,a ,,short ,,history ,,of ,,freethought ,,ancient ,,and ,,modern ,,by ,,john ,m4 ,,robertson ,,third ,,edition1 ,,revised ,,and ,,expanded ,,in ,,two ,,volumes ,vol4 ,i 7,,issued ,,for ,,the ,,rationalist ,,press ,,association1 ,,limited7 ,london3 ,,watts ,,co41 ,,johnson',s ,,court1 ,,fleet ,,street1 ,e4,c4 #aiae ,,to ,,sydney ,,ansell ,,gimson ,,contents ,,volume ,i ,,page ,preface xi ,chap4 ,i--,introductory #a4 ,origin and ,meaning of the word ,freethought #a #b4 ,previous histories #aj #c4 ,the ,psychology of ,freethinking #ae ,chap4 ,,ii--,primitive ,freethinking #bb ,chap4 ,,iii--,progress under ,ancient ,religions #a4 ,early ,association and ,competition of ,cults #dd #b4 ,the ,process in ,india #dh #c4 ,mesopotamia #fa #d4 ,ancient ,persia #fe #e4 ,egypt #fi #f4 ,phoenicia #gh #g4 ,ancient ,china #hb #h4 ,mexico and ,peru #hh #i4 ,the ,common ,forces of ,degeneration #ia ,chap4 ,,iv--,relative ,freethought in ,israel #a4 ,the ,early ,hebrews #ig #b4 ,the manipulated prophetic literature #ajd #c4 ,the ,post-,exilic ,literature #aji ,chap4 ,v--,freethought in ,greece #abj #a4 ,beginnings of ,ionic ,culture #abc #b4 ,homer1 ,stesichoros1 ,pindar1 and schylus #abf #c4 ,the ,culture-,conditions #acd #d4 ,from ,thales to the ,eleatic ,school #acf #e4 ,pythagoras and ,magna ,graecia #adh #f4 ,anaxagoras1 ,perikles1 and ,aspasia #aeb #g4 ,from ,demokritos to ,euripides #aeg #h4 ,sokrates1 ,plato1 and ,aristotle #afh #i4 ,post-,alexandrian ,greece3 ,ephoros1 ,pyrrho1 ,zeno1 ,epicurus1 ,theodorus1 ,diagoras1 ,stilpo1 ,bion1 ,strato1 ,evmeros1 ,carneades1 ,clitomachos2 ,the ,sciences2 ,advance and ,decline of ,astronomy2 ,lucian1 ,sextus ,empiricus1 ,polybius1 ,strabo2 ,summary #ahj ,chap4 ,,vi--,freethought in ancient ,rome #a4 ,culture ,beginnings1 to ,ennius and the ,greeks #aid #b4 ,lucretius1 ,cicero1 ,csar #bja #c4 ,decline under the ,empire #bjg #d4 ,the higher ,pagan ethics #bae ,chap4 ,,vii--,ancient ,christianity and its ,opponents #a4 ,freethought in the ,gospels3 contradictory forces #bah #b4 ,the ,epistles3 their anti-rationalism #bbd #c4 ,anti-pagan rationalism4 ,the ,gnostics #bbd #d4 ,rationalistic heresy4 ,arius4 ,pelagius4 ,jovinian4 ,aerius4 ,vigilantius4 ,the religious wars #bbi #e4 ,anti-,christian thought3 its decline4 ,celsus4 ,last lights of critical thought4 ,macrobius4 ,theodore4 ,photinus4 ,the expulsion of science4 ,the appropriation of pagan endowments #bce #f4 ,the intellectual and moral decadence4 ,boethius #bdc ,chap4 ,,viii--,freethought under ,islam #a4 ,mohammed and his contemporaries4 ,early ,zendekism #bdh #b4 ,the ,influence of the ,koran #beb #c4 ,saracen freethought in the ,east4 ,the ,motazilites4 ,the ,spread of ,culture4 ,intellectual ,collapse #bec #d4 ,al-,ma'arri and ,omar ,khayym4 ,sufism #bfa #e4 ,arab ,philosophy and ,moorish freethought4 ,avempace4 ,abubacer4 ,averros4 ,ibn ,khaldun #bff #f4 ,rationalism in later ,islam4 ,sufism4 ,bbism in contemporary ,persia4 ,freethinking in ,mohammedan ,india and ,africa #bgb ,chap4 ,,ix--,christendom in the ,middle ,ages #bgg #a4 ,heresy in ,byzantium4 ,iconoclasm4 ,leo4 ,photius4 ,michael4 ,the early ,paulicians #bgg #b4 ,critical ,heresy in the ,west4 ,vergilius4 ,claudius4 ,agobard4 ,john ,scotus4 ,the case of ,gottschalk4 ,berengar4 ,roscelin4 ,nominalism and ,realism4 ,heresy in ,florence and in ,france #bhb #c4 ,popular ,anti-,clerical ,heresy4 ,the ,paulicians 7,cathari7 in ,western ,europe3 their anticipation of ,protestantism4 ,abuses of the ,church and papacy4 ,vogue of anti-clerical heresy4 ,peter de ,brueys4 ,eudo4 ,paterini4 ,waldenses #bia #d4 ,heresy in ,southern ,france4 ,the crusade against ,albigensian heresy4 ,arrest of ,provenal civilization3 ,rise and character of the ,inquisition #bii #e4 ,freethought in the ,schools4 ,the problem set to ,anselm4 ,roscelin4 ,nominalism and ,realism4 ,testimony of ,giraldus ,cambrensis3 ,simon of ,tournay4 ,william of ,conches4 ,abailard4 ,john of ,salisbury #cjg #f4 ,saracen and ,jewish ,influences4 ,maimonides4 ,ibn ,ezra4 ,averrosts4 ,amalrich4 ,david of ,dinant4 ,thomas ,aquinas4 ,unbelief at ,paris ,university4 ,suppressive action of the ,church4 ,judicial torture #cae #g4 ,freethought in ,italy4 ,anti-clericalism in ,florence4 ,frederick ,,ii4 ,michael ,scotus4 ,dante's views4 ,pietro of ,abano4 ,brunetto ,latini4 ,cecco ,stabili4 ,boccaccio4 ,petrarch4 ,averrosm #cbb #h4 ,sects and ,orders4 ,italian developments4 ,the ,brethren of the ,free ,spirit4 ,beghards1 etc4 ,franciscans4 ,humiliati4 ,abbot ,joachim4 ,segarelli and ,dolcino #cca #i4 ,thought in ,spain4 ,arab influences4 ,heresy under ,alfonso ,x4 ,the first ,inquisition4 ,arnaldo of ,villanueva4 ,enrique ,,iv4 ,pedro do ,osma4 ,the ,new ,inquisition4 ,the causes of ,spanish evolution #ccg #aj4 ,thought in ,england4 ,roger ,bacon4 ,chaucer4 ,items in ,piers ,ploughman4 ,lollardry4 ,wiclif #cdb #aa4 ,thought in ,france4 ,franois de ,rues4 ,jean de ,meung4 ,reynard the ,fox4 ,paris university4 ,the sects4 ,the ,templars4 ,william of ,occam4 ,marsiglio4 ,pierre ,aureol4 ,nominalism and ,realism4 ,double truth4 ,unbelief in the ,paris schools #cea #ab4 ,thought in the ,teutonic ,countries4 ,the ,minnesingers4 ,walter der ,vogelweide4 ,master ,eckhart4 ,sects4 ,the ,imitatio ,christi #cfa ,chap4 ,x--,freethought in the ,renaissance #a4 ,the ,italian ,evolution4 ,saracen ,sources4 ,anti-clericalism4 ,discredit of the ,church4 ,lorenzo ,valla4 ,masuccio4 ,pulci4 ,executions for blasphemy4 ,averrosm4 ,nifo4 ,unbelief at ,rome4 ,leonardo da ,vinci4 ,platonism4 ,pico della ,mirandola4 ,machiavelli4 ,guicciardini4 ,belief in witchcraft4 ,pomponazzi4 ,pomponio ,leto4 ,the survival of ,averrosm4 ,jewish freethought #cfe #b4 ,the ,french ,evolution4 ,desperiers4 ,rabelais4 ,dolet4 ,the ,vaudois massacres4 ,unbelieving ,churchmen4 ,marguerite of ,navarre4 ,ronsard4 ,bodin4 ,valle4 ,estienne4 ,pleas for tolerance4 ,revival of ,stoicism #cgi #c4 ,the ,english ,evolution4 ,reginald ,pecock4 ,duke ,humphrey4 ,unbelief in immortality #cic #d4 ,the ,remaining ,european ,countries4 ,nicolaus of ,cusa4 ,hermann van ,ryswyck4 ,astrology and science4 ,summary #cih ,chap4 ,,xi--,the ,reformation ,politically ,considered #a4 ,the ,german ,conditions4 ,the ,new ,learning4 ,economic ,causation #djc #b4 ,the ,problem in ,italy1 ,spain1 and the ,netherlands4 ,savonarola4 ,catholic reaction4 ,the ,new ,inquisition4 ,heresy in ,italy4 ,its suppression4 ,the ,index ,expurgatorius4 ,italian and northern character #djg #c4 ,the ,hussite ,failure in ,bohemia4 ,early anti-clericalism4 ,militz and his school4 ,huss and ,jerome4 ,the ,taborite wars4 ,helchitsky #dae #d4 ,anti-,papalism in ,hungary4 ,early anti-clericalism4 ,rapid success of the ,reformation4 ,its decline4 ,new heresy4 ,socinianism4 ,biandrata4 ,davides4 ,recovery of the ,church #dai #e4 ,protestantism in ,poland4 ,early anti-clericalism4 ,inroad of ,protestantism4 ,growth of ,unitarianism4 ,goniondzki4 ,pauli4 ,catholic reaction #dbb #f4 ,the ,struggle in ,france4 ,attitude of ,king ,francis4 ,economic issues4 ,pre-,lutheran ,protestantism4 ,persecution4 ,berquin4 ,protestant violences4 ,fortunes of the cause in ,france #dbg #g4 ,the ,political ,process in ,britain4 ,england not specially anti-papal4 ,the causation4 ,henry's divorce4 ,spoliation #dca ,chap4 ,,xii--,the ,reformation and ,freethought #a4 ,germany and ,switzerland4 ,mutianus4 ,crotus4 ,bebel4 ,rise of ,unitarianism4 ,luther and ,melanchthon4 ,their anti-democratic politics4 ,their dogmatism4 ,zwingli4 ,calvin and his victims4 ,gruet4 ,the ,libertini4 ,servetus4 ,gripaldi4 ,calvin's polity4 ,ochino4 ,anthoine4 ,moral failure of ,protestantism #dcd #b4 ,england4 ,henry and ,wolsey4 ,advanced heresy4 ,persecution4 ,sir ,thomas ,more #deh #c4 ,the ,netherlands4 ,calvinism and ,arminianism4 ,reaction towards ,catholicism4 ,barneveldt4 ,grotius #dfa #d4 ,conclusion4 ,the intellectual failure4 ,indirect gains to freedom #dfd ,chap4 ,,xiii4--,the ,rise of ,modern ,freethought #a4 ,the ,italian ,influence4 ,deism4 ,unitarianism4 ,latitudinarianism4 ,aconzio4 ,nizolio4 ,pereira #dff #b4 ,spain4 ,huarte #dgj #c4 ,france4 ,treatises against atheism3 ,de ,mornay4 ,new skepticism3 ,sanchez4 ,montaigne4 ,charron4 ,the ,satyre-,menippe4 ,garasse on the ,beaux ,esprits4 ,mersenne's attack #dgc ,,preface ,this1 the third edition1 represents a considerable expansion of the second 7#aijf71 which in its turn was a considerable expansion of the first 7#ahii74 ,the book now somewhat approximates1 in point of fullness1 to the modest ideal aimed at4 ,anything much fuller would cease to be a ,short ,history4 ,the process of revision1 carried on since the last issue1 has1 ,i hope1 meant some further advance towards correctness1 and some improvement in arrangement--a particularly difficult matter in such a book4 ,as before1 the many critical excursus have been so printed that they may be recognized and skipped by those readers who care to follow only the narrative4 ,the chapter on the nineteenth century1 though much expanded1 like those on the eighteenth1 remains1 ,i fear1 open to objection on the score of scantiness4 ,i can only plead that the ample and excellent work of ,mr4 ,a4 ,w4 ,benn has now substantially met the need for a fuller survey of that period4 ,it is fitting that ,i should acknowledge the generous critical reception given by most reviewers to the previous editions of a book which1 breaking as it did new ground1 lacked the gain from previous example that accrues to most historical writing4 ,my many debts to historians of culture are1 ,i trust1 indicated in the notes2 but ,i have to repeat my former acknowledgments as to the ,biographical ,dictionary of ,freethinkers of my dead friend1 ,j4 ,m4 ,wheeler1 inasmuch as the aid ,i have had from his manifold research does not thus appear on the surface4 ,it remains to add my thanks to a number of friendly correspondents who have assisted me by pointing out shortcomings and errors4 ,further assistance of the same kind will be gratefully welcomed4 ,it is still my hope that the book may help some more leisured student in the construction of a more massive record of the development of rational thought on the side of human life with which it deals4 ,an apology is perhaps due to the purchasers of the second edition1 which is now superseded by a fuller record4 ,i can but plead that ,i have been unable otherwise to serve their need2 and express a hope that the low price of the present edition will be a compensation4 ,j4 ,m4 ,r4 ,september1 #aiad4 ,a ,,short ,,history ,,of ,,freethought ,,chapter ,i ,,introductory #a4 ,,origin ,,and ,,meaning ,,of ,,the ,,word ,the words freethinking and freethinker first appear in ,english literature about the end of the seventeenth century1 and seem to have originated there and then1 as we do not find them earlier in ,french or in ,italian1 #a the only other modern literatures wherein the phenomena for which the words stand had previously arisen4 ,the title of atheist had been from time immemorial applied to every shade of serious heresy by the orthodox1 as when the early ,christians were so described by the image-adoring polytheists around them2 and in ,latin ,christendom the term infidelis1 translating the apistos of the ,new ,testament1 which primarily applied to ,jews and pagans1 #b was easily extensible1 as in the writings of ,augustine1 to all who challenged or doubted articles of ordinary ,christian belief1 all alike being regarded as consigned to perdition4 #c ,it is by this line of descent that the term infidelity1 applied to doubt on such doctrines as that of the future state1 comes up in ,england in the fifteenth century4 #d ,it implied no systematic or critical thinking4 ,the label of deist1 presumably self-applied by the bearers1 begins to come into use in ,french about the middle of the sixteenth century2 #e and that of naturalist1 also presumably chosen by those who bore it1 came into currency about the same time4 ,lechler traces the latter term in the ,latin form as far back as the ,,ms4 of the ,heptaplomeres of ,bodin1 dated #aehh2 but it was common before that date1 as ,de ,mornay in the preface to his ,de la ,vrit de la religion chrtienne 7#aeha7 declaims against the false naturalists 7that is to say1 professors of the knowledge of nature and natural things72 and ,montaigne in one of his later essays 7#aehh7 has the phrase nous autres naturalistes4 #f ,apart from these terms1 those commonly used in ,french in the seventeenth century were bel esprit 7sometimes1 though not necessarily1 connoting unbelief71 esprit fort and libertin1 the latter being used in the sense of a religious doubter by ,corneille1 ,molire1 and ,bayle4 #g ,it seems to have first come into use as one of the hostile names for the ,brethren of the ,free ,spirit1 a pantheistic and generally heretical sect which became prominent in the thirteenth century1 and flourished widely1 despite destructive persecution1 till the fifteenth4 ,their doctrine being antinomian1 and their practice often extravagant1 they were accused by ,churchmen of licentiousness1 so that in their case the name ,libertini had its full latitude of application4 ,in the sixteenth century the name of ,libertines is found borne1 voluntarily or otherwise1 by a similar sect1 probably springing from some remnant of the first1 but calling themselves ,spirituales1 who came into notice in ,flanders1 were favoured in ,france by ,marguerite of ,navarre1 sister of ,francis ,i1 and became to some extent associated with sections of the ,reformed ,church4 ,they were attacked by ,calvin in the treatise ,contre la sects fanatique et furieuse des ,libertins 7#aedd and #aede74 #h ,the name of ,libertini was not in the sixteenth century applied by any ,genevese writer to any political party2 #i but by later historians it was in time either fastened on or adopted by the main body of ,calvin's opponents in ,geneva1 who probably included some members of the sect or movement in question4 ,they were accused by him of general depravity1 a judgment not at all to be acquiesced in1 in view of the controversial habits of the age2 though they probably included antinomian ,christians and libertines in the modern sense1 as well as orthodox lovers of freedom and orderly non-,christians4 ,as the first ,brethren of the ,free ,spirit1 so-called1 seem to have appeared in ,italy 7where they are supposed to have derived1 like the ,waldenses1 from the immigrant ,paulicians of the ,eastern ,church71 the name ,libertini presumably originated there4 ,but in ,renaissance ,italy an unbeliever seems usually to have been called simply ateo1 or infedele1 or pagano4 ,the standing phrase was non aver fede4 #aj ,in ,england1 before and at the ,reformation1 both infidel and faithless usually had the theological force of non-,christian4 ,thus ,tyndale says of the ,turks that though they knowledge one ,god1 yet they have erred and been faithless these eight hundred years2 adding the same of the ,jews4 #aa ,throughout ,elizabeth's reign1 infidel seems thus to have commonly signified only a heathen or ,jew or ,mohammedan4 ,bishop ,jewel1 for instance1 writes that the ,anglo-,saxon invaders of ,britain then were infidels2 #ab and the word appears to be normally used in that sense1 or with a playful force derived from that1 by the divines1 poets1 and dramatists1 including ,shakespeare1 as by ,milton in his verse4 #ac ,ben ,jonson has the phrase3 ,i did not expect ,to meet an infidel1 much less an atheist1 ,here in ,love's list4 #ad ,one or two earlier writers1 #ae indeed1 use infidel in the modern sense2 and it was at times so used by early ,elizabethans4 #af ,but ,foxe brackets together ,jews1 ,turks1 or infidels2 #ag and ,hooper1 writing in #aedg1 speaks1 like ,jewel1 of the heathen as the infidels4 #ah ,hooker 7#aeec-afjj71 in his ,fifth ,sermon1 #i1 #ai uses the word somewhat indefinitely1 but in his margin makes ,pagans and ,infidels equivalent to ,pagans and ,turks4 ,so also1 in the ,ecclesiastical ,polity1 #bj infidels means men of another religion4 ,on the title-page of ,reginald ,scot's ,discoverie of ,witchcraft 7#aegd71 on the other hand1 we have the infidelitie of atheists2 but so late as #afjj we find ,j4 ,h4 ,john ,healy1 the translator of ,augustine's ,city of ,god1 rendering infideles and homines infideles by unbelievers4 #ba ,infidelity1 in the modern sense1 occurs in ,sir ,t4 ,browne4 #bb ,in ,england1 as in the rest of ,europe1 however1 the phenomenon of freethought had existed1 in specific form1 long before it could express itself in propagandist writings1 or find any generic name save those of atheism and infidelity2 and the process of naming was as fortuitous as it generally is in matters of intellectual evolution4 ,phrases approximating to free thought occur soon after the ,restoration4 ,thus ,glanvill repeatedly writes sympathetically of free philosophers #bc and free philosophy4 #bd ,in #affg we find ,sprat1 the historian of the ,royal ,society1 describing the activity of that body as having arisen or taken its special direction through the conviction that in science1 as in warfare1 better results had been obtained by a free way than by methods not so describable4 #be ,as ,sprat is careful to insist1 the members of the ,royal ,society1 though looked at askance by most of the clergy #bf and other pietists1 were not as such to be classed as unbelievers1 the leading members being strictly orthodox2 but a certain number seem to have shown scant concern for religion2 #bg and while it was one of the ,society's first rules not to debate any theological question whatever1 #bh the intellectual atmosphere of the time was such that some among those who followed the free way in matters of natural science would be extremely likely to apply it to more familiar problems4 #bi ,at the same period we find ,spinoza devoting his ,tractatus ,theologico-,politicus 7#afgj7 to the advocacy of libertas philosophandi2 and such a work was bound to have a general ,european influence4 ,it was probably1 then1 a result of such express assertion of the need and value of freedom in the mental life that the name freethinker came into ,english use in the last quarter of the century4 ,before deism came into ,english vogue1 the names for unbelief1 even deistic1 were simply infidelity and atheism--e4g41 ,bishop ,fotherby's ,atheomastix 7#afbb71 ,baxter's ,unreasonableness of ,infidelity 7#afee7 and ,reasons of the ,christian ,religion 7#affg71 passim4 ,bishop ,stillingfleet's ,letter to a ,deist 7#afgg7 appears to be the first published attack on deism by name4 ,his ,origines ,sacr 7#affb7 deals chiefly with deistic views1 but calls unbelievers in general atheists4 ,cudworth1 in his ,true ,intellectual ,system of the ,universe 7written #afga1 published #afgh71 does not speak of deism1 attacking only atheism1 and was himself suspected of ,socinianism4 ,w4 ,sherlock1 in his ,practical ,discourse of ,religious ,assemblies 7#bnd ed41 #afhb71 attacks atheists and infidels1 but says nothing of deists4 ,that term1 first coined1 as we have seen1 in ,french1 seems first to have found common currency in ,france--e4g41 on the title-pages of the apologetic works of ,marin ,mersenne1 #afbc and #afbd4 ,the term atheist was often applied at random at this period2 but atheism did exist4 ,when the orthodox ,boyle pushed criticism in physical science under such a title as ,the ,sceptical ,chemist1 the principle could not well be withheld from application to religion2 and it lay in the nature of the case that the name freethinker1 like that of skeptic1 should come to attach itself specially to those who doubted where doubt was most resented and most resisted4 ,at length the former term became specific4 ,in the meantime the word rationalist1 which in ,english has latterly tended to become the prevailing name for freethinkers1 had made its appearance1 without securing much currency4 ,in a ,london news-letter dated ,october #ad1 #afdf1 it is stated1 concerning the ,presbyterians and ,independents1 that there is a new sect sprung up among them1 and these are the rationalists2 and what their reason dictates to them in ,church or ,state stands for good until they be convinced with better4 #cj ,on the ,continent1 the equivalent ,latin term 7rationalista7 had been applied about the beginning of the century to the ,aristotelian humanists of the ,helmstadt school by their opponents1 #ca apparently in the same sense as that in which ,bacon used the term rationales in his ,redargutio ,philosophiarum--,rationales autem1 aranearum more1 telas ex se conficiunt4 ,under this title he contrasts 7as spiders spinning webs out of themselves7 the mere ,aristotelean speculators1 who framed priori schemes of ,nature1 with empiricists1 who1 like ants1 collect something and use it1 preferring to both the bees who should follow the ideal method prescribed by himself4 #cb ,there is here no allusion to heterodox opinion on religion4 ,bishop ,hurst1 who 7perhaps following the ,apophthegms7 puts a translation of ,bacon's words1 with rationalists for rationales1 as one of the mottoes of his ,history of ,rationalism1 is thus misleading his readers as to ,bacon's meaning4 ,in #affa ,john ,amos ,comenius1 in his ,theologia ,naturalis1 applies the name rationalista to the ,socinians and deists2 without1 however1 leading to its general use in that sense4 ,later we shall meet with the term in ,english discussions between #afhj and #agae1 applied usually to rationalizing ,christians2 but as a name for opponents of orthodox religion it was for the time superseded1 in ,english1 by freethinker4 ,in the course of the eighteenth century the term was adopted in other languages4 ,the first ,french translation 7#agad7 of ,collins's ,discourse of ,freethinking is entitled ,discours sur la libert de penser2 and the term freethinkers is translated on the title-page by esprit fort1 and in the text by a periphrasis of libert de penser4 ,later in the century1 however1 we find ,voltaire in his correspondence frequently using the substantive franc-pensant1 a translation of the ,english term which subsequently gave way to libre penseur4 ,the modern ,german term ,freigeist1 found as early as #agjb in the allusion to ,alten ,qucker und neuen ,frey-,geister on the title-page of the folio ,anabaptisticum et ,enthusiasticum ,pantheon1 probably derives from the old ,brethren of the ,free ,spirit2 while ,schngeist arose as a translation of bel esprit4 ,in the middle of the eighteenth century ,freidenker came into ,german use as a translation of the ,english term4 ,in a general sense free thoughts was a natural expression1 and we have it in ,ben ,jonson3 ,being free master of mine own free thoughts4 #cc ,but not till about the year #agjj did the phrase begin to have a special application to religious matters4 ,the first certain instance thus far noted of the use of the term freethinker is in a letter of ,molyneux to ,locke1 dated ,april #f1 #afig1 #cd where ,toland is spoken of as a candid freethinker4 ,in an earlier letter1 dated ,december #bd1 #afie1 ,molyneux speaks of a certain book on religion as somewhat lacking in freedom of thought2 #ce and in ,burnet's ,letters #cf occurs still earlier the expression men 444 of freer thoughts4 ,in the ,new ,english ,dictionary a citation is given from the title-page of ,s4 ,smith's brochure1 ,the ,religious ,impostor 444 dedicated to ,doctor ,s-l-m-n and the rest of the new ,religious ,fraternity of ,freethinkers1 near ,leather-,sellers' ,hall4 ,printed 444 in the first year of ,grace and ,freethinking1 conjecturally dated #afib4 ,it is thought to refer to the sect of ,freeseekers mentioned in ,luttrell's ,brief ,historical ,relation 7iii1 #ef7 under date #afic4 ,in that case it is not unbelievers that are in question4 ,so in ,shaftesbury's ,inquiry ,concerning ,virtue 7first ed4 #afii7 the expression freethought has a general and not a particular sense2 #cg and in ,baker's ,reflections upon ,learning1 also published in #afii1 in the remark3 ,after the way of freethinking had been lai'd open by my ,lord ,bacon1 it was soon after greedily followed2 #ch the reference is1 of course1 to scientific and not to religious thought4 ,but in ,shaftesbury's ,essay on the ,freedom of ,wit and ,humour 7#agji7 the phrases free-writers and a freethought #ci have reference to advanced opinions1 though in his letters to ,ainsworth 7,may #aj1 #agjg7 he had written1 ,i am glad to find your love of reason and freethought4 ,your piety and virtue ,i know you will always keep4 #dj ,compare the ,miscellaneous ,reflections 7v1 #c7 in the ,characteristics #da 7#agaa71 where the tendency to force the sense from the general to the special is incidentally illustrated4 ,shaftesbury1 however1 includes the term free liver among the naturally honest appellations that have become opprobrious4 ,in ,swift's ,sentiments of a ,church of ,england ,man 7#agjh7 the specialized word is found definitely and abusively connoting religious unbelief3 ,the atheists1 libertines1 despisers of religion--that is to say1 all those who usually pass under the name of freethinkers2 ,steele and ,addison so use it in the ,tatler in #agji2 #db and ,leslie so uses the term in his ,truth of ,christianity ,demonstrated 7#agaa74 ,the anonymous essay1 ,rflexions sur les grands hommes qui sont morts en plaisantant1 by ,deslandes 7,amsterdam1 #agab71 is translated in ,english 7#agac7 as ,reflections on the ,death of ,free-thinkers1 and the translator uses the term in his prefatory ,letter to the ,author1 beside putting it in the text 7pp4 #ej1 #he1 #ig1 #ajb1 #ajf1 etc471 where the original had esprit fort4 ,it was not till #agac1 however1 that ,anthony ,collins's ,discourse of ,freethinking1 occasioned by the ,rise and ,growth of a ,sect called ,freethinkers1 gave the word a universal notoriety1 and brought it into established currency in controversy1 with the normal significance of deist1 ,collins having entirely repudiated atheism4 ,even after this date1 and indeed in full conformity with the definition in ,collins's opening sentence1 ,ambrose ,philips took ,the ,freethinker as the title of a weekly journal 7begun in #agah7 on the lines of the ,spectator1 with no heterodox leaning1 #dc the contributors including ,boulter1 afterwards ,archbishop of ,dublin1 and the son of ,bishop ,burnet4 ,but despite this attempt to keep the word freethinking as a name for simple freedom from prejudice in secular affairs1 the tendency to specialize it as aforesaid was irresistible4 ,as names go1 it was on the whole a good one2 and the bitterness with which it was generally handled on the orthodox side showed that its implicit claim was felt to be disturbing1 though some antagonists of course claimed from the first that they were as free under the law of right reason as any skeptic4 #dd ,at this time of day the word may be allowed prescriptive standing1 as having no more drawbacks than most other names for schools of thought or attitudes of mind1 and as having been admitted into most ,european languages4 ,the question-begging element is not greater in this than in many other terms of similar intention1 such as rationalism2 and it incurs no such charge of absurdity as lies against the invidious religious term1 infidelity4 ,the term infidel invites fidel4 ,a plausible objection may1 indeed1 arise on the score that such a term as freethought should not be set up by thinkers who almost invariably reject the term freewill--the rationalistic succession having for two hundred and fifty years been carried on mainly by determinists4 ,but the issues raised by the two terms are on wholly different planes2 and while in both cases the imperfection of the instrument of language is apparent1 it is not in the present case a cause of psychological confusion1 as it is in the discussion of the nature of will4 ,the freewill fallacy consists in applying universally to the process of judgment and preference 7which is a process of natural causation like another7 a conception relevant only to human or animal action1 as interfered with or unaffected by extraneous compulsion4 ,to the processes of nature1 organic or inorganic1 the concepts free and bond are equally irrelevant3 a tiger is no more free to crave for grass and recoil from flesh than is water to flow uphill2 while1 on the other hand1 such appetites are not rationally to be described as forms of bondage4 ,only as a mode distinguishable from its contrary can freedom be predicated of any procedure1 and it is so predicated of actions2 whereas the whole category of volitions is alleged and denied by the verbal disputants to be free4 ,some attempt to save the case by distinguishing between free and alleged unfree volitions2 but the latter are found to be simply cases of choices dictated by intense need1 as in the case of deadly thirst4 ,the difference1 therefore1 is only one of degree of impulse1 not in the fact of choice4 ,the term freewill1 therefore1 is irrational1 as being wholly irrelevant to the conception of volition4 ,but freethought1 on the other hand1 points to an actual difference in degree of employment of the faculty of criticism4 ,the proposition is that some men think more freely than others in that they are 7a7 not terrorized by any veto on criticism1 and 7b7 not hampered1 or less hampered1 by ignorant pre-suppositions4 ,in both cases there is a real discrimination4 ,there is no allegation that1 absolutely speaking1 thought is free in the sense of the orthodox formula2 on the contrary1 it is asserted that the rationalist's critical course is specifically determined by his intellectual structure and his preparation1 and that it is sometimes different structure1 but more often different preparation1 that determines the anti-critical or counter-critical attitude of the believer4 ,change in the preparation1 it is contended1 will put the latter in fuller use of his potential resources2 his inculcated fear of doubt and docility of assent being simply acquiescences in vetoes on his attention to certain matters for reflection--that is to say1 in arbitrary limitations of his action4 ,it is further implied that the instructed man1 other things being equal1 is freer to think than the uninstructed1 as being less obstructed2 but for the purpose of our history it is sufficient to posit the discriminations above noted4 ,the essential thing to be realized is the fact that from its earliest stages humanity has suffered from conventional or traditionary hindrances to the use of judgment4 ,this holds good even as to the early play of the simple inventive faculty1 all innovations in implements being met by the inertia of habit2 and when men reached the stages of ritual practice1 social construction1 and religious doctrine1 the forces of repression became powerful in proportion to the seriousness of the problem4 ,it is only in modern times that freedom in these relations has come to be generally regarded as permissible2 and it has always been over questions of religion that the strife has been keenest4 ,for practical purposes1 then1 freethought may be defined as a conscious reaction against some phase or phases of conventional or traditional doctrine in religion--on the one hand1 a claim to think freely1 in the sense not of disregard for logic1 but of special loyalty to it1 on problems to which the past course of things has given a great intellectual and practical importance2 on the other hand1 the actual practice of such thinking4 ,this sense1 which is substantially agreed on1 will on one or other side sufficiently cover those phenomena of early or rudimentary freethinking which wear the guise of simple concrete opposition to given doctrines or systems1 whether by way of special demur or of the obtrusion of a new cult or doctrine4 ,in either case1 the claim to think in a measure freely is implicit in the criticism or the new affirmation2 and such primary movements of the mind cannot well be separated1 in psychology or in history1 from the fully conscious practice of criticism in the spirit of pure truth-seeking1 or from the claim that such free examination is profoundly important to moral and intellectual health4 ,modern freethought1 specially so-called1 is only one of the developments of the slight primary capacity of man to doubt1 to reason1 to improve on past thinking1 to assert his personality as against sacrosanct and menacing authority4 ,concretely considered1 it has proceeded by the support and stimulus of successive accretions of actual knowledge2 and the modern consciousness of its own abstract importance emerged by way of an impression or inference from certain social phenomena1 as well as in terms of self-asserting instinct4 ,there is no break in its evolution from primitive mental states1 any more than in the evolution of the natural sciences from primitive observation4 ,what particularly accrues to the state of conscious and systematic discrimination1 in the one case as in the other1 is just the immense gain in security of possession4 #b4 ,,previous ,,histories ,it is somewhat remarkable that in ,england this phenomenon has thus far #de had no general historic treatment save at the hands of ecclesiastical writers1 who1 in most cases1 have regarded it solely as a form of more or less perverse hostility to their own creed4 ,the modern scientific study of religions1 which has yielded so many instructive surveys1 almost of necessity excludes from view the specific play of freethought1 which in the religion-making periods is to be traced rather by its religious results than by any record of its expression4 ,all histories of philosophy1 indeed1 in some degree necessarily recognize it2 and such a work as ,lange's ,history of ,materialism may be regarded as part--whether or not sound in its historical treatment--of a complete history of freethought1 dealing specially with general philosophic problems4 ,but of freethought as a reasoned revision or rejection of current religious doctrines by more or less practical people1 we have no regular history by a professed freethinker1 though there are many monographs and surveys of periods4 ,the latest and freshest sketch of the kind is ,professor ,j4 ,b4 ,bury's brief ,history of ,freedom of ,thought 7#aiac71 notable for the force of its championship of the law of liberty4 ,the useful compilation of the late ,mr4 ,charles ,watts1 entitled ,freethought3 ,its ,rise1 ,progress1 and ,triumph 7n4 d471 deals with freethought in relation only to ,christianity4 ,apart from treatises which broadly sketch the development of knowledge and of opinion1 the nearest approaches to a general historic treatment are the ,dictionnaire des ,athes of ,sylvain ,marchal 7#ahjj3 #c;e dit41 par ,j4 ,b4 ,l4 ,germond1 #ahec7 and the ,biographical ,dictionary of ,freethinkers by the late ,joseph ,mazzini ,wheeler4 ,the quaint work of ,marchal1 expanded by his friend ,lalande1 exhibits much learning1 but is made partly fantastic by its sardonic plan of including a number of typical religionists 7including ,job1 ,john1 and ,jesus ,christ671 some of whose utterances are held to lead logically to atheism4 ,mr4 ,wheeler's book is in every respect the more trustworthy4 ,in excuse of ,marchal's method1 it may be noted that the prevailing practice of ,christian apologists had been to impute atheism to heterodox theistic thinkers of all ages4 ,the ,historia universalis ,atheismi et ,atheorum falso et merito suspectorum of ,j4 ,f4 ,reimmann 7,hildesi1 #agbe7 exhibits this habit both in its criticism and in its practice1 as do the ,theses de ,atheismo et ,superstitione of ,buddeus 7,trajecti ad ,rhenum1 #agaf74 ,these were the standard treatises of their kind for the eighteenth century1 and seem to be the earliest systematic treatises in the nature of a history of freethought1 excepting a ,historia ,naturalismi by ,a4 ,tribbechov 7,jen1 #agjj7 and a ,historia ,atheismi breviter delineata by ,jenkinus ,thomasius 7,altdorf1 #afib2 ,basile1 #agji2 ,london1 #agaf74 ,in the same year with ,reimmann's ,historia appeared ,j4 ,a4 ,fabricius's ,delectus ,argumentorum et ,syllabus scriptorum qui veritatem religionis ,christian adversus ,atheos1 ,epicureos1 ,deistas1 seu ,naturalistas 444 asseruerunt 7,hamburghi71 in which it is contended 7cap4 viii7 that many philosophers have been falsely described as atheists2 but in the ,freydenker ,lexicon of ,j4 ,a4 ,trinius 7,leipzig1 #agei71 planned as a supplement to the work of ,fabricius1 are included such writers as ,sir ,thomas ,browne and ,dryden4 ,the works of the late ,rev4 ,john ,owen1 ,evenings with the ,skeptics1 ,skeptics of the ,italian ,renaissance1 and ,skeptics of the ,french ,renaissance1 which1 though not constituting a literary whole1 collectively cover a great deal of historical ground1 must be expressly excepted from the above characterization of clerical histories of freethought1 in respect of their liberality of view4 ,they deal largely1 however1 with general or philosophical skepticism1 which is a special development of freethought1 often by way of reasonings in which many freethinkers do not acquiesce4 7,all strict skeptics1 that is to say--as distinguished from religionists who profess skepticism up to a certain point by way of making a surrender to orthodox dogmatism #df--;are freethinkers2 but most freethinkers are not strictly skeptics47 ,the history of philosophic skepticism1 again1 is properly and methodically treated in the old work of ,carl ,friedrich ,studlin1 ,geschichte und ,geist des ,skepticismus 7#b ,bde41 ,leipzig1 #agid71 the historic survey being divided into six periods3 #a1 ,before ,pyrrho2 #b1 from ,pyrrho to ,sextus2 #c1 from ,sextus to ,montaigne2 #d1 from ,montaigne to ,la ,mothe le ,vayer2 #e1 from ,la ,mothe le ,vayer to ,hume2 #f1 from ,hume to ,kant and ,platner4 ,the posthumous work of mile ,saisset1 ,le ,scepticisme3 nsidme--,pascal--,kant 7#ahfe71 is a fragment of a projected complete history of philosophic skepticism4 ,studlin's later work1 the ,geschichte des ,rationalismus und ,supernaturalismus 7#ahbf71 is a shorter but more general history of the strife between general freethought and supernaturalism in the ,christian world and era4 ,it deals cursorily with the intellectual attitude of the early ,fathers1 the early heretics1 and the ,scholastics2 proceeding to a fuller survey of the developments since the ,reformation1 and covering ,unitarianism1 ,latitudinarianism1 ,english and ,french ,deism1 and ,german ,rationalism of different shades down to the date of writing4 ,studlin may be described as a rationalizing supernaturalist4 ,like most works on religious and intellectual history written from a religious standpoint1 those of ,studlin treat the phenomena as it were in vacuo1 with little regard to the conditioning circumstances1 economic and political2 critical thought being regarded purely as a force proceeding through its own proclivities4 ,saisset is at very much the same point of view4 ,needless to say1 valuable work may be done up to a certain point on this method1 which is seen in full play in ,hegel2 and high praise is due to the learned and thoughtful treatise of ,r4 ,w4 ,mackay1 ,the ,progress of the ,intellect as ,exemplified in the ,religious ,development of the ,greeks and ,hebrews 7#b vols4 #ahej71 where it is partially but ably supplemented by the method of inductive science4 ,that method1 again1 is freshly and forcibly applied to a restricted problem in ,w4 ,a4 ,schmidt's ,geschichte der ,denk- und ,glaubensfreiheit im ersten ,jahrhundert der ,kaiserherrschaft und des ,christenthums 7#ahdg74 ,later come the ,vorgeschichte des ,rationalismus 7#ahec-fb7 and ,geschichte des ,rationalismus 7#ahfe7 of the theologian ,tholuck4 ,of these the latter is unfinished1 coming down only to the middle of the eighteenth century2 while the former does not exactly fulfil its title1 being composed of a volume 7#b ,abth4 #ahec1 #ahed7 on ,das akademische ,leben des #agten ,jahrhunderts1 and of one on ,das kirchliche ,leben des #agten ,jahrhunderts 7#b ,abth4 #ahfa1 #ahfb71 both being restricted to ,german developments4 ,they thus give much matter extraneous to the subject1 and are not exhaustive as to rationalism even in ,germany4 ,hagenbach's ,die ,kirchengeschichte des #ah4 und #ai4 ,jahrhunderts 7#b ,th4 #ahdh1 #ahdi71 a series of lectures1 translated in ,english1 abridged1 under the title ,german ,rationalism in its ,rise1 ,progress1 and ,decline 7#ahfe71 conforms fairly to the latter title1 save as regards the last clause4 ,of much greater scholarly merit is the ,geschichte der religisen ,aufklrung im ,mittelalter1 vom ,ende des achten ,jahrhunderts bis zum ,anfange des vierzehnten1 by ,hermann ,reuter 7#ahge1 #ahgg74 ,this is at once learned1 judicious1 and impartial4 ,its definition of ,aufklrung is substantially in agreement with the working definition of ,freethought given above4 ,among other surveys of periods of innovating thought1 as distinguished from histories of ecclesiastical heresy1 or histories of religious or theological thought which only incidentally deal with heterodox opinion1 should be noted the careful ,geschichte des englischen ,deismus of ,g4 ,f4 ,lechler 7#ahda72 the slighter sketch of ,e4 ,sayous1 ,les distes anglais et le ,christianisme 7#ahhb72 the somewhat diffuse work of ,cesare ,cant1 ,gli eretici d',italia 7#c tom4 #ahfe-fg72 the very intelligent study of ,felice ,tocco1 ,l',eresia nel medio evo 7#ahhd72 ,schmidt's ,histoire des ,cathares 7#b tom4 #ahdi72 ,chr4 ,u4 ,hahn's learned ,geschichte der ,ketzer im ,mittelalter 7#c ,bde4 #ahde-ej72 and the valuable research of ,f4 ,t4 ,perrens1 ,les ,libertins en ,france au xviie sicle 7#ahif74 ,a similar scholarly research for the eighteenth century in ,france is still lacking1 and the many monographs on the more famous freethinkers leave a good deal of literary history in obscurity4 ,such a research has been very painstakingly made for ,england in the late ,sir ,leslie ,stephen's ,history of ,english ,thought in the ,eighteenth ,century 7#b vols41 #bnd ed41 #ahha71 which1 however1 ignores scientific thought4 ,one of the best monographs of the kind is ,la ,critique des traditions religieuses chez les ,grecs1 des origines au temps de ,plutarque1 by ,professor ,paul ,decharme 7#aijd71 a survey at once scholarly and attractive4 ,the brilliant treatise of ,mr4 ,f4 ,m4 ,cornford1 ,from ,religion to ,philosophy 7#aiab71 sketches on more speculative lines the beginnings of ,greek rationalism in ,ionia4 ,the ,geschichte des ,monismus im ,altertum of ,prof4 ,dr4 ,a4 ,drews 7#aiac7 is a wide survey1 of great synthetic value4 ,contributions to the general history of freethought1 further1 have been made in the works of ,j4 ,w4 ,draper 7,a ,history of the ,intellectual ,development of ,europe1 #b vols1 #ahfa1 many reprints2 and ,history of the ,conflict between ,religion and ,science1 #ahgc1 many reprints71 both full of suggestion and stimulus1 but requiring thorough revision as to detail2 in the famous ,introduction to the ,history of ,civilization in ,england of ,h4 ,t4 ,buckle 7#b vols4 #aheg-fa2 new ed4 in #a vol4 with annotations by the present writer1 #aijd72 in the ,history of the ,rise and ,influence of the ,spirit of ,rationalism in ,europe of ,w4 ,e4 ,h4 ,lecky 7#b vols4 #ahfe2 ,r4 ,p4 ,a4 rep4 #aiaj71 who was of ,buckle's school1 but fell below him in point of coherence2 in the comprehensive ,history of the ,warfare of ,science with ,theology of ,professor ,andrew ,d4 ,white 7#b vols4 #ahif--;a great expansion of his earlier essay1 ,the ,warfare of ,science1 #bnd ed4 #ahgg72 and in the essay of ,mr4 ,e4 ,s4 ,p4 ,haynes1 ,religious ,persecution3 ,a ,study in ,political ,psychology 7#aijd2 ,r4 ,p4 ,a4 rep4 #aijf71 as well as in many histories of philosophy and of sciences4 ,the so-called ,history of ,rationalism of the ,american ,bishop ,j4 ,f4 ,hurst1 first published in #ahfe1 and revised in #aija1 is in the main a work of odium theologicum1 dealing chiefly with the evolution of theology and criticism in ,germany since the ,reformation4 ,even to that purpose it is very inadequate4 ,its preface alleges that happily the vital body of evangelical truth has received only comparatively weak and timorous attacks from the more modern representatives of the rank and rabid rationalism which reached its climax near the close of the eighteenth1 and has had a continuous decline through the nineteenth1 century4 ,it urges1 however1 as a reason for defensive activity1 the consideration that the work of ,satan is never planless2 and further pronounces that the work of rationalism must determine its character4 ,this work has been most injurious to the faith and life of the ,church1 and its deeds must therefore be its condemnation 7,introd4 p4 #c74 ,thus the latest approximation to a history of theological rationalism by a clerical writer is the most negligible4 ,in ,english1 apart from studies of given periods and of the progress of science and culture1 the only other approaches to a history of freethought are those of ,bishop ,van ,mildert1 the ,rev4 ,j4 ,e4 ,riddle1 and the ,rev4 ,adam ,storey ,farrar4 ,van ,mildert's ,historical ,view of the ,rise and ,progress of ,infidelity #dg constituted the ,boyle ,lectures for #ahjb-je2 ,mr4 ,riddle's ,natural ,history of ,infidelity and ,superstition in ,contrast with ,christian ,faith formed part of his ,bampton ,lectures for #aheb2 and ,mr4 ,farrar produced his ,critical ,history of ,freethought in reference to the ,christian ,religion as the ,bampton ,lectures for #ahfb4 ,all three were men of considerable reading1 and their works give useful bibliographical clues2 but the virulence of ,van ,mildert deprives his treatise of rational weight2 ,mr4 ,riddle1 who in any case professes to give merely a ,natural ,history or abstract argument1 and not a history proper1 is only somewhat more constrainedly hostile to infidelity2 and even ,mr4 ,farrar1 the most judicial as well as the most comprehensive of the three1 proceeds on the old assumption that unbelief 7from which he charitably distinguishes doubt7 generally arises from antagonism of feeling1 which wishes revelation untrue--a thesis maintained with vehemence by the others4 #dh ,writers so placed1 indeed1 could not well be expected to contemplate freethought scientifically as an aspect of mental evolution common to all civilizations1 any more than to look with sympathy on the freethought which is specifically anti-,christian4 ,the annotations to all three works1 certainly1 show some consciousness of the need for another temper and method than that of their text1 #di which is too obviously1 perhaps inevitably1 composed for the satisfaction of the ordinary orthodox animus of their respective periods2 but even the best remains not so much a history as an indictment4 ,in the present sketch1 framed though it be from the rationalistic standpoint1 it is proposed to draw up not a counter indictment1 but a more or less dispassionate account of the main historical phases of freethought1 viewed on the one hand as expressions of the rational or critical spirit1 playing on the subject-matter of religion1 and on the other hand as sociological phenomena conditioned by social forces1 in particular the economic and political4 ,the lack of any previous general survey of a scientific character will1 it is hoped1 be taken into account in passing judgment on its schematic defects as well as its inevitable flaws of detail4 #c4 ,,the ,,psychology ,,of ,,freethinking ,though it is no part of our business here to elaborate the psychology of doubt and belief1 it may be well to anticipate a possible criticism on the lines of recent psychological speculation1 and to indicate at the outset the practical conception on which the present survey broadly proceeds4 ,to begin with1 the conception of freethinking implies that of hindrance1 resistance1 coercion1 difficulty2 and as regards objective obstacles the type of all hindrance is restraint upon freedom of speech or publication4 ,in other words1 all such restraint is a check upon thinking4 ,on reflection it soon becomes clear that where men dare not say or write what they think1 the very power of thinking is at length impaired in the ablest1 while the natural stimulus to new thought is withdrawn from the rest4 ,no man can properly develop his mind without contact with other minds1 suggestion and criticism being alike factors in every fruitful mental evolution2 and though for some the atmosphere of personal intercourse is but slightly necessary to the process of mental construction1 even for these the prospect of promulgation is probably essential to the undertaking of the task2 and the study of other writers is a condition of useful ratiocination4 ,in any case1 it is certain that the exercise of argument is a condition of intellectual growth4 ,not one man in a million will or can argue closely with himself on issues on which he knows he can say nothing and can never overtly act2 and for the average man all reasoning on great problems is a matter of prompting from without4 ,the simple fact that the conversation of uneducated people runs so largely to citation of what he says makes clear this dependence4 ,each brings something to the common store1 and progress is set up by pooling the mass of small intellectual variations or originalities4 ,thus in the long run freedom of speech is the measure of a generation's intellectual capacity2 #ej and the promoters of such freedom are typically the truest servants of progress4 ,on the other hand1 there is still a common disposition to ascribe to a species of intellectual malice the disturbance that criticism causes to the holders of established beliefs4 ,recent writers have pressed far the theorem that will enters as an element into every mental act1 thus giving a momentary appearance of support to the old formula that unbelief is the result of an arbitrary or sinister perversity of individual choice4 ,needless to say1 however1 the new theorem--which inverts without refuting ,spinoza's denial of the entity of volition--applies equally to acts of belief2 and it is a matter of the simplest concrete observation that1 in so far as will or wilfulness in the ordinary sense operates in the sphere of religion1 it is at least as obvious and as active on the side of belief #ea as on the other4 ,a moment's reflection on the historic phenomena of orthodox resistance to criticism will satisfy any student that1 whatever may have been the stimulus on the side of heresy1 the antagonism it arouses is largely the index of primary passion--the spontaneous resentment of the believer whose habits are disturbed4 ,his will normally decides his action1 without any process of judicial deliberation4 ,it is another way of stating the same fact to point out the fallacy of the familiar assumption that freethinking represents a bias to negation4 ,in the nature of the case1 the believer has to do at least as much negation as his opponents2 and if again we scan history in this connection1 we shall see cause to conclude that the temperamental tendency to negation--which is a form of variation like another--is abundantly common on the side of religious conservatism4 ,nowhere is there more habitual opposition to new ideas as such4 ,at best the believer1 so-called1 rejects a given proposition or suggestion because it clashes with something he already believes4 ,the new proposition1 however1 has often been reached by way not of preliminary negation of the belief in question1 but of constructive explanation1 undertaken to bring observed facts into theoretic harmony4 ,thus the innovator has only contingently put aside the old belief because it clashes with something he believes in a more vital way2 and he has done this with circumspection1 whereas his opponent too often repels him without a second thought4 ,the phenomena of the rise of the ,copernican astronomy1 modern geology1 and modern biology1 all bear out this generalization4 ,nor is the charge of negativeness any more generally valid against such freethinking as directly assails current doctrines4 ,there may be1 of course1 negative-minded people on that side as on the other2 and such may fortuitously do something to promote freethought1 or may damage it in their neighbourhood by their atmosphere4 ,but everything goes to show that freethinking normally proceeds by way of intellectual construction--that is1 by way of effort to harmonize one position with another2 to modify a special dogma to the general run of one's thinking4 ,rationalism stands not for skepticism in the strict philosophic sense1 but for a critical effort to reach certainties4 ,the attitude of pure skepticism on a wide scale is really very rare--much rarer even than the philosophic effort4 ,so far from freethinkers being given to destroying without building up1 they are1 as a rule1 unable to destroy a dogma either for themselves or for others without setting a constructive belief in its place--a form of explanation1 that is2 such being much more truly a process of construction than would be the imposition of a new scheme of dogma4 ,in point of fact1 they are often accused1 and by the same critics1 of an undue tendency to speculative construction2 and the early atheists of ,greece and of the modern period did so err4 ,but that is only a proof the more that their freethinking was not a matter of arbitrary volition or an undue negativeness4 ,the only explanation which ostensibly countervails this is the old one above glanced at--that the unbeliever finds the given doctrine troublesome as a restraint1 and so determines to reject it4 ,it is to be feared that this view has survived ,mr4 ,a4 ,s4 ,farrar4 ,yet it is very clear that no man need throw aside any faith1 and least of all ,christianity1 on the ground of its hampering his conduct4 ,to say nothing of the fact that in every age1 under every religion1 at every stage of culture from that of the savage to that of the supersubtle decadent or mystic1 men have practised every kind of misconduct without abandoning their supernatural credences--there is the special fact that the whole ,christian system rests on the doctrine of forgiveness of sins to the believer4 ,the theory of wilful disbelief on the part of the reprobate is thus entirely unplausible4 ,such disbelief in the terms of the case would be uneasy1 as involving an element of incertitude2 and his fear of retribution could never be laid4 ,on the other hand1 he has but inwardly to avow himself a sinner and a believer1 and he has the assurance that repentance at the last moment will outweigh all his sins4 ,it is not1 of course1 suggested that such is the normal or frequent course of believing ,christians2 but it has been so often enough to make the libertine theory of unbelief untenable4 ,indeed1 the singular diversity between profession and practice among ,christians has in all periods called out declarations by the more fervid believers that their average fellow-,christians are practical atheists4 ,more judicial minds may be set asking instead how far men really believe who do not act on their opinions4 ,as one high authority has put it1 in the ,middle ,ages the normal opposition of theory and practice was peculiarly abrupt4 ,men's impulses were more violent1 and their conduct more reckless1 than is often witnessed in modern society2 while the absence of a criticizing and measuring spirit made them surrender their minds more unreservedly than they would do now to a complete and imposing theory4444 ,resistance to ,god's ,vicar might be1 and indeed was admitted to be1 a deadly sin1 but it was one which nobody hesitated to commit4 #eb ,and so with other sins1 the sinner having somewhere in the rear of his consciousness the reflection that his sins could be absolved4 ,and1 apart from such half-purposive forms of licence among ,christians1 there have been countless cases of purposive licence4 ,in all ages there have been antinomian ,christians1 #ec whether of the sort that simply rest on the seventy times seven of the ,gospel1 or of the more articulately logical kind who dwell on the doctrine of faith versus works4 ,for the rest1 as the considerate theologian will readily see1 insistence on the possibility of a sinister motive for the unbeliever brings up the equal possibility of a sinister motive on the part of the convert to ,christianity1 ancient or modern4 ,at every turn1 then1 the charge of perversity of the will recoils on the advocate of belief2 so that it would be the course of common prudence to abandon it1 even were it not in itself1 as a rule1 so plainly an expression of irritated bias4 ,on the other hand1 it need not be disputed that unbelief has been often enough associated with some species of libertinism to give a passing colour for the pretence of causal connection4 ,the fact1 however1 leads us to a less superficial explanation1 worth keeping in view here4 ,freethinking being taken to be normally a variation of intellectual type in the direction of a critical demand for consistency and credibility in beliefs1 its social assertion will be a matter on the one side of force of character or degree of recklessness1 and on the other hand of force of circumstances4 ,the intellectual potentiality and the propagandist purpose will be variously developed in different men and in different surroundings4 ,if we ask ourselves how1 in general1 the critical tendency is to arise or to come into play1 we are almost compelled to suppose a special stimulus as well as a special faculty4 ,critical doubt is made possible1 broadly speaking1 by the accumulation of ideas or habits of certain kinds which insensibly undo a previous state of homogeneity of thought4 ,for instance1 a community subsiding into peace and order from a state of warfare and plunder will at length find the ethic of its daily life at variance with the conserved ethic of its early religion of human sacrifice and special family or tribal sanctions2 or a community which has accumulated a certain amount of accurate knowledge of astronomy will gradually find such knowledge irreconcilable with its primitive cosmology4 ,a specially gifted person will anticipate the general movement of thought2 but even for him some standing-ground must be supposed2 and for the majority the advance in moral practice or scientific knowledge is the condition of any effective freethinking4 ,between top and bottom1 however1 there are all grades of vivacity1 earnestness1 and courage2 and on the side of the normal resistance there are all varieties of political and economic circumstance4 ,it follows1 then1 that the avowed freethinker may be so in virtue either of special courage or of antecedent circumstances which make the attitude on his part less courageous4 ,and it may even be granted to the quietist that the courage is at times that of ill-balanced judgment or heady temperament2 just as it may be conceded to the conservative that it is at times that which goes with or follows on disregard of wise ways of life4 ,it is well that the full force of this position be realized at the outset4 ,when we find1 as we shall1 some historic freethinkers displaying either extreme imprudence or personal indiscipline1 we shall be prepared1 in terms of this preliminary questioning1 to realize anew that humanity has owed a great deal to some of its unbalanced types2 and that1 though discipline is nearly the last word of wisdom1 indiscipline may at times be the morbid accompaniment or excess of a certain openness of view and spontaneity of action which are more favourable to moral and intellectual advance than a cold prudence or a safe insusceptibility4 ,but cold or calm prudence in turn is not a vice2 and it is hardly possible to doubt that there have been in all ages varying numbers of unbelievers who shrugged their shoulders over the follies of faith1 and declined to tilt against the windmills of fanaticism4 ,there is much reason for surmising that ,shakespeare was a case in point4 ,it is not to be supposed1 then1 because some freethinkers who came out into the open were unbalanced types1 that their psychology is the psychology of freethought1 any more than that of ,general ,gordon or ,francis of ,assisi is to be reckoned typical on the side of belief4 ,there must have been myriads of quiet unbelievers1 rational all round1 whose unbelief was a strictly intellectual process1 undisturbed by temperament4 ,in our own day such types abound1 and it is rather in them than in the abnormal types of past freethought--the ,brunos and the ,voltaires--that the average psychology of freethought is to be looked for and understood4 ,as for the case of the man who1 already at odds with his fellows in the matter of his conduct1 may in some phases of society feel it the easier to brave them in the matter of his avowed creed1 we have already seen that even this does not convict him of intellectual dishonesty4 ,and were such cases relatively as numerous as they are scarce--were the debauched deists even commoner than the vinous ,steeles and ,fieldings--the use of the fact as an argument would still be an oblique course on the side of a religion which claims to have found its first and readiest hearing among publicans and sinners4 ,for the rest1 the harm done in the world's history by unbalanced freethinkers is as dust in the balance against the immeasurable evil deliberately wrought on serious religious motives1 to say nothing of the constant deviation of the mass of believers from their own professed code4 ,it may1 finally1 help a religious reader to a judicial view of the phenomenon of freethought if he is reminded that every step forward in the alleged historic evolution of his own creed would depend1 in the case put1 on the existence of persons capable of rejecting a current and prevailing code in favour of one either denounced as impious or marked off by circumstances as dangerous4 ,the ,israelites in ,egypt1 the prophets and their supporters1 the ,gospel ,jesus and his adherents1 all ostensibly stand in some degree for positions of negation1 of hardy innovation1 of disregard to things and persons popularly venerated2 wherefore ,collins1 in the ,discourse above mentioned1 smilingly claimed at least the prophets as great freethinkers4 ,on that head it may suffice to say that some of the temperamental qualifications would probably be very much the same for those who of old brought about religious innovation in terms of supernatural beliefs1 and for those who in later times innovate by way of minimizing or repudiating such beliefs1 though the intellectual qualifications might be different4 ,bruno and ,dolet and ,vanini and ,voltaire1 faulty men all four1 could at least be more readily conceived as prophets in early ,jewry1 or reformers under ,herod1 than as ,pharisees1 or even ,sadducees1 under either regimen4 ,be that as it may1 however1 the issues between freethought and creed are ultimately to be settled only in respect of their argumentative bases1 as appreciable by men in society at any given time4 ,it is with the notion of making the process of judicial appreciation a little easier1 by historically exhibiting the varying conditions under which it has been undertaken in the past1 that these pages are written4 ,,chapter ,,ii ,,primitive ,,freethinking ,to consider the normal aspects of primitive life1 as we see them in savage communities and trace them in early literature1 is to realize the enormous hindrance offered to critical thinking in the primary stages of culture by the mere force of habit4 ,the savage1 says our leading anthropologist1 by no means goes through life with the intention of gathering more knowledge and framing better laws than his fathers4 ,on the contrary1 his tendency is to consider his ancestors as having handed down to him the perfection of wisdom1 which it would be impiety to make the least alteration in4 ,hence among the lower races there is obstinate resistance to the most desirable reforms1 and progress can only force its way with a slowness and difficulty which we of this century can hardly imagine4 #ed ,among the ,bantu of ,south ,africa1 before the spread of ,european rule1 any person in advance of his fellows was specially liable to suspicion of sorcery1 so that progress of any kind towards what we should term higher civilization was made exceedingly difficult by this belief4 #ee ,the real or would-be sorcerer could thus secure the elimination of the honest inventor2 fear of sorcery being most potent as against the supposed irregular practitioner4 ,the relative obstinacy of conservatism in periods and places of narrow knowledge is again illustrated in ,lane's account of the modern ,egyptians in the first half of the nineteenth century3 ,some ,egyptians who had studied for a few years in ,france declared to me that they could not instil any of the notions which they had there acquired even into the minds of their most intimate friends4 #ef ,so in modern ,japan there were many assassinations of reformers1 and some civil war1 before ,western ideas could gain a footing4 #eg ,the less the knowledge1 in short1 the harder to add to it4 ,it is hardly possible to estimate with any confidence the relative rates of progress2 but1 though all are extremely slow1 it would seem that reason could sooner play correctively on errors of secular practice #eh than on any species of proposition in religion--taking that word to connote at once mythology1 early cosmology1 and ritual ethic4 ,mere disbelief in a particular medicine-man or rain-maker who failed would not lead to any reflective disbelief in all2 any more than the beating or renunciation of his fetish by a savage or barbarian means rejection of his fetishism1 or than the renunciation of a particular saint by a modern ,catholic #ei means abandonment of prayer to saints for intercession4 ,the question as to whether savages do beat their idols is a matter in some dispute4 ,sir ,a4 ,b4 ,ellis1 a high authority1 offers a notable denial to the current belief that negroes beat their ,gods if their prayers are unanswered4 ,after an experience of the ,gold ,coast extending over thirteen years1 he writes1 ,i have never heard of1 much less witnessed1 anything of the kind1 although ,i have made inquiries in every direction 7,the ,tshi-speaking ,peoples1 #ahhg1 p4 #aid74 ,other anthropologists have collected many instances in other races--e4g41 ,fr4 ,schultze1 ,der ,fetischismus1 #ahga1 p4 #acj4 ,in one case1 a priest beats a fetish in advance1 to secure his careful attention4 7,id4 pp4 #ij-ia1 citing the personal narrative of ,bastian47 ,it seems to be a matter of psychic stage4 ,the more primitive negro is as it were too religious1 too much afraid of his ,gods1 who are not for him idols1 but spirits residing in images or objects4 ,where the state of fear is only chronic another temper may arise4 ,among the ,bataks of ,sumatra disappointed worshippers often scold a ,god2 and their legends tell of men who declared war on a deity and shot at him from a mountain4 7,warneck1 ,die ,religion des ,batak1 #aiji1 p4 #g4 ,cp4 ,gen4 ii1 #d-i47 ,a temper of defiance towards deity has been noted in an ,aryan ,kafir of the ,hindu-,kush4 7,sir ,g4 ,s4 ,robertson1 ,the ,kfirs of the ,hindu-,kush1 #ahii1 p4 #ahb47 ,some peoples go much further4 ,among the ,polynesians1 when a ,god failed to cure a sick chief or notable1 he was regarded as inexorable1 and was usually banished from the temple and his image destroyed 7,w4 ,ellis1 ,polynesian ,researches1 #bnd ed4 #ahca1 i1 #cej74 ,so among the ,chinese1 if the ,god does not give rain they will threaten and beat him2 sometimes they publicly depose him from the rank of deity 7,frazer1 ,lectures on the ,early ,history of ,kingship1 #aije1 pp4 #ih-aja4 ,cp4 ,ross1 ,pansebeia1 #dth ed41 #afgb1 p4 #hj74 ,there are many analogous phenomena4 ,in old ,samoa1 in the ritual of mourning for the dead1 the family ,god was first implored to restore the deceased1 and then fiercely abused and menaced4 #fj ,see1 too1 the story of the people of ,niue or ,savage ,island in the ,south ,pacific1 who in the time of a great pestilence1 thinking the sickness was caused by a certain idol1 broke it in pieces and threw it away 7,turner1 ,samoa a ,hundred ,years ,ago1 #ahhd1 p4 #cjf74 ,see further the cases cited by ,constant1 ,de la religion1 #ahbd1 vol4 i1 ptie4 ii1 pp4 #cb-cd2 and by ,peschel1 ,the ,races of ,man1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahgf1 pp4 #bdg-h1 in particular that of ,rastus1 the last pagan ,lapp in ,europe1 who quarrelled with his fetish stone for killing his reindeer in revenge for the withholding of its customary offering of brandy1 and immediately embraced ,christianity4 7,compare ,e4 ,rae1 ,the ,white ,sea ,peninsula1 #ahha1 p4 #bgf47 ,see again the testimony of ,herman ,melville in his ,typee1 ch4 xxiv2 and that of ,t4 ,williams1 ,fiji and the ,fijians1 ed4 #aheh1 i1 #bcf3 ,sometimes the natives get angry with their deities1 and abuse and even challenge them to fight4 ,herodotos has similar stories of barbarians who defy their own and other deities 7iv1 #agb1 #ahc1 #ahd74 ,compare the case of ,king ,rum ,bahadur of ,nepaul1 who cannonaded his ,gods4 ,spencer1 ,study of ,sociology1 pp4 #cja-b4 ,also the anecdote cited by ,spencer 7,id4 p4 #afj7 from ,sir ,r4 ,burton's ,goa1 p4 #afg4 ,here there is no disbelief1 no reflection1 but simple resentment4 ,compare1 too1 the amusing story of a blasphemy by ,rossini1 told by ,louis ,viardot1 ,libre ,examen1 #f;e d4 pp4 #aff-fg1 note4 ,that threats against the ,gods are possible at a semi-civilized stage is proved by various passages in medieval literature4 ,thus in ,caxton's ,charles the ,grete1 a translation from an older ,french original1 ,charles is made to say3 ,o lord ,god1 if ye suffre that ,olyver be overcome and that my ryght at thys tyme be loste and defyled1 ,i make a vowe that al ,crystyante shal be destroyed4 ,i shal not leve in ,fraunce chirche ne monasterye1 ymage ne aulter1 etc4 7,early ,eng4 ,text ,soc4 rep4 #ahha1 pp4 #gj-ga47 ,such language was probably used by not a few medieval kings in moments of fury2 and there is even record that at the battle of ,dunbar certain of the ,scots ,presbyterian clergy intimated to their deity that he would not be their ,god if he failed them on that day4 ,if such flights be reckoned possible for ,christian kings and clerics in the ,christian era1 there would seem to be no unlikelihood about the many stories of ,god-beating and ,god-defying among contemporary savages1 though so good an observer as ,sir ,a4 ,b4 ,ellis may not have witnessed them in the part of ,africa best known to him4 ,the conclusion reached by ,sir ,a4 ,b4 ,ellis is that the negroes of the ,gold ,coast are not properly to be described as fetishists4 ,fetishism1 on his view1 is a worship of objects as in themselves endowed with magical power2 whereas the ,gold ,coast negro ascribes no virtue to the object commonly called his fetish1 regarding it simply as inhabited by a supernatural power4 ,this writer sees true fetishism in the attitude of ,italian peasants and fishermen who beat and ill-treat their images when prayers are not answered1 and in that of ,spaniards who cover the faces of their images or turn them to the wall when about to do anything which they think the saint or deity would disapprove of4 ,on this view1 fetishism is a later yet lower stage of religious evolution than that of the negro4 ,on the other hand1 ,miss ,kingsley takes fetishism to be the proper name of the attitude of the negro towards particular objects as divinely inhabited1 and represents it as a kind of pantheism 7,west ,african ,studies1 #bnd ed4 #aija1 ch4 v74 ,and since1 by her definition1 ,gods of fetish do not necessarily require a material object to manifest themselves in 7p4 #if71 the term fetish is thus detached from all of its former meanings4 ,it seems expedient1 as a matter of terminology1 to let fetishism mean both object- or image-worship and the belief in the special inhabiting of objects by deities1 with a recognition that the beliefs may be different stages in an evolution1 though1 on the other hand1 they are obviously likely to coalesce or concur4 ,in the ,obeah system of the negroes of the ,west ,indies the former belief in the indwelling spirit has become1 or has coalesced with1 belief in the magical powers of the object 7,keane1 ,man1 ,past and ,present1 #aijj1 p4 #eg74 ,as to defiance or contumely towards the ,gods1 finally1 we have the testimony of the ,swiss missionary ,junod that the ,south ,african ,thonga1 whom he studied very closely1 have in their ritual a regular insulting of the ,gods4 7,life of a ,south ,african ,tribe1 ii1 #aiab1 p4 #chd47 ,why not8 ,prayers to the ancestors 444 are 444 absolutely devoid of awe 7p4 #che71 though the ancestor-,gods are certainly the most powerful spiritual agency acting on man's life 7p4 #cfa72 and the spirits of the ancestors are the main objects of religious worship 7p4 #cdd74 ,the ,thonga1 again1 use neither idolatry nor fetishism1 having no idols 7p4 #chh71 though they recognize hidden virtues in plants1 animals1 and stones 7p4 #cde74 ,they simply regard their ancestor-,gods very much as they do their aged people1 whom they generally treat with little consideration4 ,but the dead can do harm1 and must therefore be propitiated--as savages propitiate1 with fear or malice or derision in their hearts1 as the case may be4 7,cp4 p4 #cgi47 ,on the other hand1 despite the denial of their fetishism1 they believe that ancestor-,gods may come in the shape of animals2 and they so venerate a kind of palladium 7made up like a medicine-man's amulet7 as to raise the question whether this kind of belief is not just that which ,miss ,kingsley called fetish4 7,junod1 pp4 #ceh1 #cgc-gd47 ,whatever may be the essence1 or the varieties1 of fetishism1 it is clear that the beating of idols or threatening of ,gods does not amount to rational doubt concerning the supernatural4 ,some general approach to that attitude may perhaps be inferred in the case of an economic revolt against the burdens of a highly specialized religious system1 which may often have occurred in unwritten history4 ,we shall note a recorded instance of the kind in connection with the question whether there are any savage tribes without religion4 ,but it occurs in the somewhat highly evolved barbarism of pre-,christian ,hawaii2 and it can set up no inference as to any development of critical unbelief at lower levels4 ,in the long stage of lower savagery1 then1 the only approach to freethinking that would seriously affect general belief would presumably be that very credulity which gave foothold to religious beliefs to begin with4 ,that is to say1 without anything in the nature of general criticism of any story or doctrine1 one such might to some extent supersede another1 in virtue of the relative gift of persuasion or personal weight of the propounders4 ,up to a certain point persons with a turn for myth or ritual-making would compete1 and might even call in question each other's honesty1 as well as each other's inspiration4 ,since the rise of scientific hierology there has been a disposition among students to take for granted the good faith of all early religion-makers1 and to dismiss entirely that assumption of fraud which was so long made by ,christian writers concerning the greater part of every non-,christian system4 ,the assumption had been passed on from the freethinkers of antiquity who formulated the view that all religious doctrine had been invented by politicians in order to control the people4 #fa ,christian polemists1 of course1 applied it to all systems but their own4 ,when1 however1 all systems are seen to be alike natural in origin1 such charges are felt to recoil on the system which makes them2 and latterly #fb ,christian writers1 seeing as much1 have been fain to abandon the conception of priestcraft1 adroitly representing it as an extravagance of rationalism4 ,it certainly served rationalistic purposes1 and the title of the supposititious medieval work on ,the ,three ,impostors points to its currency among unbelievers long ago2 but when we first find it popularly current in the seventeenth century1 it is in a ,christian atmosphere4 #fc ,some of the early deists and others have probably in turn exaggerated the amount of deliberate deceit involved in the formation of religious systems2 but nevertheless priestcraft is a demonstrable factor in the process4 ,what is called the psychology of religion has been much obscured in response to the demand of religious persons to have it so presented as to flatter them in that capacity4 #fd ,such a claim cannot be permitted to overrule the fair inductions of comparative science4 ,anthropological evidence suggests that1 while religion clearly begins in primordial fear and fancy1 wilful fraud must to some extent have entered into all religious systems alike1 even in the period of primeval credulity1 were it only because the credulity was so great4 ,one of the most judicial and sympathetic of the ,christian scholars who have written the history of ,greece treats as unquestionable the view that alike in pagan and ,christian cults priestcraft has been fertile in profitable devices1 in the invention of legends1 the fabrication of relics1 and other modes of imposture2 #fe and the leading hierologist of the last generation pronounces decisively as to an element of intentional deceit in the ,koran-making of ,mohammed #ff--;a judgment which1 if upheld1 can hardly fail to be extended to some portions of all other sacred books4 ,however that may be1 we have positive evidence that wilful and systematic fraud enters into the doctrine of contemporary savages1 and that among some primitives known myths are deliberately propounded to the boys and women by the male adults4 #fg ,indeed1 the majority of modern travellers among primitives seem to have regarded their priests and sorcerers in the mass as conscious deceivers4 #fh ,if1 then1 we can point to deliberate imposture alike in the charm-mongering and myth-mongering of contemporary savages and in the sacred-book-making of the higher historical systems1 it seems reasonable to hold that conscious deceit1 as distinguished from childlike fabrication1 would chronically enter into the tale-making of primitive men1 as into their simpler relations with each other4 ,it is indeed impossible to conceive how a copious mythology could ever arise without the play of a kind of imaginativeness that is hardly compatible with veracity2 and it is probably only the exigencies of ecclesiastical life that cause modern critics still to treat the most deliberate fabrications and forgeries in the ,hebrew sacred books as somehow produced in a spirit of the deepest concern for truth4 ,an all-round concern for truth is1 in fact1 a late intellectual development1 the product of much criticism and much doubt2 hence1 perhaps1 the lenity of the verdicts under notice4 ,certain wild tribes here and there1 living in a state of great simplicity1 are in our own day described as remarkably truthful2 #fi but they are not remarkable for range of supernatural belief2 and their truthfulness is to be regarded as a product of their special stability and simplicity of life4 ,the trickery of a primitive medicine-man1 of course1 is a much more childlike thing than the frauds of educated priesthoods2 and it is compatible with so much of spontaneous pietism as is implied in the common passing of the operator into the state of convulsion and trance--a transition which comes easily to many savages4 #gj ,but even at that stage of psychosis1 and in a community where simple secular lying is very rare1 the professional wizard-priest becomes an adept in playing upon credulity4 #ga ,it belongs1 in short1 to the very nature of the priestly function1 in its earlier forms1 to develop in a special degree the normal bias of the undisciplined mind to intellectual fraud4 ,granting that there are all degrees of self-consciousness in the process1 we are bound to recognize that in all of us there is the sophist within1 who stands between us and candour in every problem either of self-criticism or of self-defence4 ,and1 if the instructed man recognizes this clearly and the uninstructed does not1 none the less is the latter an exemplification of the fact4 ,his mental obliquities are not any less real because of his indifference to them than are the acts of the hereditary thief because he does them without shame4 ,and if we consider how the fetish-priest is at every turn tempted to invent and prevaricate1 simply because his pretensions are fundamentally preposterous2 and how in turn the priest of a higher grade1 even when he sincerely believes in his deity1 is bound to put forward as matters of knowledge or revelation the hypotheses he frames to account for either the acts or the abstentions of the ,god1 we shall see that the priestly office is really as incompatible with a high sincerity in the primitive stages as in those in which it is held by men who consciously propound falsities1 whether for their mere gain or in the hope of doing good4 ,it may be true that the priestly claim of supernatural sanction for an ethical command is at times motived by an intense conviction of the rightness of the course of conduct prescribed2 but none the less is such a habit of mind fatal to intellectual sincerity4 ,either there is sheer hallucination or there is pious fraud4 ,given1 however1 the tendency to deceit among primitive folk1 distrust and detection in a certain number of cases would presumably follow1 constituting a measure of simple skepticism4 ,by force partly of this and partly of sheer instability of thought1 early belief would be apt to subsist for ages like that of contemporary ,african tribes1 #gb in a state of flux4 #gc ,comparative fixity would presumably arise with the approach to stability of life1 of industry1 and of political institutions1 whether with or without a special priesthood4 ,the usages of early family worship would seem to have been no less rigid than those of the tribal and public cults4 ,for primitive man as for the moderns definite organization and ritual custom must have been a great establishing force as regards every phase of religious belief2 #gd and it may well have been that there was thus less intellectual liberty of a kind in the long ages of what we regard as primitive civilization than in those of savagery and barbarism which preceded them4 ,on that view1 systems which are supposed to represent in the fullest degree the primeval spontaneity of religion may have been in part priestly reactions against habits of freedom accompanied by a certain amount of skepticism4 ,a modern inquirer #ge has in some such sense advanced the theory that in ancient ,india1 in even the earlier period of collection of the ,rig-,veda1 which itself undermined the monarchic character of the pre-,vedic religion1 there was a decay of belief1 which the final redaction served to accelerate4 ,such a theory can hardly pass beyond the stage of hypothesis in view of the entire absence of history proper in early ,indian literature2 but we seem at least to have the evidence of the ,veda itself that while it was being collected there were deniers of the existence of its ,gods4 #gf ,the latter testimony alone may serve as ground for raising afresh an old question which recent anthropology has somewhat inexactly decided--that1 namely1 as to whether there are any savages without religious beliefs4 ,for old discussions on the subject see ,cicero1 ,de natura deorum1 i1 #bc2 ,cumberland1 ,disquisitio de legibus natur1 #afgb1 introd4 7rejecting negative view as resting on inadequate testimony72 ,locke1 ,essay on the ,human ,understanding1 ,bk4 ,i1 ch4 iii1 #i2 ch4 iv1 #h 7accepting negative view72 protests against it by ,vico 7,scienza ,nuova1 #agbe1 as cited above1 p4 #bf72 by ,shaftesbury 7,letters to a ,student1 #agaf1 rep4 in ,letters1 #agdf1 pp4 #cb-cc72 by ,rev4 ,john ,milne1 ,an ,account of ,mr4 ,lock's ,religion 7anon471 #agjj1 pp4 #e-h2 and by ,sir ,w4 ,anstruther1 ,essays ,moral and ,divine1 ,edinburgh1 #agja1 p4 #bd2 further protests by ,lafitau 7,moeurs des sauvages ameriquains compares aux moeurs des premiers temps1 #agbd1 i1 #e71 following ,boyle1 to the effect that the very travellers and missionaries who denied all religion to savages avow facts which confute them2 and general view by ,fabricius1 ,delectus argumentorum et ,syllabus scriptorum1 ,hamburghi1 #agbe1 ch4 viii4 ,cp4 also ,swift1 ,discourse ,concerning the ,mechanical ,operation of the ,spirit1 #b4 ,bchner 7,force and ,matter1 ch4 on ,the ,idea of ,god72 ,lord ,avebury ,sir ,john ,lubbock 7,prehistoric ,times1 #eth ed41 pp4 #egd-hj2 ,origin of ,civilization1 #eth ed41 pp4 #bac-ag72 and ,mr4 ,spencer 7,principles of ,sociology1 iii1 #ehc7 have collected modern travellers' testimonies as to the absence of religious ideas in certain tribes4 ,cp4 also ,j4 ,a4 ,st4 ,john's 7,bohn7 ed4 of ,locke1 notes on passages above cited1 and on ,bk4 ,,iv1 ch4 x1 #f4 ,as ,lord ,avebury points out1 the word religion is by some loosely or narrowly used to signify only a higher theology as distinct from lower supernaturalist beliefs4 ,he himself1 however1 excludes from the field of religion a belief in evil spirits and in magic--here coinciding with the later anthropologists who represented magic and religion as fundamentally opposed--a view rejected even by some religionists4 ,cp4 ,avebury1 ,marriage1 ,totemism1 and ,religion1 7#aiaa71 p4 #aaf sq42 ,rev4 ,e4 ,crawley1 ,the ,mystic ,rose1 #aijb1 p4 #c2 ,prof4 ,t4 ,witten ,davies1 ,magic1 ,divination1 and ,demonology1 #ahih1 pp4 #ah-bd4 ,the proved erroneousness of many of the negative testimonies has been insisted on by ,benjamin ,constant 7,de la ,religion1 #ahbd1 i1 #c-d72 ,theodore ,parker 7,discourse of ,matters ,pertaining to ,religion1 #ahdb and #ahee1 ed4 #ahgg1 p4 #af72 ,g4 ,roskoff 7,das ,religionswesen der rohesten ,naturvlker1 #ahhj1 ,abschn4 ,i and ,,ii72 ,dr4 ,tylor 7,primitive ,culture1 #crd ed41 i1 pp4 #dag-be72 and ,dr4 ,max ,mller 7,introd4 to the ,science of ,religion1 ed4 #ahhb1 p4 #db sq42 ,hibbert ,lectures1 p4 #ia sq42 ,natural ,religion1 #ahhi1 pp4 #ha-hi2 ,anthropological ,religion1 #ahib1 pp4 #dbh-ce47 ,the ,rev4 ,h4 ,a4 ,junod 7,life of a ,south ,african ,tribe1 vol4 ii1 #aiac1 p4 #cdf7 shows how easily misconception on the subject may arise4 ,galton 7,narrative of an ,explorer1 ch4 viii1 ed4 #ahia1 p4 #ach7 writes3 ,i have no conception to this day whether or no the ,ovampo have any religion1 for ,click was frightened and angry if the subject of death was alluded to4 ,the context shows that the native regarded all questions on religious matters with suspicion4 ,schweinfurth1 again1 contradicts himself twice within three pages as to the beliefs of the ,bongo in a ,supreme ,being and in a future state2 and thus leaves us doubting his statement that the neighbouring race1 the ,dyoor1 put no faith at all in any witchcraft 7,the ,heart of ,africa1 #crd ed4 i1 #adc-de74 ,much of the confusion turns on the fact that savages who practise no worship have religious beliefs 7cp4 ,max ,mller1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 ed4 #ahgh1 p4 #ag1 citing ,monsignor ,salvado2 and ,carl ,lumholtz1 ,among ,cannibals1 #ahhi1 p4 #bhd74 ,the dispute1 as it now stands1 mainly turns on the definition of religion 7cp4 ,chantepie de la ,saussaye1 ,manual of the ,science of ,religion1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahia1 pp4 #af-ah1 where ,lubbock's position is partly misunderstood74 ,dr4 ,tylor1 while deciding that no tribes known to us are religionless1 leaves open the question of their existence in the past4 ,a notable example of the prolongation of error on this subject through orthodox assumptions is seen in ,dr4 ,a4 ,w4 ,howitt's otherwise valuable work on ,the ,native ,tribes of ,south ,australia 7#aijd74 ,dr4 ,howitt produces 7pp4 #dhh-ejh7 abundant evidence to show that a number of tribes believe in a supernatural anthropomorphic being1 variously named ,nurrundere1 ,nurelli1 ,bunjil1 ,mungan-ngaua1 ,daramalun1 and ,baiame 7the same being under different names1 writes ,dr4 ,howitt1 p4 #dii74 ,this being he describes as the tribal ,all-,father1 a venerable kindly ,headman of a tribe1 full of knowledge and tribal wisdom1 and all-powerful in magic1 of which he is the source1 with virtues1 failings1 and passions such as the aborigines regard them 7pp4 #ejj-a74 ,but he insists 7p4 #ejf7 that in this being1 though supernatural1 there is no trace of a divine nature1 and1 again1 that the ,australian aborigines do not recognize any divinity1 good or evil 7p4 #gef71 though 7p4 #eja7 it is most difficult for one of us to divest himself of the tendency to endow such a supernatural being as the ,all-,father with a nature quasi-divine1 if not altogether so4 ,dr4 ,howitt does not name any ,european deity who satisfies him on the point of divinity6 ,obviously the ,australian deities have evolved in exactly the same way as those of other peoples1 ,yahweh included4 ,dr4 ,howitt1 indeed1 admits 7p4 #ejg7 that the ,australian notions may have been at the root of monotheistic beliefs4 ,they certainly were2 and when he adds that1 although it cannot be alleged that these aborigines have consciously any form of religion1 it may be said that their beliefs are such that1 under favourable conditions1 they might have developed into an actual religion1 he indicates afresh the confusion possible from unscientific definitions4 ,the sole content of his thesis is1 finally1 that a supernatural being is not divine till the priests have somewhat trimmed him1 and that a religion is not actual till it has been sacerdotally formulated4 ,dr4 ,howitt's negations are as untenable as ,mr4 ,andrew ,lang's magnification of the ,australian ,all-,father into a perfect ,supreme ,being4 ,the really important part of ,dr4 ,howitt's survey of the problem is his conclusion that the kind of belief he has described exists only in a specified area of ,australia1 and that this area is the habitat of tribes 444 where there has been the advance from group marriage to individual marriage1 from descent in the female line to that in the male line 7p4 #ejj74 ,messrs4 ,spencer and ,gillen's denial of the existence of any belief in a personal deity among the tribes of ,central ,australia 7,northern ,tribes1 #aijd1 p4 #dia7 appears to stand for actual fact4 ,as to the divinity of the ancestor-gods of the primitives1 see ,pagan ,christs1 #bnd ed4 p4 #da sq4 ,the problem has been unduly narrowed to the question whether there are any whole tribes so developed4 ,it is obviously pertinent to ask whether there may not be diversity of opinion within a given tribe4 ,such testimonies as those collected by ,sir ,john ,lubbock ,lord ,avebury and others1 as to the existence of religionless savages1 are held to be disposed of by further proof that tribes of savages who had been set down as religionless on the evidence of some of themselves had in reality a number of religious beliefs4 ,travellers' questions had been falsely answered1 either on the principle that non-initiates must not be told the mysteries1 or from that sudden perception of the oddity of their beliefs which comes even to some civilized people when they try to state them to an unbelieving outsider4 ,questions1 again1 could easily be misunderstood1 and answers likewise4 ,we find1 for instance1 that savages who scout the idea that the dead can rise again do believe in the continued disembodied existence of all their dead1 and even at times conceive of them as marrying and procreating6 ,on the whole1 they conceive of a continuity of spirit-life on earth in human shape4 ,to speak of such people as having no idea of a life beyond the grave would obviously be misleading1 though they have no notion of a judgment day or of future rewards or punishments4 #gg ,undoubtedly1 then1 the negative view of savage religion had in a number of cases been hastily taken2 but there remains the question1 as a rule surprisingly ignored1 whether some of the savages who disavowed all belief in things supernatural may not have been telling the simple truth about themselves1 or even about their families and their comrades4 ,as one sympathetic traveller notes of the ,samoyedes3 ,there can be no such thing as strict accuracy of grammar or expression among an illiterate people2 nor can there be among these simple creatures any consistent or fixed appreciation even of their own forms of 444 belief4444 ,having no object in arriving at a common view of such matters1 each ,samoyede1 if questioned separately1 will give more or less his own disconnected impression of his faith4 #gh ,and this holds of unfaith4 ,a savage asked by a traveller1 ,do you believe so-and-so1 might very well give a true negative answer for himself2 #gi and the traveller's resulting misconception would be due to his own arbitrary assumption that all members of any tribe must think alike4 ,a good witness expressly testifies3 ,in the tribe of ,australians with which ,i was best acquainted1 while the blacks had a term for ghost and believed that there were departed spirits who were sometimes to be seen among the foliage1 individual men would tell you upon inquiry that they believed that death was the last of them 7,eaglehawk and ,crow3 ,a ,study of the ,australian ,aborigines1 by ,john ,mathew1 ,m4,a41 ,b4,d41 #ahii1 p4 #adf74 ,as to the risk of wrong negative inferences1 on the other hand1 see pp4 #ade1 #adg4 ,one of the best of our missionary witnesses1 ,h4 ,a4 ,junod1 in his valuable study of the ,south ,african ,thonga1 testifies both to the commonness of individual variation in the way of religious fancy and the occurrence of sporadic unbelief1 usually ended by fear4 ,individuals freely indulge in concrete speculations--e4g41 as to the existence of animal souls--which do not win vogue 7,life of a ,south ,african ,tribe1 vol4 ii1 #aiac1 p4 #cdb sq471 though the reporter seems to overlook the possibility that such ideas may be adopted by a tribe4 ,freethinking ideas have1 of course1 by far the least chance of currency4 ,the young folks of ,libombo used to blaspheme in their hearts1 saying1 ',there are no ,gods4' ,but1 added the witness1 we very soon saw that there were some1 when they killed one of us1 who trod on a snake 7work cited1 pp4 #ced-ee74 ,that testimony illustrates well the difficulties of rational progress in a primitive community4 ,but at times the process may be encouraged by the environment4 ,the early missionary ,ellis gives an instance of a community in ,hawaii that had abandoned all religious practices3 ,we asked them who was their ,god4 ,they said they had no ,god2 formerly they had many3 but now they had cast them all away4 ,we asked them if they had done well in abolishing them4 ,they said ',yes1' for tabu had occasioned much labour and inconvenience1 and drained off the best of their property4 ,we asked them if it was a good thing to have no ,god4444 ,they said perhaps it was2 for they had nothing to provide for the great sacrifices1 and were under