidious8 ,would indeed that his poisoned pages did lurk in the library1 and were not read openly in the streets4 ,his books fly in all directions2 whereas they1 in their iniquity1 once shunned the light1 they now emerge into it1 thinking the light to be darkness4444 ,a new gospel is being made for the nations1 a new faith is put before them4' ,after ,pierleone it is useful to remind ,innocent of his second great bte noire4 #8,the ,goliath ,ablard stalks along in his greatness1 girt about with that noble panoply of his1 and preceded by his weapon-bearer1 ,arnold of ,brescia4 ,scale is joined to scale1 so closely that not a breath can get between4#cd ,for the ,french bee ,abeille-ard has hummed its call to the ,italian bee2 and they have conspired together against the ,lord and his anointed4' ,he must even deny them the merit of their notoriously ascetic lives3 #8,bearing the semblance of piety in their food and clothing1 but void of its virtue1 they deceive many by transforming themselves into angels of light--whereas they are devils4' ,the pope must not be misled by rumours of ,ablard's present fervour of life2 he is #8outwardly a ,baptist1 but inwardly a ,herod1' ,bernard assures him4 ,then follows a passage we have already quoted4 ,he tells the pope the edifying story of the archbishop's summons1 his refusal1 the entreaties of his friends1 the gathering of ,ablard's supporters1 and his final resolve to go3 #8,yielding to the counsel of my friends1 ,i presented myself at the appointed time and place1 unprepared and unequipped1 save that ,i had in mind the monition3 8,take ye no thought what and how ye shall speak40' ,then #8when his books had begun to be read he does not say by whom1 he would not listen1 but went out1 appealing from the judges he had chosen4 ,these things ,i tell thee in my own defence1 lest thou mayst think ,i have been too impetuous or bold in the matter4 ,but thou1 ,o successor of ,peter1 thou shalt decide whether he who has assailed the faith of ,peter should find refuge in the see of ,peter4' ,in other words1 do not allow ,ablard to come to ,rome1 but condemn him unheard1 on my word4 ,he ends with a final diplomatic argumentum ad invidiam4 #8,hyacinth has done me much injury1 but ,i have thought well to suffer it1 seeing that he did not spare you and your court when he was at ,rome1 as my friend1 and indeed yours1 ,nicholas1 will explain more fully by word of mouth4' #cc ,the reference is to the anti-pope1 a ,pierleone4 ,it is a subtle reminder of what ,pope ,innocent owes to ,bernard4 #cd ,recalling some of the zoology of the ,old ,testament4 ,the second letter runs so largely on the same lines that it is thought by some to have been sent to the pope instead of the preceding1 in which the reference to ,hyacinth and the curia may have been impolitic4 #8,weeping has the spouse of ,christ wept in the night1' it begins1 #8and tears are upon her cheeks2 there is none to console her out of all her friends4 ,and in the delaying of the spouse1 to thee1 my lord1 is committed the care of the ,shunammite in this land of her pilgrimage4' ,ablard is a #8domestic enemy1' an ,absalom1 a ,judas4 ,there is the same play upon the lion and the dragon1 and upon the scaly monster formed of ,ablard and ,arnold4 #8,they have become corrupt and abominable in their aims1 and from the ferment of their corruptions they pervert the faith of the simple1 disturb the order of morals1 and defile the chastity of the ,church4' ,moreover ,ablard #8boasts that he has opened the founts of knowledge to the cardinals and priests of the ,roman curia1 and that he has lodged his books and his opinions in the hands and hearts of the ,romans2 and he adduces as patrons of his error those who should judge and condemn him4' ,he concludes with an apostrophe to ,ablard1 which was well calculated to expel the last lingering doubt from the mind of the pope4 #8,with what thoughts1 what conscience1 canst thou have recourse to the defender of the faith--thou1 its persecutor8 ,with what eyes1 what brow1 wilt thou meet the gaze of the friend of the ,spouse--thou1 the violator of ,his bride8 ,oh1 if the care of the brethren did not detain me6 ,if bodily infirmity did not prevent it6 ,how ,i should love to see the friend of the ,spouse defending the bride in ,his absence6' ,the third letter1 a kind of preface to ,bernard's list of errors and commentary thereon1 is of the same unworthy temper1 tortuous1 diplomatic1 misleading1 and vituperative4 ,it is not apparent on what ground ,hausrath says this commentary represents ,bernard's speech at ,sens2 if it does so1 we have another curious commentary on ,bernard's affirmation that he went to the synod unprepared4 ,however that may be1 the letter is a singular composition1 when we remember that it accompanied an appeal to a higher court1 to which the case had been reserved4 ,it opens with a declaration that #8the see of ,peter' is the due and natural tribunal to which to refer #8all scandals that arise in the ,kingdom of ,god'2 a declaration which is hardly consistent with the assurance1 when it is necessary to defend their condemnation of ,ablard1 that his appeal #8seems to us wonderful4' ,then follows the familiar caricature4 #8,we have here in ,france an old master who has just turned theologian1 who has played with the art of rhetoric from his earliest years and now raves about the ,holy ,scriptures ,ablard had been teaching ,scripture and theology for the last twenty-six years4 ,he is endeavouring to resuscitate doctrines that were condemned and buried long ago1 and to these he adds new errors of his own4 ,a man who1 in his inquiries into all there is in heaven above or earth below1 is ignorant of nothing save the word 8,i do not know40 ,he lifts his eyes to the heavens1 and peers into the hidden things of ,god1 then returns to us with discourse of things that man is not permitted to discuss4' ,this last sentence1 considered as a charge by ,bernard of ,clairvaux against others1 is amusing4 ,bernard spent half his time in searching the hidden things of ,god1 and the other half in discoursing of them4 ,but ,ablard conceived them otherwise than he4 ,thus was the supreme judge instructed in his part1 whilst the foolish ,ablard lingered idly in ,paris1 not improbably1 as ,bernard says1 boasting of his friends at the curia4 ,it was very possible that he had friends at ,rome4 ,deutsch suspects the existence of a faction in the sacred college1 which was opposed to ,innocent and the ,chancellor ,haymerick1 and would be favourable to ,ablard4 ,bernard was not the man to leave a single risk unchallenged--or to the care of the ,holy ,ghost4 ,in the first place1 therefore1 he wrote a circular letter #8to all my lords and fathers1 the venerable bishops and cardinals of the curia1 from the child of their holiness4' ,his secretary was to deliver a copy to each4 #8,none will doubt1' he says1 #8that it is your especial duty to remove all scandals from the kingdom of ,god4' ,the ,roman ,church is the tribunal of the world3 #8to it we do well to refer1 not questions1 but attacks on the faith and dishonour of ,christ3 contumely and contempt of the fathers3 present scandals and future dangers4 ,the faith of the simple is derided1 the hidden things of ,god are dragged forth1 questions of the most sublime mysteries are rashly debated1 insults are offered to the fathers4' ,they will see this by the report4 #8,and if you think there is just ground for my agitation1 be ye also moved'--and moved to take action4 #8,let him who has raised himself to the heavens be crushed down to hell2 he has sinned in public1 let him be punished in public4' ,it is the fulmination of the prophet of the age on the duty of the curia4 ,then came eight private letters to cardinals of his acquaintance1 an interesting study in ecclesiastical diplomacy4 ,to the chancellor of the curia1 ,haymerick1 he speaks chiefly of ,ablard's boast of friends at court4 ,he transcribes the passage from his letter to ,innocent2 and he adds the earlier allusion to the ,roman deacon1 ,hyacinth1 who was evidently a thorn in the side of the officials of the curia4 ,to ,guido of ,castello1 afterwards ,celestine ,,ii41 who was known to be a friend of ,ablard1 he writes in an entirely new strain4 #8,i should do you wrong1' he begins1 #8if ,i thought you so loved any man as to embrace his errors also in your affection4' ,such a love would be animal1 earthly1 diabolical4 ,others may say what they like of ,guido1 but ,bernard is a man who #8never judges anybody without proof1' and he will not believe it4 ,he passes to a mild complaint that #8,master ,peter introduces profane novelties in his books'2 still #8it is not ,i that accuse him before the ,father1 but his own book4' ,but he cannot refrain from putting just a little venenum in cauda3 #8,it is expedient for you and for the ,church that silence be imposed on him whose mouth is full of curses and bitterness and guile4' ,cardinal ,ivo1 on the other hand1 belongs to the loyal group4 #8,master ,peter ,ablard1' he is told1 #8a prelate without dependency1 observes no order and is restrained by no order4444 ,he is a ,herod in his soul1 a ,baptist in outward appearance4' ,however1 that is not my business1 says the diplomatist1 #8every man shall bear his own burden4' ,bernard is concerned