no fear of punishment for breaking tabu2 that now one fire cooked their food1 and men and women ate together the same kind of provisions4 7,w4 ,ellis1 ,tour ,through ,hawaii or ,owhyhee1 #ahbg1 p4 #ajj47 ,the community in question had in their own way reached the ,lucretian verdict1 ,tantum relligio potuit suadere malorum4 ,unless1 again1 such witnesses as ,moffat be unfaithful reporters as well as mistaken in their inferences1 some of the natives with whom they dealt were all but devoid of the ordinary religious notions #hj which in the case of other natives have enabled the missionaries to plant their doctrines4 ,nor is there anything hard of belief in the idea that1 just as special religious movements spread credence in certain periods1 a lack of active teachers in certain tribes may for a time have let previously common beliefs pass almost out of knowledge4 ,if it be true that the ,black ,death wrought a great decline in the ecclesiastical life of ,england in the fourteenth century1 #ha a long period of life-destroying conditions might eliminate from the life of a savage tribe all lore save that of primary self-preservation4 ,moffat incidentally notes the significant fact that rain-makers in his time were usually foreigners to the tribes in which they operated4 #hb ,the explanation is partly that given by him later1 that a rain-maker seldom dies a natural death1 #hc most being executed as impostors for their failures4 ,to this effect there are many testimonies4 #hd ,among the ,bushmen1 says ,lichtenstein1 when a magician happens to have predicted falsely several times in succession1 he is thrust out of the kraal1 and very likely burned or put to death in some other way4 #he ,a celebrated magician1 says ,burton again1 rarely if ever dies a natural death4 #hf ,and it is told of the people of ,niue1 or ,savage ,island1 in the ,south ,pacific1 that of old they had kings2 but as they were the high priests as well1 and were supposed to cause the food to grow1 the people got angry with them in times of scarcity1 and killed them2 and as one after the other was killed1 the end of it was that no one wished to be king4 #hg ,so1 in ,uganda1 if a chief and his medicine-men cannot make rain1 his whole existence is at stake in times of distress4 ,one chief was actually driven out2 and the rain-doctors always live on sufferance4 #hh ,in such a state of things religion might well lose vogue4 ,among some peoples of the ,slave ,coast1 it appears1 the regular priests1 despite their power and prestige1 are always under suspicion by reason of their frequent miscarriages2 and they are--or were--not unfrequently put to death4 #hi ,here there is disbelief in the priest without disbelief in the ,god4 ,but a disbelief in the priest which tended to exterminate him might well diminish religion4 ,on the other hand1 a relative indifference to religion in a given tribe might result from the influence of one or more leading men who spontaneously doubted the religious doctrine offered to them1 as many in ,israel1 on the face of the priestly records1 disbelieved in the whole theocratic polity4 ,in modern times preachers are constantly found charging unbelief on their own flocks1 in respect not of any criticism of religious narrative or dogma1 but of simple lack of ostensible faith in doctrines of prayer and ,providence nominally accepted4 #ij ,among peasants who have never seen a freethinking book or heard a professed freethinker's arguments may be heard expressions of spontaneous unfaith in current doctrines of ,providence4 ,this is but a type of variations possible in primitive societies4 ,despite the social potency of primitive custom1 variation may be surmised to occur in the mental as in the physical life at all stages2 and what normally happens in savagery and low civilization appears to be a cancelment of the skeptical variation by the total circumstances--the strength of the general lead to supernaturalism1 the plausibility of such beliefs to the average intelligence1 and the impossibility of setting up skeptical institutions to oppose the others4 ,in civilized ages skeptical movements are repeatedly seen to dwindle for simple lack of institutions2 which1 however1 are spontaneously set up by and serve as sustainers of religious systems4 ,on the simpler level of savagery1 skeptical personalities would in the long run fail to affirm themselves as against the institutions of ordinary savage religion--the seasonal feasts1 the ceremonies attending birth and death1 the use of rituals1 images1 charms1 sorcery1 all tending to stimulate and conserve supernatural beliefs in general4 ,only the abnormally courageous would dare outspokenly to doubt or deny at all2 and their daring would put them in special jeopardy4 #ia ,the ancient maxim1 ,primus in orbe deos fecit timor1 is verified by all modern study of primitive life4 #ib ,it is a recent traveller who gives the definition3 ,fetishism is the result of the efforts of the savage intelligence seeking after a theory which will account for the apparent hostility of nature to man4 #ic ,and this incalculable force of fear is constantly exploited by the religious bias from the earliest stages of sorcery4 #id ,the check to intellectual evolution would here be on all fours with some of the checks inferribly at work in early moral evolution1 where the types with the higher ideals would seem often to be positively endangered by their peculiarity1 and would thus be the less likely to multiply4 ,and what happened as between man and man would further tend to happen at times as between communities4 ,given the possible case of a tribe so well placed as to be unusually little affected by fear of enemies and the natural forces1 the influence of rationalistic chiefs or of respected tribesmen might set up for a time a considerable anti-religious variation1 involving at least a minimizing of religious doctrine and practices4 ,such a case is actually seen among the prosperous peoples of the ,upper ,congo1 some of whom1 like the poorer tribes known to ,moffat1 have no medicine-men of their own1 and very vague notions of deity4 #ie ,but when such a tribe did chance to come into conflict with others more religious1 it would be peculiarly obnoxious to them2 and1 being in the terms of the case unwarlike1 its chance of survival on the old lines would be small4 ,such a possibility is suggested with some vividness by the familiar contrast between the modern communities of ,fiji and ,samoa--the former cruel1 cannibalistic1 and religious1 the latter much less austerely religious and much more humane4 ,the ferocious ,fijians looked upon the ,samoans with horror1 because they had no religion1 no belief in any such deities as the ,fijians'1 nor any of the sanguinary rites which prevailed in other islands 7,spencer1 ,study of ,sociology1 pp4 #bic-id1 following ,j4 ,williams1 ,narrative of ,missionary ,enterprise in the ,south ,sea ,islands1 ed4 #ahcg1 pp4 #edj-da2 cp4 the ,rev4 ,a4 ,w4 ,murray1 ,forty ,years' ,mission ,work1 #ahgf1 p4 #aga74 ,the no religion is1 of course1 only relatively true4 ,mr4 ,lang has noticed the error of the phrase the godless ,samoans 7cp4 ,turner1 ,samoa a ,hundred ,years ,ago1 #ahhd1 pp4 #af-ag72 but1 while suggesting that the facts are the other way1 he admits that in their creed the religious sentiment has already become more or less self-conscious1 and has begun to reason on its own practices 7,myth1 ,ritual1 and ,religion1 ii1 #cd2 #bnd ed41 ii1 #eh74 ,taking the phenomena all along the line of evolution1 we are led to the generalization that the rationalistic tendency1 early or late1 like the religious tendency1 is a variation which prospers at different times in different degrees relatively to the favourableness of the environment4 ,this view will be set forth in some detail in the course of our history4 ,it is not1 finally1 a mere surmise that individual savages and semi-savages in our own time vary towards disbelief in the supernaturalism of their fellows4 ,to say nothing of the rational skepticism exhibited by the ,zulu converts of ,bishop ,colenso1 which was the means of opening his eyes to the incredibility of the ,pentateuch1 #if or of the rationalism of the ,african chief who debated with ,sir ,samuel ,baker the possibility of a future state1 #ig we have the express missionary record that the forcible suppression of idolatry and tabu and the priesthood by ,king ,rihoriho in the island of ,hawaii1 in #ahai1 was accomplished not only before the arrival of any missionary1 but on purely common-sense grounds1 and with no thought of furthering ,christianity1 though he had heard of the substitution of ,christianity for the native religion by ,pomare in ,tahiti4 ,rihoriho simply desired to save his wives and other women from the cruel pressure of the tabu system1 and to divert the priests' revenues to secular purposes2 and he actually had some strong priestly support4 #ih ,had not the missionary system soon followed1 however1 the old worship1 which had been desperately defended in battle at the instigation of the conservative priests1 would in all probability have grown up afresh1 though perhaps with modifications4 ,the savage and semi-savage social conditions1 taken as a whole1 are fatally unpropitious to rationalism4 ,a parallel case to that of ,rihoriho is that of ,king ,finow of the ,tonga ,islands1 described by ,mariner1 who was his intimate4 ,finow was noted for his want of religion4 ,he used to say that the ,gods would always favour that party in war in which there were the greatest chiefs and warriors--the ,european mot strictly adapted to ,fiji conditions4 ,he did not believe that the ,gods paid much attention in other respects to the affairs of mankind2 nor did he think that they could have any reason for doing so--no more than men could have any reason or interest in attending to the affairs of the ,gods4 ,for the rest1 it is certain that he disbelieved most of the oracles delivered by the priests1 though he carefully used them for political and military purposes2 and he acquiesced in the usage of human sacrifices--particularly on his own account--while professing to deplore the taste of the ,gods in these matters4 ,his own death seems to have been the result of poisoning by a priest1 whom the king had planned to strangle4 ,the king's daughter was sick1 and the priest1 instead of bringing about her recovery by his prayers1 hardily explained that the illness was the act of the ,gods in punishment of the king's frequent disrespect to them4 ,daughter and father were alternately ill1 till the former died2 and then it was that the king1 by disclosing his resolve to strangle the priest1 brought on his own death 7#ahaj74 ,a few warriors were disposed to take revenge on the priest2 but the majority1 on learning the facts1 shuddered at the impious design of the late king1 and regarded his death as the natural vengeance of the ,gods4 ,but1 though such impiety as his was very rare1 his son after him decided to abolish the priestly office of divine chieftain1 on the score that it was seen to avail for nothing1 while it cost a good deal2 and the chiefs and common people were soon brought to acquiesce in the policy4 #ii ,such cases appear to occur in many barbarous communities4 ,it is recorded of the ,kaffir chief ,go that he was perfectly aware of the hollowness of the pretensions of the magicians and rain-makers of his tribe1 though he held it impolitic to break with them1 and called them in and followed their prescriptions1 as did his subjects4 #ajj ,of the ,galeka chief ,segidi it is similarly told that1 while his medicine-men went into trances for occult knowledge preparatory to a military expedition1 he carefully obtained real information through spies1 and1 while liberally rewarding his wizards1 sent his sons to school at ,blythswood4 #aja ,yet again1 in ,bede's ,ecclesiastical ,history1 we have the story of ,king ,edwin's priest1 ,coifi1 navely avowing that he saw no virtue in his religion1 #ajb inasmuch as many men received more royal favours than he1 who had been most diligent in serving the ,gods4 #ajc ,such a declaration might very well have been arranged for by the ,christian ,bishop ,paulinus1 who was converting the king1 and would naturally provide for ,coifi2 but on any view a process of skepticism had taken place in the barbarian's mind4 #ajd ,other illustrations come from the history of ancient ,scandinavia4 ,grimm notes in several ,norse sagas and songs expressions of contempt for various ,gods1 which appear to be independent of ,christian influence2 #aje and many warriors continued alike the ,christian and the ,pagan deities4 ,in the saga of ,king ,olaf ,tryggvason1 who enforced ,christianity on ,norway1 it is declared by one chief that he relied much more on his own arm than on ,thor and ,odin2 while another announced that he was neither ,christian nor ,pagan1 adding3 ,my companions and ,i have no other religion than the confidence of our own strength and in the good success which always attends us in war4 ,similar sentiments are recorded to have been uttered by ,rolf ,krake1 a legendary king of ,denmark 7circa #ejj72 #ajf and we have in the neid the classic type--doubtless drawn from barbaric life--of ,mezentius1 divum contemptor1 who calls his right arm his ,god1 and in dying declares that he appeals to no deity4 #ajg ,such utterances1 indeed1 do not amount to rational freethinking2 but1 where some could be thus capable of anti-theism1 it is reasonable to surmise that among the more reflective there were some capable of simple atheism or non-belief1 and of the prudence of keeping the fact to themselves4 ,partial skepticism1 of course1 would be much more common1 as among the ,aryan ,kafirs of the ,hindu-,kush1 with whom1 before their conquest by the ,ameer of ,afghanistan1 a ,british agent found among the younger men an inclination to be skeptical about some sacred ceremonies1 while very sincere in their worship of their favourite deity1 the ,god of war4 #ajh ,it is thus seen to be inaccurate to say1 as has been said by an accomplished antagonist of apriorism1 that under the yoke of tribal custom skepticism can hardly arise3 there is no place for the half-hearted3 as all men feel alike1 so all think alike3 skepticism arises when beliefs are put into formal propositions4 #aji ,it is broadly true that there is no place for the doubter as such in the tribal society2 but doubters do exist4 ,skepticism--in the sense in which the term is here used1 that of rational disbelief--may even be commoner in some stages of the life of tribal customs than in some stages of backward civilization loaded with formulated creeds4 ,what is true is that in the primitive life the rationalism necessarily fails1 for lack of culture and institutions1 to diffuse and establish itself1 whereas superstition succeeds1 being naturally institution-making4 ,under such conditions skepticism is but a recurrent variation4 #aaj ,it is significant1 further1 that in the foregoing cases of unbelief at the lower levels of civilization it is only the high rank of the doubter that secures publication for the fact of the doubt4 ,in ,hawaii1 or ,tonga1 only a king's unbelief could make itself historically heard4 ,so in the familiar story of the doubting ,inca of ,peru1 who in public religious assembly is said to have avowed his conclusion that the deified ,sun was not really a living thing1 it is the status of the speaker that gives his words a record4 ,the doubt had in all likelihood been long current among the wise men of ,peru2 it is indeed ascribed to two or three different ,incas2 #aaa but1 save for the ,incas' promulgation of it1 history would bear no trace of ,peruvian skepticism4 ,so again in the ,acolhuan ,state of ,tezcuco1 the most civilized in the ,new ,world before the ,spanish conquest1 the great ,king ,netzahualcoyotl is found opposing the cults of human sacrifice and worshipping an unknown ,god1 without an image and with only incense for offering4 #aab ,only the king in such an environment could put on record such a conception4 ,there is1 in fact1 reason to believe that all ancient ameliorations of bloody rites were the work of humane kings or chiefs1 #aac as they are known to have been among semi-savages in our own day4 #aad ,in bare justice we are bound to surmise that similar developments of rationalism have been fairly frequent in unwritten history1 and that there must have been much of it among the common folk2 though1 on the other hand1 the very position of a savage king1 and the special energy of character which usually goes to secure it1 may count for much in giving him the courage to think in defiance of custom4 ,in modern as in early ,christian times1 it is always to the chief or king of a savage or barbarous tribe that the missionary looks for permission to proceed against the force of popular conservatism4 #aae ,apart from kings and chiefs1 the priesthood itself would be the likeliest soil for skepticism1 though1 of course1 not for the open avowal of it4 ,there are to be noted1 finally1 the facts collected as to marked skeptical variation among children2 #aaf and the express evidence that it has not been found in a single instance that an uneducated deaf-mute has had any conception of the existence of a ,supreme ,being as the ,creator and ,ruler of the ,universe4 #aag ,these latter phenomena do not1 of course1 entitle us to accept ,professor ,gruppe's sweeping theorem that it is the religious variation that is abnormal1 and that religion can have spread only by way of the hereditary imposition of the original insanity of one or two on the imagination of the many4 #aah ,deaf-mutes are not normal organisms4 ,but all the facts together entitle us to decide that religion1 broadly speaking1 is but the variation that has chiefly flourished1 by reason of its adaptation to the prevailing environment thus far2 and to reject as unscientific the formulas which1 even in the face of the rapidly-spreading rationalism of the more civilized nations1 still affirm supernaturalist beliefs to be a universal necessity of the human mind4 ,on the same grounds1 we must reject the claim--arbitrarily set up by one historian in the very act of showing how religion historically oppugns science--that all sacred books as such are true because they have been developed in accordance with the laws governing the evolution of truth in human history2 and because in poem1 chronicle1 code1 legend1 myth1 apologue1 or parable1 they reflect this development of what is best in the onward march of humanity4 #aai ,in this proposition the opening words1 are true because are strictly meaningless4 ,all literature whatever has been developed under the same general laws4 ,but if it be meant that sacred books were specially likely to garner truth as such1 the claim must be negated4 ,in terms of the whole demonstration of the bias of theology against new truth in modern times1 the irresistible presumption is that in earlier times also the theological and theocratic spirit was in general hostile to every process by which truth is normally attained4 ,and if the thesis be limited to moral truth1 it is still less credible4 ,it is1 in fact1 inconceivable that literature so near the popular level as to suit whole priesthoods should be morally the best of which even the age producing it is capable2 and nothing is more certain than that enlightened ethic has always had to impeach or explain away the barbarisms of some sacred books4 ,the true summary is that in all cases the accepted sacred books have of necessity fallen short not only of scientific truth and of pure ethic1 but even of the best speculation and the best ethic of the time of their acceptance1 inasmuch as they excluded the criticism of the freethinking few on the sacred books themselves4 ,there is sociological as well as physical science1 and the former is flouted when the whole freethinking of the human race in the period of ,bible-making is either ignored or treated as worthless4 ,it is probable1 for instance1 that in all stages of primitive religion there have been disbelievers in the value of sacrifice1 who might or might not dare to denounce the practice4 ,the demurrers to it in the ,hebrew prophetic literature are probably late2 but they were in all likelihood anticipated in early times4 ,among the ,fijians1 for whom cannibalism was an essentially religious act1 and the privilege of the males of the aristocracy1 there were a number of the latter who1 before and apart from the entrance of ,christianity1 abominated and denounced the practice1 reasoning against it also on utilitarian grounds1 while the orthodox made it out to be a social duty4 ,there were even whole towns which revolted against it and made it tabu2 and it was by force mainly of this rationalistic reaction that the missionaries succeeded so readily in putting down the usage4 #abj ,it is impossible to estimate how often in the past such a revolt of reason against religious insanity has been overborne by the forces of pious habit4 ,,chapter ,,iii ,,progress ,,under ,,ancient ,,religions #a4 ,,early ,,association ,,and ,,competition ,,of ,,cults ,when religion has entered on the stage of quasi-civilized organization1 with fixed legends or documents1 temples1 and the rudiments of hierarchies1 the increased forces of terrorism and conservatism are in nearly all cases seen to be in part countervailed by the simple interaction of the systems of different communities4 ,there is no more ubiquitous force in the whole history of the subject1 operating as it does in ancient ,assyria1 in the life of ,vedic ,india and ,confucian ,china1 and in the diverse histories of progressive ,greece and relatively stationary ,egypt1 down through the ,christian ,middle ,ages to our own period of comparative studies4 ,in ages when any dispassionate comparative study was impossible1 religious systems appear to have been considerably modified by the influence of those of conquered peoples on those of their conquerors1 and vice vers4 ,peoples who while at arm's length would insult and affect to despise each other's ,gods1 and would deride each other's myths1 #aba appear frequently to have altered their attitude when one had conquered the other2 and this not because of any special growth of sympathy1 but by force of the old motive of fear4 ,in the stage of natural polytheism no nation really doubted the existence of the ,gods of another2 at most1 like the ,hebrews of the early historic period1 it would set its own ,god above the others1 calling him ,lord of ,lords4 ,but1 every community having its own ,god1 he remained a local power even when his own worshippers were conquered1 and his cult and lore were respected accordingly4 ,this procedure1 which has been sometimes attributed to the ,romans in particular as a stroke of political sagacity1 was the normal and natural course of polytheism4 ,thus in the ,hebrew books the ,assyrian conqueror is represented as admitting that it is necessary to leave a priest who knows the manner of the ,god of the land among the new inhabitants he has planted there4 ,see #b ,kings xvii1 #bf4 ,cp4 ,ruth i1 #af1 and ,judges xvii1 #ac4 ,the account by ,herodotos 7ii1 #aga7 of the preservation of the ,pelasgic rites of ,dmtr by the women of ,arcadia points to the same principle4 ,see also hereinafter1 ch4 vi1 #a2 ,k4 ,o4 ,mller1 ,introd4 to a ,sci4 ,study of ,mythol41 ,eng4 trans41 p4 #aic2 ,adolf ,bastian1 ,der ,mensch in der ,geschichte1 #ahfj1 i1 #ahi2 ,rhys1 ,celtic ,britain1 #bnd ed41 p4 #fi2 ,max ,mller1 ,anthropological ,religion1 p4 #afd2 ,gibbon1 ch4 xxxiv--,bohn ed41 iii1 #eed1 note2 ,tylor1 ,primitive ,culture1 i1 #aac-ae2 and ,dr4 ,f4 ,b4 ,jevons's ,introd4 to the ,hist4 of ,relig41 #ahif1 pp4 #cf-dj1 where the fear felt by conquering races for the occult powers of the conquered is limited to the sphere of magic4 ,but when ,dr4 ,jevons so defines magic as to admit of his proposition 7p4 #ch7 that the hostility from the beginning between religion and magic is universally admitted1 he throws into confusion the whole phenomena of the early official-religious practice of magic1 of which sacrifice and prayer are the type-forms that have best survived4 ,and in the end he upsets his definition by noting 7p4 #dj7 how magic1 even where its relation to religion is one of avowed hostility1 will imitate religion4 ,obviously magic is a function or aspect or element of primitive religion 7cp4 ,roskoff1 ,das ,religionswesen der rohesten ,naturvlker1 #ahhj1 p4 #add2 ,sayce1 pp4 #cae1 #cai1 #cbg1 and passim2 and ,tiele1 ,egyptian ,rel41 pp4 #bb1 #cb72 and any hostility1 far from being universal1 is either a social or a philosophical differentiation4 ,on the whole question compare the author's ,pagan ,christs1 #bnd ed41 pp4 #aa-ch4 ,in the opinion of ,weber 7,hist4 of ,ind4 ,lit41 p4 #bfd7 the magic arts found a more and more fruitful soil as the religious development of the ,hindus progressed2 so that they now1 in fact1 reign almost supreme4 ,see again ,dr4 ,jevons's own later admission1 p4 #cie1 where the exception of ,christianity is somewhat arbitrary4 ,on this compare ,kant1 ,religion innerhalb der ,grenzen der blossen ,vernunft1 ,b4 iv1 ,th4 ii1 #c4 ,similar cases have been noted in primitive cults still surviving4 ,fear of the magic powers of lower or conquered races is in fact normal wherever belief in wizardry survives2 and to the general tendency may be conjecturally ascribed such phenomena as that of the ,saturnalia1 in which masters and slaves changed places1 and the institution of the ,levites among the ,hebrews1 otherwise only mythically explained4 ,but if conquerors and conquered thus tended to amalgamate or associate their cults1 equally would allied tribes tend to do so2 and1 when particular ,gods of different groups were seen to correspond in respect of special attributes1 a further analysis would be encouraged4 ,hence1 with every extension of every ,state1 every advance in intercourse made in peace or through war1 there would be a further comparison of credences1 a further challenge to the reasoning powers of thoughtful men4 ,on the normal tendency to defer to local deities1 compare ,tylor1 ,primitive ,culture1 as last cited2 ,b4 ,thomson1 ,the ,fijians1 #aijh1 p4 #aab2 ,a4 ,b4 ,ellis1 ,the ,tshi-,speaking ,peoples of the ,gold ,coast1 #ahhg1 p4 #adg1 and ,the ,ewe-,speaking ,peoples1 #ahij1 p4 #ee2 ,p4 ,wurm1 ,handbuch der ,religionsgeschichte1 #bte ,aufl41 p4 #dc 7as to ,madagascar72 ,sir ,h4 ,johnston1 ,the ,uganda ,protectorate1 #aijb1 ii1 #ehi2 ,waitz1 ,anthropologie der ,naturvlker1 iii1 #ahf2 ,p4 ,kropotkin1 ,memoirs of a ,revolutionist1 ed4 #aijh1 p4 #aia2 ,w4 ,w4 ,skeat1 ,malay ,magic1 #aijj1 pp4 #ef1 #hd2 ,thurston1 ,castes and ,tribes of ,southern ,india1 #aiji1 i1 #hf-hg1 #id1 #ajj2 iii1 #ahh2 iv1 #agj2 v1 #dfg-fh2 ,w4 ,h4 ,r4 ,rivers1 ,the ,todas1 #aijf1 p4 #bfc2 ,rae1 ,the ,white ,sea ,peninsula1 #ahha1 p4 #bfb2 lie ,reclus1 ,primitive ,folk1 pp4 #bed-ef2 ,grant ,allen1 ,evolution of the ,idea of ,god1 #ahig1 pp4 #bhi1 #cja-cjb2 ,castrn1 ,vorlesungen ber die ,finnische ,mythologie1 #ahec1 p4 #bha2 ,gummere1 ,germanic ,origins1 #ahib1 p4 #adj1 citing ,weinhold1 ,deutsche ,frauen1 i1 #aje2 ,gobineau1 ,les religions et les philosophies dans l',asie centrale1 #b;e d4 p4 #fg2 ,e4 ,higgins1 ,hebrew ,idolatry and ,superstition1 #ahic1 pp4 #bj1 #bd2 ,robertson ,smith1 ,religion of the ,semites1 #ahhi1 p4 #gg2 ,wellhausen1 ,heidenthum1 pp4 #abi1 #ahc1 cited by ,smith1 p4 #gi2 ,lang1 ,making of ,religion1 p4 #fe2 ,frazer1 ,golden ,bough1 #bnd ed4 ii1 #gb4 ,above all1 see the record in ,old ,new ,zealand1 by a ,pakeha ,maori 7#bnd ed4 ,auckland1 #ahfc1 p4 #aed71 of the believing resort of some white men to native wizards in ,new ,zealand4 ,stevenson1 again1 is evidently proceeding upon observation when he makes his trader in ,the ,beach of ,fales say3 ,we laugh at the natives and their superstitions2 but see how many traders take them up1 splendidly educated white men that have been bookkeepers 7some of them7 and clerks in the old country 7,island ,nights' ,entertainments1 #ahic1 pp4 #ajd-aje74 ,in ,abyssinia1 ,galla sorceresses are frequently called in by the ,christians of ,shoa to transfer sickness or to rid the house of evil spirits 7,major ,w4 ,cornwallis ,harris1 ,the ,highlands of ,aethiopia1 #ahdd1 iii1 #ej74 ,on the other hand1 some ,sudanese tribes believe in the virtue both of ,christian and ,moslem amulets1 but have hitherto lent a deaf ear to the preachers of both these religions 7,a4 ,h4 ,keane1 ,man1 ,past and ,present1 #aijj1 p4 #ej74 ,this tendency did not exclude1 but would in certain cases conflict with1 the strong primitive tendency to associate every ,god permanently with his supposed original locality4 ,tiele writes 7,hist4 of the ,egypt4 ,relig41 ,eng4 trans4 introd4 p4 xvii7 that in no case was a place given to the ,gods of one nation in another's pantheon if they did not wholly alter their form1 character1 appearance1 and not seldom their very name4 ,this seems an over-statement1 and is inconsistent with ,tiele's own statement 7,hist4 compare des anc4 relig4 gyptiennes et smitiques1 ,french trans41 #ahhb1 pp4 #agd-hj7 as to the adoption of ,sumerian and ,akkadian ,gods and creeds by the ,semites4 ,what is clear is that local cults resisted the removal of their ,gods' images2 and the attempt to deport such images to ,babylon1 thus affecting the monopoly of the ,god of ,babylon himself1 was a main cause of the fall of ,nabonidos1 who was driven out by ,cyrus4 7,e4 ,meyer1 ,geschichte des ,alterthums1 i 7#ahhd71 #eii47 ,but the ,assyrians invoked ,bel ,merodach of ,babylon1 after they had conquered ,babylon1 in terms of his own ritual2 even as ,israelites often invoked the ,gods of ,canaan 7cp4 ,sayce1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 ,relig4 of the ,anc4 ,babylonians1 p4 #abc74 ,and ,king ,mardouk-nadinakhe of ,babylon1 in the twelfth century ,b4,c41 carried off statues of the ,assyrian ,gods from the town of ,hekali to ,babylon1 where they were kept captive for #dah years 7,maspero1 ,hist4 anc4 des peuples de l'orient1 #d;e d4 p4 #cjj74 ,a ,god could migrate with his worshippers from city to city 7,meyer1 iii1 #afi2 ,sayce1 p4 #abd72 and the ,assyrian scribe class maintained the worship of their special ,god ,nebo wherever they went1 though he was a local ,god to start with 7,sayce1 pp4 #aag1 #aai1 #aba74 ,and as to the recognition of the ,gods of different ,egyptian cities by politic kings1 see ,tiele's own statement1 p4 #cf4 ,cp4 his ,outlines1 pp4 #gc1 #hd1 #bjg4 ,a concrete knowledge of the multiplicity of cults1 then1 was obtruded on the leisured and travelled men of the early empires and of such a civilization as that of ,hellas2 #abb and when to such knowledge there was added a scientific astronomy 7the earliest to be constituted of the concrete sciences71 a revision of beliefs by such men was inevitable4 #abc ,it might take the form either of a guarded skepticism or of a monarchic theology1 answering to the organization of the actual earthly empire2 and the latter view1 in the nature of the case1 would much the more easily gain ground4 ,the freethought of early civilization1 then1 would be practically limited for a long time to movements in the direction of co-ordinating polytheism1 to the end of setting up a supreme though not a sole deity2 the chief ,god in any given case being apt to be the ,god specially affected by the reigning monarch4 ,allocation of spheres of influence to the principal deities would be the working minimum of plausible adjustment1 since only in some such way could the established principle of the regularity of the heavens be formally accommodated to the current worship2 and wherever there was monarchy1 even if the monarch were polytheistic1 there was a lead to gradation among the ,gods4 #abd ,a pantheistic conception would be the highest stretch of rationalism that could have any vogue even among the educated class4 ,all the while every advance was liable to the ill-fortune of overthrow or arrest at the hands of an invading barbarism1 which even in adopting the system of an established priesthood would be more likely to stiffen than to develop it4 ,early rationalism1 in short1 would share in the fluctuations of early civilization2 and achievements of thought would repeatedly be swept away1 even as were the achievements of the constructive arts4 #b4 ,,the ,,process ,,in ,,india ,the process thus deducible from the main conditions is found actually happening in more than one of the ancient cultures1 as their history is now sketched4 ,in the ,rig-,veda1 which if not the oldest is the least altered of the ,eastern ,sacred ,books1 the main line of change is obvious enough4 ,it remains so far matter of conjecture to what extent the early ,vedic cults contain matter adopted from non-,aryan ,asiatic peoples2 but no other hypothesis seems to account for the special development of the cult of ,agni in ,india as compared with the content and development of the other early ,aryan systems1 in which1 though there are developments of fire worship1 the ,god ,agni does not appear4 #abe ,the specially priestly character of the ,agni worship1 and the precedence it takes in the ,vedas over the solar cult of ,mitra1 which among the kindred ,aryans of ,iran receives in turn a special development1 suggest some such grafting1 though the relations between ,aryans and the ,hindu aborigines1 as indicated in the ,veda1 seem to exclude the possibility of their adopting the fire-cult from the conquered inhabitants1 #abf who1 besides1 are often spoken of in the ,vedas as non-sacrificers1 #abg and at times as without ,gods4 #abh ,but this is sometimes asserted even of hostile ,aryans4 #abi ,in any case the carrying on of the two main cults of ,agni and ,indra side by side points to an original and marked heterogeneity of racial elements2 while the varying combination with them of the worship of other deities1 the old ,aryan ,varuna1 the three forms of the ,sun-,god ,aditya1 the ,goddess ,aditi and the eight ,adityas1 the solar ,mitra1 ,vishnu1 ,rudra1 and the ,maruts1 imply the adaptation of further varieties of hereditary creed4 ,the outcome is a sufficiently chaotic medley1 in which the attributes and status of the various ,gods are reducible to no code1 #acj the same feats being assigned to several1 and the attributes of all claimed for almost any one4 ,here1 then1 were the conditions provocative of doubt among the critical2 and while it is only in the later books of the ,rig-,veda that such doubt finds priestly expression1 it must be inferred that it was current in some degree among laymen before the hymn-makers avowed that they shared it4 ,the ,god ,soma1 the personification of wine1 identified with the ,moon-,god ,chandra1 #aca hurls the irreligious into the abyss4 #acb ,this may mean that his cult1 like that of his congener ,dionysos in ,greece1 was at first forcibly resisted1 and forcibly triumphed4 ,at an earlier period doubt is directed against the most popular ,god1 ,indra1 perhaps on behalf of a rival cult4 #acc ,later it seems to take the shape of a half-skeptical1 half-mystical questioning as to which1 if any1 ,god is real4 ,from the ,catholic standpoint1 ,dr4 ,e4 ,l4 ,fischer has argued that ,varuna is in the ontological1 physical1 and ethical relation the highest1 indeed the unique1 ,god of ancient ,india2 and that the ,nature-,gods of the ,veda can belong only to a later period in the religious consciousness 7,heidenthum und ,offenbarung1 #ahgh1 pp4 #cf-cg74 ,such a development1 had it really occurred1 might be said to represent a movement of primitive freethought from an unsatisfying monotheism to a polytheism that seemed better to explain natural facts4 ,a more plausible view of the process1 however1 is that of von ,bradke1 to the effect that the old ,indo-,germanic polytheism1 with its pronounced monarchic apex1 which 444 constituted the religion of the pre-,vedic ,aryan ,hindus1 lost its monarchic apex shortly before and during the ,rig-,veda period1 and set up for itself the so-called ,henotheism worship of deities severally as if each were the only one1 which thus represented in ,india a time of religious decline2 a decline that1 at the end of the period to which the ,rig-,veda hymns belong1 led to an almost complete dissolution of the old beliefs4 ,the earlier collection of the hymns must have promoted the decline2 and the final redaction must have completed it4 ,the collected hymns show only too plainly how the very deity before whom in one song all the remaining ,gods bow themselves1 in the next sinks almost in the dust before another4 ,then there sounds from the ,rig-,veda 7x1 #aba7 the wistful question3 ,who is the ,god whom we should worship8 7,dyus ,asura1 ,ahuramazda1 und die ,asuras1 ,halle1 #ahhe1 p4 #aae2 cp4 note1 supra1 p4 #cj74 ,on this view the growth of monotheism went on alongside of a growth of critical unbelief1 but1 instead of expressing that1 provoked it by way of reaction4 ,dr4 ,muir more specifically argues 7,sanskrit ,texts1 v1 #aaf7 that in the ,vedic hymns ,varuna is a ,god in a state of decadence2 and1 despite the dissent of ,m4 ,barth 7,religions of ,india1 p4 #ah71 this seems true4 ,but the recession of ,varuna is only in the normal way of the eclipse of the old ,supreme ,god by a nearer deity1 and does not suffice to prove a growth of agnosticism4 ,m4 ,fontane 7,inde ,vdique1 #ahha1 p4 #cje7 asserts on other grounds a popular movement of negation in the ,vedic period1 but offers rather slender evidence4 ,there is better ground for his account of the system as one in which different cults had the upper hand at different times1 the devotees of ,indra rejecting ,agni1 and so on 7pp4 #caj-aa74 ,to meet such a doubt1 a pantheistic view of things would naturally arise1 and in the ,vedas it often emerges4 #acd ,thus ,agni is all the ,gods2 and the ,gods are only a single being under different names4 #ace ,for ancient as for more civilized peoples such a doctrine had the attraction of nominally reconciling the popular cult with the skepticism it had aroused4 ,rising thus as freethought1 the pantheistic doctrine in itself ultimately became in ,india a dogmatic system1 the monopoly of a priestly caste1 whose training in mystical dialectic made them able to repel or baffle amateur criticism4 ,such fortifying of a sophisticated creed by institutions--of which the ,brahmanic caste system is perhaps the strongest type--is one of the main conditions of relative permanence for any set of opinions2 yet even within the ,brahmanic system1 by reason1 presumably1 of the principle that the higher truth was for the adept and need not interfere with the popular cult1 there were again successive critical revisions of the pantheistic idea4 ,prof4 ,garbe 7,philosophy of ,anc4 ,india1 sect4 on ,hindu ,monism7 argues that all monistic1 and indeed all progressive1 thinking in ancient ,india arose not among the ,brahmans1 who were conscienceless oppressors1 but among the warrior caste2 citing stories in the ,upanishads in which ,brahmans are represented as receiving such ideas from warriors4 ,the thesis is much weakened by the ,professor's acceptance of ,krishna as primarily a historic character1 of the warrior class4 ,but there is ground for his general thesis1 which recognizes 7p4 #gh7 that the ,brahmans at length assimilated the higher thought of laymen4 ,max ,mller puts it that ,no nation was ever so completely priestridden as the ,hindus were under the sway of the ,brahmanic law4 ,yet1 on the other side1 the same people were allowed to indulge in the most unrestrained freedom of thought1 and in the schools of their philosophy the very names of their ,gods were never mentioned4 ,their existence was neither denied nor asserted4444 7,selected ,essays1 #ahha1 ii1 #bdd74 ,sankhya philosophy on which ,buddhism is supposed to be based1 in its original form1 claims the name of an-svara1 'lordless' or 'atheistic1' as its distinctive title 7ibid4 p4 #bhc74 ,of the nature of a freethinking departure1 among the early ,brahmanists as in other societies1 was the substitution of non-human for human sacrifices--a development of peaceful life-conditions which1 though not primitive1 must have ante-dated ,buddhism4 ,see ,tiele1 ,outlines1 pp4 #abf-bg and refs42 ,barth1 ,religions of ,india1 pp4 #eg-ei2 and ,mller1 ,physical ,religion1 p4 #aja4 ,prof4 ,robertson ,smith 7,religion of the ,semites1 p4 #cdf7 appears to hold that animal sacrifice was never a substitute for human2 but his ingenious argument1 on analysis1 is found to prove only that in certain cases the idea of such a substitution having taken place may have been unhistorical4 ,if it be granted that human sacrifices ever occurred--and all the evidence goes to show that they were once universal--substitution would be an obvious way of abolishing them4 ,historical analogy is in favour of the view that the change was forced on the priesthood from the outside1 and only after a time accepted by the ,brahmans4 ,thus we find the ,khrvkas1 a school of freethinkers1 rising in the ,alexandrian period1 making it part of their business to denounce the ,brahmanic doctrine and practice of sacrifice1 and to argue against all blood sacrifices2 but they had no practical success 7,tiele1 p4 #abf7 until ,buddhism triumphed 7,mitchell1 ,hinduism1 #ahhe1 p4 #ajf2 ,rhys ,davids1 tr4 of ,dialogues of the ,buddha1 #ahii1 p4 #afe74 ,in the earliest ,upanishads the ,world-,being seems to have been figured as the totality of matter1 #acf an atheistic view associated in particular with the teaching of ,kapila1 #acg who himself1 however1 was at length raised to divine status1 #ach though his system continues to pass as substantially atheistic4 #aci ,this view being open to all manner of anti-religious criticism1 which it incurred even within the ,brahmanic pale1 #adj there was evolved an ideal formula in which the source of all things is the invisible1 intangible1 unrelated1 colourless one1 who has neither eyes nor ears1 neither hands nor feet1 eternal1 all-pervading1 subtile1 and undecaying4 #ada ,at the same time1 the ,upanishads exhibit a stringent reaction against the whole content of the ,vedas4 ,their ostensible object is to show the utter uselessness--nay1 the mischievousness--of all ritual performances2 to condemn every sacrificial act which has for its motive a desire or hope of reward2 to deny1 if not the existence1 at least the exceptional and exalted character of the ,devas2 and to teach that there is no hope of salvation and deliverance except by the individual self recognizing the true and universal self and finding rest there1 where alone rest can be found4 #adb ,and the critical development does not end there4 ,in the old ,upanishads1 in which the hymns and sacrifices of the ,veda are looked upon as useless1 and as superseded by the higher knowledge taught by the forest-sages1 they are not yet attacked as mere impositions4 ,that opposition1 however1 sets in very decidedly in the ,sutra period4 ,in the ,nirukta 7i1 #ae7 ,yska quotes the opinion of ,kautsa1 that the hymns of the ,veda have no meaning at all4 #adc ,in short1 every form of critical revolt against incredible doctrine that has arisen in later ,europe had taken place in ancient ,india long before the ,alexandrian conquest4 #add ,and the same attitude continued to be common within the post-,alexandrian period2 for ,panini1 who must apparently be dated then1 #ade was acquainted with infidels and nihilists2 #adf and the teaching of ,brihaspati1 #adg on which was founded the system of the ,khrvkas--apparently one of several sections of a freethinking school called the ,lokyatas #adh or ,lokyatikas--is extremely destructive of ,vedic pretensions4 ,the ,veda is tainted by the three faults of untruth1 self-contradiction1 and tautology4444 ,the impostors who call themselves ,vedic pandits are mutually destructive4444 ,the three authors of the ,vedas were buffoons1 knaves1 and demons3 ,all the well-known formulas of the pandits1 and all the horrid rites for the queen commanded in the ,asvamedha--these were invented by buffoons1 and so all the various kinds of presents to the priests2 while the eating of flesh was similarly commanded by night-prowling demons4 #adi ,to what extent such aggressive rationalism ever spread it is now quite impossible to ascertain4 ,it seems probable that the word ,lokyata1 defined by ,sanskrit scholars as signifying directed to the world of sense1 #aej originally1 or about #ejj ,b4,c41 signified ,nature-lore1 and that this passed as a branch of ,brahman learning4 #aea ,significantly enough1 while the lore was not extensive1 it came to be regarded as disposing men to unbelief1 though it does not seem to have suggested any thorough training4 ,at length1 in the eighth century of our era1 it is found applied as a term of abuse1 in the sense of infidel1 by ,kumrila in controversy with opponents as orthodox as himself2 and about the same period ,sankara connects with it a denial of the existence of a separate and immortal soul2 #aeb though that opinion had been debated1 and not called ,lokyata1 long before1 when the word was current in the broader sense4 #aec ,latterly1 in the fourteenth century1 on the strength of some doggerel verses which cannot have belonged to the early ,brahmanic ,lokyata1 it stands for extreme atheism and a materialism not professed by any known school speaking for itself4 #aed ,the evidence1 such as it is1 is preserved only in ,sarva-darsana-samgraha1 a compendium of all philosophical systems1 compiled in the fourteenth century by the ,vedantic teacher ,mdhavchra4 #aee ,one source speaks of an early text-book of materialism1 the ,sutras of ,brihaspati2 #aef but this has not been preserved4 ,thus in ,hindu as in later ,european freethought for a long period we have had to rely for our knowledge of freethinkers' ideas upon the replies made by their opponents4 ,it is reasonable to conclude that1 save insofar as the arguments of ,brihaspati were common to the ,khrvkas and the ,buddhists1 #aeg such doctrine as his or that of the later ,lokyatikas cannot conceivably have been more than the revolt of a thoughtful minority against official as well as popular religion2 and to speak of a time when the ,aryan settlers in ,india had arrived at the conviction that all their ,devas or ,gods were mere names #aeh is to suggest a general evolution of rational thought which can no more have taken place in ancient ,india than it has done to-day in ,europe4 ,the old creeds would always have defenders2 and every revolt was sure to incur a reaction4 ,in the ,hitopadesa or ,book of ,good ,counsel 7an undated recension of the earlier ,panchatantra1 ,the ,five ,books1 which in its first form may be placed about the fifth century of our era7 there occur both passages disparaging mere study of the ,sacred ,books #aei and passages insisting upon it as a virtue in itself #afj and otherwise insisting on ritual observances4 #afa ,they seem to come from different hands4 ,the phenomenon of the schism represented by the two divisions of the ,yazur ,veda1 the ,white and the ,black1 is plausibly accounted for as the outcome of the tendencies of a new and an old school1 who selected from their ,brahmanas1 or treatises of ritual and theology1 the portions which respectively suited them4 ,the implied critical movement would tend to affect official thought in general4 ,this schism is held by ,weber to have arisen only in the period of ferment set up by ,buddhism2 but other disputes seem to have taken place in abundance in the ,brahmanical schools before that time4 7,cp4 ,tiele1 ,outlines1 p4 #abc2 ,weber1 ,hist4 ,ind4 ,lit41 pp4 #aj1 #bg1 #bcb2 ,max ,mller1 ,anthropol4 ,relig41 #ahib1 pp4 #cf-cg2 and ,rhys ,davids1 ,buddhism1 p4 #cd47 ,again1 the ascetic and penance-bearing hermits1 who were encouraged by the veneration paid them to exalt themselves above all save the highest ,gods1 would by their utterances of necessity affect the course of doctrine4 ,compare the same tendency as seen in ,buddhism and ,jainism 7,tiele1 pp4 #ace1 #adj74 ,but in the later form of the ,vednta1 the end of the ,veda1 a monistic and pantheistic teaching holds its ground in our own day1 after all the ups and downs of ,brahmanism1 alongside of the aboriginal cults which ,brahmanism adopted in its battle with ,buddhism2 alongside1 too1 of the worship of the ,veda itself as an eternal and miraculous document4 ,the leading tenets of the ,vednta are known to some extent in every village4 #afb ,yet the ,vedntists1 again1 treat the ,upanishads in turn as a miraculous and inspired system1 #afc and repeat in their case the process of the ,vedas3 so sure is the law of fixation in religious thought1 while the habit of worship subsists4 ,the highest activity of rationalistic speculation within the ,brahmanic fold is seen to have followed intelligibly on the most powerful reaction against the ,brahmans' authority4 ,this took place when their sphere had been extended from the region of the ,punjaub1 of which alone the ,rig-,veda shows knowledge1 to the great kingdoms of ,southern ,india1 pointed to in the ,sutras1 #afd or short digests of ritual and law designed for general official use4 ,in the new environment there was a well-marked lay-feeling1 a widespread antagonism to the priests1 a real sense of humour1 a strong fund of common sense4 ,above all there was the most complete and unquestioned freedom of thought and expression in religious matters that the world had yet witnessed4 #afe ,the most popular basis for rejection of a given system--belief in another--made ultimately possible there the rise of a practically atheistic system capable1 wherever embraced1 of annulling the burdensome and exclusive system of the ,brahmans1 which had been obtruded in its worst form1 #aff though not dominantly1 in the new environment4 ,buddhism1 though it cannot have arisen on one man's initiative in the manner claimed in the legends1 even as stripped of their supernaturalist element1 #afg was in its origin essentially a movement of freethought1 such as could have arisen only in the atmosphere of a much mixed society #afh where the extreme ,brahmanical claims were on various grounds discredited1 perhaps even within their own newly-adjusted body4 ,it was stigmatized as the science of reason1 a term equivalent to heresy in the ,christian sphere2 #afi and its definite rejection of the ,vedas made it anti-sacerdotal even while it retained the modes of speech of polytheism4 ,the tradition which makes the ,buddha #agj a prince suggests an upper-class origin for the reaction2 and there are traces of a chronic resistance to the ,brahmans' rule among their fellow-,aryans before the ,buddhist period4 ,the royal families1 the warriors1 who1 it may be supposed1 strenuously supported the priesthood so long as it was a question of robbing the people of their rights1 now that this was effected turned against their former allies1 and sought to throw off the yoke that was likewise laid upon them4 ,these efforts were1 however1 unavailing3 the colossus was too firmly established4 ,obscure legends and isolated allusions are the only records left to us in the later writings of the sacrilegious hands which ventured to attack the sacred and divinely consecrated majesty of the ,brahmans2 and these are careful to note at the same time the terrible punishments which befel those impious offenders 7,weber1 ,hist4 ,ind4 ,lit41 p4 #ai74 ,the circumstances1 however1 that the ,buddhist writings were from the first in vernacular dialects1 not in ,sanskrit1 #aga and that the mythical matter which accumulated round the story of the ,buddha is in the main aboriginal1 and largely common to the myth of ,krishna1 #agb go to prove that ,buddhism spread specially in the non-,aryan sphere4 #agc ,its practical 7not theoretic7 #agd atheism seems to have rested fundamentally on the conception of ,karma1 the transition of the soul1 or rather of the personality1 through many stages up to that in which1 by self-discipline1 it attains the impersonal peace of ,nirvana2 and of this conception there is no trace in the ,vedas1 #age though it became a leading tenet of ,brahmanism4 ,to the dissolvent influence of ,greek culture may possibly be due some part of the success of ,buddhism before our era1 and even later4 ,hindu astronomy in the ,vedic period was but slightly developed 7,weber1 ,hist4 ,ind4 ,lit41 pp4 #bdf1 #bdi1 #bej72 and it was ,greek influence that first infused a real life into ,indian astronomy 7,id4 p4 #bea2 cp4 ,letronne1 ,mlanges d'rudition1 #ahfj 7871 p4 #dj2 ,narrien1 ,histor4 ,acc4 of ,orig4 and ,prog4 of ,astron41 p4 #cc1 and ,lib4 ,use4 ,kn4 ,hist4 of ,astron41 c4 ii74 ,this implies other interactions4 ,it is presumably to ,greek stimulus that we must trace the knowledge by ,aryabhata 7,colebrooke's ,essays1 ed4 #ahgc1 ii1 #djd2 cp4 ,weber1 p4 #beg7 of the doctrine of the earth's diurnal revolution on its axis2 and the fact that in ,india as in the ,mediterranean world the truth was later lost from men's hands may be taken as one of the proofs that the two civilizations alike retrograded owing to evil political conditions4 ,in the progressive period 7from about #cbj ,b4,c4 onwards for perhaps some centuries7 ,greek ideas might well help to discredit traditionalism2 and their acceptance at royal courts would be favourable to toleration of the new teaching4 ,at the same time1 ,buddhism must have been favoured by the native mental climate in which it arose4 ,the main differentiation of ,buddhism from ,brahmanism1 again1 is its ethical spirit1 which sets aside formalism and seeks salvation in an inward reverie and discipline2 and this element in turn can hardly be conceived as arising save in an old society1 far removed from the warlike stage represented by the ,vedas4 ,whatever may have been its early association with ,brahmanism #agf then1 it must be regarded as essentially a reaction against ,brahmanical doctrine and ideals2 a circumstance which would account for its early acceptance in the ,punjaub1 where ,brahmanism had never attained absolute power and was jealously resisted by the free population4 #agg ,and the fact that ,jainism1 so closely akin to ,buddhism1 has its sacred books in a dialect belonging to the region in which ,buddhism arose1 further supports the view that the reaction grew out of the thought of a type of society differing widely from that in which ,brahmanism arose4 ,jainism1 like ,buddhism1 is substantially atheistic1 #agh and like it has an ancient monkish organization to which women were early admitted4 ,the original crypto-atheism or agnosticism of the ,buddhist movement thus appears as a product of a relatively high1 because complex1 moral and intellectual evolution4 ,it certainly never impugned the belief in the ,gods2 on the contrary1 the ,buddha is often represented as speaking of their existence1 #agi and at times as approving of their customary worship2 #ahj but he is never said to counsel his own order to pray to them2 he makes light of sacrifice2 and above all he is made quite negative as to a future life1 preaching the doctrine of ,karma in a sense which excludes individual immortality4 #aha ,it cannot be denied that if we call the old ,gods of the ,veda--,indra and ,agni and ,yama--,gods1 ,buddha was an atheist4 ,he does not believe in the divinity of these deities4 ,what is noteworthy is that he does not by any means deny their bare existence4444 ,the founder of ,buddhism treats the old ,gods as superhuman beings4 #ahb ,thus it is permissible to say both that ,buddhism recognizes ,gods and that it is practically atheistic4 ,the fact cannot be disputed away that the religion of ,buddha was from the beginning purely atheistic4 ,the idea of the ,godhead 444 was for a time at least expelled from the sanctuary of the human mind1 #ahc and the highest morality that was ever taught before the rise of ,christianity was taught by men with whom the ,gods had become mere phantoms1 without any altars1 not even an altar to the unknown ,god 7,max ,mller1 ,introd4 to the ,science of ,religion1 ed4 #ahhb1 p4 #ha4 ,cp4 the same author's ,selected ,essays1 #ahha1 ii1 #cjj47 ,he ,buddha ignores ,god in so complete a way that he does not even seek to deny him2 he does not suppress him1 but he does not speak of him either to explain the origin and anterior existence of man or to explain the present life1 or to conjecture his future life and definitive deliverance4 ,the ,buddha knows ,god in no fashion whatever 7,barthlemy ,saint-,hilaire1 ,le ,bouddha et sa ,religion1 #ahff1 p4 v74 ,buddhism and ,christianity are indeed the two opposite poles with regard to the most essential points of religion3 ,buddhism ignoring all feeling of dependence on a higher power1 and therefore denying the very existence of a supreme deity 7,mller1 ,introd4 to ,sc4 of ,rel41 p4 #aga74 ,lastly1 the ,buddha declared that he had arrived at his conclusions1 not by study of the ,vedas1 nor from the teachings of others1 but by the light of reason and intuition alone 7,rhys ,davids1 ,buddhism1 p4 #dh74 ,the most ancient ,buddhism despises dreams and visions 7,id41 p4 #agg74 ,agnostic atheism 444 is the characteristic of his ,buddha's system of philosophy 7,id41 p4 #bjg74 ,belief in a ,supreme ,being1 the ,creator and ,ruler of the ,universe1 is unquestionably a modern graft upon the unqualified atheism of ,skya ,muni3 it is still of very limited recognition4 ,in none of the standard authorities 444 is there the slightest allusion to such a ,first ,cause1 the existence of which is incompatible with the fundamental ,buddhist dogma of the eternity of all existence 7,h4 ,h4 ,wilson1 ,buddha and ,buddhism1 in ,essays and ,lectures1 ed4 by ,dr4 ,r4 ,rost1 #ahfb1 ii1 #cfa4 ,cp4 p4 #cfc74 ,on the other hand1 the gradual colouring of ,buddhism with popular mythology1 the reversion 7if1 indeed1 this were not early7 to adoration and worship of the ,buddha himself1 and the final collapse of the system in ,india before the pressure of ,brahmanized ,hinduism1 all prove the potency of the sociological conditions of success and failure for creeds and criticisms4 ,buddhism took the monastic form for its institutions1 thus incurring ultimate petrifaction alike morally and intellectually2 and in any case the normal ,indian social conditions of abundant population1 cheap food1 and general ignorance involved an overwhelming vitality for the popular cults4 ,these the orthodox ,brahmans naturally took under their protection as a means of maintaining their hold over the multitude2 #ahd and though their own highest philosophy has been poetically grafted on that basis1 as in the epic of the ,mahbhrata and in the ,bhagavat ,gita1 #ahe the ordinary worship of the deities of these poems is perforce utterly unphilosophical1 varying between a primitive sensualism and an emotionalism closely akin to that of popular forms of ,christianity4 ,buddhism itself1 where it still prevails1 exhibits similar tendencies4 #ahf ,it is disputed whether the ,brahman influence drove ,buddhism out of ,india by physical force1 or whether the latter decayed because of maladaptation to its environment4 ,its vogue for some seven hundred years1 from about #cjj ,b4,c4 to about #djj ,a4,c41 seems to have been largely due to its protection and final acceptance as a ,state religion by the dynasty of ,chandragupta 7the ,sandracottos of the ,greek historians71 whose grandson ,asoka showed it special favour4 ,his rock-inscribed edicts 7for which see ,max ,mller1 ,introd4 to ,science of ,rel41 pp4 #e-f1 #bc2 ,anthrop4 ,relig41 pp4 #dj-dc2 ,rhys ,davids1 ,buddhism1 pp4 #bbj-bh2 ,wheeler's ,hist4 of ,india1 vol4 iii1 app4 #a2 ,asiatic ,society's ,journals1 vols4 viii and xii2 ,indian ,antiquary1 #ahgg1 vol4 vi7 show a general concern for natural ethics1 and especially for tolerance2 but his mention of ,the ,terrors of the ,future among the religious works he specially honours shows 7if genuine7 that normal superstition1 if ever widely repudiated 7which is doubtful71 had interpenetrated the system4 ,the king1 too1 called himself the delight of the ,gods1 as did his contemporary the ,buddhist king of ,ceylon 7,davids1 ,buddhism1 p4 #hd74 ,under ,asoka1 however1 ,buddhism was powerful enough to react somewhat on the ,west1 then in contact with ,india as a result of the ,alexandrian conquest 7cp4 ,mahaffy1 ,greek ,world under ,roman ,sway1 ch4 ii2 ,weber's lecture on ,ancient ,india1 ,eng4 tr41 pp4 #be-bf2 ,indische ,skizzen1 p4 #bh cited in the present writer's ,christianity and ,mythology1 p4 #afe2 and ,weber's ,hist of ,ind4 ,lit41 p4 #bee and p4 #cji1 note72 and the fact that after his time it entered on a long conflict with ,brahmanism proves that it remained practically dangerous to that system4 ,in the fifth and sixth centuries of our era ,buddhism in ,india rapidly declined--a circumstance hardly intelligible save as a result of violence4 ,tiele1 after expressly asserting the rapid decline 7,outlines1 p4 #aci71 in the next breath asserts that there are no satisfactory proofs of such violence1 and that1 on the contrary1 ,buddhism appears to have pined away slowly 7p4 #adj3 contrast his ,egypt4 ,rel41 p4 xxi74 ,rhys ,davids1 in his ,buddhism1 p4 #bdf 7so also ,max ,mller1 ,anthrop4 ,rel41 p4 #dc71 argues for a process of violent extinction2 but in his later work1 ,buddhist ,india1 he retracts this view and decides for a gradual decline in the face of a ,brahmanic revival4 ,the evidences for violence and persecution are1 however1 pretty strong4 7,see ,h4 ,h4 ,wilson1 ,essays1 as cited1 ii1 #cfe-fg47 ,internal decay certainly appears to have occurred4 ,already in ,gautama's own life1 according to the legends1 there were doctrinal disputes within his party 7,mller1 ,anthrop4 ,rel41 p4 #ch72 and soon heresies and censures abounded 7,introd4 to ,sc4 of ,rel41 p4 #bc71 till schisms arose and no fewer than eighteen sects took shape 7,davids1 ,buddhism1 pp4 #bac-ah74 ,thus early in our inquiry we may gather1 from a fairly complete historical case1 the primary laws of causation as regards alike the progress and the decadence of movements of rationalistic thought4 ,the fundamental economic dilemma1 seen already in the life of the savage1 presses at all stages of civilization4 ,the credent multitude1 save in the very lowest stages of savage destitution1 always feeds and houses those who furnish it with its appropriate mental food2 and so long as there remains the individual struggle for existence1 there will always be teachers ready4 ,if the higher minds in any priesthood1 awaking to the character of their traditional teaching1 withdraw from it1 lower minds1 howbeit sincere1 will always take their place4 ,the innovating teacher1 in turn1 is only at the beginning of his troubles when he contrives1 on whatever bases1 to set up a new organized movement4 ,the very process of organization1 on the one hand1 sets up the call for special economic sustenance--a constant motive to compromise with popular ignorance--and1 on the other hand1 tends to establish merely a new traditionalism1 devoid of the critical impulse in which it arose4 #ahg ,and without organization the innovating thought cannot communicate itself1 cannot hold its own against the huge social pressures of tradition4 ,in ancient society1 in short1 there could be no continuous progress in freethinking3 at best1 there could but be periods or lines of relative progress1 the result of special conjunctures of social and political circumstance4 ,so much will appear1 further1 from the varying instances of still more ancient civilizations1 the evolution of which may be the better understood from our survey of that of ,india4 #c4 ,,mesopotamia ,the nature of the remains we possess of the ancient ,babylonian and ,assyrian religions is not such as to yield a direct record of their development2 but they suffice to show that there1 as elsewhere1 a measure of rationalistic evolution occurred4 ,were there no other ground for the inference1 it might not unreasonably be drawn from the post-exilic monotheism of the ,hebrews1 who1 drawing so much of their cosmology and temple ritual from ,babylon1 may be presumed to have been influenced by the higher ,semitic civilizations in other ways also4 #ahh ,but there is concrete evidence4 ,what appears to have happened in ,babylonia and ,assyria1 whose religious systems were grafted on that of the more ancient ,sumer-,akkadian civilization1 is a gradual subordination of the numerous local ,gods 7at least in the thought of the more philosophic1 including some of the priests7 to the conception of one all-pervading power4 ,this process would be assisted by that of imperialism2 and in the recently-recovered code of ,hammurabi we actually find references to ,ilu ,god 7as in the ,european legal phrase1 the act of ,god7 without any further ,god-name4 #ahi ,on the other hand1 the unifying tendency would be resisted by the strength of the traditions of the ,babylonian cities1 all of which had ancient cults before the later empires were built up4 #aij ,yet1 again1 peoples who failed in war would be in some measure led to renounce their ,god as weak2 while those who clung to their faith would be led1 as in ,jewry1 to recast its ethic4 ,the result was a set of compromises in which the provincial and foreign deities were either treated genealogically or grouped in family or other relations with the chief ,god or ,gods of the time being4 #aia ,certain cults1 again1 were either kept always at a higher ethical level than the popular one1 or were treated by the more refined and more critical worshippers in an elevated spirit2 #aib and this tendency seems to have led to conceptions of purified deities who underlay or transcended the popular types1 the names of the latter being held to point to one who was misconceived under their grosser aspects4 #aic ,astronomical knowledge1 again1 gave rise to cosmological theories which pointed to a ruling and creating ,god1 #aid who as such would have a specially ethical character4 ,in some such way was reached a conception of a ,creator-,god as the unity represented by the fifty names of the ,great ,gods1 who lost their personality when their names were liturgically given to him #aie--;a conception which in some statements even had a pantheistic aspect #aif among a group of priestly thinkers1 and in others took the form of an ideal theocracy4 #aig ,there is record that the ,babylonian schools were divided into different sects1 #aih and their science was likely to make some of these rationalistic4 #aii ,professor ,sayce even goes so far as to say that in the later cosmogony1 under a thin disguise of theological nomenclature1 the ,babylonian theory of the universe has become a philosophical materialism4 #bjj ,it might be taken for granted1 further1 that disbelief would be set up by such a primitive fraud as the alleged pretence of the priests of ,bel ,merodach that the ,god cohabited nightly with the concubine set apart for him 7,herodotos1 i1 #aha-hb71 as was similarly pretended by the priests of ,amun at ,thebes4 ,herodotos could not believe the story1 which1 indeed1 is probably a late ,greek fable2 but there must have been some skeptics within the sphere of the ,semitic cult of sacred prostitution4 ,as regards freethinking in general1 much would depend on the development of the ,chaldan astronomy4 ,that science1 growing out of primitive astrology 7cp4 ,whewell1 ,hist4 of the ,induct4 ,sciences1 #crd ed4 i1 #ajh71 would tend to discredit1 among its experts1 much of the prevailing religious thought2 and they seem to have carried it so far as to frame a scientific theory of comets 7,seneca1 citing ,apollonius ,myndius1 ,quaest4 ,nat41 vii1 #c2 cp4 ,lib4 ,use4 ,kn4 ,hist4 of ,astron41 c4 #c2 ,e4 ,meyer1 ,gesch4 des ,alterthums1 i1 #ahf2 and ,weber1 ,ind4 ,lit41 p4 #bdh74 ,such knowledge would greatly favour skepticism1 as well as monotheism and pantheism4 ,it was sought to be astrologically applied2 but1 as the horoscopes varied1 this was again a source of unbelief 7,meyer1 p4 #agi74 ,medicine1 again1 made little progress 7,herod41 i1 #aig74 ,it can hardly be doubted1 finally1 that in ,babylonia and ,assyria there were idealists who1 like the ,hebrew prophets1 repudiated alike image-worship and the religion of sacrifices4 ,the latter repudiation occurs frequently in later ,greece and ,rome4 ,there1 as in ,jerusalem1 it could make itself heard in virtue of the restrictedness of the power of the priests1 who in imperial ,babylonia and ,assyria1 on the other hand1 might be trusted to suppress or override any such propaganda1 as we have seen was done in ,brahmanical ,india4 ,concerning image-worship1 apart from the proved fact of pantheistic doctrine1 and the parallels in ,egypt and ,india1 it is to be noted that ,isaiah actually puts in the mouth of the ,assyrian king a tirade against the kingdoms of the idols or false gods1 including in these ,jerusalem and ,samaria 7,isa4 x1 #aj1 #aa74 ,the passage is dramatic1 but it points to the possibility that in ,assyria just as in ,israel a disbelief in idols could arise from reflection on the spectacle of their multitude4 ,the chequered political history of ,babylon and ,assyria1 however1 made impossible any long-continued development of critical and philosophical thought4 ,their amalgamations of creeds and races had in a measure favoured such development2 #bja and it was probably the setting up of a single rule over large populations formerly at chronic war that reduced to a minimum1 if it did not wholly abolish1 human sacrifice in the later pre-,persian empires2 #bjb but the inevitably subject state of the mass of the people1 and the chronic military upset of the government1 were conditions fatally favourable to ordinary superstition4 ,the new universalist conceptions1 instead of dissolving the special cults in pantheism1 led only to a fresh competition of cults on cosmopolitan lines1 all making the same pretensions1 and stressing their most artificial peculiarities as all-important4 ,thus1 when old tribal or local religions went proselytizing in the enlarged imperial field1 they made their most worthless stipulations--as ,jewish circumcision and abstinence from pork1 and the self-mutilation of the followers of ,cybel--the very grounds of salvation4 #bjc ,culture remained wholly in the hands of the priestly and official class1 #bjd who1 like the priesthoods of ,egypt1 were held to conservatism by their vast wealth4 #bje ,accordingly we find the early religion of sorcery maintaining itself in the literature of the advanced empires4 #bjf ,the attitude of the ,semitic priests and scribes towards the old ,akkadic as a sacred language was in itself1 like the use of sacred books in general1 long a check upon new thought2 #bjg and though the ,assyrian life seems to have set this check aside1 by reason of the lack of a culture class in ,assyria1 the later ,babylonian kingdom which rose on the fall of ,assyria was too short-lived to profit much by the gain1 being in turn overthrown in the second generation by ,cyrus4 ,it is significant that the conqueror was welcomed by the ,babylonian priests as against their last king1 the inquiring and innovating ,nabonidos #bjh 7,nabu-nahid71 who had aimed at a monarchic polytheism or quasi-monotheism4 ,he is described as having turned away from ,mardouk 7,merodach71 the great ,babylonian ,god1 who accordingly accepted ,cyrus in his stead4 ,it is thus clear that ,cyrus1 who restored the old state of things1 was no strict monotheist of the later ,persian type1 but a schemer who relied everywhere on popular religious interests1 and conciliated the polytheists and henotheists of ,babylon as he did the ,yahweh-worshipping ,jews4 #bji ,the ,persian quasi-monotheism and anti-idolatry1 however1 already existed1 and it is conceivable that they may have been intensified among the more cultured through the peculiar juxtaposition of cults set up by the ,persian conquest4 ,mr4 ,sayce's dictum 7,hib4 ,lect41 p4 #cad71 that the later ethical element in the ,akkado-,babylonian system is necessarily due to ,semitic race elements1 is seen to be fallacious in the light of his own subsequent admission 7p4 #cec7 as to the lateness of the development among the ,semites4 ,the difference between early ,akkadian and later ,babylonian was simply one of culture-stage4 ,see ,mr4 ,sayce's own remarks on p4 #cjj2 and compare ,e4 ,meyer 7,gesch4 des ,alt41 i1 #agh1 #ahb1 #ahc71 who entirely rejects the claim made for ,semitic ethics4 ,see1 again1 ,tiele1 ,outlines1 p4 #gh1 and ,mr4 ,sayce's own account 7,anc4 ,em4 of the ,east1 p4 #bjb7 of the ,phoenician religion as impure and cruel4 ,other writers take the line of arguing that the ,phoenicians were not ,semites1 and that they differed in all things from the true ,semites 7cp4 ,dr4 ,marcus ,dods1 ,israel's ,iron ,age1 #ahgd1 p4 #aj1 and ,farrar1 as there cited74 ,the explanation of such arbitrary judgments seems to be that the ,semites are assumed to have had a primordial religious gift as compared with ,turanians1 and that the ,hebrews in turn are assumed to have been so gifted above other ,semites4 ,we shall best guard against priori injustice to the ,semites themselves1 in the conjunctures in which they really advanced civilization1 by entirely discarding the unscientific method of explaining the history of races in terms of hereditary character 7see below1 #f1 end74 #d4 ,,ancient ,,persia ,the ,mazdean system1 or worship of ,ahura ,mazda 7,ormazd71 of which we find in ,herodotos positive historical record as an anti-idolatrous and nominally monotheistic creed #baj in the fifth century ,b4,c41 is the first to which these aspects can be ascribed with certainty4 ,as the ,jews are found represented in the ,book of ,jeremiah #baa 7assumed to have been written in the sixth century ,b4,c47 worshipping numerous ,gods with images3 and as polytheistic and idolatrous practices are still described in the ,book of ,ezekiel #bab 7assumed to have been written during or after the ,babylonian ,captivity71 it is inadmissible to accept the unauthenticated writings of ostensibly earlier prophets as proving even a propaganda of monotheism on their part1 the so-called ,mosaic law being known to be in large part of late invention and of ,babylonian derivation4 #bac ,in any case1 the mass of the people were clearly image-worshippers4 ,the ,persians1 on the other hand1 can be taken with certainty to have had in the sixth century an imageless worship 7though images existed for other purposes71 with a supreme ,god set above all others4 ,the ,magian or ,mazdean creed1 as we have seen1 was not very devoutly held by ,cyrus2 but ,dareios a generation later is found holding it with zeal2 and it cannot have grown in a generation to the form it then bore4 ,it must therefore be regarded as a development of the religion of some section of the ,iranian race1 centering as it does round some deities common to the ,vedic ,aryans4 ,the ,mazdean system1 as we first trace it in history1 was the religion of the ,medes1 a people joined with the ,persians proper under ,cyrus2 and the ,magi or priests were one of the seven tribes of the ,medes1 #bad as the ,levites were one of the tribes of ,israel4 ,it may then be conjectured that the ,magi were the priests of a people who previously conquered or were conquered by the ,medes1 who had then adopted their religion1 as did the ,persians after their conquest by or union with the ,medes4 ,cyrus1 a semi-,persian1 may well have regarded the ,medes with some racial distrust1 and1 while using them as the national priests1 would naturally not be devout in his adherence at a time when the two peoples were still mutually jealous4 ,when1 later1 after the assassination of his son ,smerdis 7,bardes or ,bardija7 by the elder son1 ,king ,cambyses1 and the death of the latter1 the ,median and ,magian interest set up the false ,smerdis1 ,persian conspirators overthrew the pretender and crowned the ,persian ,dareios ,hystaspis1 marking their sense of hostility to the ,median and ,magian element by a general massacre of ,magi4 #bae ,those ,magi who survived would naturally cultivate the more their priestly influence1 the political being thus for the time destroyed2 though they seem to have stirred up a ,median insurrection in the next century against ,dareios ,,ii4 #baf ,however that may be1 ,dareios ,i became a zealous devotee of their creed1 #bag doubtless finding that a useful means of conciliating the ,medes in general1 who at the outset of his reign seem to have given him much trouble4 #bah ,the richest part of his dominions #bai was ,east-,iran1 which appears to have been the original home of the worship of ,ahura-,mazda4 #bbj ,such is the view of the case derivable from ,herodotos1 who remains the main authority2 but recent critics have raised some difficulties4 ,that the ,magians were originally a non-,median tribe seems clear2 ,dr4 ,tiele 7,outlines1 pp4 #afc1 #afe7 even decides that they were certainly non-,aryan4 ,compare ,ed4 ,meyer 7,gesch4 des ,alt41 i1 #ecj1 note1 #eca1 #dci1 #ddj71 who holds that the ,mazdean system was in its nature not national but abstract1 and could therefore take in any race4 ,several modern writers1 however 7,canon ,rawlinson1 ed4 of ,herodotos1 i1 #dbf-ca2 ,five ,great ,monarchies1 #bnd ed4 ii1 #cde-ee1 iii1 #djb-djd2 ,lenormant1 ,chaldean ,magic1 ,eng4 tr4 pp4 #aig1 #bah-ci2 ,sayce1 ,anc4 ,emp4 of the ,east1 p4 #bdh71 represent the ,magians as not only anti-,aryan 7 anti-,persian71 but opposed to the very worship of ,ormazd1 which is specially associated with their name4 ,it seems difficult to reconcile this view with the facts2 at least it involves the assumption of two opposed sets of ,magi4 ,the main basis for the theory seems to be the allusion in the ,behistun inscription of ,dareios to some acts of temple-destruction by the usurping ,magian ,gomates1 brother and controller of the pretender ,smerdis4 7,see the inscription translated in ,records of the ,past1 i1 #aaa-ae47 ,this ,meyer sets aside as an unsettled problem1 without inferring that the ,magians were anti-,mazdean 7cp4 #ddi and #eaa1 note74 ,as to the massacre1 however1 ,meyer decides 7i1 #fac7 that ,herodotos blundered1 magnifying the killing of the ,magus into a slaughter of the ,magi4 ,but this is one of the few points at which ,herodotos is corroborated by ,ktesias 7cp4 ,grote1 iii1 #ddj1 note74 ,a clue to a solution may perhaps be found in the facts that1 while the priestly system remained opposed to all image-worship1 ,dareios made emblematic images of the ,supreme ,god 7,meyer1 i1 #bac1 #fag7 and of ,mithra2 and that ,artaxerxes ,mnemon later put an image of ,mithra in the royal temple of ,susa1 besides erecting many images to ,anaitis4 7,rawlinson1 ,five ,great ,monarchies1 iii1 #cbj-ba1 #cfj-fa47 ,there may have been opposing tendencies2 the conquest of ,babylon being likely to have introduced new elements4 ,the ,persian art now arising shows the most marked ,assyrian influences4 ,the religion thus imposed on the ,persians seems to have been imageless by reason of the simple defect of art among its cultivators2 #bba and to have been monotheistic only in the sense that its chief deity was supreme over all others1 including even the great ,evil ,power1 ,ahriman 7,angra ,mainyu74 ,its ,god-group included ,mithra1 once the equal of ,ahura-,mazda1 #bbb and later more prominent than he2 #bbc as well as a ,goddess1 ,anahita1 apparently of ,akkadian origin4 ,before the period of ,cyrus1 the eastern part of ,persia seems to have been but little civilized2 #bbd and it was probably there that its original lack of images became an essential element in the doctrine of its priests4 ,as we find it in history1 and still more in its sacred book1 the ,zendavesta1 which as we have it represents a late liturgical compilation1 #bbe ,mazdeism is a priest-made religion rather than the work of one ,zarathustra or any one reformer2 and its rejection of images1 however originated1 is to be counted to the credit of its priests1 like the pantheism or nominal monotheism of the ,mesopotamian1 ,brahmanic1 and ,egyptian religions4 ,the original popular faith had clearly been a normal polytheism4 #bbf ,for the rest1 the ,mazdean ethic has the usual priestly character as regards the virtue it assigns to sacrifice2 #bbg but otherwise compares favourably with ,brahmanism4 ,as to this cult being priest-made1 see ,meyer1 i1 #ebc1 #edj1 #eda4 ,tiele 7,outlines1 pp4 #afg1 #agh7 assumes a special reformation such as is traditionally associated with ,zarathustra1 holding that either a remarkable man or a sect must have established the monotheistic idea4 ,meyer 7i1 #ecg7 holds with ,m4 ,darmesteter that ,zarathustra is a purely mythical personage1 made out of a ,storm-,god4 ,dr4 ,menzies 7,hist4 of ,relig4 p4 #chd7 holds strongly by his historic actuality4 ,the problem is analogous to those concerning ,moses and ,buddha2 but though the historic case of ,mohammed bars a confident decision in the negative1 the balance of presumption is strongly against the traditional view4 ,see the author's ,pagan ,christs1 pp4 #bhf-hh4 ,there is no reason to believe1 however1 that among the ,persian peoples the higher view of things fared any better than elsewhere4 #bbh ,the priesthood1 however enlightened it may have been in its inner culture1 never slackened the practice of sacrifice and ceremonial2 and the worship of subordinate spirits and the propitiation of demons figured as largely in their beliefs as in any other4 ,in time the cult of the ,saviour-,god ,mithra came to the front very much as did that of ,jesus later2 and in the one case as in the other1 despite ethical elements1 superstition was furthered4 ,when1 still later1 the recognition of ,ahriman was found to endanger the monotheistic principle1 an attempt seems to have been made under the ,sassanian dynasty1 in our own era1 to save it by positing a deity who was father of both ,ahura-,mazda and ,angra-mainyu2 #bbi but this last slight effort of freethinking speculation came to nothing4 ,social and political obstacles determined the fate of ,magian as of other ancient rationalism4 ,according to ,rawlinson1 ,zoroastrianism under the ,parthian 7,arsacide7 empire was gradually converted into a complex system of idolatry1 involving a worship of ancestors and dead kings 7,sixth ,orient4 ,mon4 p4 #cii2 ,seventh ,mon4 pp4 #h-i1 #ef74 ,gutschmid1 however1 following ,justin 7xli1 #c1 #e-f71 pronounces the ,parthians zealous followers of ,zoroastrianism1 dutifully obeying it in the treatment of their dead 7,geschichte ,irans von ,alexander bis zum ,untergang der ,arsakiden1 #ahhh1 pp4 #eg-eh7--;a law not fully obeyed even by ,dareios and his dynasty 7,heeren1 ,asiatic ,nations1 ,eng4 tr4 i1 #abg74 ,rawlinson1 on the contrary1 says the ,parthians burned their dead--an abomination to ,zoroastrians4 ,certainly the name of the ,parthian ,king ,mithradates implies acceptance of ,mazdeism4 ,at the same time ,rawlinson admits that in ,persia itself1 under the ,parthian dynasty1 ,zoroastrianism remained pure 7,seventh ,mon4 pp4 #i-aj71 and that1 even when ultimately it became mixed up with normal polytheism1 the dualistic faith and the supremacy of ,ormazd were maintained 7,five ,monarchies1 #bnd ed4 iii1 #cfb-fc2 cp4 ,darmesteter1 ,zendavesta1 i1 lxvi1 #bnd ed474 #e4 ,,egypt ,the relatively rich store of memorials left by the ,egyptian religions yields us hardly any more direct light on the growth of religious rationalism than do those of ,mesopotamia1 though it supplies much fuller proof that such a growth took place4 ,all that is clear is that the comparison and competition of henotheistic cults there as elsewhere led to a measure of relative skepticism1 which took doctrinal shape in a loose monism or pantheism4 ,the language is often monotheistic1 but never1 in the early period1 is polytheism excluded2 on the contrary1 it is affirmed in the same breath4 #bcj ,the alternate ascendancy of different dynasties1 with different ,gods1 forced on the process1 which included1 as in ,babylon1 a priestly grouping of deities in families and triads #bca--the latter arrangement1 indeed1 being only a return to a primitive ,african conception4 #bcb ,it involved further a syncretism or a combining of various ,gods into one1 #bcc and also an esoteric explanation of the ,god-myths as symbolical of natural processes1 or else of mystical ideas4 #bcd ,there are even evidences of quasi-atheism in the shape of materialistic hymns on ,lucretian lines4 #bce ,at the beginning of the ,new ,kingdom 7#aejj ,b4,c47 it had been fully established for all the priesthoods that the ,sun-,god was the one real ,god1 and that it was he who was worshipped in all the others4 #bcf ,he in turn was conceived as a pervading spiritual force1 of anthropomorphic character and strong moral bias4 #bcg ,this seems to have been by way of a purification of one pre-eminent compound deity1 ,amen-,ra1 to begin with1 whose model was followed in other cults4 #bch ,theocracies of this kind could not have been formed unconsciously4 ,men knew perfectly well that they were taking a great step in advance of their fathers4 #bci ,there had occurred1 in short1 among the educated and priestly class a considerable development1 going on through many centuries1 alike in philosophical and in ethical thought2 the ethics of the ,egyptian ,book of the ,dead being quite as altruistic as those of any portion of the much later ,christian ,gospels4 #bdj ,such a development could arise only in long periods of peace and law-abiding life2 though it is found to be accelerated after the ,persian conquest1 which would force upon the ,egyptian priesthood new comparisons and accommodations4 #bda ,and yet all this was done without ever sacrificing the least particle of the beliefs of the past4 #bdb ,the popular polytheism1 resting on absolute ignorance1 was indestructible2 and the most philosophic priests seem never to have dreamt of unsettling it1 though1 as we shall see1 a masterful king did4 ,an eminent ,egyptologist has written that1 whatever literary treasures may be brought to light in the future as the result of excavations in ,egypt1 it is most improbable that we shall ever receive from that country any ancient ,egyptian work which can properly be classed among the literature of atheism or freethought2 the ,egyptian might be more or less religious according to his nature and temperament1 but1 judging from the writings of his priests and teachers which are now in our hands1 the man who was without religion and ,god in some form or other was most rare1 if not unknown4 #bdc ,it is not clear what significance the writer attaches to this statement4 ,unquestionably the mass of the ,egyptians were always naf believers in all that was given them as religion2 and among the common people even the minds which1 as elsewhere1 varied from the norm of credulity would be too much cowed by the universal parade of religion to impugn it2 while their ignorance and general crudity of life would preclude coherent critical thought on the subject4 ,but to conclude that among the priesthood and the upper classes there was never any freethinking in the sense of disbelief in the popular and official religion1 even up to the point of pantheism or atheism1 is to ignore the general lesson of culture history elsewhere4 ,necessarily there was no literature of atheism or freethought4 ,such literature could have no public1 and1 as a menace to the wealth and status of the priesthood1 would have brought death on the writer4 ,but in such a multitudinous priesthood there must have been1 at some stages1 many who realized the mummery of the routine religion1 and some who transcended the commonplaces of theistic thought4 ,from the former1 if not from the latter1 would come esoteric explanations for the benefit of the more intelligent of the laity of the official class1 who could read2 and it is idle to decide that deeper unbelief was privately unknown4 ,it is contended1 as against the notion of an esoteric and an exoteric doctrine1 that the scribes did not1 as is generally supposed1 keep their new ideas carefully concealed1 so as to leave to the multitude nothing but coarse superstitions4 ,the contrary is evident from a number of inscriptions which can be read by anybody1 and from books which anyone can buy4 #bdd ,but the assumption that anyone could read or buy books in ancient ,egypt is a serious misconception4 ,even in our own civilization1 where anyone can presumably buy freethought journals or works on anthropology and the history of religions1 the mass of the people are so placed that only by chance does such knowledge reach them2 and multitudes are so little cultured that they would pass it by with uncomprehending indifference were it put before them4 ,in ancient ,egypt1 however1 the great mass of the people could not even read2 and no man thought of teaching them4 ,this fact alone goes far to harmonize the ancient ,greek testimonies as to the existence of an esoteric teaching in ,egypt with ,tiele's contention to the contrary4 ,see the pros and cons set forth and confusedly pronounced upon by ,professor ,chantepie de la ,saussaye1 ,manual of the ,science of ,religion1 ,eng4 tr4 pp4 #djj-dja4 ,we know from ,diodorus 7i1 #ha71 what we could deduce from our other knowledge of ,egyptian conditions1 that1 apart from the priests and the official class1 no one received any literary culture save in some degree the higher grades of artificers1 who needed some little knowledge of letters for their work in connection with monuments1 sepulchres1 mummy-cases1 and so forth4 ,cp4 ,maspero1 ,hist4 anc4 des peuples de l'orient1 p4 #bhe4 ,even the images of the higher ,gods were shown to the people only on festival-days 7,meyer ,gesch4 des ,alterthums1 i1 #hb74 ,the ,egyptian civilization was thus1 through all its stages1 obviously conditioned by its material basis1 which in turn ultimately determined its polity1 there being no higher contemporary civilization to lead it otherwise4 ,an abundant1 cheap1 and regular food supply maintained in perpetuity a dense and easily-exploited population1 whose lot through thousands of years was toil1 ignorance1 political subjection1 and a primitive mental life4 #bde ,for such a population general ideas had no light and no comfort2 for them was the simple human worship of the local natural ,gods or the presiding ,gods of the kingdom1 alike confusedly conceived as great powers1 figured often as some animal1 which for the primeval mind signified indefinite capacity and unknown possibility of power and knowledge4 #bdf ,myths and not theories1 magic and not ethics1 were their spiritual food1 albeit their peaceful animal lives conformed sufficiently to their code4 ,and the life-conditions of the mass determined the policy of priest and king4 ,the enormous priestly revenue came from the people1 and the king's power rested on both orders4 ,as to this revenue see ,diodorus ,siculus1 i1 #gc2 and ,erman1 ,handbook of ,egyptian ,religion1 ,eng4 tr4 #aijg1 p4 #ga4 ,according to ,diodorus1 a third of the whole land of the kingdom was allotted to the priesthoods4 ,about a sixth of the whole land seems to have been given to the ,gods by ,ramessu ,,iii alone1 besides #aac1jjj slaves1 #dij1jjj cattle1 and immense wealth of other kinds 7,flinders ,petrie1 ,hist4 of ,egypt1 iii 7#aije71 #aed-ee74 ,the bulk of the possessions here enumerated seems to have gone to the temple of ,amen at ,thebes and that of the ,sun-,god at ,heliopolis 7,erman1 as cited74 ,it is to be noted1 however1 that the priestly order included all the physicians1 lawyers1 clerks1 schoolmasters1 sculptors1 painters1 land measurers1 drug sellers1 conjurers1 diviners1 and undertakers4 ,wilkinson1 ,ancient ,egyptians1 ed4 ,birch1 #ahgh1 i1 #aeg-eh2 ,sharpe1 ,egypt4 ,mythol4 p4 #bf2 ,meyer1 ,gesch4 des ,alt4 i1 #fh4 ,the sacred domains included herds of cattle1 birds1 fishermen1 serfs1 and temple servants 7,flinders ,petrie1 as cited1 iii1 #db74 ,when the revenues assigned for a temple of ,seti ,i were found to be misappropriated1 and the building stopped1 his son1 ,ramessu ,,ii1 assigned a double revenue for the completion of the work and the worship 7id474 ,like the later priesthood of ,christendom1 that of ,egypt forged documents to establish claims to revenue 7id4 p4 #fi74 ,captured cattle in great quantities were bestowed on temples of ,amen 7id4 p4 #adi71 whose priests were especially grasping 7id4 p4 #aec74 ,thus in the one reign of ,ramessu ,,iii they received fifty-six towns of ,egypt and nine of ,syria and #fb1jjj serfs 7id4 p4 #aee74 ,this was fully seen when ,king ,akhunaton 7otherwise ,echnaton1 or ,icheniton1 or ,akhunaton1 or ,akhunaten1 or ,chuenaten1 or ,khu-en-aten1 or ,kku-n-aten1 or ,khouniatonou1 or ,khounaton67 ,amen-hetep or ,amun-hotep 7or ,amenophis7 ,,iv1 moved by monotheistic zeal1 departed so far from the customary royal policy as to put under the ban all deities save that he had chosen for himself1 repudiating the ,god-name ,amen in his own name1 and making one from that of his chosen ,sun-,god1 ,aten 7the sun's disk7 or ,aton or ,atonou #bdg or ,iton #bdh 7latterly held to be the ,syrian ,adon1 the ,lord1 symbolized by the sun's disk74 ,there is reason to think that his was not a mere ,sun-worship1 but the cult of a deity1 ,lord of the ,disk1 who looked through the sun's disk as through a window4 #bdi ,in any interpretation1 however1 the doctrine was wholly inacceptable to a priesthood whose multitudinous shrines its success would have emptied4 ,of all the host of ,god-names1 by one account only that of the old ,sun-,god ,ra-,harmachis was spared1 #bej as being held identical with that of ,aten2 and by one account #bea the disaffection of priests and people rose to the point of open rebellion4 ,at length ,akhunaton1 ,glory of the ,disk1 as he elected to name himself1 built for himself and his ,god a new capital city in ,middle ,egypt1 ,akhet-,aten 7or ,khut-,aten71 the modern ,tell-el-,amarna1 where he assembled around him a society after his own heart1 and carried on his ,aten-worship1 while his foreign empire was crumbling4 ,the ,tell-el-,amarna tablets were found in the ruins of his city1 which was deserted a generation after his death4 ,though the king enforced his will while he lived1 his movement bore no fruit whatever1 his policy being reversed after his family had died out1 and his own monuments and capital city razed to the ground by orthodox successors4 #beb ,in the same way the earlier attempt of the alien ,hyksos to suppress the native polytheism and image-worship had come to nothing4 #bec ,the history of ,akhunaton is established by the later ,egyptology4 ,sharpe makes no mention of it1 though the point had been discussed from #ahci onwards4 ,cp4 ,lepsius1 ,letters from ,egypt1 etc41 ,bohn trans4 #ahec1 p4 #bg2 and ,nott and ,gliddon's ,types of ,mankind1 #ahed1 p4 #adg1 and ,indigenous ,races of the ,earth1 #aheg1 pp4 #aaf-ag1 in both of which places will be found the king's portrait4 ,see last reference for the idle theory that he had been emasculated1 as to which the confutation by ,wiedemann 7,aegyptische ,geschichte1 p4 #cig1 cited by ,budge1 ,hist4 of ,egypt1 #aijb1 iv1 #abh7 is sufficient4 ,in point of fact1 he figures in the monuments as father of three or seven children 7,wiedemann1 ,rel4 of ,anc4 ,eg4 p4 #cg2 ,erman1 p4 #fi2 ,budge1 iv1 #abc1 #abg74 ,dispute still reigns as to the origin of the cult to which he devoted himself4 ,a theory of its nature and derivation1 based on that of ,mr4 ,j4 ,h4 ,breasted 7,history of ,egypt1 #aijf1 p4 #cif71 is set forth in an article by ,mr4 ,a4 ,e4 ,p4 ,weigall on ,religion and ,empire in ,ancient ,egypt in the ,quarterly ,review1 ,jan4 #aiji4 ,on this view ,aten or ,aton is simply ,adon the ,lord--a name ultimately identified with ,adonis1 the ,syrian ,sun-,god and ,vegetation-,god4 ,the king's grandfather was apparently a ,syrian1 presumably of royal lineage2 and ,queen ,tii or ,thiy1 the king's mother1 who with her following had wrought a revolution against the priesthood of ,amen1 brought him up as a devotee of her own faith4 ,on her death he became more and more fanatical1 getting out of touch with people and priesthood1 so that his empire fell to pieces rapidly4 ,letters still exist 7among the ,tell-el-,amarna tablets7 which were sent by his generals in ,asia1 vainly imploring help4 ,he died at the age of twenty-eight2 and if the body lately found1 and supposed to be his1 is really so1 his malady was water on the brain4 ,mr4 ,breasted1 finding that ,akhunaton's ,god is described by him in inscriptions as the father and the mother of all that he made1 ranks the cult very high in the scale of theism4 ,mr4 ,weigall 7art4 cited1 p4 #fj2 so also ,budge1 ,hist4 iv1 #abe7 compares a hymn of the king's with ,ps4 civ1 #bd sq41 and praises it accordingly4 ,the parallel is certainly close1 but the document is not thereby certificated as philosophic4 ,on the strength of the fact that ,akhunaton had dreamed that the ,aton religion would bind the nations together1 ,mr4 ,weigall credits him with harbouring an illusive ideal towards which1 thirty-two centuries later1 mankind is still struggling in vain 7p4 #ff74 ,the ideal of subjugating the nations to one ,god1 cherished later by ,jews1 and still later by ,moslems1 is hardly to be thus identified with the modern ideal of international peace4 ,brugsch1 in turn1 credits the king with having willingly received the teaching about the one ,god of ,light1 while admitting that ,aten simply meant the sun's disk 7,hist4 of ,egypt1 #a-vol4 ed4 p4 #baf74 ,maspero1 again1 declares ,tii to have been an ,egyptian of old stock1 and the ,god ,atonou to have been the deity of her tribe 7,hist4 anc41 as cited1 p4 #bdi72 and he pronounces the cult probably the most ancient variant of the religions of ,ra 7p4 #bej74 ,messrs4 ,king and ,hall1 who also do not accept the theory of a ,syrian derivation1 coincide with ,messrs4 ,breasted and ,weigall in extolling ,akhunaton's creed4 ,in a somewhat summary fashion they pronounce 7work cited1 p4 #chc7 that1 given an ignorance of the true astronomical character of the sun1 we see how eminently rational a religion was this4 ,the conception of a moving window in the heavens1 which appears to be the core of it1 seems rather a darkening than a development of the philosophical speculations of the priests of the ,sun at ,heliopolis1 from which it is held by ,messrs4 ,king and ,hall to have been derived4 ,similarly ill-warranted is the decision 7id4 p4 #chd7 that in ,akhunaton's heresy we see 444 the highest attitude 8 altitude to which religious ideas had attained before the days of the ,hebrew prophets4 ,alike in ,india and in ,egypt1 pantheistic ideas of a larger scope than his or those of the ,hebrew prophets had been attained before ,akhunaton's time4 ,dr4 ,e4 ,a4 ,wallis ,budge1 on the other hand1 points out that the cult of the ,aten is really an ancient one in ,egypt1 and was carried on by ,thothmes ,,iii1 father of ,amen-hetep ,,ii1 a century before ,akhunaton 7,amen-hetep ,,iv71 its original home being ,heliopolis 7,history of ,egypt1 #aijb1 iv1 #dh1 #aai74 ,so also von ,bissing1 ,gesch4 ,aeg4 in ,umriss1 p4 #eb 7reading ,iton74 ,rejecting the view that ,aten is only a form of ,adon1 ,dr4 ,budge pronounces that as far as can be seen now the worship of ,aten was something like a glorified materialism--whatever that may be--which had to be expounded by priests who performed ceremonies similar to those which belonged to the old ,heliopolitan sun-worship1 without any connection whatsoever with the worship of ,yahweh2 and a being of the character of the ,semitic ,god ,adn had no place in it anywhere4 ,further1 he considers that it contained no doctrines on the unity or oneness of ,aten similar to those which are found in the hymns to ,ra1 and none of the beautiful ideas on the future life with which we are familiar from the hymns and other compositions in the ,book of the ,dead 7,ib4 pp4 #abj-ba74 ,by ,prof4 ,flinders ,petrie ,queen ,tii or ,thiy is surmised to have been of ,armenian origin 7see ,budge1 iv1 #if-ih1 as to her being ,mesopotamian72 and ,prof4 ,petrie1 like ,mr4 ,breasted1 has inferred that she brought with her the cult of which her son became the devotee4 7,so also ,brugsch1 p4 #bad47 ,messrs4 ,king and ,hall recognize that the cult had made some headway before ,akhunaton took it up2 but deny that there is any reason for supposing ,queen ,tii to have been of foreign origin2 adding3 ,it seems undoubted that the ,aten cult was a development of pure ,egyptian religious thought4 ,certainty on such an issue seems hardly possible2 but it may be said1 as against the theory of a foreign importation1 that there is no evidence whatever of any high theistic cult of ,adonis in ,syria at the period in question4 ,adonis was primarily a ,vegetation-,god2 and the older view that ,aten simply means the sun's disk is hardly disposed of4 ,it is noteworthy that under ,akhunaton's patronage ,egyptian sculpture enjoyed a term of freedom from the paralyzing convention which reigned before and after 7,king and ,hall1 as cited1 pp4 #chc-hd74 ,this seems to have been the result of the innovating taste of the king 7,budge1 ,hist4 iv1 #abd-bf74 ,as the centuries lapsed the course of popular religion was rather downward than upward1 if it can be measured by the multiplication of superstitions4 #bed ,when under the ,ramesside dynasty the high-priests of ,amen became by marriage with the royal family the virtual rulers1 sacerdotalism went from bad to worse4 #bee ,the priests1 who held the allegorical key to mythology1 seem to have been the main multipliers of magic and fable1 mummery1 ceremonial1 and symbol2 and they jealously guarded their specialty against lay competition4 #bef ,esoteric and exoteric doctrine flourished in their degrees side by side1 #beg the instructed few apparently often accepting or acting upon both2 and primitive rites all the while flourished on the level of the lowest savagery1 #beh though the higher ethical teaching even improves1 as in ,india4 ,conflicts1 conquests1 and changes of dynasties seem to have made little difference in the life of the common people4 #bei ,religion was the thread by which any ruler could lead them2 and after the brief destructive outbreak of ,cambyses1 #bfj himself at first tolerant1 the ,persian conquerors allowed the old faiths to subsist1 caring only1 like their predecessors1 to prevent strife between the cults which would not tolerate each other4 #bfa ,the ,ptolemies are found adopting and using the native cults as the native kings had done ages before them2 #bfb and in the learned ,greek-speaking society created by their dynasty at ,alexandria there can have been at least as little concrete belief as prevailed in the priesthood of the older civilization4 ,it developed a pantheistic philosophy which ultimately1 in the hands of ,plotinus1 compares very well with that of the ,upanishads and of later ,european systems4 ,but this was a hot-house flower2 and in the open world outside1 where ,roman rule had broken the power of the ancient priesthood and ,greek immigration had overlaid the native element1 ,christianity found an easy entrance1 and in a declining society flourished at its lowest level4 #bfc ,the ancient ferment1 indeed1 produced many stirrings of relative freethought in the form of ,christian heresies to be noted hereafter2 one of the most notable being that of ,arius1 who1 like his antagonist ,athanasius1 was an ,alexandrian4 ,but the cast of mind which elaborated the dogma of the ,trinity is as directly an outcome of ,egyptian culture-history as that which sought to rationalize the dogma by making the popular deity a created person2 #bfd and the long and manifold internecine struggles of the sects were the due duplication of the older strifes between the worshippers of the various sacred animals in the several cities4 #bfe ,in the end the entire population was but so much clay to take the impress of the ,arab conquerors1 with their new fanatic monotheism standing for the minimum of rational thought4 ,for the rest1 the higher forms of the ancient religion had been able to hold their own till they were absolutely suppressed1 with the philosophic schools1 by the ,byzantine government1 which at the same time marked the end of the ancient civilization by destroying or scattering the vast collection of books in the ,serapeion1 annihilating at once the last pagan cult and the stored treasure of pagan culture4 ,with that culture too1 however1 there had been associated to the last the boundless credulity which had so long kept it company4 ,in the second century of our era1 under the ,antonines1 we have ,apuleius telling of ,isis worshipped as ,nature1 parent of things1 mistress of all elements1 the primordial birth of the ages1 highest of divinities1 queen of departed spirits1 first of the heavenly ones1 the single manifestation of all ,gods and ,goddesses1 who rules all things in earth and heaven1 and who stands for the sole deity worshipped throughout the world under many names2 #bff the while her worshipper cherishes all manner of the wildest superstitions1 which even the subtle philosophy of the ,alexandrian ,neo-,platonic school did not discard4 ,all alike1 with the machinery of exorcism1 were passed on to the worship of the ,christian ,queen of ,heaven1 leaving out only the pantheism2 and when that worship in turn was overthrown1 the ,one ,god of ,islam enrolled in his train the same host of ancient hallucinations4 #bfg ,the fatality of circumstance was supreme4 #f4 ,,phoenicia ,of the inner workings of thought in the ,phoenician religion we know even less1 directly1 than can be gathered as to any other ancient system of similar notoriety1 #bfh so completely did the ,roman conquest of ,carthage1 and the ,macedonian conquest of ,tyre and ,sidon1 blot out the literary remains of their peoples4 ,yet there are some indirect clues of a remarkable sort4 ,it is hardly to be doubted1 in the first place1 that ,punic speculation took the same main lines as the early thought of ,egypt and ,mesopotamia1 whose cultures1 mixing in ,syria as early as the fifteenth century ,b4,c41 had laid the basis of the later ,phoenician civilization4 #bfi ,the simple fact that among the ,syro-,phoenicians was elaborated the alphabet adopted by all the later civilizations of the ,west almost implies a special measure of intellectual progress4 ,we can indeed trace the normal movement of syncretism in the cults1 and the normal tendency to improve their ethics4 ,the theory of an original pure monotheism #bgj is no more tenable here than anywhere else2 we can see that the general designation of the chief ,god of any city1 usually recognizable as a ,sun-,god1 by a title rather than a name1 #bga though it pointed to a general worship of a pre-eminent power1 in no sense excluded a belief in minor powers1 ranking even as deities4 ,it did not do so in the admittedly polytheistic period2 and it cannot therefore be supposed to have done so previously4 ,the chief ,phoenician ,gods1 it is admitted1 were everywhere called by one or several of the titles ,baal 7,lord71 ,ram or ,rimmon 7,high71 ,melech or ,molech 7,king71 ,melkarth 7,king of the ,city71 ,eliun 7,supreme71 ,adonai 7,lord71 ,bel-,samin 7,lord of ,heaven71 etc4 7,cp4 ,rawlinson1 ,history of ,phoenicia1 p4 #bca2 ,tiele1 ,hist4 comp4 des anc4 relig41 etc41 ,fr4 tr4 #ahhb1 ch4 iii1 pp4 #bha-hg2 ,outlines1 p4 #hb2 ,meyer1 ,gesch4 des ,alt4 i1 #bdf1 and art4 ,phoenicia in ,encyc4 ,biblica1 iii1 #cgdb-e2 ,sayce1 ,ancient ,empires1 p4 #bjj47 ,the just inference is that the ,sun-,god was generally worshipped1 the sun being for the ,semitic peoples the pre-eminent ,nature-power4 ,he alone of all the ,gods is by ,philo explained not as a deified man1 but as the sun1 who had been invoked from the earliest times 7,meyer1 last cit474 7,all ,gods were not ,baals3 the division between them and lesser powers corresponded somewhat1 as ,tiele notes1 to that between ,theoi and ,daimones with the ,greeks1 and ,ases and ,vanes with the old ,scandinavians4 ,so in ,babylonia and ,india the ,bels and ,asuras were marked off from lesser deities47 ,the fact that the ,western ,semites thus carried with them the worship of their chief deities in all their colonies would seem to make an end of the assumption 7,gomme1 ,ethnology of ,folklore1 p4 #fh2 ,menzies1 ,history of ,religion1 pp4 #bhd1 #bej7 that there is something specially ,aryan in the conception of ,gods who could and did accompany the tribes wheresoever they travelled4 ,cp4 ,meyer1 ,gesch4 des ,alt4 iii1 #afi4 ,the worship of the ,baal1 however1 being that of a special ,nature-power1 cannot in early any more than in later times have been monotheistic4 ,what happened was a preponderance of the double cult of the ,god and ,goddess1 ,baal and ,ashtoreth1 as in the unquestionably polytheistic period 7,rawlinson1 p4 #cbc2 ,tiele1 ,hist4 ,comp41 as cited1 p4 #cai74 ,apart from this normal tendency to identify ,gods called by the same title 7a state of things which1 however1 in ancient as in modern ,catholic countries1 tended at the same time to set up special adoration of a given image71 there is seen in the later religion of ,phoenicia a spirit of syncretism which operated in a manner the reverse of that seen in later ,jewry4 ,in the latter case the national ,god was ultimately conceived1 however fanatically1 as universal1 all others being negated3 in commercial ,phoenicia1 many foreign ,gods were adopted1 #bgb the tendency being finally to conceive them as all manifestations of one ,power4 #bgc ,and there is reason to suppose that in the cosmopolitan world of the ,phoenician cities the higher intelligence reached a yet more subversive1 though still fallacious1 theory of religion4 ,the pretended ancient ,phoenician cosmogony of ,sanchoniathon1 preserved by ,eusebius1 #bgd while worthless as a record of the most ancient beliefs1 #bge may be taken as representing views current not only in the time and society of ,philo of ,byblos 7#ajj ,c4,e471 who had pretended to translate it1 but in a period considerably earlier4 ,this cosmogony is1 as ,eusebius complains1 deliberately atheistic2 and it further systematically explains away all ,god stories as being originally true of remarkable men4 ,where this primitive form of atheistic rationalism originated we cannot now tell4 ,but it was in some form current before the time of the ,greek ,evmeros1 who systematically developed it about #cjj ,b4,c42 for in a monotheistic application it more or less clearly underlies the redaction of much of the ,hebrew ,bible1 where both patriarchal and regal names of the early period are found to be old ,god-names2 and where the ,sun-,god ,samson is made a judge #bgf--;having originally been the ,judge-,god4 ,in the ,byblian writer1 however1 the purpose is not monotheistic1 but atheistic2 and the problem is whether this or that was the earlier development of the method4 ,the natural presumption seems to be that the ,hebrew adaptors of the old mythology used an already applied method1 as the ,christian ,fathers later used the work of ,evmeros2 and the citation from ,thallos by ,lactantius #bgg suggests that the method had been applied in ,chaldea1 as it was spontaneously applied by the ,greek epic poets who made memorable mortals out of the ancient deities ,odysseus and neas1 #bgh ,helen1 ,castor and ,pollux1 ,achilles1 and many more4 #bgi ,it is in any case credible enough that among the much-travelling ,phoenicians1 with their open pantheon1 an atheistic ,evmerism was thought out by the skeptical types before ,evmeros2 and that the latter really drew his principles from ,phoenicia4 #bhj ,at any rate1 they were there received1 doubtless by a select few1 as a means of answering the customary demand for something in place of the rejected ,gods4 ,concerning the tradition that an ancient ,phoenician1 ,moschus1 had sketched an atomic theory1 we may again say that1 though there is no valid evidence for the statement1 it counts for something as proof that the ,phoenicians had an old repute for rationalism4 ,the ,byblian cosmogony may be conceived as an atheistic refinement on those of ,babylon1 adopted by the ,jews4 ,it connects with the theogony ascribed to ,hesiod 7which has ,asiatic aspects71 in that both begin with ,chaos1 and the ,gods of ,hesiod are born later4 ,but whereas in ,hesiod ,chaos brings forth ,erebos and ,night 7,eros being causal force71 and ,night bears ther and ,day to ,erebos1 while ,earth virginally brings forth ,heaven 7,uranos7 and the ,sea1 and then bears the first ,gods in union with ,heaven1 the ,phoenician fragment proceeds from black chaos and wind1 after long ages1 through ,eros or ,desire1 to a kind of primeval slime1 from which arise first animals without intelligence1 who in turn produce some with intelligence4 ,the effort to expel ,deity must have been considerable1 for sun and moon and stars seem to arise uncreated1 and the sun's action spontaneously produces further developments4 ,the first man and his wife are created by male and female principles of wind1 and their offspring proceed to worship the ,sun1 calling him ,beel ,samin4 ,the other ,gods are explained as eminent mortals deified after their death4 ,see the details in ,cory's ,ancient ,fragments1 ,hodges' ed4 pp4 #a-bb4 ,as to ,moschus1 cp4 ,renouvier1 ,manuel de philos4 ancienne1 #ahdd1 i1 #bch2 and ,mosheim's ed4 of ,cudworth's ,intellectual ,system1 ,harrison's tr4 i1 #bj2 also ,cudworth's ,eternal and ,immutable ,morality1 same ed4 iii1 #edh4 ,on the general question of ,phoenician rationalism1 compare ,pausanias's account 7vii1 #bc7 of his discussion with a ,sidonian1 who explained that ,apollo was simply the sun1 and his son sculapius simply the healing art4 ,at the same time there are signs even in ,phoenician worship of an effort after an ethical as well as an intellectual purification of the common religion4 ,to call the ,phoenician religion impure and cruel #bha is to obscure the fact that in all civilizations certain types and cults vary from the norm4 ,in ,phoenicia as in ,israel there were humane anti-sensualists who either avoided or impugned the sensual and the cruel cults around them2 as well as ascetics who stood by human sacrifice while resisting sexual licence4 ,that the better types remained the minority is to be understood in terms of the balance of the social and cultural forces of their civilization1 not of any racial bias or defect1 intellectual or moral4 ,the remark of ,e4 ,meyer 7,gesch4 des ,alt4 i1 #baa1 #age71 that an ethical or mystical conception of the ,god was entirely alien to the ,semite1 reproduces the old fallacy of definite race-characters2 and ,mr4 ,sayce1 in remarking that the immorality performed in the name of religion was the invention of the ,semitic race itself 7,anc4 ,emp4 p4 #bjc2 contrast ,tiele1 ,outlines1 p4 #hc71 after crediting the ,semitic race with an ethical faculty alien to the ,akkadian 7above1 p4 #ff71 suggests another phase of the same error4 ,there is nothing special to the ,semites in the case save degree of development1 similar phenomena being found in many savage religions1 in ,mexico1 and in ,india4 7,meyer in later passages and in his article on ,ba'al in ,boscher's ,lexikon modifies his position as to ,semitic versus other religions47 ,on the other hand1 there was a chaste as well as an unchaste worship of the ,phoenician ,ashtoreth4 ,ashtoreth ,karnaim1 or ,tanit1 the ,virgin1 as opposed to ,atergates and ,annit1 the ,mother-,goddesses1 had the characteristics of ,artemis4 ,cp4 ,tiele1 ,religion compare1 as cited1 pp4 #cah-ai2 ,menzies1 ,history of ,religion1 pp4 #aei1 #afh-ga2 ,kuenen1 ,religion of ,israel1 i1 #ia2 ,smith1 ,religion of the ,semites1 pp4 #bib1 #deh4 ,in ,rome1 ,venus ,cloacina1 sometimes ignorantly described as a ,goddess of ,vice1 was anciently the ,goddess of chaste and holy matrimony 7,ettore ,pais1 ,ancient ,legends of ,roman ,history1 ,eng4 tr4 #aijf1 p4 #aii74 ,for the rest1 the cruelty of the ,phoenician cults1 in the matter of human sacrifice1 was fully paralleled among the early ,teutons4 ,see ,tiele1 ,outlines1 p4 #aii2 and the author's ,pagan ,christs1 ,pt4 ii1 ch4 i1 #d4 #g4 ,,ancient ,,china ,of all the ancient ,asiatic systems that of ,china yields us the first clear biographical trace of a practical rationalist1 albeit a rationalist stamped somewhat by ,chinese conservatism4 ,confucius 7,kung-fu-tse ,kung the ,master7 is a tangible person1 despite some mythic accretions1 whereas ,zarathustra and ,buddha are at best but doubtful possibilities1 and even ,lao-,tsze 7said to have been born #fjd ,b4,c47 is somewhat elusive4 ,before ,confucius 7#eea-dgh ,b4,c471 it is evident1 there had been a slackening in religious belief among the governing classes4 ,it is claimed for the ,chinese1 as for so many other races1 that they had anciently a pure monotheism2 #bhb but the ascription1 as usual1 is misleading4 ,they saw in the expanse of heaven the ,supreme ,power1 not as a result of reflection on the claims of other deities among other races1 but simply as expressing their primordial tribal recognition of that special ,god1 before contact with the ,god-ideas of other peoples4 ,monotheistic in the modern sense they could not be4 ,concerning them as concerning the ,semites we may say that the claim of a primary monotheism for them is also true of all primitive totemistic or clannish communities4 ,a man is born into a community with such a divine head1 and the worship of that ,god is the only one possible to him4 #bhc ,beside the belief in the ,heaven-,god1 there stood beliefs in heavenly and earthly spirits1 and in ancestors1 who were worshipped with altars4 #bhd ,the remark of ,professor ,legge 7,religions of ,china1 p4 #aa71 that the relation of the names ,shang-,ti ,supreme ,ruler1 and ,t'ien the sky1 has kept the monotheistic element prominent in the religion proper of ,china down to the present time1 may serve to avert disputation4 ,it may be agreed that the ,chinese were anciently monotheists in the way in which they are at present1 when they worship spirits innumerable4 ,when1 however1 ,professor ,legge further says 7p4 #af7 that the ancient monotheism five thousand years ago was in danger of being corrupted by nature worship and divination1 he puts in doubt the meaning of the other expression above cited4 ,he states several times 7pp4 #df1 #ea1 #eb7 that the old monotheism remains2 but speaks 7p4 #hd7 of the mass of the people as cut off from the worship of ,god for themselves4 ,and see p4 #ia as to ancestor-worship by the ,emperor4 ,tiele 7,outlines1 p4 #bg7 in comparison somewhat overstresses the polytheistic aspect of the ,chinese religion in his opening definition2 but he adds the essential facts4 ,dr4 ,legge's remark that the idea of revelation did not shock the ancient ,chinese 7p4 #ac7 is obscure4 ,he is dealing with the ordinary ,akkado-,babylonian astrology4 ,pauthier1 on the contrary 7,chine ,moderne1 #ahec1 p4 #bej71 asserts that in ,china no doctrine has ever been put forth as revealed4 ,as regards ancestral worship1 we have record of a display of disregard for it by the lords of ,l in ,confucius's time2 #bhe and the general attitude of ,confucius himself1 religious only in his adherence to old ceremonies1 is incompatible with a devout environment4 ,it has been disputed whether he makes a skeptic denial of any relation between man and a living ,god2 #bhf but an authority who disputes this complains that his avoiding the personal name of ,t1 or ,god1 and only using the more indefinite term ,heaven1 suggests a coldness of temperament and intellect in the matter of religion4 #bhg ,he was1 indeed1 above all things a moralist2 and concerning the spirits in general he taught that ,to give one's self to the duties due to men1 and1 while respecting spiritual beings1 to keep aloof from them1 may be called wisdom4 #bhh ,he would never express an opinion concerning the fate of souls1 #bhi or encourage prayer2 #bij and in his redaction of the old records he seems deliberately to have eliminated mythological expressions4 #bia ,i would say1 writes ,dr4 ,legge 7who never forgets to be a missionary71 that he was unreligious rather than irreligious2 yet1 by the coldness of his temperament and intellect in this matter1 his influence is unfavourable to the development of true religious feeling among the ,chinese people generally1 and he prepared the way for the speculations of the literati of medieval and modern times1 which have exposed them to the charge of atheism4 #bib ,the view that there was a very early arrest of growth in the ,chinese religion 7,menzies1 ,history of ,religion1 p4 #ajh71 before the ordinary developments of mythology and doctrine1 priesthood1 etc41 had time to take place1 is untenable as to the mythology4 ,the same writer had previously spoken 7p4 #ajg7 of the ,chinese system before ,confucius as having already parted with all savage and irrational elements4 ,that ,confucius would seek to eliminate these seems likely enough1 though the documentary fact is disputed4 ,in the elder contemporary of ,confucius1 ,lao-,tsze 7,old ,philosopher71 the founder of ,taouism1 may be recognized another and more remarkable early freethinker of a different stamp1 in some essential respects much less conservative1 and in intellectual cast markedly more original4 ,where ,confucius was an admirer and student of antiquity1 ,lao-,tsze expressly put such concern aside1 #bic seeking a law of life within himself1 in a manner suggestive of much ,indian and other ,oriental thought4 ,so far as our records go1 he is the first known philosopher who denied that men could form an idea of deity1 that being the infinite2 and he avowedly evolved1 by way of makeshift1 the idea of a primordial and governing ,reason 7,tau71 closely analogous to the ,logos of later ,platonism4 ,since the same idea is traceable in more primitive forms alike in the ,babylonian and ,brahmanic systems1 #bid it is arguable that he may have derived it from one of these sources2 but the problem is very obscure4 ,in any case1 his system is one of rationalistic pantheism4 #bie ,his personal relation to ,confucius was that of a self-poised sage1 impatient of the other's formalism and regard to prescription and precedent4 ,where they compare is in their avoidance of supernaturalism1 and in the sometimes singular rationality of their views of social science2 in which latter respect1 however1 they were the recipients and transmitters of an already classic tradition4 #bif ,thus both had a strong bias to conservatism2 and in ,lao-,tsze it went the length of prescribing that the people should not be instructed4 #big ,despite this1 it is not going too far to say that no ancient people appears to have produced sane thinkers and scientific moralists earlier than the ,chinese4 ,the ,golden ,rule1 repeatedly formulated by ,confucius1 seems to be but a condensation on his part of doctrine he found in the older classics2 #bih and as against ,lao-,tsze he is seen maintaining the practical form of the principle of reciprocity4 ,the older man1 like some later teachers1 preached the rule of returning kindness for evil1 #bii without leaving any biographical trace of such practice on his own part4 ,confucius1 dealing with human nature as it actually is1 argued that evil should be met by justice1 and kindness with kindness1 else the evil were as much fostered as the good4 #cjj ,it is to be regretted that ,christian writers should keep up the form of condemning ,confucius 7so ,legge1 ,religions of ,china1 p4 #add2 ,life and ,teachings of ,confucius1 #dth ed4 p4 #aaa sq42 ,douglas1 p4 #add7 for a teaching the practice of which is normally possible1 and is never transcended in their own ,church1 where the profession of returning good for evil merely constitutes one of the great hypocrisies of civilization4 ,dr4 ,legge does not scruple to resort to a bad sophism in this connection4 ,if1 he says1 we only do good to them that do good to us1 what reward have we8 ,he thus insinuates that ,confucius vetoed any spontaneous act of benevolence4 ,the question is not of such acts1 but of kind acts to those who seek to injure us4 ,on the other hand1 ,mr4 ,chalmers1 who dedicates his translation of ,lao-,tsze to ,dr4 ,legge1 actually taunts ,lao-,tsze 7p4 #ch7 with absurdity in respect of his doctrine4 ,such is the sincerity of orthodox polemic4 ,how little effect the self-abnegating teaching of ,lao-,tsze1 in turn1 has had on his followers may be gathered from their very legends concerning him 7,douglas1 p4 #ahb74 ,there is a fallacy1 further1 in the ,christian claim that ,confucius 7,analects1 v1 #aa2 xv1 #bc7 put the ,golden ,rule in a lower form than that of the ,gospels1 in that he gave it the negative form1 ,do not that which ye would not have done unto you4 ,this is really the rational and valid form of the ,rule4 ,the positive form1 unless construed in the restrictive sense1 would merely prescribe a non-moral doing of favours in the hope of receiving favours in return4 ,it appears1 further1 from the passage in the ,analects1 v1 #aa1 that the doctrine in this form was familiar before ,confucius4 ,lao-,tsze1 on his part1 had reduced religion to a minimum4 ,there is not a word in the ,to ,th ,king by ,lao-,tsze of the sixth century ,b4,c4 that savours either of superstition or religion4 #cja ,but the quietist and mystical philosophy of ,lao-,tsze and the practicality of ,confucius alike failed to check the growth of superstition among the ever-increasing ignorant ,chinese population4 ,says our ,christian authority3 ,in the works of ,lieh-,tsze and ,chwang-,tsze1 followers of ,lao-,tsze1 two or three centuries later1 we find abundance of grotesque superstition1 though we are never sure how far those writers really believed the things they relate4 ,in point of fact1 ,lieh-,tsze is now commonly held by scholars to be an imaginary personage1 whose name is given to a miscellaneous collection of teachings and moral tales1 much interpolated and added to long after the date assigned to him--circa #djj ,b4,c4 #cjb ,it contains a purely pantheistic statement of the cosmic problem1 #cjc and among the apologues is one in which a boy of twelve years is made tersely and cogently to rebut the teleological view of things4 #cjd ,the writers of such sections are not likely to have held the superstitions set forth in others4 ,but that superstition should supervene upon light where the means of light were dwindling was a matter of course4 ,it was but the old fatality1 seen in ,brahmanism1 in ,buddhism1 in ,egypt1 in ,islam1 and in ,christianity4 ,confucius himself was soon worshipped4 #cje ,a reaction against him set in after a century or two1 doctrines of pessimism on the one hand1 and of universal love on the other1 finding a hearing2 #cjf but the influence of the great ,confucian teacher ,mencius 7,meng-,tse7 carried his school through the struggle4 ,in his teaching1 the religious element retires still further into the background #cjg than in that of ,confucius2 and he is memorable for his insistence on the remarkable principle of ,confucius1 that the people are born good2 that they are the main part of the ,state2 and that it is the ruler's fault if they go astray4 #cjh ,some rulers seem to have fully risen to this view of things1 for we have an account of a rationalistic duke1 who lived earlier than #bej ,b4,c41 refusing to permit the sacrifice of a man as a scapegoat on his behalf2 and in the year #aff ,b4,c4 such sacrifices were permanently abolished by the ,han ,emperor ,wen4 #cji ,but ,mencius1 who1 as a sociologist1 excels not only ,lao-,tsze but ,confucius1 put his finger on the central force in ,chinese history when he taught that it is only men of education who1 without a certain livelihood1 are able to maintain a fixed heart4 ,as to the people1 if they have not a certain livelihood1 it follows that they will not have a fixed heart4 #caj ,so clearly was the truth seen in ,china over two thousand years ago4 ,but whether under feudalism or under imperialism1 under anarchy or under peace--and the teachings of ,lao-,tsze and ,mencius combined to discredit militarism #caa--the ,chinese mass always pullulated on cheap food1 at a low standard of comfort1 and in a state of utter ignorance4 ,hence the cult of ,confucius was maintained among them only by recognizing their normal superstition2 but on that basis it has remained secure1 despite competition1 and even a term of early persecution4 ,one iconoclastic emperor1 the founder of the ,ch'in or ,ts'in dynasty 7#bba or #bab ,b4,c471 sought to extirpate ,confucianism as a means to a revolution in the government2 but the effort came to nothing4 #cab ,in the same way ,lao-,tsze came to be worshipped as a ,god #cac under the religion called ,taouism1 a title sometimes mistranslated as rationalism1 a name admirably calculated to lead the mind astray as to what the religion is4 #cad ,it would seem as if the older notion of the ,tau1 philosophically purified by ,lao-,tsze1 remained a popular basis for his school1 and so wrought its degradation4 ,the ,taoists or ,tao-sse do their utmost to be as unreasonable as possible4 #cae ,they soon reverted from the philosophic mysticism of ,lao-,tsze1 after a stage of indifferentism1 #caf to a popular supernaturalism1 #cag which the cultivated ,chinese now regard with unmixed contempt2 #cah the crystallized common-sense of ,confucius1 on the other hand1 allied as it is with official ceremonialism1 retaining its hold as an esoteric code for the learned4 ,the evolution has thus closely resembled that which took place in ,india4 ,nowhere1 perhaps1 is our sociological lesson more clearly to be read than in ,china4 ,centuries before our era it had a rationalistic literature1 an ethic no less earnest and far more sane that that of the ,hebrews1 and a line of known teachers as remarkable in their way as those of ancient ,greece who flourished about the same period4 ,but where even ,greece1 wrought upon by all the other cultures of antiquity1 ultimately retrograded1 till under ,christianity it stayed at a ,chinese level of unprogressiveness for a thousand years1 isolated ,china1 helped by no neighbouring culture adequate to the need1 has stagnated as regards the main mass of its life1 despite some political and other fluctuations1 till our own day4 ,its social problem1 like that of ,india1 is now more or less dependent1 unfortunately1 on the solutions that may be reached in ,europe1 where the problem is only relatively more mature1 not fundamentally different4 #h4 ,,mexico ,,and ,,peru ,in the religions of pre-,christian ,mexico and ,peru we have peculiarly interesting examples of early religious systems1 flourishing at some such culture-level as the ancient ,akkadian1 in full play at the time of the ,european ,renaissance4 ,in ,mexico a partly high ethical code1 as the phrase goes1 went concurrently with the most frightful indulgence in human sacrifice1 sustained by the continuous practice of indecisive war for the securing of captives1 and by the interest of a vast priesthood4 ,in this system had been developed all the leading features of those of the ,old ,world--the identification of all the ,gods with the ,sun2 the worship of fire1 and the annual renewal of it by special means2 the conception of ,god-sacrifice and of communion with the ,god by the act of eating his slain representative2 the belief in a ,virgin-,mother-,goddess2 the connection of humanitarian ethic with the divine command2 the opinion that celibacy1 as a state of superior virtue1 is incumbent on most priests and on all would-be saints2 the substitution of a sacramental bread for the body and blood of the ,god-,man2 the idea of an interceding ,mother-,goddess2 the hope of a coming ,saviour2 the regular practice of prayer2 exorcism1 special indulgences1 confession1 absolution1 fasting1 and so on4 #cai ,in ,peru1 also1 many of those conceptions were in force2 but the limitation of the power and numbers of the priesthood by the imperial system of the ,incas1 and the state of peace normal in their dominions1 prevented the ,mexican development of human sacrifice4 ,it seems probable that the ,toltecs1 who either fled before or were for the most part subdued or destroyed by the barbarian ,chichimecs 7in turn subdued by the ,aztecs7 a few centuries before ,cortes1 were on the whole a less warlike and more civilized people1 with a less bloody worship4 #cbj ,their ,god1 ,quetzalcoatl1 retained through fear by the ,aztecs1 #cba was a comparatively benign deity opposed to human sacrifice1 apparently rather a late purification or partial rationalization of an earlier ,god-type than a primitively harmless conception4 #cbb ,insofar as they were sundered by quarrels between the sectaries of the ,god ,quetzalcoatl and the ,god ,votan1 though their religious wars seem to have been as cruel as those of the early ,christians of ,north ,africa1 there appears to have been at work among them a movement towards unbloody religion4 ,in any case their overthrow seems to stand for the military inferiority of the higher and more rational civilization #cbc to the lower and more religious1 which in turn1 however1 was latterly being destroyed by its enormously burdensome military and priestly system1 and may even be held to have been ruined by its own superstitious fears4 #cbd ,among the recognizable signs of normal progress in the ordinary ,aztec religion were 7#a7 the general recognition of the ,sun as the ,god really worshipped in all the temples of the deities with special names2 #cbe 7#b7 the substitution in some cults of baked bread-images for a crucified human victim4 ,the question arises whether the ,aztecs1 but for their overwhelming priesthood1 might conceivably have risen above their system of human sacrifices1 as the ,aryan ,hindus had done in an earlier age4 ,their material civilization1 which carried on that of the kindred ,toltecs1 was at several points superior to that which the ,spaniards put in its place2 and their priesthood1 being a leisured and wealthy class1 might have developed intellectually as did the ,brahmans1 #cbf if its economic basis had been changed4 ,but only a conquest or other great political convulsion could conceivably have overturned the vast cultus of human sacrifice1 which overran all life1 and cherished war as a means of procuring victims4 ,in the kindred ,state of ,tezcuco1 civilization seems to have gone further than in ,aztec ,anahuac2 and about the middle of the fifteenth century one ,tezcucan king1 the conqueror ,netzahualcoyotl1 who has left writings in both prose and verse1 is seen attaining to something like a philosophic creed1 of a monotheistic stamp4 #cbg ,he is said to have rejected all idol-worship1 and erected1 as aforesaid1 an altar to the ,unknown ,god1 #cbh forbidding all sacrifices of blood in that worship4 ,but among the ,tezcucans these never ceased2 three hundred slaves were sacrificed at the obsequies of the conqueror's son1 ,netzahualpilli2 and the ,aztec influence over the superior civilization was finally complete4 ,in ,peru1 again1 we find civilization advancing in respect of the innovation of substituting statuettes for wives and slaves in the tombs of the rich2 and we have already noted #cbi the remarkable records of the avowed unbelief of several ,incas in the divinity of the nationally worshipped ,sun4 ,for the rest1 there was the dubious quasi-monotheistic cult of the ,creator-,god1 ,pachacamac1 concerning whom every fresh discussion raises fresh doubt4 #ccj ,mr4 ,lang1 as usual1 leans to the view that ,pachacamac stands for a primordial and elevated monotheism 7,making of ,religion1 pp4 #bfc-gj71 while admitting the slightness of the evidence4 ,garcilasso1 the most eminent authority1 who1 however1 is contradicted by others1 represents that the conception of ,pachacamac as ,creator1 needing no temple or sacrifice1 was philosophically reached by the ,incas and their wise men 7,lang1 p4 #bfb74 ,the historical fact seems to be that a race subdued by the ,incas1 the ,yuncas1 had one temple to this deity2 and that the ,incas adopted the cult4 ,garcilasso says the ,yuncas had human sacrifices and idols1 which the ,incas abolished1 setting up their monotheistic cult in that one temple4 ,this is sufficiently unlikely2 and it may very well have been the fact that the ,yuncas had offered no sacrifices4 ,but if they did not1 it was because their material conditions1 like those of the ,australians and ,fuegians1 had not facilitated the practice2 and in that case their monotheism likewise would merely represent the ignorant simplicity of a clan-cult4 7,compare ,tylor1 ,primitive ,culture1 ii1 #cce sq42 ,brinton1 ,myths of the ,new ,world1 p4 #eb47 ,on the other hand1 if the ,incas had set up a cult without sacrifices to a so-called ,one ,god1 their idea would be philosophical1 as taking into account the multitude of clan-cults as well as their own national worships1 and transcending these4 ,but the outstanding sociological fact in ,incarial ,peru was the absolute subjection of the mass of the people2 and though its material development and political organization were comparable to those of ancient ,persia under the ,akhamenid1 so that the ,spanish ,conquest stood here for mere destruction1 there is no reason to think that at the best its intellectual life could have risen higher than that of pre-,alexandrian ,egypt1 to which it offers so many resemblances4 ,the ,incas' schools were for the nobility only4 #cca ,rationalistic ,incas and high priests might have ruled over a docile1 unlettered multitude1 gradually softening their moral code1 in connection with their rather highly-developed doctrine 7resembling the ,egyptian7 of a future state4 ,but these seem the natural limits1 in the absence of contact with another civilization not too disparate for a fruitful union4 ,in ,mexico1 on the other hand1 an interaction of native cultures had already occurred to some purpose2 and the strange humanitarianism of the man-slaying priests1 who made free public hospitals of part of their blood-stained temples1 #ccb suggests a possibility of esoteric mental culture among them4 ,they had certainly gone relatively far in their moral code1 as apart from their atrocious creed of sacrifice1 even if we discount the testimony of the benevolent priest ,sahagun2 #ccc and they had the beginnings of a system of education for the middle classes4 #ccd ,but unless one of the ,states which habitually warred for captives should have conquered the others--in which case a strong ruler might have put an end to the wholesale religious slaughter of his own subjects1 as appears to have been done anciently in ,mesopotamia--the priests in all likelihood would never have transcended their hideous hallucination of sacrifice4 ,their murdered civilization is thus the great perhaps of sociology2 organized religion being the most sinister factor in the problem4 #i4 ,,the ,,common ,,forces ,,of ,,degeneration ,it is implied more or less in all the foregoing summaries that there is an inherent tendency in all systematized and instituted religion to degenerate intellectually and morally1 save for the constant corrective activity of freethought4 ,it may be well1 however1 to note specifically the forms or phases of the tendency4 #a4 ,dogmatic and ritual religion being1 to begin with1 a more or less general veto on fresh thinking1 it lies in its nature that the religious person is as such less intelligently alive to all problems of thought and conduct than he otherwise might be--a fact which at least outweighs1 in a whole society1 the gain from imposing a terrorized conformity on the less well-biassed types4 ,wherever conduct is a matter of sheer obedience to a superhuman code1 it is ipso facto uncritical and unprogressive4 ,thus the history of most religions is a record of declines and reformations1 each new affirmation of moral freethought ad hoc being in turn erected into a set of sheer commands4 ,to set up the necessary ferment of corrective thought even for a time1 there seems to be needed 7a7 a provocation to the intelligence1 as in the spectacle of conflict of cults2 and 7b7 a provocation to the moral sense and to self-interest through a burdensome pressure of rites or priestly exactions4 ,an exceptional personality1 of course1 may count for much in the making of a movement2 though the accident of the possession of kingly power by a reformer seems to count for much more than does genius4 #b4 ,the fortunes of such reactions are determined by socio-economic or political conditions4 ,they are seen to be at a minimum1 as to energy and social effect1 in the conditions of greatest social invariability1 as in ancient ,egypt1 where progress in thought1 slow at best1 was confined to the priestly and official class1 and never affected popular culture4 #c4 ,in the absence of social conditions fitted to raise popular levels of life and thought1 every religious system tends to worsen intellectually in the sense of adding to its range of superstition--that is1 of ignorant and unreasoning belief4 ,credulity has its own momentum4 ,even the possession of limitary sacred books cannot check this tendency--e4g41 ,hinduism1 ,judaism1 ,mohammedanism1 ,mazdeism1 ,christianity up till the age of doubt and science1 and the systems of ancient ,egypt1 ,babylon1 and post-,confucian ,china4 ,this worsening can take place alongside of a theoretic purification of belief within the sphere of the educated theological class4 ,christian writers have undertaken to show that such deterioration went on continuously in ,india from the beginning of the ,vedic period1 popular religion sinking from ,varuna to ,indra1 from ,indra to the deities of the ,atharva ,veda1 and from these to the ,puranas 7cp4 ,dr4 ,j4 ,murray ,mitchell1 ,hinduism ,past and ,present1 #ahhe1 pp4 #bb1 #be1 #bf1 #ed74 ,the argument1 being hostile in bias from the beginning1 ignores or denies the element of intellectual advance in the ,upanishads and other later literature2 but it holds good of the general phenomena4 ,it holds good equally1 however1 of the history of ,christianity in the period of the supremacy of ignorant faith and absence of doubt and science2 and is relatively applicable to the religion of the uneducated mass at any time and place4 ,on the other hand1 it is not at all true that religious history is from the beginning1 in any case1 a process of mere degeneration from a pure ideal4 ,simple statements as to primitive ideas are found to be misleading because of their simplicity4 ,they can connote only the ethic of the life conditions of the worshipper4 ,now1 we have seen 7p4 #bh7 that small primitive peoples living at peace and in communism1 or in some respects well placed1 may be on that account in certain moral respects superior to the average or mass of more civilized and more intelligent peoples4 ,as to the kindliness and unselfishness of some savages1 living an almost communal life1 and as to the scrupulous honesty of others1 there is plenty of evidence--e4g41 as to ,andaman islanders1 ,max ,mller1 ,anthrop4 ,relig41 citing ,colonel ,cadell1 p4 #agg2 as to ,malays and ,papuans1 ,dr4 ,russel ,wallace1 ,malay ,archipelago1 p4 #eie 7but cp4 pp4 #ehe1 #ehg1 #ehi72 as to ,esquimaux1 ,keane1 ,man1 p4 #cgd2 ,reclus1 ,primitive ,folk1 pp4 #ae1 #cg1 #aae 7but cp4 pp4 #da-db74 ,in these and other cases unselfishness within the tribe is the concomitant of the communal life1 and represents no conscious ethical volition1 being concurrent with phases of the grossest tribal egoism1 in some cases with cannibalism1 and with the perpetual oppression of women4 ,in the case of the preaching of unselfishness to the young by the old among the ,australians1 where ,lubbock and his authorities see the tyranny of the old 7,origin of ,civilization1 #eth ed4 pp4 #dea-eb7 ,mr4 ,lang sees a pure primeval ethic4 ,obviously the other is the true explanation4 ,the closest and best qualified observers testify1 as regards a number of tribes3 ,so far as anything like moral precepts are concerned in these tribes 444 it appears to us to be most probable that they have originated in the first instance in association with the purely selfish ideas of the older men to keep all the best things for themselves1 and in no case whatever are they supposed to have the sanction of a superior being 7,spencer and ,gillen1 ,north4 ,tribes of ,cent4 ,australia1 #aijd1 p4 #ejd74 ,the transition from that state to one of war and individualism would be in a sense degeneration2 but on the other hand the entirely communistic societies are unprogressive4 ,broadly speaking1 it is by the path of social individuation that progress in civilization has been made1 the early city ,states and the later large military ,states ultimately securing within themselves some of the conditions for special development of thought1 arts1 and knowledge4 ,the residual truth is that the simple religion of the harmless tribe is pro tanto superior to the instituted religion of the more civilized nation with greater heights and lower depths of life1 the popular religion in the latter case standing for the worse conditions4 ,but the simple religion did not spring from any higher stage of knowledge4 ,the old theorem revived by ,mr4 ,lang 7,making of ,religion71 as to religion having originally been a pure and highly ethical monotheism1 from which it degenerated into animism and non-moral polytheism1 is at best a misreading of the facts just stated4 ,mr4 ,lang never asks what ,supreme ,being and monotheism mean for savages who know nothing of other men's religions3 he virtually takes all the connotations for granted4 ,and as regards the most closely studied of contemporary savages our authorities come to an emphatic conclusion that they have no notion whatever of anything like a ,supreme ,being 7,spencer and ,gillen1 ,north4 ,tribes of ,cent4 ,austr4 pp4 #dia-ib4 ,cp4 ,a4 ,h4 ,keane1 ,man1 p4 #cie1 as to the ,great ,spirit of the ,redskins74 ,for the rest1 ,mr4 ,lang's theory is demonstrably wrong in its ethical interpretation of many anthropological facts1 and as it stands is quite irreconcilable with the law of evolution1 since it assumes an abstract monotheism as primordial4 ,in general it approximates scientifically to the eighteenth-century doctrine of the superiority of savagery to civilization4 7,see it criticized in the author's ,studies in ,religious ,fallacy1 and ,christianity and ,mythology1 #bnd ed4 pp4 #cg-dc1 #df sq47 #d4 ,even primary conditions of material well-being1 if not reacted upon by social science or a movement of freethought1 may in a comparatively advanced civilization promote religious degeneration4 ,thus abundance of food is favourable to multiplication of sacrifice1 and so to priestly predominance4 #cce ,the possession of domesticated animals1 so important to civilization1 lends itself to sacrifice in a specially demoralizing degree4 ,but abundant cereal food-supply1 making abundant population1 may greatly promote human sacrifice--e4g41 ,mexico4 ,the error of ,mr4 ,lang's method is seen in the use he makes 7work cited1 pp4 #bhf-bhi1 #bib7 of the fact that certain low races--as the ,australians1 ,andamanese1 ,bushmen1 and ,fuegians--offer no animal sacrifice4 ,he misses the obvious significance of the facts that these unwarlike races have as a rule no domesticated animals and no agriculture1 and that their food supply is thus in general precarious4 ,the ,andamanese1 sometimes described 7,malthus1 ,essay on ,population1 ch4 iii1 and refs42 ,g4 ,w4 ,earl1 ,papuans1 #ahec1 pp4 #aej-ea7 as very ill-fed1 are sometimes said to be well supplied with fish and game 7,peschel1 ,races of ,man1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahgf1 p4 #adg2 ,max ,mller1 ,anthrop4 ,rel4 citing ,cadell1 p4 #agg72 but in any case they have had no agriculture1 and seem to have only occasional animal food in the shape of a wild hog 7,colebrooke in ,asiatic ,researches1 iv1 #cij74 ,the ,australians and ,fuegians1 again1 have often great difficulty in feeding themselves 7,peschel1 pp4 #adh1 #aei1 #ccd2 ,darwin1 ,voyage1 ch4 #aj74 ,it is argued concerning the ,australian aborigines that as a rule they have an abundance 7,a4 ,f4 ,calvert1 ,the ,aborigines of ,western ,australia1 #ahid1 p4 #bd72 but this abundance is made out by cataloguing the whole edible fauna and flora of the coasts and the interior1 and ignores the fact that for all hunting peoples food supply is precarious4 ,for the ,australian1 the difficulty of capturing game with his primitive methods compels him to give his whole time to the quest of food 7,keane1 ,man1 p4 #adh74 ,in the contrary case of the primitive ,vedic ,aryans1 well supplied with animals1 sacrifices were abundant1 and tended to become more so 7,mller1 ,nat4 ,relig4 pp4 #acf1 #ahe2 ,physical ,relig4 p4 #aje2 but cp4 pp4 #ih1 #aja2 ,mitchell1 ,hinduism1 p4 #dc2 ,lefmann1 ,geschichte des alten ,indiens1 in ,oncken's series1 #ahij1 pp4 #di1 #dcj-ca74 ,of these sacrifices that of the horse seems to have been in ,aryan use in a most remote period 7cp4 ,m4 ,mller1 ,nat4 ,rel4 pp4 #ebd-be2 ,h4 ,bttger1 ,sonnencult der ,indogermanen1 ,breslau1 #ahia1 pp4 #da-dd2 ,preller1 ,rmische ,mythologie1 ed4 ,khler1 pp4 #ajb1 #bii1 #cbc2 ,griechische ,mythologie1 #bte ,aufg4 i1 #dfb2 ,frazer1 ,golden ,bough1 ii1 #cae74 ,max ,mller's remark 7,physical ,religion1 p4 #ajf71 that the idea of sacrifice did not exist at a very early period1 because there is no common ,aryan term for it1 counts for nothing1 as he admits 7p4 #ajg7 that the ,sanskrit word cannot be traced back to any more general root2 and he concedes the antiquity of the practice4 ,on this cp4 ,mitchell1 ,hinduism1 pp4 #cg-ch2 and the author's ,pagan ,christs1 #bnd ed4 p4 #abb4 ,the reform in ,hindu sacrifice1 consummated by ,buddhism1 has been noted above4 #e4 ,even scientific knowledge1 while enabling the thoughtful to correct their religious conceptions1 in some forms lends itself easily to the promotion of popular superstition4 ,thus the astronomy of the ,babylonians1 while developing some skepticism1 served in general to encourage divination and fortune-telling2 and seems to have had the same effect when communicated to the ,chinese1 the ,hindus1 and the ,hebrews1 all of whom1 however1 practised divination previously on other bases4 #f4 ,finally1 the development of the arts of sculpture and painting1 unaccompanied by due intellectual culture1 tends to keep religion at a low anthropomorphic level1 and worsens its psychology by inviting image-worship4 #ccf ,it is not that the earlier and non-artistic religions are not anthropomorphic1 but that they give more play for intellectual imagination than does a cult of images4 ,but where the arts have been developed1 idolatry has always arisen save when resisted by a special activity or revival of freethought to that end2 and even in ,protestant ,christendom1 where image-worship is tabooed1 religious pictures now promote popular credulity and ritualism as they did in the ,italian ,renaissance4 #ccg ,so manifold are the forces of intellectual degeneration--degeneration1 that is1 from an attained ideal or stage of development1 not from any primordial knowledge4 ,,chapter ,,iv ,,relative ,,freethought ,,in ,,israel ,the modern critical analysis of the ,hebrew ,sacred ,books has made it sufficiently clear that in ,jewish as in all other ancient history progress in religion was by way of evolving an ethical and sole deity out of normal primitive polytheism4 #cch ,what was special to the ,hebrews was the set of social conditions under which the evolution took place4 ,through these conditions it was that the relative freethought which rejected normal polytheism was so far favoured as to lead to a pronounced monotheistic cultus1 though not to a philosophic monotheism4 #a ,as seen in their earliest historical documents 7especially portions of the ,book of ,judges71 the ,hebrews are a group of agricultural and pastoral but warlike tribes of ,semitic speech1 with household ,gods and local deities1 #cci living among communities at the same or a higher culture stage4 ,their ancestral legends show similar religious practice4 #cdj ,of the ,hebrew tribes some may have sojourned for a time in ,egypt2 but this is uncertain1 the written record being a late and in large part deliberately fictitious construction4 #cda ,at one time twelve such tribes may have confederated1 in conformity with a common ancient superstition1 seen in ,arab and ,greek history as well as in the ,jewish1 as to the number twelve4 ,as they advanced in civilization1 on a basis of city life existing among a population settled in ,canaan before them1 parts of which they conquered1 one of their public cults1 that of ,yahu or ,yahweh1 finally fixed at ,jerusalem1 became politically important4 ,the special worshippers of this ,god 7supposed to have been at first a ,thunder-,god or ,nature-,god7 #cdb were in that sense monotheists2 but not otherwise than kindred neighbouring communities such as the ,ammonites and ,moabites and ,edomites1 each of which had its special ,god1 like the cities of ,babylonia and ,egypt4 ,but that the earlier conceptions of the people had assumed a multiplicity of ,gods is clear from the fact that even in the later literary efforts to impose the sole cult of ,yahweh on the people1 the plural name ,elohim1 ,powers or ,gods 7in general1 things to be feared71 #cdc is retained1 either alone or with that of ,yahweh prefixed1 though cosmology had previously been written in ,yahweh's name4 ,the ,yahwists did not scruple to combine an ,elohistic narrative1 varying from theirs in cosmology and otherwise1 with their own4 #cdd ,as to the original similarity of ,hebraic and other ,canaanite religions cp4 ,e4 ,meyer1 ,gesch4 des ,alt4 #cji-aa 7i1 #cgb-gf72 ,kuenen1 i1 #bbc2 ,wellhausen1 ,israel1 p4 #ddj2 ,winckler1 ,gesch4 ,israels1 passim2 ,rville1 ,prolg4 de l'hist4 des relig4 #ahha1 p4 #he4 ,before being monotheistic1 ,israel was simply monolatrous1 and even that only in its religious lite 7,rville74 ,their the ,canaanites' worship was the same in principle as that of ,israel1 but it had a higher organization 7,menzies1 ,hist4 of ,rel4 p4 #agi2 cp4 ,tiele1 ,outlines1 pp4 #he-hi74 ,on the side of the traditional view1 ,mr4 ,lang1 while sharply challenging most of the propositions of the higher critics1 affirms that we know that ,israel had1 in an early age1 the conception of the moral ,eternal2 we know that1 at an early age1 the conception was contaminated and anthropomorphized2 and we know that it was rescued1 in a great degree1 from this corruption1 while always retaining its original ethical aspect and sanction 7,making of ,religion1 p4 #bie74 ,if we know this1 the discussion is at an end4 ,but ,mr4 ,lang's sole documentary basis for the assertion is just the fabricated record1 reluctantly abandoned by theological scholars as such4 ,when this is challenged1 ,mr4 ,lang falls back on the position that such low races as the ,australians and ,fuegians have a moral ,supreme ,being1 and that therefore ,israel must have had one 7p4 #cji74 ,it will be found1 however1 that the ethic of these races is perfectly primitive1 on ,mr4 ,lang's own showing1 and that his estimate is a misinterpretation4 ,as to their ,supreme ,beings1 it might suffice to compare ,mr4 ,lang's ,making of ,religion1 chs4 ix1 xii1 with his earlier ,myth1 ,ritual1 and ,religion1 i1 #afh1 #cce2 ii1 #f1 etc42 but1 as we have seen 7above1 p4 #ic71 the ,supreme ,being of the ,australians eludes the closest search in a number of tribes2 and the moral factor is equally intangible4 ,mr4 ,lang in his later reasoning has merely added the ambiguous and misleading epithet ,supreme1 stressing it indefinitely1 to the ordinary ,god-idea of the lower races4 7,cp4 ,cox1 ,mythol4 of ,aryan ,races1 ed4 #ahhb1 p4 #aee2 and ,k4 ,o4 ,mller1 ,introd4 to ,sci4 ,mythol4 ,eng4 tr4 p4 #ahd47 ,there being thus no highly imagined moral ,eternal in the religion of primitive man1 the ,hebrews were originally in the ordinary position4 ,their early practice of human sacrifice is implied in the legend of ,abraham and ,isaac1 and in the story of ,jephthah4 7,cp4 ,micah vi1 #g1 and ,kuenen on the passage1 i1 #bcg47 ,in their reputed earliest prophetic books we find them addicted to divination 7,hosea iv1 #ab2 ,micah v1 #ab4 ,cp4 the prohibition in ,lev4 xx1 #f2 also #b ,kings xxiii1 #bd1 and ,isa4 iii1 #b2 as to the use of the ephod1 teraphim1 and urim and thummim1 see ,kuenen1 ,relig4 of ,israel1 ,eng4 tr4 i1 #ig-ajj7 and to polytheism4 7,amos v1 #bf1 viii1 #ad2 ,hosea i1 #ac1 #ag1 etc4 ,cp4 ,jud4 viii1 #bg2 #a ,sam4 vii1 #c47 ,these things ,mr4 ,lang seems to admit 7p4 #cji1 note71 despite his previous claim2 but he builds 7p4 #ccb7 on the fact that the ,hebrews showed little concern about a future state--that early ,israel1 having1 so far as we know1 a singular lack of interest in the future of the soul1 was born to give himself up to developing1 undisturbed1 the theistic conception1 the belief in a righteous ,eternal--whereas later ,greeks and ,romans1 like ,egyptians1 were much concerned about life after death4 ,mr4 ,lang's own general theory would really require that all peoples at a certain stage should act like the ,israelites2 but he suspends it in the interest of the orthodox view as to the early ,hebrews4 ,at the same time he omits to explain why the ,hebrews failed to adopt the future-state creed when they were contaminated--a proposition hardly reconcilable1 on any view1 with the sentence just quoted4 ,the solution1 however1 is simple4 ,israel was not at all singular in the matter4 ,the early 7,homeric7 ,greeks and ,romans 7cp4 as to ,hades the ,iliad1 passim2 ,odyssey1 bk4 xi1 passim2 ,tiele1 ,outlines1 p4 #bji1 as to the myth of ,persephone2 and ,preller1 ,rmische ,mythologie1 ed4 ,khler1 #ahfe1 pp4 #deb-ee1 as to the early ,romans71 like the early ,vedic ,aryans 7,tiele1 ,outlines1 p4 #aag2 ,mller1 ,anthropol4 ,relig4 p4 #bfi71 and the early ,babylonians and ,assyrians 7,meyer1 ,gesch4 des ,alt4 i1 #aha-hb2 ,sayce1 ,hib4 ,lect4 p4 #cfd7 took little thought of a future state4 ,homer knows no influence of the ,psyche on the realm of the visible1 and also no cult implying it4444 ,a later poet1 who made the last addition to the ,odyssey1 first introduced ,hermes the 'leader of souls' perhaps taken from a popular belief in some part of ,hellas4444 ,underneath1 in the gloomy shades1 the souls waver1 unconscious or at the best in a glimmering half-consciousness1 endowed with faint voices1 feeble1 indifferent4444 ,to speak1 as do many old and recent scholars1 of the 'immortal life' of such souls1 is erroneous4 ,they live rather as the spectre of the living in a mirror4444 ,if the ,psyche outlives her visible mate 7the body71 she is powerless without him4444 ,thus is the ,homeric world free from ghosts 7for after the burning of the body the ,psyche appears no more even in dream74444 ,the living has peace from the dead4444 ,no dmonic power is at work apart from or against the ,gods2 and the night gives to the disembodied spirits no freedom 7,rohde1 ,psyche1 #dte ,aufl4 #aijg1 pp4 #i-aa74 ,this minimization of the normal primitive belief in spirits is one of the reasons for seeing in the ,homeric poems the outcome of a period of loosened belief4 ,it is not to be supposed that the pre-,homeric ,greeks1 like the easterns with whom the ,greeks met in ,ionia1 had not the usual ghost-lore of savages and barbarians2 and it may be that for all the early civilizations under notice the explanation is that primitive ghost-cults were abandoned by migrating and conquering races1 who rejected the ghost-cults of the races whom they conquered1 though they ostensibly accepted their ,gods4 ,in any case they made little religious account of a future state for themselves4 ,this attitude has again been erroneously regarded 7e4g41 ,dickinson1 ,the ,greek ,view of ,life1 p4 #ce7 as peculiar to the ,greeks4 ,mr4 ,lang's assumption may1 in fact1 be overthrown by the single case of the ,phoenicians1 who showed no more concern about a future life than did the ,hebrews 7see ,canon ,rawlinson's ,history of ,phoenicia1 #ahhi1 pp4 #cea-eb71 but who are not pretended to have given themselves up much to developing1 undisturbed1 the belief in a righteous ,eternal4 ,the truth seems to be that in all the early progressive and combative civilizations the main concern was as to the continuance of this life4 ,on that head the ,hebrews were as solicitous as any 7cp4 ,kuenen1 i1 #fe72 and they habitually practised divination on that score4 ,further1 they attached the very highest importance to the continuance of the individual in his offspring4 ,the idea of a future state is first found highly developed in the long-lived cults of the long-civilized but unprogressive ,egyptians2 and the ,babylonians were developing in the same direction4 ,yet the ,hebrews took it up 7see the evidence in ,schrer1 ,jewish ,people in the ,time of ,jesus1 ,eng4 tr4 ,div4 ,,ii1 vol4 ii1 p4 #agi7 just when1 according to ,mr4 ,lang1 their cult was rescued1 in a great degree1 from corruption2 and1 generally speaking1 it was in the stage of maximum monotheism that they reached the maximum of irrationality4 ,for the rest1 belief in immortality is found highly developed in a sociologically degenerate and unprogressive people such as the ,tasmanians 7,mller1 ,anthrop4 ,rel4 p4 #dcc71 who are yet primitively pure on ,mr4 ,lang's hypothesis2 and is normal among negroes and ,australian blackfellows4 ,this primary polytheism is seen to the full in that constant resort of ,israelites to neighbouring cults1 against which so much of the ,hebrew doctrine is directed4 ,to understand their practice the modern reader has to get rid of the hallucination imposed on ,christendom by its idea of revelation4 ,the cult of ,yahweh was no primordial ,hebrew creed1 deserted by backsliding idolaters1 but a finally successful tyranny of one local cult over others4 ,it is probable that it was originally not ,palestinian1 but ,sinaitic1 and that ,yahweh became the ,god of ,caleb-,judah only under ,david4 #cde ,therefore1 without begging the question as to the moral sincerity of the prophets and others who identified ,yahwism with morality1 we must always remember that they were on their own showing devotees of a special local worship1 and so far fighting for their own influence4 ,similar prophesying may conceivably have been carried on in connection with the same or other ,god-names in other localities1 and the extant prophets freely testify that they had ,yahwistic opponents2 but the circumstance that ,yahweh was worshipped at ,jerusalem without any image might be an important cause of differentiation in the case of that cult4 ,in any case it must have been through simple exclusivism that they reached any form of monotheism4 #cdf ,the inveterate usage1 in the ,bible-making period1 of forging and interpolating ancient or pretended writings1 makes it impossible to construct any detailed history of the rise of ,yahwism4 ,we can but proceed upon data which do not appear to lend themselves to the purposes of the later adaptors4 ,in that way we see cause to believe that at one early centre the so-called ark of ,yahweh contained various objects held to have supernatural virtue4 #cdg ,in the older historic documents it has1 however1 no such sacredness as accrues to it later1 #cdh and no great traditional prestige4 ,this ark1 previously moved from place to place as a fetish1 #cdi is said to have been transferred to ,jerusalem by the early king ,david1 #cej whose story1 like that of his predecessors ,saul and his son ,solomon1 is in part blended with myth4 ,as to ,david1 compare #a ,sam4 xvi1 #ah1 with xvii1 #cc1 #db4 ,daoud 7 ,dodo ,dumzi ,tammuz ,adonis7 was a ,semitic deity 7,sayce1 ,hib4 ,lec4 pp4 #eb-eg1 and art4 ,the ,names of the ,first ,three ,kings of ,israel1 in ,modern ,review1 ,jan4 #ahhd71 whom ,david resembles as an inventor of the lyre 7,amos1 vi1 #e2 cp4 ,hitzig1 ,die ,psalmen1 #b ,theil1 #ahcf1 p4 #c74 ,but ,saul and ,solomon also were ,god-names 7,sayce1 as cited71 as was ,samuel 7id4 pp4 #ed1 #aha2 cp4 ,lenormant1 ,chaldean ,magic1 ,eng4 tr4 p4 #abj72 and when we note these data1 and further the plain fact that ,samson is a solar myth1 being a personage ,evemerized from ,samas1 the ,sun-,god1 we are prepared to find further traces of ,evemeristic redaction in the ,hebrew books4 ,to say nothing of other figures in the ,book of ,judges1 we find that ,jacob and ,joseph were old ,canaanitish deities 7,sayce1 ,lectures1 p4 #ea2 ,records of the ,past1 ,new ,series1 v1 #dh2 ,hugo ,winckler1 ,geschichte ,israels1 ii1 #eg-gg72 and that ,moses1 as might be expected1 was a name for more than one ,semitic ,god 7,sayce1 pp4 #df-dg71 and in particular stood for a ,sun-,god4 ,abraham and ,isaac in turn appear to be ancient deities 7,meyer1 ,gesch4 des ,alt4 i1 #cgd1 #cji2 ,winckler1 ,gesch4 ,israels1 ii1 #bj-di74 ,miriam was probably in similar case 7cp4 ,pagan ,christs1 #bnd ed4 pp4 #afe-ff74 ,on an analysis of the ,joshua myth as redacted1 further1 we may surmise another reduction of an ancient cult to the form of history1 perhaps obscuring the true original of the worship of ,mary and ,jesus4 ,it seems probable1 finally1 that such figures as ,elijah1 who ascends to heaven in a fiery chariot1 and ,elisha1 the bald head and miracle-worker1 are similar constructions of personages out of ,sun-,god lore4 ,in such material lies part of the refutation of the thesis of ,renan 7,hist1 des langues smit4 #b;e dit4 pp4 #g1 #dhe7 that the ,semites were natural monotheists1 devoid of mythology4 ,renan is followed in whole or in part by ,nldeke1 ,sketches from ,eastern ,hist4 ,eng4 tr4 p4 #f2 ,soury1 ,relig4 of ,israel1 ,eng4 tr4 pp4 #b1 #aj2 ,spiegel1 ,ernische ,alterthumskunde1 i1 #chi2 also ,roscher1 ,draper1 ,peschel1 and ,bluntschli1 as cited by ,goldziher1 ,mythology ,among the ,hebrews1 ,eng4 tr4 p4 #d1 note4 ,on the other side compare ,goldziher1 ch4 i2 ,steinthal's ,prometheus and ,samson1 ,eng4 tr4 7with ,goldziher71 pp4 #cia1 #dbh1 etc41 and his ,geschichte der ,sprachwissenschaft bei den ,griechen und den ,rmern1 #ahfc1 pp4 #ae-ag2 ,kuenen1 ,rel4 of ,israel1 i1 #bbe2 ,smith1 ,rel4 of the ,semites1 p4 #di2 ,ewald1 ,hist4 of ,israel1 ,eng4 tr4 #dth ed4 i1 #ch-dj2 ,mller1 ,chips1 i1 #cde sq42 ,selected ,essays1 #ahha1 ii1 #djb sq42 ,nat4 ,rel4 p4 #cad4 ,renan's view seems to be generally connected with the assumption that life in a desert makes a race for ever unimaginative or unitary in its thought4 ,the ,arabian ,nights might be supposed a sufficient proof to the contrary4 ,the historic truth seems to be that1 stage for stage1 the ancient ,semites were as mythological as any other race2 but that 7to say nothing of the ,babylonians and ,assyrians7 the mythologies of the ,hebrews and of the ,arabs were alike suppressed as far as possible in their monotheistic stage4 ,compare ,renan's own admissions1 pp4 #bg1 #aaj1 #dge1 and ,hist4 du peuple d',isral1 i1 #di-ej4 ,at other places1 however1 ,yahweh was symbolized and worshipped in the image of a young bull1 #cea a usage associated with the neighbouring ,semitic cult of ,molech1 but probably indigenous1 or at least early1 in the case of ,yahweh also4 ,a ,god1 for such worshippers1 needed to be represented by something1 if he were to be individualized as against others2 and where there was not an ark or a sacred stone or special temple or idol there could be no cult at all4 ,the practices of ancient religion require a fixed meeting-place between the worshippers and their ,god4 #ceb ,the pre-,exilic history of ,yahweh-worship seems to be in large part that of a struggle between the devotees of the imageless worship fixed to the temple at ,jerusalem1 and other worships1 with or without images1 at other and less influential shrines4 ,so far as can be gathered from the documents1 it was long before monotheistic pretensions were made in connection with ,yahwism4 ,they must in the first instance have seemed not only tyrannical but blasphemous to the devotees of the old local shrines1 who in the earlier ,hebrew writings figure as perfectly good ,yahwists2 and they clearly had no durable success before the period of the ,exile4 ,some three hundred years after the supposed period of ,david1 #cec and again eighty years later1 we meet with ostensible traces #ced of a movement for the special aggrandizement of the ,yahweh cult and the suppression of the others which competed with it1 as well as of certain licentious and vicious practices carried on in connection with ,yahweh worship4 ,concerning these1 it could be claimed by those who had adhered to the simpler tradition of one of the early worships that they were foreign importations4 ,they were1 in fact1 specialties of a rich ancient society1 and were either native to ,canaanite cities which the ,hebrews had captured1 or copied by them from such cities4 ,but the fact that they were thus1 on the showing of the later ,yahwistic records1 long associated with ,yahwist practice1 proves that there was no special elevation about ,yahwism originally4 ,even the epithet translated ,holy 7,kadosh7 had originally no high moral significance4 ,it simply meant set apart1 not common 7cp4 ,kuenen1 ,religion of ,israel1 i1 #dc2 ,wellhausen1 ,israel1 in ,prolegomena vol4 p4 #dii72 and the special substantive 7,kadesh and ,kedeshah7 was actually the name for the most degraded ministrants of both sexes in the licentious worship 7see ,deut4 xxiii1 #ag1 #ah1 and marg4 ,rev4 ,vers4 ,cp4 #a ,kings xiv1 #be2 xv1 #ab2 #b ,kings xxiii1 #g74 ,on the question of early ,hebrew ethics it is somewhat misleading to cite ,wellhausen 7so ,lang1 ,making of ,religion1 p4 #cjd7 as saying 7,israel1 p4 #dcg7 that religion inspired law and morals in ,israel with exceptional purity4 ,in the context ,wellhausen has said that the starting-point of ,israel was normal2 and he writes in the ,prolegomena 7p4 #cjb7 that good and evil in ,hebrew mean primarily nothing more than salutary and hurtful3 the application of the words to virtue and sin is a secondary one1 these being regarded as serviceable or hurtful in their effects4 #b ,given the co-existence of a multitude of local cults1 and of various local ,yahweh-worships1 it is conceivable that the ,yahwists of ,jerusalem1 backed by a priest-ridden king1 should seek to limit all worship to their own temple1 whose revenues would thereby be much increased4 ,but insoluble perplexities are set up as to the alleged movement by the incongruities in the documents4 ,passing over for the moment the prophets ,amos and ,hosea and others who ostensibly belong to the eighth century ,b4,c41 we find the second priestly reform1 #cee consequent on a finding or framing of the law1 represented as occurring early in the reign of ,josiah 7#fda-faj ,b4,c474 ,but later in the same reign are placed the writings of ,jeremiah1 who constantly contemns the scribes1 prophets1 and priests in mass1 and makes light of the ark1 #cef besides declaring that in ,judah #ceg there are as many ,gods as towns1 and in ,jerusalem as many ,baal-altars as streets4 ,the difficulty is reduced by recognizing the quasi-historical narrative as a later fabrication2 but other difficulties remain as to the prophetic writings2 and for our present purpose it is necessary briefly to consider these4 #a4 ,the higher criticism1 seeking solid standing-ground at the beginning of the tangible historic period1 the eighth century1 singles out #ceh the books of ,amos and ,hosea1 setting aside1 as dubious in date1 ,nahum and ,joel2 and recognizing in ,isaiah a composite of different periods4 ,if ,amos1 the herdsman of ,tekoa1 could be thus regarded as an indubitable historical person1 he would be a remarkable figure in the history of freethought1 as would his nominal contemporary ,hosea4 ,amos is a monotheist1 worshipping not a ,god of ,israel but a ,yahweh or ,elohim of ,hosts1 called also by the name ,adon or ,adonai1 the ,lord1 who rules all the nations and created the universe4 ,further1 the prophet makes ,yahweh hate and despise the feasts and burnt-offerings and solemn assemblies of his worshippers2 #cei and he meddles impartially with the affairs of the kingdoms of ,judah and ,israel4 ,in the same spirit ,hosea menaces the solemn assemblies1 and makes ,yahweh desire mercy and not sacrifice4 #cfj ,similar doctrine occurs in the reputedly genuine or ancient parts of ,isaiah1 #cfa and in ,micah4 #cfb ,isaiah1 too1 disparages the ,sabbath and solemn meetings1 staking all upon righteousness4 #b4 ,these utterances1 so subversive of the priestly system1 are yet held to have been preserved through the ages--through the ,assyrian conquest1 through the ,babylonian ,captivity1 through the later period of priestly reconstruction--by the priestly system itself4 ,in the state of things pictured under ,ezra and ,nehemiah1 only the zealous adherents of the priestly law can at the outset have had any letters1 any literature2 it must have been they1 then1 who treasured the anti-priestly and anti-ritual writings of the prophets--unless1 indeed1 the latter were preserved by the ,jews remaining at ,babylon4 #c4 ,the perplexity thus set up is greatly deepened when we remember that the period assigned to the earlier prophets is near the beginning of the known age of alphabetic writing1 #cfc and before the known age of writing on scrolls4 ,a herdsman of ,judea1 with a classic and flowing style1 is held to have written out his hortatory addresses at a time when such writing is not certainly known to have been practised anywhere else2 #cfd and the pre-eminent style of ,isaiah is held to belong to the same period4 ,his ,amos's language1 with three or four insignificant exceptions1 is pure1 his style classical and refined4 ,his literary power is shown in the regularity of structure which often characterizes his periods 444 as well as in the ease with which he evidently writes4444 ,anything of the nature of roughness or rusticity is wholly absent from his writings 7,driver1 ,introd4 to ,lit4 of ,old ,test4 ch4 vi1 #c1 p4 #big1 ed4 #ahia74 ,isaiah1 again1 is in his own narrow field one of the most gifted and skilful writers of all antiquity4 ,the difficulty is thus nearly as great as that of the proposition that the ,hebrew of the ,pentateuch is a thousand years older than that of the latest prophetical books1 whose language is substantially the same4 7,cp4 ,andrews ,norton1 ,the ,pentateuch1 ed4 #ahfc1 pp4 #dg-dh2 ,renan1 ,hist4 des langues smit4 #b;e dit4 p4 #aah47 #d4 ,the specialist critics1 all trained as clergymen1 and mostly loth to yield more than is absolutely necessary to skepticism1 have surrendered the antiquity claimed for ,joel1 recognizing that the arguments for that are equally consistent with a date after the ,captivity4 #cfe ,one of the conclusions here involved is that ,egypt is probably mentioned only as the typical instance of a ,power hostile to ,judah4 ,thus1 when we remember the later ,jewish practice of speaking of ,rome as ,babylon1 or ,edom1 allusions by ,amos and ,hosea to ,assyria have no evidential force4 ,the same reasoning applies to the supposed ancient portions of ,isaiah4 #e4 ,even on the clerical side1 among the less conservative critics1 it is already conceded that there are late insertions in ,amos4 ,some of these insertions are among1 or analogous to1 the very passages relied on by ,kuenen to prove the lofty monotheism of ,amos4 ,if these passages1 however1 suggest a late date1 no less do the others disparaging sacrifices4 ,the same critics find interpolations and additions in ,hosea4 ,but they offer no proof of the antiquity of what they retain4 ,the principal passages in ,amos given up as insertions by ,dr4 ,cheyne1 the most perspicacious of the ,english ,hebraists1 are3 iv1 #ac2 v1 #h-i2 ix1 #e-f2 and ix1 #h-ae4 ,see his introduction to #ahie ed4 of ,prof4 ,robertson ,smith's ,prophets of ,israel1 p4 xv2 and his art4 on ,amos in the ,encyclopdia ,biblica4 ,compare ,kuenen1 i1 #df1 #dh4 ,dr4 ,cheyne regards as insertions in ,hosea the following3 i1 #aj-;ii1 #a2 and ,david their ,king in iii1 #e2 viii1 #ad2 and xiv1 #a-i 7as cited1 pp4 xviii-xix74 ,obviously these admissions entail others4 #f4 ,the same school of criticism1 while adhering to the traditional dating of ,amos and ,hosea1 has surrendered the claim for the ,psalms1 placing most of these in the same age with the books of ,job1 ,proverbs1 ,ecclesiastes1 and ,ecclesiasticus4 #cff ,now1 the sentiment of opposition to burnt-offerings is found in some of the ,psalms in language identical with that of the supposed early prophets4 #cfg ,instead of taking the former for late echoes of the latter1 we may reasonably suspect that they belong to the same culture-stage4 ,the principle is in effect recognized by ,dr4 ,cheyne when he writes3 ,just as we infer from the reference to ,cyrus in xliv1 #bh2 xlv1 #a1 that the prophecy containing it proceeds from the age of the conqueror1 so we may infer from the fraternal feeling towards ,egypt and ,assyria 7,syria7 in xix1 #bc-be1 that the epilogue was written when hopes of the union and fusion of ,israelitish and non-,israelitish elements first became natural for the ,jews--i4e41 in the early ,jewish period 7,introd4 to the ,book of ,isaiah1 #ahie1 pp4 #aji-aj74 #g4 ,from the scientific point of view1 finally1 the element of historical prediction in the prophets is one of the strongest grounds for presuming that they are in reality late documents4 ,in regard to similar predictions in the gospels 7,mt4 xxiv1 #ae2 ,mk4 xiii1 #b2 ,lk4 xxi1 #bj71 rational criticism decides that they were written after the event4 ,no other course can consistently be taken as to early ,hebrew predictions of captivity and restoration2 and the adherence of many ,biblical scholars at this point to the traditional view is psychologically on a par with their former refusal to accept a rational estimate of the ,pentateuchal narrative4 ,on some points1 such as the flagrant pseudo-prediction in ,isaiah xix1 #ah1 all reasonable critics surrender4 ,thus ,knig sees rightly that xix1 #ah1 can refer only to ,jewish colonies in ,egypt1 and refrains from the arbitrary supposition that ,isaiah was supernaturally informed of the future establishment of such colonies 7,cheyne1 ,introd4 to ,smith's ,prophets of ,israel1 p4 xxxiii74 ,but in other cases ,dr4 ,cheyne's own earlier positions appear to involve such an arbitrary supposition1 as do ,kuenen's2 and ,smith explicitly posited it as to the prophets in general4 ,and even as to ,isaiah xix1 #ah1 whereas ,hitzig1 as ,havet later1 rightly brings the date down to the actual historic time of the establishment of the temple at ,heliopolis by ,onias 7,josephus1 ,ant4 xiii1 #c1 #a2 ,wars1 vii1 #aj1 #b71 about #afj ,b4,c41 ,dr4 ,cheyne 7,introd4 to ,isaiah1 p4 #ajh7 compromises by dating it about #bge ,b4,c4 ,the lateness of the bulk of the prophetical writings has been ably argued by ,ernest ,havet 7,le ,christianisme et ses ,origines1 vol4 iv1 #ahgh1 ch4 vi2 and in the posthumous vol41 ,la ,modernit des ,prophtes1 #ahia71 who supports his case by many cogent reasonings4 ,for instance1 besides the argument as to ,isaiah xix1 #ah1 above noted3 7#a7 ,the frequent prediction of the ruin of ,tyre by ,nebuchadnezzar 7,isa4 ch4 xxiii2 ,jer4 xxv1 #bb2 ,ezek4 xxvi1 #g2 ch4 xxvii71 false as to him 7a fact which might be construed as a proof of the fallibility of the prophets and the candour of their transcribers71 is to be understood in the light of other post-predictions as referring to the actual capture of the city by ,alexander4 7#b7 ,hosea's prediction of the fall of ,judah as well as of ,israel1 and of their being united1 places the passage after the ,exile1 and may even be held to bring it down to the period of the ,asmoneans4 ,so with many other details3 the whole argument deserves careful study4 ,m4 ,havet's views were1 of course1 scouted by the conservative specialists1 as their predecessors scouted the entire hypothesis of ,graf1 now taken in its essentials as the basis of sound ,biblical criticism4 ,m4 ,scherer somewhat unintelligently objected to him 7tudes sur la litt4 contemp4 vii1 #bfh7 that he was not a ,hebraist4 ,there is no question of philology involved4 ,it was non-,hebraists who first pointed out the practical incredibility of the central ,pentateuchal narrative1 on the truth of which ,kuenen himself long stood with other ,hebraists4 7,cp4 ,wellhausen1 ,proleg4 pp4 #ci1 #cdg2 also his 7#dth7 ed4 of ,bleek's ,einleit4 in das alte ,test4 #ahgh1 p4 #aed2 and ,kuenen1 ,hexateuch1 ,eng4 tr4 pp4 xv1 #dc47 ,colenso's argument1 in the gist of which he was long preceded by lay freethinkers1 was one of simple common sense4 ,the weak side of ,m4 ,havet's case is his undertaking to bring the prophets bodily down to the ,maccabean period4 ,this is claiming too much4 ,but his negative argument is not affected by the reply 7,darmesteter1 ,les ,prophtes d',isral1 #ahie1 pp4 #abh-ca7 to his constructive theory4 ,since the above was written1 two ,french critics1 ,,mm4 ,dujardin and ,maurice ,vernes1 have sought vigorously to reconstruct the history of the prophetic books upon new lines4 ,i have been unable to acquiesce in their views at essential points1 but would refer the reader to the lucid and interesting survey of the problem in ,mr4 ,t4 ,whittaker's ,priests1 ,philosophers1 and ,prophets 7,black1 #aiaa71 ch4 vi4 ,it is true that where hardly any documentary datum is intrinsically sure1 it is difficult to prove a negative for one more than for another4 ,the historical narratives being systematically tampered with by one writer after another1 and even presumptively late writings being interpolated by still later scribes1 we can never have demonstrative proof as to the original date of any one prophet4 ,thus it is arguable that fragments of utterance from eighth-century prophets may have survived orally and been made the nucleus of later documents4 ,this view would be reconcilable with the fact that the prophets ,isaiah1 ,hosea1 ,amos1 and ,micah are all introduced with some modification of the formula that they prophesied in the days of ,uzziah1 ,jotham1 ,ahaz1 and ,hezekiah1 kings of ,judah1 ,jeroboam's name being added in the cases of ,hosea and ,amos4 ,but that detail is also reconcilable with absolute fabrication4 ,to say nothing of sheer bad faith in a community whose moral code said nothing against fraud save in the form of judicial perjury1 the ,hebrew literature is profoundly compromised by the simple fact that the religious development of the people made the prestige of antiquity more essential there for the purposes of propaganda than in almost any other society known to us4 ,hence an all-pervading principle of literary dissimulation2 and what freethinking there was had in general to wear the guise of the very force of unreasoning traditionalism to which it was inwardly most opposed4 ,only thus could new thought find a hearing and secure its preservation at the hands of the tribe of formalists4 ,even the pessimist ,koheleth1 wearied with groping science1 yet believing nothing of the doctrine of immortality1 must needs follow precedent and pose as the fabulous ,king ,solomon1 son of the half-mythic ,david4 #c ,we are forced1 then1 to regard with distrust all passages in the early prophets which express either a disregard of sacrifice and ritual1 or a universalism incongruous with all that we know of the native culture of their period4 ,the strongest ground for surmising a really high development of monotheism in ,judah before the ,captivity is the stability of the life there as compared with northern ,israel4 #cfh ,in this respect the conditions might indeed be considered favourable to priestly or other culture2 but1 on the other hand1 the records themselves exhibit a predominant polytheism4 ,the presumption1 then1 is strong that the advanced passages in the prophets concerning sacrifice belong to an age when such ideas had been reached in more civilized nations1 with whose thought travelled ,jews could come in contact4 ,it is true that some such ideas were current in ,egypt many centuries before the period under notice--a fact which alone discounts the ethical originality claimed for the ,hebrew prophets4 ,e4g41 the following passage from the papyrus of ,ani1 belonging to the ,nineteenth ,dynasty1 not later than #abhh ,b4,c43 ,that which is detestable in the sanctuary of ,god is noisy feasts2 if thou implore him with a loving heart of which all the words are mysterious1 he will do thy matters1 he hears thy words1 he accepts thine offerings 7,religion and ,conscience in ,ancient ,egypt1 by ,flinders ,petrie1 #ahih1 p4 #afj74 ,the word rendered mysterious here may mean magical or liturgical1 or may merely prescribe privacy or silence2 and this last is the construction put upon it by ,renouf 7,hibbert ,lectures1 #bnd ed4 p4 #ajb7 and ,erman 7,handbook of ,eg4 ,relig4 ,eng4 tr4 p4 #hd74 ,the same doctrine is put in a hymn to ,thoth 7id474 ,but in any case we must look for later culture-contacts as the source of the later ,hebrew radicalism under notice1 though ,egyptian sources are not to be wholly set aside4 ,see ,kuenen1 i1 #cie2 and ,brugsch1 as there cited2 but cp4 ,wellhausen1 ,israel1 p4 #ddj4 ,it is clear that not only did they accept a cosmogony from the ,babylonians1 but they were influenced by the lore of the ,zoroastrian ,persians1 with whom1 as with the monotheists or pantheists of ,babylon1 they would have grounds of sympathy4 ,it is an open question whether their special hostility to images does not date from the time of ,persian contact4 #cfi ,concerning the restoration1 it has been argued that only a few ,jewish exiles returned to ,jerusalem both under ,cyrus and under ,dareios2 and that1 though the temple was rebuilt under ,dareios ,hystaspis1 the builders were not the ,gola or returned exiles1 but that part of the ,judahite population which had not been deported to ,babylon4 #cgj ,the problem is obscure2 #cga but1 at least1 the separatist spirit of the redacted narratives of ,ezra and ,nehemiah 7which in any case tell of an opposite spirit7 is not to be taken as a decisive clue to the character of the new religion4 ,for the rest1 the many ,jews who remained in ,babylon or spread elsewhere in the ,persian ,empire1 and who developed their creed on a non-local basis1 were bound to be in some way affected by the surrounding theology4 ,and it is tolerably certain that not only was the notion of angels derived by the ,jews from either the ,babylonians or the ,persians1 but their rigid ,sabbath and their weekly synagogue meetings came from one or both of these sources4 ,that the ,sabbath was an ,akkado-,babylonian and ,assyrian institution is now well established 7,g4 ,smith1 ,assyrian ,eponym ,canon1 #ahge1 p4 #bj2 ,jastrow1 ,relig4 of ,bab4 and ,assyria1 p4 #cgg2 ,sayce1 ,hib4 ,lect4 p4 #gf1 and in ,variorum ,teacher's ,bible1 ed4 #ahhe1 ,aids1 p4 #ga74 ,it was before the fact was ascertained that ,kuenen wrote of the ,sabbath 7i1 #bde7 as peculiar to ,israel4 ,the ,hebrews may have had it before the ,exile2 but it was clearly not then a great institution2 and the mention of ,sabbaths in ,amos 7viii1 #e7 and ,isaiah 7i1 #ac7 is one of the reasons for doubting the antiquity of those books4 ,the custom of synagogue meetings on the ,sabbath is post-exilic1 and may have arisen either in ,babylon itself 7so ,wellhausen1 ,israel1 p4 #dib7 or in imitation of ,parsee practice 7so ,tiele1 cited by ,kuenen1 iii1 #ce74 ,compare ,e4 ,meyer1 ,gesch4 des ,alt4 iii 7#aija71 #aca4 ,the same alternative arises with regard to the belief in angels1 usually regarded as certainly ,persian in origin 7cp4 ,kuenen1 iii1 #cg2 ,tiele1 ,outlines1 p4 #ij2 and ,sack1 ,die altjdische ,religion1 #ahhi1 p4 #acc74 ,this also could have been ,babylonian 7,sayce1 in ,var4 ,bible1 as cited1 p4 #ga72 even the demon ,asmodeus in the ,book of ,tobit1 usually taken as ,persian1 being of ,babylonian derivation 7id474 ,cp4 ,darmesteter's introd4 to ,zendavesta1 #bnd ed4 ch4 v4 ,on the other hand1 the conception of ,satan1 the ,adversary1 as seen in #a ,chr4 xxi1 #a2 ,zech4 iii1 #a1 #b1 seems to come from the ,persian ,ahriman1 though the ,satan of ,job has not ,ahriman's status4 ,such a modification would come of the wish to insist on the supremacy of the good ,god4 ,and this quasi-monotheistic view1 again1 we are led to regard1 in the case of the prophets1 as a possible ,babylonian derivation1 or at least as a result of the contact of ,yahwists with ,babylonian culture4 ,to a foreign influence1 finally1 must be definitely attributed the later ,priestly ,code1 over-ruling ,deuteronomy1 lowering the ,levites1 setting up a high priest1 calling the dues into the sanctuary1 resting on the ,torah the cultus which before was rested on the patriarchs1 and providing cities and land for the ,aaronidae and the ,levites 7,wellhausen1 ,prolegomena1 pp4 #abc1 #abg1 #adg1 #adi1 #cdg2 ,israel1 pp4 #die1 #dig7--the latter an arrangement impossible in mountainous ,palestine1 as regards the land-measurements 7id4 ,proleg4 p4 #aei1 following ,gramberg and ,graf71 and clearly deriving from some such country as ,babylonia or ,persia4 ,as to the high-priest principle in ,babylon and ,assyria1 see ,sayce1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 pp4 #ei-fa2 ,jastrow1 as cited1 p4 #feh4 ,of the general effect of such contacts we have clear traces in two of the most remarkable of the later books of the ,old ,testament1 ,job and ,ecclesiastes1 both of which clearly belong to a late period in religious development4 ,the majority of the critics still confidently describe ,job as an original ,hebrew work1 mainly on the ground1 apparently1 that it shows no clear marks of translation1 though its names and its local colour are all non-,jewish4 ,in any case it represents1 for its time1 a cosmopolitan culture1 and contains the work