about his heresies1 and his boast that he will be protected by a certain faction in the curia4 ,ivo must do his duty #8in freeing the ,church from the lips of the wicked4' ,a young unnamed cardinal is appealed to for support4 #8,let no man despise thy youth1' begins the man who calls ,ablard a #8slippery serpent'2 #8not grey hair but a sober mind is what ,god looks to4' ,another cardinal1 who had a custom of rising when any person entered his room1 is playfully approached with a reminder of this3 #8,if thou art indeed a son of the ,church1' the note ends1 #8defend the womb that has borne thee and the breasts that have suckled thee4' ,guido of ,pisa receives a similar appeal3 #8,if thou art a son of the ,church1 if thou knowest the breast of thy mother1 desert her not in her peril4' ,the letter to another ,cardinal ,guido is particularly vicious and unworthy4 #8,i cannot but write you1' it begins1 #8of the dishonour to ,christ1 the trials and sorrows of the ,church1 the misery of the helpless1 and groans of the poor4' ,what is the matter8 ,this3 #8,we have here in ,france a monk who observes no rule1 a prelate without care1 an abbot without discipline1 one ,peter ,ablard1 who disputes with boys and busies himself with women4' ,there is a nasty ambiguity in the last phrase4 ,again1 #8,we have escaped the roar of the lion ,pierleone only to hear the hissing of the dragon ,peter4444 ,if the mouth of the wicked be not closed1 may ,he who alone regards our works consider and condemn4' ,a similar letter is addressed to ,cardinal ,stephen of ,praeneste4 #8,i freely write to you1 whom ,i know to be a friend of the spouse1 of the trials and sorrows of the spouse of ,christ4' ,ablard is #8an enemy of ,christ1' as is proved1 not only by his works1 but by #8his life and actions4' ,he has #8sallied forth from his den like a slippery serpent'2 he is #8a hydra1' growing seven new heads where one has been cut off4 ,he #8misleads the simple1' and finally #8boasts that he has inoculated the ,roman curia with the poison of his novelty4' ,a ninth letter is addressed to an abbot who was in ,rome at the time1 and who is drawn into the intrigue with many holy threats4 #8,if any man is for the ,lord let him take his place4 ,the truth is in danger4 ,peter ,ablard has gone forth to prepare the way for ,anti-,christ4444 ,may ,god consider and condemn1 if the mouth of the wicked be not closed forthwith4' ,these letters were handed over1 for personal delivery1 to ,bernard's monk-secretary1 ,nicholas2 in many of them it is expressly stated that the bearer will enlarge upon the text more freely by word of mouth4 ,we know enough about this monk to be assured of the more than fidelity with which he accomplished his task4 ,enjoying the full confidence of ,bernard at that time1 a very able and well-informed monk1 ,nicholas de ,montier-,ramey was a thorough scoundrel1 as ,bernard learned to his cost a few years afterwards4 ,he had to be convicted of forging ,bernard's seal and hand for felonious purposes before the keen scent of the abbot discovered his utter unscrupulousness4 ,with ,ablard lingering at ,paris in his light-hearted way1 the violence and energy of ,bernard swept away whatever support he might have counted on at ,rome4 ,throughout the curia ,bernard had scattered his caricature of ,ablard3 a lawless monk1 an abbot who neglected his abbey1 a man of immoral life1 an associate of the recognised enemies of the papacy1 already condemned for heresy1 a reviver of ,arius and ,nestorius and ,pelagius1 a teacher without reverence1 a disturber of the faith of the simple4 ,the pope did not hesitate a moment2 the letters sent to him are masterpieces of diplomatic correspondence4 ,the waverers in the curia were most skilfully worked4 ,in mere secular matters such an attempt to corrupt the judges would be fiercely resented4 ,bernard lived in a transcendental region1 that ,hegelian land in which contradictions disappear4 ,it was on the #dth of ,june that ,ablard appealed to ,rome4 ,there were no ,alpine tunnels in those days1 and the journey from ,paris to ,rome was a most formidable one4 ,yet ,bernard's nervous energy had infused such spirit into the work1 and he had chosen so able a messenger1 that the whole case was ended in less than seven weeks4 ,there cannot have been a moment's hesitation at ,rome4 ,on the #afth of ,july the faithful of ,rome gathered about the door of ,st4 ,peter's for the solemn reading of the decree of excommunication4 ,the pope was there1 surrounded by his cardinals1 and it was announced1 with the usual impressive flourishes1 that ,ablard's works were condemned to the flames and his person to be imprisoned by the ecclesiastical authorities4 ,rome has not been a model of the humane use of power1 but she has rarely condemned a man unheard4 ,on the sole authority of ,bernard the decree recognised in ,ablard's #8pernicious doctrine' the already condemned errors of the early heresiarchs4 ,arnold of ,brescia1 who had not been officially indicted1 was included in the condemnation4 ,it was ,bernard's skilful use of his association with ,ablard which chiefly impelled the pope4 ,innocent replies to ,bernard's appeal by sending back to him the decree of the condemnation of his antagonist1 with a private note to the effect that it must not be published until after it has been read at an approaching synod4 ,,chapter ,,xiv ,,consummatum ,,est ,it was well for ,bernard's cause that he succeeded in obtaining the decree without delay4 ,he had carefully represented that the whole of ,france supported him in his demand4 ,it does seem as if some of ,ablard's friends were puzzled for a time by his appeal1 but before long there came a reaction in his favour1 just as had happened after his condemnation at ,soissons4 ,bernard himself may have been perfectly self-justified in his determined effort to prevent ,ablard from having a fair chance of defending himself1 but there are two ways of regarding his conduct4#ce ,ablard's followers naturally adopted the view which was less flattering to ,bernard's reputation1 and they seem to have had some success in enforcing it4 ,in a letter of ,bernard's to a certain cardinal we find him defending himself against the charge of #8having obtained the decree by improper means subripere from the pope4' #ce ,i abstain from commenting on ,st4 ,bernard's conduct1 or making the ethical and psychological analysis of it1 which is so imperfectly done by his biographers at this period1 because they do not fully state the facts1 or not in their natural order4 ,it would be a fascinating task1 but one beside the purpose of the present work and not discreet for the present writer4 ,i have let ,bernard speak for himself4 ,one of the chief instruments in the agitation on the ,ablardist side was the apology of ,brenger of ,poitiers1 which we have quoted previously4 ,violent and coarse as it was1 it was known to have a foundation of fact2 and1 in the growing unpopularity of ,bernard1 it had a wide circulation4 ,it was not answered1 as the ,benedictines say2 yet we may gather from ,brenger's qualified withdrawal of it1 when he is hard pressed1 that it gave ,bernard and the ,cistercians a good deal of annoyance4 ,arnold of ,brescia was1 meanwhile1 repeating his fulminations at ,paris against the whole hierarchical system4 ,he had taken ,ablard's late chair in the chapel of ,st4 ,hilary on the slope of ,st4 ,genevieve1 and was sustaining the school until the master should return from ,rome in triumph4 ,but ,arnold had no hope of any good being done at ,rome1 and rather preached rebellion against the whole of the bejewelled prelates4 ,sternly ascetic in his life and ideals--,st4 ,bernard scoffingly applies to him the evangelical description of the ,baptist3 #8,he ate not1 neither did he drink'--he was ever contrasting the luxurious life of the pastors of the ,church with the simple ideal of early ,christianity4 ,he had not such success in ,france as elsewhere1 and ,bernard secured his expulsion a few years later4 ,but the same stern denunciation was on his noble lips when the savage flames sealed them for ever1 under the shadow of ,st4 ,peter's1 in #aaee4 ,ablard himself seems to have taken matters with a fatal coolness1 whilst his adversary was moving heaven and earth to destroy him4 ,he allowed a month or two to elapse before he turned in the direction of ,rome4#cf ,secure in the consciousness of the integrity of his cause and his own power of pleading1 and presuming too much of ,rome's proud boast that it #8condemned no man unheard1' he saw no occasion for hurry4 ,late in the summer he set out upon his long journey4 ,it was his purpose to travel through ,burgundy and ,lyons1 and to cross the ,alps by the pass which was soon to bear the name of his energetic enemy4 ,after the fashion of all travellers of the time he rested at night in the monastery nearest to the spot where he was overtaken4 ,thus it came to pass that1 when he arrived in the neighbourhood of ,mcon1 he sought hospitality of the great and venerable ,benedictine abbey at ,cluny4 #cf ,he did1 however1 write an #8apology' or defence1 but only a few fragments of it survive4 ,peter the ,venerable1 abbot of ,cluny1 was the second monk in ,france at that time4 ,a few degrees lower in the scale of neural intensity than his canonised