of more than one hand1 the prologue and epilogue being probably older than the rest2 while much of the dialogue is obviously late interpolation4 ,compare ,cheyne1 ,job and ,solomon1 #ahhg1 p4 #gb2 ,bradley1 ,lectures on ,job1 p4 #aga2 ,bleek-,wellhausen1 ,einleitung1 #bfh 7#bia71 ed4 #ahgh1 p4 #edb2 ,driver1 ,introd4 pp4 #dje-h2 ,cornill1 ,einleit4 in das alte ,test4 #bte4 ,aufl4 #ahib1 #ch1 #db2 ,sharpe1 ,hist4 of the ,hebrew ,nation1 #dth ed4 p4 #bhb sq42 ,dillon1 ,skeptics of the ,old ,test4 #ahie1 pp4 #cf-ci4 ,renan's dating of the book six or seven centuries before ,ecclesiastes 7,l',ecclsiaste1 p4 #bf2 ,job1 pp4 xv-xliii7 is oddly uncritical4 ,it must clearly be dated after ,jeremiah and ,ezekiel 7,dillon1 as cited72 and ,cornill even ascribes it to the fourth or third century ,b4,c4 ,dr4 ,cheyne notes that in the skeptical passages the name ,yahweh is very seldom used 7only once or twice1 as in xii1 #i2 xxviii1 #bh72 and ,dr4 ,driver admits that the whole book not only abounds in ,aramaic words1 but has a good many explicable only from the ,arabic4 ,other details in the book suggest the possible culture-influence of the ,himyarite ,arabs1 who had reached a high civilization before #ejj ,b4,c4 ,dr4 ,driver's remark that the thoughts are thoroughly ,hebraic burkes the entire problem as to the manifest innovation the book makes in ,hebrew thought and literary method alike4 ,sharpe 7p4 #bhg7 is equally arbitrary4 ,cp4 ,renan1 ,job1 #ahei1 pp4 xxv1 where the newness of the whole treatment is admitted4 ,dr4 ,dillon 7pp4 #dc-ei71 following ,bickell1 has pointed out more or less convincingly the many interpolations made in the book after1 and even before1 the making of the ,septuagint translation1 which originally lacked #djj lines of the matter in the present ,hebrew version4 ,the discovery of the ,saidic version of the ,,lxx text of ,job decides the main fact4 7,see ,professor ,bickell's ,das ,buch ,job1 #ahid47 ,it is quite possible even now to point out1 by the help of a few disjointed fragments still preserved1 the position1 and to divine the sense1 of certain spiteful and defiant passages1 which1 in the interest of 'religion and morals1' were remorselessly suppressed2 to indicate others which were split up and transposed2 and to distinguish many prolix discourses1 feeble or powerful word-pictures1 and trite commonplaces1 which were deliberately inserted later on1 for the sole purpose of toning down the most audacious piece of rationalistic philosophy which has ever yet been clothed in the music of sublime verse 7,dillon1 pp4 #de-df74 ,besides the four hundred verses which must be excluded on the ground that they are wanting in the ,septuagint version1 and were therefore added to the text at a comparatively recent period1 the long-winded discourse of ,elihu must be struck out1 most 8 much of which was composed before the book was first translated into ,greek4444 ,in the prologue in prose 444 ,elihu is not once alluded to2 and in the epilogue1 where all the other debaters are named and censured1 he 444 is absolutely ignored4444 ,elihu's style is toto coelo different from that of the other parts of the poem2 444 while his doctrinal peculiarities1 particularly his mention of interceding angels1 while they coincide with those of the ,new ,testament1 are absolutely unknown to ,job and his friends4444 ,the confusion introduced into the text by this insertion is bewildering in the extreme2 and yet the result is but a typical specimen of the 444 tangle which was produced by the systematic endeavour of later and pious editors to reduce the poem to the proper level of orthodoxy 7id4 pp4 #ee-eg74 ,again3 ,ch4 xxiv1 #e-h1 #aj-bd1 and ch4 xxx1 #c-g1 take the place of ,job's blasphemous complaint about the unjust government of the world4 ,it need hardly be added here that not only the ,authorized but the ,revised ,version is false in the text ,i know that my redeemer liveth1 etc4 7xix1 #be-bg71 that being a perversion dating from ,jerome4 ,the probable meaning is given in ,dr4 ,dillon's version3-- ,but ,i know that my avenger liveth2 ,though it be at the end upon my dust1 ,my witness will avenge these things1 ,and a curse alight upon mine enemies4 ,the original expressed a complete disbelief in a future life 7ch4 xiv74 ,compare ,dr4 ,dillon's rhythmic version of the restored text4 ,what marks off the book of ,job from all other ,hebrew literature is its dramatic and reflective handling of the ethical problem of theism1 which the prophets either evade or dismiss by declamation against ,jewish sins4 ,not that it is solved in ,job1 where the rle of ,satan is an inconclusive resort to the ,persian dualistic solution1 and where the deity is finally made to answer ,job's freethinking by sheer literary thunder1 much less ratiocinative though far more artistic than the theistic speeches of the friends4 ,but at least the writer or writers of ,job's speeches consciously grasped the issue2 and the writer of the epilogue evidently felt that the least ,yahweh could do was to compensate a man whom he had allowed to be wantonly persecuted4 ,the various efforts of ancient thought to solve the same problem will be found to constitute the motive power in many later heterodox systems1 theistic and atheistic4 ,broadly speaking1 it is solved in practice in terms of the fortunes of priests and worshippers4 ,at all stages of religious evolution extreme ill-fortune tends to detach men from the cults that have failed to bring them succour4 ,be it in the case of ,african indigenes slaying their unsuccessful rain-doctor1 ,anglo-,saxon priests welcoming ,christianity as a surer source of income than their old worship1 pagans turning ,christian at the fall of ,julian1 or ,christians going over to ,islam at the sight of its triumph--the simple primary motive of self-interest is always potent on this as on other sides2 and at all stages of ,jewish history1 it is evident1 there were many who held by ,yahweh because they thought he prospered them1 or renounced him because he did not4 ,and the very vicissitude of things would breed a general skepticism4 #cgb ,in ,zephaniah 7i1 #ab7 there is a specific allusion to those that say in their heart1 ,the ,lord will not do good1 neither will he do evil4 ,judaism is thus historically a series of socio-political selections rather than a sequence of hereditary transmission4 ,the first definite and exclusive ,yahwistic cult was an outcome of special political conditions2 and its priests would adhere to it in adversity insofar as they had no other economic resort4 ,every return of sunshine1 on the other hand1 would minister to faith2 and while many ,jews in the time of ,assyro-,babylonian ascendancy decided that ,yahweh could not save1 those ,yahwists who in the actual ,captivity prospered commercially in the new life would see in such prosperity a fresh proof of ,yahweh's support1 #cgc and would magnify his name and endow his priests accordingly4 ,for similar reasons1 the most intense development of ,judaism occurs after the ,maccabean revolt1 when the military triumph of the racial remnant over its oppressors inspired a new and enduring enthusiasm4 ,on the other hand1 foreign influences would chronically tend to promote doubt1 especially where the foreigner was not a mere successful votary exalting his own ,god1 but a sympathetic thinker questioning all the ,godisms alike4 ,this consideration is a reason the more for surmising a partly foreign source for the book of ,job1 where1 as in the passage cited from ,zephaniah1 there is no thought of one deity being less potent than another1 but rather an impeachment of divine rule in terms of a conceptual monotheism4 ,in any case1 the book stands for more than ,jewish reverie2 and where it is finally turned to an irrelevant and commonplace reaffirmation of the goodness of deity1 a certain number of sincerer thinkers in all likelihood fell back on an agnostic solution of the eternal problem4 ,in certain aspects the book of ,job speaks for a further reach of early freethinking than is seen in ,ecclesiastes 7,koheleth71 which1 however1 at its lower level of conviction1 tells of an unbelief that could not be overborne by any rhetoric4 ,it unquestionably derives from late foreign influences4 ,it is true that even in the book of ,malachi1 which is commonly dated about #djj ,b4,c41 there is angry mention of some who ask1 ,where is the ,god of judgment8 and say1 ,it is vain to serve ,god2 #cgd even as others had said it in the days of ,assyrian oppression2 #cge but in ,malachi these sentiments are actually associated with foreign influences1 and in ,koheleth such influences are implicit4 ,by an increasing number of students1 though not yet by common critical consent1 the book is dated about #bjj ,b4,c41 when ,greek influence was stronger in ,jewry than at any previous time4 ,grtz even puts it as late as the time of ,herod the ,great4 ,but compare ,dillon1 p4 #abi2 ,tyler1 ,ecclesiastes1 #ahgd1 p4 #ca2 ,plumptre's ,ecclesiastes1 #ahha1 introd4 p4 #cd2 ,renan1 ,l',ecclsiaste1 #ahhb1 pp4 #ed-ei2 ,kuenen1 ,religion of ,israel1 iii1 #hb2 ,driver1 ,introduction1 pp4 #ddf-dg2 ,bleek-,wellhausen1 ,einleitung1 p4 #ebg4 ,dr4 ,cheyne and some others still put the date before #ccb ,b4,c4 ,here again we are dealing with a confused and corrupted text4 ,the ,german ,prof4 ,bickell has framed an ingenious and highly plausible theory to the effect that the present incoherence of the text is mainly due to a misplacing of the leaves of the copy from which the current transcript was made4 ,see it set forth by ,dillon1 pp4 #ib-ig2 cp4 ,cheyne1 ,job and ,solomon1 p4 #bgc sq4 ,there has1 further1 been some tampering4 ,the epilogue1 in particular1 is clearly the addition of a later hand--one of the most timid and shuffling apologies ever penned 7,dillon1 p4 #aah1 note74 ,but the thought of the book is1 as ,renan says1 profoundly fatigued2 and the sombre avowals of the absence of divine moral government are ill-balanced by sayings1 probably interpolated by other hands1 averring an ultimate rectification even on earth4 ,what remains unqualified is the deliberate rejection of the belief in a future life1 couched in terms that imply the currency of the doctrine2 #cgf and the deliberate caution against enthusiasm in religion4 ,belief in a powerful but remote deity1 with a minimum of worship and vows1 is the outstanding lesson4 #cgg ,to me1 ,koheleth is not a theist in any vital sense in his philosophic meditations 7,cheyne1 ,job and ,solomon1 p4 #bej74 ,koheleth's pessimistic theory1 which has its roots in secularism1 is utterly incompatible with the spirit of ,judaism4444 ,it is grounded upon the rejection of the ,messianic expectations1 and absolute disbelief in the solemn promises of ,jahveh himself4444 ,it would be idle to deny that he had far more in common with the 'impious' than with the orthodox 7,dillon1 pp4 #aai-bj74 ,that there was a good deal of this species of tired or stoical semi-rationalism among the ,jews of the ,hellenistic period may be inferred from various traces4 ,the opening verses of the thirtieth chapter of the book of ,proverbs1 attributed to ,agur1 son of ,jakeh1 are admittedly the expression of a skeptic's conviction that ,god cannot be known1 #cgh the countervailing passages being plainly the additions of a believer4 ,agur's utterances probably belong to the close of the third century ,b4,c4 ,here1 as in ,job1 there are signs of ,arab influence2 #cgi but at a later period the main source of skepticism for ,israel was probably the ,hellenistic civilization4 ,it is told in the ,talmud that in the ,maccabean period there came into use the formula1 ,cursed be the man that cherisheth swine2 and cursed be the man that teacheth his son the wisdom of the ,greeks2 and there is preserved the saying of ,rabbi ,simeon1 son of ,gamaliel1 that in his father's school five hundred learnt the law1 and five hundred the wisdom of the ,greeks4 #chj ,before ,gamaliel1 the ,greek influence had affected ,jewish philosophic thought2 and it is very probable that among the ,sadducees who resisted the doctrine of resurrection there were some thinkers of the ,epicurean school4 ,to that school may have belonged the unbelievers who are struck at in several ,rabbinical passages which account for the sin of ,adam as beginning in a denial of the omnipresence of ,god1 and describe ,cain as having said3 ,there is no judgment2 there is no world to come1 and there is no reward for the just1 and no punishment for the wicked4 #cha ,but of ,greek or other atheism there is no direct trace in the ,hebrew literature2 #chb and the rationalism of the ,sadducees1 who were substantially the priestly party1 #chc was like the rationalism of the ,brahmans and the ,egyptian priests--something esoteric and withheld from the multitude4 ,in the apocryphal ,wisdom of ,solomon1 which belongs to the first century ,a4,c41 the denial of immortality1 so explicit in ,ecclesiastes1 is treated as a proof of utter immorality1 though the deniers are not represented as atheists4 #chd ,they thus seem to have been still numerous1 and the imputation of wholesale immorality to them is of course not to be credited2 #che but there is no trace of any constructive teaching on their part4 ,so far as the literature shows1 save for the confused ,judaic-,platonism of ,philo of ,alexandria1 there is practically no rational progress in ,jewish thought after ,koheleth till the time of contact with revived ,greek thought in ,saracen ,spain4 ,the mass of the people1 in the usual way1 are found gravitating to the fanatical and the superstitious levels of the current creed4 ,the book of ,ruth1 written to resist the separatism of the post-,exilic theocracy1 #chf never altered the ,jewish practice1 though allowed into the canon4 ,the remarkable ,levitical legislation providing for the periodical restoration of the land to the poor never came into operation1 #chg any more than the very different provision giving land and cities to the children of ,aaron and the ,levites4 ,none of the more rationalistic writings in the canon seems ever to have counted for much in the national life4 ,to conceive of ,israel1 in the fashion still prevalent1 as being typified in the monotheistic prophets1 whatever their date1 is as complete a misconception as it would be to see in ,mr4 ,ruskin the expression of the everyday ethic of commercial ,england4 ,the anti-sacrificial and universalist teachings in the prophets and in the ,psalms never affected1 for the people at large1 the sacrificial and localized worship at ,jerusalem2 though they may have been esoterically received by some of the priestly or learned class there1 and though they may have promoted a continual exodus of the less fanatical types1 who turned to other civilizations4 ,despite the resistance of the ,sadducees and the teaching of ,job and ,ecclesiastes1 the belief in a resurrection rapidly gained ground #chh in the two or three centuries before the rise of ,jesuism1 and furnished a basis for the new creed2 as did the ,messianic hope and the belief in a speedy ending of the world1 with both of which ,jewish fanaticism sustained itself under the long frustration of nationalistic faith before the ,maccabean interlude and after the ,roman conquest4 ,it was in vain that the great teacher ,hillel declared1 ,there is no ,messiah for ,israel2 the rest of the race persisted in cherishing the dream4 #chi ,with the major hallucination thus in full possession1 the subordinate species of superstition flourished as in ,egypt and ,india2 so that at the beginning of our era the ,jews were among the most superstitious peoples in the world4 #cij ,when their monotheism was fully established1 and placed on an abstract footing by the destruction of the temple1 it seems to have had no bettering influence on the practical ethics of the ,gentiles1 though it may have furthered the theistic tendency of the ,stoic philosophy4 ,juvenal exhibits to us the ,jew proselyte at ,rome as refusing to show an unbeliever the way1 or guide him to a spring4 #cia ,sectarian monotheism was thus in part on a rather lower ethical and intellectual #cib plane than the polytheism1 to say nothing of the ,epicureanism or the ,stoicism1 of the society of the ,roman ,empire4 ,it cannot even be said that the learned ,rabbinical class carried on a philosophic tradition1 while the indigent multitude thus discredited their creed4 ,in the period after the fall of ,jerusalem1 the narrow nationalism which had always ruled there seems to have been even intensified4 ,in the ,talmud the most general representation of the ,divine ,being is as the chief ,rabbi of ,heaven2 the angelic host being his assessors4 ,the heavenly ,sanhedrim takes the opinion of living sages in cases of dispute4 ,of the twelve hours of the day three are spent by ,god in study1 three in the government of the world 7or rather in the exercise of mercy71 three in providing food for the world1 and three in playing with ,leviathan4 ,but since the destruction of ,jerusalem all amusements were banished from the courts of heaven1 and three hours were employed in the instruction of those who had died in infancy4 #cic ,so little can a nominal monotheism avail1 on the basis of a completed ,sacred ,book1 to keep thought sane when freethought is lacking4 ,finally1 ,judaism played in the world's thought the great reactionary and obscurantist part by erecting into a dogma the irrational conception that its deity made the universe out of nothing4 ,at the time of the redaction of the book of ,genesis this dogma had not been glimpsed3 the ,hebrew conception was the ,babylonian--that of a pre-existent ,chaos put into shape4 ,but gradually1 in the interests of monotheism1 the anti-scientific doctrine was evolved #cid by way of negative to that of the ,gentiles2 and where the great line of ,ionian thinkers passed on to the modern world the developed conception of an eternal universe1 #cie ,judaism passed on through ,christianity1 as well as in its own philosophy1 the contrary dogma1 to bar the way of later science4 ,,chapter ,v ,,freethought ,,in ,,greece ,the highest of all the ancient civilizations1 that of ,greece1 was naturally the product of the greatest possible complex of culture-forces2 #cif and its rise to pre-eminence begins after the contact of the ,greek settlers in olia and ,ionia with the higher civilizations of ,asia ,minor4 #cig ,the great ,homeric epos itself stands for the special conditions of olic and ,ionic life in those colonies2 #cih even ,greek religion1 spontaneous as were its earlier growths1 was soon influenced by those of the ,east2 #cii and ,greek philosophy and art alike draw their first inspirations from ,eastern contact4 #djj ,whatever reactions we may make against the tradition of ,oriental origins1 #dja it is clear that the higher civilization of antiquity had ,oriental 7including in that term ,egyptian7 roots4 #djb ,at no point do we find a pure ,greek civilization4 ,alike the ,mycenan and the ,minoan civilizations1 as recovered for us by modern excavators1 show a composite basis1 in which the ,east is implicated4 #djc ,and in the historic period the connection remains obvious4 ,it matters not whether we hold the ,phrygians and ,karians of history to have been originally an ,aryan stock1 related to the ,hellenes1 and thus to have acted as intermediaries between ,aryans and ,semites1 or to have been originally ,semites1 with whom ,greeks intermingled4 #djd ,on either view1 the intermediaries represented ,semitic influences1 which they passed on to the ,greek-speaking races1 though they in turn developed their deities in large part on psychological lines common to them and the ,semites4 #dje ,as to the obvious ,asiatic influences on historic ,greek civilization1 compare ,winwood ,reade1 ,the ,martyrdom of ,man1 #ahgb1 p4 #fd2 ,von ,ihering1 ,vorgeschichte der ,indo-,europer1 ,eng4 tr4 7,the ,evolution of the ,aryan71 p4 #gc2 ,schmann1 ,griech4 ,alterthmer1 #bte ,aufl4 #ahfa1 i1 #aj2 ,e4 ,meyer1 ,gesch4 des ,alterth4 ii1 #aee2 ,a4 ,bertrand1 tudes de mythol4 et d'archol4 grecques1 #aheh1 pp4 #dj-da2 ,bury1 introd4 p4 #c4 ,it seems clear that the ,egyptian influence is greatly overstated by ,herodotos 7ii4 #di-eb1 etc471 who indeed avows that he is but repeating what the ,egyptians affirm4 ,the ,egyptian priests made their claim in the spirit in which the ,jews later made theirs4 ,herodotos1 besides1 would prefer an ,egyptian to an ,asiatic derivation1 and so would his audience4 ,but it must not be overlooked that there was an ,egyptian influence in the ,minoan period4 ,a ,hellenistic enthusiasm has led a series of eminent scholars to carry so far their resistance to the tradition of ,oriental beginnings #djf as to take up the position that ,greek thought is autochthonous4 #djg ,if it were1 it could not conceivably have progressed as it did4 ,only the tenacious psychological prejudice as to race-characters and racial genius could thus long detain so many students at a point of view so much more nearly related to supernaturalism than to science4 ,it is safe to say that if any people is ever seen to progress in thought1 art1 and life1 with measurable rapidity1 its progress is due to the reactions of foreign intercourse4 ,the primary civilizations1 or what pass for such1 as those of ,akkad and ,egypt1 are immeasurably slow in accumulating culture-material2 the relatively rapid developments always involve the stimulus of old cultures upon a new and vigorous civilization1 well-placed for social evolution for the time being4 ,there is no point in early ,greek evolution1 so far as we have documentary trace of it1 at which foreign impact or stimulus is not either patent or inferrible4 #djh ,in the very dawn of history the ,greeks are found to be a composite stock1 #dji growing still more composite2 and the very beginnings of its higher culture are traced to the non-,grecian people of ,thrace1 #daj who worshipped the ,muses4 ,as seen by ,herodotos and ,thucydides1 the original ,hellenes were a particular conquering tribe of great prestige1 which attracted the surrounding tribes to follow it1 imitate it1 and call themselves by its name4 ,the ,spartans were1 to ,herodotos1 ,hellenic2 the ,athenians1 on the other hand1 were not4 ,they were ,pelasgian1 but by a certain time 'changed into ,hellenes and learnt their language4' ,in historical times we cannot really find any tribe of pure ,hellenes in existence4 #daa ,the later supremacy of the ,greek culture is thus to be explained in terms not of an abnormal ,greek genius1 #dab but of the special evolution of intelligence in the ,greek-speaking stock1 firstly through constant crossing with others1 and secondarily through its furtherance by the special social conditions of the more progressive ,greek city-states1 of which conditions the most important were their geographical dividedness and their own consequent competition and interaction4 #dac ,the whole problem of ,oriental influence has been obscured1 and the solution retarded1 by the old academic habit of discussing questions of mental evolution in vacuo4 ,even the reaction against idolatrous ,hellenism proceeded without due regard to historical sequence2 and the return reaction against that is still somewhat lacking in breadth of inference4 ,there has been too much on one side of assumption as to early ,oriental achievement2 and too much tendency on the other to assume that the positing of an influence on the ,greeks is a disparagement of the ,greek mind4 ,the superiority of that in its later evolution seems too obvious to need affirming4 ,but that hardly justifies so able a writer as ,professor ,burnet in concluding 7,early ,greek ,philosophy1 #bnd ed4 introd4 pp4 #bb-bc7 that the ,egyptians knew no more arithmetic than was learned by their children in the schools2 or in saying 7id4 p4 #bf7 that the ,babylonians studied and recorded celestial phenomena for what we call astrological purposes1 not from any scientific interest4 ,how can we have the right to say that no ,babylonians had a scientific interest in the data8 ,such interest would in the nature of the case miss the popular reproduction given to astrological lore4 ,but it might very well subsist4 ,professor ,burnet1 albeit a really original investigator1 has not here had due regard to the early usage of collegiate or corporate culture1 in which arcane knowledge was reserved for the few4 ,thus he writes 7p4 #bf7 concerning the ,greeks that it was not till the time of ,plato that even the names of the planets were known4 ,surely they must have been known to some adepts long before3 how else came they to be accepted8 ,as ,professor ,burnet himself notes 7p4 #cd71 in almost every department of life we find that the corporation at first is everything and the individual nothing4 ,the peoples of the ,east hardly got beyond this stage at all3 their science1 such as it is1 is anonymous1 the inherited property of a caste or guild1 and we still see clearly in some cases that it was once the same among the ,hellenes4 ,is it not then probable that astronomical knowledge was so ordered by ,easterns1 and passed on to ,hellenes8 ,there still attaches to the investigation of early ,greek philosophy the drawback that the philosophical scholars do not properly posit the question3 ,what was the early ,ionic ,greek society like8 ,how did the ,hellenes relate to the older polities and cultures which they found there8 ,professor ,burnet makes justifiable fun 7p4 #ba1 note7 of ,dr4 ,gomperz's theory of the influence of native brides2 but he himself seems to argue that the ,greeks could learn nothing from the men they conquered1 though he admits 7p4 #bj7 their derivation of their art and many of their religious ideas from the ,east4 ,if religion1 why not religious speculation1 leading to philosophy and science8 ,this would be a more fruitful line of inquiry than one based on the assumption that the ,babylonians went one way and the ,greeks another4 ,after all1 only a few in each race carried on the work of thought and discovery4 ,we do not say that the ,english wrote ,shakespeare4 ,why affirm always that the ,greeks did whatever great ,greeks achieved8 ,on the immediate issue ,professor ,burnet incidentally concedes what is required4 ,after arguing that the ,east perhaps borrowed more from the ,west than did the ,west from the ,east1 he admits 7p4 #ba73 ,it would1 however1 be quite another thing to say that ,greek philosophy originated quite independently of ,oriental influence4 #a ,by the tacit admission of one of the ablest opponents of the theory of foreign influence1 ,hellenic religion as fixed by ,homer for the ,hellenic world was partly determined by ,asiatic influences4 ,ottfried ,mller decided not only that ,homer the man 7in whose personality he believed7 was probably a ,smyrnean1 whether of olic or ,ionic stock1 #dad but that ,homer's religion must have represented a special selection from the manifold ,greek mythology1 necessarily representing his local bias4 #dae ,now1 the ,greek cults at ,smyrna1 as in the other olic and ,ionic cities of ,asia ,minor1 would be very likely to reflect in some degree the influence of the ,karian or other ,asiatic cults around them4 #daf ,the early ,attic conquerors of ,miletos allowed the worship of the ,karian ,sun-,god there to be carried on by the old priests2 and the ,attic settlers of ,ephesos in the same way adopted the neighbouring worship of the ,lydian ,goddess 7who became the ,artemis or ,great ,diana of the ,ephesians71 and retained the ministry of the attendant priests and eunuchs4 #dag ,smyrna was apparently not like these a mixed community1 but one founded by ,achaians from the ,peloponnesos2 but the genera ,ionic and olic religious atmosphere1 set up by common sacrifices1 #dah must have been represented in an epic brought forth in that region4 ,the ,karian civilization had at one time spread over a great part of the gean1 including ,delos and ,cyprus4 #dai ,such a civilization must have affected that of the ,greek conquerors1 who only on that basis became civilized traders4 #dbj ,it is not necessary to ask how far exactly the influence may have gone in the ,iliad3 the main point is that even at that stage of comparatively simple ,hellenism the ,asiatic environment1 ,karian or ,phoenician1 counted for something1 whether in cosmogony or in furthering the process of ,god-grouping1 or in conveying the cult of ,cyprian ,aphrodite1 #dba or haply in lending some characteristics to ,zeus and ,apollo and ,athn1 #dbb an influence none the less real because the genius of the poet or poets of the ,iliad has given to the whole ,olympian group the artistic stamp of individuality which thenceforth distinguishes the ,gods of ,greece from all others4 ,indeed1 the very creation of a graded hierarchy out of the independent local deities of ,greece1 the marrying of the once isolated ,pelasgic ,hr to ,zeus1 the subordination to him of the once isolated ,athn and ,apollo--all this tells of the influence of a ,semitic world in which each ,baal had his wife1 and in which the monarchic system developed on earth had been set up in heaven4 #dbc ,but soon the ,asiatic influence becomes still more clearly recognizable4 ,there is reason to hold with ,schrader that the belief in a mildly blissful future state1 as seen even in the ,odyssey #dbd and in the ,theogony ascribed to ,hesiod1 #dbe is a new belief which is only to be understood in view of oriental tales and teaching4 #dbf ,in the ,theogony1 again1 the ,semitic element increases1 #dbg ,kronos being a ,semitic figure2 #dbh while ,semel1 if not ,dionysos1 appears to be no less so4 #dbi ,but we may further surmise that in ,homer1 to begin with1 the conception of ,okeanos1 the earth-surrounding ,ocean-stream1 as the origin of all things1 #dcj comes from some ,semitic source2 and that ,hesiod's more complicated scheme of origins from ,chaos is a further borrowing of oriental thought--both notions being found in ancient ,babylonian lore1 whence the ,hebrews derived their combination of ,chaos and ,ocean in the first verses of ,genesis4 #dca ,it thus appears that the earlier oriental #dcb influence upon ,greek thought was in the direction of developing religion1 #dcc with only the germ of rationalism conveyed in the idea of an existence of matter before the ,gods1 #dcd which we shall later find scientifically developed4 ,but the case is obscure4 ,insofar as the ,theogony1 for instance1 partly moralizes the more primitively savage myths1 #dce it may be that it represents the spontaneous need of the more highly evolved race to give an acceptable meaning to divine tales which1 coming from another race1 have not a quite sacrosanct prescription1 though the tendency is to accept them4 ,on the other hand1 it may have been a further foreign influence that gave the critical impulse4 ,it is plain enough that ,homer and ,hesiod represent1 both theologically and socially1 the close of a long epoch1 and not the youth of the ,greek world1 as some have supposed4 ,the real signification of many myths is lost to them1 and so is the import of most of the names and titles of the elder ,gods1 which are archaic and strange1 while the subordinate personages generally have purely ,greek names 7,professor ,mahaffy1 ,history of ,classical ,greek ,literature1 #ahhj1 i1 #ag74 #b ,whatever be the determining conditions1 it is clear that the ,homeric epos stands for a new growth of secular song1 distinct from the earlier poetry1 which by tradition was either lyrical or oracular4 ,the poems ascribed to the pre-,homeric bards were all short1 and they were all strictly religious4 ,in these features they contrasted broadly with the epic school of ,homer4 ,even the hexameter metre seems not to have been used in these old hymns1 and was called a new invention of the ,delphic priests4 #dcf ,still further1 the majority of these hymns are connected with mysteries apparently ignored by ,homer1 or with the worship of ,dionysos1 which he hardly knew4 #dcg ,intermediate between the earlier religious poetry and the ,homeric epic1 then1 was a hexametric verse1 used by the ,delphic priesthood2 and to this order of poetry belongs the ,theogony which goes under the name of ,hesiod1 and which is a sample of other and older works1 #dch probably composed by priests4 ,and the distinctive mark of the ,homeric epos is that1 framed as it was to entertain feudal chiefs and their courts1 it turned completely away from the sacerdotal norm and purpose4 ,thus epic poetry1 from having been purely religious1 became purely secular4 ,after having treated men and heroes in subordination to the ,gods1 it came to treat the ,gods in relation to men4 ,indeed1 it may be said of ,homer that in the image of man created he ,god4 #dci ,as to the non-religiousness of the ,homeric epics1 there is a division of critical opinion4 ,meyer insists 7,gesch4 des ,alt4 ii1 #cie7 that1 as contrasted with the earlier religious poetry1 the epic poetry is throughout secular 7profan72 it aims at charming its hearers1 not at propitiating the ,gods2 and he further sees in the whole ,ionian mood a certain cynical disillusionment 7id4 ii1 #gbc74 ,cp4 ,benn1 ,philos4 of ,greece1 p4 #dj1 citing ,hegel4 ,e4 ,curtius 7,g4 ,g4 i1 #abf7 goes so far as to ascribe a certain irony to the portraiture of the ,gods 7,ionian ,apollo excepted7 in ,homer1 and to trace this to ,ionian levity4 ,to the same cause he assigns the lack of any expression of a sense of stigma attaching to murder4 ,this sense he holds the ,greek people had1 though ,homer does not hint it4 7,cp4 ,grote1 i1 #bd1 whose inference ,curtius implicitly impugns47 ,girard 7,le ,sentiment religieux en ,grce1 #ahfi71 on the contrary1 appears to have no suspicion of any problem to solve1 treating ,homer as unaffectedly religious4 ,the same view is taken by ,prof4 ,paul ,decharme4 ,on chercherait vainement dans l',iliade et dans l',odysse les premires traces du scepticisme grec l'gard des fables des dieux4 ,c'est avec une foi entire en la ralit des vnements mythiques que les potes chantent les lgendes 4442 c'est en toute simplicit d'me aussi que les auditeurs de l'pope coutent4444 7,la critique des traditions religieuses chez les grecs1 #aijd1 p4 #a47 ,thus we have a kind of balance of contrary opinions1 ,german against ,french4 ,any verdict on the problem must recognize on the one hand the possibilities of nave credulity in an unlettered age1 and on the other the probability of critical perception on the part of a great poet4 ,i have seen both among ,boers in ,south ,africa4 ,on the general question of the mood of the ,homeric poems compare ,gilbert ,murray1 ,four ,stages of ,greek ,religion1 #aiab1 p4 #gg1 and ,hist4 of ,anc4 ,greek ,lit4 pp4 #cd1 #ce2 and ,a4 ,benn1 ,the ,philosophy of ,greece in ,relation to the ,character of its ,people1 #ahih1 pp4 #bi-cj4 ,still1 it cannot be said that in the ,iliad there is any clear hint of religious skepticism1 though the ,gods are so wholly in the likeness of men that the lower deities fight with heroes and are worsted1 while ,zeus and ,hr quarrel like any earthly couple4 ,in the ,odyssey there is a bare hint of possible speculation in the use of the word atheos2 but it is applied only in the phrase ouk atheei1 not without a ,god1 #ddj in the sense of similar expressions in other passages and in the ,iliad4 #dda ,the idea was that sometimes the ,gods directly meddled4 ,when ,odysseus accuses the suitors of not dreading the ,gods1 #ddb he has no thought of accusing them of unbelief4 #ddc ,homer has indeed been supposed to have exercised a measure of relative freethought in excluding from his song the more offensive myths about the ,gods1 #ddd but such exclusion may be sufficiently explained on the score that the epopees were chanted in aristocratic dwellings1 in the presence of womenkind1 without surmising any process of doubt on the poet's part4 ,on the other hand1 it was inevitable that such a free treatment of things hitherto sacred should not only affect the attitude of the lay listener towards the current religion1 but should react on the religious consciousness4 ,god-legends so fully thrust on secular attention were bound to be discussed2 and in the adaptations of myth for liturgical purposes by ,stesichoros 7fl4 circa #fjj ,b4,c47 we appear to have the first open trace of a critical revolt in the ,greek world against immoral or undignified myths4 #dde ,in his work1 it is fair to say1 we see the beginning of rationalism3 the decisive step is taken3 once the understanding criticizes the sanctified tradition1 it raises itself to be the judge thereof2 no longer the common tradition but the individual conviction is the ground of religious belief4 #ddf ,religious1 indeed1 the process still substantially is4 ,it is to preserve the credit of ,helena as a ,goddess that ,stesichoros repudiates the ,homeric account of her1 #ddg somewhat in the spirit in which the framers of the ,hesiodic theogony manipulated the myths without rejecting them1 or the ,hebrew redactors tampered with their text4 ,but in ,stesichoros there is a new tendency to reject the myth altogether2 #ddh so that at this stage freethought is still part of a process in which religious feeling1 pressed by an advancing ethical consciousness1 instinctively clears its standing ground4 ,it is in ,pindar1 however 7#eah-ddb ,b4,c471 that we first find such a mental process plainly avowed by a believer4 ,in his first ,olympic ,ode he expressly declares the need for bringing afterthought to bear on poetic lore1 that so men may speak nought unfitting of the ,gods2 and he protests that he will never tell the tale of the blessed ones banqueting on human flesh4 #ddi ,in the ninth ,ode he again protests that his lips must not speak blasphemously of such a thing as strife among the immortals4 #dej ,here the critical motive is ethical1 though1 while repudiating one kind of scandal about the ,gods1 ,pindar placidly accepts others no less startling to the modern sense4 ,his critical revolt1 in fact1 is far from thoroughgoing1 and suggests rather a religious man's partial response to pressure from others than any independent process of reflection4 #dea ,he ,pindar was honestly attached to the national religion and to its varieties in old local cults4 ,he lived a somewhat sacerdotal life1 labouring in honour of the ,gods1 and seeking to spread a reverence for old traditional beliefs4 ,he1 moreover1 shows an acquaintance with ,orphic rites and ,pythagorean mysteries1 which led him to preach the doctrine of immortality1 and of rewards and punishments in the life hereafter4 ,note4--,the most explicit fragment 7thrnoi1 #c71 is1 however1 not considered genuine by recent critics4444 ,he is indeed more affected by the advance of freethinking than he imagines2 he borrows from the neologians the habit of rationalizing myths1 and explaining away immoral acts and motives in the ,gods2 but these things are isolated attempts with him1 and have no deep effect upon his general thinking 7,mahaffy1 ,hist4 of ,greek ,lit4 i1 #bac-ad74 ,for such a development we are not1 of course1 forced to assume a foreign influence3 mere progress in refinement and in mental activity could bring it about2 yet none the less it is probable that foreign influence did quicken the process4 ,it is true that from the beginnings of the literary period ,greek thought played with a certain freedom on myth1 partly perhaps because the traditions visibly came from various races1 and there was no strong priesthood to ossify them4 ,after ,homer and ,hesiod1 men looked back to those poets as shaping theology to their own minds4 #deb ,but all custom is conservative1 and ,pindar's mind had that general cast4 ,on the other hand1 external influence was forthcoming4 ,the period of ,pindar and schylus #ebe-dee ,b4,c4 follows on one in which ,greek thought1 stimulated on all sides1 had taken the first great stride in its advance beyond all antiquity4 ,egypt had been fully thrown open to the ,greeks in the reign of ,psammetichos #dec 7#fej ,b4,c472 and a great historian1 who contends that the sheer inherent and expansive force of the ,greek intellect1 aided but by no means either impressed or provoked from without1 was the true cause1 yet concedes that intercourse with ,egypt enlarged the range of their thoughts and observations1 while it also imparted to them that vein of mysticism which overgrew the primitive simplicity of the ,homeric religion1 and that from ,asia ,minor in turn they had derived musical instruments and new laws of rhythm and melody1 as well as violent and maddening religious rites4 #ded ,and others making similar priori claims for the ,greek intelligence are forced likewise to admit that the mental transition between ,homer and ,herodotos cannot be explained save in terms of the influence of other creeds1 and the necessary operation of altered circumstances and relations4 #dee ,in the ,persae of schylus we even catch a glimpse of direct contact with foreign skepticism2 #def and again in the ,agamemnon there is a reference to some impious one who denied that the ,gods deigned to have care of mortals4 #deg ,it seems unwarrantable to read as ridicule of popular polytheism the passage in the same tragedy3 #deh ,zeus1 whosoever he be2 if this name be well-pleasing to himself in invocation1 by this do ,i name him4 ,it may more fitly be read #dei as an echo of the saying of ,herakleitos that the ,wise the ,logos8 is unwilling and willing to be called by the name of ,zeus4 #dfj ,but in the poet's thought1 as revealed in the ,prometheus1 and in the ,agamemnon on the theme of the sacrifice of ,iphigeneia1 there has occurred an ethical judgment of the older creeds1 an approach to pantheism1 a rejection of anthropomorphism1 and a growth of pessimism that tells of their final insufficiency4 ,the leaning to pantheism is established by the discovery that the disputed lines1 ,zeus is sky1 earth1 and heaven3 ,zeus is all things1 yea1 greater than all things 7,frag4 #ddc71 belonged to the lost tragedy of the ,heliades 7,haigh1 ,tragic ,drama of the ,greeks1 #ahif1 p4 #hh74 ,for the pessimism see the ,prometheus1 #bdg-ea4 ,the anti-anthropomorphism is further to be made out from the lines ascribed to schylus by ,justin ,martyr 7,de ,monarchia1 c4 #b7 and ,clemens ,alexandrinus 7,stromata1 v1 #ad74 ,they are expressly pantheistic2 but their genuineness is doubtful4 ,the story that schylus was nearly killed by a theatre audience on the score that he had divulged part of the mysteries in a tragedy 7,haigh1 ,the ,attic ,theatre1 #ahhi1 p4 #caf2 ,tragic ,drama1 pp4 #di-ej7 does not seem to have suggested to ,aristotle1 who tells it 7,nicomachean ,ethics1 iii1 #b71 any heterodox intention on the tragedian's part2 but it is hard to see an orthodox believer in the author either of the ,prometheus1 wherein ,zeus is posed as brutal might crucifying innocence and beneficence1 or of the ,agamemnon1 where the father1 perplexed in the extreme1 can but fall back helplessly on formulas about the all-sufficiency of ,zeus when called upon to sacrifice his daughter4 ,cp4 ,haigh1 ,tragic ,drama1 p4 #hf sq4 ,some critics1 says ,mr4 ,haigh 7p4 #hh71 have been led to imagine that there is in schylus a double ,zeus--the ordinary ,god of the polytheistic religion and the one omnipotent deity in whom he really believed4 ,they suppose that he had no genuine faith in the credibility of the popular legends1 but merely used them as a setting for his tragedies2 and that his own convictions were of a more philosophical type1 as seen in the pantheistic lines concerning ,zeus4 ,to this ,mr4 ,haigh replies that it is most improbable that there was any clear distinction in the mind of schylus between the two conceptions of ,zeus2 going on1 however1 to admit that much1 no doubt1 he regarded as uncertain1 much as false4 ,even the name ',zeus' was to him a mere convention4 ,mr4 ,haigh in this discussion does not attempt to deal with the problem of the ,prometheus4 ,the hesitations of the critics on this head are noteworthy4 ,karl ,ottfried ,mller1 who is least himself in dealing with fundamental issues of creed1 evades the problem 7,lit4 of ,anc4 ,greece1 #ahdg1 p4 #cbi7 with the bald suggestion that schylus1 in his own mind1 must have felt how this severity of ,zeus1 a necessary accompaniment of the transition from the ,titanic period to the government of the ,gods of ,olympus1 was to be reconciled with the mild wisdom which he makes an attribute of ,zeus in the subsequent ages of the world4 ,consequently1 the deviation from right 444 would all lie on the side of ,prometheus4 ,this nugatory plea--which is rightly rejected by ,burckhardt 7,griech4 ,culturgesch4 ii1 #be7--;is ineffectually backed by the argument that the friendly ,oceanides recur to the thought1 ,those only are wise who humbly reverence ,adrasteia 7,fate7--as if the positing of a supreme ,fate were not a further belittlement of ,zeus4 ,other critics are similarly evasive4 ,patin 7,eschyle1 d4 #ahgg1 p4 #bej sq471 noting the vagaries of past criticism1 hostile and other1 avowedly leaves the play an unsolved enigma1 affirming only the commonly asserted piety of schylus4 ,girard 7,le sentiment religieux en ,grce1 pp4 #dbe-bi7 does no better1 while dogmatically asserting that the poet is the ,greek faithful to the faith of his fathers1 which he interprets with an intelligent and emotional 7mue7 veneration4 ,meyer 7iii1 #beg-eh7 draws an elaborate parallel between schylus and ,pindar1 affirming in turn the tiefe ,frmmigkeit of the former--and in turn leaves the enigma of the ,prometheus unsolved4 ,professor ,decharme1 rightly rejecting the fanciful interpretations of ,quinet and others who allegorize ,prometheus into humanity revolting against superstition1 offers a very unsatisfying explanation of his own 7p4 #ajg71 which practically denies that there is any problem to solve4 ,prof4 ,mahaffy1 with his more vivacious habit of thought1 comes to the evaded issue4 ,how1 he asks1 did the ,athenian audience1 who vehemently attacked the poet for divulging the mysteries1 tolerate such a drama8 ,and still more1 how did schylus1 a pious and serious thinker1 venture to bring such a subject on the stage with a moral purpose8 ,the answers suggested are3 7#a7 that in all old religions there are tolerated anomalous survivals2 7#b7 that a very extreme distortion of their ,gods will not offend many who would feel outraged at any open denial of them2 7#c7 that all ,greeks longed for despotic power for themselves1 and that no ,athenian1 however he sympathized with ,prometheus1 would think of blaming ,zeus for 444 crushing all resistance to his will4 ,but even if these answers--of which the last is the most questionable--be accepted1 the question of the poet's intention is far more difficult1 and will probably never be satisfactorily answered4 ,finally1 we have this summing-up3 schylus was1 indeed1 essentially a theologian 444 but1 what is more honourable and exceptional1 he was so candid and honest a theologian that he did not approach men's difficulties for the purpose of refuting them or showing them weak and groundless4 ,on the contrary1 though an orthodox and pious man1 though clearly convinced of the goodness of ,providence1 and of the profound truth of the religion of his fathers1 he was ever stating boldly the contradictions and anomalies in morals and in myths1 and thus naturally incurring the odium and suspicion of the professional advocates of religion and their followers4 ,he felt1 perhaps instinctively1 that a vivid dramatic statement of these problems in his tragedies was better moral education than vapid platitudes about our ignorance1 and about our difficulties being only caused by the shortness of our sight 7,hist4 of ,greek ,lit4 i1 #bfj-fa1 #bgc-gd74 ,here1 despite the intelligent handling1 the enigma is merely transferred from the great tragedian's work to his character3 it is not solved4 ,no solution is offered of the problem of the pantheism of the fragment above cited1 which is quite irreconcilable with any orthodox belief in ,greek religion1 though such sayings are at times repeated by unthinking believers1 without recognition of their bearing4 ,that the pantheism is a philosophical element imported into the ,greek world from the ,babylonian through the early ,ionian thinkers seems to be the historical fact 7cp4 ,whittaker1 as last cited73 that the importation meant the dissolution of the national faith for many thinking men seems to be no less true4 ,it seems finally permissible1 then1 to suggest that the piety of schylus was either discontinuous or a matter of artistic rhetoric and public spirit1 and that the ,prometheus is a work of profound and terrible irony1 unburdening his mind of reveries that religion could not conjure away4 ,the discussion on the play has unduly ignored the question of its date4 ,it is1 in all probability1 one of the latest of the works of schylus 7,k4 ,o4 ,mller1 ,lit4 of ,anc4 ,greece1 p4 #cbg2 ,haigh1 ,tragic ,drama1 p4 #aji74 ,mller points to the employment of the third actor--a late development--and ,haigh to the overshadowing of the choruses by the dialogue2 also to the mention 7ll4 #cff-gb7 of the eruption of ,etna1 which occurred in #dge ,b4,c4 ,this one circumstance goes far to solve the dispute4 ,written near the end of the poet's life the play belongs to the latest stages of his thinking2 and if it departs widely in its tone from the earlier plays1 the reasonable inference is that his ideas had undergone a change4 ,the ,agamemnon1 with its desolating problem1 seems to be also one of his later works4 ,rationalism1 indeed1 does not usually emerge in old age1 though ,voltaire was deeply shaken in his theism by the earthquake of ,lisbon2 but schylus is unique even among men of genius2 and the highest flight of ,greek drama may well stand for an abnormal intellectual experience4 ,in this primary entrance of critical doubt into drama we have one of the sociological clues to the whole evolution of ,greek thought4 ,it has been truly said that the constant action of the tragic stage1 the dramatic putting of arguments and rejoinders1 pros and cons--which in turn was a fruit of the actual daily pleadings in the ,athenian dikastery--was a manifold stimulus alike to ethical feeling and to intellectual effort1 such as no other ancient civilization ever knew4 ,the appropriate subject-matter of tragedy is pregnant not only with ethical sympathy1 but also with ethical debate and speculation1 to an extent unapproached in the earlier lyric and gnomic poetry and the literature of aphorism and precept4 ,in place of unexpanded results1 or the mere communication of single-minded sentiment1 we have even in schylus1 the earliest of the great tragedians1 a large latitude of dissent and debate--a shifting point of view--a case better or worse--and a divination of the future advent of sovereign and instructed reason4 ,it was through the intermediate stage of tragedy that ,grecian literature passed into the ,rhetoric1 ,dialectics1 and ,ethical speculation which marked the fifth century ,b4,c4 #dfa ,this development was indeed autochthonous1 save insofar as the germ of the tragic drama may have come from the ,east in the cult of ,dionysos1 with its vinous dithyramb3 the ,greek intellect assuredly did wonderful things at ,athens1 being placed1 for a time1 in civic conditions peculiarly fitted for the economic evocation of certain forms of genius4 ,but the above-noted developments in ,pindar and in schylus had been preceded by the great florescence of early ,ionian philosophy in the sixth century1 a growth which constrains us to look once more to ,asia ,minor for a vital fructification of the ,greek inner life1 of a kind that ,athenian institutions could not in themselves evoke4 ,for while drama flourished supremely at ,athens1 science and philosophy grew up elsewhere1 centuries before ,athens had a philosopher of note2 and all the notable beginnings of ,hellenic freethought occurred outside of ,hellas proper4 #c ,the ,greeks varied from the general type of culture-evolution seen in ,india1 ,persia1 ,egypt1 and ,babylon1 and approximated somewhat to that of ancient ,china1 in that their higher thinking was done not by an order of priests pledged to cults1 but by independent laymen4 ,in ,greece1 as in ,china1 this line of development is to be understood as a result of early political conditions--in ,china1 those of a multiplicity of independent feudal ,states2 in ,greece1 those of a multiplicity of ,city ,states1 set up first by the geographical structure of ,hellas1 and reproduced in the colonies of ,asia ,minor and ,magna ,graecia by reason of the acquired ideal and the normal state of commercial competition4 ,to the last1 many ,greek cults exhibited their original character as the sacra of private families4 ,such conditions prevented the growth of a priestly caste or organization4 #dfb ,neither ,china nor ,pagan ,greece was imperialized till there had arisen enough of rationalism to prevent the rise of a powerful priesthood2 and the later growth of a priestly system in ,greece in the ,christian period is to be explained in terms first of a positive social degeneration1 accompanying a complete transmutation of political life1 and secondly of the imposition of a new cult1 on the popular plane1 specially organized on the model of the political system that adopted it4 ,under imperialism1 however1 the two civilizations ultimately presented a singular parallel of unprogressiveness4 ,in the great progressive period1 the possible gains from the absence of a priesthood are seen in course of realization4 ,for the ,greek-speaking world in general there was no dogmatic body of teaching1 no written code of theology and moral law1 no ,sacred ,book4 #dfc ,each local cult had its own ancient ritual1 often ministered by priestesses1 with myths1 often of late invention1 to explain it2 #dfd only ,homer and ,hesiod1 with perhaps some of the now lost epics1 serving as a general treasury of myth-lore4 ,the two great epopees ascribed to ,homer1 indeed1 had a certain ,biblical status2 and the ,homerids or other bards who recited them did what in them lay to make the old poetry the standard of theological opinion2 but they too lacked organized influence1 and could not hinder higher thinking4 #dfe ,the special priesthood of ,delphi1 wielding the oracle1 could maintain their political influence only by holding their function above all apparent self-seeking or effort at domination4 #dff ,it only needed1 then1 such civic conditions as should evolve a leisured class1 with a bent towards study1 to make possible a growth of lay philosophy4 ,those conditions first arose in the ,ionian cities2 because there first did ,greek citizens attain commercial wealth1 #dfg as a result of adopting the older commercial civilization whose independent cities they conquered1 and of the greater rapidity of development which belongs to colonies in general4 #dfh ,there it was that1 in matters of religion and philosophy1 the comparison of their own cults with those of their foreign neighbours first provoked their critical reflection1 as the age of primitive warfare passed away4 ,and there it was1 accordingly1 that on a basis of primitive ,babylonian science there originated with ,thales of ,miletos 7fl4 #ehf ,b4,c471 a ,phoenician by descent1 #dfi the higher science and philosophy of the ,greek-speaking race4 #dgj ,it is historically certain that ,lydia had an ancient and close historical connection with ,babylonian and ,assyrian civilization1 whether through the ,hittites or otherwise 7,sayce1 ,anc4 ,emp4 of the ,east1 #ahhd1 pp4 #bag-ai2 ,curtius1 ,griech4 ,gesch4 i1 #fc1 #bjg2 ,meyer1 ,gesch4 des ,alterth4 i1 #aff1 #bgg1 #bii1 #cje-aj2 ,soury1 ,brviaire de l'hist4 du matrialisme1 #ahha1 pp4 #cj1 #cg sq4 ,cp4 as to ,armenia1 ,edwards1 ,the ,witness of ,assyria1 #ahic1 p4 #add72 and in the seventh century the commercial connection between ,lydia and ,ionia1 long close1 was presumably friendly up to the time of the first attacks of the ,lydian ,kings1 and even afterwards 7,herodotos i1 #bj-bc71 ,alyattes having made a treaty of peace with ,miletos1 which thereafter had peace during his long reign4 ,this brings us to the time of ,thales 7#fdj-edh ,b4,c474 ,at the same time1 the ,ionian settlers of ,miletos had from the first a close connection with the ,karians 7,herod4 i1 #adf1 and above pp4 #abj-ba71 whose near affinity with the ,semites1 at least in religion1 is seen in their practice of cutting their foreheads at festivals 7id4 ii1 #fa2 cp4 ,grote1 ed4 #ahhh1 i1 #bg1 note2 ,e4 ,curtius1 i1 #cf1 #db2 ,busolt1 i1 #cc2 and ,spiegel1 ,eranische ,alterthumskunde1 i1 #bbh74 ,thales was thus in the direct sphere of ,babylonian culture before the conquest of ,cyrus2 and his ,milesian pupils or successors1 ,anaximandros and ,anaximenes1 stand for the same influences4 ,herakleitos in turn was of ,ephesus1 an ,ionian city in the same culture-sphere2 ,anaxagoras was of ,klazomenai1 another ,ionian city1 as had been ,hermotimos1 of the same philosophic school2 the ,eleatic school1 founded by ,xenophanes and carried on by ,parmenides and the elder ,zeno1 come from the same matrix1 ,elea having been founded by exiles from ,ionian ,phokaia on its conquest by the ,persians2 and ,pythagoras1 in turn1 was of the ,ionian city of ,samos1 in the same sixth century4 ,finally1 ,protagoras and ,demokritos were of ,abdera1 an ,ionian colony in ,thrace2 ,leukippos1 the teacher of ,demokritos1 was either an ,abderite1 a ,milesian1 or an ,elean2 and ,archelaos1 the pupil of ,anaxagoras and a teacher of ,sokrates1 is said to have been a ,milesian4 ,wellhausen 7,israel1 p4 #dgc of vol4 of ,prolegomena1 ,eng4 tr47 has spoken of the rise of philosophy on the threatened and actual political annihilation of ,ionia as corresponding to the rise of ,hebrew prophecy on the menace and the consummation of the ,assyrian conquest4 ,as regards ,ionia1 this may hold in the sense that the stoppage of political freedom threw men back on philosophy1 as happened later at ,athens4 ,but ,thales philosophized before the ,persian conquest4 #d ,thales1 like ,homer1 starts from the ,babylonian conception of a beginning of all things in water2 but in ,thales the immediate motive and the sequel are strictly cosmological and neither theological nor poetical1 though we cannot tell whether the worship of a ,god of the ,waters may not have been the origin of a water-theory of the cosmos4 ,the phrase attributed to him1 that all things are full of ,gods1 #dga clearly meant that in his opinion the forces of things inhered in the cosmos1 and not in personal powers who spasmodically interfered with it4 #dgb ,it is probable that1 as was surmised by ,plutarch1 a pantheistic conception of ,zeus existed for the ,ionian ,greeks before ,thales4 #dgc ,to the later doxographists he seems to have lost belief in the ,gods4 #dgd ,from the mere second-hand and often unintelligent statements which are all we have in his case1 it is hard to make sure of his system2 but that it was pantheistic #dge and physicist seems clear4 ,he conceived that matter not only came from but was resolvable into water2 that all phenomena were ruled by law or necessity2 and that the sun and planets 7commonly regarded as deities7 were bodies analogous to the earth1 which he held to be spherical but resting on water4 #dgf ,for the rest1 he speculated in meteorology and in astronomy1 and is credited with having predicted a solar eclipse #dgg--;a fairly good proof of his knowledge of ,chaldean science #dgh--;and with having introduced geometry into ,greece from ,egypt4 #dgi ,to him1 too1 is ascribed a wise counsel to the ,ionians in the matter of political federation1 #dhj which1 had it been followed1 might have saved them from the ,persian conquest2 and he is one of the many early moralists who laid down the ,golden ,rule as the essence of the moral law4 #dha ,with his maxim1 ,know thyself1 he seems to mark a broadly new departure in ancient thought3 the balance of energy is shifted from myth and theosophy1 prophecy and poesy1 to analysis of consciousness and the cosmic process4 ,from this point ,greek rationalism is continuous1 despite reactions1 till the ,roman conquest1 ,miletos figuring long as a general source of skepticism4 ,anaximandros 7#faj-edg ,b4,c471 pupil and companion of ,thales1 was like him an astronomer1 geographer1 and physicist1 seeking for a first principle 7for which he may or may not have invented the name #dhb72 rejecting the idea of a single primordial element such as water2 affirming an infinite material cause1 without beginning and indestructible1 #dhc with an infinite number of worlds2 and--still showing the ,chaldean impulse--speculating remarkably on the descent of man from something aquatic1 as well as on the form and motion of the earth 7figured by him as a cylinder #dhd71 the nature and motions of the solar system1 and thunder and lightning4 #dhe ,it seems doubtful whether1 as affirmed by ,eudemus1 he taught the doctrine of the earth's motion2 but that this doctrine was derived from the ,babylonian schools of astronomy is so probable that it may have been accepted in ,miletos in his day4 ,only by inferring a prior scientific development of remarkable energy can we explain the striking force of the sayings of ,anaximandros which have come down to us4 ,his doctrine of evolution stands out for us to-day like the fragment of a great ruin1 hinting obscurely of a line of active thinkers4 ,the thesis that man must have descended from a different species because1 while other animals quickly found food for themselves1 man alone requires a long period of suckling3 had he been originally such as he is now1 he could never have survived1 is a quite masterly anticipation of modern evolutionary science4 ,we are left asking1 how came an early ,ionian ,greek to think thus1 outgoing the assimilative power of the later age of ,aristotle8 ,only a long scientific evolution can readily account for it2 and only in the ,mesopotamian world could such an evolution have taken place4 #dhf ,anaximenes 7fl4 #edh ,b4,c471 yet another ,milesian1 pupil or at least follower in turn of ,anaximandros1 speculates similarly1 making his infinite and first principle the air1 in which he conceives the earth to be suspended2 theorizes on the rainbow1 earthquakes1 the nature and the revolution of the heavenly bodies 7which1 with the earth1 he supposed to be broad and flat72 and affirms the eternity of motion and the perishableness of the earth4 #dhg ,the ,ionian thought of the time seems thus to have been thoroughly absorbed in problems of natural origins1 and only in that connection to have been concerned with the problems of religion4 ,no dogma of divine creation blocked the way3 the trouble was levity of hypothesis or assent4 ,thales1 following a ,semitic lead1 places the source of all things in water4 ,anaximandros1 perhaps following another1 but seeking a more abstract idea1 posited an infinite1 the source of all things2 and ,anaximenes in turn reduces that infinite to the air1 as being the least material of things4 ,he cannot have anticipated the chemical conception of the reduction of all solids to gases3 the thesis was framed either priori or in adaptation of priestly claims for the deities of the elements2 and others were to follow with the guesses of earth and fire and heat and cold4 ,still1 the speculation is that of bold and far-grasping thinkers1 and for these there can have been no validity in the ordinary ,god-ideas of polytheism4 ,there is reason to think that these early schools of thought were really constituted by men in some way banded together1 #dhh thus supporting each other against the conservatism of religious ignorance4 ,the physicians were so organized2 the disciples of ,pythagoras followed the same course2 and in later ,greece we shall find the different philosophic sects formed into societies or corporations4 ,the first model was probably that of the priestly corporation2 and in a world in which many cults were chronically disendowed it may well have been that the leisured old priesthoods1 philosophizing as we have seen those of ,india and ,egypt and ,mesopotamia doing1 played a primary part in initiating the work of rational secular thought4 ,the recent work of ,mr4 ,f4 ,m4 ,cornford1 ,from ,philosophy to ,religion 7#aiab71 puts forth an interesting and ingenious theory to the effect that early ,greek philosophy is a reduction to abstract terms of the practice of totemistic tribes4 ,on this view1 when the ,gods are figured in ,homer as subject to ,moira 7,destiny71 there has taken place an impersonation of ,nomos1 or ,law2 and just as the divine cosmos or polity is a reflection of the earthly1 so the established conception of the absolute compulsoriness of tribal law is translated into one of a ,fate which overrules the ,gods 7p4 #dj sq474 ,so1 when ,anaximandros posits the doctrine of four elements he did not use the word1 by the way2 that comes later2 see ,burnet1 ch4 i1 p4 #ef1 citing ,diels1 we observe that this type of cosmic structure corresponds to that of a totemic tribe containing four clans 7p4 #fb74 ,on the other hand1 the totemistic stage had long before been broken down4 ,the notion of the group-soul had given rise to the notion of ,god 7p4 #ij72 and the primitive magical group had dissolved into a system of families 7p4 #ic71 with individual souls4 ,on this prior accumulation of religious material early philosophy works 7p4 #ach74 ,it does not appear why1 thus recognizing that totemism was at least a long way behind in ,thales's day1 ,mr4 ,cornford should trace the ,ionian four elements straight back to the problematic four clans of the totemistic tribe4 ,dr4 ,frazer gives him no data whatever for ,aryan totemism2 and the ,ionian cities1 like those of ,mesopotamia and ,egypt1 belong to the age of commerce and of monarchies4 ,it would seem more plausible1 on ,mr4 ,cornford's own premises1 to trace the rival theories of the four elements to religious philosophies set up by the priests of four ,gods of water1 earth1 air1 and fire4 ,if the early philosophers had nothing but theology behind them 7p4 #ach71 why not infer theologies for the old-established deities of ,mesopotamia8 ,mr4 ,cornford adds to the traditional factors that of the temperaments of the individual philosophers1 which made one or other of those schemes the more congenial to them4 ,following ,dr4 ,f4 ,h4 ,bradley1 he pronounces that almost all philosophic arguments are invented afterwards1 to recommend1 or defend from attack1 conclusions which the philosopher was from the outset bent on believing before he could think of any arguments at all4 ,that is why philosophical reasonings are so bad1 so artificial1 so unconvincing4 ,upon this very principle it is much more likely that the philosophic cults of water1 earth1 air1 and fire originated in the worships of ,gods of those elements1 whose priests would tend to magnify their office4 ,it is hard to see how temperament could determine a man's bias to an air-theory in preference to a water-theory4 ,but if the priests of ,ea the ,water-,god and those of ,bel the ,god of ,air had framed theories of the kind1 it is conceivable that family or tribal ties and traditions might set men upon developing the theory quasi-philosophically when the alien ,gods came to be recognized by thinking men as mere names for the elements4 #dhi 7,compare ,flaubert's ,salammb as to the probable rivalry of priests of the ,sun and ,moon47 ,a pantheistic view1 again1 arose as we saw among various priesthoods in the monarchies where syncretism arose out of political aggregations4 ,what is clear is that the religious or theistic basis had ceased to exist for many educated ,greeks in that environment4 ,the old ,god-ideas have disappeared1 and a quasi-scientific attitude has been taken up4 ,it is apparently conditioned1 perhaps fatally1 by prior modes of thought2 but it operates in disregard of so-called religious needs1 and negates the normal religious conception of earthly government or providence4 ,nevertheless1 it was not destined to lead to the rationalization of popular thought2 and only in a small number of cases did the scientific thinkers deeply concern themselves with the enlightenment of the mass4 ,in another ,ionian thinker of that age1 indeed1 we find alongside of physical and philosophical speculation on the universe the most direct and explicit assault upon popular religion that ancient history preserves4 ,xenophanes of ,kolophon 78 #egj-dgj71 a contemporary of ,anaximandros1 was forced by a ,persian invasion or by some revolution to leave his native city at the age of twenty-five2 and by his own account his doctrines1 and inferribly his life1 had gone up and down ,greece--in which we are to include ,magna ,graecia--for sixty-seven years at the date of writing of one of his poems4 #dij ,this was presumably composed at ,elea 7,hyela or ,velia71 founded about #ecf ,b4,c41 on the western ,italian coast1 south of ,paestum1 by unsubduable ,phokaians seeking a new home after the ,persian conquest1 and after they had been further defeated in the attempt to live as pirates in ,corsica4 #dia ,thither came the aged ,xenophanes1 perhaps also seeking freedom4 ,he seems to have lived hitherto as a rhapsode1 chanting his poems at the courts of tyrants as the ,homerids did the ,iliad4 ,it is hard indeed to conceive that his recitations included the anti-religious passages which have come down to us2 but his resort in old age to the new community of ,elea is itself a proof of a craving and a need for free conditions of life4 #dib ,setting out on his travels1 doubtless1 with the ,ionian predilection for a unitary philosophy1 he had somewhere and somehow attained a pantheism which transcended the concern for a first principle--if1 indeed1 it was essentially distinct from the doctrine of ,anaximandros4 #dic ,looking wistfully upon the whole heavens1 says ,aristotle1 #did he affirms that unity is ,god4 ,from the scattered quotations which are all that remain of his lost poem1 ,on ,nature 7or ,natural ,things71 #die it is hard to deduce any full conception of his philosophy2 but it is clear that it was monistic2 and though most of his later interpreters have acclaimed him as the herald of monotheism1 it is only in terms of pantheism that his various utterances can be reconciled4 ,it is clearly in that sense that ,aristotle and ,plato #dif commemorate him as the first of the ,eleatic monists4 ,repeatedly he speaks of the ,gods as well as of ,god2 and he even inculcates the respectful worship of them4 #dig ,the solution seems to be that he thinks of the forces and phenomena of ,nature in the early way as ,gods or ,powers1 but resolves them in turn into a whole which includes all forms of power and intelligence1 but is not to be conceived as either physically or mentally anthropomorphic4 ,his contemporaries would have been more likely to call ,xenophanes an atheist than anything else4 #dih ,the common verdict of the historians of philosophy1 who find in ,xenophanes an early and elevated doctrine of ,monotheism1 is closely tested by ,j4 ,freudenthal1 ,ueber die ,theologie des ,xenophanes1 #ahhf4 ,as he shows1 the bulk of them 7cited by him1 pp4 #b-g7 do violence to ,xenophanes's language in making him out the proclaimer of a monotheistic doctrine to a polytheistic world4 ,that he was essentially a pantheist is now recognized by a number of writers4 ,cp4 ,windelband1 as cited1 p4 #dh2 ,decharme1 as cited1 p4 #df sq4 ,brton1 ,posie philos4 en ,grce1 pp4 #dg1 #fd sq41 had maintained the point1 against ,cousin1 in #ahhb1 before ,freudenthal4 ,but ,freudenthal in turn glosses part of the problem in ascribing to ,xenophanes an acceptance of polytheism 7cp4 ,burnet1 p4 #adb71 which kept him from molestation throughout his life2 whereas ,anaxagoras1 who had never attacked popular belief with the directness of ,xenophanes1 was prosecuted for atheism4 ,anaxagoras was of a later age1 dwelling in an ,athens in which popular prejudice took readily to persecution1 and political malice resorted readily to religious pretences4 ,xenophanes could hardly have published with impunity in ,periklean ,athens his stinging impeachments of current ,god-ideas2 and it remains problematic whether he ever proclaimed them in face of the multitude4 ,it is only from long subsequent students that we get them as quotations from his poetry2 there is no record of their effect on his contemporaries4 ,that his ,god-idea was pantheistic is sufficiently established by his attacks on anthropomorphism1 taken in connection with his doctrine of the ,all4 ,whether as teaching meant for public currency or as a philosophic message for the few1 the pantheism of ,xenophanes expressed itself in an attack on anthropomorphic religion1 no less direct and much more ratiocinative than that of any ,hebrew prophet upon idolatry4 ,mortals1 he wrote1 in a famous passage1 suppose that the ,gods are born1 and wear man's clothing1 #dii and have voice and body4 ,but if cattle or lions had hands1 so as to paint with their hands and make works of art as men do1 they would paint their ,gods and give them bodies like their own--horses like horses1 cattle like cattle4 ,and again3 ,ethiopians make their ,gods black and snub-nosed2 the ,thracians say theirs have reddish hair and blue eyes2 so also they conceive the spirits of the ,gods to be like themselves4 #ejj ,on ,homer and ,hesiod1 the myth-singers1 his attack is no less stringent3 ,they attributed to the ,gods all things that with men are of ill-fame and blame2 they told of them countless nefarious things--thefts1 adulteries1 and deception of each other4 #eja ,it is recorded of him further that1 like ,epicurus1 he absolutely rejected all divination4 #ejb ,and when the ,eleans1 perhaps somewhat shaken by such criticism1 asked him whether they should sacrifice and sing a dirge to ,leukothea1 the child-bereft ,sea-,goddess1 he bade them not to sing a dirge if they thought her divine1 and not to sacrifice if she were human4 #ejc ,beside this ringing radicalism1 not yet out of date1 the physics of the ,eleatic freethinker is less noticeable4 ,his resort to earth as a material first principle was but another guess or disguised theosophy added to those of his predecessors1 and has no philosophic congruity with his pantheism4 ,it is interesting to find him reasoning from fossil-marks that what was now land had once been sea-covered1 and been left mud2 and that the moon is probably inhabited4 #ejd ,yet1 with all this alertness of speculation1 ,xenophanes sounds the note of merely negative skepticism which1 for lack of fruitful scientific research1 was to become more and more common in ,greek thought3 #eje no man1 he avows in one verse1 knows truly anything1 and no man ever will4 #ejf ,more fruitful was his pantheism or pankosmism4 ,the ,all 7oulos7 he declared1 sees1 thinks1 and hears4 #ejg ,it was thus from ,xenophanes that the doctrine of ,pankosmism first obtained introduction into ,greek philosophy1 recognizing nothing real except the universe as an indivisible and unchangeable whole4 #ejh ,his negative skepticism might have guarded later ,hellenes against baseless cosmogony-making if they had been capable of a systematic intellectual development4 ,his sagacity1 too1 appears in his protest #eji against that extravagant worship of the athlete which from first to last kept popular ,greek life-philosophy unprogressive4 ,but here least of all was he listened to4 ,it is after a generation of such persistent questioning of ,nature and custom by pioneer ,greeks that we find in ,herakleitos of ,ephesus 7fl4 #ejj ,b4,c47--still in the ,ionian culture-sphere--a positive and unsparing criticism of the prevailing beliefs4 ,no sage among the ,ionians 7who had already produced a series of powerful thinkers7 left a deeper impression than he of massive force and piercing intensity3 above all of the gnomic utterances of his age1 his have the ring of character and the edge of personality2 and the gossiping ,diogenes1 after setting out by calling him the most arrogant of men1 concedes that the brevity and weight of his expression are not to be matched4 ,it was due rather to this1 probably1 than to his metaphysic--though that has an arresting quality--that there grew up a school of ,herakliteans calling themselves by his name4 ,and though doubt attaches to some of his sayings1 and even to his date1 there can be small question that he was mordantly freethinking1 though a man of royal descent4 ,he has stern sayings about bringing forth untrustworthy witnesses to confirm disputed points1 and about eyes and ears being bad witnesses for men1 when their souls lack understanding4 #eaj ,what can be seen1 heard1 and learned1 this ,i prize1 is one of his declarations2 and he is credited with contemning book-learning as having failed to give wisdom to ,hesiod1 ,pythagoras1 ,xenophanes1 and ,hekataios4 #eaa ,the belief in progress1 he roundly insists1 stops progress4 #eab ,from his cryptic utterances it maybe gathered that he too was a pantheist2 #eac and from his insistence on the immanence of strife in all things1 #ead as from others of his sayings1 that he was of the ,stoic mood4 ,it was doubtless in resentment of immoral religion that he said #eae ,homer and ,archilochos deserved flogging2 as he is severe on the phallic worship of ,dionysos1 #eaf on the absurdity of prayer to images1 and on popular pietism in general4 #eag ,one of his sayings1 thos anthrp daimn1 #eah character is a man's dmon1 seems to be the definite assertion of rationalism in affairs as against the creed of special providences4 ,a confusion of tradition has arisen between the early ,herakleitos1 the ,obscure1 and the similarly-named writer of the first century of our era1 who was either one ,herakleides or one using the name of ,herakleitos4 ,as the later writer certainly allegorized ,homer--reducing ,apollo to the ,sun1 ,athen to ,thought1 and so on--and claimed thus to free him from the charge of impiety1 it seems highly probable that it is from him that the scholiast on the ,iliad1 xv1 #ah1 cites the passage scolding the atheists who attacked the ,homeric myths4 ,the theme and the tone do not belong to #ejj ,b4,c41 when only the boldest--as ,herakleitos--would be likely to attack ,homer1 and when there is no other literary trace of atheism4 ,grote1 however 7i1 #cgd1 note71 cites the passages without comment as referring to the early philosopher1 who is much more probably credited1 as above1 with denouncing ,homer himself4 ,concerning the later ,herakleitos or ,herakleides1 see ,dr4 ,hatch's ,hibbert ,lectures on ,the ,influence of ,greek ,ideas and ,usages upon the ,christian ,church1 #ahij1 pp4 #fa1 #fb4 ,but even apart from the confusion with the late ,herakleides1 there is difficulty in settling the period of the ,ephesian thinker4 ,diogenes ,lartius states that he flourished about the #fith ,olympiad 7#ejd-ejj ,b4,c474 ,another account1 preserved by ,eusebius1 places him in the #hjth or #hast ,olympiad1 in the infancy of ,sokrates1 and for this date there are other grounds 7,ueberweg1 i1 #dj72 but yet other evidences carry us back to the earlier4 ,as ,diogenes notes five writers of the name--two being poets1 one a historian1 and one a serio-comic personage--and there is record of many other men named ,herakleitos and several ,herakleides1 there is considerable room for false attributions4 ,the statement of ,diogenes that the ,ephesian was wont to call opinion the sacred disease 7i1 #f1 #g7 is commonly relegated to the spurious sayings of ,herakleitos1 and it suggests the last mentioned of his namesakes4 ,but see ,max ,mller1 ,hibbert ,lectures on ,indian ,religion1 p4 #f1 for the opinion that it is genuine1 and that by opinion was meant religion4 ,the saying1 says ,dr4 ,mller1 seems to me to have the massive1 full1 and noble ring of ,herakleitos4 ,it is hardly for rationalists to demur4 ,much discussion has been set up by the common attribution to ,herakleitos in antiquity of the doctrine of the ultimate conflagration of all things4 ,but for this there is no ground in any actual passage preserved from his works2 and it appears to have been a mere misconception of his doctrine in regard to ,fire4 ,his monistic doctrine was1 in brief1 that all the opposing and contrasted things in the universe1 heat and cold1 day and night1 evil and good1 imply each other1 and exist only in the relation of contrast2 and he conceived fire as something in which opposites were solved4 #eai ,upon this stroke of mysticism was concentrated the discussion which might usefully have been turned on his criticism of popular religion2 his negative wisdom was substantially ignored1 and his obscure speculation1 treated as his main contribution to thought1 was misunderstood and perverted4 ,a limit was doubtless soon set to free speech even in ,elea2 and the ,eleatic school after ,xenophanes1 in the hands of his pupil ,parmenides 7fl4 #ejj ,b4,c471 ,zeno 7fl4 #dfd71 ,melissos of ,samos 7fl4 #ddd71 and their successors1 is found turning first to deep metaphysic and then to verbal dialectic1 to discussion on being and not being1 the impossibility of motion1 and the trick-problem of ,achilles and the tortoise4 ,it is conceivable that thought took these lines because others were socially closed4 ,parmenides1 a notably philosophic spirit 7whom ,plato1 meeting him in youth1 felt to have an exceptionally wonderful depth of mind1 but regarded as a man to be feared as well as reverenced71 #ebj made short work of the counter-sense of not being1 but does not seem to have dealt at close quarters with popular creeds4 ,melissos1 a man of action1 who led a successful sally to capture the ,athenian fleet1 #eba was apparently the most pronounced freethinker of the three named1 #ebb in that he said of the ,gods there was no need to define them1 since there was no knowledge of them4 #ebc ,such utterance could not be carried far in any ,greek community2 and there lacked the spirit of patient research which might have fruitfully developed the notable hypothesis of ,parmenides that the earth is spherical in form4 #ebd ,but he too was a loose guesser1 adding categories of fire and earth and heat and cold to the formative and material principles of his predecessors2 and where he divagated weaker minds could not but lose themselves4 ,from ,melissos and ,parmenides there is accordingly a rapid descent in philosophy to professional verbalism1 popular life the while proceeding on the old levels4 ,it was in this epoch of declining energy and declining freedom that there grew up the nugatory doctrine1 associated with the ,eleatic school1 #ebe that the only realities are mental1 #ebf a formula which eluded at once the problems of ,nature and the crudities of religion1 and so made its fortune with the idle educated class4 ,meant to support the cause of reason1 it was soon turned1 as every slackly-held doctrine must be1 to a different account4 ,in the hands of ,plato it developed into the doctrine of ideas1 which in the later ,christian world was to play so large a part1 as ,realism1 in checking scientific thought2 and in ,greece it fatally fostered the indolent evasion of research in physics4 #ebg ,ultimately this made for supernaturalism1 which had never been discarded by the main body even of rationalizing thinkers4 #ebh ,thus the geographer and historian ,hekataios of ,miletos 7fl4 #ejj ,b4,c471 living at the great centre of rationalism1 while rejecting the mass of ,greek fables as ridiculous1 and proceeding in a fashion long popular to translate them into historical facts1 yet affected1 in the poetic ,greek fashion1 to be of divine descent4 #ebi ,at the same time he held by such fables as that of the floating island in the ,nile and that of the supernormal ,hyperboreans4 ,this blending of old and new habits of mind is indeed perhaps the strongest ground for affirming the genuineness of his fragments1 which has been disputed4 #ecj ,but from his time forward there are many signs of a broad movement of criticism1 doubt1 inquiry1 and reconstruction1 involving an extensive discussion of historical as well as religious tradition4 #eca ,there had begun1 in short1 for the rapidly-developing ,greeks1 a discovery of man such as is ascribed in later times to the age of the ,italian ,renaissance4 ,in the next generation came the father of humanists1 ,herodotos1 who implicitly carries the process of discrimination still further than did ,hekataios2 while ,sophocles #dif-dje ,b4,c41 without ever challenging popular faith1 whether implicitly as did schylus1 or explicitly as did ,euripides1 brought down the drama from the skies to the earth2 and the drama still follows the course which ,sophocles first marked out for it4 ,it was on the ,gods1 the struggles of the ,gods1 and on destiny that schylus dwelt2 it is with man that ,sophocles is concerned4 #ecb ,still1 there was only to be a partial enlightenment of the race1 such as we have seen occurring1 perhaps about the same period1 in ,india4 ,sophocles1 even while dramatizing the cruel consequences of ,greek religion1 never made any sign of being delivered from the ordinary ,greek conceptions of deity1 or gave any help to wiser thought4 ,the social difference between ,greece and the monarchic civilizations was after all only one of degree3 there1 as elsewhere1 the social problem was finally unsolved2 and the limits to ,greek progress were soon approached4 ,but the evolution went far in many places1 and it is profoundly interesting to trace it4 #e ,compared with the early ,milesians and with ,xenophanes1 the elusive ,pythagoras 7fl4 #edj-eaj ,b4,c47 is not so much a rationalistic as a theosophic freethinker2 but to freethought his name belongs insofar as the system connected with it did rationalize1 and discarded mythology4 ,if the biographic data be in any degree trustworthy1 it starts like ,milesian speculation from oriental precedents4 #ecc ,pythagoras was of ,samos in the gean2 and the traditions have it that he was a pupil of ,pherekydes the ,syrian1 and that before settling at ,krton1 in ,italy1 he travelled in ,egypt1 and had intercourse with the ,chaldean ,magi4 ,some parts of the ,pythagorean code of life1 at least1 point to an eastern derivation4 ,the striking resemblance between the doctrine and practice of the ,pythagoreans and those of the ,jewish ,essenes has led ,zeller to argue 7,philos4 der ,griechen1 ,th4 iii1 ,abth4 #b7 that the latter were a branch of the former4 ,bishop ,lightfoot1 on the other hand1 noting that the ,essenes did not hold the specially prominent ,pythagorean doctrines of numbers and of the transmigration of souls1 traces ,essenism to ,zoroastrian influence 7,ed4 of ,colossians1 ,app4 on the ,essenes1 pp4 #aej-ea2 rep4 in ,dissertations on the ,apostolic ,age1 #ahib1 pp4 #cfi-gb74 ,this raises the issue whether both ,pythagoreanism and ,essenism were not of ,persian derivation2 and ,dr4 ,schrer 7,jewish ,people in the ,time of ,jesus1 ,eng4 tr4 ,div4 ,,ii1 vol4 ii1 p4 #bah7 pronounces in favour of an oriental origin for both4 ,the new connection between ,persia and ,ionia just at or before the time of ,pythagoras 7fl4 #ecj ,b4,c47 squares with this view2 but it is further to be noted that the phenomenon of monasticism1 common to ,pythagoreans and ,essenes1 arises in ,buddhism about the ,pythagorean period2 and as it is hardly likely that ,buddhism in the sixth century ,b4,c4 reached ,asia ,minor1 there remains the possibility of some special diffusion of the new ideal from the ,babylonian sphere after the conquest by ,cyrus1 there being no trace of a ,persian monastic system4 ,the resemblances to ,orphicism likewise suggest a ,babylonian source1 as does the doctrine of numbers1 which is not ,zoroastrian4 ,as to ,buddhism1 the argument for a ,buddhist origin of ,essenism shortly before our era 7cp4 ,a4 ,lillie1 ,buddhism in ,christendom and ,the ,influence of ,buddhism on ,primitive ,christianity2 ,e4 ,bunsen1 ,the ,angel-,messiah2 or1 ,buddhists1 ,essenes1 and ,christians--all three to be read with much caution7 does not meet the case of the ,pythagorean precedents for ,essenism4 ,prof4 ,burnet 7,early ,greek ,philos4 #bnd ed4 p4 #ajb7 notes close ,indian parallels to ,pythagoreanism1 but overlooks the intermediate ,persian parallels1 and falls back very unnecessarily on the bald notion that the two systems were independently evolved from the same primitive systems4 ,as regards the mystic doctrine that numbers are1 as it were1 the moving principle in the cosmos--another thesis not unlikely to arise in that ,babylonian world whence came the whole system of numbers for the later ancients #ecd--we can but pronounce it a development of thought in vacuo1 and look further for the source of ,pythagorean influence in the moral and social code of the movement1 in its science1 in its pantheism1 #ece its contradictory dualism1 #ecf and perhaps in its doctrine of transmigration of souls4 ,on the side of natural science1 its absurdities #ecg point to the fatal lack of observation which so soon stopped progress in ,greek physics and biology4 #ech ,yet in the fields of astronomy1 mathematics1 and the science of sound the school seems to have done good scientific work2 being indeed praised by the critical ,aristotle for doing special service in that way4 #eci ,it is recorded that ,philolaos1 the successor of ,pythagoras1 was the first to teach openly 7about #dfj ,b4,c47 the doctrine of the motion of the earth #edj--which1 however1 as above noted1 was also said to have been previously taught by ,anaximandros #eda 7from whom some incline to derive the ,pythagorean theory of numbers in general #edb7 and by ,hiketas or ,iketas 7or ,niketas7 of ,syracuse4 #edc ,ekphantos1 of that city1 is also credited with asserting the revolution of the earth on its axis2 and he too is grouped with the ,pythagoreans1 though he seems to have had a pantheism of his own4 #edd ,philolaos in particular is said to have been prosecuted for his teaching1 #ede which for many was a blasphemy2 and it may be that this was the reason of its being specially ascribed to him1 though current in the ,east long before his day4 ,in the fragments ascribed to him is affirmed1 in divergence from other ,pythagoreans1 the eternity of the earth2 and in other ways he seems to have been an innovator4 #edf ,in any case1 the ,pythagorean conception of the earth's motion was a speculative one1 wide of the facts1 and not identical with the modern doctrine1 save insofar as ,pythagoras--or ,philolaos--had rightly conceived the earth as a sphere4 #edg ,it is noteworthy1 however1 that in conjecturing that the whole solar system moves round a central fire1 ,pythagoras carried his thought nearly as far as the moderns4 ,the fanciful side of his system is seen in his hypothesis of a counter-earth 7,anti-chthon7 invented to bring up the number of celestial bodies in our system to ten1 the complete number4 7,berry1 as cited47 ,narrien 7p4 #afc7 misses this simple explanation of the idea4 ,as to politics1 finally1 it seems hard to solve the anomaly that ,pythagoras is pronounced the first teacher of the principle of community of goods1 #edh and that his adherents at ,krton formed an aristocratic league1 so detested by the people for its anti-democratism that its members were finally massacred in their meeting-place1 their leader1 according to one tradition1 being slain with them1 while according to a better grounded account he had withdrawn and died at ,metapontion4 ,the solution seems to be that the early movement was in no way monastic or communistic2 that it was1 however1 a secret society2 that it set up a kind of puritanism or methodism which repelled conservative people2 and that1 whatever its doctrines1 its members were mostly of the upper class4 #edi ,if they held by the general rejection of popular religion attributed to ,pythagoras1 they would so much the more exasperate the demos2 for though at ,krton1 as in the other ,grecian colonial cities1 there was considerable freedom of thought and speech1 the populace can nowhere have been freethinking4 #eej ,in any case1 it was after its political overthrow1 and still more in the ,italian revival of the second century ,b4,c41 that the mystic and superstitious features of ,pythagoreanism were most multiplied2 and doubtless the master's teachings were often much perverted by his devotees4 ,it was only too easy4 ,he had laid down1 as so many another moralist1 that justice consisted in reciprocity2 but he taught of virtue in terms of his theory of numbers #eea--;a sure way of putting conduct out of touch with reality4 ,thus we find some of the later ,pythagoreans laying it down as a canon that no story once fully current concerning the ,gods was to be disbelieved #eeb--the complete negation of philosophical freethought and a sharp contradiction of the other view which represented the shade of ,pythagoras as saying that he had seen in ,tartaros the shade of ,homer hanged to a tree1 and that of ,hesiod chained to a pillar of brass1 for the monstrous things they had ascribed to the ,gods4 #eec ,it must have taken a good deal of decadence to bring an innovating sect to that pass2 and even about #bjj ,b4,c4 we find the freethinking ,ennius at ,rome calling himself a ,pythagorean2 #eed but the course of things in ,magna ,graecia was mostly downward after the sixth century2 the ferocious destruction of ,sybaris by the ,krotoniates helping to promote the decline4 #eee ,intellectual life1 in ,magna ,graecia as in ,ionia1 obeyed the general tendency4 ,an opposite view of the ,pythagorean evolution is taken by ,professor ,burnet4 ,he is satisfied that the long list of the ,pythagorean taboos1 which he rightly pronounces to be of a thoroughly primitive type 7p4 #aje71 and not at all the subtle symbols which they were latterly represented to be1 were really the lore of ,pythagoras4 ,it is not easy thus to conceive a thinker of the great ,ionian age as holding by thoroughly primitive superstitions4 ,perhaps the solution lies in ,aristotle's statement that ,pythagoras was first a mathematician1 and only in later life a ,pherekydean miracle-monger 7,burnet1 p4 #ajg1 note #c74 ,he may actually have started the symbolic view of the taboos which he imposed4 ,before the decadence comes1 however1 the phenomenon of rationalism occurs on all sides in the colonial cities1 older and younger alike2 and direct criticism of creed kept pace with the indirect4 ,about #ebj ,b4,c4 ,theagenes of ,rhegion1 in ,southern ,italy1 had begun for the ,greeks the process of reducing the unacceptable ,god-stories in ,homer and ,hesiod--notably the battle of the ,gods in the ,iliad--to mere allegories of the cosmic elements #eef--;a device natural to and practised by liberal conservatives in all religious systems under stress of skeptical attack1 and afterwards much employed in the ,hellenic world4 #eeg ,soon the attack became more stringent4 ,at ,syracuse we find the great comic dramatist ,epicharmos1 about #dgj ,b4,c41 treating the deities on the stage in a spirit of such audacious burlesque #eeh as must be held to imply unbelief4 ,aristophanes1 at ,athens1 indeed1 shows a measure of the same spirit while posing as a conservative in religion2 but ,epicharmos was professedly something of a ,pythagorean and philosopher1 #eei and was doubtless protected by ,hiero1 at whose court he lived1 against any religious resentment he may have aroused4 ,the story of ,simonides's answer to ,hiero's question as to the nature of the ,gods--first asking a day to think1 then two days1 then four1 then avowing that meditation only made the problem harder #efj--points to the prevalent tone among the cultured4 #f ,at last the critical spirit finds utterance1 in the great ,periklean period1 at ,athens1 but first by way of importation from ,ionia1 where ,miletos had fallen in the year #did4 ,anaxagoras of ,klazomenai 7fl4 #dhj-dej ,b4,c42 d4 #dbh7 is the first freethinker historically known to have been legally prosecuted and condemned #efa for his freethought2 and it was in the ,athens of ,perikles1 despite ,perikles's protection1 that the attack was made4 ,coming of the ,ionian line of thinkers1 and himself a pupil of ,anaximenes of ,miletos1 he held firmly by the scientific view of the cosmos1 and taught that the sun1 instead of being animated and a deity as the ,athenians believed1 was a red-hot mass many times larger than the ,peloponnesos #efb--;and the moon a fiery 7or earthy7 solid body having in it plains and mountains and valleys--this while asserting that infinite mind was the source and introducer of all the motion in the infinite universe2 #efc infinite in extent and infinitely divisible4 ,this materialistic doctrine as to the heavenly bodies was propounded1 as ,sokrates tells in his defence1 in books that in his day anyone could buy for a drachma2 and ,anaxagoras further taught1 like ,theagenes1 that the mythical personages of the poets were mere abstractions invested with name and gender4 #efd ,withal he was no brawler2 and even in pious ,athens1 where he taught in peace for many years1 he might have died in peace but for his intimacy with the most renowned of his pupils1 ,perikles4 ,the question of the deity of the sun raised an interesting sociological question4 ,athenians saw no blasphemy in saying that ,g 7,gaia7 or ,dmter was the earth3 they had always understood as much2 and the earth was simply for them a ,goddess2 a vast living thing containing the principle of life4 ,they might similarly have tolerated the description of the sun as a kind of red-hot earth1 provided that its divinity were not challenged4 ,the trouble lay rather in the negative than in the positive assertion1 though the latter must for many have been shocking1 inasmuch as they had never been wont to think about the sun as they did about the earth4 ,it is told of ,perikles 7#dii-dbi ,b4,c47 by the pious ,plutarch1 himself something of a believer in portents1 that he greatly admired ,anaxagoras1 from whom he seems to have learned to despise those superstitious fears which the common phenomena of the heavens produce in those who1 ignorant of their cause1 and knowing nothing about them1 refer them all to the immediate action of the ,gods4 #efe ,and even the stately eloquence and imperturbable bearing of the great statesman are said to have been learned from the ,ionian master1 whom he followed in adorning his oratory with apt illustrations from physical science4 #eff ,the old philosopher1 however1 whom men called ,nous or ,intelligence because of the part the name played in his teaching1 left his property to go to ruin in his devotion to ideas2 and it is told1 with small probability1 that at one time1 old and indigent1 he covered his head with his robe and decided to starve to death2 till ,perikles1 hearing of it1 hastened to beseech him to live to give his pupil counsel4 #efg ,at length it occurred to the statesman's enemies to strike at him through his guide1 philosopher1 and friend4 ,they had already procured the banishment of another of his teachers1 ,damon1 as an intriguer and a friend of despotism2 #efh and one of their fanatics1 ,diopeithes1 a priest and a violent demagogue1 #efi laid the way for an attack on ,anaxagoras by obtaining the enactment of a law that prosecutions should be laid against all who disbelieved in religion and held theories of their own about things on high4 #egj ,anaxagoras was thus open to indictment on the score alike of his physics and of his mythology2 though1 seeing that his contemporary ,diogenes of ,apollonia 7who before ,demokritos taught nothing out of nothing3 nothing into nothing1 and affirmed the sphericity of the earth7 was also in some danger of his life at ,athens1 #ega it is probable that the prosecution was grounded on his physicist teaching4 ,saved by ,perikles from the death punishment1 but by one account fined five talents1 #egb he either was exiled or chose to leave the intolerant city2 and he made his home at ,lampsakos1 where1 as the story runs1 he won from the municipality the favour that every year the children should have a holiday in the month in which he died4 #egc ,it is significant of his general originality that he was reputed the first ,greek who wrote a book in prose4 #egd ,philosophically1 however1 he counted for less than he did as an innovating rationalist4 ,his doctrine of ,nous amounted in effect to a reaffirmation of deity2 and he has been not unjustly described #ege as the philosophic father of the dualistic deism or theism which1 whether from within or from without the ,christian system1 has been the prevailing form of religious philosophy in the modern world4 ,it was1 in fact1 the only form of theistic philosophy capable of winning any wide assent among religiously biassed minds2 and it is the more remarkable that such a theist should have been prosecuted because his notion of deity was mental1 and excluded the divinization of the heavenly bodies4 ,in the memorable episode of his expulsion from ,athens we have a finger-post to the road travelled later by ,greek civilization4 ,at ,athens itself the bulk of the free population was ignorant and bigoted enough to allow of the law being used by any fanatic or malignant partisan against any professed rationalist2 and there is no sign that ,perikles dreamt of applying the one cure for the evil--the systematic bestowal of rationalistic instruction on all4 ,the fatal maxim of ancient skepticism1 that religion is a necessary restraint upon the multitude1 brought it about that everywhere1 in the last resort1 the unenlightened multitude became a restraint upon reason and freethought4 #egf ,in the more aristocratically ruled colonial cities1 as we have seen1 philosophic speech was comparatively free3 it was the ignorant ,athenian democracy that brought religious intolerance into ,greek life1 playing towards science1 in form of law1 the part that the fanatics of ,egypt and ,palestine had played towards the worshippers of other ,gods than their own4 ,with a baseness of which the motive may be divided between the instincts of faction and of faith1 the anti-,periklean party carried their attack yet further2 and on their behalf a comic playwright1 ,hermippos1 brought a charge of impiety against the statesman's unwedded wife1 ,aspasia4 #egg ,there can be no doubt that that famous woman cordially shared the opinions and ideals of her husband1 joining as she habitually did in the philosophic talk of his home circle4 ,as a ,milesian she was likely enough to be a freethinker2 and all that was most rational in ,athens acknowledged her culture and her charm4 #egh ,perikles1 who had not taken the risk of letting ,anaxagoras come to trial1 himself defended ,aspasia before the dikastery1 his indignation breaking through his habitual restraint in a passion of tears1 which1 according to the jealous schines1 #egi won an acquittal4 ,placed as he was1 ,perikles could but guard his own head and heart1 leaving the evil instrument of a religious inquisition to subsist4 ,how far he held with ,anaxagoras we can but divine4 #ehj ,there is probably no truth in ,plutarch's tale that whenever he ascended the tribune to speak he used first to pray to the ,gods that nothing unfitted for the occasion might fall from his lips4 #eha ,but as a party leader he1 as a matter of course1 observed the conventions2 and he may have reasoned that the prosecutions of ,anaxagoras and ,aspasia1 like that directed against ,pheidias1 stood merely for contemporary political malice1 and not for any lasting danger to mental freedom4 ,however that might be1 ,athens continued to remain the most aggressively intolerant and tradition-mongering of ,hellenic cities4 ,so marked is this tendency among the ,athenians that for modern students ,herodotos1 whose history was published in #dde ,b4,c41 is relatively a rationalist in his treatment of fable1 #ehb bringing as he did the spirit of ,ionia into things traditional and religious4 ,but even ,herodotos remains wedded to the belief in oracles or prophecies1 claiming fulfilment for those said to have been uttered by ,bakis2 #ehc and his small measure of spontaneous skepticism could avail little for critical thought4 ,to no man1 apparently1 did it occur to resist the religious spirit by systematic propaganda3 that1 like the principle of representative government1 was to be hit upon only in a later age4 #ehd ,not by a purely literary culture1 relating life merely to poetry and myth1 tradition and superstition1 were men to be made fit to conduct a stable society4 ,and the spirit of pious persecution1 once generated1 went from bad to worse1 crowning itself with crime1 till at length the overthrow of ,athenian self-government wrought a forlorn liberty of scientific speech at the cost of the liberty of political action which is the basis of all sound life4 ,whatever may have been the private vogue of freethinking at ,athens in the ,periklean period1 it was always a popular thing to attack it4 ,some years before or after the death of ,perikles there came to ,athens the alien ,hippo1 the first specifically named atheist #ehe of ,greek antiquity4 ,the dubious tradition runs that his tomb bore the epitaph3 ,this is the grave of ,hippo1 whom destiny1 in destroying him1 has made the equal of the immortal ,gods4 #ehf ,if1 as seems likely1 he was the ,hippo of ,rhegion mentioned by ,hippolytos1 #ehg he speculated as to physical origins in the manner of ,thales1 making water generate fire1 and that in turn produce the world4 #ehh ,but this is uncertain4 ,upon him the comic muse of ,athens turned its attacks very much as it did upon ,socrates4 ,the old comic poet ,kratinos1 a notorious wine-bibber1 produced a comedy called ,the ,panoptai 7the all-seers or all eyes71 in which it would appear that the chorus were made to represent the disciples of ,hippo1 and to wear a mask covered with eyes4 #ehi ,drunkenness was a venial fault in comparison with the presumption to speculate on physics and to doubt the sacred lore of the populace4 ,the end of the rule of ignorance was that a theistic philosopher who himself discouraged scientific inquiry was to pay a heavier penalty than did the atheist ,hippo4 #g ,while ,athens was gaining power and glory and beauty without popular wisdom1 the colonial city of ,abdera1 in ,thrace1 founded by ,ionians1 had like others carried on the great impulse of ,ionian philosophy1 and had produced in the fifth century some of the great thinkers of the race4 ,concerning the greatest of these1 ,demokritos1 and the next in importance1 ,protagoras1 we have no sure dates2 #eij but it is probable that the second1 whether older or younger1 was influenced by the first1 who indeed has influenced all scientific philosophy down to our own day4 ,how much he learned from his master ,leukippos cannot now be ascertained4 #eia ,the writings which went under his name appear to have been the productions of the whole ,abderite school2 #eib and ,epicurus declared that ,leukippos was an imaginary person4 #eic ,what passes for his teaching was constructive science of cardinal importance2 for it is the first clear statement of the atomic theory2 the substitution of a real for an abstract foundation of things4 ,whoever were the originator of the theory1 there is no doubt as to the assimilation of the principle by ,demokritos1 who thus logically continued the non-theistic line of thought1 and developed one of the most fruitful of all scientific principles4 ,that this idea again is a direct development from ,babylonian science is not impossible2 at least there seems to be no doubt that ,demokritos had travelled far and wide1 #eid whether or not he had been brought up1 as the tradition goes1 by ,persian magi2 #eie and that he told how the cosmic views of ,anaxagoras1 which scandalized the ,athenians1 were current in the ,east4 #eif ,but he stands out as one of the most original minds in the whole history of thought4 ,no ,greek thinker1 not ,aristotle himself1 has struck so deep as he into fundamental problems2 though the absurd label of the laughing philosopher1 bestowed on him by some peculiarly unphilosophic mind1 has delayed the later recognition of his greatness1 clear as it was to ,bacon4 #eig ,the vital maxim1 ,nothing from nothing3 nothing into nothing1 derives substantially from him4 #eih ,his atomic theory1 held in conjunction with a conception of mind-stuff similar to that of ,anaxagoras1 may be termed the high-water mark of ancient scientific thought2 and it is noteworthy that somewhat earlier in the same age ,empedokles of ,agrigentum1 another product of the freer colonial life1 threw out a certain glimmer of the ,darwinian conception--perhaps more clearly attained by ,anaximandros--that adaptations prevail in nature just because the adaptations fit organisms to survive1 and the non-adapted perish4 #eii ,in his teaching1 too1 the doctrine of the indestructibility of matter is clear and firm2 #fjj and the denial of anthropomorphic deity is explicit4 #fja ,but ,empedokles wrought out no solid system3 half-mystic and half-rationalist1 he made no attempt to reconcile the two inconsistent sides of his intellectual character2 #fjb and his explicit teaching of metempsychosis #fjc and other ,pythagoreanisms gave foothold for more delusion than he ever dispelled4 #fjd ,on the whole1 he is one of the most remarkable personalities of antiquity1 moving among men with a pomp and gravity which made them think of him as a ,god1 denouncing their sacrifices1 and no less their eating of flesh2 and checking his notable self-exaltation by recalling the general littleness of men4 ,but he did little to enlighten them2 and ,aristotle passed on to the world a fatal misconception of his thought by ascribing to him the notion of automatism where he was asserting a necessity in terms of laws which he avowedly could not explain4 #fje ,against such misconception he should have provided4 ,demokritos1 however1 shunned dialectic and discussion1 and founded no school2 #fjf and although his atomism was later adopted by ,epicurus1 it was no more developed on a basis of investigation and experiment than was the biology of ,empedokles4 ,his ethic1 though wholly rationalistic1 leant rather to quietism and resignation than to reconstruction1 #fjg and found its application only in the later static message of ,epicurus4 ,greek society failed to set up the conditions needed for progress beyond the point gained by its unguided forces4 ,thus when ,protagoras ventured to read1 at the house of the freethinking ,euripides1 a treatise of his own1 beginning with the avowal that he offered no opinion as to the existence of the ,gods1 life being too short for the inquiry1 #fjh the remark got wind1 and he had to fly for his life1 though ,euripides and perhaps most of the guests were very much of the same way of thinking4 #fji ,in the course of his flight1 the tradition goes1 the philosopher was drowned2 #faj and his book was publicly burned1 all who possessed copies being ordered by public proclamation to give them up--the earliest known instance of censorship of the press4 #faa ,partisan malice was doubtless at work in his case as in that of ,anaxagoras2 for the philosophic doctrine of ,protagoras became common enough4 ,it is not impossible1 though the date is doubtful1 that the attack on him was one of the results of the great excitement in ,athens in the year #dae ,b4,c4 over the sacrilegious mutilation of the figures of ,hermes1 the familial or boundary-,god1 in the streets by night4 ,it was about that time that the poet ,diagoras of ,melos was proscribed for atheism1 he having declared that the non-punishment of a certain act of iniquity proved that there were no ,gods4 #fab ,it has been surmised1 with some reason1 that the iniquity in question was the slaughter of the ,melians by the ,athenians in #daf ,b4,c41 #fac and the ,athenian resentment in that case was personal and political rather than religious4 #fad ,for some time after #dae the ,athenian courts made strenuous efforts to punish every discoverable case of impiety2 and parodies of the ,eleusinian mysteries 7resembling the mock ,masses of ,catholic ,europe7 were alleged against ,alkibiades and others4 #fae ,diagoras1 who was further charged with divulging the ,eleusinian and other mysteries1 and with making firewood of an image of ,herakles1 telling the ,god thus to perform his thirteenth labour by cooking turnips1 #faf became thenceforth one of the proverbial atheists of the ancient world1 #fag and a reward of a silver talent was offered for killing him1 and of two talents for his capture alive2 #fah despite which he seems to have escaped4 ,but no antidote to the bane of fanaticism was found or sought2 and the most famous publicist in ,athens was the next victim4 ,the fatality of the ,athenian development is seen not only in the direct hostility of the people to rational thought1 but in their loss of their hold even on their public polity4 ,for lack of political judgment1 moved always by the passions which their literary culture cherished1 they so mishandled their affairs in the long and demoralizing ,peloponnesian war that they were at one time cowed by their own aristocracy1 on essentially absurd pretexts1 into abandoning the democratic constitution4 ,its restoration was followed at the final crisis by another tyranny1 also short-lived1 but abnormally bloody and iniquitous2 and though the people at its overthrow showed a moderation in remarkable contrast to the cruelty and rapacity of the aristocrats1 the effect of such extreme vicissitude was to increase the total disposition towards civic violence and coercion4 ,and while the people menaced freethinking in religion1 the aristocracies opposed freethinking in politics4 ,thus under the ,thirty ,tyrants all intellectual teaching was forbidden2 and ,kritias1 himself accused of having helped ,alkibiades to parody the mysteries1 sharply interdicted the political rationalism of ,sokrates1 #fai who according to tradition had been one of his own instructors4 ,it was a result of the general movement of mind throughout the rest of the ,hellenic world that freethinkers of culture were still numerous4 ,archelaos of ,miletos1 the most important disciple of ,anaxagoras2 according to a late tradition1 the master of ,sokrates2 and the first systematic teacher of ,ionic physical science in ,athens1 taught the infinity of the universe1 grasped the explanation of the nature of sound1 and set forth on purely rationalistic lines the social origin and basis of morals1 thus giving ,sokrates his practical lead4 #fbj ,another disciple of ,anaxagoras1 ,metrodoros of ,lampsakos 7not to be confounded with ,metrodoros of ,chios1 and the other ,metrodoros of ,lampsakos who was the friend of ,epicurus1 both also freethinkers71 carried out zealously his master's teaching as to the deities and heroes of ,homer1 resolving them into mere elemental combinations and physical agencies1 and making ,zeus stand for mind1 and ,athen for art4 #fba ,and in the belles lettres of ,athens itself1 in the dramas of ,euripides #dhj-djf ,b4,c41 who is said to have been the ardent disciple of ,anaxagoras1 #fbb to have studied ,herakleitos1 #fbc and to have been the friend of ,sokrates and ,protagoras1 there emerge traces enough of a rationalism not to be reconciled with the old belief in the ,gods4 ,if ,euripides has nowhere ventured on such a terrific paradox as the ,prometheus1 he has in a score of passages revealed a stress of skepticism which1 inasmuch as he too uses all the forms of ,hellenic faith1 #fbd deepens our doubt as to the beliefs of schylus4 ,euripides even gave overt proof of his unbelief1 beginning his ,melanippe with the line3 ,zeus1 whoever ,zeus be1 for ,i know not1 save by report1 an audacity which evoked a great uproar4 ,in a later production the passage was prudently altered2 #fbe but he never put much check on his native tendency to analyse and criticize on all issues--a tendency fostered1 as we have seen1 #fbf by the constant example of real and poignant dialectic in the ,athenian dikastery1 and the whole drift of the ,athenian stage4 ,in his case the tendency even overbalances the artistic process2 #fbg but it has the advantage of involving a very bold handling of vital problems4 ,not satisfied with a merely dramatic presentment of lawless ,gods1 ,euripides makes his characters impeach them as such1 #fbh or1 again1 declare that there can be no truth in the miserable tales of poets which so represent them4 #fbi ,not content with putting aside as idle such a fable as that of the sun's swerving from his course in horror at the crime of ,atreus1 #fcj and that of the ,judgment of ,paris1 #fca he attacks with a stringent scorn the whole apparatus of oracles1 divination1 and soothsaying4 #fcb ,and if the ,athenian populace cried out at the hardy opening of the ,melanippe1 he nonetheless gave them again and again his opinion that no man knew anything of the ,gods4 #fcc ,of orthodox protests against freethinking inquiry he gives a plainly ironical handling4 #fcd ,as regards his constructive opinions1 we have from him many expressions of the pantheism which had by his time permeated the thought of perhaps most of the educated ,greeks4 #fce ,here again1 as in the case of schylus1 there arises the problem of contradiction2 for ,euripides1 too1 puts often in the mouths of his characters emphatic expressions of customary piety4 ,the conclusion in the two cases must be broadly the same--that whereas an unbelieving dramatist may well make his characters talk in the ordinary way of deity and of religion1 it is unintelligible that a believing one should either go beyond the artistic bounds of his task to make them utter an unbelief which must have struck the average listener as strange and noxious1 or construct a drama of which the whole effect is to insist on the odiousness of the action of the ,supreme ,god4 ,and the real drift of ,euripides is so plain that one modern and ,christian scholar has denounced him as an obnoxious and unbelieving sophist who abused his opportunity as a producer of dramas under religious auspices to shake the ground-works of religion #fcf and at the same time of morals2 #fcg while another and a greater scholar1 less vehement in his orthodoxy1 more restrainedly condemns the dramatist for employing myths in which he did not believe1 instead of inventing fresh plots4 #fch ,christian scholars are thus duly unready to give him credit for his many-sided humanity1 nobly illustrated in his pleas for the slave and his sympathy with suffering barbarians4 #fci ,latterly the recognition of ,euripides's freethinking has led to the description of him as ,euripides the ,rationalist1 in a treatise which represents him as a systematic assailant of the religion of his day4 ,abating somewhat of that thesis1 which imputes more of system to the ,euripidean drama than it possesses1 we may sum up that the last of the great tragedians of ,athens1 and the most human and lovable of the three1 was assuredly a rationalist in matters of religion4 ,it is noteworthy that he used more frequently than any other ancient dramatist the device of a deus ex machina to end a play4 #fdj ,it was probably because for him the conception had no serious significance4 #fda ,in the ,alkestis its non-mechanical use is one of the most striking instances of dramatic irony in all literature4 ,the dead ,alkestis1 who has died to save the life of her husband1 is brought back from the ,shades by ,herakles1 who figures as a brawling bully4 ,only the thinkers of the time could realize the thought that underlay such a tragi-comedy4 ,dr4 ,verrall's ,euripides the ,rationalist1 #ahig1 is fairly summed up by ,mr4 ,haigh 7,tragic ,drama of the ,greeks1 pp4 #bfb1 #bfe1 notes73 ,he considers that ,euripides was a skeptic of the aggressive type1 whose principal object in writing tragedy was to attack the ,state religion1 but who1 perceiving that it would be dangerous to pose as an open enemy1 endeavoured to accomplish his ends by covert ridicule4444 ,his plays 444 contain in reality two separate plots--the ostensible and superficial plot1 which was intended to satisfy the orthodox1 and the rationalized modification which lay half concealed beneath it1 and which the intelligent skeptic would easily detect4 ,for objections to this thesis see ,haigh1 as cited2 ,jevons1 ,hist4 of ,greek ,lit4 p4 #bbb1 note2 and ,dr4 ,mozley's article in the ,classical ,review1 ,nov4 #ahie1 pp4 #djg-ac4 ,as to the rationalism of ,euripides in general see many of the passages cited by ,bishop ,westcott in his ,essays in the ,hist4 of ,relig4 ,thought in the ,west1 #ahia1 pp4 #ajb-bg4 ,and cp4 ,dickinson1 ,the ,greek ,view of ,life1 pp4 #df-di2 ,grote1 ,hist4 i1 #cdf-dh2 ,zeller1 ,socrates and the ,socratic ,schools1 ,eng4 tr4 #crd ed4 p4 #bca2 ,murray1 ,anc4 ,greek ,lit4 pp4 #bef1 #bfd-ff4 ,over the latest play of ,euripides1 the ,bacch1 as over one of the last plays of schylus1 the ,prometheus1 there has been special debate4 ,it was probably written in ,macedonia 7cp4 ll41 #djh1 #efe71 whither the poet had gone on the invitation of ,king ,archelaos1 when1 according to the ancient sketch of his life1 he had to leave ,athens because of the malicious exultation over him of nearly all the city4 ,the trouble1 it is conjectured1 may have been something connected with his prosecution for impiety1 the charge on which ,socrates was put to death a few years after 7,murray1 ,euripides translated into ,english ,rhyming ,verse1 #aijb1 introd4 essay1 p4 lii74 ,inasmuch as the play glorifies ,dionysos1 and the atheist ,pentheus 7l4 #iie7 who resists him is slain by the maddened ,bacchantes1 led by his own mother1 it is seriously argued that the drama may be regarded as in some sort an apologia and an eirenicon1 or as a confession on the part of the poet that he was fully conscious that in some of the simple legends of the popular faith there was an element of sound sense 767 which thoughtful men must treat with forbearance1 resolved on using it1 if possible1 as an instrument for inculcating a truer morality1 instead of assailing it with a presumptuous denial 7,j4 ,e4 ,sandys1 ,the ,bacch of ,euripides1 #ahhj1 introd4 pp4 lxxv-vi74 ,here we have the conformist ethic of the average ,english academic brought to bear on1 and ascribed to1 the personality of the ,greek dramatist4 ,an academic of the same order1 ,prof4 ,mahaffy1 similarly suggests that among the half-educated ,macedonian youth1 with whom literature was coming into fashion1 the poet may have met with a good deal of that insolent second-hand skepticism which is so offensive to a deep and serious thinker1 and he may have wished to show them that he was not1 as they doubtless hailed him1 the apostle of this random speculative arrogance 7,euripides in ,class4 ,writ4 ,ser4 #ahgi1 p4 #he74 ,as against the eminently random and speculative arrogance of this particular passage--a characteristic product of the obscurantist functions of some ,british university professors in matters of religion1 and one which may fitly be pronounced offensive to honest men--it may be suggested on the other hand that1 if ,euripides got into trouble in ,athens by his skepticism1 he would be likely in ,macedonia to encounter rather a greater stress of bigotry than a freethinking welcome1 and that a non-critical presentment of the savage religious legend was forced on him by his environment4 ,much of the academic discussion on the subject betrays a singular slowness to accept the dramatic standpoint4 ,even ,prof4 ,murray1 the finest interpreter of ,euripides1 dogmatically pronounces 7introd4 cited p4 lvii7 that there is in the ,bacch real and heartfelt glorification of ,dionysus1 simply because of the lyrical exaltation of the ,bacchic choruses4 ,but lyrical exaltation was in character here above all other cases2 and it was the dramatist's business to present it4 ,to say that again and again in the lyrics you feel that the ,mnads are no longer merely observed and analysed3 the poet has entered into them and they into him1 is nothing to the purpose4 ,that the words which fall from the ,chorus or its ,leader are at times not the words of a raving ,bacchante1 but of a gentle and deeply musing philosopher1 is still nothing to the purpose4 ,the same could be said of ,shakespeare's handling of ,macbeth4 ,what1 in sooth1 would the real words of a raving ,bacchante be like8 ,if ,milton lent dignity to ,satan in ,puritan ,england1 was ,euripides to do less for ,dionysos in ,macedonia8 ,that he should make ,pentheus unsympathetic belongs to the plot4 ,if he had made a noble martyr of the victim as well as an impassive destroyer of the ,god1 he might have had to leave ,macedonia more precipitately than he left ,athens4 ,prof4 ,murray recognizes all the while that ,euripides never palliates things4 ,he leaves this savage story as savage as he found it2 that he presents a triumphant and hateful ,dionysus1 who gives a helpless fatalistic answer1 abandoning the moral standpoint1 when challenged by the stricken ,agav1 whom the ,god has moved to dismember her own son2 and that1 in short1 ,euripides is1 as usual1 critical or even hostile to the myth that he celebrates 7as cited1 pp4 liv-lvi74 ,to set against these solid facts1 as does ,mr4 ,sandys 7as cited1 pp4 lxxiii-iv71 some passages in the choruses 7ll4 #cie1 #chh1 #dbg1 #ajjb71 and in a speech of ,dionysos 7#ajjb71 enouncing normal platitudes about the wisdom of thinking like other people and living a quiet life1 is to strain very uncritically the elastic dramatic material4 ,so far from being not entirely in keeping with the likely sentiments of a chorus of ,asiatic women1 the first-cited passages--telling that cleverness is not wisdom1 and that true wisdom acquiesces in the opinions of ordinary people--are just the kind of mock-modest ineptitudes always current among the complacent ignorant2 and the sage language ascribed to the heartless ,god is simply a presentment of deity in the fashion in which all ,greeks expected to have it presented4 ,the fact remains that the story of the ,bacch1 in which the frenzied mother helps to tear to pieces her own son1 and the ,god can but say it is all fated1 is as revolting to the rational moral sense as the story of the ,prometheus4 ,if this be an eirenicon1 it is surely the most ironical in literary history4 ,to see in the impassive delineation of such a myth an acceptance by the poet of popular sound sense1 and a desire to put himself right with the public in matters on which he had been misunderstood1 seems possible only to academics trained to a particular handling of the popular creed of their own day4 ,this view1 first put forward by ,tyrwhitt 7,conjectur in schylum1 etc4 #ahbb71 was adopted by ,schoone 7p4 #bj of his ed4 cited by ,sandys74 ,lobeck1 greatly daring wherever rationalism was concerned1 suggested that ,euripides actually wrote against the rationalists of his time1 in commendation of the ,bacchic cult1 and to justify the popular view in religious matters as against that of the cultured 7,aglaophamus--passages quoted by ,sandys1 p4 lxxvi74 ,musgrave1 following ,tyrwhitt1 makes the play out to be an attack on ,kritias1 ,alkibiades1 and other freethinkers1 including even ,sokrates6 ,k4 ,o4 ,mller1 always ineptly conventional in such matters1 finds ,euripides in this play converted into a positive believer1 or1 in other words1 convinced that religion should not be exposed to the subtilties of reasoning2 that the understanding of man cannot subvert ancestral traditions which are as old as time1 and so on2 and in the ,polonius-platitudes of ,tiresias and the worldly-wise counsels of ,cadmus he finds great impressiveness 7,hist4 ,lit4 ,anc4 ,greece1 p4 #cgi74 ,the bulk of the literature of the subject1 in short1 suggests sombre reflections on the moral value of much academic thinking4 ,there are1 however1 academic suffrages on the side of common sense4 ,mr4 ,haigh 7,tragic ,drama of the ,greeks1 pp4 #cac-ad7 gently dismisses the recantation theory2 ,hartung points out 7,euripides restitutus1 #ahdd1 ii1 #edb1 cited by ,sandys7 that ,euripides really treats the legend of ,pentheus very much as he treats the myth of ,hippolytos thirty years earlier1 showing no change of moral attitude4 ,e4 ,pfander 7cited by ,sandys7 took a similar view2 as did ,mr4 ,tyrrell in his edition of the play 7#ahga71 though the latter persisted in taking the commonplaces of the chorus about true wisdom 7#cie7 for the judgments of the dramatist4 ,euripides could hardly have been called the philosopher of the stage 7,athenus1 iv1 #dh7 on the strength of sentiments which are common to the village wiseacres of all ages4 ,the critical method which ascribes to ,euripides a final hostility to rationalism would impute to ,shakespeare the religion of ,isabella in ,measure for ,measure1 when the talk of the ,duke as a friar counselling a condemned man is wholly pagan or unbelieving4 ,in his admirable little book1 ,euripides and his ,age 7#aiac71 ,prof4 ,murray repeats his account of the ,bacch with some additions and modifications4 ,he adheres to the heartfelt glorification of ,dionysus1 but adds 7p4 #ahh73 ,no doubt it is ,dionysus in some private sense of the poet's own 444 some spirit of 444 inspiration and untrammelled life4 ,the presentation is not consistent1 however magical the poetry4 ,as to the theory that the veteran free-lance of thought 444 now saw the error of his ways and was returning to orthodoxy1 he pronounces that ,such a view strikes us now as almost childish in its incompetence 7p4 #aij74 ,he also reminds us that the whole scheme of the play is given by the ancient ritual4444 ,all kinds of small details which seemed like 444 rather fantastic invention on the part of ,euripides are taken straight from schylus or the ritual1 or both4444 ,the ,bacch is not free invention2 it is tradition 7pp4 #ahb-hd74 ,and in sum3 ,it is well to remember that1 for all his lucidity of language1 ,euripides is not lucid about religion 7p4 #aij74 ,in conclusion we may ask1 ,how could he be8 ,he wrote plays for the ,greek stage1 which had its very roots in religious tradition1 and was run for the edification of a crudely believing populace4 ,it is much that in so doing ,euripides could a hundred times challenge the evil religious ethic given him for his subject-matter2 and his lasting vogue in antiquity showed that he had a hold on the higher ,greek conscience which no other dramatist ever possessed4 ,but while ,euripides must thus have made a special appeal to the reflecting minority even in his own day1 it is clear that he was not at first popular with the many2 and his efforts1 whatever he may have hoped to achieve1 could not suffice to enlighten the democracy4 ,the ribald blasphemies of his enemy1 the believing ,aristophanes1 #fdb could avail more to keep vulgar religion in credit than the tragedian's serious indictment could effect against it2 and they served at the same time to belittle ,euripides for the multitude in his own day4 ,aristophanes is the typical ,tory in religion2 non-religious himself1 like ,swift1 he hates the honestly anti-religious man2 and he has the crowd with him4 ,the ,athenian faith1 as a ,catholic scholar remarks1 #fdc was more disposed to suffer the buffooneries of a comedian than the serious negation of a philosopher4 ,the average ,greek seemed to think that the grossest comic impiety did no harm1 where serious negation might cause divine wrath4 #fdd ,and so there came no intellectual salvation for ,athens from the drama which was her unique achievement4 ,the balance of ignorance and culture was not changed4 ,evidently there was much rationalism among the studious few4 ,plato in the ,laws #fde speaks both of the man-about-town type of freethinker and of those who1 while they believe in no ,gods1 live well and wisely and are in good repute4 ,but with ,plato playing the superior mind and encouraging his fellow-townsmen to believe in the personality of the sun1 moon1 and planets1 credulity could easily keep the upper hand4 #fdf ,the people remained politically unwise and religiously superstitious1 the social struggle perpetuating the division between leisure and toil1 even apart from the life of the mass of slaves2 while the eternal pre-occupation of militarism left even the majority of the upper class at the intellectual level natural to military life in all ages4 ,there came1 however1 a generation of great intellectual splendour following on that of the supreme development of drama just before the fall of ,greek freedom4 ,athens had at last come into the heritage of ,greek philosophic thought2 and to the utterance of that crowning generation the human retrospect has turned ever since4 ,this much of renown remains inalienable from the most renowned democracy of the ancient world4 #h ,the wide subject of the teaching of ,sokrates1 ,plato1 and ,aristotle must here be noticed briefly1 with a view only to our special inquiry4 ,all three must be inscribed in any list of ancient freethinkers2 and yet all three furthered freethought only indirectly1 the two former being in different degrees supernaturalists1 while the last touched on religious questions only as a philosopher1 avoiding all question of practical innovation4 ,the same account holds good of the best of the so-called ,sophists1 as ,gorgias the ,sicilian 78 #dhe-chj71 who was a nihilistic skeptic2 ,hippias of ,elis1 who1 setting up an emphatic distinction between ,nature and ,convention1 impugned the political laws and prejudices which estranged men of thought and culture2 and ,prodikos of ,kos 7fl4 #dce71 author of the fable of ,herakles at the ,parting of the ,ways1 who seems to have privately criticized the current ,gods as mere deifications of useful things and forces1 and was later misconceived as teaching that the things and forces were ,gods4 ,cp4 ,cicero1 ,de nat4 ,deorum1 i1 #db2 ,sextus ,empiricus1 ,adv4 ,mathematicos1 ix1 #eb2 ,ueberweg1 vol4 i1 p4 #gh2 ,renouvier1 i1 #bia-ic4 ,cicero saw very well that if men came to see in ,dmtr merely a deification of corn or bread1 in ,dionysos wine1 in ,hephaistos fire1 and in ,poseidon only water1 there was not much left in religion4 ,on the score of their systematic skepticism1 that is1 their insistence on the subjectivity of all opinion1 ,prof4 ,drews pronounces the ,sophists at once the ,aufklrer and the ,pragmatists of ancient ,greece 7,gesch4 des ,monismus1 p4 #bji74 ,but their thought was scarcely homogeneous4 #a4 ,sokrates #dfh-cii was fundamentally and practically a freethinker1 insofar as in most things he thought for himself1 definitely turning away from the old ideal of mere transmitted authority in morals4 #fdg ,starting in all inquiries from a position of professed ignorance1 he at least repudiated all dogmatics4 #fdh ,being1 however1 preoccupied with public life and conduct1 he did not carry his critical thinking far beyond that sphere4 ,in regard to the extension of solid science1 one of the prime necessities of ,greek intellectual life1 he was quite reactionary1 drawing a line between the phenomena which he thought intelligible and traceable and those which he thought past finding out4 ,physics and astronomy1 in his opinion1 belonged to the divine class of phenomena in which human research was insane1 fruitless1 and impious4 #fdi ,yet at the same time he formulated1 apparently of his own motion1 the ordinary design argument4 #fej ,the sound scientific view led up to by so many previous thinkers was set forth1 even in religious phraseology1 by his great contemporary ,hippokrates1 #fea and he opposed it4 ,while partially separating himself in practice from the popular worships1 he held by the belief in omens1 though not in all the ordinary ones2 and in one of the ,platonic dialogues he is made to say he holds by the ordinary versions of all the myths1 on the ground that it is a hopeless task to find rational explanations for them4 #feb ,he hoped1 in short1 to rationalize conduct without seeking to rationalize creed--the dream of ,plato and of a thousand religionists since4 ,he had indeed the excuse that the myth-rationalizers of the time after ,hekataios1 following the line of least psychic resistance1 like those of ,england and ,germany in the eighteenth century1 explained away myths by reducing them to hypothetical history1 thus asking credence for something no better verified than the myth itself4 ,but the rationalizers were on a path by which men might conceivably have journeyed to a truer science2 and ,sokrates1 by refusing to undertake any such exploration1 #fec left his countrymen to that darkening belief in tradition which made possible his own execution4 ,there was in his cast of mind1 indeed--if we can at all accept ,plato's presentment of him--something unfavourable to steady conviction4 ,he cannot have had any real faith in the current religion2 yet he never explicitly dissented4 ,in the ,republic he accepts the new festival to the ,thracian ,goddess ,bendis2 and there he is made by ,plato to inculcate a quite orthodox acceptance of the ,delphic oracle as the source of all religious practice4 ,but it is impossible to say how much of the teaching of the ,platonic ,sokrates is ,sokratic4 ,and as to ,plato there remains the problem of how far his conformities were prudential1 after the execution of ,sokrates for blasphemy4 ,the long-debated issue as to the real personality of ,sokrates is still open4 ,it is energetically and systematically handled by ,prof4 ,august ,dring in ,die ,lehre des ,sokrates als sociales ,reformsystem 7#ahie71 and by ,dr4 ,hubert ,rck in ,der unverflschte ,sokrates 7#aijc74 ,see1 in particular1 ,dring1 pp4 #ea-gi1 and ,rck1 pp4 #ceg-if4 ,from all attempts to arrive at a conception of a consistent ,sokrates there emerges the impression that the real ,sokrates1 despite a strong critical bent of mind1 had no clearly established body of opinions1 but was swayed in different directions by the itch for contradiction which was the driving power of his dialectic4 ,for the so-called ,sokratic method is much less a method for attaining truth than one for disturbing prejudice4 ,and if in ,plato's hands ,sokrates seldom reaches a conclusion that his own method might not overthrow1 we are not entitled to refuse to believe that this was characteristic of the man4 ,concerning ,sokrates we have ,xenophon's circumstantial account #fed of how he reasoned with ,aristodemos1 surnamed the ,little1 who neither prayed nor sacrificed to the ,gods1 nor consulted any oracle1 and ridiculed those who did4 ,aristodemos was a theist1 believing in a ,great ,architect or ,artist1 or a number of such powers--on this he is as vague as the ancient theists in general--but does not think the heavenly powers need his devotions4 ,sokrates1 equally vague as to the unity or plurality of the divine1 puts the design argument in the manner familiar throughout the ages1 #fee and follows it up with the plea1 among others1 that the ,states most renowned for wisdom and antiquity have always been the most given to pious practices1 and that probably the ,gods will be kind to those who show them respect4 ,the whole philosopheme is pure empiricism1 on the ordinary plane of polytheistic thought1 and may almost be said to exhibit incapacity for the handling of philosophic questions1 evading as it does even the elementary challenge of ,aristodemos1 against whom ,sokrates parades pious platitudes without a hint of ,sokratic analysis4 ,unless such a performance were regarded as make-believe1 it is difficult to conceive how ,athenian pietists could honestly arraign ,sokrates for irreligion while ,aristodemos and others of his way of thinking went unmolested4 ,taken as illustrating the state of thought in the ,athenian community1 the trial and execution of ,sokrates for blasphemy and corrupting the minds of the young go far to prove that there prevailed among the upper class in ,athens nearly as much hypocrisy in religious matters as exists in the ,england of to-day4 ,doubtless he was liable to death from the traditionally orthodox ,greek point of view1 #fef having practically turned aside from the old civic creed and ideals2 but then most educated ,athenians had in some degree done the same4 #feg ,euripides1 as we have seen1 is so frequently critical of the old theology and mythology in his plays that he too could easily have been indicted2 and ,aristophanes1 who attacked ,euripides in his comedies as scurrilously as he did ,sokrates1 would no doubt have been glad to see him prosecuted4 #feh ,the psychology of ,aristophanes1 who freely ridiculed and blasphemed the ,gods in his own comedies while reviling all men who did not believe in them1 is hardly intelligible save in the light of parts of the ,english history of our own time1 when unbelieving indifferentists on the ,conservative side have been seen ready to join in turning the law against a freethinking publicist for purely party ends4 ,in the case of ,sokrates the hostility was ostensibly democratic1 for1 according to schines1 ,sokrates was condemned because he had once given lessons to ,kritias1 #fei one of the most savage and unscrupulous of the ,thirty ,tyrants4 ,inasmuch as ,kritias had become entirely alienated from ,sokrates1 and had even put him to silence1 such a ground of hostility would only be a fresh illustration of that collective predilection of men to a gregarious iniquity which is no less noteworthy in the psychology of groups than their profession of high moral standards4 ,and such proclivities are always to be reckoned with in such episodes4 ,anytos1 the leading prosecutor1 seems to have been a typical bigot1 brainless1 spiteful1 and thoroughly self-satisfied4 ,not only party malice1 however1 but the individual dislikes which ,sokrates so industriously set up1 #ffj must have counted for much in securing the small majority of the dikastery that pronounced him guilty--#bha to #bgf2 and his own clear preference for death over any sort of compromise did the rest4 #ffa ,he was old1 and little hopeful of social betterment2 and the temperamental obstinacy which underlay his perpetual and pertinacious debating helped him to choose a death that he could easily have avoided4 ,but the fact remains that he was not popular2 that the mass of the voters as well as of the upper class disliked his constant cross-examination of popular opinion1 #ffb which must often have led logical listeners to carry on criticism where he left off2 and that after all his ratiocination he left ,athens substantially irrational1 as well as incapable of justice1 on some essential issues4 ,his dialectic method has done more to educate the later world than it did for ,greece4 ,upon the debate as to the legal punishability of ,sokrates turns another as to the moral character of the ,athenians who forced him to drink the hemlock4 ,professor ,mahaffy1 bent on proving the superiority of ,athenian culture and civilization to those of ,christendom1 effectively contrasts the calm scene in the prison-chamber of ,sokrates with the hideous atrocities of the death penalty for treason in the modern world and the gauntness and horror of our modern executions 7,social ,life in ,greece1 #crd4 ed4 pp4 #bfb-fi72 and ,mr4 ,bleeckly 7,socrates and the ,athenians1 #ahhd1 pp4 #ee-fc7 similarly sets against the pagan case that of the burning of heretics by the ,christian ,church1 and in particular the auto da f at ,valladolid in #aeei1 when fifteen men and women--the former including the conscientious priests who had proposed to meet the hostility of ,protestant dissent in the ,netherlands by reforms in the ,church3 the latter including delicately-nurtured ladies of high family--were burned to death before the eyes of the ,princess ,regent of ,spain and the aristocracy of ,castile4 ,it is certainly true that this transaction has no parallel in the criminal proceedings of pagan ,athens4 ,christian cruelty has been as much viler than pagan1 culture for culture1 as the modern ,christian environment is uglier than the ,athenian4 ,before such a test the special pleaders for the civilizing power of ,christianity can but fall back upon alternative theses which are the negation of their main case4 ,first we are told that ,christianity humanizes men2 next that where it does not do so it is because they are too inhuman to be made ,christians4 ,but while the orthodoxy of pagan ,athens thus comes very well off as against the frightful crime-roll of organized ,christianity1 the dispassionate historian must nonetheless note the dehumanizing power of religion in ,athens as in ,christendom4 ,the pietists of ,athens1 in their less brutish way1 were as hopelessly denaturalized as those of ,christian ,europe by the dominion of a traditional creed1 held as above reason4 ,it matters not whether or not we say with ,bishop ,thirlwall 7,hist4 of ,greece1 #bnd ed4 iv1 #eef7 that there never was a case in which murder was more clearly committed under the forms of legal procedure than in the trial of ,socrates1 or press on the other side the same writer's admission that in religious matters in ,athens there was no canon1 no book by which a doctrine could be tried2 no living authority to which appeal could be made for the decision of religious controversies4 ,the fact that ,christendom had authorities who ruled which of two sets of insane dogmas brought death upon its propounder1 does not make less abominable the slaying of ,bruno and ,servetus1 or the immeasurable massacre of less eminent heretics4 ,but the less formalized homicides sanctioned by the piety of ,periklean ,athens remain part of the proof that unreasoning faith worsens men past calculation4 ,if we slur over such deeds by generalities about human frailty1 we are but asserting the impossibility of rationally respecting human nature4 ,if1 putting aside all moral censure1 we are simply concerned to trace and comprehend causation in human affairs1 we have no choice but to note how upon occasion religion on one hand1 like strong drink on another1 can turn commonplace men into murderers4 ,in view of the limitations of ,sokrates1 and the mental measure of those who voted for putting him to death1 it is not surprising that through all ,greek history educated men 7including ,aristotle7 continued to believe firmly in the deluge of ,deukalion #ffc and the invasion of the ,amazons #ffd as solid historical facts4 ,such beliefs1 of course1 are on all fours with those current in the modern religious world down till the present century3 we shall1 in fact1 best appraise the rationality of ,greece by making such comparisons4 ,the residual lesson is that where ,greek reason ended1 modern social science had better be regarded as only beginning4 ,thukydides1 the greatest of all the ancient historians1 and one of the great of all time1 treated human affairs in a spirit so strictly rationalistic that he might reasonably be termed an atheist on that score even if he had not earned the name as a pupil of ,anaxagoras4 #ffe ,but his task was to chronicle a war which proved that the ,greeks were to the last children of instinct for the main purposes of life1 and that the rule of reason which they are credited with establishing #fff was only an intermittent pastime4 ,in the days of ,demosthenes we still find them politically consulting the ,pythian oracle1 despite the consciousness among educated men that the oracle is a piece of political machinery4 ,we can best realize the stage of their evolution by first comparing their public religious practice with that of contemporary ,england4 ,no one now regards the daily prayers of the ,house of ,commons as more than a reverent formality4 ,but ,nikias at ,syracuse staked the fortunes of war on the creed of omens4 ,we can perhaps finally conceive with fair accuracy the subordination of ,greek culture and politics to superstition by likening the thought-levels of pre-,alexandrian ,athens to those of ,england under ,cromwell4 #b4 ,the decisive measure of ,greek accomplishment is found in the career of ,plato #dbi-cdg4 ,one of the great prose writers of the world1 he has won by his literary genius--that is1 by his power of continuous presentation as well as by his style--no less than by his service to supernaturalist philosophy in general1 a repute above his deserts as a thinker4 ,in ,christian history he is the typical philosopher of ,dualism1 #ffg his prevailing conception of the universe being that of an inert ,matter acted on or even created by a craftsman-,god1 the ,divine ,artificer1 sometimes conceived as a ,logos or divine ,reason1 separately personalized4 ,thus he came to be par excellence the philosopher of theism1 as against ,aristotle and those of the ,pythagoreans who affirmed the eternity of the universe4 #ffh ,in the history of freethought he figures as a man of genius formed by ,sokrates and reflecting his limitations1 developing the ,sokratic dialectic on the one hand and finally emphasizing the ,sokratic dogmatism to the point of utter bigotry4 ,if the ,athenians are to be condemned for putting ,sokrates to death1 it must not be forgotten that the spirit1 if not the letter1 of the ,laws drawn up by ,plato in his old age fully justified them4 #ffi ,that code1 could it ever have been put in force1 would have wrought the death of every honest freethinker as well as most of the ignorant believers within its sphere4 ,alone among the great serious writers of ,greece does he implicate ,greek thought in the gospel of intolerance passed on to modern ,europe from antiquity4 ,it is recorded of him #fgj that he wished to burn all the writings of ,demokritos that he could collect1 and was dissuaded only on the score of the number of copies4 ,what was best in ,plato1 considered as a freethinker1 was his early love of ratiocination1 of the rendering and receiving of reasons4 ,even in his earlier dialogues1 however1 there are signs enough of an arbitrary temper1 as well as of an inability to put science in place of religious prejudice4 ,the obscurantist doctrine which he put in the mouth of ,sokrates in the ,phdrus was also his own1 as we gather from the exposition in the ,republic4 ,in that brilliant performance he objects1 as so many believers and freethinkers had done before him1 to the scandalous tales in the poets concerning the ,gods and the sons of ,gods2 but he does not object to them as being untrue4 ,his position is that they are unedifying4 #fga ,for his own part he proposes that his ideal rulers frame new myths which shall edify the young3 in his ,utopia it is part of the business of the legislator to choose the right fictions2 #fgb and the systematic imposition of an edifying body of pious fable on the general intelligence is part of his scheme for the regeneration of society4 #fgc ,honesty is to be built up by fraud1 and reason by delusion4 ,what the ,hebrew ,bible-makers actually did1 ,plato proposed to do4 ,the one thing to be said in his favour is that by thus telling how the net is to be spread in the sight of the bird he put the decisive obstacle--if any were needed--in the way of his plan4 ,it is1 indeed1 inconceivable that the author of the ,republic and the ,laws dreamt that either polity as a whole would ever come into existence4 ,his plans of suppressing all undesirable poetry1 arranging community of women1 and enabling children to see battles1 are the fancy-sketches of a dilettant4 ,he had failed completely as a statesman in practice2 as a schemer he does not even posit the first conditions of success4 ,as to his practical failure see the story of his and his pupils' attempts at ,syracuse 7,grote1 ,history1 ix1 #cg-abc74 ,the younger ,dionysios1 whom they had vainly attempted to make a model ruler1 seems to have been an audacious unbeliever to the extent of plundering the temple of ,persephone at ,lokris1 one of ,jupiter in the ,peloponnesos1 and one of sculapius at ,epidaurus4 ,clement of ,alexandria 7,protrept4 c4 #d7 states that he plundered the statue of ,jupiter in ,sicily4 ,cicero 7,de nat4 ,deorum1 iii1 #cc1 #cd7 and ,valerius ,maximus 7i1 #a7 tell the story of the elder ,dionysios2 but of him it cannot be true4 ,in his day the plunder of the temples of ,dmtr and ,persephone in ,sicily by the ,carthaginians was counted a deadly sin4 ,see ,freeman1 ,history of ,sicily1 iv1 #abe-dg1 and ,story of ,sicily1 pp4 #agf-hj4 ,in ,cicero's dialogue it is noted that after all his impieties ,dionysios the elder1 of whom the stories are mistakenly told died in his bed4 ,athenus1 however1 citing the biographer ,klearchos1 tells that the younger ,dionysios1 after being reduced to the rle of a begging priest of ,kybel1 ended his life very miserably 7xii1 #fj74 ,nonetheless1 the prescription of intolerance in the ,laws #fgd classes ,plato finally on the side of fanaticism1 and1 indeed1 ranks him with the most sinister figures on that side1 since his earlier writing shows that he would be willing to punish men alike for repeating stories which they believed1 and for rejecting what he knew to be untruths4 #fge ,by his own late doctrine he vindicated the slayers of his own friend4 ,his psychology is as strange as that of ,aristophanes1 but strange with a difference4 ,he seems to have practised the will to believe till he grew to be a fanatic on the plane of the most ignorant of orthodox ,athenians2 and after all that science had done to enlighten men on that natural order the misconceiving of which had been the foundation of their creeds1 he inveighs furiously in his old age against the impiety of those who dared to doubt that the sun and moon and stars were deities1 as every nurse taught her charges4 #fgf ,and when all is said1 his ,gods satisfy no need of the intelligence2 for he insists that they only partially rule the world1 sending the few good things1 but not the many evil #fgg--save insofar as evil may be a beneficent penalty and discipline4 ,at the same time1 while advising the imprisonment or execution of heretics who did not believe in the ,gods1 ,plato regarded with even greater detestation the man who taught that they could be persuaded or propitiated by individual prayer and sacrifice4 #fgh ,thus he would have struck alike at the freethinking few and at the multitude who held by the general religious beliefs of ,greece1 dealing damnation on all save his own clique1 in a way that would have made ,torquemada blench4 #fgi ,in the face of such teaching as this1 it may well be said that ,greek philosophy made incomparably greater advances in the earlier polemic period of the ,ionians than after its friendly return to the poetry of ,homer and ,hesiod #fhj--that is1 to their polytheistic basis4 ,it is to be said for ,plato1 finally1 that his embitterment at the downward course of things in ,athens is a quite intelligible source for his own intellectual decadence3 a very similar spectacle being seen in the case of our own great modern ,utopist1 ,sir ,thomas ,more4 ,but ,plato's own writing bears witness that among the unbelievers against whom he declaimed there were wise and blameless citizens2 #fha while in the act of seeking to lay a religious basis for a good society he admitted the fundamental immorality of the religious basis of the whole of past ,greek life4 #c4 ,aristotle #chd-cbb1 like ,sokrates1 albeit in a very different way1 rendered rather an indirect than a direct service to ,freethought4 ,where ,sokrates gave the critical or dialectic method or habit1 a process of eternal value and of universal application1 #fhb ,aristotle supplied the great inspiration of system1 partly correcting the ,sokratic dogmatism on the possibilities of science by endless observation and speculation1 though himself falling into scientific dogmatism only too often4 ,that he was an unbeliever in the popular and ,platonic religion is clear4 ,apart from the general rationalistic tenor of his works1 #fhc there was a current understanding that the ,peripatetic school denied the utility of prayer and sacrifice2 #fhd and though the essentially partisan attempt of the anti-,macedonian party to impeach him for impiety may have turned largely on his hyperbolic hymn to his dead friend ,hermeias 7who was a eunuch1 and as such held peculiarly unworthy of being addressed as on a level with semi-divine heroes71 #fhe it could hardly have been undertaken at all unless he had given solider pretexts4 ,the threatened prosecution he avoided by leaving the city1 dying shortly afterwards4 ,siding as he did with the ,macedonian faction1 he had put himself out of touch with the democratic instincts of the ,athenians1 and so doubly failed to affect their thinking4 ,but nonetheless the attack upon him by the democrats was a political stratagem4 ,the prosecution for blasphemy had now become a recognized weapon in politics for all who had more piety than principle1 and perhaps for some who had neither4 ,and ,aristotle1 well aware of the temper of the population around him1 had on the whole been so guarded in his utterance that a fantastic pretext had to be fastened on for his undoing4 ,prof4 ,bain 7,practical ,essays1 p4 #bgc71 citing ,grote's remark on the cautious prose compositions of ,aristotle1 comments thus3 ,that is to say1 the execution of ,sokrates was always before his eyes2 he had to pare his expressions so as not to give offence to ,athenian orthodoxy4 ,we can never know the full bearings of such a disturbing force4 ,the editors of ,aristotle complain of the corruption of his text3 a far worse corruption lies behind4 ,in ,greece ,sokrates alone had the courage of his opinions4 ,while his views as to a future life1 for example1 are plain and frank1 the real opinion of ,aristotle on the question is an insoluble problem4 7,see1 however1 the passage in the ,metaphysics cited below47 ,the opinion of ,grote and ,bain as to ,aristotle's caution is fully coincided in by ,lange1 who writes 7,gesch4 des ,mater4 i1 #fc73 ,more conservative than ,plato and ,sokrates1 ,aristotle everywhere seeks to attach himself as closely as possible to tradition1 to popular notions1 to the ideas embodied in common speech1 and his ethical postulates diverge as little as may be from the customary morals and laws of ,greek ,states4 ,he has therefore been at all times the favourite philosopher of conservative schools and movements4 ,it is clear1 nevertheless1 if we can be sure of his writings1 that he was a monotheist1 but a monotheist with no practical religion4 ,excluding such a thing as divine interference with ,nature1 his theology1 of course1 excludes the possibility of revelation1 inspiration1 miracles1 and grace4 #fhf ,in a passage in the ,metaphysics1 after elaborating his monistic conception of ,nature1 he dismisses in one or two terse sentences the whole current religion as a mass of myth framed to persuade the multitude1 in the interest of law and order4 #fhg ,his influence must thus have been to some extent1 at least1 favourable to rational science1 though unhappily his own science is too often a blundering reaction against the surmises of earlier thinkers with a greater gift of intuition than he1 who was rather a methodizer than a discoverer4 #fhh ,what was worst in his thinking was its tendency to apriorism1 which made it in a later age so adaptable to the purposes of the ,roman ,catholic ,church4 ,thus his doctrines of the absolute levity of fire and of nature's abhorrence of a vacuum set up a hypnotizing verbalism1 and his dictum that the earth is the centre of the universe was fatally helpful to ,christian obscurantism4 ,for the rest1 while guiltless of ,plato's fanaticism1 he had no scheme of reform whatever1 and was as far as any other ,greek from the thought of raising the mass by instruction4 ,his own science1 indeed1 was not progressive1 save as regards his collation of facts in biology2 and his political ideals were rather reactionary2 his clear perception of the nature of the population problem leaving him in the earlier attitude of ,malthus1 and his lack of sympathetic energy making him a defender of slavery when other men had condemned it4 #fhi ,he was in some aspects the greatest brain of the ancient world2 and he left it1 at the close of the great ,grecian period1 without much faith in man1 while positing for the modern world its vaguest conception of ,deity4 ,plato and ,aristotle between them had reduced the ancient ,god-idea to a thin abstraction4 ,plato would not have it that ,god was the author of evil1 thus leaving evil unaccounted for save by sorcery4 ,aristotle's ,god does nothing at all1 existing merely as a potentiality of thought4 ,and yet upon those positions were to be founded the theisms of the later world4 ,plato had not striven1 and ,aristotle had failed1 to create an adequate basis for thought in real science2 and the world gravitated back to religion4 ,in previous editions ,i remarked that the lack of fresh science1 which was the proximate cause of the stagnation of ,greek thought1 has been explained like other things as a result of race qualities3 'the ,athenians1' says ,mr4 ,benn 7,the ,greek ,philosophers1 i1 #db71 'had no genius for natural science3 none of them were ever distinguished as savans4444 ,it was1 they thought1 a miserable trifling and waste of time4444 ,pericles1 indeed1 thought differently4444' ,on the other hand1 ,lange decides 7i1 #f7 that with the freedom and boldness of the ,hellenic spirit was combined 444 the talent for scientific deduction4 ,these contrary views1 ,i observed1 seem alike arbitrary4 ,if ,mr4 ,benn means that other ,hellenes had what the ,athenians lacked1 the answer is that only special social conditions could have set up such a difference1 and that it could not be innate1 but must be a mere matter of usage4 ,mr4 ,benn has explained to me that he does not dissent from this view1 and that ,i had not rightly gathered his from the passage ,i quoted4 ,in his later work1 ,the ,philosophy of ,greece considered in relation to the character and history of its people 7#ahih71 he has pointed out how1 in the period of ,hippias and ,prodikos1 at ,athens in particular young men threw themselves with ardour into the investigation of problems of cosmography1 astronomy1 meteorology1 and comparative anatomy 7p4 #ach74 ,the hindering forces were ,athenian bigotry 7pp4 #aac-ad1 #aga7 and the mischievous influence of ,sokrates 7pp4 #afe1 #agc74 ,speaking broadly1 we may say that the ,chaldeans were forward in astronomy because their climate favoured it to begin with1 and religion and their superstitions did so later4 ,hippokrates of ,kos became a great physician because1 with natural capacity1 he had the opportunity to compare many practices4 ,the ,athenians failed to carry on the sciences1 not because the faculty or the taste was lacking among them1 but because their political and artistic interests1 for one thing1 preoccupied them--e4g41 ,sokrates and ,plato2 and because1 for another1 their popular religion1 popularly supported1 menaced the students of physics4 ,but the ,ionians1 who had savans1 failed equally to progress after the ,alexandrian period2 the explanation being again not stoppage of faculty1 but the advent of conditions unfavourable to the old intellectual life1 which in any case1 as we saw1 had been first set up by ,babylonian contacts4 7,compare1 on the ethnological theorem of ,cousin1 ,g4 ,brton1 ,essai sur la posie philos4 en ,grce1 p4 #aj47 ,on the other hand1 ,lange's theory of gifts innate in the ,hellenic mind in general is the old racial fallacy4 ,potentialities are innate in all populations1 according to their culture stage1 and it was their total environment that specialized the ,greeks as a community4 #i ,the overthrow of the free political life of ,athens was followed by a certain increase in intellectual activity1 the result of throwing back the remaining store of energy on the life of the mind4 ,by this time an almost open unbelief as to the current tales concerning the ,gods would seem to have become general among educated people1 the withdrawal of the old risk of impeachment by political factions being so far favourable to outspokenness4 ,it is on record that the historian ,ephoros 7of ,cum in olia3 fl4 #cej ,b4,c471 who was a pupil of ,isocrates1 openly hinted in his work at his disbelief in the oracle of ,apollo1 and in fabulous traditions generally4 #fij ,in other directions there were similar signs of freethought4 ,the new schools of philosophy founded by ,zeno the ,stoic 7fl4 #bhj3 d4 #bfc or #bei7 and ,epicurus 7#cda-bgj71 whatever their defects1 compare not ill with those of ,plato and ,aristotle1 exhibiting greater ethical sanity and sincerity if less metaphysical subtlety4 ,of metaphysics there had been enough for the age3 what it needed was a rational philosophy of life4 ,but the loss of political freedom1 although thus for a time turned to account1 was fatal to continuous progress4 ,the first great thinkers had all been free men in a politically free environment3 the atmosphere of cowed subjection1 especially after the advent of the ,romans1 could not breed their like2 and originative energy of the higher order soon disappeared4 ,sane as was the moral philosophy of ,epicurus1 and austere as was that of ,zeno1 they are alike static or quietist1 #fia the codes of a society seeking a regulating and sustaining principle rather than hopeful of new achievement or new truth4 ,and the universal skepticism of ,pyrrho has the same effect of suggesting that what is wanted is not progress1 but balance4 ,it is significant that he1 who carried the ,sokratic profession of ,nescience to the typical extreme of doctrinal ,nihilism1 was made high-priest of his native town of ,elis1 and had statues erected in his honour4 #fib ,considered as freethinkers1 all three men tell at once of the critical and of the reactionary work done by the previous age4 ,pyrrho1 the universal doubter1 appears to have taken for granted1 with the whole of his followers1 such propositions as that some animals 7not insects7 are produced by parthenogenesis1 that some live in the fire1 and that the legend of the ,phoenix is true4 #fic ,such credences stood for the arrest of biological science in the ,sokratic age1 with ,aristotle1 so often mistakenly1 at work2 while1 on the other hand1 the ,sokratic skepticism visibly motives the play of systematic doubt on the dogmas men had learned to question4 ,zeno1 again1 was substantially a monotheist2 ,epicurus1 adopting but not greatly developing the science of ,demokritos1 #fid turned the ,gods into a far-off band of glorious spectres1 untroubled by human needs1 dwelling for ever in immortal calm1 neither ruling nor caring to rule the world of men4 #fie ,in coming to this surprising compromise1 ,epicurus1 indeed1 probably did not carry with him the whole intelligence even of his own school4 ,his friend1 the second ,metrodoros of ,lampsakos1 seems to have been the most stringent of all the censors of ,homer1 wholly ignoring his namesake's attempts to clear the bard of impiety4 ,he even advised men not to be ashamed to confess their utter ignorance of ,homer1 to the extent of not knowing whether ,hector was a ,greek or a ,trojan4 #fif ,such austerity towards myths can hardly have been compatible with the acceptance of the residuum of ,epicurus4 ,that1 however1 became the standing creed of the sect1 and a fruitful theme of derision to its opponents4 ,doubtless the comfort of avoiding direct conflict with the popular beliefs had a good deal to do with the acceptance of the doctrine4 ,this strange retention of the theorem of the existence of anthropomorphic ,gods1 with a flat denial that they did anything in the universe1 might be termed the great peculiarity of average ancient rationalism1 were it not that what makes it at all intelligible for us is just the similar practice of modern non-,christian theists4 ,the ,gods of antiquity were non-creative1 but strivers and meddlers and answerers of prayer2 and ancient rationalism relieved them of their striving and meddling1 leaving them no active or governing function whatever1 but for the most part cherishing their phantasms4 ,the ,god of modern ,christendom had been at once a creator and a governor1 ruling1 meddling1 punishing1 rewarding1 and hearing prayer2 and modern theism1 unable to take the atheistic or agnostic plunge1 relieves him of all interference in things human or cosmic1 but retains him as a creative abstraction who somehow set up law1 whether or not he made all things out of nothing4 ,the psychological process in the two cases seems to be the same--an erection of sthetic habit into a philosophic dogma1 and an accommodation of phrase to popular prejudice4 ,whatever may have been the logical and psychological crudities of ,epicureanism1 however1 it counted for much as a deliverance of men from superstitious fears2 and nothing is more remarkable in the history of ancient philosophy than the affectionate reverence paid to the founder's memory #fig on this score through whole centuries4 ,the powerful ,lucretius sounds his highest note of praise in telling how this ,greek had first of all men freed human life from the crashing load of religion1 daring to pass the flaming ramparts of the world1 and by his victory putting men on an equality with heaven4 #fih ,the laughter-loving ,lucian two hundred years later grows gravely eloquent on the same theme4 #fii ,and for generations the effect of the ,epicurean check on orthodoxy is seen in the whole intellectual life of the ,greek world1 already predisposed in that direction4 #gjj ,the new schools of the ,cynics and the ,cyrenaics had alike shown the influence in their perfect freedom from all religious preoccupation1 when they were not flatly dissenting from the popular beliefs4 ,antisthenes1 the founder of the former school 7fl4 #djj ,b4,c471 though a pupil of ,sokrates1 had been explicitly anti-polytheistic1 and an opponent of anthropomorphism4 #gja ,aristippos of ,cyrene1 also a pupil of ,socrates1 who a little later founded the ,hedonic or ,cyrenaic sect1 seems to have put theology entirely aside4 ,one of the later adherents of the school1 ,theodoros1 was like ,diagoras labelled the ,atheist #gjb by reason of the directness of his opposition to religion2 and in the ,rome of ,cicero he and ,diagoras are the notorious atheists of history4 #gjc ,to ,theodoros1 who had a large following1 is attributed an influence over the thought of ,epicurus1 #gjd who1 however1 took the safer position of a verbal theism4 ,the atheist is said to have been menaced by ,athenian law in the time of ,demetrius ,phalereus1 who protected him2 and there is even a story that he was condemned to drink hemlock2 #gje but he was not of the type that meets martyrdom1 though he might go far to provoke it4 #gjf ,roaming from court to court1 he seems never to have stooped to flatter any of his entertainers4 ,you seem to me1 said the steward of ,lysimachos of ,thrace to him on one occasion1 to be the only man who ignores both ,gods and kings4 #gjg ,in the same age the same freethinking temper is seen in ,stilpo of ,megara 7fl4 #cjg71 of the school of ,euclides1 who is said to have been brought before the ,areopagus for the offence of saying that the ,pheidian statue of ,athn was not a ,god1 and to have met the charge with the jest that she was in reality not a ,god but a ,goddess2 whereupon he was exiled4 #gjh ,the stories told of him make it clear that he was an unbeliever1 usually careful not to betray himself4 ,euclides1 too1 with his optimistic pantheism1 was clearly a heretic2 though his doctrine that evil is non-ens #gji later became the creed of some ,christians4 ,yet another professed atheist was the witty ,bion of ,borysthenes1 pupil of ,theodoros1 of whom it is told1 in a fashion familiar to our own time1 that in sickness he grew pious through fear4 #gaj ,among his positions was a protest or rather satire against the doctrine that the ,gods punished children for the crimes of their fathers4 #gaa ,in the other schools1 ,speusippos 7fl4 #cdc71 the nephew of ,plato1 leant to monotheism2 #gab ,strato of ,lampsakos1 the ,peripatetic 7fl4 #bij71 called the ,naturalist1 taught sheer pantheism1 anticipating ,laplace in declaring that he had no need of the action of the ,gods to account for the making of the world2 #gac ,dikaiarchos 7fl4 #cbf-bhg71 another disciple of ,aristotle1 denied the existence of separate souls1 and the possibility of foretelling the future2 #gad and ,aristo and ,cleanthes1 disciples of ,zeno1 varied likewise in the direction of pantheism2 the latter's monotheism1 as expressed in his famous hymn1 being one of several doctrines ascribed to him4 #gae ,contemporary with ,epicurus and ,zeno and ,pyrrho1 too1 was ,evmeros 7,euhemerus71 whose peculiar propaganda against ,godism seems to imply theoretic atheism4 ,as an atheist he was vilified in a manner familiar to modern ears1 the ,alexandrian poet ,callimachus labelling him an arrogant old man vomiting impious books4 #gaf ,his lost work1 of which only a few extracts remain1 undertook to prove that all the ,gods had been simply famous men1 deified after death2 the proof1 however1 being by way of a fiction about old inscriptions found in an imaginary island4 #gag ,as above noted1 #gah the idea may have been borrowed from skeptical ,phoenicians1 the principle having already been monotheistically applied by the ,bible-making ,jews1 #gai though1 on the other hand1 it had been artistically and to all appearance uncritically acted on in the ,homeric epopees4 ,it may or may not then have been by way of deliberate or reasoning ,evmerism that certain early ,greek and ,roman deities were transformed1 as we have seen1 into heroes or hetairai4 #gbj ,in any case1 the principle seems to have had considerable vogue in the later ,hellenistic world2 but with the effect rather of paving the way for new cults than of setting up scientific rationalism in place of the old ones4 ,quite a number of writers like ,palaiphatos1 without going so far as ,evmeros1 sought to reduce myths to natural possibilities and events1 by way of mediating between the credulous and the incredulous4 #gba ,their method is mostly the naf one revived by the ,abb ,banier in the eighteenth century of reducing marvels to verbal misconceptions4 ,thus for ,palaiphatos the myth of ,kerberos came from the facts that the city ,trikarenos was commonly spoken of as a beautiful and great dog2 and that ,geryon1 who lived there1 had great dogs called ,kerberoi2 ,acton was devoured by his dogs in the sense that he neglected his affairs and wasted his time in hunting2 the ,amazons were shaved men1 clad as were the women in ,thrace1 and so on4 #gbb ,palaiphatos and the ,herakleitos who also wrote ,de ,incredibilibus agree that ,pasiphae's bull was a man named ,tauros2 and the latter writer similarly explains that ,scylla was a beautiful hetaira with avaricious hangers-on1 and that the harpies were ladies of the same profession4 ,if the method seems childish1 it is to be remembered that as regards the explanation of supernatural events it was adhered to by ,german theologians of a century ago2 and that its credulity in incredulity is still to be seen in the current view that every narrative in the sacred books is to be taken as necessarily standing for a fact of some kind4 ,one of the inferrible effects of the ,evmerist method was to facilitate for the time the adoption of the ,egyptian and eastern usage of deifying kings4 ,it has been plausibly argued that this practice stands not so much for superstition as for skepticism1 its opponents being precisely the orthodox believers1 and its promoters those who had learned to doubt the actuality of the traditional ,gods4 ,evmerism would clinch such a tendency2 and it is noteworthy that ,evmeros lived at the court of ,kassander 7#cai-bif ,b4,c47 in a period in which every remaining member of the family of the deified ,alexander had perished1 mostly by violence2 while the contemporary ,ptolemy ,i of ,egypt received the title of ,sotr1 ,saviour1 from the people of ,rhodes4 #gbc ,it is to be observed1 however1 that while in the next generation ,antiochus ,i of ,syria received the same title1 and his successor ,antiochus ,,ii that of ,theos1 ,god1 the usage passes away2 ,ptolemy ,,iii being named merely ,evergets1 the ,benefactor 7of the priests71 and even ,antiochus ,,iii only the ,great4 ,superstition was not to be ousted by a political exploitation of its machinery4 #gbd ,in ,athens the democracy1 restored in a subordinate form by ,kassander's opponent1 ,demetrius ,poliorktes 7#cjg ,b4,c471 actually tried to put down the philosophic schools1 all of which1 but the ,aristotelian in particular1 were anti-democratic1 and doubtless also comparatively irreligious4 ,epicurus and some of his antagonists were exiled within a year of his opening his school 7#cjf ,b4,c472 but the law was repealed in the following year4 #gbe ,theophrastos1 the head of the ,aristotelian school1 was indicted in the old fashion for impiety1 which seems to have consisted in denouncing animal sacrifice4 #gbf ,these repressive attempts1 however1 failed2 and no others followed at ,athens in that era2 though in the next century the ,epicureans seem to have been expelled from ,lythos in ,crete and from ,messen in the ,peloponnesos1 nominally for their atheism1 in reality probably on political grounds4 #gbg ,thus ,zeno was free to publish a treatise in which1 besides far out-going ,plato in schemes for dragooning the citizens into an ideal life1 he proposed a ,state without temples or statues of the ,gods or law courts or gymnasia4 #gbh ,in the same age there is trace of an interesting case of rationalism even in the ,delphic oracle4 #gbi ,the people of the island of ,astypalaia1 plagued by hares or rabbits1 solemnly consulted the oracle1 which briefly advised them to keep dogs and take to hunting4 ,about the same time we find ,lachares1 temporarily despot at ,athens1 plundering the shrine of ,pallas of its gold4 #gcj ,even in the general public there must have been a strain of surviving rationalism2 for among the fragments of ,menander 7fl4 #cjj71 who1 in general1 seems to have leant to a well-bred orthodoxy1 #gca there are some speeches savouring of skepticism and pantheism4 #gcb ,it was in keeping with this general but mostly placid and non-polemic latitudinarianism that the ,new ,academy1 the second birth1 or rather transformation1 of the ,platonic school1 in the hands of ,arkesilaos and the great ,carneades 7#bac-abi71 and later of the ,carthaginian ,clitomachos1 should be marked by that species of skepticism thence called ,academic--a skepticism which exposed the doubtfulness of current religious beliefs without going the ,pyrrhonian length of denying that any beliefs could be proved1 or even denying the existence of the ,gods4 ,for the arguments of ,carneades against the ,stoic doctrine of immortality see ,cicero1 ,de natura ,deorum1 iii1 #ab1 #ag2 and for his argument against theism see ,sextus ,empiricus1 ,adv4 ,math4 ix1 #agb1 #ahc4 ,mr4 ,benn pronounces this criticism of theology the most destructive that has ever appeared1 the armoury whence religious skepticism ever since has been supplied 7,the ,philosophy of ,greece1 etc41 p4 #beh74 ,this seems an over-statement4 ,but it is just to say1 as does ,mr4 ,whittaker 7,priests1 ,philosophers1 and ,prophets1 #aiaa1 p4 #fj2 cp4 p4 #hf71 that there has never been a more drastic attack than that of ,carneades1 which furnished ,cicero with the materials for his second book1 ,on ,divination2 and1 as does ,prof4 ,martha 7tudes ,morales sur l'antiquit1 #ahhi1 p4 #gg71 that no philosophic or religious school has been able to ignore the problems which ,carneades raised4 ,as against the essentially uncritical ,stoics1 the criticism of ,carneades is sane and sound2 and he has been termed by judicious moderns the greatest skeptical mind of antiquity #gcc and the ,bayle of ,antiquity2 #gcd though he seems to have written nothing4 #gce ,there is such a concurrence of testimony as to the victorious power of his oratory and the invincible skill of his dialectic #gcf that he must be reckoned one of the great intellectual and rationalizing forces of his day1 triumphing as he did in the two diverse arenas of ,greece and ,rome4 ,his disciple and successor ,clitomachos said of him1 with ,cicero's assent1 that he had achieved a labour of ,hercules in liberating our souls as it were of a fierce monster1 credulity1 conjecture1 rash belief4 #gcg ,he was1 in short1 a mighty antagonist of thoughtless beliefs1 clearing the ground for a rational life2 and the fact that he was chosen with ,diogenes the ,peripatetic and ,critolaos the ,stoic to go to ,rome to plead the cause of ruined ,athens1 mulcted in an enormous fine1 proved that he was held in high honour at home4 ,athens1 in short1 was not at this stage too superstitious4 ,unreasoning faith was largely discredited by philosophy4 ,on this basis1 in a healthy environment1 science and energy might have reared a constructive rationalism2 and for a time astronomy1 in the hands of ,aristarchos of ,samos 7third century ,b4,c471 ,eratosthenes of ,cyrene1 the second keeper of the great ,alexandrian library 7#bnd cent4 ,b4,c471 and above all of ,hipparchos of ,nikaia1 who did most of his work in the island of ,rhodes1 was carried to a height of mastery which could not be maintained1 and was re-attained only in modern times4 #gch ,thus much could be accomplished by endowment of research as practised by the ,ptolemies at ,alexandria2 and after science had declined with the decline of their polity1 and still further under ,roman rule1 the new cosmopolitanism of the second century of the empire reverted to the principle of intelligent evocation1 producing under the ,antonines the ,second ,school of ,alexandria4 ,but the social conditions remained fundamentally bad2 and the earlier greatness was never recovered4 ,history records not one astronomer of note in the three centuries between ,hipparchos and ,ptolemy2 and ,ptolemy 7fl4 #adj ,c4,e47 not only retrograded into astronomical error1 but elaborated on oriental lines a baseless fabric of astrology4 #gci ,other science mostly decayed likewise4 ,the ,greek world1 already led to lower intellectual levels by the sudden ease and wealth opened up to it through the conquests of ,alexander and the rule of his successors1 was cast still lower by the ,roman conquest4 ,pliny1 extolling ,hipparchos with little comprehension of his work1 must needs pronounce him to have dared a thing displeasing to ,god in numbering the stars for posterity4 #gdj ,in the air of imperialism1 stirred by no other1 original thought could not arise2 and the mass of the ,greek-speaking populations1 rich and poor1 gravitated to the level of the intellectual #gda and emotional life of more or less well-fed slaves4 ,in this society there rapidly multiplied private religious associations--thiasoi1 eranoi1 orgeones--in which men and women1 denied political life1 found new bonds of union and grounds of division in cultivating worships1 mostly oriental1 which stimulated the religious sense and sentiment4 #gdb ,such was the soil in which ,christianity took root and flourished2 while philosophy1 after the freethinking epoch following on the fall of ,athenian power1 gradually reverted to one or other form of mystical theism or theosophy1 of which the most successful was the ,neo-,platonism of ,alexandria4 #gdc ,when the theosophic ,julian rejoiced that ,epicureanism had disappeared1 #gdd he was exulting in a symptom of the intellectual decline that made possible the triumph of the faith he most opposed4 ,christianity furthered a decadence thus begun under the auspices of pagan imperialism2 and the fifth century of the ,christian era witnessed an almost total extinction of the sciences in ,alexandria #gde--;an admission which disposes of the dispute as to the guilt of the ,arabs in destroying the great library4 ,here and there1 through the centuries1 the old intellectual flame burns whitely enough3 the noble figure of ,epictetus in the first century of the new era1 and that of the brilliant ,lucian in the second1 in their widely different ways remind us that the evolved faculty was still there if the circumstances had been such as to evoke it4 ,menippos in the first century ,b4,c4 had played a similar part to that of ,lucian1 in whose freethinking dialogues he so often figures2 but with less of subtlety and intellectuality4 ,lucian's was indeed a mind of the rarest lucidity2 and the argumentation of his dialogue ,zeus ,tragdos covers every one of the main aspects of the theistic problem4 ,there is no dubiety as to his atheistic conclusion1 which is smilingly implicit in the reminder he puts in the mouth of ,hermes1 that1 though a few men may adopt the atheistic view1 there will always be plenty of others who think the contrary--the majority of the ,greeks1 the ignorant many1 the populace1 and all the barbarians4 ,but the moral doctrine of ,epictetus is one of endurance and resignation2 and the almost unvarying raillery of ,lucian1 making mere perpetual sport of the now moribund ,olympian ,gods1 was hardly better fitted than the all-round skepticism of the school of ,sextus ,empiricus to inspire positive and progressive thinking4 ,this latter school1 described by ,cicero as dispersed and extinct in his day1 #gdf appears to have been revived in the first century by nesidemos1 who taught at ,alexandria4 #gdg ,it seems to have been through him in particular that the ,pyrrhonic system took the clear-cut form in which it is presented at the close of the second century by the accomplished ,sextus ,empiricus--that is1 the empirical 7i4e41 experiential7 physician1 #gdh who lived at ,alexandria and ,athens 7fl4 #age-bje ,c4,e474 ,as a whole1 the school continued to discredit dogmatism without promoting knowledge4 ,sextus1 it is true1 strikes acutely and systematically at ill-founded beliefs1 and so makes for reason2 #gdi but1 like the whole ,pyrrhonian school1 he has no idea of a method which shall reach sounder conclusions4 ,as the ,stoics had inculcated the control of the passions as such1 so the skeptics undertook to make men rise above the prejudices and presuppositions which swayed them no less blindly than ever did their passions4 ,but ,sextus follows a purely skeptical method1 never rising from the destruction of false beliefs to the establishment of true4 ,his aim is ataraxia1 a philosophic calm of non-belief in any dogmatic affirmation beyond the positing of phenomena as such2 and while such an attitude is beneficently exclusive of all fanaticism1 it unfortunately never makes any impression on the more intolerant fanatic1 who is shaken only by giving him a measure of critical truth in place of his error4 ,and as ,sextus addressed himself to the students of philosophy1 not to the simple believers in the ,gods1 he had no wide influence4 #gej ,avowedly accepting the normal view of moral obligations while rejecting dogmatic theories of their basis1 the doctrine of the strict skeptics had the effect1 from ,pyrrho onwards1 of giving the same acceptance to the common religion1 merely rejecting the philosophic pretence of justifying it4 ,taken by themselves1 the arguments against current theism in the third book of the ,hypotyposes #gea are unanswerable2 but1 when bracketed with other arguments against the ordinary belief in causation1 they had the effect of leaving theism on a par with that belief4 ,against religious beliefs in particular1 therefore1 they had no wide destructive effect4 ,lucian1 again1 thought soundly and sincerely on life2 his praise of the men whose memories he respected1 as ,epicurus and ,demonax 7if the ,life of ,demonax attributed to him be really his71 is grave and heartfelt2 and his ridicule of the discredited ,gods was perfectly right so far as it went4 ,it is certain that the unbelievers and the skeptics alike held their own with the believers in the matter of right living4 #geb ,in the period of declining pagan belief1 the maxim that superstition was a good thing for the people must have wrought a quantity and a kind of corruption that no amount of ridicule of religion could ever approach4 ,polybius 7fl4 #aej ,b4,c47 agrees with his complacent ,roman masters that their greatness is largely due to the carefully cultivated superstition of their populace1 and charges with rashness and folly those who would uproot the growth2 #gec and ,strabo1 writing under ,tiberius--unless it be a later interpolator of his work--confidently lays down the same principle of governmental deceit1 #ged though in an apparently quite genuine passage he vehemently protests the incredibility of the traditional tales about ,apollo4 #gee ,so far had the doctrine evolved since ,plato preached it4 ,but to countervail it there needed more than a ridicule which after all reached only the class who had already cast off the beliefs derided1 leaving the multitude unenlightened4 ,the lack of the needed machinery of enlightenment was1 of course1 part of the general failure of the ,grco-,roman civilization2 and no one man's efforts could have availed1 even if any man of the age could have grasped the whole situation4 ,rather the principle of esoteric enlightenment1 the ideal of secret knowledge1 took stronger hold as the mass grew more and more comprehensively superstitious4 ,even at the beginning of the ,christian era the view that ,homer's deities were allegorical beings was freshly propounded in the writings of ,herakleides and ,cornutus 7,phornutus72 but it served only as a kind of mystical ,gnosis1 on all fours with ,christian ,gnosticism1 and was finally taken up by ,neo-,platonists1 who were no nearer rationalism for adopting it4 #gef ,so with the rationalism to which we have so many uneasy or hostile allusions in ,plutarch4 ,we find him resenting the scoffs of ,epicureans at the doctrine of ,providence1 and recoiling from the abyss of impiety #geg opened up by those who say that ,aphrodite is simply desire1 and ,hermes eloquence1 and the ,muses the