rival1 he far surpassed him in the less exalted virtues of kindliness1 humanity1 and moderation4 #8,the rule of ,st4 ,benedict1' he once wrote to ,bernard1 #8is dependent on the sublime general law of charity'2 that was not the route to the honour of canonisation4 ,he belonged by birth to the illustrious family of the ,montboissiers of ,auvergne1 and was a man of culture1 fine and equable temper1 high principle1 gentle and humane feeling1 and much practical wisdom4 ,he had had more than one controversy with the abbot of ,clairvaux1 and his influence was understood to counterbalance that of ,bernard at times in the affairs of the ,church and the kingdom4 ,it was1 therefore1 one of the few fortunate accidents of his career that brought ,ablard to ,cluny at that time4 ,abbot ,peter knew that ,bernard had actually in his possession the papal decree which ordered the imprisonment of ,ablard and the burning of his books4 ,he had a deep sympathy for the ageing master who was seeking a new triumph in ,rome under such peculiarly sad circumstances4 ,peter knew well how little the question of heresy really counted for in the matter4 ,it was a question of ,church politics2 and he decided to use his influence for the purpose of securing a tranquil close for the embittered and calumniated life4 ,ablard was beginning to feel the exactions of his journey1 and remained some days at the abbey4 ,the abbot1 as he afterwards informs the pope1 spoke with him about his purpose1 and at length informed him that the blow had already fallen4 ,it was the last and decisive blow4 ,the proud head never again raised itself in defiance of the potent ignorance1 the crafty passion1 and the hypocrisy that made up the world about him4 ,he was too much enfeebled1 too much dispirited1 even to repeat the blasphemy of his earlier experience3 #8,good ,jesus1 where art thou8' ,for the first and last time he bowed to the mystery of the triumph of evil4 ,abbot ,peter then undertook the task of averting the consequence of ,bernard's triumph1 and found little difficulty in directing the fallen man4 ,it was imperative1 in the first place1 to effect some form of reconciliation between the great antagonists1 so as to disarm the hostility of ,bernard4 ,we shortly find ,raynard1 the abbot of ,cteaux1 at ,cluny1 and ,ablard accompanies him back to his abbey4 ,peter has obtained from him a formal promise to correct anything in his works that may be #8offensive to pious ears1' and on this basis ,bernard is invited to a reconciliation at ,cteaux4 ,a few days afterwards ,ablard returns to ,cluny with the laconic reply that they #8had had a peaceful encounter1' as the abbot informs the pope1 to whom he immediately writes for permission to receive ,ablard into their community at ,cluny1 adding1 with a calm contempt of the accusation of heresy1 that #8,brother ,peter's knowledge' will be useful to the brethren4 ,the abbot of ,cluny had claims upon the pope's consideration4 ,although the anti-pope1 ,anacletus1 had been a monk of ,cluny1 ,peter had been the first to meet ,innocent when he came to ,france for support4 ,in pointed terms he begged that ,ablard #8might not be driven away or troubled by the importunity of any persons4' ,his request was granted2 and thus the broken spirit was spared that #8public humiliation' in ,france that ,bernard had demanded4 ,the basis of reconciliation with ,bernard was probably a second and shorter apology which ,ablard wrote at ,cluny4 ,it was convenient to regard this at the time as a retractation4 ,in reality it is for the most part a sharp rejection of ,bernard's formulation of his theses and a new enunciation of them in more orthodox phraseology4 ,his frame of mind appears in the introductory note4 #8,there is a familiar proverb that 8,nothing is said so well that it cannot be perverted10 and1 as ,st4 ,jerome says1 8,he who writes many books invites many judges40 ,i also have written a few things--though little in comparison with others--and have not succeeded in escaping censure2 albeit in those things for which ,i am so gravely charged ,i am conscious of no fault1 nor should ,i obstinately defend it1 if ,i were4 ,it may be that ,i have erred in my writings1 but ,i call ,god to witness and to judge in my soul that ,i have written nothing through wickedness or pride of those things for which ,i am chiefly blamed4' ,then1 warmly denying ,bernard's charge that he has ever taught a secret doctrine1 he passes to a detailed profession of faith on the lines of ,bernard's list of errors4 ,with regard to the ,trinity he denies all the heresies ascribed to him2 this he could do with perfect justice4 ,on the other points he makes distinctions1 adds explanations and qualifications1 and even sometimes accepts ,bernard's thesis without remark1 though one can generally see a reserve in the background4 ,thus1 on the question of sin committed in ignorance1 he makes the familiar modern distinction between culpable and inculpable ignorance3 he admits that we have inherited ,adam's sin1 but adds #8because his sin is the source and cause of all our sins4' ,on the question of the prevention of evil by ,god1 he merely says1 #8,yes1 ,he often does'2 and so forth4 ,the only sentence which looks like a real retractation is that in which he grants #8the power of the keys' to all the clergy4 ,in this he clearly dissociates himself from ,arnold of ,brescia1 and perplexes his friends4 ,but his earlier teaching on the point is by no means so clear and categorical as that of ,arnold4 ,there is nothing either very commendable or very condemnable about the document4 ,it probably represents a grudging concession to the abbot of ,cluny's friendly pressure and counsel to withdraw from what was really only a heated quarrel with as little friction as possible4 ,that ,ablard was not in the penitent mood some writers discover in the letter is clear from the peroration4 #8,my friend 6 has concluded his list of errors with the remark3 8,they are found partly in ,master ,peter's book of theology1 partly in his ,sentences1 and partly in his ,scito te ,ipsum40 ,but ,i have never written a book of ,sentences1 and therefore the remark is due to the same malice or ignorance as the errors themselves4' ,however1 the document had a sufficient air of retractation about it to allow ,bernard to withdraw4 ,in substance and spirit it was1 as its name indicated1 an apology1 not a retractation4 ,in fact ,bernard's zealous secretary and an unknown abbot attacked the apology1 but ,ablard made no reply1 and the discussion slowly died away4 ,bernard had won a political triumph1 and he showed a becoming willingness to rest content with empty assurances4 ,ablard's personal force was dead2 little eagerness was shown to pursue the seminal truths he had left behind1 and which were once thought so abhorrent and pernicious4 ,later ,benedictines virtually admit the justice of this4 ,mabillon says3 #8,we do not regard ,ablard as a heretic2 it is sufficient for the defence of ,bernard to admit that he erred in certain things4' ,and the historian ,nol ,alexandre also says1 #8,he must not be regarded as a heretic4' ,indeed1 ,bernard was strongly condemned at the time by ,english and ,german writers4 ,otto of ,freising reproves his action in the cases of both ,ablard and ,gilbert1 and attributes it to defects of character4 ,john of ,salisbury severely criticises him in the ,historia ,pontificalis2 and ,walter ,map1 another ,english writer1 voices the same widespread feeling4 ,another document that ,ablard sent out from ,cluny forms the last page of his intercourse with ,heloise4 ,if he had wearily turned away from the strange drama of life1 his affection for her survives the disillusion in all its force4 ,there is a welcome tenderness in his thought of her amidst the crushing desolation that has fallen upon him4 ,she shall not be hurt by any unwilling impression of persistent calumny4 ,he writes to her a most affectionate letter1 and in the sanctuary of their love makes a solemn profession of the purity of his faith4 #8,my sister ,heloise1 once dear to me in the world1 and now most dear in ,christ1 logic has brought the enmity of men upon me4 ,for there are certain perverse calumniators1 whose wisdom leads to perdition1 that say ,i take pre-eminence in logic but fail egregiously in the interpretation of ,paul2 commending my ability1 they would deny me the purity of ,christian faith4444 ,i would not rank as a philosopher if it implied any error in faith2 ,i would not be an ,aristotle if it kept me away from ,christ4 ,for no other name is given to me under heaven in which ,i may find salvation4 ,i adore ,christ1 sitting at the right hand of the ,father4' ,then follows a brief confession of faith on the chief points of ,christian belief--the ,trinity1 the ,incarnation1 baptism1 penance1 and the resurrection4 #8,and that all anxiety and doubt may be excluded from thy heart1' he concludes1 #8do thou hold this concerning me1 ,i have grounded my conscience on that rock on which ,christ has built ,his ,church4' ,it was ,ablard's farewell to her who had shared so much of the joy and the bitterness of his life4 ,but what a different man it recalls through the mists of time from the #8dragon' of ,bernard's letters6 ,one contrast at least we cannot fail to note between the