arts and sciences1 and ,athn wisdom1 and ,dionysos merely wine1 ,hephaistos fire1 and ,dmtr corn2 #geh and in his essay ,on ,superstition he regretfully recognizes the existence of many rational atheists1 confessing that their state of mind is better than that of the superstitious who abound around him1 with their impure purifications and unclean cleansings1 their barbaric rites1 and their evil ,gods4 ,but the unbelievers1 with their keen contempt for popular folly1 availed as little against it as ,plutarch himself1 with his doctrine of a just mean4 ,the one effectual cure would have been widened knowledge2 and of such an evolution the social conditions did not permit4 ,to return to a state of admiration for the total outcome of ,greek thought1 then1 it is necessary to pass from the standpoint of simple analysis to that of comparison4 ,it is in contrast with the relatively slight achievement of the other ancient civilizations that the ,greek1 at its height1 still stands out for posterity as a wonderful growth4 ,that which1 tried by the test of ideals1 is as a whole only one more tragic chapter in the record of human frustration1 yet contains within it light and leading as well as warning2 and for long ages it was as a lost ,paradise to a darkened world4 ,it has been not untruly said that the ,greek spirit is immortal1 because it was free3 #gei free not as science can now conceive freedom1 but in contrast with the spiritual bondage of ,jewry and ,egypt1 the half-barbaric tradition of imperial ,babylon1 and the short flight of mental life in ,rome4 ,above all1 it was ever in virtue of the freedom that the high things were accomplished2 and it was ever the falling away from freedom1 the tyranny either of common ignorance or of mindless power1 that wrought decadence4 ,there is a danger1 too1 of injustice in comparing ,athens with later ,states4 ,when a high authority pronounces that the religious views of the ,demos were of the narrowest kind1 #gfj he is not to be gainsaid2 but the further verdict that hardly any people has sinned more heavily against the liberty of science is unduly lenient to ,christian civilization4 ,the heaviest sins of that against science1 indeed1 lie at the door of the ,catholic ,church2 but to make that an exoneration of the modern peoples as against the ancient would be to load the scales4 ,and even apart from the ,catholic ,church1 which practically suppressed all science for a thousand years1 the attitude of ,protestant leaders and ,protestant peoples1 from ,luther down to the second half of the nineteenth century1 has been one of hatred and persecution towards all science that clashed with the sacred books4 #gfa ,in the ,greek world there was more scientific discussion in the three hundred years down to ,epicurus than took place in the whole of ,christian ,europe in thirteen hundred2 and the amount of actual violence used towards innovators in the pagan period1 though lamentable enough1 was trifling in comparison with that recorded in ,christian history1 to say nothing of the frightful annals of witch-burning1 to which there is no parallel in civilized heathen history4 ,the critic1 too1 goes on to admit that1 while ,sokrates1 ,anaxagoras1 and ,aristotle fell victims in different degrees to the bigotry of the populace1 of course their offence was political rather than religious4 ,they were condemned not as heretics1 but as innovators in the state religion4 ,and1 as we have seen1 all three of the men named taught in freedom for many years till political faction turned popular bigotry against them4 ,the true measure of ,athenian narrowness is not to be reached1 therefore1 without keeping in view the long series of modern outrages and maledictions against the makers and introducers of new machinery1 and the multitude of such episodes as the treatment of ,priestley in ,christian ,birmingham1 little more than a century ago4 ,on a full comparison the ,greeks come out not ill4 ,it was1 in fact1 impossible that the ,greeks should either stifle or persecute science or freethought as it was either stifled or persecuted by ancient ,jews 7who had almost no science by reason of their theology7 or by modern ,christians1 simply because the ,greeks had no anti-scientific hieratic literature4 ,it remains profoundly significant for science that the ancient civilization which on the smallest area evolved the most admirable life1 which most completely transcended all the sources from which it originally drew1 and left a record by which men are still charmed and taught1 was a civilization as nearly as might be without ,sacred ,books1 without an organized priesthood1 and with the largest measure of democratic freedom that the ancient world ever saw4 ,,chapter ,,vi ,,freethought ,,in ,,ancient ,,rome #a ,the ,romans1 so much later than the ,greeks in their intellectual development1 were in some respects peculiarly apt--in the case of their upper class--to accept freethinking ideas when ,greek rationalism at length reached them4 ,after receiving from their ,greek neighbours in ,southern ,italy1 in the pre-historic period1 the germs of higher culture1 in particular the alphabet1 they rather retrograded than progressed for centuries1 the very alphabet degenerating for lack of literary activity #gfb in the absence of any culture class1 and under the one-idea'd rule of the landowning aristocracy1 whose bent to military aggression was correlative to the smallness of the ,roman facilities for commerce4 ,in the earlier ages nearly everything in the nature of written lore was a specialty of a few priests1 and was limited to their purposes1 which included some keeping of annals4 #gfc ,the use of writing for purposes of family records seems to have been the first literary development among the patrician laity4 #gfd ,in the early republican period1 however1 the same conditions of relative poverty1 militarism1 and aristocratic emulation prevented any development even of the priesthood beyond the rudimentary stage of a primitive civic function2 and the whole of these conditions in combination kept the ,roman ,pantheon peculiarly shadowy1 and the ,roman mythology abnormally undeveloped4 ,the character of the religion of the ,romans has been usually explained in the old manner1 in terms of their particular genius and lack of genius4 ,on this view the ,romans primordially tended to do whatever they did--to be slightly religious in one period1 and highly so in another4 ,teuffel quite unconsciously reduces the theorem to absurdity in two phrases3 ,as long as the peculiar character of the ,roman nation remained unaltered 444 7,hist4 of ,roman ,lit4 ed4 ,schwabe1 ,eng4 tr4 #aijj1 i1 #b73 the peculiar ,roman character had now come to an end1 and for ever 7id4 p4 #abc74 ,by no writer has the subject been more unphilosophically treated than by ,mommsen1 whose chapter on ,roman religion 7vol4 i1 ch4 xii7 is an insoluble series of contradictions4 7,see the present writer's ,christianity and ,mythology1 pp4 #aae-ag47 ,m4 ,boissier contradicts himself hardly less strangely1 alternately pronouncing the ,latin religion timid and confident1 prostrate and dignified 7,la religion romaine d',auguste aux ,antonins1 #d;e dit4 i1 #g1 #h1 #bf1 #bh74 ,both writers ascribe every characteristic of ,roman religion to the character of the ,romans in the lump--a method which excludes any orderly conception4 ,it must be abandoned if there is to be any true comprehension of the subject4 ,other verdicts of this kind by ,ihne1 ,jevons1 and others1 will no better bear examination4 7,see ,christianity and ,mythology1 pt4 i1 ch4 iii1 #c47 ,dr4 ,warde ,fowler1 the latest ,english specialist to handle the question1 confidently supports the strange thesis 7dating from ,schwartz7 that the multitude of deities and daimons of the early ,latins were never thought of as personal1 or as possessing sex1 until ,greek mythology and sculpture set the fashion of such conceptions1 whereupon this later and foreign notion of divinity so completely took possession of the minds of the ,romans of the cosmopolitan city that ,varro is the only writer who has preserved the tradition of the older way of thinking 7,the ,religious ,experience of the ,roman ,people1 #aiaa1 p4 #adg74 ,that is to say1 the conception of the ,gods in the imageless period was an older way of thinking1 in which deities called by male and female names1 and often addressed as ,pater and ,mater1 were not really thought of as anthropomorphic at all6 ,how the early ,romans conceived their non-imaged deities ,dr4 ,fowler naturally does not attempt to suggest4 ,we get merely the unreasoned and unexplained negative formula that we may take it as certain that even the greater deities of the calendar1 ,janus1 ,jupiter1 ,mars1 ,quirinus1 and ,vesta1 were not thought of as existing in any sense in human form1 nor as personal beings having any human characteristics4 ,the early ,romans were destitute of mythological fancy4444 ,either1 then1 the early ,romans were psychologically alien to every other primitive or barbaric people1 as known to modern anthropology1 or1 by parity of reasoning1 all anthropomorphism is the spontaneous creation of sculptors1 who had no ground whatever in previous psychosis for making images of ,gods4 ,the ,greeks1 on this view1 had no anthropomorphic notion of their deities until suddenly sculptors began to make images of them1 whereupon everybody promptly and obediently anthropomorphized6 ,the way out of this hopeless theorem is indicated for ,dr4 ,fowler by his own repeated observation that the ,roman jus divinum1 in which he finds so little sign of normal mythological fancy1 represented the deliberately restrictive action of an official priesthood for whom all religio was a kind of ,state magic or medicine4 ,he expressly insists 7p4 #bd7 on the wonderful work done by the early authorities from the ,state in eliminating from their rule of worship 7jus divinum7 almost all that was magical1 barbarous1 or1 as later ,romans would have called it1 superstitious 7,lect4 ii1 p4 #bd2 cp4 ,lect4 iii474 ,he even inclines to the view that the patrician religion was really the religion of an invading race1 like that of the ,achans in ,greece1 engrafted on the religion of a primitive and less civilized population 7pp4 viii1 #bc74 ,this thesis is not necessary to the rebuttal of his previous negation2 but it obviously resists it1 unless we are to make the word ,roman apply only to patricians4 ,an invading tribe might1 in the case of ,rome as in that of the ,homeric ,greeks1 abandon ordinary and localized primitive beliefs which it had held in its previous home1 and thereafter be officially reluctant to recognize the local superstitions of its conquered plebs4 ,but the ,roman case can be understood without assuming any continuity of racial divergence4 ,livy shows us that the ,latin peasantry were1 if possible1 more given to superstitious fears and panics than any other1 constantly reporting portents and prodigia which called for ,state ritual1 and embarrassing military policy by their apprehensions4 ,a patrician priesthood1 concerned above all things for public polity1 would in such circumstances naturally seek to minimize the personal side of the popular mythology1 treating all orders of divinity as mere classes of powers to be appeased4 ,the fact 7id4 p4 #bi7 that among the early ,romans1 as among other primitives1 women were rigidly excluded from certain sacra points to a further ground for keeping out of official sight the sex life of the ,gods4 ,but the very ritual formula of the ,fratres ,arvales1 ,sive deus sive dea 7p4 #adi71 proves that the deities were habitually thought of as personal1 and male or female4 ,dr4 ,fowler alternately and inconsistently argues that the vulgar mind was ready to think of ,god-couples 7p4 #aeb71 and that the conjunctions of masculine and feminine names in the ,roman ,pantheon do not represent popular ideas of the deities1 but ritualistic forms of invocation 7p4 #aec74 ,the answer is that the popular mind is the matrix of mythology1 and that if a ,state ritual given to minimizing mythology recognized a given habit of myth-making it was presumably abundant outside4 ,in short1 the whole academic process of reducing early ,roman religion to something unparalleled in anthropology is as ill-founded in the data as it is repugnant to scientific thought4 ,the differentiation of ,greek and ,roman religion is to be explained by the culture-history of the two peoples2 and that1 in turn1 was determined by their geographical situation and their special contacts4 ,roman life was made systematically agricultural and militarist by its initial circumstances1 where ,greek life in civilized ,asia ,minor became industrial1 artistic1 and literary4 ,the special genius of ,homer1 or of various members of an order of bards developed by early colonial-feudal ,grecian conditions1 would indeed count for much by giving permanent artistic definiteness of form to the ,greek ,gods1 where the early ,romans1 leaving all the vocal arts mainly to the conservative care of their women and children as something beneath adult male notice1 missed the utilization of poetic genius among them till they were long past the period of romantic simplicity 7cp4 ,mommsen1 bk4 i1 ch4 #ae2 ,eng4 tr4 #ahid1 vol4 i1 pp4 #bhe-cjj74 ,hence the comparative abstractness of their unsung ,gods 7cp4 ,schwegler1 ,rmische ,geschichte1 i1 #bbe-bh1 and refs42 ,boissier1 ,la religion romaine1 as cited1 i1 #h71 and the absence of such a literary mythology as was evolved and preserved in ,greece by local patriotisms under the stimulus of the great epopees and tragedies4 ,the doctrine that the ,italian is deficient in the passion of the heart1 and that therefore ,italian literature has never produced a true epos or a genuine drama 7,mommsen1 ch4 #ae1 vol4 i1 p4 #bhd71 is one of a thousand samples of the fallacy of explaining a phenomenon in terms of itself4 ,teuffel with equal futility affirms the contrary3 ,of the various kinds of poetry1 dramatic poetry seems after all to be most in conformity with the character of the ,roman people 7as cited1 p4 #c2 cp4 p4 #bh as to the epos74 ,on the same verbalist method1 ,mommsen decides as to the ,etruscan religion that the mysticism and barbarism of their worship had their foundation in the essential character of the ,etruscan people 7ch4 #ab1 p4 #bcb74 ,schwegler gives a more objective view of the facts1 but1 like other ,german writers whom he cites1 errs in speaking of early deities like ,picus as only aspects of ,mars1 not realizing that ,mars is merely the surviving or developed deity of that type4 ,he also commits the conventional error of supposing that the early ,roman religion is fundamentally monotheistic or pantheistic1 because the multitudinous abstract deities are only aspects of the general force of ,nature4 ,the notion that the ,romans did not anthropomorphize their deities like all other peoples is a surprising fallacy4 ,thus when ,rome1 advancing in the career of conquest1 had developed a large aristocratic class1 living a city life1 with leisure for intellectual interests1 and had come in continuous contact with the conquered ,grecian cities of ,southern ,italy1 its educated men underwent a literary and a rationalistic influence at the same time1 and were the more ready to give up all practical belief in their own slightly-defined ,gods when they found ,greeks explaining away theirs4 ,here we see once more the primary historic process by which men are led to realize the ill-founded character of their hereditary creeds3 the perception is indirectly set up by the reflective recognition of the creeds of others1 and all the more readily when the others give a critical lead4 ,indeed1 ,greek rationalism was already old when the ,romans began to develop a written and artistic literature3 it had even taken on the popular form given to it by ,evmeros a century before the ,romans took it up4 ,doubtless there was skepticism among the latter before ,ennius3 such a piece of religious procedure as the invention of a ,god of ,silver 7,argentinus71 son of the ,god of ,copper 7sculanus71 on the introduction of a silver currency1 #bfi ,b4,c41 must have been smiled at by the more intelligent4 #gfe ,mommsen states 7ii1 #gj7 that at this epoch the ,romans kept equally aloof from superstition and unbelief1 but this is inaccurate on both sides4 ,the narrative of ,livy exhibits among the people a boundless and habitual superstition4 ,the records of absurd prodigies of every sort so throng his pages that he himself repeatedly ventures to make light of them4 ,talking oxen1 skies on fire1 showers of flesh1 crows and mice eating gold1 rivers flowing blood1 showers of milk--such were the reports chronically made to the ,roman government by its pious subjects1 and followed by anxious religious ceremonies at ,rome 7cp4 ,livy1 iii1 #e1 #aj2 x1 #bg2 xi1 #bh-ce2 xxiv1 #dd2 xxvii1 #d1 #aa1 #bc1 etc41 etc4 ,in the index to ,drakenborch's ,livy there are over five columns of references to prodigia74 ,on the other hand1 though superstition was certainly the rule1 there are traces of rationalism4 ,on the next page after that cited1 ,mommsen himself admits that the faith of the people had already been shaken by the interference allowed to the priestly colleges in political matters2 and in another chapter 7bk4 ii1 ch4 #ac2 vol4 ii1 #aab7 he recalls that a consul of the ,claudian gens had jested openly at the auspices in the first ,punic war1 #bdi ,b4,c4 ,the story is told by ,cicero1 ,de natura ,deorum1 ii1 #c1 and ,suetonius1 ,tiberius1 c4 #b4 ,the sacred poultry1 on being let out of their coop on board ship1 would not feed1 so that the auspices could not be taken2 whereupon the consul caused them to be thrown into the water1 etiam per jocum ,deos inridens1 saying they might drink if they would not eat4 ,his colleague ,junius in the same war also disregarded the auspices2 and in both cases1 according to ,balbus the ,stoic in ,cicero's treatise1 the ,roman fleets were duly defeated2 whereupon ,claudius was condemned by the people1 and ,junius committed suicide4 ,cp4 ,valerius ,maximus1 l4 i1 c4 iv1 #c4 ,such stories would fortify the age-long superstition as to auspices and omens1 which was in full force among ,greek commanders as late as ,xenophon1 when many cultured ,greeks were rationalists4 ,but it was mainly a matter of routine1 in a sphere where freethought is slow to penetrate4 ,there was probably no thought of jesting when1 in the year #aic ,b4,c41 after men had grown weary alike of earthquakes and of the religious services prescribed on account of them2 and after the consuls had been worn out by sacrifices and expiations1 it was decreed that if on any day a service had been arranged for a reported earthquake1 no one should report another on that day 7,livy1 xxxiv1 #ee74 ,cato1 who would never have dreamt of departing from a ,roman custom1 was the author of the saying 7,cicero1 ,de ,div4 ii1 #bd7 that haruspices might well laugh in each other's faces4 ,he had in view the ,etruscan practice1 being able to see the folly of that1 though not of his own4 ,cp4 ,mommsen1 iii1 #aaf4 ,as to the ,etruscan origin of the haruspices1 in distinction from the augurs1 see ,schwegler1 i1 #bgf1 #bgg2 ,ihne1 ,eng4 ed4 i1 #hb-hc1 note2 and ,o4 ,mller as there cited4 ,but it is with the translation of the ,sacred ,history of ,evmeros by ,ennius1 about #bjj ,b4,c41 that the literary history of ,roman freethought begins4 ,in view of the position of ,ennius as a teacher of ,greek and belles lettres 7he being of ,greek descent1 and born in ,calabria71 it cannot be supposed that he would openly translate an anti-religious treatise without the general acquiescence of his aristocratic patrons4 ,cicero says of him that he followed as well as translated ,evmeros2 #gff and his favourite ,greek dramatists were the freethinking ,euripides and ,epicharmos1 from both of whom he translated4 #gfg ,the popular superstitions1 in particular those of soothsaying and divination1 he sharply attacked4 #gfh ,if his patrons all the while stood obstinately to the traditional usages of official augury and ritual1 it was in the spirit of political conservatism that belonged to their class and their civic ideal1 and on the principle that religion was necessary for the control of the multitude4 ,in ,etruria1 where the old culture had run largely to mysticism and soothsaying on quasi-oriental lines1 the ,roman government took care to encourage it1 by securing the theological monopoly of the upper-class families1 #gfi and thus set up a standing hot-bed of superstition4 ,in the same spirit they adopted from time to time popular cults from ,greece1 that of the ,phrygian ,mother of the ,gods being introduced in the year #bjd ,b4,c4 ,the attempt 7#ahf ,b4,c47 to suppress the ,bacchic mysteries1 of which a distorted and extravagant account #ggj is given by ,livy1 was made on grounds of policy and not of religion2 and even if the majority of the senate had not been disposed to encourage the popular appetite for emotional foreign worships1 the multitude of their own accord would have introduced the latter1 in resentment of the exclusiveness of the patricians in keeping the old domestic and national cults in their own hands4 #gga ,as now eastern conquests multiplied the number of foreign slaves and residents in ,rome1 the foreign worships multiplied with them2 and with the worships came such forms of freethought as then existed in ,greece1 ,asia ,minor1 and ,egypt4 ,in resistance to these1 as to the orgiastic worships1 political and religious conservatism for a time combined4 ,in #agc ,b4,c4 the ,greek ,epicurean philosophers ,alkaios and ,philiskos were banished from the city1 #ggb a step which was sure to increase the interest in ,epicureanism4 ,twelve years later the ,catonic party carried a curt decree in the ,senate against the ,greek rhetors1 #ggc uti ,romae ne essent2 and in #aee the interest aroused by ,carneades and the other ,athenian ambassadors led to their being suddenly sent home1 on ,cato's urging4 #ggd ,it seems certain that ,carneades made converts to skepticism1 among them being the illustrious ,scipio milianus4 #gge ,in the sequel the ,greeks multiplied1 especially after the fall of ,macedonia1 #ggf and in the year #ib we find the censors vetoing the practices of the ,latin rhetors as an unpleasing novelty1 #ggg thus leaving the ,greeks in possession of the field4 #ggh ,but1 the general social tendency being downwards1 it was only a question of time when the rationalism should be overgrown by the superstition4 ,in #acg there had been another vain edict against the foreign soothsayers and the worshippers of ,sabazius2 #ggi but it was such cults that were to persist1 while the old ,roman religion passed away1 #ghj save insofar as it had a non-literary survival among the peasantry4 #b ,while self-government lasted1 rationalism among the cultured classes was fairly common4 ,the great poem of ,lucretius1 ,on the ,nature of ,things1 with its enthusiastic exposition of the doctrine of ,epicurus1 remains to show to what a height of sincerity and ardour a ,roman freethinker could rise4 ,no ,greek utterance that has come down to us makes so direct and forceful an attack as his on religion as a social institution4 ,he is practically the first systematic freethinking propagandist2 so full is he of his purpose that after his stately prologue to alma ,venus1 who is for him but a personification of the genetic forces of ,nature1 he plunges straight into his impeachment of religion as a foul tyranny from which thinking men were first freed by ,epicurus4 ,the sonorous verse vibrates with an indignation such as ,shelley's in ,queen ,mab3 religion is figured as horribili super aspectu mortalibus instans2 a little further on its deeds are denounced as scelerosa atque impia1 wicked and impious1 the religious term being thus turned against itself2 and a moving picture of the sacrifice of ,iphigeneia justifies the whole4 ,to so much of evil could religion persuade4 ,it is with a bitter consciousness of the fatal hold of the hated thing on most men's ignorant imagination that he goes on to speak of the fears #gha so assiduously wrought upon by the vates1 and to set up with strenuous speed the vividly-imagined system of ,epicurean science by which he seeks to fortify his friend against them4 ,that no thing comes from nothing1 or lapses into nothing2 that matter is eternal2 that all things proceed without the ,gods by unchanging law1 are his insistent themes2 and for nigh two thousand years a religious world has listened with a reluctant respect4 ,his influence is admitted to have been higher and nobler than that of the religion he assailed4 ,lucretius was the first not only to reveal a new power1 beauty1 and mystery in the world1 but also to communicate to poetry a speculative impulse1 opening up1 with a more impassioned appeal than philosophy can do1 the great questions underlying human life--such as the truth of all religious tradition1 the position of man in the universe1 and the attitude of mind and course of conduct demanded by that position4 7,sellar1 ,roman ,poets of the ,republic3 ,virgil1 #ahgg1 p4 #aii47 ,in the eyes of ,lucretius all worship seemed prompted by fear and based on ignorance of natural law4444 ,but it is nevertheless true that ,lucretius was a great religious poet4 ,he was a prophet1 in deadly earnest1 calling men to renounce their errors both of thought and conduct4444 ,we may be certain that he was absolutely convinced of the truth of all that he wrote4 7,w4 ,warde ,fowler1 ,social ,life at ,rome in the ,age of ,cicero1 #aiji1 pp4 #cbg-bh47 ,and yet throughout the whole powerful poem we have testimony to the pupillary character of ,roman thought in relation to ,grecian4 ,however much the earnest student may outgo his masters in emphasis and zeal of utterance1 he never transcends the original irrationality of asserting that the ,gods exist2 albeit it is their glory to do nothing4 ,it is in picturing their ineffable peace that he reaches some of his finest strains of song1 #ghb though in the next breath he repudiates every idea of their control of things cosmic or human4 ,he swears by their sacred breasts1 proh sancta deum pectora1 and their life of tranquil joy1 when he would express most vehemently his scorn of the thought that it can be they who hurl the lightnings which haply destroy their own temples and strike down alike the just and the unjust4 ,it is a survival of a quite primitive conception of deity1 #ghc alongside of an advanced anti-religious criticism4 ,the explanation of the anomaly seems to be twofold4 ,in the first place1 ,roman thought had not lived long enough--it never did live long enough--to stand confidently on its own feet and criticize its ,greek teachers4 ,in ,cicero's treatise ,on the ,nature of the ,gods1 the ,epicurean and the ,stoic in turn retail their doctrine as they had it from their school1 the ,epicurean affirming the existence and the inaction of the ,gods with equal confidence1 and repeating without a misgiving the formula about the ,gods having not bodies but quasi-bodies1 with not blood but quasi-blood2 the ,stoic1 who stands by most of the old superstitions1 professing to have his philosophical reasons for them4 ,each sectarian derides the beliefs of the other2 neither can criticize his own creed4 ,it would seem as if in the habitually militarist society1 even when it turns to philosophy1 there must prevail a militarist ethic and psychosis in the intellectual life1 each man choosing a flag or a leader and fighting through thick and thin on that side henceforth4 ,on the other hand1 the argumentation of the high-priest ,cotta in the dialogue turns to similar purpose the kindred principle of civic tradition4 ,he argues in turn against the ,epicurean's science and the ,stoic's superstition1 contesting alike the claim that the ,gods are indifferent and the claim that they govern2 and in the end he brazenly affirms that1 while he sees no sound philosophic argument for religious beliefs and practices1 he thinks it is justifiable to maintain them on the score of prescription or ancestral example4 ,here we have the senatorial or conservative principle1 #ghd availing itself of the skeptical dialectic of ,carneades4 ,in terms of that ideal1 which prevailed alike with believers and indifferentists1 #ghe and mediated between such rival schools as the ,epicurean and ,stoic1 we may partly explain the ,epicurean theorem itself4 ,for the rest1 it is to be understood as an outcome partly of surviving sentiment and partly of forced compromise in the case of its ,greek framers1 and of the habit of partizan loyalty in the case of its ,roman adherents4 ,in the arguments of ,cotta1 the unbelieving high-priest1 we presumably have the doctrine of ,cicero himself1 #ghf who in the ,academica avows his admiration of ,carneades's reasoning1 and in the ,de ,divinatione follows it1 but was anchored by officialism to ,state usage4 ,with his vacillating character1 his forensic habit1 and his genius for mere speech1 he could not but betray his own lack of intellectual conviction2 and such weakness as his found its natural support in the principle of use and wont1 the practice and tradition of the commonwealth4 ,on that footing he had it in him to boast like any pedigreed patrician of the historic religiousness of ,rome1 he himself the while being devoid of all confident religious belief4 ,his rhetoric on the subject can hardly be otherwise estimated than as sheer hustings hypocrisy4 ,doubtless he gave philosophic colour to his practice by noting the hopeless conflict of the creeds of the positive sects1 very much as in our own day conservative dialectic finds a ground for religious conformity in the miscarriages of the men of science4 #ghg ,but ,cicero does not seem even to have had a religious sentiment to cover the nakedness of his political opportunism4 ,not only does he in the ,tusculan ,disputations put aside in the ,platonic fashion all the ,homeric tales which anthropomorphize and discredit the ,gods2 #ghh but in his treatise ,on ,divination he shows an absolute disbelief in all the recognized practices1 including the augury which he himself officially practised2 and his sole excuse is that they are to be retained on account of popular opinion and of their great public utility4 #ghi ,as to prodigies1 he puts in germ the argument later made famous by ,hume3 either the thing could happen 7in the course of nature7 or it could not2 if it could not1 the story is false2 if it could1 non esse mirandum--there is no miracle4 #gij ,in his countless private letters1 again1 he shows not a trace of religious feeling1 #gia or even of interest in the questions which in his treatises he declares to be of the first importance4 #gib ,even the doctrine of immortality1 to which he repeatedly returns1 seems to have been for him1 as for so many ,christians since1 only a forensic theme1 never a source of the private consolation he ascribed to it4 #gic ,in ,cicero's case1 in fine1 we reach the conclusion that either the noted inconstancy of his character pervaded all his thinking1 or that his gift for mere utterance1 and his demoralizing career as an advocate1 overbore in him all sincere reflection4 ,but1 indeed1 the practical subversion of all rational ethic in the public life of late republican ,rome1 wherein men claimed to be free and self-governing1 yet lived by oppressing the rest of the world1 was on all hands fatal to the moral rectitude which inspires a critical philosophy4 ,modern scholarship still clings to the long-established view that ,cicero was practically right1 and that ,lucretius was practically wrong4 ,augustus1 says ,dr4 ,warde ,fowler1 was fortunate in finding in ,virgil one who was in some sense a prophet as well as a poet1 who could urge the ,roman by an imaginative example to return to a living pietas--not merely to the old religious forms1 but to the intelligent sense of duty to ,god and man which had built up his character and his empire4 ,in ,cicero's day there was also a great poet1 he too in some sense a prophet2 but ,lucretius could only appeal to the ,roman to shake off the slough of his old religion1 and such an appeal was at the time both futile and dangerous4 ,looking at the matter historically1 and not theologically1 we ought to sympathize with the attitude of ,cicero and ,scaevola towards the religion of the ,state4 ,it was based on a statesmanlike instinct2 and had it been possible for that instinct to express itself practically in a positive policy like that of ,augustus1 it is quite possible that much mischief might have been averted 7,social ,life at ,rome1 pp4 #cbe-bf74 ,it is necessary to point out 7#a7 that the early ,roman's sense of duty to ,god and man was never of a kind that could fitly be termed intelligent2 and 7#b7 that it was his character that made his creed1 and not his creed his character1 though creed once formed reacts on conduct4 ,further1 it may be permitted to suggest that we might consider historical problems morally1 and to deprecate the academic view that statesmanship is something necessarily divorced from veracity4 ,the imperfect appeal of ,lucretius to the spirit of truth in an ignorant and piratical community1 living an increasingly parasitic life1 was certainly futile2 but it is a strange sociology that sees in it something dangerous1 while regarding the life of perpetual conquest and plunder as a matter of course1 and the practice of systematic deceit as wholesome4 ,the summary of the situation is that ,cicero's policy of religious make-believe could no more have saved ,rome than ,plato's could have saved ,athens1 or than that of ,augustus did save the empire4 ,it went downhill about as steadily after as before him2 and it continued to do so under ,christianity as under paganism4 ,the decline was absolutely involved in the policy of universal conquest2 and neither creeds nor criticism of creeds could have averted the result while the cause subsisted4 ,but there is something gratuitously anti-rational in the thesis that such a decay might have been prevented by a politic manipulation of beliefs known to be false1 and that some regeneration was really worked in ,rome by the tale of pious neas4 ,in his ,religious ,experience of the ,roman ,people 7#aiaa7 ,dr4 ,fowler is more circumspect4 ,in the upper-class ,rome of ,cicero's day his type seems to have been predominant1 #gid the women alone being in the mass orthodox1 #gie and in their case the tendency was to add new superstitions to the old4 ,among public men there subsisted a clear understanding that public religion should continue for reasons of ,state4 ,when we find an eminent politician like the elder ,m4 milius ,scaurus prosecuted in the year #ajc ,b4,c4 on a charge of neglecting certain religious ceremonies connected with his offices1 we know that there had been neither conscientious abstention on his part nor sincere religious resentment on the other side1 but merely a resort by political enemies1 after ,greek precedent1 to a popular means of blackening an antagonist2 for the same ,scaurus1 who was a member of the college of augurs1 had actually rebuilt or restored the temple of ,fides1 said to have been founded by ,numa1 and that of ,mens 7,prudence71 which had been set up after the great defeat of the ,romans at the ,trasimene lake2 #gif the early and the late procedure alike illustrating the political and pragmatic character of the ,state religion4 #gig ,in the supreme figure of ,julius ,csar we see the ,roman brain at its strongest2 and neither his avowed unbelief in the already popular doctrine of immortality1 #gih nor his repeatedly expressed contempt for the auspices1 #gii withheld him from holding and fulfilling the function of high pontiff4 ,the process of skepticism had been rapid among the men of action4 ,the illiterate ,marius carried about with him a ,syrian prophetess2 of ,sulla1 who unhesitatingly plundered the temple of ,delphi1 it was said that he carried a small figure of ,apollo as an amulet2 #hjj of ,csar1 unless insofar as it may be true that in his last years1 like ,napoleon1 he grew to believe in omens as his powers failed1 under the stress of perpetual conflict1 #hja it cannot be pretended that he was aught but a convinced freethinker4 #hjb ,the greatest and most intellectual man of action in the ancient world had no part in the faith which was supposed to have determined the success of the most powerful of all the ancient nations4 ,dean ,merivale1 noting that ,csar professed without reserve the principles of the unbelievers1 observes that1 freethinker as he was1 he could not escape from the universal thraldom of superstition in which his contemporaries were held 7,hist4 of the ,romans under the ,empire1 ed4 #ahfe1 ii1 #dbd74 ,the reproach1 from a priest1 is piquant1 but misleading4 ,all the stories on which it is founded apply to the last two or three years of ,csar's life2 and supposing them to be all true1 which is very doubtful1 they would but prove what has been suggested above--that the overstrained soldier1 rising to the dizzy height of a tremendous career1 partly lost his mental balance1 like so many another4 7,cp4 ,mackail1 ,latin ,literature1 #ahie1 p4 #hj47 ,such is the bearing of the doubtful story 7,pliny1 ,hist4 ,nat4 xxviii1 #b7 that after the breaking down of a chariot 7presumably the casualty which took place in his fourfold triumph2 see ,dio ,cassius1 xlviii1 #ba7 he never mounted another without muttering a charm4 ,m4 ,boissier 7i1 #gj7 makes the statement of ,pliny apply to ,csar's whole life2 but although ,pliny gives no particulars1 even ,dean ,merivale 7p4 #cgb7 connects it with the accident in the triumph4 ,to the same time belongs the less challengeable record 7,dio ,cassius1 lx1 #bc7 of his climbing on his knees up the steps of the ,capitol to propitiate ,nemesis4 ,the very questionable legend1 applied so often to other captains1 of his saying1 ,i have thee1 ,africa1 when he stumbled on landing 7,sueton4 ,jul4 #ei71 is a proof not of superstition but of presence of mind in checking the superstitious fears of the troops1 and was so understood by ,suetonius2 as was the rather flimsy story of his taking with him in ,africa a man nicknamed ,salutio 7,sueton4 ibid47 to neutralize the luck of the opposing ,cornelii4 ,the whole turn given to the details by the clerical historian is arbitrary and unjudicial4 ,nor is he accurate in saying that ,csar denied the ,gods in the ,senate4 ,he actually swore by them1 per ,deos immortales1 in the next sentence to that in which he denied a future state4 ,the assertion of the historian 7p4 #dbc71 that in denying the immortality of the soul ,csar denied the recognized foundation of all religion1 is a no less surprising error4 ,the doctrine never had been so recognized in ancient ,rome4 ,a ,christian ecclesiastic might have been expected to remember that the ,jewish religion1 believed by him to be divine1 was devoid of the recognized foundation in question1 and that the canonical book of ,ecclesiastes expressly discards it4 ,of course ,csar offered sacrifices to ,gods in whom he did not believe4 ,that was the habitual procedure of his age4 #c ,it is significant that the decay of rationalism in ,rome begins and proceeds with the ,empire4 ,augustus1 whose chosen name was sacerdotal in its character1 #hjc made it part of his policy to restore as far as possible the ancient cults1 many of which had fallen into extreme neglect1 between the indifference of the aristocratic class #hjd and the devotion of the populace1 itself so largely alien1 to the more attractive worships introduced from ,egypt and the ,east4 ,that he was himself a habitually superstitious man seems certain2 #hje but even had he not been1 his policy would have been natural from the ,roman point of view4 ,a historian of two centuries later puts in the mouth of ,mcenas an imagined counsel to the young emperor to venerate and enforce the national religion1 to exclude and persecute foreign cults1 to put down alike atheism and magic1 to control divination officially1 and to keep an eye on the philosophers4 #hjf ,what the empire sought above all things was stability2 and a regimen of religion1 under imperial control1 seemed one of the likeliest ways to keep the people docile4 ,julius himself had seemed to plan such a policy1 #hjg though he also planned to establish public libraries1 #hjh which would hardly have promoted faith among the educated4 ,augustus1 however1 aimed at encouraging public religion of every description1 repairing or rebuilding eighty-two temples at ,rome alone1 giving them rich gifts1 restoring old festivals and ceremonies1 reinstituting priestly colleges1 encouraging special foreign worships1 and setting up new civic cults2 himself playing high pontiff and joining each new priesthood1 to the end of making his power and prestige so far identical with theirs2 #hji in brief1 anticipating the later ruling principle of the ,church of ,rome4 ,the natural upshot of the whole process was the imperial apotheosis1 or raising of each emperor to ,godhead at death4 ,the usage of deifying living rulers was long before common in ,egypt and the east1 #haj and had been adopted by the conquering ,spartan ,lysander in ,asia ,minor as readily as by the conquering ,alexander4 ,julius ,csar seems to have put it aside as a nauseous flattery2 #haa but ,augustus wrought it into his policy4 ,it was the consummation at once of the old political conception of religion and of the new autocracy4 ,in a society so managed1 all hope of return to self-government having ceased1 the level of thought sank accordingly4 ,there was practically no more active freethought4 ,livy1 indeed1 speaks so often of the contempt shown in his own day for tales of prodigies1 and of what he calls contempt for the ,gods1 #hab that there can be no question of the lack of religion among the upper classes at the beginning of the empire4 ,but even in ,livy's day unbelief had ceased to go beyond a shrugging of the shoulders4 ,horace1 with his credat ,judus ,apella1 and his frank rejection of the fear of the ,deos tristes1 #hac was no believer1 but he was not one to cross the emperor1 #had and he was ready to lend himself to the official policy of religion4 #hae ,ovid could satirize #haf the dishonest merchant who prayed to the ,gods to absolve his frauds2 but he hailed ,augustus as the sacred founder and restorer of temples1 #hag prayed for him as such1 busied himself with the archology of the cults1 and made it1 not quite without irony1 a maxim to spare an accepted belief4 #hah ,virgil1 at heart a pantheist with rationalistic leanings1 #hai but sadly divided between ,lucretius and ,augustus1 his poetical and his political masters1 #hbj tells all the transition from the would-be scientific to the newly-credulous age in the two wistful lines3-- ,felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas 444 ,fortunatus et ille1 ,deos qui novit agrestes #hba --happy he who has been able to learn the causes of things2 fortunate also he who has known the rural ,gods4 ,the ,gods1 rural and other1 entered on their due heritage in a world of decadence2 ,virgil's epic is a religious celebration of antiquity2 and ,livy's history is written in the credulous spirit1 or at least in the tone1 of an older time1 with a few concessions to recent common sense4 #hbb ,in the next generation ,seneca's monotheistic aversion to the popular superstitions is the high-water mark of the period1 and represents the elevating power of the higher ,greek ,stoicism4 ,on this score he belongs to the freethinking age1 while his theistic apriorism belongs to the next4 #hbc ,all the while his principle of conformity to all legal observances #hbd leaves him powerless to modify the environment4 ,as the empire proceeds1 the echoes of the old freethought become fewer and fewer4 ,it is an entire misconception to suppose that ,christianity came into the ,roman world as a saving counter-force to licentious unbelief4 ,unbelief had in large part disappeared before ,christianity made any headway2 and that creed came as one of many popular cults1 succeeding in terms of its various adaptations to the special conditions1 moral and economic4 ,it was easy for the populace of the empire to deify a ruler3 as easy as for those of the ,east to deify ,jesus2 or for the early ,romans to deify ,romulus2 at ,rome it was the people1 now so largely of alien stock1 who had most insisted on deifying ,csar4 #hbe ,but the upper class soon kept pace with them in the zest for religion4 ,in the first century1 the elder ,pliny recalls the spirit of ,lucretius by the indignant eloquence with which he protests against the burdensome belief in immortality2 #hbf and the emphasis with which he scouts alike the polytheism of the multitude1 the universal worship of ,fortune1 and the idea that man can know the infinite divinity which is the universe2 #hbg but1 though ,seneca and others reject the fear of future torment1 ,pliny is the last writer to repudiate with energy the idea of a future state4 #hbh ,a number of epitaphs still chime with his view2 but already the majority are on the other side2 #hbi and the fear of hell was normally as active as the hope of heaven2 while the belief in an approaching end of the world was proportionally as common as it was later under ,christianity4 #hcj ,and though ,pliny1 discussing the bases of magic1 of which he recognized the fraudulence1 ranks among them the influences of religion1 as to which he declared mankind to be still in extreme darkness1 #hca we have seen how he in turn1 on theistic grounds1 frowned upon ,hipparchos for daring to number the stars4 #hcb ,thus1 whatever may be the truth as to the persecutions of the ,christians in the first two centuries of the empire1 the motive was in all cases certainly political or moral1 as in the earlier case of the ,bacchic mysteries1 not rationalistic hostility to its doctrines as apart from ,christian attacks on the established worships4 ,some unbelievers there doubtless were after ,petronius1 whose perdurable maxim that ,fear first made ,gods in the world1 #hcc adopted in the next generation by ,statius1 #hcd was too pregnant with truth to miss all acceptance among thinking men4 ,the fact that ,statius in his verse ranked ,domitian with the ,gods made its truth none the less pointed4 ,the ,alexandrian rationalist ,chaeremon1 who had been appointed one of the tutors of ,nero1 had explained the ,egyptian religion as a mere allegorizing of the physical order of the universe4 #hce ,it has been remarked too that in the next century the appointment of the freethinking ,greek ,lucian by ,marcus ,aurelius to a post of high authority in ,egypt showed that his writings gave no great offence at court1 #hcf where1 indeed1 save under the two great ,antonines1 religious seriousness was rare4 ,these1 however1 were the exceptions3 the whole cast of mind developed under the autocracy1 whether in the good or in the bad1 made for belief and acquiescence or superstition rather than for searching doubt and sustained reasoning4 ,the statement of ,mosheim or of his commentators 7,eccles4 ,hist4 #a ,cent4 ,pt4 ,i1 ch4 i1 #ba1 note2 ,murdock's trans4 ,reid's ed47 that ,juvenal 7,sat4 xiii1 #hf7 complains of the many atheists at ,rome is a perversion of the passage cited4 ,juvenal's allusion to those who put all things down to fortune and deny a moral government of the world begins with the phrase sunt qui1 there are 7those7 who2 he makes far more account of the many superstitious1 and never suggests that the atheists are numerous in his day4 ,neither does he complain2 on the contrary1 his allusion to the atheists as such is non-condemnatory as compared with his attacks on pious rogues1 and is thus part of the ground for holding that he was himself something of a freethinker--one of the last among the literary men4 ,in the tenth ,satire 7#cdf sqq47 he puts the slightly theistic doctrine1 sometimes highly praised 7ed4 ,ruperti1 #ahag1 in loc471 that men should not pray for anything1 but leave the decision to the ,gods1 to whom man is dearer than to himself4 ,there too occurs the famous doctrine 7#cef7 that if anything is to be prayed for it should be the mens sana in corpore sano1 and the strong soul void of the fear of death4 ,the accompanying phrase about offering the intestines and the sacred sausages of a whitish pig is flatly contemptuous of religious ceremonial2 and the closing lines1 placing the source of virtue and happiness within1 are strictly naturalistic4 ,in the two last3-- ,nullum numen habes1 si sit prudentia2 nos or sed te ,nos facimus1 ,fortuna1 ,deam1 coeloque locamus1 the frequent reading abest for habes seems to make the better sense3 ,no divinity is wanting1 if there be prudence2 but it is we1 ,o fortune1 who make thee a ,goddess1 and throne thee in heaven4 ,in any case1 the insistence is on man's lordship of himself4 7,the phrase occurs again in ,sat4 xiv1 #cae47 ,but the worship of ,fortune--which ,pliny declares to be the prevailing faith of his day 7,hist4 ,nat4 ,,ii1 v 7vii71 #g7--was itself a cult like another1 with temples and ritual2 and the astrology which1 he adds1 is beginning to supersede ,fortune-worship among the learned and the ignorant alike1 was but a reversion to an older ,eastern religion4 ,his own preference is for sun-worship1 if any2 but he falls back on the conviction that the power of ,god is limited1 and that ,god is thus seen to be simply ,nature 7id4 #h74 ,the erroneous notion that the ,roman aristocracy ran mainly to atheism was widely propagated by ,voltaire1 who made it part of his argument against the atheism of his own day 7,jenni2 art4 ,athisme1 in the ,dict4 ,philos41 etc474 ,it will not bear examination4 ,as regards the general tone of ,roman literature from the first century onwards1 the summing-up of ,renan is substantially just3 ,the freethinkers 444 diminish little by little1 and disappear4444 ,juvenal alone continues in ,roman society1 down to the time of ,hadrian1 the expression of a frank incredulity4444 ,science dies out from day to day4 ,from the death of ,seneca1 it may be said that there is no longer a thoroughly rationalistic scholar4 ,pliny the ,elder is inquisitive1 but uncritical4 ,tacitus1 ,pliny the ,younger1 ,suetonius1 avoid commenting on the inanity of the most ridiculous inventions4 ,pliny the ,younger 7,ep4 vii1 #bg7 believes in puerile stories of ghosts2 ,epictetus 7xxxi1 #e7 would have all practise the established worship4 ,even a writer so frivolous as ,apuleius feels himself bound to take the tone of a rigid conservative about the ,gods 7,florida1 i1 #a2 ,de ,magia1 #da1 #ee1 #ef1 #fc74 ,a single man1 about the middle of this century1 seems entirely exempt from supernatural beliefs2 that is ,lucian4 ,the scientific spirit1 which is the negation of the supernatural1 exists only in a few2 superstition invades all1 enfeebling all reason 7,les vangiles1 ed4 #ahgg1 pp4 #djf-djg74 ,that the mental paralysis connects causally with the political conditions will perhaps not now be denied4 ,a censorship of the written word belongs congenitally to autocracy2 and only the personal magnanimity of ,csar and the prudence of ,augustus delayed its development in ,rome4 ,soon it became an irresistible terrorism4 ,even ,csar1 indeed1 so far forgot one of the great rules of his life as to impeach before the ,senate the tribunes who had quite justifiably prosecuted some of the people who had hailed him as king2 #hcg and the fact that the ,senate was already slavish enough to eject them gives the forecast of the future4 ,augustus long showed a notable forbearance to all manner of verbal opposition1 and even disparagement2 but at length he also began to prosecute for private aspersions1 #hch and even to suppress histories of a too critical stamp4 ,tiberius began his reign with the high-pitched sentiment that in a free ,state tongue and mind should be free2 #hci and for a time he bore himself with an exemplary restraint2 but he too1 in turn1 took the colour of his place1 and became murderously resentful of any semblance of aspersion on himself4 #hdj ,the famous sentiment ascribed to him in the ,annals of ,tacitus1 ,deorum injuriae diis curae #hda--the ,gods' wrongs are the ,gods' business--is not noted by ,suetonius1 and has an un-,roman sound4 ,what ,suetonius tells is #hdb that he was very negligent concerning the ,gods and religions1 yet addicted to the astrologers1 and a believer in fate4 ,the fact remains that while1 as aforesaid1 there must have been still a number of unbelievers1 there is no sign after ,lucretius of any ,roman propaganda against religion2 and the presumption is that the ,augustan policy of promoting the old cults was extended to the maintenance of the ordinary ,roman view that disrespect to the ,gods was a danger to the ,state4 ,in the reign of ,nero we find trace of a treatise ,de religionis erroribus by ,fabricius ,vejento1 #hdc wherein was ridiculed the zeal of the priests to proclaim mysteries which they did not understand2 but1 whether or not its author was exiled and the book burnt on their protest1 such literature was not further produced4 #hdd ,there was1 in fact1 no spirit left for a ,lucretian polemic against false beliefs4 ,everything in the nature of a searching criticism of life was menaced by the autocracy2 ,nero decreeing that no man should philosophize at ,rome1 #hde after slaying or banishing a series of philosophers2 #hdf ,domitian crucifying the very scribes who copied the work of ,hermogenes of ,tarsus1 in which he was obliquely criticized4 #hdg ,when men in the mass crouched before such tyranny1 helplessly beholding emperor after emperor overtaken by the madness that accrues to absolute power1 they were disabled for any disinterested warfare on behalf of truth4 ,all serious impeachment of religion proceeds upon an ethical motive2 and in imperial ,rome there was no room for any nobility of ethic save such as upbore the ,stoics in their austere pursuit of self-control1 in a world too full of evil to be delighted in4 ,thus it came about that the ,csars1 who would doubtless have protected their co-operating priesthoods from any serious attack on the official religion1 #hdh had practically no occasion to do so4 ,lucian's jests were cast at the ,gods of ,greece1 not at those of the ,roman official cults2 hence his immunity4 ,what the ,csars were concerned to do was rather to menace any alien religion that seemed to undermine the solidarity of the ,state2 and of such religions1 first the ,jewish1 and later the ,christian1 were obvious examples4 ,thus we have it that ,tiberius put down foreign religions 7externas ceremonias71 in particular the ,egyptian and ,judaic rites2 pulling down the temple of ,isis1 crucifying her priests1 expelling from ,rome all ,jews and proselytes1 and forcing the ,jewish youth to undergo military service in unhealthy climates4 #hdi ,even the astrologers1 in whose lore he believed1 he expelled until they promised to renounce their art--a precedent partly set up by ,augustus1 #hej and followed with varying severity by all the emperors1 pagan and ,christian alike4 ,and still the old ,italian religion waned1 as it must4 ,on the one hand1 the ,italic population was almost wholly replaced or diluted by alien stocks1 slave or free1 with alien cults and customs2 on the other1 the utter insincerity of the official cults1 punctiliously conserved by well-paid1 unbelieving priests1 invited indifference4 ,in the nature of things1 an unchanging creed is moribund2 life means adaptation to change2 and it was only the alien cults that in ,rome adapted themselves to the psychic mutation4 ,among the educated1 who had read their ,lucretius1 the spectacle of the innumerable cults of the empire conduced either to entire but tacit unbelief1 or to a species of vaguely rationalistic #hea yet sentimental monotheism1 in which ,reason sometimes figured as universal ,deity4 #heb ,among the uneducated the progression was constant towards one or other of the emotional and ritualistic oriental faiths1 so much better adapted to their down-trodden life4 #d ,one element of betterment there was in the life of declining ,rome1 until the ,roman ideals were superseded by oriental4 ,even the ,augustan poets1 ,horace and ,ovid1 had protested like the ,hebrew prophets1 and like ,plato and like ,cicero1 against the idea that rich sacrifices availed with the ,gods above a pure heart2 and such doctrine1 while paganism lasted1 prevailed more and more4 #hec ,at the same time1 ,horace rejects the ,judo-,stoic doctrine1 adopted in the gospels1 that all sins are equal1 and lays down the rational moral test of utility--,utilitas justi prop mater et aequi4 #hed ,the better and more thoughtful men who grew up under the autocracy1 though inevitably feebler and more credulous in their thinking than those of the later commonwealth1 developed at length a concern for conduct1 public and private1 which lends dignity to the later philosophic literature1 and lustre to the imperial rule of the ,antonines4 ,this concern it was that1 linking ,greek theory to ,roman practice1 produced a code of rational law which could serve ,europe for a thousand years4 ,this concern too it was1 joined with the relatively high moral quality of their theism1 that ennobled the writing of ,seneca #hee and ,epictetus and ,maximus of ,tyre2 and irradiates the words as well as the rule of ,marcus ,aurelius4 ,in them was anticipated all that was good #hef in the later ,christian ethic1 even as the popular faiths anticipated the ,christian dogmas2 and they cherished a temper of serenity that the ,fathers fell far short of4 ,to compare their pages with those of the subsequent ,christian ,fathers--,seneca with ,lactantius1 the ,christian ,cicero2 ,maximus with ,arnobius2 ,epictetus with ,tertullian2 the admirable ,marcus1 and his ideal of the dear city of ,zeus1 with the shrill polemic of ,augustine's ,city of ,god and the hysteria of the ,confessions--is to prove a rapid descent in magnanimity1 sanity1 self-command1 sweetness of spirit1 and tolerance4 ,what figures as religious intolerance in the ,csars was1 as we have seen1 always a political1 never a religious1 animosity4 ,any prosecution of ,christians under the ,antonines was certainly on the score of breach of law1 turbulence1 or real or supposed malpractices1 not on that of heresy--a crime created only by the ,christians themselves1 in their own conflicts4 ,the scientific account of the repellent characteristics of the ,fathers1 of course1 is not that their faith made them what they were1 but that the ever-worsening social and intellectual conditions assorted such types into their ecclesiastical places1 and secured for them their influence over the types now prevailing among the people4 ,they too stand for the intellectual dissolution wrought by imperialism4 ,when all the higher forms of intellectual efficiency were at an end1 it was impossible that on any religious impulse whatever there should be generated either a higher code of life or a saner body of thought than those of the higher paganism of the past4 ,their very arguments against paganism are largely drawn from old pagan sources4 ,those who still speak of the rise of ,christianity in the ancient world as a process of regeneration are merely turning historical science out of doors4 ,the ,christian ,fathers had all the opportunity that a life of quasi-intellectual specialism could supply2 and their liberty of criticism as regarded the moribund pagan creeds was a further gymnastic2 but nothing could countervail the insanity of their intellectual presuppositions1 which they could not transcend4 ,inheriting the ,judaic hypnotism of the ,sacred ,book1 they could reason only as do railers2 and the moral readjustment which put them in revolt against the erotic element in pagan mythology was a mere substitution of an ascetic neurosis for the old disease of imagination4 ,strictly speaking1 their asceticism1 being never rationalized1 never rose to the level of ethic as distinguished from mere taboo or sacrosanct custom4 ,as we shall see1 they could not wholly escape the insurgence of the spirit of reason2 but they collectively scouted it with a success attained by no other ostensibly educated priesthood of antiquity4 ,they intellectually represent1 in fact1 the consummation of the general ,mediterranean decadence4 ,for the rest1 the triumph of the new faith was simply the survival of the forms of thought1 and1 above all1 of the form of religious community1 best fitted to the political and intellectual environment4 ,the new ,church organization was above all things a great economic endowment for a class of preachers1 polemists1 and propagandists2 and between the closing of the old spheres of public life and the opening of the new1 #heg the new faith was established as much by political and economic conditions as by its intellectual adaptation to an age of mental twilight4 ,of the religion of the educated pagans in its last forms1 then1 it is finally to be said that it was markedly rationalistic as compared with the ,christianity which followed1 and has been on that ground stigmatized by ,christian orthodoxy down till our own day4 ,the religion of ,marcus ,aurelius is self-reverence1 self-study1 self-rule1 plus faith in ,deity2 and it is not to be gainsaid that1 next to his adoptive father ,antoninus ,pius1 he remains the noblest monarch in ancient history2 the nearest parallel being the more superstitious but still noble ,julian1 the last of the great pagan rulers4 ,in such rulers the antique philosophy was in a measure justified of its children2 and if it never taught them to grapple with the vast sociological problem set up by the ,empire1 and so failed to preserve the antique civilization1 it at least did as much for them in that regard as the new faith did for its followers4 ,,chapter ,,vii ,,ancient ,,christianity ,,and ,,its ,,opponents #a ,the ,christian gospels1 broadly considered1 stand for a certain measure of freethinking reaction against the ,jewish religion1 and are accordingly to be reckoned with in the present inquiry2 albeit their practical outcome was only an addition to the world's supernaturalism and traditional dogma4 ,to estimate aright their share of freethought1 we have but to consider the kind and degree of demand they made on the reason of the ancient listener1 as apart1 that is1 from the demand made on their basis for the recognition of a new ,deity4 ,when this is done it will be found that they express in parts a process of reflection which outwent even critical common sense in a kind of ecstatic ,stoicism1 an oriental repudiation of the tyranny of passions and appetites2 in other parts a mysticism that proceeds as far beyond the credulity of ordinary faith4 ,socially considered1 they embody a similar opposition between an anarchistic and a partly orthodox or regulative ideal4 ,the plain inference is that they stand for many independent movements of thought in the ,grco-,roman world4 ,it is actually on record that the reduction of the whole law to love of one's neighbour #heh was taught before the ,christian era by the famous ,rabbi ,hillel2 #hei and the gospel itself #hfj shows that this view was current4 ,in another passage #hfa the reduction of the ten commandments to five again indicates a not uncommon disregard for the ecclesiastical side of the law4 ,but the difference between the two passages points of itself to various forces of relative freethought4 ,any attentive study of the gospels discloses not merely much glossing and piecing and interpolating of documents1 but a plain medley of doctrines1 of ideals1 of principles2 and to accept the mass of disconnected utterances ascribed to the ,lord1 many of them associated with miracles1 as the oral teaching of any one man1 is a proceeding so uncritical that in no other study could it now be followed4 ,the simple fact that the ,pauline ,epistles 7by whomsoever written7 show no knowledge of any ,jesuine miracles or teachings whatever1 except as regards the ,last ,supper 7#a ,cor4 xi1 #bd-be--;a passage obviously interpolated71 admits of only three possible interpretations3 7#a7 the ,jesus then believed in had not figured as a teacher at all2 or 7#b7 the writer or writers gave no credit or attached no importance to reports of his teachings4 ,either of these views 7of which the first is plainly the more plausible7 admits of 7#c7 the further conclusion that the ,pauline ,jesus was not the ,gospel ,jesus1 but an earlier one--a fair enough hypothesis2 but on that view the mass of ,dominical utterances in the gospels is only so much the less certificated4 ,when1 then1 it is admitted by all open-minded students that the events in the narrative are in many cases fictitious1 even when they are not miraculous1 it is wholly inadmissible that the sayings should be trustworthy1 as one man's teachings4 ,analysing them in collation1 we find even in the ,synoptics1 and without taking into account the ,fourth ,gospel1 such wide discrepancies as the following3-- #a4 ,the doctrine3 the ,kingdom of ,god is among you 7,lk4 xvii1 #ba71 side by side with promises of the speedy arrival of the ,son of ,man1 whose coming the ,kingdom of ,god 7cp4 ,mt4 iii1 #b1 #c2 iv1 #ag2 ,mk4 i1 #ae74 #b4 ,the frequent profession to supersede the ,law 7,mt4 v1 #ba1 #cc1 #ch1 #dc1 etc472 and the express declaration that not one jot or tittle thereof is to be superseded 7,mt4 v1 #ag-bj74 #c4 ,proclamation of a gospel for the poor and the enslaved 7,lk4 iv1 #ah72 with the tacit acceptance of slavery 7,lk4 xvii1 #g1 #i1 #aj2 where the word translated servant in the ,a4,v41 and let pass by ,mc,clellan1 ,blackader1 and other reforming ,english critics1 certainly means slave74 #d4 ,stipulation for the simple fulfilment of the ,law as a passport to eternal life1 with or without further self-denial 7,mt4 xix1 #af-ba2 ,lk4 x1 #bh2 xviii1 #bb72 on the other hand a stipulation for simple benevolence1 as in the ,egyptian ritual 7,mt4 xxv2 cp4 ,lk4 ix1 #dh72 and yet again stipulations for blind faith 7,mt4 x1 #ae7 and for blood redemption 7,mt4 xxvi1 #bh74 #e4 ,alternate promise 7,mt4 vi1 #cc2 xix1 #bi7 and denial 7,mt4 x1 #cd-ci7 of temporal blessings4 #f4 ,alternate commands to secrecy 7,mt4 xii1 #af2 viii1 #d2 ix1 #cj2 ,mk4 iii1 #ab2 v1 #dc2 vii1 #cf7 and to publicity 7,mt4 vii1 #g-h2 ,mk4 v1 #ai7 concerning miracles1 with a frequent record of their public performance4 #g4 ,specific restriction of salvation to ,israelites 7,mt4 x1 #e1 #f2 xv1 #bd2 xix1 #bh72 equally specific declaration that the ,kingdom of ,god shall be to another nation 7,mt4 xxii1 #dc72 no less specific assurance that the ,son of ,man 7not the ,twelve as in ,mt4 xix1 #bh7 shall judge all nations1 not merely ,israel 7,mt4 xxv1 #cb2 cp4 viii1 #aa74 #h4 ,profession to teach all1 especially the simple and the childlike 7,mt4 xviii1 #c2 xi1 #be1 #bh-cj2 ,mk4 x1 #ae72 on the contrary1 a flat declaration 7,mt4 xiii1 #aj-af2 ,mk4 iv1 #aa2 ,lk4 viii1 #aj2 cp4 ,mk4 iv1 #cd7 that the saving teaching is only for the special disciples2 yet again 7,mt4 xv1 #af2 ,mk4 vi1 #eb2 viii1 #ag1 #ah7 imputations of lack of understanding to them4 #i4 ,companionship of the ,teacher with publicans and sinners 7,mt4 ix1 #aj72 and1 on the other hand1 a reference to the publicans as falling far short of the needed measure of loving-kindness 7,mt4 v1 #df74 #aj4 ,explicit contrarieties of phrase1 not in context 7,mt4 xii1 #cj2 ,lk4 xi1 #ej74 #aa4 ,flat contradictions of narrative as to the ,teacher's local success 7,mt4 xiii1 #ed-eh2 ,lk4 iv1 #bc74 #ab4 ,insistence that the ,messiah is of the ,davidic line 7,mt4 i2 xxi1 #ae2 ,lk4 i1 #bg2 ii1 #d71 and that he is not 7,mt4 xxii1 #dc-de2 ,mk4 xii1 #ce-cg2 ,lk4 xx74 #ac4 ,contradictory precepts as to limitation and non-limitation of forgiveness 7,mt4 xviii1 #ag1 #bb74 ,such variously serious discrepancies count for more than even the chronological and other divergences of the records concerning the ,birth1 the ,supper1 the ,crucifixion1 and the ,resurrection1 as proofs of diversity of source2 and they may be multiplied indefinitely4 ,the only course for criticism is to admit that they stand for the ideas of a variety of sects or movements1 or else for an unlimited manipulation of the documents by individual hands4 ,many of them may very well have come from various so-called ,lords and ,messiahs2 but they cannot be from a single teacher4 ,there remains open the fascinating problem as to whether some if not all of the more notable teachings may not be the utterances of one teacher of commanding originality1 whose sectaries were either unable to appreciate or unable to keep separate his doctrine4 #hfb ,undoubtedly some of the better teachings came first from men of superior capacity and relatively deep ethical experience4 ,the veto on revenge1 and the inculcation of love to enemies1 could not come from commonplace minds2 and the saying preserved from the ,gospel ,according to the ,hebrews1 ,unless ye cease from sacrificing the wrath shall not cease from you1 has a remarkable ring4 #hfc ,but when we compare the precept of forgiveness with similar teachings in the ,hebrew books and the ,talmud1 #hfd we realize that the capacity for such thought had been shown by a number of ,jewish teachers1 and that it was a specific result of the long sequence of wrong and oppression undergone by the ,jewish people at the hands of their conquerors4 ,the unbearable1 consuming pain of an impotent hate1 and the spectacle of it in others--this experience among thoughtful men1 and not an unconditioned genius for ethic in one1 is the source of a teaching which1 categorically put as it is in the gospels1 misses its meaning with most who profess to admire it2 the proof being the entire failure of most ,christians in all ages to act on it4 ,to say nothing of similar teaching in ,old ,testament books and in the ,talmud1 we have it in the most emphatic form in the pre-,christian ,slavonic ,enoch4 #hfe ,a superior ethic1 then1 stands not for one man's supernormal insight1 but for the acquired wisdom of a number of wise men4 ,and it is now utterly impossible to name the individual framers of the gospel teachings1 good or bad4 ,the central biography dissolves at every point before critical tests2 it is a mythical construction4 #hff ,of the ideas in the ,sermon on the ,mount1 many are ancient2 of the parabolic and other teachings1 some of the most striking occur only in the third gospel1 and are unquestionably late4 ,and when we are asked to recognize a unique personality behind any one doctrine1 such as the condemnation of sacrifice in the uncanonical ,hebrew ,gospel1 we can but answer 7#a7 that on the face of the case this doctrine appears to come from a separate circle2 7#b7 that the renunciation of sacrifice was made by many ,greek and ,roman writers1 #hfg and by earlier teachers among the ,hebrews2 #hfh and 7#c7 that in the ,talmud1 and in such a pre-,christian document as the ,slavonic ,enoch1 there are teachings which1 had they occurred in the gospels1 would have been confidently cited as unparalleled in ancient literature4 ,the ,talmudic teachings1 so vitally necessary in ,jewry1 that it is better to be persecuted than persecutor1 and that1 were the persecutor a just man and the persecuted an impious1 ,god would still be on the side of the persecuted1 #hfi are not equalled for practical purposes by any in the ,christian sacred books2 and the ,enochic beatitude1 ,blessed is he who looks to raise his own hand for labour1 #hgj is no less remarkable4 ,but it is impossible to associate these teachings with any outstanding personality1 or any specific movements2 and to posit a movement-making personality in the sole case of certain scattered sayings in the gospels is critically inadmissible4 ,there is positively no ground for supposing that any selected set of teachings constituted the basis or the original propaganda of any single ,christian sect1 primary or secondary2 and the whole known history of the cult tells against the hypothesis that it ever centred round those teachings which to-day specially appeal to the ethical rationalist4 ,such teachings are more likely to be adventitious than fundamental1 in a cult of sacrificial salvation4 ,when an essentially rationalistic note is struck in the gospels1 as in the insistence #hga that a notable public catastrophe is not to be regarded in the old ,jewish manner as a punishment for sin1 it is cancelled in the next sentence by an interpolation which unintelligently reaffirms the very doctrine denied4 #hgb ,so with the teaching #hgc that the coming worship is to be neither ,judaic nor ,samaritan3 the next sentence reaffirms ,jewish particularism in the crudest way4 ,the main movement1 then1 was clearly superstitious4 ,it remains to note the so-far rationalistic character of such teachings as the protests against ceremonialism and sabbatarianism1 the favouring of the poor and the outcast1 the extension of the future life to non-,israelites1 and the express limitation of prayer 7,mt4 vi1 #i2 ,lk4 xi1 #b7 to a simple expression of religious feeling--a prescription which has been absolutely ignored through the whole history of the ,church1 despite the constant use of the one prayer prescribed--itself a compilation of current ,jewish phrases4 ,the expression in the ,dominical prayer translated ,give us this day or day by day our daily bread 7,mt4 vi1 #aa2 ,lk4 xi1 #c7 is pointless and tautological as it stands in the ,english and other ,protestant versions4 ,in verse #h is the assurance that the ,father knows beforehand what is needed2 the prayer is1 therefore1 to be a simple process of communion or advocation1 free of all verbiage2 then1 to make it specially ask for the necessary subsistence1 without which life would cease1 and further to make the demand each day1 when in the majority of cases there would be no need to offer such a request1 is to stultify the whole4 ,if the most obvious necessity is to be urged1 why not all the less obvious8 ,the ,vulgate translation1 ,give us to-day our super-substantial bread1 though it has the air of providing for the ,mass1 is presumptively the original sense2 and is virtually supported by ,mc,clellan 7,n4 ,t4 #ahge1 ii1 #fde-dg71 who notes that the repeated use of the article1 ton arton hmn ton epiousion1 implies a special meaning1 and remarks that of all the suggested translations daily is the very one which is mostly manifestly and utterly condemned4 ,compare the bearing of the verses ,mt4 vi1 #be-bf1 #ca-cd1 which expressly exclude the idea of prayer for bread1 and ,lk4 xi1 #ac4 ,the idea of a super-substantial bread seems already established in ,philo1 ,de ,legum ,allegor4 iii1 #ee-eg1 #ei-fa4 ,naturally the average theologian 7e4g41 ,bishop ,lightfoot1 cited by ,mc,clellan7 clings to the conception of a daily appeal to the ,god for physical sustenance2 but in so doing he is utterly obscuring the original doctrine4 ,properly interpreted1 the prayer forms a curious parallel to the close of the tenth satire of ,juvenal1 above cited1 where all praying for concrete boons is condemned1 on the ground that the ,gods know best1 and that man is dearer to them than to himself2 but where there is permitted 7of course1 illogically7 an appeal for soundness of mind and spiritual serenity4 ,the documents would be nearly contemporary1 and1 though independent1 would represent kindred processes of ethical and rational improvement on current religious practice4 ,on the other hand1 the prayer1 lead us not into temptation1 but deliver us from evil--which again rings alien to the context--would have been scouted by ,juvenal as representing a bad survival of the religion of fear4 ,several early citations and early ,,mss41 it should be noted1 give a briefer version of the prayer1 beginning1 ,father1 hallowed be thy name1 and dropping the ,thy will be done clause1 as well as the deliver us from evil1 though including the lead us not into temptation4 ,it may or may not have been that this rationalization of religion was originally preached by the same sect or school as gave the exalted counsel to resist not evil and to love enemies--a line of thought found alike in ,india and in ,china1 and1 in the moderate form of a veto on retaliation1 in ,greece and ,rome4 #hgd ,but it is inconceivable that the same sect originally laid down the doctrines of the blood sacrifice and the final damnation of those who did not accept the ,messiah 7,mt4 x74 ,the latter dogmas1 with the myths1 naturally became the practical creed of the later ,church1 for which the counsel of non-solicitous prayer and the love of enemies were unimaginable ideals4 #hge ,equally incapable of realization by a ,state ,church was the anti-,pharisaical and ,bohemian attitude ascribed to the founder1 and the spirit of independence towards the reigning powers4 ,for the rest1 the occult doctrine that a little faith might suffice to move mountains--a development from the mysticisms of the ,hebrew prophets--could count for nothing save as an incitement to prayer in general4 ,the freethinking elements in the gospels1 in short1 were precisely those which historic ,christianity inevitably cast aside4 #b ,already in the ,epistles the incompatibility of the original critical spirit with sectarian policy has become clear4 ,paul--if the first epistle to the ,thessalonians be his--exhorts his converts to prove all things1 hold fast what is good2 #hgf and by way of making out the ,christist case against unpliable ,jews he argues copiously in his own way2 but as soon as there is a question of another ,jesus #hgg being set up1 he is the sectarian fanatic pure and simple1 and he no more thinks of applying the counsel of criticism to his dogma #hgh than of acting on his prescription of love in controversy4 ,reasonings 7logismous7 are specially stigmatized3 they must be cast down4 #hgi ,the attitude towards slavery now becomes a positive fiat in its support2 #hhj and all political freethinking is superseded by a counsel of conformity4 #hha ,the slight touch of rationalism in the ,judaic epistle of ,james1 where the principle of works is opposed to that of faith1 is itself quashed by an anti-rational conception of works4 #hhb ,from a sect so taught1 freethinking would tend to disappear4 ,it certainly obtruded itself early1 for we have the ,pauline complaint #hhc that some among you say there is no rising from the dead2 but men of that way of thinking had no clear ground for belonging to the community1 and would soon be preached out of it1 leaving only so much of the spirit of criticism as produced heresies within the sphere of supernaturalism4 #c ,when the new creed1 spreading through the ,empire1 comes actively in contact with paganism1 the rationalistic principle of anti-idolatry1 still preserved by the ,jewish impulse1 comes into prominence2 and insofar as they criticized pagan myths and pagan image-worship1 the early ,christians may be said to have rationalized4 #hhd ,polytheists applied the term atheistical alike to them #hhe and the ,jews4 #hhf ,as soon as the cult was joined by lettered men1 the primitive rationalism of ,evmeros was turned by them to account2 and a series of ,fathers1 including ,clement of ,alexandria1 ,arnobius1 ,lactantius1 and ,augustine1 pressed the case against the pagan creeds with an unflagging malice which1 if exhibited by later rationalists towards their own creed1 ,christians would characterize in strong terms4 ,but the practice of criticism towards other creeds was1 with the religious as with the philosophical sects1 no help to self-criticism4 ,the attitude of the ,christian mass towards pagan idols and the worship of the ,emperor was rather one of frenzy #hhg than of intellectual superiority2 #hhh and the ,fathers never seem to have found a rationalistic discipline in their polemic against pagan beliefs4 ,where the unbelieving ,lucian brightly banters1 they taunt and asperse1 in the temper of barbarians deriding the ,gods of the enemy4 ,none of them seems to realize the bearing against his own creed of the pagan argument that to die and to suffer is to give proof of non-deity4 #hhi ,in the end1 the very image-worship which had been the main ground of their rational attack on paganism became the universal usage of their own ,church2 and its worship of saints and angels1 of ,father1 ,son1 and ,virgin ,mother1 made it more truly a polytheism than the creed of the later pagans had been4 #hij ,it is therefore rather to the heresies within the ,church than to its attacks on the old polytheism that we are to look for early ,christian survivals of ancient rationalism2 and for the most part1 after the practically rationalistic refusal of the early ,ebionites to accept the doctrine of the ,virgin ,birth1 #hia these heresies were but combinations of other theosophies with the ,christian4 ,already in the spurious ,epistles to ,timothy we have allusion to the antitheses of the gnosis #hib or pretended occult knowledge2 and to early ,gnostic influences may be attributed those passages in the gospel1 above cited1 which affirm that the ,messiah's teaching is not for the multitude but for the adepts4 #hic ,all along1 ,gnosticism #hid stood for the influence of older systems on the new faith2 an influence which among ,gentiles1 untrained to the cult of sacred books1 must have seemed absolutely natural4 ,in the third century ,ammonios ,saccas1 of ,alexandria1 said to have been born of ,christian parents1 set up a school which sought to blend the ,christian and the pagan systems of religion and philosophy into a pantheistic whole1 in which the old ,gods figured as subordinate dmons or as allegorical figures1 and ,christ as a reformer4 #hie ,the special leaning of the school to ,plato1 whose system1 already in vogue among the scholars of ,alexandria1 had more affinity than any of its rivals #hif to ,christianity1 secured for it adherents of many religious shades1 #hig and enabled it to develop an influence which permanently affected ,christian theology2 this being the channel through which the doctrine of the ,trinity entered4 ,according to ,mosheim1 almost no other philosophy was taught at ,alexandria down to the sixth century4 #hih ,only when the regulative zeal of the ,church had begun to draw the lines of creed definitely #hii on anti-philosophic lines did the syncretic school1 as represented by ,plotinus1 ,porphyry1 and ,hierocles1 #ijj declare itself against ,christianity4 ,among the ,church sects1 as distinguished from the philosophic1 the syncretic tendency was hardly less the vogue4 ,some of the leading ,fathers of the second century1 in particular ,clement of ,alexandria and ,origen1 show the ,platonic influence strongly1 #ija and are given1 the latter in particular1 to a remarkably free treatment of the sacred books1 seeing allegory wherever credence had been made difficult by previous science1 #ijb or inconvenient by accepted dogma4 ,but in the multiplicity of ,gnostic sects is to be seen the main proof of the effort of ,christians1 before the complete collapse of the ancient civilization1 to think with some freedom on their religious problems4 #ijc ,in the terms of the case--apart from the ,judaizing of the ,elcesaites and ,clemens ,romanus--the thought is an adaptation of pagan speculation1 chiefly oriental and ,egyptian2 and the commonest characteristics are3 7#a7 in theology1 an explanation of the moral confusion of the world by assuming two opposed ,powers1 #ijd or by setting a variety of good and bad subordinate powers between the world and the ,supreme ,being2 and 7#b7 in ethics1 an insistence either on the inherent corruptness of matter or on the incompatibility of holiness with physical pleasure4 #ije ,the sects influenced chiefly from ,asia teach1 as a rule1 a doctrine of two great opposing ,powers2 those influenced from ,egypt seek rather the solution of gradation of power under one chief ,god4 ,all alike showed some hostility to the pretensions of the ,jews4 ,thus3-- #a4 ,saturninus of ,antioch 7second century7 taught of a ,good and an ,evil ,power1 and that the world and man were made by the seven planetary spirits1 without the knowledge or consent of either ,power2 both of whom1 however1 sought to take control1 the ,good ,god giving men rational souls1 and subjecting them to seven ,creators1 one of whom was the ,god of the ,jews4 ,christ was a spirit sent to bring men back to the ,good ,god2 but only their asceticism could avail to consummate the scheme4 7,irenus1 ,against ,heresies1 i1 #bd2 ,epiphanius1 ,hreses1 xxiii47 #b4 ,similarly1 ,marcion 7son of a bishop of ,pontus7 placed between the good and bad ,powers the ,creator of the lower world1 who was the ,god and ,lawgiver of the ,jews1 a mixed nature1 but just3 the other nations being subjects of the ,evil ,power4 ,jesus1 a divine spirit sent by the ,supreme ,god to save men1 was opposed by both the ,god of the ,jews and the ,evil ,power2 and asceticism is the way to carry out his saving purpose4 ,of the same cast were the sects of ,bardesanes and ,tatian4 7,irenus1 ,against ,heresies1 i1 #bg1 #bh2 ,epiphanius1 ,hreses1 c4 #ef2 ,eusebius1 ,eccles4 ,hist4 iv1 #cj4 ,mosheim1 ,e4 ,h4 #b ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 v1 #g-i4 ,as to ,marcion1 see ,harnack1 ,outlines1 ch4 v2 ,mackay1 ,rise and ,progress of ,christianity1 pt4 iii1 #g1 #ab1 #ac2 ,irenus1 iv1 #bi1 #cj2 ,tertullian1 ,against ,marcion47 #c4 ,the ,manichean creed 7attributed to the ,persian ,mani or ,manichus1 third century7 proceeded on the same dualistic lines4 ,in this the human race had been created by the ,power of ,evil or ,darkness1 who is the ,god of the ,jews1 and hence the body and its appetites are primordially evil1 the good element being the rational soul1 which is part of the ,power of ,light4 ,by way of combining ,christism and ,mithraism1 ,christ is virtually identified with ,mithra1 and ,manichus claims to be the promised ,paraclete4 ,ultimately the ,evil ,power is to be overcome1 and kept in eternal darkness1 with the few lost human souls4 ,here again the ethic is extremely ascetic1 and there is a doctrine of purgatory4 7,milman1 ,hist4 of ,christianity1 bk4 iii1 ch4 i2 ,mosheim1 ,e4 ,h4 #c ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 v1 #b-aa2 ,beausobre1 ,hist4 ,critique de ,maniche et du ,manichisme1 #agcd2 ,lardner1 ,cred4 of the ,gospels1 pt4 ii1 ch4 lxiii47 #d4 ,among the ,egyptian ,gnostics1 again1 ,basilides taught that the one ,supreme ,god produced seven perfect secondary ,powers1 called ons 7,ages71 two of whom1 ,dynamis and ,sophia 7,power and ,wisdom71 procreated superior angels1 who built a heaven1 and in turn produced lower grades of angels1 which produced others1 till there were #cfe grades1 all ruled by a ,prince named ,abraxas 7whose name yields the number #cfe74 ,the lowest grades of angels1 being close to eternal matter 7which was evil by nature71 made thereof the world and men4 ,the ,supreme ,god then intervened1 like the ,good ,power in the oriental system1 to give men rational souls1 but left them to be ruled by the lower angels1 of whom the ,prince became ,god of the ,jews4 ,all deteriorated1 the ,god of the ,jews becoming the worst4 ,then the ,supreme ,god sent the ,prince of the ons1 ,christ1 to save men's souls4 ,taking the form of the man ,jesus1 he was slain by the ,god of the ,jews4 ,despite charges to the contrary1 this system too was ascetic1 though lenient to paganism4 ,similar tenets were held by the sects of ,carpocrates and ,valentinus1 all rising in the second century2 ,valentinus setting up ,thirty ons1 male and female1 in pairs1 with four unmarried males1 guardians of the ,pleroma or ,heaven--namely1 ,horus1 ,christ1 the ,holy ,spirit1 and ,jesus4 ,the youngest on1 ,sophia1 brought forth a daughter1 ,achamoth 7,scientia71 who made the world out of rude matter1 and produced ,demiourgos1 the ,artificer1 who further manipulated matter4 7,irenus1 bk4 i1 chs4 #bd1 #be2 bk4 ii47 ,these sects in turn split into others1 with endless peculiarities4 ,such was the relative freethought of credulous theosophic fantasy1 #ijf turning fictitious data to fresh purpose by way of solving the riddle of the painful earth4 ,the problem was to account for evil consistently with a ,good ,god2 and the orientals1 inheriting a dualistic religion1 adapted that2 while the ,egyptians1 inheriting a syncretic monotheism1 set up grades of ,powers between the ,all-,ruler and men1 on the model of the grades between the ,autocrat1 ancient or modern1 and his subjects4 ,the ,manichans1 the most thoroughly organized of all the outside sects1 appear to have absorbed many of the adherents of the great ,mithraic religion1 and held together for centuries1 despite fierce persecution and hostile propaganda1 their influence subsisting till the ,middle ,ages4 #ijg ,the other ,gnosticisms fared much worse4 ,lacking sacred books1 often setting up a severe ethic as against the frequently loose practice of the churches1 #ijh and offering a creed unsuited to the general populace1 all alike passed away before the competition of the organized ,church1 which founded on the ,canon #iji and the concrete dogmas1 with many pagan rites and beliefs #iaj and a few great pagan abracadabras added4 #d ,more persistently dangerous to the ancient ,church were the successive efforts of the struggling spirit of reason within to rectify in some small measure its most arbitrary dogmas4 ,of these efforts the most prominent were the quasi-,unitarian doctrine of ,arius 7fourth century71 and the opposition by ,pelagius and his pupil ,clestius 7early in fifth century7 to the doctrine of hereditary sin and predestinate salvation or damnation--a ,judaic conception dating in the ,church from ,tertullian1 and unknown to the ,greeks4 #iaa ,the former was the central and one of the most intelligible conflicts in the vast medley of early discussion over the nature of the ,person of the ,founder--a theme susceptible of any conceivable formula1 when once the principle of deification was adopted4 ,between the ,gnosticism of ,athenagoras1 which made the ,logos the direct manifestation of ,deity1 and the ,judaic view that ,jesus was a mere man1 for stating which the ,byzantine currier ,theodotos was excommunicated at ,rome by ,bishop ,victor #iab in the third century1 there were a hundred possible fantasies of discrimination2 #iac and the record of them is a standing revelation of the intellectual delirium in the ancient ,church4 ,theodotos the currier is said to have made disciples #iad who induced one ,natalius to become a bishop of this heresy2 and his doctrine was repeatedly revived1 notably by ,artemon4 ,according to a trinitarian opponent1 they were much given to science1 in particular to geometry and medicine4 #iae ,but such an approach to rationalism could not prosper in the atmosphere in which ,christianity arose4 ,arianism itself1 when put on its defence1 pronounced ,jesus to be ,god1 after beginning by declaring him to be merely the noblest of created beings1 and thus became merely a modified mysticism1 fighting for the conception homoiousios 7of similar nature7 as against that of homoousios 7of the same nature74 #iaf ,even at that1 the sect split up1 its chief dissenters ranking as semi-,arians1 and many of the latter at length drifting back to ,nicene orthodoxy4 #iag ,at first strong in the east1 where it persecuted when it could1 it was finally suppressed1 after endless strifes1 by ,theodosius at the end of the fourth century2 only to reappear in the west as the creed of the invading ,goths and ,lombards4 ,in the east it had stood for ancient monotheism2 in the west it prospered by early missionary and military chance till the ,papal organization triumphed4 #iah ,its suppression meant the final repudiation of rationalism2 though it had for the most part subsisted as a fanaticism1 no less than did the ,nicene creed4 ,more philosophical1 and therefore less widespread1 was the doctrine associated in the second century with the name of ,praxeas1 in the third with those of ,sabellius and ,paul of ,samosata1 and in the fourth with that of ,photinus4 ,of this the essence was the conception of the triune deity as being not three persons but three modes or aspects of one person--a theorem welcomed in the later world by such different types of believer as ,servetus1 ,hegel1 and ,coleridge4 ,far too reasonable for the average believer1 and far too unpropitious to ritual and sacraments for the average priest1 it was always condemned by the majority1 though it had many adherents in the east1 until the establishment of the ,church made ,christian persecution a far more effective process than pagan persecution had ever been4 ,pelagianism1 which unlike ,arianism was not an ecclesiastical but a purely theological division1 #iai fared better1 the problem at issue involving the permanent crux of religious ethics4 ,augustine1 whose supreme talent was for the getting up of a play of dialectic against every troublesome movement in turn1 without regard to his previous positions1 #ibj undertook to confute ,pelagius and ,clestius as he did every other innovator2 and his influence was such that1 after they had been acquitted of heresy by a church council in ,palestine and by the ,roman pontiff1 the latter was induced to change his ground and condemn them1 whereupon many councils followed suit1 eighteen ,pelagian bishops being deposed in ,italy4 ,at that period ,christendom1 faced by the portent of the barbarian conquest of the ,empire1 was well adjusted to a fatalistic theology1 and too uncritical in its mood to realize the bearing of such doctrine either on conduct or on sacerdotal pretensions4 ,but though the movement in its first form was thus crushed1 and though in later forms it fell considerably short of the measure of ethical rationalism seen in the first1 it soon took fresh shape in the form of so-called semi-,pelagianism1 and so held its ground while any culture subsisted2 #iba while ,pelagianism on the theme of the needlessness of prevenient grace1 and the power of man to secure salvation of his own will1 has been chronic in the ,church4 ,for a concise view of the ,pelagian tenets see ,murdock's note on ,mosheim1 following ,walch and ,schlegel 7,reid's edition1 pp4 #bjh-bji74 ,they included 7#a7 denial that ,adam's sin was inherited2 7#b7 assertion that death is strictly natural1 and not a mere punishment for ,adam's sin2 7#c7 denial that children and virtuous adults dying unbaptized are damned1 a middle state being provided for them2 7#d7 assertion that good acts come of a good will1 and that the will is free2 grace being an enlightenment of the understanding1 and not indispensable to all men4 ,the relative rationalism of these views is presumptively to be traced to the facts that ,pelagius was a ,briton and ,clestius an ,irishman1 and that both were ,greek scholars4 7,when tried in ,palestine they spoke ,greek1 like the council1 but the accuser could speak only ,latin47 ,they were thus bred in an atmosphere not yet laden with ,latin dogma4 ,in confuting them ,augustine developed the doctrine 7intelligible as that of an elderly polemist in a decadent society7 that all men are predestined to salvation or damnation by ,god's mere good pleasure--a demoralizing formula which he at times hedged with illogical qualifications4 7,cp4 ,murdock's note on ,mosheim1 as cited1 p4 #baj2 ,gieseler1 #hg47 ,but an orthodox champion of ,augustine describes him as putting the doctrine without limitations 7,rev4 ,w4 ,r4 ,clarke1 ,st4 ,augustine1 in ,the ,fathers for ,english ,readers series1 p4 #acb74 ,it was never adopted in the east 7,gieseler1 p4 #chg71 but became part of ,christian theology1 especially under ,protestantism4 ,on the other hand1 the ,council of ,trent erected several ,pelagian doctrines into articles of faith2 and the ,protestant churches have in part since followed4 ,see ,sir ,w4 ,hamilton's ,discussions on ,philosophy and ,literature1 #aheb1 pp4 #dic-id1 note2 and ,milman1 ,hist4 of ,latin ,christianity1 i1 #adb1 #adi4 ,the ,latin ,church thus finally maintained in religion the tradition of sworn adherence to sectarian formulas which has been already noted in the ,roman philosophic sects1 and in so doing reduced to a minimum the exercise of the reason1 alike in ethics and in philosophy4 ,its dogmatic code was shaped under the influence of 7#a7 ,irenus and ,tertullian1 who set scripture above reason and1 when pressed by heretics1 tradition above even scripture1 #ibb and 7#b7 ,augustine1 who had the same tendencies1 and whose incessant energy secured him a large influence4 ,that influence was used not only to dogmatize every possible item of the faith1 but to enforce in religion another ,roman tradition1 formerly confined to politics--that of systematic coercion of heretics4 ,before and around ,augustine there had indeed been abundant mutual persecution of the bitterest kind between the parties of the ,church as well as against pagans2 the ,donatists1 in particular1 with their organization of armed fanatics1 the ,circumcelliones1 had inflicted and suffered at intervals all the worst horrors of civil war in ,africa during a hundred years2 ,arians and ,athanasians came again and again to mutual bloodshed2 and the slaying of the pagan girl-philosopher1 ,hypatia1 #ibc by the ,christian monks of ,alexandria is one of the vilest episodes in the whole history of religion4 ,on the whole1 it is past question that the amount of homicide wrought by all the pagan persecution of the earlier ,christians was not a tithe of that wrought by their successors in their own quarrels4 ,but the spirit which had so operated1 and which had been repudiated even by the bitter ,tertullian1 was raised by ,augustine to the status of a ,christian dogma1 #ibd which1 of course1 had sufficient support in the sacred books1 ,judaic and ,jesuist1 and which henceforth inspired such an amount of murderous persecution in ,christendom as the ancient world had never seen4 ,when1 the temple revenues having been already confiscated1 the pagan worships were finally overthrown and the temples appropriated by the edict of ,honorius in the year #djh1 ,augustine1 though not entirely consistent1 disapproved of the forcible demolition of the temples4 #ibe ,but he had nothing to say against the forcible suppression of their worship1 and of the festivals4 ,ambrose went as far2 #ibf and such men as ,firmicus ,maternus would have had the emperors go much further4 #ibg ,economic interest had now visibly become at least as potent in the shaping of the ,christian course as it had ever been in building up a pagan cult4 ,for the humble conditions in which the earlier priests and preachers had gained a livelihood by ministering to scattered groups of poor proselytes1 there had been substituted those of a ,state ,church1 adopted as such because its acquired range of organization had made it a force fit for the autocrat's purposes when others had failed4 ,the sequent situation was more and more unfavourable to both sincerity of thought and freedom of speech4 ,not only did thousands of wealth-seekers promptly enter the priesthood to profit by the new endowments allotted by ,constantine to the great metropolitan churches4 ,almost as promptly the ideal of toleration was renounced2 and the ,christians began against the pagans a species of persecution that proceeded on no higher motive than greed of gain4 ,not only were the revenues of the temples confiscated as we have seen1 but a number of ,christians took to the business of plundering pagans in the name of the laws of ,constantius forbidding sacrifice1 and confiscating the property of the temples4 ,libanius1 in his ,oration for the ,temples #ibh 7#cij71 addressed to ,theodosius1 circumstantially avers that the bands of monks and others who went about demolishing and plundering temples were also wont to rob the peasants1 adding3-- ,they also seize the lands of some1 saying it is sacred2 and many are deprived of their paternal inheritance upon a false pretence4 ,thus those men thrive upon other people's ruin who say they worship ,god with fasting4 ,and if they who are wronged come to the pastor in the city 444 he commends 7the robbers7 and rejects the others4444 ,moreover1 if they hear of any land which has anything that can be plundered1 they cry presently1 ,such an one sacrificeth1 and does abominable things1 and a troop ought to be sent against him4 ,and presently the self-styled reformers 7sphronistai7 are there4444 ,some of these 444 deny their proceedings4444 ,others glory and boast and tell their exploits4444 ,but they say1 ,we have only punished those who sacrifice and thereby transgress the law which forbids sacrifice4 ,o emperor1 when they say this1 they lie4444 ,can it be thought that they who are not able to bear the sight of a collector's cloak should despise the power of your government8444 ,i appeal to the guardians of the law to confirm the denial4 #ibi ,the whole testimony is explicit and weighty1 #icj and1 being corroborated by ,ammianus ,marcellinus1 is accepted by clerical historians4 #ica ,ammianus declares that some of the courtiers of the ,christian emperors before ,julian were glutted with the spoils of the temples4 #icb ,the official creed1 with its principle of rigid uniformity and compulsion1 is now recognizable as the only expedient by which the ,church could be held together for its economic ends4 ,under the ,eastern ,empire1 accordingly1 when once a balance of creed was attained in the ,church1 the same coercive ideal was enforced1 with whatever differences in the creed insisted on4 ,whichever phase of dogma was in power1 persecution of opponents went on as a matter of course4 #icc ,athanasians and ,arians1 ,nestorians and ,monophysites1 used the same weapons to the utmost of their scope2 ,cyril of ,alexandria led his fanatics to the pillage and expulsion of the ,jews1 as his underling ,peter led them to the murder of ,hypatia2 other bishops wrought the destruction of temples throughout ,egypt2 #icd ,theodosius1 ,marcian1 ,st4 ,leo1 ,zeno1 ,justinian1 all used coercion against every heresy without a scruple1 affirming every verbal fantasy of dogma at the point of the sword4 ,it was due to no survival of the love of reason that some of the more stubborn heresies1 driven into communion with the new civilization of the ,arabs1 were the means of carrying some of the seeds of ancient thought down the ages1 to fructify ultimately in the mental soil of modern ,europe4 #e ,against the orthodox creed1 apart from social and official hostility1 there had early arisen critics who reasoned in terms of ,jewish and pagan beliefs1 and in terms of such rationalism as survived4 ,of the two former sorts some remains have been preserved1 despite the tendency of the ,church to destroy their works4 ,of the latter1 apart from ,lucian1 we have traces in the ,fathers and in the ,neo-,platonists4 ,thus ,tertullian and ,lactantius tell of the many who believe in a non-active and passionless ,god1 #ice and disdain those who turn ,christian out of fear of a hereafter2 and again #icf of ,stoics who deride the belief in demons4 ,a third-century author quoted by ,eusebius #icg speaks of apistoi who deny the divine authorship of the holy scriptures1 in such a fashion as to imply that this was done by some who were not merely pagan non-,christians but deniers of inspiration4 ,jamblichos1 too1 #ich speaks of opponents of the worship of the ,gods in his day 7early in the fourth century74 #ici ,in the fifth century1 again1 ,augustine complains bitterly of those impious and reckless persons who dare to say that the evangelists differ among themselves4 #idj ,he argues no less bitterly against the increduli and infideles who would not believe in immortality and the possibility of eternal torment2 #ida and he meets them in a fashion which constantly recurs in ,christian apologetics1 pointing to natural anomalies1 real or alleged1 and concluding that since we cannot understand all we see we should believe all we hear--from the ,church4 ,those who derided the story of ,jonah and the whale he meets by accusing them of believing the story of ,arion and the dolphin4 #idb ,in the same way he meets #idc their protest against the iniquity of eternal punishment by a juggle over the ostensible anomaly of long punishments by human law for short misdeeds4 ,whatever may have been his indirect value of his habit of dialectic1 he again and again declares for prone faith and against the resort to reason2 and to this effect may be cited a long series of ,fathers and ecclesiastics1 all eager to show that only in a blind faith could there be any moral merit4 #idd ,such arguments were doubtless potent to stupefy what remained of critical faculty in the ,roman world4 ,in the same period ,salvian makes a polemic against those who in ,christian ,gaul denied that ,god exercised any government on earth4 #ide ,they seem1 however1 to have been normal ,christians1 driven to this view by the barbarian invasions4 ,fronto1 the tutor of ,marcus ,aurelius1 again1 seems to have attacked the ,christians partly as rationalist1 partly as conservative4 #idf ,in general1 the orthodox polemic is interesting only insofar as it preserves that of the opposition4 ,the ,dialogue with ,trypho by ,justin ,martyr 7about #aej7 is a mere documental discussion between a ,christian and a ,jew1 each founding on the ,hebrew ,scriptures1 and the ,christian doing nearly all of the argument4 ,there is not a scintilla of independent rationalism in the whole tedious work4 #idg ,justin was a type of the would-be philosopher who confessedly would take no trouble to study science or philosophize1 but who found his sphere in an endless manipulation of the texts of sacred books4 ,but the work of the learned ,origen ,against ,celsus preserves for us a large part of the ,true ,discourse of ,celsus1 a critical and extremely well-informed argument against ,christianity by a pagan of the ,platonic #idh school in the time of ,marcus ,aurelius1 #idi on grounds to a considerable extent rationalistic4 #iej ,the line of rejoinder followed by ,origen1 one of the most cultured of the ,christian ,fathers1 is for the most part otherwise4 ,when ,celsus argues that it makes no difference by what name the ,deity is called1 ,origen answers #iea that on the contrary certain ,god-names have a miraculous or magical virtue for the casting out of evil spirits2 that this mystery is known and practised by the ,egyptians and ,persians2 and that the mere name of ,jesus has been proved potent to cast out many such demons4 ,when1 on the other hand1 ,celsus makes a ,jew argue against the ,christist creed on the basis of the ,jewish story that the founder's birth was illegitimate1 #ieb the ,father's answer begins in sheer amiable ineptitude1 #iec which soon passes into shocked outcry4 #ied ,in other passages he is more successful1 as when he convicts ,celsus's ,jew of arguing alternately that the disciples were deceived1 and that they were deceivers4 #iee ,this part of the discussion is interesting chiefly as showing how educated ,jews combated the gospels in detail1 at a level of criticism not always above that of the believers4 ,sometimes the ,jew's case is shrewdly put1 as when he asks1 #ief ,did ,jesus come into the world for this purpose1 that we should not believe him8--a challenge not to be met by ,origen's theology4 ,one of the acutest of ,celsus's thrusts is the remark that ,jesus himself declared that miracles would be wrought after him by followers of ,satan1 and that the argument from miracles is thus worthless4 #ieg ,to this the rejoinder of ,origen is suicidal2 but at times the assailant1 himself a believer in all manner of miracles1 gives away his advantage completely enough4 ,of a deeper interest are the sections in which ,celsus 7himself a believer in a ,supreme ,deity and a future state1 and in a multitude of lower ,powers1 open to invocation7 rests his case on grounds of general reason1 arguing that the true ,son of ,god must needs have brought home his mission to all mankind2 #ieh and sweeps aside as foolish the whole dispute between ,jews and ,christians1 #iei of which he had given a sample4 ,most interesting of all are the chapters #ifj in which the ,christian cites the pagan's argument against the homo-centric theory of things4 ,celsus insists on the large impartiality of ,nature1 and repudiates the fantasy that the whole scheme is adjusted to the well-being and the salvation of man4 ,here the ,christian1 standing for his faith1 may be said to carry on1 though in the spirit of a new fanaticism1 the anti-scientific humanism first set up by ,sokrates2 while the pagan1 though touched by religious apriorism1 and prone to lapse from logic to mysticism in his turn1 approaches the scientific standpoint of the elder thinkers who had set religion aside4 #ifa ,not for thirteen hundred years was his standpoint to be regained among men4 ,his protest against the ,christian cultivation of blind faith1 #ifb which ,origen tries to meet on rationalistic lines1 would in a later age be regarded as conveying no imputation4 ,even the simple defensive subtleties of ,origen are too rationalistic for the succeeding generations of the orthodox4 ,the least embittered of the ,fathers1 he is in his way the most reasonable2 and in his unhesitating resort to the principle of allegory1 wherever his documents are too hard for belief1 we see the last traces of the spirit of reason as it had been in ,plato1 not yet paralysed by faith4 ,henceforth1 till a new intellectual life is set up from without1 ,christian thought is more and more a mere disputation over the unintelligible1 in terms of documents open always to opposing constructions4 ,against such minds the strictest reason would be powerless2 and it was fitting enough that ,lucian1 the last of the great freethinkers of the ,hellenistic world1 should merely turn on popular ,christianity some of his serene satire #ifc--more1 perhaps1 than has come down to us2 though1 on the other hand1 his authorship of the ,de ,morte ,peregrini1 which speaks of the crucified sophist1 has been called in question4 #ifd ,the forcible-feeble dialogue ,philopatris1 falsely attributed to ,lucian1 and clearly belonging to the reign of ,julian1 is the last expression of general skepticism in the ancient literature4 ,the writer1 a bad imitator of ,lucian1 avows disbelief alike in the old ,gods and in the new1 and professes to respect1 if any1 the ,unknown ,god of the ,athenians2 but he makes no great impression of intellectual sincerity4 ,apart from this1 and the lost anti-,christian work #ife of ,hierocles1 ,governor of ,bithynia under ,diocletian1 the last direct literary opponents of ancient ,christianity were ,porphyry and ,julian4 ,as both were believers in many ,gods1 and opposed ,christianity because it opposed these1 neither can well rank on that score as a freethinker1 even in the sense in which the speculative ,gnostics were so4 ,the bias of both1 like that of ,plutarch1 seems to have been to the utmost latitude of religious belief2 and1 apart from personal provocations and the ordinary temper of religious conservatism1 it was the exiguity of the ,christian creed that repelled them4 ,porphyry's treatise1 indeed1 was answered by four ,fathers1 #iff all of whose replies have disappeared1 doubtless in fulfilment of the imperial edict for the destruction of ,porphyry's book--a dramatic testimony to the state of mental freedom under ,theodosius ,,ii4 #ifg ,what is known of his argument is preserved in the incidental replies of ,jerome1 ,augustine1 ,eusebius1 and others4 #ifh ,the answer of ,cyril to ,julian has survived1 probably in virtue of ,julian's status4 ,his argumentations against the unworthy elements1 the exclusiveness1 and the absurdities of the ,jewish and ,christian faith are often reasonable enough1 as doubtless were those of ,porphyry2 #ifi but his own theosophic positions are hardly less vulnerable2 and ,porphyry's were probably no better1 to judge from his preserved works4 ,yet it is to be said that the habitual tone and temper of the two men compares favourably with that of the polemists on the other side4 ,they had inherited something of the elder philosophic spirit1 which is so far to seek in patristic literature1 outside of ,origen4 ,the latest expressions of rationalism among churchmen were to the full as angrily met by the champions of orthodoxy as the attacks of enemies2 and1 indeed1 there was naturally something of bitterness in the resistance of the last few critical spirits in the ,church to the fast-multiplying insanities of faith4 ,thus1 at the end of the fourth century1 the ,italian monk ,jovinian fought against the creed of celibacy and asceticism1 and was duly denounced1 vituperated1 ecclesiastically condemned1 and banished1 penal laws being at the same time passed against those who adhered to him4 #igj ,contemporary with him was the ,eastern ,aerius1 who advocated priestly equality as against episcopacy1 and objected to prayers for the dead1 to fasts1 and to the too significant practice of slaying a lamb at the ,easter festival4 #iga ,in this case matters went the length of schism4 ,with less of practical effect1 in the next century1 ,vigilantius of ,aquitaine made a more general resistance to a more manifold superstition1 condemning and ridiculing the veneration of tombs and bones of martyrs1 pilgrimages to shrines1 the miracle stories therewith connected1 and the practices of fasting1 celibacy1 and the monastic life4 ,he too was promptly put down1 largely by the efforts of his former friend ,jerome1 the most voluble and the most scurrilous pietist of his age1 who had also denounced the doctrine of ,jovinian4 #igb ,for centuries no such appeal was heard in the western ,church4 ,the spirit of reason1 however1 is well marked at the beginning of the fifth century in a pagan writer who belongs more truly to the history of freethought than either ,julian or ,porphyry4 ,macrobius1 a ,roman patrician of the days of ,honorius1 works out in his ,saturnalia1 with an amount of knowledge and intelligence which for the time is remarkable1 the principle that all the ,gods are but personifications of aspects or functions of the ,sun4 ,but such doctrine must have been confined1 among pagans1 to the cultured few2 and the monotheism of the same writer's treatise ,on the ,dream of ,scipio was probably not general even among the remaining pagans of the upper class4 #igc ,after ,julian1 open rationalism being already extinct1 anti-,christian thought was simply tabooed2 and though the leading historians for centuries were pagans1 they only incidentally venture to betray the fact4 ,it is told1 indeed1 that in the days of ,valens and ,valentinian an eminent physician named ,posidonius1 son of a great physician and brother of another1 was wont to say1 that men do not grow fanatic by the agency of evil spirits1 but merely by the superfluity of certain evil humours2 and that there is no power in evil spirits to assail the human race2 #igd but though that opinion may be presumed to have been held by some other physicians1 the special ascription of it to ,posidonius is a proof that it was rarely avowed4 ,with public lecturing forbidden1 with the philosophic schools at ,athens closed and plundered by imperial force1 #ige with heresy ostracized1 with pagan worship1 including the strong rival cult of ,mithraism1 outwardly suppressed by the same power1 #igf unbelief was naturally little heard of after the fifth century4 ,about its beginning we find ,chrysostom boasting #igg that the works of the anti-,christian writers had persuaded nobody1 and had almost disappeared4 ,as regarded open teaching1 it was only too true1 though the statement clashes with ,chrysostom's own complaint that ,porphyry had led many away from the faith4 #igh ,proclus was still to come 7#daj-dhe71 with his eighteen ,arguments against the ,christians1 proceeding on the principle1 still cherished from the old science1 that the world was eternal4 ,but such teaching could not reach even the majority of the more educated2 and the ,jewish dogma of creation ex nihilo became sacrosanct truth for the darkening world4 ,in the east ,eusebius1 #igi and in the west ,lactantius1 #ihj expressed for the whole ,church a boundless contempt of everything in the nature of scientific research or discussion2 and it was in fact at an end for the ,christian world for well-nigh a thousand years4 ,for ,lactantius1 the doctrine of a round earth and an antipodes was mere nonsense2 he discusses the thesis with the horse-laughter of a self-satisfied savage4 #iha ,under the feet of arrogant and blatant ignorance we see trampled the first form of the doctrine of gravitation1 not to be recovered for an on4 ,proclus himself cherished some of the grossest pagan superstitions2 and the few ,christians who had in them something of the spirit of reason1 as ,cosmas ,indicopleustes1 the ,indian navigator1 who belongs to the sixth century1 were turned away from what light they had by their sacred books4 ,cosmas was a ,nestorian1 denying the divinity of ,mary1 and a rational critic as regards the orthodox fashion of applying ,old ,testament prophecies to ,jesus4 #ihb ,but whereas pagan science had inferred that the earth is a sphere1 his ,bible taught him that it is an oblong plain2 and the great aim of his ,topographia ,christiana1 sive ,christianorum opinio de mundo1 was to prove this against those who still cultivated science4 ,such pleadings were not necessary for the general ,christian public1 who knew nothing save what their priests taught them4 ,in ,chrysostom's day this was already the case4 ,there remained but a few rational heresies4 ,one of the most notable was that of ,theodore of ,mopsuestia1 the head of the school of ,antioch and the teacher of ,nestorius1 who taught that many of the ,old ,testament prophecies commonly applied to ,jesus had reference to pre-,christian events1 and discriminated critically among the sacred books4 ,that of ,job he pronounced to be merely a poem derived from a pagan source1 and the ,song of ,songs he held to be a mere epithalamium of no religious significance4 ,in his opinion ,solomon had the logos gnses the love of knowledge1 but not the logos sophias the love of wisdom4 #ihc ,no less remarkable was the heresy of ,photinus1 who taught that the ,trinity was a matter not of persons1 but of modes of deity4 #ihd ,such thinking must be pronounced the high-water mark of rational criticism in the ancient ,church2 and its occurrence in an age of rapid decay is memorable enough4 ,but in the nature of things it could meet with only the scantiest support2 and the only critical heresy which bulked at all largely was that of the ,unitarian ,anomoeans or ,eunomians1 #ihe who condemned the worship of relics1 #ihf and made light of scriptural inspiration when texts1 especially from the ,old ,testament1 were quoted against them4 #ihg ,naturally ,chrysostom himself denounced them as unbelievers4 ,save for these manifestations1 the spirit of sane criticism had gone from the ,christian world1 with science1 with art1 with philosophy1 with culture4 ,but the verdict of time is given in the persistent recoil of the modern spirit from the literature of the age of faith to that of the elder age of nascent reason2 and the historical outcome of the state of things in which ,chrysostom rejoiced was the re-establishment of universal idolatry and practical polytheism in the name of the creed he had preached4 ,every species of superstition known to paganism subsisted1 slightly transformed4 ,while the emperors savagely punished the pagan soothsayers1 the ,christians held by the same fundamental delusion2 and against the devices of pagan magic1 in the reality of which they unquestioningly believed1 they professed triumphantly to practise their own sorceries of holy water1 relics1 prayer1 and exorcism1 no man daring to impugn the insanities of faith4 #ihh ,on the face of religious life1 critical reason was extinct4 #f ,it might safely have been inferred1 but it is a matter of proved fact1 that while the higher intellectual life was thus being paralysed1 the primary intellectual virtues were attained4 ,as formerly in ,jewry1 so now in ,christendom1 the practice of pious fraud became normal3 all early ,christian literature1 and most of the ecclesiastical history of many succeeding centuries1 is profoundly compromised by the habitual resort to fiction1 forgery1 and interpolation4 ,the mystical poetry of the pagans1 the ,jewish history of ,josephus1 the gospels1 the ,epistles1 all were interpolated in the same spirit as had inspired the production of new ,gospels1 new ,epistles1 new books of ,acts1 new ,sibylline verses4 ,and even where to this tendency there was opposed the growing demand of the organized ,church for a faithful text1 when the documents had become comparatively ancient1 the disposition to invent and suppress1 to reason crookedly1 to delude and mislead1 was normal among churchmen4 ,this is the verdict of orthodox ecclesiastical history1 a dozen times repeated4 #ihi ,it of course carries no surprise for those who have noted the religious doctrine of ,plato1 of ,polybius1 of ,cicero1 of ,varro1 of ,strabo1 of ,dio ,cassius4 ,while intelligence thus retrograded under the reign of faith1 it is impossible to maintain1 in the name of historical science1 the conventional claim that the faith wrought a countervailing good4 ,what moral betterment there was in the decaying ,roman world was a matter of the transformed social conditions1 and belongs at least as much to paganism as to ,christianity3 even the asceticism of the latter1 which in reality had no reformative virtue for society at large1 was a pre-,christian as well as an anti-,christian phenomenon4 ,it is indeed probable that in the times of persecution the ,christian community would be limited to the more serious and devoted types #iij--that is to say1 to those who would tend to live worthily under any creed4 ,but that the normal ,christian community was superior in point of morals is a poetic hallucination1 set up by the legends concerning the martyrs and by the vauntings of the ,fathers1 which are demonstrably untrustworthy4 ,the assertion1 still at times made by professed ,positivists1 that the discredit of the marriage tie in ,roman life necessitated a new religion1 and that the new religion was regenerative1 is only a quasi-scientific variation of the legend4 ,the evidence as to the failure of the faith to reform its adherents is continuous from the first generation onwards4 ,paul complains bitterly of the sexual licence among his first ,corinthian converts 7#a ,cor4 v1 #a1 #b71 and seeks to check it by vehement commands1 some mystical 7id4 v4 #e71 some prescribing ostracism 7vv4 #i-ac7--;a plain confession of failure1 and a complete reversal of the prescription in the gospel 7,mt4 xviii1 #bb74 ,if that could be set aside1 the command as to divorce could be likewise4 ,justin ,martyr 7,dial4 with ,trypho1 ch4 #ada7 describes the orthodox ,jews of his day as of all men the most given to polygamy and arbitrary divorce4 7,cp4 ,deut4 xxiv1 #a2 ,edersheim1 ,history1 p4 #bid47 ,then the ,christian assumption as to ,roman degeneration and ,eastern virtue cannot be sustained4 ,at the beginning of the third century we have the decisive evidence of ,tertullian that many of the charges of immorality made by serious pagans against ,christians were in large part true4 ,first he affirms 7,ad ,nationes1 l4 i1 c4 #e7 that the pagan charges are not true of all1 not even of the greatest part of us4 ,in regard to the charge of incest 7c4 #af71 instead of denying it as the earlier apologist ,minucius ,felix had done in the age of persecution1 he merely argues that the same offence occurs through ignorance among the pagans4 ,the chapter concludes by virtually admitting the charge with regard to misconduct in the mysteries4 ,still later1 when he has turned ,montanist1 ,tertullian explicitly charges his former associates with sexual licence 7,de ,jejuniis1 cc4 #a1 #ag3 ,de ,virginibus ,velandis1 c4 #ad71 pointing now to the heathen as showing more regard for monogamy than do the ,christians 7,de ,exhort4 ,castitatis1 c4 #ac74 ,from the fourth century onward the history of the ,church reveals at every step a conformity on the part of its members to average pagan practice4 ,the third canon of the ,nicene ,council forbids clerics of all ranks from keeping as companions or housekeepers women who are not their close blood relations4 ,in the fifth century ,salvian denounces the ,christians alike of ,gaul and ,africa as being boundlessly licentious in comparison with the ,arian barbarians 7,de ,gubernatione ,dei1 lib4 #e1 #f1 #g74 ,they do not even1 he declares1 deny the charge1 contenting themselves with claiming superior orthodoxy4 7,cp4 ,bury1 ,hist4 of the ,later ,roman ,empire1 i1 #aih-ii1 and ,finlay1 ii1 #bai1 for another point of view47 ,on all hands heresy was reckoned the one deadly sin 7,gieseler1 #gd1 p4 #bie1 and refs471 and all real misdeeds came to seem venial by comparison4 ,as to sexual vice and crime among the ,christianized ,germans1 see ,gieseler1 #abe1 vol4 ii1 #aeh-fj4 ,in the ,east the conditions were the same4 ,the story of the indecent performances of ,theodora on the stage 7,gibbon1 ch4 xl71 probably untrue of her1 implies that such practices openly occurred4 ,milman 7,hist4 of ,chr4 bk4 iv1 ch4 ii4 ed4 cited1 ii1 #cbg7 recognizes general indecency1 and notes that ,zosimus charged it on ,christian rule4 ,salvian speaks of unlimited obscenity in the theatres of ,christian ,gaul 7,de ,gub4 ,dei1 l4 #f74 ,cp4 ,gibbon as to the character of the devout ,justinian's minister ,trebonian2 who1 however1 was called an atheist4 7,suidas1 s4v47 ,on the collapse of the iconoclastic movement1 licence became general 7,finlay1 ,hist4 of ,greece1 ed4 ,tozer1 ii1 #afb74 ,but even in the fourth century ,chrysostom's writings testify to the normality of all the vices1 as well as the superstitions1 that ,christianity is supposed to have banished2 the churches figuring1 like the ancient temples1 as places of assignation4 7,cp4 the extracts of ,lavolle1 ,les ,moeurs ,byzantines1 in ,essais de littrature et d'histoire1 #ahia1 pp4 #dh-fb1 #hi2 the ,s4,p4,c4,k4's ,st4 ,chrysostom's ,picture of his ,age1 #ahge1 pp4 #f1 #id1 #if1 #ih1 #ajj1 #ajb-ajd1 #ajh1 #aid2 ,chrysostom's ,homilies1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahci1 ,hom4 xii on #ast ,cor4 pp4 #aei-fd2 ,jerome1 ,adv4 ,vigilantium1 cited by ,gieseler1 ii1 #ff1 note #ai1 and in ,gilly's ,vigilantius and his ,times1 #ahdd1 pp4 #djf-djg47 ,the clergy were among the most licentious of all1 and ,chrysostom had repeatedly to preach against them 7,lavolle1 ch4 iv2 ,mosheim1 as last cited2 ,gibbon1 ch4 xlvii1 ,bohn ed4 iv1 #bcb74 ,the position of women was practically what it had been in post-,alexandrian ,greece and ,asia-,minor 7,lavolle1 ch4 v2 cp4 ,st4 ,chrysostom's ,picture of his ,age1 pp4 #ahj-hb72 and the practice corresponded4 ,in short1 the supposition that the population of ,constantinople as we see it under ,justinian1 or that of ,alexandria in the same age1 could have been morally austere1 is fantastic4 ,it would indeed be unintelligible that intellectual decline without change of social system should put morals on a sound footing4 ,the very asceticism which seeks to mortify the body is an avowal of the vice from which it recoils1 and insofar as this has prevailed under ,christianity it has specifically hindered general temperance1 #iia inasmuch as the types capable of self-rule thus leave no offspring4 ,on the other hand1 with the single exception of the case of the gladiatorial combats 7which had been denounced in the first century by the pagan ,seneca1 #iib and in the fourth by the pagan ,libanius1 but lasted in ,rome long after ,christianity had become the ,state religion2 #iic while the no less cruel combats of men with wild beasts were suppressed only when the finances of the falling ,empire could no longer maintain them71 #iid the vice of cruelty seems to have been in no serious degree cast out4 #iie ,cruelty to slaves was certainly not less than in the ,rome of the ,antonines2 and ,chrysostom #iif denounces just such atrocities by cruel mistresses as had been described by ,horace and ,juvenal4 ,the story of the slaying of ,hypatia1 indeed1 is decisive as to ,christian ferocity4 #iig ,in fine1 the entire history of ,christian ,egypt1 ,asia1 and ,africa1 progressively decadent till their easy conquest by the ,saracens1 and the entire history of the ,christian ,byzantine empire1 at best stagnant in mental and material life during the thousand years of its existence1 serve conclusively to establish the principle that in the absence of freethought no civilization can progress4 ,more completely than any of the ancient civilizations to which they succeeded1 they cast out or were denuded of the spirit of free reason4 ,the result was strictly congruous4 ,the process1 of course1 was one of socio-political causation throughout2 and the rule of dogma was a symptom or effect of the process1 not the extraneous cause4 ,but that is only the clinching of the sociological lesson4 ,of a deep significance1 in view of the total historical movement1 is the philosophical teaching of the last member of the ancient ,roman world who exhibited philosophical capacity--the long famous ,boethius1 minister of the conqueror ,theodoric1 who put him to death in the year #ebe4 ,ostensibly from the same hand we have the ,de ,consolatione ,philosophiae1 which is substantially non-,christian1 and a number of treatises expounding orthodox ,christian dogma4 ,in the former we find him in strenuous opposition 444 to the ,christian theory of creation2 and his ,dualism is at least as apparent as ,plato's4 ,we find him coquetting with the anti-,christian doctrine of the immortality of the world1 and assuming a position with regard to sin which is ultra-,pelagian and utterly untenable by a ,christian theologian4 ,we find him1 with death before his eyes1 deriving consolation not from any hopes of a resurrection 444 but from the present contempt of all earthly pain and ill which his divine mistress1 'the perfect solace of wearied souls1' has taught him4 #iih ,seeing that ,theodoric1 though a professed admirer of the ancient life1 had absolutely put down1 on pain of death1 #iii every remaining religious practice of paganism1 it is certain that ,boethius must have officially professed ,christianity2 but his book seems to make it certain that he was not a believer4 ,the only theory on which the expounder of such an essentially pagan philosophy can be conceived as really the author of the ,christian tractates ascribed to ,boethius is that1 under the stroke of undeserved ruin and unjust doom1 the thinker turned away from the creed of his official life and sought healing in the wisdom of the older world4 #ajjj ,whether we accept this solution or1 in despite of the specific testimony1 reject the theological tractates as falsely ascribed--either by their writer or by others--to ,boethius1 #ajja the significant fact remains that it was not the ,christian tracts but the pagan ,consolation that passed down to the western nations of the ,middle ,ages as the last great intellectual legacy from the ancient world4 ,it had its virtue for an age of mental bondage1 because it preserved some pulse of the spirit of free thought4 ,,chapter ,,viii ,,freethought ,,under ,,islam #ajjb #a ,the freethinking of ,mohammed may be justly said to begin and end with his rejection of popular polytheism and his acceptance of the idea of a single ,god4 ,that idea he ostensibly held as a kind of revelation1 not as a result of any traceable process of reasoning2 and he affirmed it from first to last as a fanatic4 ,one of the noblest of fanatics he may be1 but hardly more4 ,denouncing all idolatry1 he anchored his creed to the ,ka'aba1 the sacred black stone of the remote past1 which is to this day its most revered object4 ,that the monotheistic idea1 in its most vivid form1 reached him in middle age by way of a vision is part of the creed of his followers2 and that it derived in some way from ,jews1 or ,persians1 or ,christians1 as the early unbelievers declared1 #ajjc is probable enough4 ,but there is evidence that among his fellow-,arabs the idea had taken some slight root before his time1 even in a rationalistic form1 and it is clear that there were before his day many believers1 though also many unbelievers1 in a future state4 #ajjd ,there is no good ground for the oft-repeated formula about the special monotheistic and other religious proclivities of the ,semite2 #ajje ,semites being subject to religious influences like other peoples1 in terms of culture and environment4 ,the ,moslems themselves preserved a tradition that one ,zaid1 who died five years before the ,prophet received his first inspiration1 had of his own accord renounced idolatry without becoming either ,jew or ,christian2 but on being told by a ,jew to become a ,hanyf1 #ajjf that is to say1 of the religion of ,abraham1 who worshipped nothing but ,god1 he at once agreed4 #ajjg ,in the oldest extant biography of ,mohammed an address of ,zaid's has been preserved1 of which six passages are reproduced in the ,koran2 #ajjh and there are other proofs #ajji that the way had been partly made for ,mohammedanism before ,mohammed1 especially at ,medina1 to which he withdrew 7the ,hej'ra7 with his early followers when his fellow-tribesmen would not accept his message4 ,he uses the term ,hanyf repeatedly as standing for his own doctrine4 #ajaj ,in some of the ,arab poetry of the generation before ,mohammed1 again1 there is a deep conviction of the unity of ,god1 and of his elevation over all other beings1 as well as a clearly developed sense of moral responsibility4 #ajaa ,the doctrine of a ,supreme ,god was indeed general2 #ajab and ,mohammed's insistence on the rejection of the lesser deities or companions of ,god was but a preaching of unitarianism to half-professed monotheists who yet practised polytheism and idolatry4 ,the ,arabs at his time1 in short1 were on the same religious plane as the ,christians1 but with a good deal of unbelief2 ,zendekism or rationalistic deism 7or atheism7 being charged in particular on ,mohammed's tribe1 the ,koreish2 #ajac and the ,prophet used traditional ideas to bring them to his unitary creed4 ,in one case he even temporarily accepted their polytheism4 #ajad ,the several tribes were further to some extent monolatrous1 #ajae somewhat as were the ,semitic tribes of ,palestine2 and before ,mohammed's time a special worshipper of the star ,sirius sought to persuade the ,koreish to give up their idols and adore that star alone4 ,thus between their partially developed monotheism1 their partial familiarity with ,hanyf monotheism1 and their common intercourse with the nominally monotheistic ,jews and ,christians1 many ,arabs were in a measure prepared for the ,prophet's doctrine2 which1 for the rest1 embodied many of their own traditions and superstitions as well as many orally received from ,christians and ,jews4 ,the ,koran itself1 says ,palmer1 is1 indeed1 less the invention or conception of ,mohammed than a collection of legends and moral axioms borrowed from desert lore and couched in the language and rhythm of desert eloquence1 but adorned with the additional charm of enthusiasm4 ,had it been merely ,mohammed's own invented discourses1 bearing only the impress of his personal style1 the ,koran could never have appealed with so much success to every ,arab-speaking race as a miracle of eloquence4 #ajaf ,kuenen challenges ,sprenger's conclusions and sums up3 ,we need not deny that ,mohammed had predecessors2 but we must deny that tradition gives us a faithful representation of them1 or is correct in calling them hanyfs4 #ajag ,on the other hand1 he concedes that ,mohammed made ,islam out of elements which were supplied to him very largely from outside1 and which had a whole history behind them already1 so that he could take them up as they were without further elaboration4 #ajah ,during the first century of ,islam the forging of ,traditions became a recognized political and religious weapon1 of which all parties availed themselves4 ,even men of the strictest piety practised this species of fraud1 and maintained that the end justified the means4 #ajai ,the final triumph of the religion1 however1 was due neither to the elements of its ,sacred ,book nor to the moral or magnetic power of the ,prophet4 ,this power it was that won his first adherents1 who were mostly his friends and relatives1 or slaves to whom his religion was a species of enfranchisement4 #ajbj ,from that point forward his success was military--thanks1 that is1 to the valour of his followers--his fellow citizens never having been won in mass to his teaching4 #ajba ,such success as his might conceivably be gained by a mere military chief4 ,nor could the spread of ,islam after his death have taken place save in virtue of the special opportunities for conquest lying before its adherents--opportunities already seen by ,mohammed1 either with the eye of statesmanship or with that of his great general1 ,omar4 #ajbb ,it is an error to assume1 as is still commonly done1 that it was the unifying and inspiring power of the religion that wrought the ,saracen conquests4 ,warlike northern barbarians had overrun the ,western ,empire without any such stimulus2 the prospect of booty and racial kinship sufficed them for the conquest of a decadent community2 and the same conditions existed for the equally warlike ,saracens1 #ajbc who also1 before ,mohammed1 had learned something of the military art from the ,grco-,romans4 #ajbd ,their religious ardour would have availed them little against the pagan legions of the unbelieving ,csar2 and as a matter of fact they could never conquer1 though they curtailed1 the comparatively weak ,byzantine ,empire2 its moderate economic resources and traditional organization sufficing to sustain it1 despite intellectual decadence1 till the age of ,saracen greatness was over4 ,nor did their faith ever unify them save ostensibly for purposes of common warfare against the racial foe--a kind of union attained in all ages and with all varieties of religion4 ,fierce domestic strifes broke out as soon as the ,prophet was dead4 ,it would be as true to say that the common racial and military interest against the ,grco-,roman and ,persian ,states unified the ,moslem parties1 as that ,islam unified the ,arab tribes and factions4 ,apart from the inner circle of converts1 indeed1 the first conquerors were in mass not at all deeply devout1 and many of them maintained to the end of their generation1 and after his death1 the unbelief which from the first met the ,prophet at ,mecca4 #ajbe ,against the creed of ,mohammed the conservative and material instincts of the people of the desert rose in revolt2 and although they became ,moslems en masse1 the majority of them neither believed in ,islam nor knew what it meant4 ,often their motives were frankly utilitarian3 they expected that ,islam would bring them luck4444 ,if things went ill1 they blamed ,islam and turned their backs on it4 #ajbf ,it is told of a ,moslem chief of the early days that he said3 ,if there were a ,god1 ,i would swear by his name that ,i did not believe in him4 #ajbg ,a general fanaticism grew up later4 ,but had there been no ,islam1 enterprising ,arabs would probably have overrun ,syria and ,persia and ,africa and ,spain all the same4 #ajbh ,attila went further1 and he is not known to have been a monotheist or a believer in ,paradise4 ,nor were ,jenghiz ,khan and ,tamerlane indebted to religious faith for their conquests4 ,on the other hand1 when a ,khalifate was anywhere established by military force1 the faith would indeed serve as a nucleus of administration1 and further as a means of resisting the insidious propaganda of the rival faith1 which might have been a source of political danger4 ,it was their ,sacred ,book and ,prophet that saved the ,arabs from accepting the religion of the states they conquered as did the ,goths and ,franks4 ,the faith thus so far preserved their military polity when that was once set up2 but it was not the faith that made the polity possible1 or gave the power of conquest1 as is conventionally held4 ,at most1 it partly facilitated their conquests by detaching a certain amount of purely superstitious support from the other side4 ,and it never availed to unify the race1 or the ,islamic peoples4 ,on the fall of ,othman the ensuing civil wars rent the unity of ,islam from top to bottom1 and the wound has never healed4 #ajbi ,the feud between ,northern and ,southern ,arabs rapidly developed and extended into a permanent racial enmity4 #ajcj ,and when1 after the ,ommayade dynasty had totally failed to unify ,semite and ,aryan in ,persia1 the task was partially accomplished by the ,abassides1 it was not through any greater stress of piety1 but by way of accepting the inevitable1 after generations of division and revolt4 #ajca #b ,it may perhaps be more truly claimed for the ,koran that it was the basis of ,arab scholarship2 since it was in order to elucidate its text that the first ,arab grammars and dictionaries and literary collections were made4 #ajcb ,here again1 however1 the reflection arises that some such development would have occurred in any case1 on the basis of the abundant pre-,islamic poetry1 given but the material conquests4 ,the first conquerors were illiterate1 and had to resort to the services and the organization of the conquered #ajcc for all purposes of administrative writings1 using for a time even the ,greek and ,persian languages4 ,there was nothing in the ,koran itself to encourage literature2 and the first conquerors either despised or feared that of the conquered4 #ajcd ,when the facts are inductively considered1 it appears that the ,koran was from the first rather a force of intellectual fixation than one of stimulus4 ,as we have seen1 there was a measure of rationalism as well as of monotheism among the ,arabs before ,mohammed2 and the ,prophet set his face violently against all unbelief4 ,the word unbeliever or infidel in the ,koran normally signifies merely rejector of ,mohammed2 but a number of passages #ajce show that there were specific unbelievers in the doctrine of a future state as well as in miracles2 and his opponents put to him challenges which showed that they rationally disbelieved his claim to inspiration4 #ajcf ,hence1 clearly1 the scarcity of miracles in his early legend1 on the ,arab side4 ,on a people thus partly refined1 skeptical1 incredulous1 #ajcg much of whose poetry showed no trace of religion1 #ajch the triumph of ,islam gradually imposed a tyrannous dogma1 entailing abundance of primitive superstition under the gis of monotheistic doctrine4 ,some moral service it did compass1 and for this the credit seems to be substantially due to ,mohammed2 though here again he was not an innovator4 ,like previous reformers1 #ajci he vehemently denounced the horrible practice of burying alive girl children2 and when the ,koran became law his command took effect4 ,his limitation of polygamy too may have counted for something1 despite the unlimited practice of his latter years4 ,for the rest1 he prescribes1 in the traditional eastern fashion1 liberal almsgiving2 this1 with normal integrity and patience1 and belief in ,god and the ,last ,day1 and the ,angels1 and the ,scriptures1 and the ,prophets1 #ajdj is the gist of his ethical and religious code1 with much stress on hell-fire and the joys of ,paradise1 and at the same time on predestination1 and with no reasoning on any issue4 #c ,the history of ,saracen culture is the history of the attainment of saner ideas and a higher plane of thought4 ,within a century of the ,hej'ra #ajda there had arisen some rational skepticism in the ,moslem schools1 as apart from the chronic schisms and strifes of the faithful4 ,a school of theology had been founded by ,hasan-al-,basri at ,bassorah2 and one of his disciples1 ,wasil ibn ,att1 following some previous heretics--,mabad al ,jhoni1 ,ghailan of ,damascus1 and ,jonas al ,aswari #ajdb--rejected the predestination doctrine of the ,koran as inconsistent with the future judgment2 arguing for freewill and at the same time for the humane provision of a purgatory4 ,from this beginning dates the ,motazileh or class of ,motazilites 7or ,mutazilites71 #ajdc the philosophic reformers and moderate freethinkers of ,islam4 ,other sects of a semi-political character had arisen even during the last illness of the ,prophet1 and others soon after his death4 #ajdd ,one party sought to impose on the faithful the ,sunna or traditions1 which really represented the old ,arabian ideas of law1 but were pretended to be unwritten sayings of ,mohammed4 #ajde ,to this the party of ,ali 7the ,prophet's cousin7 objected2 whence began the long dispute between the ,shiah or ,shites 7the anti-traditionists71 and the ,sunnites2 the conquered and oppressed ,persians tending to stand with the former1 and generally1 in virtue of their own thought1 to supply the heterodox element under the later ,khalifates4 #ajdf ,thus ,shites were apt to be ,motazilites4 #ajdg ,on ,ali's side1 again1 there broke away a great body of ,kharejites or ,separatists1 who claimed that the ,imaum or head of the ,faith should be chosen by election1 while the ,shites stood for succession by divine right4 #ajdh ,all this had occurred before any schools of theology existed4 ,the ,motazilites1 once started1 divided gradually into a score of sects1 #ajdi all more or less given to rationalizing within the limits of monotheism4 #ajej ,the first stock were named ,kadarites1 because insisting on man's power 7kadar7 over his acts4 #ajea ,against them were promptly ranged the ,jabarites1 who affirmed that man's will was wholly under divine constraint 7jabar74 #ajeb ,yet another sect1 the ,sifatites1 opposed both of the others1 some of them #ajec standing for a literal interpretation of the ,koran1 which is in part predestinationist1 and in parts assumes freewill2 while the main body of orthodox1 following the text1 professed to respect as insoluble mystery the contradictions they found in it4 #ajed ,the history of ,islam in this matter is strikingly analogous to that of ,christianity from the rise of the ,pelagian heresy4 ,it is to be noted that1 while the heretics in time came under ,greek and other foreign influences1 their criticism of the ,koran was at the outset their own4 #ajee ,the ,shites1 becoming broadly the party of the ,persians1 admitted in time ,persian1 ,jewish1 ,gnostic1 ,manichan1 and other dualistic doctrines1 and generally tended to interpret the ,koran allegorically4 #ajef ,a particular school of allegorists1 the ,bathenians1 even tended to purify the idea of deity in an agnostic direction4 #ajeg ,all of these would appear to have ranked genetically as ,motazilites2 and the manifold play of heretical thought gradually forced a certain habit of reasoning on the orthodox1 #ajeh who as usual found their advantage in the dissidences of the dissenters4 ,on the other hand1 the ,motazilites found new resources in the study and translation of ,greek works1 scientific and philosophical4 #ajei ,they were thus the prime factors1 on the ,arab side1 in the culture-evolution which went on under the earlier of the ,abasside ,khalifs 7#gej-abeh74 ,greek literature reached them mainly through the ,syrian ,christians1 in whose hands it had been put by the ,nestorians1 driven out of their scientific school at ,edessa and exiled by ,leo the ,isaurian 7#gaf-gda72 #ajfj possibly also in part through the philosophers who1 on being exiled from ,athens by ,justinian1 settled for a time in ,persia4 #ajfa ,the total result was that already in the ninth century1 within two hundred years of the beginning of ,mohammed's preaching1 the ,saracens in ,persia had reached not only a remarkable height of material civilization1 their wealth exceeding that of ,byzantium1 but a considerable though quasi-secret measure of scientific knowledge and rational thought1 #ajfb including even some measure of pure atheism4 ,all forms of rationalism alike were called zendekism by the orthodox1 the name having the epithetic force of the ,christian terms infidelity and atheism4 #ajfc ,secrecy was long imposed on the ,motazilites by the orthodoxy of the ,khalifs1 #ajfd who as a rule atoned for many crimes and abundant breaches of the law of the ,koran by a devout profession of faith4 ,freethinking1 however1 had its periods of political prosperity4 ,even under the ,ommayade dynasty1 the ,khalif ,al ,walid ,ibn ,yazid 7the eleventh of the race7 was reputed to be of no religion1 but seems to have been rather a ruffian than a rationalist4 #ajfe ,under the ,abassides culture made much more progress4 ,the ,khalif ,al ,mansour1 though he played a very orthodox part1 #ajff favoured the ,motazilites 7#ged-gge71 being generally a patron of the sciences2 and under him were made the first translations from the ,greek4 #ajfg ,despite his orthodoxy he encouraged science2 and it was as insurgents and not as unbelievers that he destroyed the sect of ,rewandites 7a branch of the anti-,moslem ,ismailites71 who are said to have believed in metempsychosis4 #ajfh ,partly on political but partly also on religious grounds his successor ,al ,mahdi made war on the ,ismailites1 whom he regarded as atheists1 and who appear to have been connected with the ,motazilite ,brethren of ,purity1 #ajfi destroying their books and causing others to be written against them4 #ajgj ,they were anti-,koranites2 hardly atheists2 but a kind of informal rationalism approaching to atheism1 and involving unbelief in the ,koran and the ,prophet1 seems to have spread considerably1 despite the slaughter of many unbelievers by ,al ,mahdi4 ,its source seems to have been ,persian aversion to the alien creed4 #ajga ,the great philosophic influence1 again1 was that of ,aristotle2 and though his abstract ,god-idea was nominally adhered to1 the scientific movement promoted above all things the conception of a reign of law4 #ajgb ,al ,hadi1 the successor of ,al ,mahdi1 persecuted much and killed many heretics2 and ,haroun ,al ,raschid 7,aaron the ,orthodox7 menaced with death those who held the moderately rational tenet that the ,koran was created1 #ajgc as against the orthodox dogma 7on all fours with the ,brahmanic doctrine concerning the ,veda7 that it was eternal in the heavens and uncreated4 ,one of the rationalists1 ,al ,mozdar1 accused the orthodox party of infidelity1 as asserting two eternal things2 and there was current among the ,motazilites of his day the saying that1 had ,god left men to their natural liberty1 the ,arabians could have composed something not only equal but superior to the ,koran in eloquence1 method1 and purity of language4 #ajgd ,haroun's crimes1 however1 consisted little in acts of persecution4 ,the ,persian ,barmekides 7the family of his first ,vizier1 surnamed ,barmek7 were regarded as protectors of ,motazilites2 #ajge and one of the sons1 ,jaafer1 was even suspected of atheism1 all three indeed being charged with it4 #ajgf ,their destruction1 on other grounds1 does not seem to have altered the conditions for the thinkers2 but ,haroun's incompetent son ,emin was a devotee and persecutor4 ,his abler brother and conqueror ,al ,mamoun 7#hac-hcc71 on the other hand1 directly favoured the ,motazilites1 partly on political grounds1 to strengthen himself with the ,persian party1 but also on the ground of conviction4 #ajgg ,he even imprisoned some of the orthodox theologians who maintained that the ,koran was not a created thing1 though1 like certain persecutors of other faiths1 he had expressly declared himself in favour of persuasion as against coercion4 #ajgh ,in one case1 following usage1 he inflicted a cruel torture4 ,his fatal error1 says a recent scholar1 was that he invoked the authority of the ,state in matters of the intellectual and religious life4 #ajgi ,compared with others1 certainly1 he did not carry his coercion far1 though1 on being once publicly addressed as ,ameer of the ,unbelievers1 he caused the fanatic who said it to be put to death4 #ajhj ,in private he was wont to conduct meetings for discussion1 attended by believers and unbelievers of every shade1 at which the only restriction was that the appeal must be to reason1 and never to the ,koran4 #ajha ,concerning his personal bias1 it is related that he had received from ,kabul a book in old ,persian1 ,the ,eternal ,reason1 which taught that reason is the only basis for religion1 and that revelation cannot serve as a standing ground4 #ajhb ,the story is interesting1 but enigmatic1 the origin of the book being untraceable4 ,whatever were his views1 his coercive policy against the orthodox extremists had the usual effect of stimulating reaction on that side1 and preparing the ultimate triumph of orthodoxy4 #ajhc ,the fact remains1 however1 that ,mamoun was of all the ,khalifs the greatest promoter of science #ajhd and culture2 the chief encourager of the study and translation of ,greek literature2 #ajhe and1 despite his coercion of the theologians on the dogma of the eternity of the ,koran1 tolerant enough to put a ,christian at the head of a college at ,damascus1 declaring that he chose him not for his religion but for his science4 ,in the same spirit he permitted the free circulation of the apologetic treatise of the ,armenian ,christian ,al ,kindy1 in which ,islam and the ,koran are freely criticized4 ,as a ruler1 too1 he ranks among the best of his race for clemency1 justice1 and decency of life1 although orthodox imputations were cast on his subordinates4 ,his successors ,motasim and ,wathek were of the same cast of opinion1 the latter being1 however1 fanatical on behalf of his rationalistic view of the ,koran as a created thing4 #ajhf ,a violent orthodox reaction set in under the worthless and ,turk-ruled ,khalif ,motawakkel #ajhg 7#hdg-hfa71 by whose time the ,khalifate was in a state of political decadence1 partly from the economic exhaustion following on its tyrannous and extortionate rule2 partly from the divisive tendencies of its heterogeneous sections2 partly from the corrupting tendency of all despotic power4 #ajhh ,despite the official restoration of orthodoxy1 the private cultivation of science and philosophy proceeded for a time2 the study and translation of ,greek books continued2 #ajhi and rationalism of a kind seems to have subsisted more or less secretly to the end4 ,in the tenth century it is said to have reached even the unlearned2 and though the ,motazilites gradually drifted into a scholastic orthodoxy1 downright unbelief came up alongside1 #ajij albeit secretly4 ,faith in ,mohammed's mission and law began again to shake2 and the learned disregarded its prescriptions4 ,mystics professed to find the way to ,god without the ,koran4 ,many decided that religion was useful for regulating the people1 but was not for the wise4 ,on the other side1 however1 the orthodox condemned all science as leading to unbelief1 #ajia and developed an elaborate and quasi-systematic theology4 ,it was while the scientific encyclopedists of ,bassorah were amassing the knowledge which1 through the ,moors1 renewed thought in the ,west1 that ,al ,ashari built up the ,kalm or scholastic theology which thenceforth reigned in the ,mohammedan ,east2 #ajib and the philosopher ,al ,gazzali 7or ,gazel71 on his part1 employed the ancient and modern device of turning a profession of philosophical scepticism to the account of orthodoxy4 #ajic ,in the struggle between science and religion1 in a politically decadent ,state1 the latter inevitably secured the administrative power4 #ajid ,under the ,khalifs ,motamid 7d4 #hib7 and ,motadhed 7d4 #ijb7 all science and philosophy were proscribed1 and booksellers were put upon their oath not to sell any but orthodox books4 #ajie ,thus1 though philosophy and science had secretly survived1 when the political end came the popular faith was in much the same state as it had been under ,haroun ,al ,raschid4 ,under ,islam as under all the faiths of the world1 in the east as in the west1 the mass of the people remained ignorant as well as poor2 and the learning and skill of the scholars served only to pass on the saved treasure of ,greek thought and science to the new civilization of ,europe4 ,the fact that the age of military and political decadence was that of the widest diffusion of rationalism is naturally fastened on as giving the explanation of the decline2 but the inference is pure fallacy4 ,the ,bagdad ,khalifate declined as the ,christianized ,roman ,empire declined1 from political and external causes2 and the ,turks who overthrew it proceeded to overthrow ,christian ,byzantium1 where rationalism never reared its head4 ,the conventional view is thus set forth in a popular work 7,the ,saracens1 by ,arthur ,gilman1 #ahhg1 p4 #che73 ,unconsciously ,mamun began a process by which that implicit faith which had been at once the foundation and the inspiration of ,islam1 which had nerved its warriors in their terrible warfare1 and had brought the nation out of its former obscurity to the foremost position among the peoples of the world1 was to be taken from them4 ,we have seen that this view is entirely erroneous as regards the rise of the ,saracen power2 and it is no less so as regards the decline4 ,at the outset there had been no implicit faith among the conquerors4 ,the ,eastern ,saracens1 further1 had been decisively defeated by the ,byzantines in the very first flush of their fanaticism and success2 and the ,western had been routed by ,charles ,martel long before they had any philosophy4 ,there was no overthrow of faith among the warriors of the ,khalifate4 ,the enlistment of ,turkish mercenaries by ,mamoun and ,motasim1 by way of being independent of the ,persian and ,arab factions in the army and the ,state1 introduced an element which1 at first purely barbaric1 became as orthodox as the men of ,haroun's day had been4 ,yet the decadence1 instead of being checked1 was furthered4 ,nor were the strifes set up by the rationalistic view of the ,koran nearly so destructive as the mere faction-fights and sectarian insurrections which began with ,motawakkel4 ,the falling-away of cities and provinces under the feeble ,moktader 7#ijh-icb7 had nothing whatever to do with opinions1 but was strictly analogous to the dissolution of the kingdom of ,charlemagne under his successors1 through the rise of new provincial energies2 and the tyranny of the ,turkish mercenaries was on all fours with that of the ,pretorians of the ,roman ,empire1 and with that of the ,janissaries in later ,turkey4 ,the writer under notice has actually recorded 7p4 #djh7 that the warlike sect of ,ismailitic ,karmathians1 who did more than any other enemy to dismember the ,khalifate1 were unbelievers in the ,koran1 deniers of revelation1 and disregarders of prayer4 ,the later ,khalifs1 puppets in the hands of the ,turks1 were one and all devout believers4 ,on the other hand1 fresh ,moslem and non-,moslem dynasties arose alternately as the conditions and opportunities determined4 ,jenghiz ,khan1 who overran ,asia1 was no ,moslem2 neither was ,tamerlane2 but new ,moslem conquerors did overrun ,india1 as pagan ,alexander had done in his day4 ,theological ideas counted for as little in one case as in the other4 ,sultan ,mahmoud of ,ghazni 7#iig-ajcj71 who reared a new empire on the basis of the province of ,khorassan and the kingdom of ,bokhara1 and who twelve times successfully invaded ,india1 happened to be of ,turkish stock2 but he is also recorded to have been in his youth a doubter of a future state1 as well as of his personal legitimacy4 ,his later parade of piety 7as to which see ,baron ,de ,slane's tr4 of ,ibn ,khallikan's ,biog4 ,dict4 iii1 #ccd7 is thus a trifle suspect 7,british ,india1 in ,edin4 ,cab4 ,lib4 #crd ed4 i1 #ahi1 following ,ferishta72 and his avarice seems to have animated him to the full as much as his faith1 which was certainly not more devout than that of the ,brahmans of ,somnauth1 whose hold he captured4 7,cp4 ,prof4 ,e4 ,g4 ,browne1 ,a ,literary ,history of ,persia1 ii 7#aijf71 #aai47 ,during his reign1 besides1 unbelief was rife in his despite 7,weil1 ,geschichte der ,chalifen1 iii1 #gb71 though he burned the books of the ,motazilites1 besides crucifying many ,ismalian heretics 7,browne1 p4 #afj74 ,the conventional theorem as to the political importance of faith1 in short1 will not bear investigation4 ,even ,freeman here sets it aside 7,hist4 and ,conq4 of the ,saracens1 p4 #abd74 #d ,it is in the later and nominally decadent ages of the ,bagdad ,khalifate1 when science and culture and even industry relatively prospered by reason of the personal impotence of the ,khalifs1 that we meet with the most pronounced and the most perspicacious of the ,freethinkers of ,islam4 ,in the years #igc-ajeg there dwelt in the little ,syrian town of ,marratun-,numan the blind poet ,abu'l-ala-al-,ma'arri1 who wrote a parody of the ,koran1 #ajif and in his verse derided all religions as alike absurd1 and yet was for some reason never persecuted4 ,he has been pronounced incomparably greater than ,omar ,khayym both as a poet and as an agnostic4 #ajig ,one of his sayings was that ,the world holds two classes of men--intelligent men without religion1 and religious men without intelligence4 #ajih ,he may have escaped on the strength of a character for general eccentricity1 for he was an ardent vegetarian and an opponent of all parentage1 declaring that to bring a child into the world was to add to the sum of suffering4 #ajii ,the fact that he was latterly a man of wealth1 yet in person an ascetic and a generous giver1 may be the true explanation4 ,whatever be the explanation of his immunity1 the frankness of his heterodoxy is memorable4 ,nourished perhaps by a temper of protest set up in him by the blindness which fell upon him in childhood after smallpox1 the spirit of reason seems to have been effectually developed in him by a stay of a year and a-half at ,bagdad1 where1 in the days of ,al ,mansour1 ,christians and ,jews1 ,buddhists and ,zoroastrians1 ,sabians and ,sufis1 materialists and rationalists1 met and communed4 #aajj ,before his visit1 his poems are substantially orthodox2 later1 their burden changes4 ,he denies a resurrection1 and is wholly incredulous of any divine revelation4 ,religion1 as he conceives it1 is a product of the human mind1 in which men believe through force of habit and education1 never stopping to consider whether it is true4 ,his belief in ,god amounted1 as it would seem1 to little beyond a conviction that all things are governed by inexorable ,fate4 ,concerning creeds he sings in one stave3-- ,now this religion happens to prevail ,until by that one it is overthrown2 ,because men will not live with men alone1 ,but always with another fairy-tale #aaja-- a summing-up not to be improved upon here4 ,a century later still1 and in another region1 we come upon the 7now7 most famous of all ,eastern freethinkers1 ,omar ,khayym4 ,he belonged to ,naishpr in ,khorassan1 a province which had long been known for its rationalism1 #aajb and which had been part of the nucleus of the great ,asiatic kingdom created by ,sultan ,mahmoud of ,ghazni at the beginning of the eleventh century1 soon after the rise of the ,fatimite dynasty in ,egypt4 ,under that ,sultan flourished ,ferdusi 7,firdausi71 one of the chief glories of ,persian verse4 ,after ,mahmoud's death1 his realm and parts of the ,khalifate in turn were overrun by the ,seljuk ,turks under ,togrul ,beg2 under whose grandson ,malik it was that ,omar ,khayym1 astronomer and poet1 studied and sang in ,khorassan4 ,the ,turk-descended ,shah favoured science as strongly as any of the ,abassides2 and when he decided to reform the calendar1 ,omar was one of the eight experts he employed to do it4 ,thus was set up for the ,east the ,jalli calendar1 which1 as ,gibbon has noted1 #aajc surpasses the ,julian and approaches the accuracy of the ,gregorian style4 ,omar was1 in fact1 one of the ablest mathematicians of his age4 #aajd ,his name1 ,omar ibn ,ibrahim al-,khayymi1 seems to point to ,arab descent4 ,al-,khayymmi means the tent-maker2 but in no biographic account of him is there the slightest proof that he or his father ever belonged to that or any other handicraft4 #aaje ,always he figures as a scholar and a man of science4 ,since1 therefore1 the patronymic al-,khayymi is fairly common now among ,arabs1 and also among the still nomadic tribes of ,khuzistan and ,luristan1 the reasonable presumption is that it was in his case a patronymic also4 #aajf ,his father being a man of some substance1 he had a good schooling1 and is even described in literary tradition as having become an expert ,koran scholar1 by the admission of the orthodox ,al ,gazzali1 who1 however1 is represented in another record as looking with aversion on ,omar's scientific lore4 #aajg ,the poet may have had his lead to freethought during his travels after graduating at ,naishapur1 when he visited ,samarkhand1 ,bokhara1 ,ispahan1 and ,balk4 #aajh ,he seems to have practised astrology for a living1 even as did ,kepler in ,europe five hundred years later2 and he perhaps dabbled somewhat in medicine4 #aaji ,a hostile orthodox account of him1 written in the thirteenth century1 represents him as versed in all the wisdom of the ,greeks1 and as wont to insist on the necessity of studying science on ,greek lines4 #aaaj ,of his prose works1 two1 which were of standard authority1 dealt respectively with precious stones and climatology4 #aaaa ,beyond question the poet-astronomer was undevout2 and his astronomy doubtless helped to make him so4 ,one contemporary writes3 ,i did not observe that he had any great belief in astrological predictions2 nor have ,i seen or heard of any of the great 7scientists7 who had such belief4 #aaab ,the biographical sketch by ,ibn al ,kifti1 before cited1 declares that he performed pilgrimages not from piety but from fear1 having reason to dread the hostility of contemporaries who knew or divined his unbelief2 and there is a story of a treacherous pupil who sought to bring him into public odium4 #aaac ,in point of fact he was not1 any more than ,abu' l-,ala1 a convinced atheist1 but he had no sympathy with popular religion4 ,he gave his adherence to no religious sect4 ,agnosticism1 not faith1 is the keynote of his works4 #aaad ,among the sects he saw everywhere strife and hatred in which he could have no part4 ,his earlier ,english translators1 reflecting the tone of the first half of the last century1 have thought fit to moralize censoriously over his attitude to life2 and the first1 ,prof4 ,cowell1 has austerely decided that ,omar's gaiety is but a risus sardonicus of despair4 #aaae ,even the subtler ,fitzgerald1 who has so admirably rendered some of the audacities which ,cowell thought better left in the original ,persian1 has the air of apologizing for them when he partly concurs in the same estimate4 ,but despair is not the name for the humorous melancholy which ,omar1 like ,abu' l-,ala1 weaves around his thoughts on the riddle of the universe4 ,like ,abu' l-,ala1 again1 he talks at times of ,god1 but with small signs of faith4 ,in epigrams which have seldom been surpassed for their echoing depth1 he disposes of the theistic solution and the lure of immortality2 whereafter1 instead of offering another shibboleth1 he sings of wine and roses1 of the joys of life and of their speedy passage2 not forgetting to add a stipulation for beneficence4 #aaaf ,it was his way of turning into music the undertone of all mortality2 and that it is now preferable1 for any refined intelligence1 to the affectation of zest for a hereafter on which no one wants to enter1 would seem to be proved by the remarkable vogue he has secured in modern ,england1 chiefly through the incomparable version of ,fitzgerald4 ,much of the attraction1 certainly1 is due to the canorous cadence and felicitous phrasing of those singularly fortunate stanzas2 and a similar handling might have won as high a repute among us for ,abu' l-,ala1 whom1 as we have seen1 some of our ,orientalists set higher1 and whose verse as recently rendered into ,english has an indubitable charm4 ,fitzgerald1 on the other hand1 has added much to ,omar4 ,but the thoughts of ,omar remain the kernels of ,fitzgerald's verses2 and whereas the counsel1 ,gather ye roses while ye may1 is common enough1 it must be the weightier bearing of his deeper and more daring ideas that gives the quatrains their main hold to-day4 ,in the more exact rendering of those translators who closely reproduce the original he remains beyond question a freethinker1 #aaag placing ethic above creed1 though much given to the praise of wine4 ,never popular in the ,moslem world1 #aaah he has had in ours an unparalleled welcome2 and it must be because from his scientific vantage ground in the ,east1 in the period of the ,norman ,conquest1 he had attained in some degree the vision and chimed with the mood of a later and larger age4 ,that ,omar in his day and place was not alone in his mood lies on the face of his verse4 ,many quatrains ascribed to him1 indeed1 are admittedly assignable to other ,persian poets2 and one of his ,english editors notes that the poetry of rebellion and revolt from orthodox opinion1 which is supposed to be peculiar to him1 may be traced in the works of his predecessor ,avicenna1 as well as in those of ,afdal-i-,ksh1 and others of his successors4 #aaai ,the allusions to the tavern1 a thing suspect and illicit for ,islam1 show that he was in a society more ,persian than ,arab1 one in which was to be found nearly all of the free intellectual life possible in the ,moslem ,east2 #aabj and doubtless ,persian thought1 always leaning to heresy1 and charged with germs of scientific speculation from immemorial antiquity1 prepared his rationalism2 though his monism excludes alike dualism and theism4 ,one for two ,i never did misread is his summing up of his philosophy4 #aaba ,but the same formula might serve for the philosophy of the sect of ,sufis1 #aabb who in all ages seem to have included unbelievers as well as devoutly mystical pantheists4 ,founded1 it is said1 by a woman1 ,rabia1 in the first century of the ,hej'ra1 #aabc the sect really carries on a pre-,mohammedan mysticism1 and may as well derive from ,greece #aabd as from ,asia4 ,its original doctrine of divine love1 as a reaction against ,moslem austerity1 gave it a fixed hold in ,persia1 and became the starting point of innumerable heterodox doctrines4 #aabe ,under the ,khalif ,moktader1 a ,persian ,sufi is recorded to have been tortured and executed for teaching that every man is ,god4 #aabf ,in later ages1 ,sufiism became loosely associated with every species of independent thinking2 and there is reason to suspect that the later poets ,sadi 7fl4 thirteenth century7 and ,hafiz #aabg 7fl4 fourteenth century71 as well as hundreds of lesser status1 held under the name of ,sufiism views of life not far removed from those of ,omar ,khayym2 who1 however1 had bantered the ,sufis so unmercifully that they are said to have dreaded and hated him4 #aabh ,in any case1 ,sufiism has included such divergent types as ,al ,gazzali1 #aabi the skeptical defender of the faith2 devout pantheistic poets such as ,jmi2 #aacj and singers of love and wine such as ,hafiz1 whose extremely concrete imagery is certainly not as often allegorical as serious ,sufis assert1 though no doubt it is sometimes so4 #aaca ,it even became nominally associated with the destructive ,ismalitism of the sect of the ,assassins1 whose founder1 ,hassan1 had been the schoolfellow of ,omar ,khayym4 #aacb ,of ,sufiism as a whole it may be said that whether as inculcating quietism1 or as widening the narrow theism of ,islam into pantheism1 or as sheltering an unaggressive rationalism1 it has made for freedom and humanity in the ,mohammedan world1 lessening the evils of ignorance where it could not inspire progress4 #aacc ,it long anticipated the semi-rationalism of those ,christians who declare heaven and hell to be names for bodily or mental states in this life4 #aacd ,on its more philosophic side too it connects with the long movement of speculation which1 passing into ,european life through the ,western ,saracens1 revived ,greek philosophic thought in ,christendom after the night of the ,middle ,ages1 at the same time that ,saracen science passed on the more precious seeds of real knowledge to the new civilization4 #e ,there is the less need to deal at any length in these pages with the professed philosophy of the eastern ,arabs1 seeing that it was from first to last but little associated with any direct or practical repudiation of dogma and superstition4 #aace ,what freethought there was had only an unwritten currency1 and is to be traced1 as so often happens in later ,european history1 through the protests of orthodox apologists4 ,thus the ,persian ,al ,gazzali1 in the preface to his work1 ,the ,destruction of the ,philosophers1 declares of the subjects of his attack that the source of all their errors is the trust they have in the names of ,sokrates1 ,hippokrates1 ,plato1 and ,aristotle2 the admiration they profess for their genius and subtlety2 and the belief1 finally1 that those great masters have been led by the profundity of their faculty to reject all religion1 and to regard its precepts as the product of artifice and imposture4 #aacf ,this implies an abundant rationalism1 #aacg but1 as always1 the unwritten unbelief lost ground1 its non-publication being the proof that orthodoxy prevailed against it4 ,movements which were originally liberal1 such as that of the ,motecallemn1 ran at length to mere dialectic defence of the faith against the philosophers4 ,fighting the ,aristotelian doctrine of the eternity of matter1 they sought to found a new theistic creationism on the atoms of ,demokritos1 making ,god the creator of the atoms1 and negating the idea of natural law4 #aach ,eastern ,moslem philosophy in general followed some such line of reaction and petrifaction4 ,the rationalistic ,al ,kindi 7fl4 #hej7 seems to have been led to philosophize by the ,motazilite problems2 but his successors mostly set them aside1 developing an abstract logic and philosophy on ,greek bases1 or studying science for its own sake1 though as a rule professing a devout acceptance of the ,koran4 #aaci ,such was ,avicenna 7,ibn ,sina3 d4 #ajcg71 who taught that men should revere the faith in which they were educated2 though in comparison with his predecessor ,al ,farabi1 who leant to ,platonic mysticism1 he is a rationalistic ,aristotelian1 #aadj with a strong leaning to pantheism4 ,of him an ,arabic historian writes that in his old age he attached himself to the court of the heretical ,ala-ud-,dawla at ,ispahan1 in order that he might freely write his own heretical works4 #aada ,after ,al ,gazzali 7d4 #aaaa71 who attacked both ,avicenna #aadb and ,al ,farabi somewhat in the spirit of ,cicero's skeptical ,cotta attacking the ,stoics and the ,epicureans1 #aadc there seems to have been a further development of skepticism1 the skeptical defence of the faith having the same unsettling tendency in his as in later hands4 ,ibn ,khaldun seems to denounce in the name of faith his mixture of pietism and philosophy2 and ,makrisi speaks of his doctrines as working great harm to religion #aadd among the ,moslems4 ,but the socio-political conditions were too unpropitious to permit of any continuous advance on rational lines4 ,ere long an uncritical orthodoxy prevailed in the ,eastern schools1 and it is in ,moorish ,spain that we are to look for the last efforts of ,arab philosophy4 ,the course of culture-evolution there broadly corresponds with that of the ,saracen civilization in the ,east4 ,in ,spain the ,moors came into contact with the ,roman imperial polity1 and at the same time with the different culture elements of ,judaism and ,christianity4 ,to both of these faiths they gave complete toleration1 thus strengthening their own in a way that no other policy could have availed to do4 ,whatever was left of ,grco-,roman art1 handicraft1 and science1 saving the arts of portraiture1 they encouraged2 and whatever of agricultural science remained from ,carthaginian times they zealously adopted and improved4 ,like their fellow-,moslems in the ,east1 they further learned all the science that the preserved literature of ,greece could give them4 ,the result was that under energetic and enlightened khalifs the ,moorish civilization became the centre of light and knowledge as well as of material prosperity for medieval ,europe4 ,whatever of science the world possessed was to be found in their schools2 and thither in the tenth1 eleventh1 and twelfth centuries flocked students from the ,christian ,states of western and northern ,europe4 ,it was in whole or in part from ,saracen hands that the modern world received astronomy1 chemistry1 mathematics1 medicine1 botany1 jurisprudence1 and philosophy4 ,they were1 in fact1 the revivers of civilization after the age of barbarian ,christianity4 #aade ,and while the preservation of ,greek science1 lost from the hands of ,christendom1 would have been a notable service enough1 the ,arabs did much more4 ,alhazen 7d4 #ajch7 is said to have done the most original work in optics before ,newton1 #aadf and in the same century ,arab medicine and chemistry made original advances4 #aadg ,while the progressive period lasted1 there was of course an abundance of practical freethought4 ,but after a marvellously rapid rise1 the ,moorish civilization was arrested and paralysed by the internal and the external forces of anti-civilization--religious fanaticism within and ,christian hostility without4 ,everywhere we have seen culture-progress depending more or less clearly on the failure to find solutions for political problems4 ,the most fatal defect of all ,arab civilization--a defect involved in its first departure by way of conquest1 and in its fixedly hostile relation to the ,christian ,states1 which kept it constantly on a military basis--was the total failure to substitute any measure of constitutional rule for despotism4 ,it was thus politically unprogressive1 even while advancing in other respects4 ,but in other respects also it soon reached the limits set by the conditions4 ,whereas in ,persia the ,arabs overran an ancient civilization1 containing many elements of rationalism which acted upon their own creed1 the ,moors in ,spain found a population only slightly civilized1 and predisposed by its recent culture1 as well as by its natural conditions1 #aadh to fanatical piety4 ,thus when1 under their tolerant rule1 ,jews and ,christians in large numbers embraced ,islam1 the new converts became the most fanatical of all4 #aadi ,all rationalism existed in their despite1 and1 abounding as they did1 they tended to gain power whenever the ,khalif was weak1 and to rebel furiously when he was hostile4 ,when1 accordingly1 the growing pressure of the feudal ,christian power in ,northern ,spain at length became a menacing danger to the ,moorish ,states1 weakened by endless intestine strife1 the one resource was to call in a new force of ,moslem fanaticism in the shape of the ,almoravide #aaej ,berbers1 who1 to the utmost of their power1 put down everything scientific and rationalistic1 and established a rigid ,koranolatry4 ,after a time they in turn1 growing degenerate while remaining orthodox1 were overrun by a new influx of conquering fanatics from ,africa1 the ,almohades1 who1 failing to add political science to their faith1 went down in the thirteenth century before the ,christians in ,spain1 in a great battle in which their prince sat in their sight with the ,koran in his hand4 #aaea ,here there could be no pretence that unbelief wrought the downfall4 ,the ,jonah of freethought1 so to speak1 had been thrown overboard2 and the ship went down with the flag of faith flying at every masthead4 #aaeb ,it was in the last centuries of ,moorish rule that there lived the philosophers whose names connect it with the history of ,european thought1 retaining thus a somewhat factitious distinction as compared with the men of science1 many of them nameless1 who developed and transmitted the sciences4 ,the pantheistic ,avempace 7,ibn ,badja3 d4 #aach71 who defended the reason against the theistic skepticism of ,al ,gazzali1 #aaec was physician1 astronomer1 and mathematician1 as well as metaphysician2 as was ,abubacer 7,abu ,bekr1 also known as ,ibn ,tophail3 d4 #aahe71 who regarded religious systems as only a necessary means of discipline for the multitude1 #aaed and as being merely symbols of the higher truth reached by the philosopher4 ,both men1 however1 tended rather to mysticism than to exact thought2 and ,abubacer's treatise1 ,the ,self-taught ,philosopher1 which has been translated into ,latin 7by ,pococke in #afga71 ,english1 ,dutch1 and ,german1 has had the singular fortune of being adopted by the ,quakers as a work of edification4 #aaee ,very different was the part played by ,averros 7,ibn ,roshd71 the most famous of all ,moslem thinkers1 because the most far-reaching in his influence on ,european thought4 ,for the ,middle ,ages he was pre-eminently the expounder of ,aristotle1 and it is as setting forth1 in that capacity1 the pantheistic doctrine which affirms the eternity of the material universe and makes the individual soul emanate from and return to the soul of all1 that he becomes important alike in ,moslem and ,christian thought4 ,diverging from the asceticism and mysticism of ,avempace and ,abubacer1 and strenuously opposing the anti-rationalism of ,al ,gazzali1 against whose chief treatise he penned his own ,destruction of the ,destruction of the ,philosophers1 ,averros is the least mystical and the most rational of the ,arab thinkers4 #aaef ,at nearly all vital points he oppugns the religious view of things1 denying bodily resurrection1 which he treats 7here following all his predecessors in heretical ,arab philosophy7 as a vulgar fable2 #aaeg and making some approach to a scientific treatment of the problem of ,freewill as against1 on the one hand1 the ethic-destroying doctrine of the ,motecallemn1 who made ,god's will the sole standard of right1 and affirmed predestination 7,jabarism72 and against1 on the other hand1 the anti-determinism of the ,kadarites4 #aaeh ,even in his politics he was original2 and in his paraphrase of ,plato's ,republic he has said a notable word for women1 pointing out how small an opening is offered for their faculties in ,moslem society4 #aaei ,of all tyrannies1 he boldly declared1 the worst is that of priests4 ,in time1 however1 a consciousness of the vital hostility of his doctrine to current creeds1 and of the danger he consequently ran1 made him1 like so many of his later disciples1 anxious to preserve priestly favour4 ,as regards religion he was more complaisant than ,abubacer1 pronouncing ,mohammedanism the most perfect of all popular systems1 #aafj and preaching a patriotic conformity on that score to philosophic students4 ,from him derives the formula of a two-fold truth--one truth for science or philosophy1 and another for religion--which played so large a part in the academic life of ,christendom for centuries4 #aafa ,in two of his treatises1 ,on the harmony of religion with philosophy and ,on the demonstration of religious dogmas1 he even takes up a conservative attitude1 proclaiming that the wise man never utters a word against the established creed1 and going so far as to say that the freethinker who attacks it1 inasmuch as he undermines popular virtue1 deserves death4 #aafb ,even in rebutting1 as entirely absurd1 the doctrine of the creation of the world1 and ascribing its currency to the stupefying power of habit1 he takes occasion to remark piously that those whose religion has no better basis than faith are frequently seen1 on taking up scientific studies1 to become utter zendeks4 #aafc ,but he lived in an age of declining culture and reviving fanaticism2 and all his conformities could not save him from proscription1 at the hands of a ,khalif who had long favoured him1 for the offence of cultivating ,greek antiquity to the prejudice of ,islam4 ,all study of ,greek philosophy was proscribed at the same time1 and all books found on the subject were destroyed4 #aafd ,disgraced and banished from court1 ,averros died at ,morocco in #aaih2 other philosophers were similarly persecuted2 #aafe and soon afterwards the ,moorish rule in ,spain came to an end in the odour of sanctity4 #aaff ,so complete was now the defeat of the intellectual life in ,western ,islam that the ablest writer produced by the ,arab race in the period of the ,renaissance1 ,ibn ,khaldun of ,tunis 7#accb-adjf71 writes as a bigoted believer in revelation1 though his writings on the science of history were the most philosophic since the classic period1 being out of all comparison superior to those of the ,christian chroniclers of his age4 #aafg ,so rationalistic1 indeed1 is his method1 relatively to his time1 that it is permissible to suspect him of seeking to propitiate the bigots4 #aafh ,but neither they nor his race in general could learn the sociological lessons he had it in him to teach4 ,their development was arrested for that period4 #f ,of later freethought under ,islam there is little to record as regards literary output1 but the phenomenon has never disappeared4 ,buckle1 in his haste1 declared that he could write the history of ,turkish civilization on the back of his hand2 #aafi but even in ,turkey1 at a time of minimum friendly contact with other ,european life1 there have been traces of a spirit of freethinking nearly as active as that astir in ,christendom at the same period4 ,thus at the end of the seventeenth century we have circumstantial testimony to the vogue of a doctrine of atheistic ,naturalism at ,constantinople4 ,the holders of this doctrine were called ,muserin1 a term said to mean ,the true secret is with us4 ,they affirmed a creative and all-sustaining ,nature1 in which ,man has his place like the plants and like the planets2 and they were said to form a very large number1 including ,cadis and other learned as well as some renegade persons4 #aagj ,but ,turkish culture-conditions in the eighteenth century were not such as to permit of intellectual progress on native lines2 and to this day rationalism in that as in other ,moslem countries is mainly a matter of reflex action set up by the impact of ,european scientific knowledge1 or social contact4 ,there is no modern rationalistic literature4 ,motazilism1 so-called1 is still heard of in ,arabia itself4 #aaga ,in the ,ottoman ,empire1 indeed1 it is little in evidence1 standing now as it does for a species of broad-church liberalism1 analogous to ,christian ,unitarianism2 #aagb but in ,persia the ancient leaning to rationalism is still common4 ,the old-world pantheism which we have seen conserved in ,omar ,khayym gave rise in later centuries to similar developments among the ,parsees both in ,persia and in ,india2 and from the sixteenth century onwards there are clear traces among them of a number of rationalizing heresies1 varying from pantheism and simple deism to atheism and materialism4 #aagc ,in ,persia to-day there are many thinkers of these casts of thought4 #aagd ,about #ahcj a ,british traveller estimated that1 assuming there were between #bjj1jjj and #cjj1jjj ,sufis in the country1 those figures probably fell greatly short of the number secretly inclined to infidelity4 #aage ,whatever be the value of the figures1 the statement is substantially confirmed by later observers2 #aagf missionaries reporting independently that in ,persia most of the higher class1 of the nobility1 and of the learned professions 444 are at heart infidels or sceptics4 #aagg ,persian freethought is of course1 in large part1 the freethought of ignorance1 and seems to co-exist with astrological superstition2 #aagh but there is obviously needed only science1 culture1 and material development to produce1 on such a basis1 a renascence as remarkable as that of modern ,japan4 ,the verdict of ,vambry is noteworthy3 ,in all ,asia1 with the exception of ,china1 there is no land and no people wherein there is so little of religious enthusiasm as in ,persia2 where freethinkers are so little persecuted1 and can express their opinions with so little disturbance2 and where1 finally1 as a natural consequence1 the old religious structure can be so easily shattered by the outbreak of new enthusiasts4 ,whoever has read ,khayym's blasphemies against ,god and the prophet1 his jesting verses against the holiest ceremonies and commandments of ,islam2 and whoever knows the vogue of this book and other works directed against the current religion1 will not wonder that ,bb with the weapon of the ,word won so many hearts in so short a time4 #aagi ,the view that ,bbism affiliates to rationalism is to be understood in the sense that the atmosphere of the latter made possible the growth of the former1 its adherents being apparently drawn rather from the former orthodox4 #aahj ,the young founder of the sect1 ,mirza-,ali-,mohammed1 declared himself ,the ,bb1 i4e4 the ,gate 7to the knowledge of ,god71 as against the orthodox ,moslem teachers who taught that since the twelve ,imms1 the ,gate of ,knowledge is closed4 ,hence the name of the sect4 ,mirza-,ali1 who showed a strong tendency to intolerance1 quickly created an aggressive movement1 which was for a time put down by the killing of himself and many of his followers4 ,since his execution the sect has greatly multiplied and its doctrines have much widened4 ,for a time the founder's intolerant teachings were upheld by ,ezl1 the founder of one