saint and the sinner4 ,we have seen ,bernard's treatment of ,ablard2 in this private letter1 evidently intended for no eye but that of his wife1 we have the sole recorded utterance of ,ablard on the man who1 for so little reason1 shattered the triumph and the peace of his closing years4 ,for if there is a seeming peace about the few months of life that still remained to the great teacher1 it is the peace of the grave--the heavy peace that shrouds a dead ambition and a broken spirit1 not the glad peace that adorns requited labour and successful love4 ,ablard enters upon a third stage of his existence1 and the shadow of the tomb is on it4 ,he becomes a monk2 he centres all his thought on the religious exercises that1 like the turns of the prayer wheel1 write the long catalogue of merit in heaven4 ,in the abbey of ,cluny1 under the administration of ,peter the ,venerable1 he found all that his soul desired in its final stage4 ,the vast monastery had a community of four hundred and sixty monks4 ,older than its rival1 ,cteaux1 possessed of great wealth and one of the finest churches in ,france1 it was eagerly sought by monastic aspirants4 ,when ,innocent ,,ii4 came to ,france for support1 ,cluny sent sixty horses and mules to meet him1 and entertained him and all his followers for eleven days4 ,at an earlier date it had lodged pope1 king1 and emperor1 with all their followers1 without displacing a single monk4 ,yet with all its wealth and magnitude the abbey maintained a strict observance of the rule of ,st4 ,benedict4 ,peter was too cultured and humanistic#cg for the ,cistercians1 who often criticised the half-heartedness of his community4 ,in point of fact a strict order and discipline were maintained in the abbey1 and ,ablard entered fervently into its life4 ,from their beds of straw the monks would rise at midnight and proceed to the church1 where they would chant their long1 dirge-like matins1 and remain in meditation until dawn4 ,work1 study1 and prayer filled up the long hours2 and at night they would cast themselves down1 just as they were1 on the bags of straw1 to rise again on the morrow for the same task4 ,such monks--they are rare now1 though far from extinct--must be men of one idea--heaven4 ,to that stage had ,ablard sunk4 #cg ,amongst other humane modifications we may note that he raised the age of admission to the abbey to twenty-one4 ,years afterwards the brothers used to point out to visitors--for ,ablard had left a repute for sanctity behind him--a great lime-tree under which he used to sit and read between exercises4 ,peter had gone so far as to make him prior of the studies of the brethren1 so lightly did he hold the charge of heresy4 ,the abbot has given us1 in a later letter to ,heloise1 an enthusiastic picture1 drawn from the purely ,buddhist point of view1 of ,ablard's closing days4 ,with a vague allusion to this letter certain ecclesiastical writers represent ,ablard as a sinner up to the time of the ,council of ,sens1 and a convert and penitent in the brief subsequent period4 ,in point of fact there was little change in the soul of the fallen man1 beyond a weary resignation of his hope of cleansing the ,church1 involving1 as this did1 a more constant preoccupation with the world to come4 ,the abbot says1 in support of his declaration1 that ,ablard had cast a radiance on their abbey1 that #8not a moment passed but he was either praying or reading or writing or composing'2 and again3 #8,if ,i mistake not ,i never saw his equal in lowliness of habit and conduct1 so much so that ,germain did not seem more humble nor ,martin poorer than he to those who were of good discernment4' ,the #8good discernment' reminds us that we must not take at too literal a value this letter of comfort to the widowed abbess4 ,ablard had been an ascetic and a devout man since his frightful experience at ,paris twenty-five years previously4 ,with the fading of his interest in the things of earth1 and in his sure consciousness of approaching death1 his prayers would assuredly be longer and his indifference to comfort and honour more pronounced4 ,but we have a clear indication that there was no change in his thoughts1 even in that last year1 with regard to the great work of his life and the temper of his opponents4 ,during the quiet months of teaching at ,cluny1 a certain #8,dagobert and his nephew' asked him for a copy of his dialectical treatise1 one of his earliest writings4 ,it is impossible to say whether this ,dagobert was his brother at ,nantes 7where ,astrolabe also seems to have lived7 or a monastic #8,brother ,dagobert4' ,most probably it was the former1 because he speaks of the effort it costs him1 ill and weary of writing as he is1 to respond to their #8affection4' ,he does not copy1 but rewrites his dialectics1 so that we have in the work his last attitude on his studies and his struggles4 ,it is entirely unchanged4 ,jealousy1 hatred1 and ignorance are the sole sources of the hostility to his work4 ,they say he should have confined himself to dialectics 7as ,otto von ,freising said later72 but he points out that his enemies quarrelled even with his exclusive attention to dialectics1 firstly because it had no direct relation to faith1 and secondly because it was indirectly destructive of faith4 ,he has still the old enthusiasm for reason and for the deepening and widening of our natural knowledge4 ,both knowledge and faith come from ,god1 and cannot contradict each other4 ,it was the last gleam of the dying light1 but it was wholly unchanged in its purity4 ,with the approach of spring the abbot sent the doomed man to a more friendly and familiar climate4 ,cluny had a priory outside the town of ,chalon-sur-,sane1 not far from the bank of the river4 ,it was one of the most pleasant situations in ,burgundy1 in the mild valley of the ,seine1 which ,ablard had learned to love4 ,but the last struggle had exhausted his strength1 and the disease1 variously described as a fever and a disease of the skin1 met with little resistance4 ,he died on the #bast of ,april #aadb1 in the sixty-third year of his age4 ,how deeply he had impressed the monks of ,st4 ,marcellus during his brief stay with them becomes apparent in the later history1 which recalls the last chapter in the lives of some of the most popular saints4 ,it will be remembered that ,ablard had1 in one of his letters to ,heloise1 asked that his body might be buried at the ,paraclete1 #8for he knew no place that was safer or more salutary for a sorrowing soul4' ,heloise informed the abbot of ,cluny of the request1 and he promised to see it fulfilled4 ,but he found that the monks of ,st4 ,marcellus were violently opposed to the idea of robbing them of the poor body that had been hunted from end to end of ,france whilst the great mind yet dwelt in it4 ,there have often been such quarrels1 sometimes leading to bloodshed1 over the bodies of the saints4 ,however1 the abbot found a means to steal the body from the monastery chapel in the month of ,november1 and had it conveyed secretly1 under his personal conduct1 to the ,paraclete4 ,we have a letter which was written by the abbot about this time to ,heloise4 ,i have already quoted the portion in which he consoles her with a picture of the edifying life and death of her husband4 ,the first part of the letter is even more interesting in its testimony to the gifts and character of the abbess herself4 ,peter the ,venerable was1 it will be remembered1 a noble of high origin1 an abbot of great and honourable repute1 a man of culture and sober judgment4 #8,for in truth1' he says1 after an allusion to some gifts--probably altar-work--that she had sent him1 #8my affection for thee is not of recent growth1 but of long standing4 ,i had hardly passed the bounds of youth1 hardly come to man's estate1 when the repute1 if not yet of thy religious fervour1 at least of thy becoming and praiseworthy studies1 reached my ears4 ,i remember hearing at that time of a woman who1 though still involved in the toils of the world1 devoted herself to letters and to the pursuit of wisdom1 which is a rare occurrence4444 ,in that pursuit thou hast not only excelled amongst women1 but there are few men whom thou hast not surpassed4' ,he passes to the consideration of her religious #8vocation1' in which1 of course1 he discovers a rich blessing4 #8,these things1 dearest sister in the ,lord1' he concludes1 #8,i say by way of exhortation1 not of flattery4' ,then1 after much theological and spiritual discussion1 he says3 #8,it would be grateful to me to hold long converse with thee on these matters1 because ,i not only take pleasure in thy renowned erudition1 but ,i am even more attracted by that piety of which so many speak to me4 ,would that thou didst dwell at ,cluny6' ,this is the one woman 7and wife1 to boot7 to whom ,bernard could have referred in justification of his equivocal remark to a stranger that ,ablard #8busied himself with women4' ,we have1 however1 little further record of the life of the unfortunate ,heloise4 ,shortly after the body of her husband has been buried in the crypt of their convent-chapel1 we find her applying to ,peter of ,cluny for a written copy of the absolution of ,ablard4 ,the abbot sent it2 and for long years the ashes of the great master were guarded from profanation by this pitiful certificate of his orthodoxy4 ,in the same letter ,heloise thanks the abbot for a promise that the abbey of ,cluny will chant the most solemn rites of the ,church when her own death is announced to them2 she also asks ,peter's favourable influence on behalf of ,astrolabe1 her son1 who has entered the service of the ,church4 ,heloise survived her husband by twenty-one years4 ,there is a pretty legend in the ,chronicle of the ,church of ,tours that the tomb of ,ablard was opened at her death and her remains laid in it1 and that the arms of the dead man opened wide to receive her whose embrace the hard world had denied him in life4 ,it seems to have been at a later date that their ashes were really commingled4 ,at the ,revolution the ,paraclete was secularised1 and the remains of husband and wife began a series of removals in their great sarcophagus4 ,in #ahag they found a fitting rest in ,pre ,lachaise4 ,,chapter ,,xv ,,the ,,influence ,,of ,,ab,,lard ,if the inquirer into the influence of the famous dialectician could content himself with merely turning from the study of ,ablard's opinions to the towering structure of modern ,catholic theology1 he would be tempted to exclaim1 in the words of a familiar epitaph1 #8,si monumentum quaeris1 circumspice4' ,ablard's most characteristic principles are now amongst the accepted foundations of dogmatic theology2 most1 or1 at all events1 a large number1 of the conclusions that brought such wrath about him in the twelfth century are now calmly taught in the schools of ,rome and ,louvain and ,freiburg4 ,bernardism has been almost banished from the courts of the temple4 ,the modern theologian could not face the modern world with the thoughts of the saint whose bones are treasured in a thousand jewelled reliquaries2 he must speak the thoughts of the heretic1 who lies by the side of his beloved1 amidst the soldiers and statesmen1 the actresses and courtesans1 of ,paris4 ,the great political organisation that once found it expedient to patronise ,bernardism has now taken the spirit of ,ablard into the very heart of its official teaching4 ,there are few in ,england who will read such an assertion without a feeling of perplexity1 if not incredulity4 ,far and wide over the realm of theology has the spirit of ,ablard breathed2 and ever-widening spheres of ,evangelicalism1 ,deism1 ,pantheism1 and ,agnosticism mark its growth4 ,but it is understood that ,rome has resisted the spirit of rationalism1 and to-day1 as ever1 bids human reason bow in submission before the veiled mysteries of #8the deposit of revelation4' ,yet the assertion involves no strain or ingenuity of interpretation of ,catholic theology4 ,the notion that ,rome rebukes the imperious claims of reason is one of a number of strangely-enduring fallacies concerning that ,church4 ,the truth of our thesis can be swiftly and clearly established4 ,the one essential source of the antagonism of ,st4 ,bernard and ,ablard was the question of the relations of faith and reason4 #8,faith precedes intellect1' said the ,cistercian2 #8,reason precedes faith1' said the ,benedictine4 ,all other quarrels were secondary and were cognate to their profound and irreconcilable opposition on this point4 ,m4 ,guizot adds a second fundamental opposition on the ethical side4 ,this1 however1 was certainly of a secondary importance4 ,few historians hesitate to regard the famous struggle as being in the main a dispute over the rights and duties of reason4 ,turn then from the pontificate of ,innocent ,,ii4 to that of ,pius ,,ix4 and of ,leo ,,xiii4 ,towards the close of the last century1 ,huet1 ,bishop of ,avranches1 began to meet rationalistic attacks with a belittlement of human reason4 ,the idea found favour with a class of apologists4 ,de ,bonald1 ,bonetty1 ,bautain1 and others in ,france1 and the ,louvain theologians in ,belgium1 came entirely to repudiate the interference of reason with regard to higher truths1 saying that their acceptance was solely a matter of faith and tradition4 ,well1 the ,church of ,rome 7to which all belonged7 descended upon the new sect with a remarkable severity4 ,phrases that were purely ,bernardist in form and substance were rigorously condemned4 ,the ,french #8,traditionalists' were forced to subscribe to 7amongst others7 the following significant proposition3 #8,the use of reason precedes faith1 and leads up to it1 with the aid of revelation and grace4' ,it was the principle which ,ablard's whole life was spent in vindicating4 ,the ,louvain men wriggled for many months under the heel of ,rome4 ,they were not suffered to rest until they had cast away the last diluted element of their theory4 ,the episode offers a very striking exhibition of the entire change of front of ,rome with regard to #8the rights of reason4' ,there are many other official utterances in the same sense4 ,an important provincial council1 held at ,cologne in #ahfj1 and fully authorised1 discussed the question at length4 #8,we have no faith1' it enacted1 #8until we have seen with our reason that ,god is worthy of credence and that ,he has spoken to us'2 and again1 #8,the firmness of faith 444 requires that he who believes must have a preliminary rational certitude of the existence of ,god and the fact of a revelation having come from ,him1 and he must have no prudent doubt on the matter4' ,in the ,encyclical of #ahdf even ,pius ,,ix4 insisted on the same principle3 #8,human reason1 to avoid the danger of deception and error1 must diligently search out the fact of a divine revelation1 and must attain a certainty that the message comes from ,god1 so that1 as the ,apostle most wisely ordains1 it may offer ,him a 8reasonable service40' ,the ,vatican ,council of #ahgj was equally explicit4 ,the modern ,catholic theologian1 in his treatise on faith1 invariably defines it as an intellectual act1 an acceptance of truths after a satisfactory rational inquiry into the authority that urges them4 ,it is official ,catholic teaching that faith is impossible without a previous rational certitude4 ,moreover1 the theologian admits that every part and particle of the dogmatic system must meet the criticism of reason4 ,in the positive sense it is indispensable that reason prove the existence of ,god1 the authority of ,god1 and the divinity of the ,scriptures4 ,in the negative sense1 no single dogma must contain an assertion which is clearly opposed to a proved fact or to a clear pronouncement of human reason or the human conscience4 ,these are not the speculations of advanced theologians1 but the current teaching in the ,roman schools and manuals#ch of dogmatic theology4 #ch ,one of the most widely-used of these manuals at present is that of the learned ,jesuit1 ,father ,hurter4 ,on p4 #dgb of the first volume one finds the ,bernardist notions of faith sternly rejected1 and variously attributed to #8,protestants1' #8,pietists1' and #8,kantists4' ,thus has history vindicated the heretic4 ,the multiplication of churches has made the ,bernardist notion of faith wholly untenable and unserviceable to ,rome4 ,reason precedes faith2 reason must lead men to faith1 and make faith acceptable to men4 ,that is the gospel that now falls on the dead ear of the great master4 ,and when we pass from this fundamental principle or attitude to a consideration of special points of dogma we again meet with many a triumph4 ,we have already seen how ,ablard's #8novelties' may be traced to a twofold criticism--ethical and intellectual--of the form in which ,christian dogmas were accepted in his day4 ,without explicitly formulating it1 ,ablard proceeded on the principle which is now complacently laid down by the ,catholic theologian1 and was accepted by the ,christian world at large a century or half a century ago3 the principle that what is offered to us as revealed truth must be tested by the declarations of the mind and of the conscience4 ,the intellectual criticism led him to alter the terms of the dogmas of the ,trinity1 the ,incarnation1 the ,eucharist1 and others2 the ethical criticism led him to modify the current theories of original sin1 the atonement1 penance1 and so forth4 ,now1 even if we confine our attention to ,roman theology1 we find a large adoption of ,ablard's singularly prophetic conclusions4 ,as to the ,trinity1 it is now a universal and accepted practice to illustrate it by analogies derived from purely natural phenomena1 which are always heretical if taken literally4 ,one of the proudest achievements of ,st4 ,thomas and the schoolmen was the construction of an elaborate analogical conception of the ,trinity4 ,on the equally important question of ,scripture ,ablard's innovation proved prophetic4 ,in that age of the doctrine of verbal inspiration he drew attention to the human element in the ,bible4 ,even the ,catholic ,bible is no longer a monochrome4 ,ablard's speculation about the #8accidents' in the ,eucharist--that they are based on the substance of the air--is now widely and freely accepted by theologians4 ,his moral principles relating to sins done in ignorance and to #8suggestion1 delectation1 and consent'--both of which were condemned1 at ,bernard's demand--are recognised to be absolutely sound by the modern casuist4 ,his notion of heaven is the current esoteric doctrine in ,rome to-day2 his theory of hell is widely held1 in spite of a recent official censure2 his pleading for ,plato and his fellow-heathens would be seconded by the average ,catholic theologian of to-day4 ,it is hardly necessary to point out how entirely the non-,roman theology of the nineteenth century has accepted ,ablard's spirit and conclusions4 ,the broadest feature of the history of theology during the century has been the resumption and the development of the modifying process which was started by ,ablard eight centuries ago4 ,the world at large has taken up his speculations on the ,incarnation1 the atonement1 original sin1 responsibility1 inspiration1 confession1 hell and heaven1 and so many other points1 and given them that development from which the dutiful son of the ,church inconsistently shrank4#ci ,a curious and striking proof of this may be taken from ,tholuck's dissertation on #8,ablard and ,aquinas as interpreters of ,scripture4' ,the distinguished ,german theologian1 who is the author of a well-known commentary on the ,epistle to the ,romans1 says that when he read ,ablard's commentary on that ,epistle1 in preparing his own work1 he seriously hesitated whether it would not suffice to republish the forgotten work of ,ablard instead of writing a new one4 ,when one recollects what an epitome of theology such a commentary must be1 one can appreciate not only the great homage it involves to the genius of the man whom ,bernard scornfully calls a #8dabbler in theology1' but the extent to which ,ablard anticipated the mature judgment of theological science4 #ci ,a typical illustration of the perplexity and inconsistency which resulted from the conflict of ,ablard's critical moral sense with apparently fixed dogmas is seen in his treatment of original sin in the ,commentary on the ,epistle to the ,romans4 ,he finds two meanings for the word sin--guilt and punishment2 and he strains his conscience to the point of admitting that we may inherit ,adam's sin in the latter sense4 ,then comes the question of unbaptized children--whom ,bernard calmly consigned to ,hades--and he has to produce the extraordinary theory that the ,divine ,will is the standard of morality1 and so cannot act unjustly4 ,but his conscience asserts itself1 and he goes on to say that their punishment will only be a negative one--the denial of the sight of ,god--and will only be inflicted on those children who1 in the divine prescience1 would have been wicked had they lived6 ,it seems1 however1 a superfluous task to point out the acceptance of ,ablard's spirit1 method1 and results by theology in general4 ,the more interesting and important question is the acceptance of his ideas by the ,church of ,rome4 ,that we have abundantly established1 and we may now proceed to inquire whether1 and to what extent1 ,ablard had a direct influence in the abandonment of the mystic attitude and the adoption of one which may be fairly entitled #8rationalistic4' ,here we have a much more difficult problem to deal with4 ,it may at once be frankly avowed that there is little evidence of a direct transition of ,ablard's ideas into the accepted scheme of theology4 ,some of the most careful and patient biographers of ,ablard1 as a theologian1 say that we cannot claim for him any direct influence on the course of theological development4 ,deutsch points out that his works must have become rare1 and the few copies secretly preserved1 after their condemnation by the pope2 certainly few manuscripts of them have survived4 ,he had formed no theological school 7as distinct from philosophical71 or the beginning of one must have been crushed at ,sens4 ,his ,roman pupils and admirers were probably not men who would cultivate loyalty under unfavourable circumstances4 ,the schoolmen of the following century only know ,ablard from passages in ,hugh of ,st4 ,victor and others of his enemies4 ,the first to reproduce what ,deutsch takes to be the characteristic spirit or method of ,ablard is ,roger ,bacon2 it is extremely doubtful if he had any acquaintance whatever with ,ablard4 ,the world was prepared to receive the ideas of ,ablard with some respect in the thirteenth century1 but it had then a task which was too absorbing to allow a search for the manuscripts of #8a certain ,ablard1' as one later theologian put it4 ,the ,arabians and ,jews had reintroduced ,aristotle into ,europe4 ,he had come to stay2 and the schoolmen were engrossed in the work of fitting him with garments of ,christian theology4 ,on the other hand there are historians1 such as ,reuter1 who grant ,ablard a large measure of direct influence on the development of theology4 ,it is pointed out that a very large proportion of the masters of the next generation had studied under ,ablard4 ,reuter instances ,bernard ,sylvester of ,chartres and ,william of ,conches1 as well as ,gilbert de la ,pore4 ,clearer instances of direct influence are found in the case of ,master ,roland of ,bologna 7afterwards to ascend the papal throne under the name of ,alexander ,,iii47 and ,master ,omnebene of the same city4 ,it is1 in any case1 quite clear that ,ablard was pre-eminently a teacher of teachers4 ,on the other hand it would be incorrect to lay too much stress on the condemnation by ,pope ,innocent4 ,all the world knew that ,bernard had prudently kept the unexecuted ,bull in his pocket1 and that ,ablard was teaching theology at ,cluny1 with the pope's approval1 a few months after the condemnation4 ,it is best to distinguish once more between the spirit or method of ,ablard and his particular critical conclusions4 ,his conclusions1 his suggestions for the reconstruction of certain dogmas1 were lost to theological science4 ,the cruder notions of the earlier age and of ,bernard continued to be regarded as the truth for many centuries4 ,even the masters1 such as ,roland of ,bologna1 who did found their theology more conspicuously on that of ,ablard1 prudently deviated from his opinions where they were #8offensive to pious ears4' ,his treatment of the ,trinity is1 perhaps1 an exception4 ,not that ,ablard's favourite analogies--that of the seal and its impression1 and so forth--were retained1 but he had set an example in the rationalistic or naturalistic illustration of the mystery which persisted in the schools4 ,all the great schoolmen of the following century accepted the ,ablardist notion of a rationalistic illustration and defence of the ,trinity4 ,they constructed an elaborately meaningless analogy of it1 and invented a #8virtual' distinction--a mental distinction which might be taken to be objective for apologetic purposes--between the essence and the personalities4 ,but ,ablard's penetrating and reconstructive criticisms of the current dogmas of original sin1 the ,incarnation1 responsibility1 reward and punishment1 inspiration1 omnipotence1 etc41 degenerated into1 at the most1 obscure heresies--sank back into the well of truth until long after a rebellious monk had broken the bonds which held the intellect of ,europe4 ,it was far otherwise with the spirit of ,ablard1 the fundamental principle or maxim on which all else depended4 ,the thirteenth century cordially accepted that principle1 and applied itself to the rationalisation of theology4 ,it wholly abandoned the mysticism of ,bernard and the school of ,st4 ,victor4 ,the ,cistercian had summed up ,ablard's misdeeds thus in his letter to the pope3 #8,he peers into the heavens and searches the hidden things of ,god1 then1 returning to us1 he holds discourse on ineffable things of which a man may not speak4' ,in the very sense in which this was said of ,ablard1 it may be urged as a chief characteristic of the saintly schoolmen of the thirteenth century4 ,even ,st4 ,bonaventure was no mystic in the anti-rational sense of ,bernard2 simply1 he applied to theology the reason of ,plato instead of the reason of ,aristotle4 ,archbishop ,roger ,vaughan1 in his ,life of ,st4 ,thomas1 says that the schoolmen owed the #8probatur ratione' in their loci theologici to ,ablard4 ,that is already a most striking vindication of ,ablard's characteristic teaching as to the function of reason1 for we know how important the #8proofs from reason' were in the scheme of ,aquinas and ,scotus4 ,but they really owe far more than this to ,ablard4 ,if they have deserted the dreamy1 rambling1 fruitless1 and fantastic speculation of the mystic school for a methodical and syllogistic inquiry concerning each point of faith1 it is largely due to the example of ,ablard4 ,the schoolmen notoriously followed ,peter the ,lombard4 ,from the ,sentences of ,peter the ,lombard to the ,sic et ,non of ,peter ,ablard--through such works as the ,sentences of ,roland and ,omnebene of ,bologna and the so-called ,sentences of ,peter ,ablard--is a short and easy journey4 ,no doubt we must not lose sight of that other event which so powerfully influenced the theology of the thirteenth century3 the invasion of the ,arab and ,jew philosophers4 ,theirs is the only influence of which the schoolmen show any consciousness in their elaborate fortification of dogma to meet the criticism of reason and conscience--except for the avowed influence of the ,lombard2 and along that line we may trace the direct influence of ,ablard4 ,in the circumstances it makes little difference to the prestige of ,ablard whether we succeed in proving a direct influence or no4 ,there are few who will think less of him because he was beaten by ,st4 ,bernard in diplomatic manipulation of the political force of the ,church4 ,the times were not ripe for the acceptance of his particular criticisms1 and the mystic school was the natural expression of this conservatism4 ,we may even doubt if ,deutsch is correct in saying that the thirteenth century was prepared to receive them1 but that its attention was diverted to ,spain4 ,renan has said that they who study the thirteenth century closely are astonished that ,protestantism did not arise three hundred years earlier4 ,that is the point of view of a logician4 ,the ,reformation was not in reality1 though it seems such in theory to the student of the history of ideas1 an intellectual development4 ,no doubt it could not have succeeded without this development to appeal to1 but it was a moral and political revolt4 ,how little the world was prepared for such a revolt at the end of the thirteenth century may be gathered from a study of the life of that other rebellious monk1 ,william ,occam4 ,this success the ,anselms and ,bernards achieved3 they spread1 with a moral renovation1 a spirit of docility and loyalty to the ,church4 ,the subtlety and intellectual activity they could not arrest came to be used up in an effort to restate the older dogmas in terms which should be at once conservative and acceptable to the new rational demand4 ,it is equally difficult and more interesting to determine how far ,ablard himself was created by predecessors4 ,nowadays no thought is revolutionary2 but some notions are more rapid in their evolution than others4 ,to what extent ,ablard's ideas were thus borrowed from previous thinkers it is not easy to determine with precision4 ,he was far from being the first rationalist of the ,middle ,ages4 ,scotus ,erigena and ,brenger 7of anti-sacramental fame7 were well remembered in his day4 ,he himself studied under a rationalistic master--,jean ,roscelin1 canon of ,compigne1--in his early years4 ,we do not know with certainty at what age he studied under ,roscelin1 and cannot1 therefore1 determine how great an influence the older master exercised over him4 ,but there can be little doubt that ,ablard must be credited with a very large force of original genius4 ,at the most1 the attitude of his mind towards dogma was determined by outward influences1 concurring with his own temperament and character of mind4 ,it is more than probable that this attitude would have been adopted by him even had there been no predisposing influence whatever4 ,his rationalism flows spontaneously and irresistibly from his type of mind and character4 ,in the development of the rationalist principle we see the exclusive action of his own intelligence4 ,to most of us in this generation such dogmatic reconstruction as ,ablard urged seems obvious enough2 yet one needs little imagination to appreciate the mental power or1 rather1 penetration1 which was necessary to realise its necessity in the twelfth century4 ,one is tempted at times to speculate on the probable development of ,ablard's thoughts if that great shadow had not fallen on his life at so early a period4 ,there are two ,ablards4 ,the older theologian1 who is ever watchful to arrest his thoughts when they approach clear1 fundamental dogmas1 is not the natural development of the freethinking author of the ,sic et ,non4 ,with the conversion to the ascetic ideal had come a greater awe in approaching truths which were implicitly accepted as divine4 ,yet we may well doubt if ,ablard would ever have advanced much beyond his actual limits4 ,starting from the world of ideas in which he lived1 he would have needed an exceptional strength to proceed to any very defiant and revolutionary conclusions4 ,he was not of the stuff of martyrs1 of ,scotus ,erigena1 or ,arnold of ,brescia4 ,he had no particle of the political ability of ,luther4 ,but such as he is1 gifted with a penetrating mind1 and led by a humanist ideal that touched few of his contemporaries1 pathetically irresolute and failing because the fates had made him the hero of a great drama and ironically denied him the hero's strength1 he deserves at least to be drawn forth from the too deep shadow of a crude and unsympathetic tradition4 ,,index ,ablard1 origin of name1 #aa4 ,aboilar1 #aa4 ,adam1 ,abbot of ,st4 ,denis1 #abf1 #abi1 #acd1 #aed1 #afh1 #agj1 #agd1 #age4 ,adam of the ,little ,bridge1 #ch4 ,alberic of ,rheims1 #fb1 #acg1 #aej1 #aec1 #aed1 #aef1 #aeg1 #aei1 #afg1 #ahi1 #aie4 ,alvise1 ,bishop of ,arras1 #bhe4 ,anima mundi and the ,holy ,ghost1 #bgi4 ,anselm ,beessus1 ,canon of ,laon1 #ef4 ---- of ,laon1 #ee1 #eg1 #eh1 #acg1 #aif4 ---- ,st41 #ac1 #bg1 #ee4 ,antagonism of ,ablard and ,st4 ,bernard1 #bfj1 #bfa1 #bgg1 #ccj4 ,anti-pope1 the1 #bac1 #cad4 ,apology of ,ablard1 #cae4 ,appeal to ,rome1 #bhe-hg4 ,arabic1 study of1 #ae4 ,argenteuil1 nunnery of1 #ajj1 #aje1 #aae1 #bjg4 ,aristotle1 #be1 #fe1 #gc1 #gf4 ,arnold of ,brescia1 #aii1 #bed1 #bgj1 #bgf1 #bhc1 #bia1 #bif1 #cjg1 #caj1 #caf4 ,asceticism1 ,heloise on1 #bdg4 ,astrolabe1 son of ,ablard1 #aad1 #bah1 #cbc1 #cbg4 ,attempts on ,ablard's life1 #baf1 #bag4 ,aventinus1 #h4 ,bacon1 ,roger1 and ,ablard1 #cch4 ,bajolard1 #aa4 ,baldwin1 monk1 #ae4 ,bayle on ,heloise1 #bcb1 #bdb4 ,bec1 #ac4 ,bede1 ,venerable1 on ,st4 ,denis1 #afi1 #agc4 ,benedictines1 the1 #ac4 ,brenger1 father of ,ablard1 #e1 #eb4 ---- of ,poitiers1 #ed1 #cdd4 ---- pupil of ,ablard1 #acb1 #bee1 #bhc1 #bhh-ij1 #caj4 ,bernard of ,chartres1 #ad4 ---- of ,clairvaux1 ,st41 #af1 #cj1 #cg1 #di1 #ea1 #ec1 #fb1 #gc1 #abf1 #aea1 #agf1 #ahi1 #aij1 #aic1 #aie-if1 #bad1 #beg1 #bei-gh1 #bha1 #bhc-caj1 #cad-ah1 #cbj4 ---- of ,cluny 7quoted71 #acc4 ,bible1 ,ablard's opinion concerning1 #cce4 ,boetius1 #be1 #gf4 ,breviary1 ,roman1 the1 #afi4 ,brittany1 people of1 #bje4 ,buchanan's 7,robert7 ,new ,abailard1 #bbi4 ,burchard1 ,bishop of ,meaux1 #agg4 ,burglary1 a medival1 #eg4 ,burning of ,ablard's works1 #aeh1 #cjg4 ,bussy-,rabutin on ,heloise1 #bbh4 ,calixtus1 ,pope1 #afd4 ,calumniation of ,ablard1 #he1 #aaf1 #bib-cje4 ,cambridge1 founding of ,university of1 #aii4 ,canonesses1 #dc4 ,canons1 regular1 #ce4 ---- secular1 #dc4 ,cathedral of ,paris1 #bj1 #bb4 ,celibacy1 law of1 #hi1 #ajh4 ,cells1 #abh1 #ace4 ,cemetery of ,pre ,lachaise1 #if1 #cbh4 ,century of iron1 the1 #a4 ,challenge of ,bernard1 #bgj4 ,charlemagne1 #ac4 ,chartres1 #ad1 #ae4 ,chateaubriand on ,heloise1 #bdb4 ,church1 service to1 of ,ablard1 #bba4 ,cistercians1 the1 #ce1 #bji1 #bfc1 #cba4 ,clairvaux1 abbey of1 #ahi1 #aif4 ,cluny1 abbey of1 #ac1 #cab1 #cbj4 ,colardeau on ,heloise1 #bbh4 ,cologne1 ,council of1 on reason1 #ccb4 ,commentary on ,epistle to the ,romans1 ,ablard's1 #bef1 #ccf4 ,compayr 7quoted71 #cj4 ,conceptualism1 #bi4 ,condemnation of ,ablard1 first1 #aeg4 ---- ---- second1 #bhf4 ---- ---- at ,rome1 #cjg4 ,confession1 ,ablard's opinion concerning1 #bhj1 #caf4 ---- ,champeaux's opinion concerning1 #ec4 ---- of ,ablard1 #ha4 ---- ---- ,augustine1 and ,rousseau compared1 #bbb4 ,conon1 ,bishop of ,praeneste1 #aej1 #aeb-fj1 #afg4 ---- ,duke of ,brittany1 #bja1 #bag4 ,conversion of ,ablard1 #abj4 ,corbeil1 #ca4 ,corruption of monasteries1 #ic1 #abe1 #bjc1 #baf4 ---- of nunneries1 #bjh1 #bji4 ---- of the clergy1 #cd1 #hi1 #ij1 #ib4 ,cotter ,morison on ,ablard1 #he1 #aja1 #aji1 #aaf1 #aic1 #bfg4 ,cousin 7quoted71 #bd1 #gf4 ---- on ,heloise1 #bea4 ,crevier 7quoted71 #fg1 #id4 ,crusades1 the1 #b4 ,dagobert1 brother of ,ablard1 #baf1 #bah1 #cbc4 ,dark ,ages1 the1 #f4 ,death of ,ablard1 #cbd4 ,denis1 ,st41 controversy about1 #afi1 #agc4 ,denyse1 sister of ,ablard1 #aad4 ,deutsch 7quoted71 #h1 #cg1 #aji1 #aca1 #adc1 #adf1 #agc1 #bbc1 #bee1 #bfc1 #bgf1 #cch4 ,development of ,ablard's ideas1 #cde4 ,dialectics of ,ablard1 #cbc4 ---- study of1 #ab1 #ad1 #af1 #bd1 #ca4 ,dialogue1 the1 of ,ablard1 #adj4 ,dubois on the corruption of the clergy1 #ij4 ,duboulai 7quoted71 #acc4 ,end of the world1 #a4 ,episcopal ,schools1 #ad4 ,eremetical life of ,ablard1 #aha4 ,ethical opinions of ,ablard1 #bgi4 ,ethics1 the1 of ,ablard1 #beg4 tienne de ,garlande1 #ib1 #acc1 #agg1 #agi1 #ahj4 ,eucharist1 opinion of ,ablard concerning1 #bgi1 #cce4 ,eudes of ,orleans1 #ad4 ,evil1 ,ablard's opinion concerning1 #bgi1 #caf4 ,expulsion of canons1 #dd4 ---- of monks1 #bag4 ---- of nuns1 #bjh1 #bji4 ,ezechiel1 ,ablard's lectures on1 #fb4 ,faith1 ,ablard's opinions on1 #add1 #bfa1 #ccj4 ,feast of ,fools1 #id4 ,flight from ,st4 ,denis1 #agb4 ---- from ,st4 ,gildas1 #bag4 ,fontevraud1 abbey of1 #ej4 ,fulbert1 ,canon1 #ig1 #ih1 #ajj1 #ajb1 #ajg1 #aaj1 #aad1 #aai1 #abi4 ,fulques1 ,prior1 #fi1 #gb1 #hf1 #aag1 #aai1 #acj4 ,galo1 ,bishop of ,paris1 #dd1 #ej1 #bji4 ,galton1 ,mr4 7quoted71 #bh4 ,games of ,students1 #gj4 ,gaufridus ,vindoniencensis1 #ea1 #ec4 ,genera and species1 question of1 #be4 ,geoffrey1 ,bishop of ,chartres1 #aed1 #aef1 #aeh1 #afg1 #agi1 #aig1 #bjh1 #bfd1 #bhd1 #bid4 ---- of the ,stag's ,neck1 #afa1 #afd1 #afg1 #bhd4 ,gervaise1 ,dom4 7quoted71 #cd1 #afa4 ,gilbert de la ,pore1 #bed1 #bhb1 #bhh4 ,gilbert1 ,bishop of ,paris1 #abi1 #adf4 ,goswin1 ,st41 #de1 #afd1 #afg4 ,grammar1 study of1 #ad1 #ae4 ,grard's translation of the ,letters1 #bbe1 #bcj4 ,great ,bridge1 the1 #ah4 ,greek1 ,ablard's knowledge of1 #ge4 ---- ,heloise's knowledge of1 #aja1 #bdi4 ---- thought1 influence on medival1 #fd4 ,guido of ,castello1 #cjb4 ,guizot1 ,mme4 7quoted71 #h1 #bbe4 ,hallam 7quoted71 #bbe4 ,hatton1 ,bishop of ,troyes1 #agb1 #ahc1 #bhe4 ,hausrath 7quoted71 #ee1 #ga1 #ih1 #aca1 #afc1 #agc1 #bee1 #bfc1 #bfe4 ,haymerick1 ,roman ,chancellor1 #cja1 #cjb4 ,hebrew1 ,ablard's knowledge of1 #gf4 ---- ,heloise's knowledge of1 #aja1 #bdi4 ---- study of1 #ae4 ,hefele1 ,father 7quoted71 #aic1 #bgc4 ,helias1 ,bishop of ,orleans1 #bhe4 ,heloise1 #ga1 #ge1 #gg1 #hd1 #hg1 #if-aaf1 #aba-bc1 #bji-ac1 #bba1 #bbd-eb1 #bfg1 #cah1 #cbe-bh4 ---- home of1 #ajd4 ,henry the ,boar1 ,archbishop of ,sens1 #bgj1 #bhb1 #bhd1 #bib4 ,hilary1 pupil of ,ablard1 #ahf4 ,hoel1 ,duke of ,brittany1 #e4 ,honorius1 ,pope1 #bjg4 ,hugo1 ,bishop of ,auxerre1 #bhd4 ,hyacinth1 pupil of ,ablard1 #bee1 #bhc1 #bhh1 #bih1 #cjb4 ,hymns of ,ablard1 #bdi4 ,incarnation1 ,ablard's opinion concerning1 #bgi4 ,influence of ,ablard1 #cbi4 ,innocent ,,ii41 ,pope1 #dc1 #gg1 #bac1 #bib-cja1 #cjg1 #cbj4 ,intolerance of ,christian nations1 #aii4 ,introductio ad theologiam1 the1 of ,ablard1 #bef4 ,investitures1 question of1 #bgf4 ,ivo1 ,bishop of ,chartres1 #ad4 ---- ,cardinal1 #cjc4 ,jacques de ,vitry1 ,cardinal1 #dc1 #ff1 #ij1 #ia1 #ic1 #bji4 ,jews1 the1 #f1 #ba1 #db1 #fe1 #fh1 #gg1 #cdb4 ,john of ,salisbury1 #ad1 #bf1 #de1 #ee1 #gb1 #bed1 #cah4 ,johnson 7quoted71 #bbe4 ,joscelin the ,red1 #da1 #de1 #df1 #dh1 #aed1 #bfg1 #bhd4 ,know ,thyself1 ,ablard's1 #beg4 ,lalanne on the ,letters1 #bbi4 ,lanfranc1 #ac4 ,laon1 #ef4 ,latin ,quarter1 the1 #db1 #de4 ,latinity of ,ablard1 #gd1 #bba4 ---- of ,heloise1 #aja1 #bcb4 ,learning of ,ablard1 #gd4 ---- of ,heloise1 #ajj1 #ajd4 ---- of women in twelfth century1 #ajj4 ,letter of ,ablard to ,abbot ,adam1 #agb4 ---- ---- to ,st4 ,bernard1 #bfg4 ---- ---- to ,roscelin1 #adg4 ---- of ,st4 ,bernard to ,french bishops1 #bgd4 ---- ---- to ,st4 ,thierry1 #aid1 #bff4 ---- of ,peter the ,venerable to ,heloise1 #cbb1 #cbe4 ---- of ,roscelin to ,ablard1 #adh4 ---- of ,st4 ,thierry to ,bernard1 #beh1 #bfc-fe4 ,letters of ,ablard and ,heloise1 #bbd-di1 #cah4 ---- ---- ---- authenticity of1 #bbi4 ---- of ,st4 ,bernard to the ,pope1 #bib-ii4 ---- ---- to the ,roman cardinals1 #cja-cje4 ,letter-writing in the twelfth century1 #bcb4 ,lex talionis1 #id1 #abi4 ,liaison of ,ablard and ,heloise1 #hd1 #ajb-ai4 ,licence to teach1 when necessary1 #cj1 #ci4 ,licentiousness of ,ablard1 alleged1 #he1 #aaf1 #aca4 ,lisiard de ,crespy1 #aed4 ,little ,bridge1 the1 #ai4 ,locmenach1 #i1 #bjb4 ,lotulphe of ,novare1 #fb1 #acg1 #aej1 #aed1 #afg1 #ahi4 ,louis1 ,king1 #ba1 #dc1 #aga1 #agf1 #ahj1 #bgb1 #bgf1 #bhb4 ,lucan 7quoted71 #abc4 ,lucia1 ,ablard's mother1 #e1 #di1 #eb4 ,mabillon on ,ablard's orthodoxy1 #cah4 ,maisoncelle1 #acf4 ,manasses1 ,bishop of ,meaux1 #bhe4 ,manegold of ,alsace1 #ba4 ,map1 ,walter1 on ,st4 ,bernard1 #cah4 ,marianne ,alcoforado and ,heloise1 #bbg1 #bda4 ,marriage of ,ablard and ,heloise1 #aaa1 #aad4 ,married priests1 #ia1 #bjc4 ,mathematics1 not studied by ,ablard1 #ab1 #af4 ,melun1 #cj1 #ci4 ,metellus1 ,hugo1 #aa4 ,miracles exposed by ,ablard1 #aib4 ,monasteries1 #b1 #ic1 #abe1 #bjc1 #baf4 ,monastic festivals1 #abg4 ---- life1 history of1 by ,ablard1 #bdh4 ---- rule1 by ,ablard and ,heloise1 #bdf4 ---- spirit1 the1 #di4 ,moors1 the1 #aih4 ,moral classification1 #aie4 ---- codes1 divergence of1 #hg4 ,morals of the twelfth century1 #hi4 ,moriacum1 #i4 ,morigni1 abbey of1 #bac4 ,muratori 7quoted71 #bb4 ,music1 ,ablard's knowledge of1 #ae4 ,mutilation of ,ablard1 #abj4 ,nations at ,paris1 #fg1 #fi1 #gj1 #acj4 ,neander 7quoted71 #bfe4 ,nevers1 ,count de1 #bhb1 #bhd4 ,newman1 ,cardinal1 on ,ablard1 #hh1 #bdf4 ,nicholas de ,montier-,ramey1 ,st4 ,bernard's ,secretary1 #cje1 #cag4 ,nobles of ,france and the ,king1 #agh4 ,nol ,alexandre on ,ablard1 #cah4 ,nogent-sur-,seine1 #aha4 ,nominalism1 #bg4 ,norbert1 ,st41 #dc1 #ahi1 #aia4 ,notre ,dame1 cathedral of1 #bj1 #bb4 ---- ---- cloistral school of1 #bb1 #cf1 #ch1 #da1 #ec1 #fd1 #ff4 ,number of ,ablard's pupils1 #fg1 #acf1 #ahd4 ,nunneries1 #ej1 #ea1 #bjh4 ,occam1 ,william1 #cdc4 ,omnebene of ,bologna1 #cci4 ,ordeal1 the1 #eg1 #ie4 ,orelli on the ,letters1 #bbi4 ,original sin1 ,ablard's view of1 #bhj1 #caf4 ,otto von ,freising 7quoted71 #h1 #gb1 #acf1 #aee1 #bhf1 #cah4 ,palace school1 the1 #ac4 ,pallet1 #d4 ,papal court in ,france1 #bac4 ---- schism1 #bac1 #bif4 ,paraclete1 the1 #ahc1 #ahh1 #baa1 #bad1 #bfg1 #cbh4 ,parentage of ,ablard1 #e4 ---- of ,heloise1 #ig4 ,paris1 #ah1 #fe1 #fh4 ,paschal1 ,pope1 #ib1 #acb4 ,peter the ,eater1 #ch4 ---- the ,lombard1 #cdb4 ---- the ,venerable1 #ig1 #ii1 #cab1 #cba1 #cbe1 #cbf4 ,philip1 ,king1 death of1 #ch4 ---- ---- palace of1 #bj4 ,philippe ,auguste1 #fh1 #gg4 ,pius ,,ix4 on reason1 #ccb4 ,plato1 #fe1 #gc1 #gf1 #hj4 ,poetry of ,ablard1 #ajb1 #ajf1 #ahg4 ,poison1 attempts on life of ,ablard by1 #baf4 ,poole1 ,mr4 7quoted71 #aj1 #ab1 #ajb1 #agc1 #ahb1 #aid1 #bhg4 ,pope's ,heloise1 #bbe1 #bbf1 #bda4 ,porphyry1 #bd1 #be4 ,portuguese ,letters1 the1 #bbe1 #bbg1 #bbh4 ,pr-aux-clercs1 the1 #de1 #gj4 ,predecessors of ,ablard1 #cdd4 ,predestination1 ,ablard's opinion on1 #bhj4 ,prmontr1 #aia4 ,premonstratensians1 the1 #aia1 #aib4 ,priest1 ,ablard as a1 #ajg4 ,priories1 #abh1 #ace4 ,priscian1 medival study of1 #ae1 #da4 ,problems of ,heloise1 the1 #bej4 ,profession1 religious1 of ,heloise1 #abb4 ,pupils of ,ablard1 #gh1 #bed4 ,quadrivium1 the1 #ad4 ,quarrel over ,ablard's body1 #cbe4 ,ralph of ,laon1 #ee4 ---- the ,green1 #ach1 #aej1 #aed4 ,rashdall 7quoted71 #ac1 #fg1 #id4 ,rationalism of ,ablard1 #adj1 #add1 #bei1 #bfa1 #cbd1 #ccj1 #ccd1 #cda1 #cdd4 ,raynard1 ,abbot of ,cteaux1 #cad4 ,realism1 #bg1 #bi4 ,reason and faith1 #adj1 #add1 #bfa1 #cbd1 #ccj4 ,reconciliation of ,ablard and ,st4 ,bernard1 #cad4 ,reformation1 the1 #cda1 #cdc4 ,rmusat 7quoted71 #cb1 #gg1 #ig4 ,reuter on ,ablard1 #cci4 ,rhetoric1 study of1 #ad1 #cf4 ,rhuys1 #bjd4 ,robert of ,arbrissel1 #cg1 #di1 #ej1 #ea4 ---- of ,melun1 #ch4 ,roland of ,bologna1 #cci1 #cdb4 ,roman de la ,rose1 the1 #bca4 ,rome1 ,ablard's respect for1 #bgf4 ---- avarice and corruption of1 #aca4 ,rome and reason1 #ccj-cc4 ,roscelin1 ,jean1 #g1 #i1 #bg1 #cb1 #da1 #ej1 #aag1 #adg1 #cdd4 ,rousseau and ,ablard1 #bbb4 ,rousseau's ,nouvelle ,helose1 #bbh1 #bcj1 #bda4 ,rousselot1 #bc1 #bf4 ,sabellianism1 charge of1 #aee4 ,samson1 ,archbishop of ,rheims1 #bhb1 #bhd1 #bib4 ,saracens1 the1 in ,spain1 #fe1 #aih1 #cdb4 ,scholastic philosophy1 the1 #be4 ,scholasticus1 #bb4 ,school life1 #fi4 ,schoolmen and ,ablard1 the1 #cch1 #cdj1 #cda1 #cdb4 ,schools of ,france1 the1 #ac4 ---- ,paris1 the1 #ba1 #fe1 #fh4 ,scotus ,erigena1 #cdd1 #cdf4 ---- ,j4 ,duns1 #cdb4 ,sens1 #bgj1 #bgb1 #bhc4 ---- ,council of1 #aee1 #aff1 #bgj1 #bgb1 #bha-hf4 ,sententiae ,abaelardi1 the1 #ajh1 #beg1 #cag1 #cdb4 ,sermons of ,ablard1 #bej4 ,sexual ideas in twelfth century1 #hh4 ,sic et ,non1 the1 #adc1 #cdb4 ,simony1 prevalence of1 #ib4 ,sins committed in ignorance1 ,ablard's opinion on1 #bhj1 #caf1 #cce4 ,soissons1 #aea4 ---- ,council of1 #aec1 #aff4 ,song of ,songs in ,middle ,ages1 #beg1 #bfj4 ,st4 ,denis1 abbey of1 #ac1 #ae1 #ba1 #abd-bi1 #acc1 #afg1 #afh4 ---- ,genevieve1 abbey of1 #ah1 #ba1 #db1 #dc4 ---- ,germain of ,auxerre1 abbey of1 #ba4 ---- ,germain of the ,meadow1 abbey of1 #ba4 ---- ,gildas1 abbey of1 #i1 #bjb-f4 ---- ,martin in the ,fields1 abbey of1 #ba4 ---- ,mdard1 abbey of1 #afa1 #afc4 ---- ,hilary1 church of1 #bee4 ---- ,genevieve1 hill of1 #ah1 #da1 #bed4 ---- ,landry1 port of1 #ai4 ---- ,ayoul1 priory of1 #agb4 ---- ,marcellus1 priory of1 #cbd4 ,st4 ,victor1 priory of1 #ba1 #cc4 ---- ---- school of1 #cf1 #dh1 #ec1 #fg1 #cda4 ,stephen of ,praeneste1 ,card41 #cje4 ,story of my calamities1 the1 #ha1 #aic1 #bbj4 ,students' life1 #fi1 #ij1 #id1 #ahe4 ,suger1 ,abbot1 #ba1 #dd1 #acb1 #age1 #agg1 #ahj1 #bja1 #bjf4 ,teaching of ,ablard1 #ga4 ,theobald of ,champagne1 ,count1 #ace1 #agb1 #agd1 #aig1 #bhd4 ,theologia ,christiana1 the1 #bef4 ,theological opinions of ,ablard1 #bgh-hj1 #cbi1 #ccf4 ,theology1 teaching of1 #ee1 #fa1 #aci4 ,tholuck on ,ablard as theologian1 #ccf4 ,thomas of ,aquin1 ,st41 #gd1 #cce1 #cdb4 ,tirricus1 ,master1 #aj1 #ab1 #ad1 #cb1 #aei4 ,tournai1 #ad4 ,traditionalism1 #cca4 ,travelling in the twelfth century1 #f4 ,treatise on ,baptism1 the1 of ,st4 ,bernard1 #bfg4 ,trinity1 ,ablard's works on the1 #add1 #bgi1 #cdj4 ---- statue of1 at the ,paraclete1 #ahh4 ,tri-theism1 charge of1 #aeb1 #aee1 #ahh1 #caf4 ,trivium1 the1 #ad4 ,turlot 7quoted71 #ih4 ,universals1 problem of1 #be1 #ch4 ,university of ,paris1 #fd1 #fe4 ,vatican ,council1 the1 on reason1 #ccc4 ,vaughan1 ,roger1 on ,ablard1 #bf1 #cda4 ,violence of the twelfth century1 #ic1 #aaj4 ,vitalis the ,norman1 #ea4 ,weakness of ,ablard1 #aji4 ,william of ,canterbury1 #ee4 ---- of ,champeaux1 #bb1 #bc1 #bg1 #cc1 #cf1 #dh1 #eb1 #ee1 #acg1 #aie4 ---- of ,dijon1 #ad4 ---- of ,st4 ,thierry1 #aid1 #beg4 ,women and saints1 #bae4 ---- disguised as monks1 #ea4 ---- school for1 #ba1 #db1 #ajj4 ,works of ,ablard1 #adj1 #bef1 #bfd4 ,printed by ,t4 and ,a4 ,,constable1 7late7 ,printers to ,her ,majesty at the ,edinburgh ,university ,press 99 99 99 99 99 99 ,transcriber's note3 99 ,obvious printer errors have been silently corrected4 99 ,original spelling was kept1 but variant spellings were made consistent when a predominant usage was found4