of the two divisions into which the party speedily fell2 while his rival ,bha1 who gave himself out as the true ,prophet1 of whom the ,bb was merely the precursor1 developed a notably cosmopolitan and equalitarian doctrine1 including a vague belief in immortality1 without heaven1 hell1 or purgatory4 ,ezl eventually abandoned his claims1 and his followers now number less than two thousand2 while the ,bhates number nearly three millions out of the seven millions of the ,persian population1 and some two millions in the adjacent countries4 ,the son of ,bha1 ,abbas ,effendi1 who bears the title of ,the ,great ,branch1 now rules the cult1 which promises to be the future religion of ,persia4 #aaha ,one of the most notable phenomena of the earlier movement was the entrance of a young woman1 daughter of a leading ulema1 who for the first time in ,moslem history threw off the regulation veil and preached the equality of the sexes4 #aahb ,she was one of those first executed4 ,persecution1 however1 has long ceased1 and as a result of her lead the position of woman in the cult is exceptionally good4 ,thus the last century has witnessed within the sphere of ,islam1 so commonly supposed to be impervious to change1 one of the most rapid and radical religious changes recorded in history4 ,there is therefore no ground for holding that in other ,moslem countries progress is at an end4 ,everything depends1 broadly speaking1 on the possibilities of culture-contact4 ,the changes in ,persia are traceable to the element of heretical habit which has persisted from pre-,moslem times2 future and more scientific development will depend upon the assimilation of ,european knowledge4 ,in ,egypt1 before the period of ,european intervention1 freethinking was at a minimum2 and though toleration was well developed as regarded ,christians and ,jews1 freethinking ,moslems dared not avow themselves4 #aahc ,latterly rationalism tends to spread in ,egypt as in other ,moslem countries2 even under ,mohammed ,ali the ruling ,turks had begun to exhibit a remarkable indifference to religion1 and had begun to undermine the foundations of ,el-,islam2 and so shrewd and dispassionate an observer as ,lane expected that the common people would soon assist in the work1 and that the overthrow of the whole fabric may reasonably be expected to ensue at a period not very remote4 #aahd ,to evolve such a change there will be required a diffusion of culture which is not at all likely to be rapid under any ,government2 but in any case the ground that is being lost by ,islam in ,egypt is not being retaken by ,christianity4 ,in the other ,british dominions1 ,mohammedans1 though less ready than educated ,hindus to accept new ideas1 cannot escape the rationalizing influence of ,european culture4 ,nor was it left to the ,british to introduce the rationalistic spirit in ,moslem ,india4 ,at the end of the sixteenth century the eclectic ,emperor ,akbar1 #aahe himself a devout worshipper of the ,sun1 #aahf is found tolerantly comparing all religions1 #aahg depreciating ,islam1 #aahh and arriving at such general views on the equivalence of all creeds1 and on the improbability of eternal punishment1 #aahi as pass for liberal among ,christians in our own day4 ,if such views could be generated by a comparison of the creeds of pre-,british ,india they must needs be encouraged now4 ,the ,mohammedan mass is of course still deeply fanatical1 and habitually superstitious2 but not any more immovably so than the early ,saracens4 ,in the eighteenth century arose the fanatical ,wahabi sect1 which aims at a puritanic restoration of primeval ,islam1 freed from the accretions of later belief1 such as saint-worship2 but the movement1 though variously estimated1 has had small success1 and seems destined to extinction4 #aaij ,of the traditional seventy-three sects in ,islam only four to-day count as orthodox4 #aaia ,it may be worth while1 in conclusion1 to note that the comparative prosperity or progressiveness of ,islam as a proselytizing and civilizing force in ,africa--a phenomenon regarded even by some ,christians with satisfaction1 and by some with alarm #aaib--;is not strictly or purely a religious phenomenon4 ,moslem civilization suits with negro life in ,africa in virtue not of the teaching of the ,koran1 but of the comparative nearness of the ,arab to the barbaric life4 ,he interbreeds with the natives1 fraternizes with them 7when not engaged in kidnapping them71 and so stimulates their civilization2 where the ,european colonist1 looking down on them as an inferior species1 isolates1 depresses1 and degrades them4 ,it is thus conceivable that there is a future for ,islam at the level of a low culture-stage2 but the ,arab and ,turkish races out of ,africa are rather the more likely to concur in the rationalistic movement of the higher civilization4 ,even in ,africa1 however1 a systematic observer notes1 and predicts the extension of1 a strong tendency on the part of the ,mohammedans towards an easy-going rationalism1 such as is fast making way in ,algeria1 where the townspeople and the cultivators in the more settled districts1 constantly coming in contact with ,europeans1 are becoming indifferent to the more inconvenient among their ,mohammedan observances1 and are content to live with little more religion than an observance of the laws1 and a desire to get on well with their neighbours4 #aaic ,thus at every culture-level we see the persistence of that force of intellectual variation which is the subject of our inquiry4 ,,chapter ,,ix ,,christendom ,,in ,,the ,,middle ,,ages ,it would be an error1 in view of the biological generalization proceeded on and the facts noted in this inquiry1 to suppose that even in the ,dark ,ages1 so called1 #aaid the spirit of critical reason was wholly absent from the life of ,christendom4 ,it had simply grown very rare1 and was the more discountenanced where it strove to speak4 ,but the most systematic suppression of heresies could not secure that no private heresy should remain4 ,as ,voltaire has remarked1 there was nearly always a small flock separated from the great4 #aaie ,apart too from such quasi-rationalism as was involved in semi-,pelagianism1 #aaif critical heresy chronically arose even in the ,byzantine provinces1 which by the curtailment of the ,empire had been left the most homogeneous and therefore the most manageable of the ,christian ,states4 ,it is necessary to note those survivals of partial freethinking1 when we would trace the rise of modern thought4 #a4 ,,heresy ,,in ,,byzantium ,it was probably from some indirect influence of the new anti-idolatrous religion of ,islam that in the eighth century the soldier-emperor1 ,leo the ,isaurian1 known as the ,iconoclast1 derived his aversion to the image-worship #aaig which had long been as general in the ,christian world as ever under polytheism4 ,so gross had the superstition become that particular images were frequently selected as god-parents2 of others the paint was partly scratched off to be mixed with the sacramental wine2 and the bread was solemnly put in contact with them4 #aaih ,leo began 7#gbf7 by an edict simply causing the images to be placed so high that they could not be kissed1 but on being met with resistance and rebellion he ordered their total removal 7#gcj74 ,one view is that he saw image-worship to be the main hindrance to the spread of the faith among ,jews and ,moslems1 and took his measures accordingly4 #aaii ,save on this one point he was an orthodox ,christian and ,trinitarian1 and his long effort to put down images and pictures was in itself rather fanatical #abjj than rationalistic1 though a measure of freethinking was developed among the religious party he created4 #abja ,of this spirit1 as well as of the aversion to image-worship1 #abjb something must have survived the official restoration of idolatry2 but the traces are few4 ,the most zealous iconoclasts seem never to have risen above the flat inconsistency of treating the cross and the written gospels with exactly the same adoration that their opponents paid to images2 #abjc and their appeal to the scriptures--which was their first and last argument--was accordingly met by the retort that they themselves accepted the authority of tradition1 as did the image-worshippers4 ,the remarkable hostility of the army to the latter is to be explained1 apparently1 by the local bias of the eastern regions from which the soldiers were mainly recruited4 ,in the ninth century1 when ,saracen rivalry had stung the ,byzantines into some partial revival of culture and science1 #abjd the all-learned ,patriarch ,photius 7c4 #hbj-hia71 who reluctantly accepted ecclesiastical office1 earned a dangerous repute for freethinking by declaring from the pulpit that earthquakes were produced by earthly causes and not by divine wrath4 #abje ,but this was an almost solitary gleam of reason in a generation wholly given up to furious strife over the worship of images1 and ,photius was one of the image-worshippers4 ,the battle swung from extreme to extreme4 ,the emperor ,michael ,,ii1 the ,stammerer 7#hbj-hbh71 held a medium position1 and accordingly acquired the repute of a freethinker4 ,a general under ,leo ,v1 the ,armenian1 he had conspired against him1 and when on the verge of execution had been raised to the throne in place of ,leo1 who was assassinated at the altar4 ,the new emperor aimed above all things at peace and quietness2 but his methods were thoroughly ,byzantine1 and included the castration of the four sons of ,leo4 ,michael himself is said to have doubted the future resurrection of men1 to have maintained that ,judas was saved1 and to have doubted the existence of ,satan because he is not named in the ,pentateuch #abjf--;a species of freethinking not far removed from that of the ,iconoclasts1 whose grounds were merely ,biblical4 ,a generation later came ,michael ,,iv1 the ,sot1 bred a wastrel under the guardianship of his mother1 ,theodora 7who in #hdb restored image-worship and persecuted the ,paulicians71 and her brother ,bardas1 who ultimately put her in a convent4 ,michael1 repeatedly defeated by the ,saracens1 long held his own at home4 ,taking into favour ,basil1 who married his 7,michael's7 mistress1 he murdered ,bardas1 and a year later 7#hfg7 was about to murder ,basil in turn1 when the latter anticipated him1 murdered the emperor1 and assumed the purple4 ,it was under ,basil1 who put down the ,iconoclasts1 that ,photius1 after formally deposing and being deposed by the ,pope of ,rome 7#hfd-ff7 was really deposed and banished 7#hfh71 to be restored to favour and office ten years later4 ,in #hhf1 on the death of ,basil1 he was again deposed1 dying about #hia4 ,in that kaleidoscope of plot and faction1 fanaticism and crime1 there is small trace of sane thinking4 ,michael ,,iv1 in his disreputable way1 was something of a freethinker1 and could even with impunity burlesque the religious processions of the clergy1 #abjg the orthodox populace joining in the laugh2 but there was no such culture at ,constantinople as could develop a sober rationalism1 or sustain it against the clergy if it showed its head4 ,intelligence in general could not rise above the plane of the wrangle over images4 ,while the struggle lasted1 it was marked by all the ferocity that belonged from the outset to ,christian strifes2 and in the end1 as usual1 the more irrational bias triumphed4 ,it was in a sect whose doctrine at one point coincided with iconoclasm that there were preserved such rude seeds of oriental rationalism as could survive the rule of the ,byzantine emperors1 and carry the stimulus of heresy to the west4 ,the rise of the ,paulicians in ,armenia dates from the seventh century1 and was nominally by way of setting up a creed on the lines of ,paul as against the paganized system of the ,church4 ,rising as they did on the borders of ,persia1 they were probably affected from the first by ,mazdean influences1 as the dualistic principle was always affirmed by their virtual founder1 ,constantine1 afterwards known as ,sylvanus4 #abjh ,their original tenets seem to have been anti-,manichean1 anti-,gnostic 7though partly ,marcionite71 opposed to the worship of images and relics1 to sacraments1 to the adoration of the ,virgin1 of saints1 and of angels1 and to the acceptance of the ,old ,testament2 and in an age in which the reading of the ,sacred ,books had already come to be regarded as a privilege of monks and priests1 they insisted on reading the ,new ,testament for themselves4 #abji ,in this they were virtually founding on the old pagan conception of religion1 under which all heads of families could offer worship and sacrifice without the intervention of a priest1 as against the ,judo-,christian sacerdotalism1 which vetoed anything like a private cultus4 ,in the teaching of ,sylvanus1 further1 there were distinct ,manichean and ,gnostic characteristics--notably1 hostility to ,judaism2 the denial that ,christ had a real human body1 capable of suffering2 and the doctrine that baptism and the communion were properly spiritual and not physical rites4 #abaj ,in the ninth century1 when they had become a powerful and militant sect1 often at war with the empire1 they were still marked by their refusal to make any difference between priests and laymen4 ,anti-ecclesiasticism was thus a main feature of the whole movement2 and the ,byzantine ,government1 recognizing in its doctrine a particularly dangerous heresy1 had at once bloodily attacked it1 causing ,sylvanus to be stoned to death4 #abaa ,still it grew1 even to the length of exhibiting the usual phenomena of schism within itself4 ,one section obtained the protection of the first iconoclastic emperor1 who agreed with them on the subject of images2 and a later leader1 ,sergius or ,tychicus1 won similar favour from ,nicephorus ,i2 but ,leo the ,armenian 7suc4 #hac71 fearing the stigma of their other heresies1 and having already trouble enough from his iconoclasm1 set up against them1 as against the image-worshippers1 a new and cruel persecution4 #abab ,they were thus driven over to the ,saracens1 whose advance-guard they became as against the ,christian ,state2 but the iconoclast ,constantine ,copronymus sympathetically #abac transplanted many of them to ,constantinople and ,thrace1 thus introducing their doctrine into ,europe4 ,the ,empress ,theodora 7#hda-hee71 who restored image-worship1 #abad sought to exterminate those left in ,armenia1 slaying1 it is said1 a hundred thousand4 #abae ,many of the remnant were thus forced into the arms of the ,saracens2 and the sect did the empire desperate mischief during many generations4 #abaf ,meantime those planted in ,thrace1 in concert with the main body1 carried propaganda into ,bulgaria1 and these again were further reinforced by refugees from ,armenia in the ninth century1 and in the tenth by a fresh colony transplanted from ,armenia by the emperor ,john ,zimisces1 who valued them as a bulwark against the barbarous ,slavs4 #abag ,fresh persecution under ,alexius ,i at the end of the eleventh century failed to suppress them2 and imperial extortion constantly drove to their side numbers of fresh adherents1 #abah while the ,bulgarians for similar reasons tended in mass to adopt their creed as against that of ,constantinople4 ,so greatly did the cult flourish that at its height it had a regular hierarchy1 notably recalling that of the early ,manicheans--with a pope1 twelve magistri1 and seventy-two bishops1 each of whom had a filius major and filius minor as his assistants4 ,withal the democratic element remained strong1 the laying on of the hands of communicants on the heads of newcomers being part of the rite of reception into full membership4 ,thus it came about that from ,bulgaria there passed into western ,europe1 #abai partly through the ,slavonic sect called ,bogomiles or ,bogomilians #abbj 7 ,theophiloi1 lovers of ,god71 who were akin to the ,paulicians1 partly by more general influences1 #abba a contagion of democratic and anti-ecclesiastical heresy2 so that the very name ,bulgar became the ,french bougre heretic--and worse4 #abbb ,it specified the most obvious source of the new anti-,romanist heresies of the ,albigenses1 if not of the ,vaudois 7,waldenses74 #b4 ,,critical ,,heresy ,,in ,,the ,,west ,in the west1 meanwhile1 where the variety of social elements was favourable to new life1 heresy of a rationalistic kind was not wholly lacking4 ,about the middle of the eighth century we find one ,feargal or ,vergilius1 an ,irish priest in ,bavaria1 accused by ,st4 ,boniface1 his enemy1 of affirming1 in defiance of ,god and his own soul1 the doctrine of the antipodes1 #abbc which must have reached him through the ancient ,greek lore carried to ,ireland in the primary period of ,christianization of that province4 ,of that influence we have already seen a trace in ,pelagius and ,coelestius2 and we shall see more later in ,john the ,scot4 ,after being deposed by the ,pope1 ,vergilius was reinstated2 was made ,bishop of ,salzburg1 and held the post till his death2 and was even sainted afterwards2 but the doctrine disappeared for centuries from the ,christian world4 ,other heresies1 however1 asserted themselves4 ,though image-worship finally triumphed there as in the east1 it had strong opponents1 notably ,claudius1 bishop of ,turin 7fl4 #hcj7 under the emperor ,louis the ,pious1 son of ,charlemagne1 and his contemporary ,agobard1 bishop of ,lyons4 #abbd ,it is a significant fact that both men were born in ,spain2 and either to ,saracen or to ,jewish influence--the latter being then strong in the ,moorish and even in the ,christian #abbe world--may fairly be in part attributed their marked bias against image-worship4 ,claudius was slightly and ,agobard well educated in ,latin letters1 so that an early impression #abbf would seem to have been at work in both cases4 ,however that may be1 they stood out as singularly rationalistic theologians in an age of general ignorance and superstition4 ,claudius vehemently resisted alike image-worship1 saint-worship1 and the ,papal claims1 and is recorded to have termed a council of bishops which condemned him an assembly of asses4 #abbg ,agobard1 in turn1 is quite extraordinary in the thoroughness of his rejection of popular superstition1 being not only an iconoclast but an enemy to prayer for change in the weather1 to belief in incantations and the power of evil spirits1 to the ordeal by fire1 to the wager of battle1 #abbh and to the belief in the verbal inspiration of the ,sacred ,books4 ,in an age of enormous superstition and deep ignorance1 he maintained within the ,church that ,reason was the noble gift of ,god4 #abbi ,he was a rationalist born out of due time4 #abcj ,a grain of rationalism1 as apart from professional self-interest1 may also have entered into the outcry made at this period by the clergy against the rigidly predestinarian doctrine of the monk ,gottschalk4 #abca ,his enemy1 ,rabanus or ,hrabanus 7called the ,moor71 seems again to represent some ,saracen influence1 inasmuch as he reproduced the scientific lore of ,isidore of ,seville4 #abcb ,but the philosophic semi-rationalism of ,john ,scotus 7d4 #hge71 later known as ,erigena 7,john the ,scot of ,ireland--the original ,scots being ,irish71 seems to be traceable to the ,greek studies which had been cherished in ,christianized ,ireland while the rest of western ,europe lost them1 and represents at once the imperfect beginning of the relatively rationalistic philosophy of ,nominalism #abcc and the first western revival of the philosophy of ,plato and ,aristotle1 howbeit by way of accommodation to the doctrine of the ,church4 #abcd ,that ,john the ,scot was an ,irishman remains practically certain1 even if we give up the term ,erigena1 which1 as has been shown by ,floss1 the most careful editor of his works1 is not found in the oldest ,,mss4 ,the reading there is ,ierugena1 which later shades into ,erugena and ,eriugena4 7,cp4 ,ueberweg1 i1 #cei2 ,poole1 pp4 #ee-ef1 note2 ,dr4 ,th4 ,christlieb1 ,leben und ,lehre des ,johannes ,scotus ,erigena1 #ahfj1 p4 #ad sq42 and ,huber1 ,johannes ,scotus ,erigena3 ein ,beitrag zur ,geschichte der ,philosophie und ,theologie im ,mittelalter1 #ahfa1 pp4 #ch-dj47 ,from this elusive cognomen no certain inference can be drawn1 too many being open2 though the fact that ,john had himself coined the term ,graiugena for a late ,greek writer makes it likely that he called himself ,ierugena in the sense of born in the holy 7island7 ,ireland4 ,but the name ,scotus1 occurring without the ,ierugena1 is common in old ,,mss42 and it is almost impossible that any save a ,scot of ,ireland should have possessed the scholarship of ,john in the ninth century4 ,in the west1 ,greek scholarship and philosophy had been special to ,ireland from the time of ,pelagius2 and it is from ,greek sources that ,john draws his inspiration and cast of thought4 ,m4 ,taillandier not unjustly calls the ,ireland of that era l'le des saints1 mais aussi l'le des libres penseurs4 7,scot rigne et la philosophie scolastique1 #ahdc1 p4 #fd47 ,to the same effect ,huber1 pp4 #dj-da4 ,in writing that ,johannes was of ,scottish nationality1 but was probably born and brought up in ,ireland1 ,ueberweg 7i1 #ceh7 obscures the fact that the people of ,ireland were the ,scoti of that period4 ,all the testimony goes to show that ,ireland was called ,scotia1 and its ruling people ,scoti1 from the first appearance of these names down to the eleventh century4 ,but that the present ,scotland was called ,scotia1 or its people ,scoti1 before the eleventh century1 not so much as one single authority can be produced 7,pinkerton1 ,enquiry into the ,history of ,scotland1 #aghi1 ii1 #bcg74 ,irish ,scots gave their name to ,scotland1 and it was adopted by the ,teutonic settlers4 ,while the land of ,john the ,scot's birth is thus fairly certain1 the place of his death remains a mystery4 ,out of a statement by ,asser that ,king ,alfred made one ,john1 a priest1 ,abbot of ,athelney1 and that the said ,abbot was murdered at the altar by hired assassins1 there grew a later story that ,alfred made ,john the ,scot ,abbot of ,malmesbury1 and that he was slain with the styli of two of his pupils4 ,it is clear that the ,john of ,asser was an ,old ,saxon1 and not the philosopher2 and it is difficult to doubt that the second story1 which arises in the twelfth century1 is a hearsay distortion of the first4 ,cp4 ,christlieb1 who argues 7p4 #db sq47 for two ,johns1 one of them ,scotus1 and both assassinated1 with ,huber1 who sets forth 7p4 #ajh sq47 the view here followed4 ,there is really no adequate ground for believing that ,john the ,scot was ever a priest4 ,we know not where or when he died2 but the presumption is that it was in ,france1 and not long after the death of his patron ,charles--#hgg4 7,huber1 p4 #aba47 ,called in by ,archbishop ,hincmar of ,rheims1 himself a normally superstitious believer1 #abce to answer ,gottschalk1 ,john ,scotus in turn was accused of heresy1 as he well might be on many points of his treatise1 ,de ,praedestinatione #abcf 7#hea74 ,he fiercely and not very fairly condemned ,gottschalk as a heretic1 charging him with denying both divine grace and freewill1 but without disposing of ,gottschalk's positive grounds2 and arguing that ,god could not be the cause of sin1 as if ,gottschalk had not said the same thing4 ,his superior speculative power comes out in his undertaking to show that for the ,divine ,being sin is non-ens2 and that therefore that ,being cannot properly be said either to foreknow or to predestinate1 or to punish4 ,but the argument becomes inconsistent inasmuch as it further affirms ,deity to have so constituted the order of things that sin punishes itself4 #abcg ,it is evident that in assimilating his pantheistic conceptions he had failed to think out their incompatibility with any theistic dogma whatever2 his reasoning1 on the whole1 being no more coherent than ,gottschalk's4 ,he had in fact set out from an arbitrary theistic position that was at once ,judaic1 ,christian1 and ,platonic1 and went back on one line to the ,gnostics2 while on another his argument that sin has no real existence is a variant from an old thesis--made current1 as we saw1 by ,euclides of ,megara--with which orthodoxy had met the ,manicheans4 #abch ,but to the abstract doctrine he gave a new practical point by declaring that the doctrine of hell-fire was a mere allegory2 that heaven and hell alike were states of consciousness1 not places4 #abci ,and if such concrete freethinking were not enough to infuriate the orthodox1 they had from him the most explicit declarations that authority is derivable solely from reason4 #abdj ,in philosophy proper he must be credited1 despite his inconsistency1 with deep and original thought4 #abda ,like every theologian of philosophic capacity before and since1 he passes into pantheism as soon as he grapples closely with the difficulties of theism1 and the expressions which he uses are identical with those which were afterwards employed by ,spinoza4444 ,it was a tradition of the fourth or fifth century transferred to the ninth1 an echo from ,alexandria4 #abdb ,condemned by ,pope ,nicholas ,i and by two ,church ,councils1 #abdc his writings none the less availed to keep that echo audible to later centuries4 ,the range and vigour of his practical rationalism may be gathered from his attitude in the controversy begun by the abbot ,paschasius ,radbert 7#hca7 on the nature of the ,eucharist4 ,paschasius taught that there was a real transformation of the bread and wine into the divine body and blood2 and the doctrine1 thus nakedly put1 startled the freer scholars of the time1 who were not yet habituated to ,latin orthodoxy4 ,another learned monk1 ,ratramnus1 who had written a treatise on predestination at the request of the rationalizing emperor1 ,charles the ,bald 7discussing the problem in ,gottschalk's sense #abdd without naming him71 produced on the same monarch's invitation a treatise in which transubstantiation was denied1 and the real presence was declared to be spiritual #abde--;a view already known to ,paschasius as being held by some4 #abdf ,john ,scotus1 also asked by the emperor to write on the subject1 went so far as to argue that the bread and wine were merely symbols and memorials4 #abdg ,as usual1 the irrational doctrine became that of the ,church2 #abdh but the other must have wrought for reason in secret4 ,for the rest1 he set forth the old modal view of the ,trinity1 resolving it into the different conceptual aspects of the universe1 and thus propounding one more vital heresy4 #abdi ,nothing but a succession of rationalizing emperors could have secured continuance for such teaching as that of ,ratramnus and ,john the ,scot4 ,for a time1 the cruelty meted out to ,gottschalk kept up feeling in favour of his views2 ,bishop ,remigius of ,lyons condemned ,hincmar's treatment of him2 and others sought to maintain his positions1 with modifications1 though ,hincmar carried resolutions condemning them at the second ,synod of ,chiersy4 ,on the other hand1 ,archbishop ,wenilo of ,sens1 ,bishop ,prudentius of ,troyes1 and ,florus1 a deacon of ,lyons1 all wrote against the doctrines of ,john the ,scot2 and the second ,synod of ,valence 7#hee71 while opposing ,hincmar and affirming duplex predestination1 denounced with fury the reasonings of ,john the ,scot1 ascribing them to his nation as a whole4 #abej ,the pope taking the same line1 the fortunes of the rationalistic view of the eucharist and of hell-fire were soon determined for the ,middle ,ages1 though in the year #iej we find the ,archbishop of ,canterbury confronted by ,english ecclesiastics who asserted that there was no transubstantiation1 the elements being merely a figure of the body and blood of ,christ4 #abea ,the economic explanation clearly holds alike as regards the attack on ,john and the condemnation of ,gottschalk for a doctrine which had actually been established for centuries1 on the authority of ,augustine1 as strict orthodoxy4 ,in ,augustine's time1 the determining pressures were not economic3 a bankrupt world was seeking to explain its fate2 and ,augustine had merely carried a majority with him against ,pelagius1 partly by his personal influence1 partly by force of the fatalist mood of the time4 ,but in the renascent world of ,gottschalk's day the economic exploitation of fear had been carried several stages forward by the ,church2 and the question of predestination had a very direct financial bearing4 ,the northern peoples1 accustomed to compound for crimes by money payments1 had so readily played into the hands of the priesthood by their eagerness to buy surcease of purgatorial pain that masses for the dead and penitential certificates were main sources of ecclesiastical revenue4 ,therefore the condemnations of such abuses passed by the ,councils1 on the urging of the more thoughtful clergy1 were constantly frustrated by the plain pecuniary interest of the priests4 #abeb ,it even appears that the eucharist was popularly regarded not as a process of religious communion1 but as a magical rite objectively efficacious for bodily preservation in this life and the next4 ,thus it came about that often priests presented the offering of the mass alone and by themselves1 without any participation of the congregation4 #abec ,if then it were to be seriously understood that the future lot of all was foreordained1 all expenditure on masses for the dead1 or to secure in advance a lightening of purgatorial penance1 or even to buy off penance on earth1 was so much waste2 and the ,teutons were still as ready as other barbarians to make their transactions with ,church1 ,god1 and the saints a matter of explicit bargain4 #abed ,gottschalk1 accordingly1 had to be put down1 in the general interests of the ,church4 ,it could not truthfully be pretended that he deviated from ,augustine1 for he actually held by the semi-,pelagian inconsistency that ,god predestinates good1 but merely foreknows evil4 #abee ,there was in fact no clear opposition between his affirmations and those of ,rabanus ,maurus1 who also professed to be an ,augustinian2 but the latter laid forensic stress on the desire of ,god that all men should be saved1 and on the formula that ,christ died for all2 while ,gottschalk1 more honestly1 insisted that predestination is predestination1 and applied the principle not merely1 as had been customary1 to the future state of the good1 but to that of the bad1 #abef insisting on a prdestinatio duplex4 ,his own fate was thus economically predestinate2 and he was actually tortured by the scourge till he cast into the fire his written defence1 a document which contained nothing but a compilation of testimonies from ,scripture1 and from the older church-teachers4 #abeg ,gottschalk later challenged a fourfold ordeal of boiling water1 oil1 and pitch4 ,his primary doctrine had been the immutability of the divine will2 but he brought himself to the belief that ,god would work a miracle in his favour4 ,his conception of foreordination was thus framed solely with regard to the conception of a future state4 ,the ordeal was not granted1 the orthodox party fearing to try conclusions1 and he died without the sacraments1 rather than recant4 ,then began the second reaction of feeling against his chief persecutor1 ,hincmar4 ,neander1 vi1 #aij4 ,a recent writer1 who handles very intelligently and temperately the problem of persecution1 urges that in that connection one ought not to lay great stress on the old argument of the ,hallam and ,macaulay school as to the strength of vested interests1 though it has a certain historical importance1 because the priest must subsist somehow 7,religious ,persecution3 a ,study in ,psychology1 by ,e4 ,s4 ,p4 ,haynes1 #aijd1 p4 #d74 ,if the certain importance be in the ratio of the certainty of the last adduced fact1 the legitimate stress on the argument in question would seem sufficient for most purposes4 ,the writer adds the note3 ,it is not unfair1 however1 to quote the case of ,dr4 ,middleton1 who1 writing to ,lord ,radnor in #agej in respect of his famous work on ,miracles1 admits frankly enough that he would never have given the clergy any trouble1 had he received some good appointment in the church4 ,if the essayist has met with no other historic fact illustrative of the play of vested interests in ecclesiastical history1 it is extremely candid of him to mention that one4 ,later on1 however1 he commits himself to the proposition that the history of medieval persecution leads one to infer that the clergy as a whole were roused to much greater activity by menaces to their material comforts in this world than by an altruistic anxiety for the fate of lay souls in the next 7id4 p4 #fj4 ,cp4 p4 #fc74 ,this amount of stress on vested interests will probably satisfy most members of the ,hallam and ,macaulay school2 and is ample for the purposes of the present contention4 ,from this point onward1 the slow movement of new ideas may for a time be conveniently traced on two general lines--one that of the philosophic discussion in the schools1 reinforced by ,saracen influences1 the other that of partially rationalistic and democratic heresy among the common people1 by way first of contagion from the ,east4 ,the latter was on the whole as influential for sane thought as the former1 apart from such ecclesiastical freethinking as that of ,berengar of ,tours and ,roscelin 7,rousselin71 ,canon of ,compigne4 ,berengar 7c4 #ajej7 was led by moral reflection #abeh to doubt the priestly miracle of the ,eucharist1 and thenceforth he entered into a stormy controversy on the subject1 in the course of which he twice recanted under bodily fear1 but passionately returned to his original positions4 ,fundamentally sincere1 and indignantly resentful of the gross superstition prevailing in the ,church1 he struck fiercely in his writings at ,popes ,leo ,,ix and ,nicholas ,,ii and ,archbishop ,lanfranc1 #abei all of whom had opposed him4 ,at length1 after much strife1 he threw up the contest1 spending the latter part of his long life in seclusion2 ,pope ,gregory ,,vii1 who was personally friendly to him1 having finally shielded him from persecution4 ,it seems clear that1 though accused1 with others of his school1 of rejecting certain of the gospel miracles1 #abfj he never became a disbeliever2 his very polemic testifying to the warmth of his belief on his own lines4 ,his teaching1 however1 which went far by reason of the vividness of his style1 doubtless had the effect of promoting not only the rationalistic-,christian view of the ,eucharist1 #abfa but a criticism which went further1 inasmuch as his opponents forced on the bystanders the question as to what reality there was in the ,christian creed if his view were true4 #abfb ,all such influences1 however1 were but slight in total mass compared with the overwhelming weight of the economic interest of the priesthood2 and not till the ,reformation was ,berengar's doctrine accepted by a single organized sect4 ,the orthodox doctrine1 in fact1 was all-essential to the ,catholic ,church4 ,given the daily miracle of the real presence1 the ,church had a vital hold on the ,christian world1 and the priest was above all lay rivalry4 ,seeing as much1 the ,council of the ,lateran 7#ajei7 met the new criticism by establishing the technical doctrine of the real presence for the first time as an article of faith2 and as such it will doubtless stand while there is a ,catholic priesthood4 ,berengar's original view must have been shared by thousands2 but no ,catholic carried on his propaganda4 ,the question had become one of life and death4 ,berengar's forced prevarications1 which are unsympathetically set forth by ,mosheim 7#aa ,cent41 pt4 ii1 ch4 iii1 #ac-ah71 are made much more intelligible in the sympathetic survey of ,neander 7vi1 #bbe-fj74 ,see also the careful inquiry of ,reuter1 ,gesch4 der religisen ,aufklrung im ,mittelalter1 i1 #ia sq4 ,as to ,berengar's writings1 see further ,murdock's note to ,mosheim1 last cit41 #ah4 ,the formal compromise forced on him by ,pope ,hildebrand1 who was personally friendly to him1 consisted in adding to his denial of the change of the bread and wine into body and blood the doctrine that the body and blood were superadded to the bread and wine in and by their consecration4 ,this formula1 of course1 did not represent the spirit of ,berengar's polemic4 ,as to the disputes on the subject1 which ran to the most unseemly length of physiological detail1 see ,voltaire1 ,essai sur les ,moeurs1 ch4 xlv4 ,it is noteworthy that ,augustine had very expressly set forth a metaphorical interpretation of the ,eucharist--,de doctrina christiana1 l4 iii1 c4 #af4 ,but just as the ,church later set aside the verdict of ,thomas ,aquinas that the ,virgin ,mary was born in sin1 so did it reverse ,augustine's judgment on the ,eucharist4 ,always the more irrational view carried the day1 as being more propitious to sacerdotal claims4 ,so far as the ,church by her keenly self-regarding organization could attain it1 all opinion was kept within the strict bounds of her official dogma1 in which life in the ,middle ,ages so long stagnated4 ,for centuries1 despite the turmoil of many wars--which1 indeed1 helped to arrest thought--the life of the mind presented a uniformity hardly now conceivable4 ,the common expectation of the ending of the world1 in the year #ajjj1 in particular had an immense prepotency of paralysing men's spirits2 and the grooves of habit thus fixed were hard to alter4 ,for most men1 the notion of possible innovation in thought did not exist3 the usual was the sacred3 the very ideal of an improvement or reformation1 when it arose1 was one of reaching back to a far-away perfection of the past1 never of remoulding things on lines laid down by reason4 ,yet even into this half-stifled world there entered1 by eastern ways1 and first in the guise of rude demotic departures from priestly prescription1 the indestructible spirit of change4 #c4 ,,popular ,,anti-,,clerical ,,heresy ,the first ,western traces of the imported ,paulician heresy are about the year #ajjj1 #abfc when a rustic of ,chlons is heard of as destroying a cross and a religious picture1 and asserting that the prophets are not wholly to be believed4 #abfd ,from this time forward1 the world having begun to breathe again after the passing of the year #ajjj without any sign of the ,day of ,judgment1 heresy begins to multiply1 the chief movers being distinguished by a tendency to rationalism4 #abfe ,in #ajaj there is a trace of it in ,aquitaine4 #abff ,in the year #ajbb 7or1 as the date is sometimes put1 in #ajag7 we hear of the unveiling of a secret society of rationalizing mystics at ,orleans1 ten canons of one church being members4 #abfg ,an ,italian woman was said to be the founder1 and thirteen were burned alive on their refusal to recant4 ,according to the records1 they denied all miracles1 including the ,virgin ,birth and the ,resurrection2 rejected baptism and the miracle of the ,eucharist2 took the old ,docetic view of ,jesus1 denying his actual humanity2 and affirmed the eternity of matter and the non-creation of the world4 ,they were also accused1 like the first ,christians1 of promiscuous nocturnal orgies and of eating sacrificed infants2 but unless such charges are to be held valid in the other case1 they cannot be here4 #abfh ,the stories told of the ,manichean community who lived in the castle of ,monforte1 near ,asti in ,lombardy1 in the years #ajbe-ajdj1 and who at length were likewise burned alive1 are similarly mixed with fable4 #abfi ,on this case it is recorded that1 while the ,archbishop of ,milan investigated the heresy1 the burning of the victims was the work of the fanatical populace of ,milan1 and was done against his will4 ,a less savage treatment may have made possible the alleged success of ,gerhard1 bishop of ,cambray and ,arras1 in reconciling to the ,church at ,arras1 in #ajbe or #ajcj1 a number of laymen--also said to have been taught by an ,italian--who as a body rejected all external worship1 setting aside priestly baptism and the sacraments1 penance and images1 funeral rites1 holy oil1 church bells1 cross-worship1 altars1 and even churches1 and denied the necessity of an order of priests4 #abgj ,few of the ,protestants of a later age were so thorough-going2 but the fact that many of the sect stood to the old ,marcionite veto on marriage and the sexual instinct gives to their propaganda its own cast of fanaticism4 ,this last tenet it seemingly was that gave the ,paulicians their common ,greek name of cathari1 #abga the pure1 corrupted or assimilated in ,italian to gazzari1 whence presumably the ,german word for heretic1 ,ketzer4 #abgb ,such a doctrine had the double misfortune that if acted on it left the sect without the normal recruitment of members' children1 while if departed from it brought on them the stigma of wanton hypocrisy2 and as a matter of fact every movement of the kind1 ancient and modern1 seems to have contained within it the two extremes of asceticism and licence1 the former generating the latter4 ,it could hardly1 however1 have been the ascetic doctrine that won for the new heresy its vogue in medieval ,europe2 nor is it likely that the majority of the heretics even professed it4 ,if1 on the other hand1 we ask how it was that in an age of dense superstition so many uneducated people were found to reject so promptly the most sacrosanct doctrines of the ,church1 it seems hardly less difficult to account for the phenomenon on the bare ground of their common sense4 ,critical common sense there must have been1 to allow of it at all2 but it is reasonable to suppose that then1 as clearly happened later at the ,reformation1 common sense had a powerful stimulus in pecuniary interest4 ,with the evidence as to ,christian practice in the fourth century on the one hand1 and the later evidence as to clerical life on the other1 we are certain of a common play of financial motive throughout the ,middle ,ages4 ,and whereas it is intelligible that such rapacity as we have seen described by ,libanius should evoke a heresy which rejected alike religious ceremonial and the claims of the priest1 it is further reasonable to surmise that resentment of priestly rapacity and luxury helped men to similar heresy in ,western ,europe when the doctrine reached them4 ,if any centuries are to be singled out as those of maximum profligacy and extortion among the clergy1 they are the ninth and the three following4 #abgc ,it had been part of the policy of ,charlemagne everywhere to strengthen the hands of the clergy by way of checking the power of the nobles2 #abgd and in the disorder after his death the conflicting forces were in semi-anarchic competition4 ,the feudal habit of appointing younger sons and underlings to livings wherever possible2 the disorders and strifes of the papacy2 and the frequent practice of dispossessing priests to reward retainers1 thereby driving the dispossessed to plunder on their own account1 must together have created a state of things almost past exaggeration4 ,it was a matter of course that the clergy on their part should make the utmost possible use of their influence over men's superstitious fears in order to acquire bequests of lands2 #abge and such bequests in turn exasperated the heirs thus disinherited4 ,thus orthodoxy and heterodoxy alike had strong economic motives2 and in these may be placed a main part of the explanation of the gross savagery of persecution now normal in the ,church4 ,such a heresy as that of ,gottschalk1 we saw1 by denying to the priest all power of affecting the predestined course of things here or hereafter1 logically imperilled the very existence of the whole hierarchy1 and was by many resented accordingly4 ,the same principle entered into the controversies over the ,eucharist4 ,still more would the clergy resent the new ,manichean heresy1 of which every element1 from the ,euchite tenet of the necessity of personal prayer and mortification1 as against the innate demon1 to the rejection of all the rites of normal worship and all the pretensions of priests1 was radically hostile to the entire organization of the ,church4 ,when the heretics in due course developed a priestly system of their own1 #abgf the hostility was only the more embittered4 ,the crisis was the more acute1 finally1 because in the latter part of the tenth century the common expectation that the world would end with the year #ajjj had inspired enormous donations to the ,church1 #abgg with a proportionally oppressive effect on the general population1 moving them to economic self-defence4 ,it is in fact clear that an anti-clerical element entered largely into the beginnings of the communal movement in ,france in the eleventh century4 ,in #ajbd we find the citizens of ,cambrai forming a league to drive out the canons2 #abgh and though that beginning of revolt was crushed out by massacre1 the same spirit expressed itself in heresy4 ,the result was that religious persecution ere long eclipsed political4 ,bishop ,wazon of ,lttich 7d4 #ajdh7 in vain protested against the universal practice of putting the heretics to death4 #abgi ,manicheans who were detected in #ajeb at ,goslar1 in ,germany1 were hanged1 #abhj a precedent being thus established in the day of small things4 ,all this went on while the course of the papacy was so scandalous to the least exacting moral sense that only the ignorance of the era could sustain any measure of reverence for the ,church as an institution4 ,in the year #ifc the ablest of the emperors of that age1 ,otto the ,great1 had the consent of the people of ,rome to his deposition of ,pope ,john ,,xii1 a disorderly youth of twenty-five1 the most profligate if not the most guilty of all who have worn the tiara1 #abha and to his appointing the ,pope in future2 but ,teutonic administration soon drove the populace to repeated revolt1 quenched by massacre1 till at length ,john returned1 speedily to be slain by a wronged husband4 ,economic interest entered largely into the subsequent attempts of the ,romans to choose their own ,pope and rule their own city1 and into the contrary claim of the emperors to do both2 and in the nature of things the usually absent emperors could only spasmodically carry their point4 ,the result was an epoch of riotous disorder in the papacy4 ,between ,john and ,leo ,,ix 7#iee-ajdh7 six popes were deposed1 two murdered1 and one mutilated2 #abhb and the ,church was a mere battle-ground of the factions of the ,roman and ,italian nobility4 #abhc ,at last1 in #ajdg1 a disgraceful contest between three claimants of the papal chair shocked even the reckless apathy of ,italy2 #abhd and the emperor ,henry ,,iii deposed them all and appointed a pope of his own choosing1 the clergy again consenting4 ,soon1 however1 as before1 the local claim was revived2 and in the papacy of the powerful ,gregory ,,vii1 known as ,hildebrand1 the head of the ,church determinedly asserted its autonomy and his own autocracy4 ,then came the long war of the investitures between the popes and the emperors1 in which the former were substantially the gainers4 ,the result was1 in addition to the endless miseries set up by war1 a systematic development of that financial corruption which already had been scandalous enough4 ,the cathedral chapters and the nobles traded in bishoprics2 the popes sold their ratifications for great sums2 the money was normally borrowed by the bishops from the papal usurers2 and there was witnessed throughout ,europe the spectacle of the ,church denouncing all usury as sin1 while its own usurers were scrupulously protected1 the bishops paying to them their interest from the revenues they were able to extort4 #abhe ,satirical comment naturally abounded wherever men had any knowledge of the facts2 and what current literature there was reflected the feeling on all sides4 ,the occurrence of the first and second crusades1 the work respectively of ,peter the ,hermit and ,st4 ,bernard1 created a period of new fanaticism1 somewhat unfavourable to heresy2 but even in that period the new sects were at work1 #abhf and in the twelfth century1 when crusading had become a mere feudal conspiracy of conquest and plunder1 #abhg heresy reappeared1 to be duly met by slaughter4 ,a perfect ferment of anti-clerical heresy had arisen in ,italy1 ,france1 and ,flanders4 #abhh ,at ,orvieto1 in ,italy1 the heretics for a time actually had the mastery1 and were put down only after a bloody struggle4 #abhi ,in ,france1 for a period of twenty years from #aajf1 ,peter de ,brueys opposed infant baptism1 the use of churches1 holy crosses1 prayers for the dead 7the great source of clerical income71 and the doctrine of the ,real ,presence in the eucharist 7the main source of their power71 and so set up the highly heretical sect of ,petrobrussians4 #abij ,driven from his native district of ,vallonise1 he long maintained himself in ,gascony1 till at length he was seized and burned 7#aabf or #aacj74 ,the monk ,henry 7died in prison #aadh7 took a similar line1 directly denouncing the clergy in ,switzerland and ,france2 as did ,tanquelin in ,flanders 7killed by a priest1 #aabe72 though in his case there seems to have been as much of religious hallucination as of the contrary4 #abia ,a peasant1 ,eudo of ,stella 7who died in prison71 is said to have half-revolutionized ,brittany with his anti-ecclesiastical preaching4 #abib ,the more famous monk ,arnold of ,brescia 7strangled and burned in #aaee71 a pupil of ,abailard1 but orthodox in his theology and austere in his life1 simplified his plan of reform 7about #aaci7 into a proposal that the whole wealth of the clergy1 from the pope to the monks1 should be transferred to the civil power1 leaving churchmen to lead a spiritual life on voluntary offerings4 #abic ,for fifteen years the stir of his movement lasted in ,lombardy1 till at length his formation of a republic at ,rome forced the papacy to combine with the ,emperor ,frederick ,,ii1 who gave ,arnold up to death4 ,but though his movement perished1 anti-clericalism did not2 and heretical sects of some kind persisted here and there1 in despite of the ,church1 till the age of the ,reformation4 ,in ,italy1 during the age of the ,renaissance1 all alike were commonly called paterini or patarini--a nickname which seems to come from pataria1 a ,milanese word meaning popular faction or rowdies4 #abid ,thus in the whole movement of fresh popular thought there is a manifest connection with the democratic movement in politics1 though in the schools the spirit of discussion and dialectic had no similar relationship4 ,during the first half of the century its warfare with the emperors1 and the frequent appointment of anti-popes1 prevented any systematic policy on the part of the ,holy ,see1 #abie repression being mostly left to the local ecclesiastical authorities4 ,it was in #aaci that ,innocent ,,ii issued the first papal decree against ,cathari1 expelling them from the ,church and calling on the temporal power to give full effect to their excommunication4 #abif ,in #aafc ,pope ,alexander ,,iii1 being exiled from ,rome by ,frederick ,i and the anti-pope ,victor1 called a great council at ,tours1 where again a policy of excommunication was decided on1 the secular authorities being commanded to imprison the excommunicated and confiscate their property1 but not to slay them4 ,in the same year some ,cathari arrested at ,cologne had been sentenced to be burned2 but the ,council did not go so far4 ,as a result the decree had little or no effect4 #abig ,so powerless was the ,church at this stage that in #aafg the ,cathari held a council of their own near ,toulouse2 a bishop of their order1 ,nicetas1 coming from ,constantinople to preside2 and a whole system of ,french sees was set on foot4 #abih ,so numerous had the ,cathari now become that their highest grade1 the perfecti1 alone was reckoned to number #d1jjj2 #abii and from this time it is of ,cathari that we read in the rolls of persecution4 ,about #aagj four more of them1 from ,flanders1 were burned at ,cologne2 and others1 of the higher grade called bos homes 7 boni homines1 good men71 at ,toulouse4 ,in #aagi1 the heresy still gaining ground1 an oecumenical council 7the ,third ,lateran7 was held at ,rome under ,pope ,alexander ,,iii1 decreeing afresh their excommunication1 and setting up a new machinery of extirpation by proclaiming a crusade at once against the orderly heretics of southern ,france and the companies of openly irreligious freebooters who had arisen as a result of many wars and much misgovernment4 ,to all who joined in the crusade was offered an indulgence of two years4 ,in the following year ,henry of ,clairvaux1 ,cardinal of ,albano1 took the matter in hand as papal plenipotentiary2 and in #aaha he raised a force of horse and foot and fell upon the ill-defended territory of the ,viscount of ,beziers1 where many heretics1 including the daughter of ,raymond of ,toulouse1 had taken refuge4 ,the chief stronghold was captured1 with two ,catharist bishops1 who renounced their heresy1 and were promptly given prebends in ,toulouse4 ,many others submitted2 but as soon as the terms for which the crusaders had enlisted were over and the army disbanded1 they returned to their heretical practices4 #acjj ,two years later an army collected in central ,france made a campaign against the freebooters1 slaying thousands in one battle1 hanging fifteen hundred after another1 and blinding eighty more4 ,but freebooting also continued4 #acja ,the first crusade against heresy having failed1 it was left by the papacy for a number of years to itself2 though anti-pope ,lucius ,,iii in #aahd sought to set up an ,inquisition2 and in #aaie a papal legate held a council at ,montpellier1 seeking to create another crusade4 ,the zeal of the faithful was mainly absorbed in ,palestine2 while the nobles at home were generally at war with each other4 ,heresy accordingly continued to flourish1 though there was never any suspension of local persecution outside of ,provence1 where the heretics were now in a majority1 having more theological schools and scholars than the ,church4 #acjb ,in ,france in particular1 in the early years of the reign of ,philip ,augustus 7suc4 #aahj71 many paterini were put to death by burning2 #acjc and the clergy at length persuaded the king to expel the ,jews1 the work being done almost as cruelly as it was two centuries later in ,spain4 ,in ,england1 where there was thus far little heresy1 it was repressed by ,henry ,,ii4 ,some thirty rustics came from ,flanders in #aaff1 fleeing persecution1 and vainly sought to propagate their creed4 ,zealous to prove his orthodoxy in the period of his quarrel with ,becket1 ,henry presided over a council of bishops called by him at ,oxford to discuss the case2 and the heretics were condemned to be scourged1 branded in the face1 and driven forth--to perish in the winter wilds4 ,england was not hospitable to heresy2 and practically her orthodoxy was unsullied until the rise of ,wiclif4 #acjd ,in southern ,europe and northern ,italy in the last quarter of the century a foremost place began to be taken by the sect of the ,waldenses1 or ,vaudois 7otherwise the ,poor ,men of ,lyons71 which--whether deriving from ancient dissent surviving in the ,vaux or ,valleys of ,piedmont1 #acje or taking its name and character from the teaching of the ,lyons merchant1 ,peter ,waldus1 or an earlier ,peter of ,vaux or ,valdis #acjf--;conforms substantially to the general heretical tendencies of that age1 in that it rejected the papal authority1 contended for the reading of the ,bible by the laity1 condemned tithes1 disparaged fasting1 stipulated for poverty on the part of priests and denied their special status1 opposed prayers for the dead1 and preached peace and non-resistance4 ,in #aaii1 at ,metz1 they were found in possession of a ,french translation of the ,new ,testament1 the ,psalms1 and the book of ,job--a new and startling invasion of the priestly power in the west4 ,above all1 their men and women alike went about preaching in the towns1 in the houses1 and in the churches1 and administered the eucharist without priests4 #acjg ,thus ,cathari1 ,paterini1 ,manicheans1 and non-,manichean ,albigenses and ,waldenses were on all fours for the ,church1 as opponents of its economic claims2 and when at length1 under ,celestine ,,iii and ,innocent ,,iii1 the ,holy ,see began to be consolidated after a long period of incessant change1 #acjh desperate measures began to be contemplated4 ,organized heresy was seen to be indestructible save by general extirpation2 and on economic grounds it was not to be tolerated4 ,at ,orvieto the heresy stamped out with blood in #aabe was found alive again in #aaej2 was again put down in #aafc by burning1 hanging1 and expulsion2 and yet was again found active at the close of the century4 #acji ,in #aaih ,innocent ,,iii is found beginning a new ,inquisition among the ,albigenses2 and in #aaii1 while threatening them with exile and confiscation1 #acaj he made a last diplomatic attempt to force the obstinately heretical people of ,orvieto to take an oath of fidelity in the year #aaii4 ,it ended in the killing of his representative by the people4 #acaa ,the papacy accordingly laid plans to destroy the enemy at its centre of propagation4 #d4 ,,heresy ,,in ,,southern ,,france ,in ,provence and ,languedoc1 the scene of the first great papal crusade against anti-clerical heresy1 there were represented all the then existing forces of popular freethought2 and the motives of the crusade were equally typical of the cause of authority4 #a4 ,in addition to the ,paulician and other movements of religious rationalism above noted1 the ,languedoc region was a centre of semi-popular literary culture1 which was to no small extent anti-clerical1 and by consequence somewhat anti-religious4 ,the ,latin-speaking jongleurs or minstrels1 known as ,goliards1 #acab possessing as they did a clerical culture1 were by their way of life committed to a joyous rather than an ascetic philosophy2 and though given to blending the language of devotion with that of the drinking-table1 very much after the fashion of ,hafiz1 they were capable of burlesquing the mass1 the creed1 hymns to the ,virgin1 the ,lord's ,prayer1 confessions1 and parts of the gospels1 as well as of keenly satirizing the endless abuses of the ,church4 #acac ,one is astonished to meet1 in the ,middle ,ages1 in a time always represented as crushed under the yoke of authority1 such incredible audacities on the papacy1 the episcopacy1 chivalry1 on the most revered dogmas of religion1 such as paradise1 hell1 etc4 #acad ,the rhymers escaped simply because there was no police that could catch them4 ,denounced by some of the stricter clergy1 they were protected by others4 ,they were1 in fact1 the minstrels of the free-living churchmen4 #acae ,of this type is ,guiot of ,provence1 a ,black ,friar1 the author of ,la ,bible ,guiot1 written between #aahg and #abjf4 ,he is a lover of good living1 a champion of aristocrats1 a foe of popular movements1 #acaf and withal a little of a buffoon4 ,but it is to be counted to him for righteousness that he thought the wealth devoured by the clergy might be more usefully spent on roads1 bridges1 and hospitals4 #acag ,he has also a good word for the old pagans who lived according to reason2 and as to his own time1 he is sharply censorious alike of princes1 pope1 and prelates4 ,the princes are rascals who do not believe in ,god1 and depress their nobility2 and the breed of the latter has sadly degenerated4 ,the pope is to be prayed for2 but he is ill counselled by his cardinals1 who conform to the ancient tendency of ,rome to everything evil2 many of the archbishops and bishops are no better2 and the clergy in general are eaten up by greed and simony4 #acah ,this is in fact the common note4 #acai ,a kindred spirit is seen in much of the verse alike of the northern ,trouvres and the southern ,troubadours4 ,a modern ,catholic historian of medieval literature complains that their compositions abound with the severest ridicule of such persons and of such things as1 in the temper of the age1 were highly estimated and most generally revered1 and notes that in consequence they were ranked by the devout as lewd and impious libertines4 #acbj ,in particular they satirized the practice of excommunication and the use made by the ,church of hell and purgatory as sources of revenue4 #acba ,their anti-clerical poetry having been as far as possible destroyed by the ,inquisition1 its character has to be partly inferred from the remains of the northern trouvres--e4g41 ,ruteboeuf and ,raoul de ,houdan1 of whom the former wrote a ,voya de ,paradis1 in which ,sloth is a canon and ,pride a bishop1 both on their way to heaven2 while ,raoul has a ,songe d'enfer in which hell is treated in a spirit of the most audacious burlesque4 #acbb ,in a striking passage of the old tale ,aucassin et ,nicolette there is navely revealed the spontaneous revolt against pietism which underlay all these flings of irreverence4 ,into paradise1 cries ,aucassin1 go none but 444 those aged priests1 and those old cripples1 and the maimed1 who all day long and all night cough before the altars1 and in the crypts beneath the churches2 those 444 who are naked and barefoot and full of sores4444 ,such as these enter in paradise1 and with them have ,i nought to do4 ,but in hell will ,i go4 ,for to hell go the fair clerks and the fair knights who are slain in the tourney and the great wars1 and the stout archer and the loyal man4 ,with them will ,i go4 ,and there go the fair and courteous ladies of many loves2 and there pass the gold and the silver1 the ermine and all rich furs1 harpers and minstrels1 and the happy of the world4 ,with these will ,i go4444 #acbc ,it was such a temper1 rather than reasoned unbelief1 that inspired the blasphemous parodies in ,reynard the ,fox and other popular works of the ,middle ,ages4 ,the ,provenal literature1 further1 was from the first influenced by the culture of the ,saracens1 #acbd who held ,sicily and ,calabria in the ninth and tenth centuries1 and had held part of ,languedoc itself for a few years in the eighth4 ,on the passing of the duchy of ,provence to ,raymond ,berenger1 ,count of ,barcelona1 at the end of the eleventh century1 not only were the half-,saracenized ,catalans mixed with the ,provenals1 but ,raymond and his successors freely introduced the arts and science of the ,saracens into their dominion4 #acbe ,in the ,norman kingdom of ,sicily too the ,saracen influence was great even before the time of ,frederick ,,ii2 and thence it reached afresh through ,italy to ,provence1 #acbf carrying with it everywhere1 by way of poetry1 an element of anti-clerical and even of anti-,christian rationalism4 #acbg ,though this spirit was not that of the ,cathari and ,waldenses1 yet the fact that the latter strongly condemned the ,crusades #acbh was a point in common between them and the sympathizers with ,saracen culture4 ,and as the tolerant ,saracen schools of ,spain or the ,christian schools of the same region1 which copied their curriculum1 #acbi were in that age resorted to by youth from each of the countries of western ,europe for scientific teaching #accj--;all the latest medical and most other scientific knowledge being in their hands--the influence of such culture must have been peculiarly strong in ,provence4 #acca ,the medieval mystery-plays and moralities1 already common in ,provence1 mixed at times with the normal irreverence of illiterate faith #accb a vein of surprisingly pronounced skeptical criticism1 #accc which at the least was a stimulus to critical thought among the auditors1 even if they were supposed to take it as merely dramatic4 ,inasmuch as the drama was hereditarily pagan1 and had been continually denounced and ostracized by ,fathers and ,councils1 #accd it would be natural that its practitioners1 even when in the service of the ,church1 should be unbelievers4 ,the philosophy and science of both the ,arabs and the ,spanish ,jews were specially cultivated in the ,provence territory4 ,the college of ,montpellier practised on ,arab lines medicine1 botany1 and mathematics2 and the ,jews1 who had been driven from ,spain by the ,almohades1 had flourishing schools at ,narbonne1 ,beziers1 ,nmes1 and ,carcassonne1 as well as ,montpellier1 and spread alike the philosophy of ,averros and the semi-rational theology of the ,jewish thinker ,maimonides1 #acce whose school held broadly by ,averrosm4 ,for the rest1 every one of the new literary influences that were assailing the ,church would tend to flourish in such a civilization as that of ,languedoc1 which had been peaceful and prosperous for over two hundred years4 ,unable to lay hold of the popular poets and minstrels who propagated anti-clericalism1 the papacy could hope to put down by brute force the social system in which they flourished1 crushing the pious and more hated heretic with the scoffer4 ,and ,languedoc was a peculiarly tempting field for such operations4 ,its relative lack of military strength1 as well as its pre-eminence in heresy1 led ,innocent ,,iii1 a peculiarly zealous assertor of the papal power1 #accf to attack it in preference to other and remoter centres of enmity4 ,in the first year of his pontificate1 #aaih1 he commenced a new and zealous ,inquisition #accg in the doomed region2 and in the year #abjg1 when as much persecution had been accomplished as the lax faith of the nobility and many of the bishops would consent to--an appeal to the ,king of ,france to interfere being disregarded--the scheme of a crusade against the dominions of ,raymond ,count of ,toulouse was conceived and gradually matured4 ,the alternate weakness and obstinacy of ,raymond1 and the fresh provocation given by the murder1 in #abjh1 of the arrogant papal legate1 ,pierre de ,castelnau1 #acch permitted the success of the scheme in such hands4 ,the crusade was planned exactly on the conditions of those against the ,saracens--the heretics at home being declared far worse than they4 #acci ,the crusaders were freed from payment of interest on their debts1 exempted from the jurisdiction of all law courts1 and absolved from all their sins past or future4 #acdj ,to earn this reward they were to give only forty days' service #acda--;a trifle in comparison with the hardships of the crusades to ,palestine4 ,never therefore had the cross been taken up with a more unanimous consent4 #acdb ,bishops and nobles in ,burgundy and ,france1 the ,english ,simon de ,montfort1 the ,abbot of ,citeaux1 and the ,bernardine monks throughout ,europe1 combined in the cause2 and recruits came from ,austria and ,saxony1 from ,bremen1 even from ,slavonia1 as well as from northern ,france4 #acdc ,the result was such a campaign of crime and massacre as ,european history cannot match4 #acdd ,despite the abject submission of the ,count of ,toulouse1 who was publicly stripped and scourged1 and despite the efforts of his nephew the ,count of ,albi to make terms1 village after village was fired1 all heretics caught were burned1 and on the capture of the city and castle of ,beziers 7#abji71 every man1 woman1 and child within the walls was slaughtered1 many of them in the churches1 whither they had run for refuge4 ,the legate1 ,arnold abbot of ,citeaux1 being asked at an early stage how the heretics were to be distinguished from the faithful1 gave the never-to-be-forgotten answer1 ,kill all2 ,god will know his own4 #acde ,seven thousand dead bodies were counted in the great church of ,st4 ,mary ,magdalene4 ,the legate in writing estimated the total quarry at #ae1jjj2 others put the number at sixty thousand4 #acdf ,when all in the place were slain1 and all the plunder removed1 the town was burned to the ground1 not one house being left standing4 ,warned by the fate of ,beziers1 the people of ,carcassonne1 after defending themselves for many days1 secretly evacuated their town2 but the legate contrived to capture a number of the fugitives1 of whom he burned alive four hundred1 and hanged fifty4 #acdg ,systematic treachery1 authorized and prescribed by the ,pope1 #acdh completed the success of the undertaking4 ,the ,church had succeeded1 in the name of religion1 in bringing half of ,europe to the attainment of the ideal height of wickedness1 in that it had learned to make evil its good2 and the papacy had on the whole come nearer to destroying the moral sense of all ,christendom #acdi than any conceivable combination of other causes could ever have done in any age4 ,according to a long current fiction1 it was the ,pope who first faltered when the whole of ,christendom demanded the renewal of those scenes of massacre 7,sismondi1 ,crusades1 p4 #ie72 but this is disproved by the discovery of two letters in which1 shortly before his death1 he excitedly takes on himself the responsibility for all the bloodshed 7,michelet1 ,hist4 de ,france1 vii1 introd4 note to iv74 ,michelet had previously accepted the legend which he here rejects4 ,the bishops assembled in council at ,lavaur1 in #abac1 demanded the extermination of the entire population of ,toulouse4 ,finally1 the papal policy is expressly decreed in the third canon of the ,fourth ,general ,council of ,lateran1 #abae4 ,on that canon see ,the ,statutes of the ,fourth ,general ,council of ,lateran1 by the ,rev4 ,john ,evans1 #ahdc4 ,on the crusade in general1 cp4 ,lea1 ,history of the ,inquisition1 bk4 i1 ch4 iv2 ,gieseler1 ,per4 ,,iii1 ,div4 iii1 #hi4 ,the first crusade was followed by others1 in which ,simon de ,montfort reached the maximum of massacre1 varying his procedure by tearing out eyes and cutting off noses when he was not hanging victims by dozens or burning them by scores or putting them to the sword by hundreds #acej 7all being done with the utmost joy7 #acea2 though the ,white ,company organized by the ,bishop of ,toulouse #aceb maintained a close rivalry4 ,the ,church's great difficulty was that as soon as an army had bought its plenary indulgence for all possible sin by forty days' service1 it disbanded4 ,nevertheless1 the greater part of the population of the countries where heresy had prevailed was exterminated4 #acec ,organized ,christianity had contrived to murder the civilization of ,provence and ,languedoc #aced while the fanatics of ,islam in their comparatively bloodless manner were doing as much for that of ,moorish ,spain4 ,heresy indeed was not rooted out3 throughout the whole of the thirteenth century the ,inquisition met with resistance in ,languedoc #acee2 but the preponderance of numbers which alone could sustain freethinking had been destroyed1 and in course of time it was eliminated by the sleepless engines of the ,church4 ,it was owing to no lack of the principle of evil in the ,christian system1 but simply to the much greater and more uncontrollable diversity of the political elements of ,christendom1 that the whole culture and intelligence of ,europe did not undergo the same fate4 ,the dissensions and mutual injuries of the crusaders ultimately defeated their ideal #acef2 after ,simon de ,montfort had died in the odour of sanctity #aceg the crusade of ,louis ,,viii of ,france in #abbf seems to have been essentially one of conquest1 there being practically no heretics left2 and the disasters of the expedition1 crowned by the king's death1 took away the old prestige of the movement4 ,meanwhile1 the heresy of the ,albigenses1 and kindred ideas1 had been effectually driven into other parts of ,europe #aceh2 and about #abca we find ,gregory ,,ix burning a multitude of them at the gates of the church of ,santa ,maria ,maggiore in ,rome #acei and compassing their slaughter in ,france and ,germany4 #acfj ,in ,italy the murderous pertinacity of the ,dominicans gradually destroyed organized heresy despite frequent and desperate resistance4 ,about #abcj we hear of one eloquent zealot1 chosen podest by the people of ,verona1 using his power to burn in one day sixty heretics1 male and female4 #acfa ,the political heterogeneity of ,europe1 happily1 made variation inevitable2 though the papacy1 by making the detection and persecution of heresy a means of gain to a whole order of its servants1 had set on foot a machinery for the destruction of rational thought such as had never before existed4 ,it is still common to speak of the personnel of the ,inquisition as disinterested1 and to class its crimes as conscientious4 ,buckle set up such a thesis1 without due circumspection1 as a support to one of his generalizations4 7,see the present writer's ed4 of his ,introduction to the ,history of ,civilization in ,england1 pp4 #aje-ajh1 notes1 and the passages in ,mc,crie and ,llorente there cited47 ,dr4 ,lea1 whose ,history of the ,inquisition is the greatest storehouse of learning on the subject1 takes up a similar position1 arguing 7i1 #bci73 ,that the men who conducted the ,inquisition1 and who toiled sedulously in its arduous1 repulsive1 and often dangerous labour1 were thoroughly convinced that they were furthering the kingdom of ,god1 is shown by the habitual practice of encouraging them with the remission of sins1 similar to that offered for a pilgrimage to the ,holy ,land--a somewhat surprising theorem4 ,parallel reasoning would prove that soldiers never plunder and are always ,godly2 that the crusaders were all conscientious men2 and that policemen never take bribes or commit perjury4 ,the interpretation of history calls for a less simple-minded psychology4 ,that there were devoted fanatics in the ,inquisition as in the ,church is not to be disputed2 that both organizations had economic bases is certain2 and that the majority of office-bearers in both1 in the ages of faith1 had regard to gain1 is demonstrated by all ecclesiastical history4 ,dr4 ,lea's own ,history shows clearly enough 7i1 #dga-ecc7 that the ,inquisition1 from the first generation of its existence1 lived upon its fines and confiscations4 ,persecution1 as a steady and continuous policy1 rested1 after all1 upon confiscation4444 ,when it was lacking1 the business of defending the faith lagged lamentably 7i1 #ebi74 ,but for the gains to be made out of fines and confiscations its the ,inquisition's work would have been much less thorough1 and it would have sunk into comparative insignificance as soon as the first frantic zeal of bigotry had exhausted itself 7pp4 #ecb-cc74 ,why1 in the face of these avowals1 it would be unjust to say that greed and thirst for plunder were the impelling motives of the ,inquisition 7p4 #ecb7 is not very clear4 ,see below1 ch4 x1 #c1 as to the causation in ,spain4 ,cp4 ,mocatta1 ,the ,jews and the ,inquisition1 pp4 #cg1 #dd1 #eb4 ,on the ,inquisition in ,portugal1 in turn1 ,professor ,w4 ,e4 ,collins sums up that it was founded for reasons ostensibly religious but actually fiscal 7in the ,cambridge ,modern ,history1 vol4 ii1 ,the ,reformation1 ch4 xii1 p4 #dae74 ,every charge of economic motive that ,catholicism can bring against ,protestantism is thus balanced by the equivalent charge against its own ,inquisition4 #e4 ,,freethought ,,in ,,the ,,schools ,the indestructibility of freethought1 meanwhile1 was being proved even in the philosophic schools1 under all their conformities to faith4 ,already in the ninth century we have seen ,scotus ,erigena putting the faith in jeopardy by his philosophic defence of it4 ,another thinker1 ,roscelin 7or ,roussellin3 fl4 #ajij71 is interesting as having made a critical approach to freethought in religion by way of abstract philosophy4 ,with him definitely begins the long academic debate between the ,nominalists and ,realists so called4 ,in an undefined way1 it had existed as early as the ninth century1 #acfb the ground being the ,christian adoption of ,plato's doctrine of ideas--that individual objects are instances or images of an ideal universal1 which is a real existence1 and prior to the individual thing3 universalia ante rem4 ,to that proposition ,aristotle had opposed the doctrine that the universal is immanent in the thing--universalia in re--the latter alone being matter of knowledge2 #acfc and in the ,middle ,ages those who called ,aristotle master carried his negation of ,plato to the extent of insisting that the universal or abstract1 or the form or species1 is a mere subjective creation1 a name1 having no real existence4 ,this1 the ,nominalist position--mistakenly ascribed to ,aristotle #acfd--was ultimately expressed in the formula1 universalia post rem4 ,such reasonings obviously tend to implicate theology2 and ,roscelin was either led or helped by his ,nominalist training to deny either explicitly or implicitly the unity of the ,trinity1 arguing in effect that1 as only individuals are real existences1 the actuality of the persons of the ,trinity involves their disunity4 #acfe ,the thesis1 of course1 evoked a storm1 the ,english ,archbishop ,anselm and others producing indignant answers4 ,of ,roscelin's writing only one letter is extant2 and even ,anselm1 in criticizing his alleged doctrine1 admits having gathered it only from his opponents1 whose language suggests perversion4 #acff ,but if the testimony of his pupil ,abailard be truthful1 #acfg he was at best a confused reasoner2 and in his theology he got no further than tritheism1 then called ditheism4 #acfh ,thus1 though ,nominalism1 by denying any objective reality to general notions1 led the way directly to the testimony of the senses and the conclusions of experience1 #acfi it did so on lines fatally subordinate to the theology it sought to correct4 ,roscelin's thesis logically led to the denial not only of trinity-in-unity but of the ,incarnation and transubstantiation2 yet neither he nor his opponents seem to have thought even of the last consequence1 he having in fact no consciously heretical intention4 ,commanded to recant by the ,council of ,soissons in #ajib1 he did so1 and resumed his teaching as before2 whereafter he was ordered to leave ,france4 ,coming to ,england1 he showed himself so little of a rebel to the papacy as to contend strongly for priestly celibacy1 arguing that all sons of priests and all born out of wedlock should alike be excluded from clerical office4 ,expelled from ,england in turn for these views1 by a clergy still anti-celibate1 he returned to ,paris1 to revive the old philosophic issue1 until general hostility drove him to ,aquitaine1 where he spent his closing years in peace4 #acgj ,such handling of the cause of ,nominalism gave an obvious advantage to ,realism4 ,that has been justly described by one clerical scholar as ,philosophy held in subordination to ,church-,authority2 #acga and another has avowed that the spirit of ,realism was essentially the spirit of dogmatism1 the disposition to pronounce that truth was already known1 while ,nominalism was essentially the spirit of progress1 of inquiry1 of criticism4 #acgb ,but even a critical philosophy may be made to capitulate to authority1 as even priori metaphysic may be to a certain extent turned against it4 ,realism had been markedly heretical in the hands of ,john ,scotus2 and in a later age the ,realist ,john ,huss was condemned to death--perhaps on political grounds1 but not without signs of sectarian hate--by a majority of ,nominalists at the ,council of ,constance4 ,everything depended on the force of the individual thinker and the degree of restraint put upon him by the authoritarian environment4 #acgc ,the world has even seen the spectacle of a professed indifferentist justifying the massacre of ,st4 ,bartholomew2 and the ,platonist ,marsilio ,ficino vilified ,savonarola1 basely enough1 after his execution1 adjusting a pantheistic ,christianity to the needs of the political situation in ,medicean ,florence4 ,valid freethinking is a matter of thoroughness and rectitude1 not of mere theoretic assents4 ,tried by that test1 the ,nominalism of the medieval schools was no very potent emancipator of the human spirit1 no very clear herald of freedom or new concrete truth4 ,a doctrine which was so far adjusted to authority as to affirm the unquestionable existence of three deities1 ,father1 ,son1 and ,spirit1 and merely disputed the not more supra-rational theorem of their unity1 yielded to the rival philosophy a superiority in the kind of credit it sought for itself4 ,nominalism was thus driven to the shade of the schools1 where it was regarded entirely in a logical point of view1 and by no means in its actual philosophic importance as a speculation concerning the grounds of human knowledge4 #acgd ,for ,roscelin himself the question was one of dialectics1 not of faith1 and he made no practical rationalists4 ,the popular heresies bit rather deeper into life4 #acge ,it is doubtless true of the ,paulicians that there was no principle of development in their creed3 it reflected no genuine freedom of thought 7,poole1 ,illustrations1 p4 #ie72 but the same thing1 as we have seen1 is clearly true of scholasticism itself4 ,it may indeed be urged that the contest between ,ratramn and ,paschase on the doctrine of the ,eucharist2 of ,lanfranc with ,berengar on the same subject2 of ,anselm with ,roscelin on the nature of ,universals2 the complaints of ,bernard against the dialectical theology of ,abelard2 are all illustrations of the collision between ,reason and ,authority 444 varied forms of rationalism--the pure exertions of the mind within itself 444 against the constringent force of the ,spiritual government 7,hampden1 ,bampton ,lectures on ,the ,scholastic ,philosophy1 #crd ed4 p4 #cg2 cp4 ,hardwick1 ,church ,history3 ,middle ,age1 p4 #bjc72 but none of the scholastics ever professed to set ,authority aside4 ,none dared4 ,john ,scotus indeed affirmed the identity of true religion with true philosophy1 without professing to subordinate the latter2 but the most eminent of the later scholastics affirmed such a subordination4 ,the vassalage of philosophy consisted in the fact that an impassable limit was fixed for the freedom of philosophizing in the dogmas of the ,church 7,ueberweg1 i1 #ceg72 and some of the chief dogmas were not allowed to be philosophically discussed2 though1 with its territory thus limited1 philosophy was indeed allowed by theology a freedom which was rarely and only by exception infringed upon 7ib4 ,cp4 ,milman1 ,latin ,christianity1 #dth ed4 ix1 #aea74 ,the suspicion of originality was fatal to the reputation of the scholastic divine 7,hampden1 pp4 #df-dg74 ,the popular heresy1 indeed1 lacked the intellectual stimulus that came to the schools from the philosophy of ,averros2 but it was the hardier movement of the two4 ,already in the eleventh century1 however1 the simple fact of the production of a new argument for the existence of ,god by ,anselm1 ,archbishop of ,canterbury1 is a proof that1 apart from the published disputes1 a measure of doubt on the fundamental issue had arisen in the schools4 ,it is urged #acgf that1 though the argumentation of ,anselm seems alien to the thought of his time1 there is no proof that the idea of proving the existence of ,god was in any way pressed on him from the outside4 ,it is1 however1 inconceivable that such an argument should be framed if no one had raised a doubt4 ,and as a matter of fact the question was discussed in the schools1 ,anselm's treatise being a reproduction of his teaching4 ,the monks of ,bec1 where he taught1 urged him to write a treatise wherein nothing should be proved by mere authority1 but all by necessity of reason or evidence of truth1 and with an eye to objections of all sorts4 #acgg ,in the preface to his ,cur ,deus ,homo1 again1 he says that his first book is an answer to the objections of infidels who reject ,christianity as irrational4 #acgh ,further1 the nature of part of ,anselm's theistic argument and the very able but friendly reply of ,gaunilo 7a ,count of ,montigni1 who entered a convent near ,tours1 #ajdd-ajhc7 show that the subject was within the range of private discussion4 ,anselm substantially follows ,st4 ,augustine2 #acgi and men cannot have read the ancient books which so often spoke of atheism without confronting the atheistic idea4 ,it is not to be supposed that ,gaunilo was an unbeliever2 but his argumentation is that of a man who had pondered the problem4 #achj ,despite the ostensibly rationalistic nature of his argument1 however1 ,anselm stipulated for absolute submission of the intellect to the creed of the ,church2 #acha so that the original subtitle of his ,proslogium1 ,fides quaerens intellectum1 in no way admits rational tests4 ,in the next century we meet with new evidence of sporadic unbelief1 and new attempts to deal with it on the philosophic side4 ,john of ,salisbury 7#aabj-aahj7 tells of having heard many discourse on physics otherwise than faith may hold2 #achb and the same vivacious scholar put in his list of things about which a wise man may doubt1 so 444 that the doubt extend not to the multitude1 some things which are reverently to be inquired about ,god himself4 #achc ,giraldus ,cambrensis 7#aadg-abbc71 whose abundant and credulous gossip throws so much light on the inner life of the ,church and the laity in his age1 tells that the learned ,simon of ,tournay thought not soundly on the articles of the faith1 saying privately1 to his intimates1 things that he dared not utter publicly1 till one day1 in a passion1 he cried out1 ,almighty ,god6 how long shall this superstitious sect of ,christians and this upstart invention endure82 whereupon during the night he lost the power of speech1 and remained helpless till his death4 #achd ,other ecclesiastical chroniclers represent ,simon as deriding alike ,jesus1 ,moses1 and ,mahomet--an ascription to him of the three impostors formula4 #ache ,again1 ,giraldus tells how an unnamed priest1 reproved by another for careless celebration of the mass1 angrily asked whether his rebuker really believed in transubstantiation1 in the incarnation1 in the ,virgin ,birth1 and in resurrection2 adding that it was all carried on by hypocrites1 and assuredly invented by cunning ancients to hold men in terror and restraint4 ,and ,giraldus comments that inter nos there are many who so think in secret4 #achf ,as his own picture of the ,church exhibits a gross and almost universal rapacity pervading it from the highest clergy to the lowest1 the statement is entirely credible4 #achg ,yet again1 in the ,romance of the ,holy ,grail1 mention is twice made of clerical doubters on the doctrine of the ,trinity2 #achh and on that side1 in the crusading period1 both the monotheistic doctrine of ,islam and the ,arab philosophy of ,averros were likely to set up a certain amount of skepticism4 ,in the twelfth century1 accordingly1 we have ,nicolas of ,amiens producing his tractate ,de articulis 7or arte7 catholic fidei in the hope of convincing by his arguments men who disdain to believe the prophecies and the gospel4 #achi ,to meet such skepticism too was one of the undertakings of the renowned ,abailard 7#ajgi-aadb71 himself persecuted as a heretic for the arguments with which he sought to guard against unbelief4 ,of the details of his early life it concerns us here to note only that he studied under ,roscelin1 and swerved somewhat in philosophy from his master's theoretic ,nominalism1 which he partly modified on ,aristotelian lines1 though knowing little of ,aristotle4 #acij ,after his retirement from the world to the cloister1 he was induced to resume philosophic teaching2 and his pupils1 like those of ,anselm1 begged their master to give them rational arguments on the main points of the faith4 #acia ,he accordingly rashly prepared a treatise1 ,de ,unitate et ,trinitate divina1 in which he proceeded by analogies of human reason1 avowing that the difficulties were great4 #acib ,thereupon envious rivals1 of whom he had made many by his arrogance as well as by his fame1 set up against him a heresy hunt2 and for the rest of his life he figured as a dangerous person4 ,while1 however1 he took up the relatively advanced position that reason must prepare the way for faith1 since otherwise faith has no certitude1 #acic he was in the main dependent on the authority either of second-hand ,aristotle #acid or of the ,scriptures1 though he partly set aside that of the ,fathers4 #acie ,when ,st4 ,bernard accused him of ,arianism and of heathenism he was expressing personal ill-will rather than criticizing4 ,abailard himself complained that many heresies were current in his time #acif2 and as a matter of fact more intrepid views than his were promulgated without risk by a multitude of less conspicuous masters4 #acig ,for instance1 ,bernard ,sylvester 7of ,chartres71 in his cosmology1 treated theological considerations with open disrespect #acih2 and ,william of ,conches1 who held a similar tone on physics1 #acii taught1 until threatened with punishment1 that the ,holy ,ghost and the ,universal ,soul were convertible terms4 #adjj ,this remarkably rational theologian further rejected the literal interpretation of the creation of ,eve2 in science he adopted the ,demokritean doctrine of atoms2 and in ,new ,testament matters he revived the old rationalistic heresy that the three ,persons of the ,trinity are simply three aspects of the divine personality--power1 wisdom1 and will--which doctrine he was duly forced to retract4 ,it is clear from his works that he lived in an atmosphere of controversy1 and had to fight all along with the pious irrationalists who1 because they know not the forces of nature1 in order that they may have all men comrades in their ignorance1 suffer not that others should search out anything1 and would have us believe like rustics and ask no reason4 ,if they perceive any man to be making search1 they at once cry out that he is a heretic4 ,the history of a thousand years of struggle between reason and religion is told in those sentences4 ,as to ,william's doctrines and writings see ,poole1 pp4 #abd-cj1 #cdf-ei4 ,his authorship of one treatise is only latterly cleared up4 ,in the work which under the title of ,elementa ,philosophiae is falsely ascribed to ,bede1 and under the title ,de ,philosophia ,mundi to ,honorius of ,autun 7see ,poole1 pp4 #cdj-db1 #cdg sq471 but which is really the production of ,william of ,conches1 there occurs the passage3 ,what is more pitiable than to say that a thing is1 because ,god is able to do it1 and not to show any reason why it is so2 just as if ,god did everything that he is able to do6 ,you talk like one who says that ,god is able to make a calf out of a log4 ,but did he ever do it8 ,either1 then1 show a reason why a thing is so1 or a purpose wherefore it is so1 or else cease to declare it so4 ,migne1 ,patrolog4 ,latin4 xc1 #aaci4 ,it is thus an exaggeration to say of ,abailard1 as does ,cousin1 that il mit de ct la vieille cole d',anselme de ,laon1 qui exposait sans expliquer1 et fonda ce qu'on appelle aujourd'hui le rationalisme 7,ouvr4 indits d',ablard1 #ahcf1 intr4 p4 ii74 ,abailard was not more explicit on concrete issues than this contemporary--who survived him1 and studied his writings4 ,if1 indeed1 as is said1 he wrote that a doctrine is believed not because ,god has said it1 but because we are convinced by reason that it is so1 #adja he went as far on one line as any theologian of his time2 but his main service to freethought seems to have lain in the great stimulus he gave to the practice of reasoning on all topics4 #adjb ,his enemy1 ,st4 ,bernard1 on the contrary1 gave an immense impulse to the growth of a genuinely superstitious spirit among the ,latin clergy4 #adjc ,dr4 ,rashdall pronounces ,abailard incomparably the greatest intellect of the ,middle ,ages2 one of the great minds which mark a period in the world's intellectual history2 and adds that ,abailard 7a ,christian thinker to the very heart's core1 however irredeemable 7sic7 the selfishness and overweening vanity of his youth7 was at the same time the representative of the principle of free though reverent inquiry in matters of religion and individual loyalty to truth4 7,the ,universities of ,europe in the ,middle ,ages1 #ahie1 i1 #ef-eg47 ,if the praise given be intended to exalt ,abailard above ,john ,scotus1 it seems excessive4 ,on a survey of ,abailard's theological teachings1 a modern reader is apt to see the spirit of moral reason most clearly in one set forth in his commentary on the ,epistle to the ,romans1 to the effect that ,jesus was not incarnate to redeem men from damnation1 but solely to instruct them by precept and example1 and that he suffered and died only to show his charity towards men4 ,the thesis was implicit if not explicit in the teaching of ,pelagius2 and for both men it meant the effort to purify their creed from the barbaric taint of the principle of sacrifice4 ,in our own day1 revived by such theologians as the ,english ,maurice1 it seems likely to gain ground1 as an accommodation to the embarrassed moral sense of educated believers4 ,but it is heresy if heresy ever was1 besides being a blow at the heart of ,catholic sacerdotalism2 and ,abailard on condemnation retracted it as he did his other ,pelagian errors4 ,retractation1 however1 is publication2 and to have been sentenced to retract such teaching in the twelfth century is to leave on posterity an impression of moral originality perhaps as important as the fame of a metaphysician4 ,in any case1 it is a careful judge who thus finally estimates him3 ,when he is often designated as the rationalist among the schoolmen1 he deserves the title not only on account of the doctrine of the ,trinity1 which approaches ,sabellianism in spite of all his polemics against it1 and not only on account of his critical attempts1 but also on account of his ethics1 in which he actually completely agrees in the principal point with many modern rationalists4 #adjd ,and it is latterly his singular fate to be valued at once by many sympathetic ,catholics1 who hold him finally vindicated alike in life and doctrine1 and by many freethinkers4 ,how far the stir set up in ,europe by his personal magnetism and his personal record may have made for rational culture1 it is impossible to estimate2 but some consequence there must have been4 ,john of ,salisbury was one of ,abailard's disciples and admirers2 and1 as we saw1 he not only noted skepticism in others but indicated an infusion of it in his own mind--enough to earn for him from a modern historian the praise of being a sincere skeptic1 as against those false skeptics who put forward universal doubt as a stalking horse for their mysticism4 #adje ,but he was certainly not a universal skeptic #adjf2 and his denunciation of doubt as to the goodness and power of ,god #adjg sounds orthodox enough4 ,what he gained from ,abailard was a concern for earnest dialectic4 ,the worst side of scholasticism at all times was that it was more often than not a mere logical expatiation in vacuo2 this partly for sheer lack of real knowledge4 ,john of ,salisbury probably did not do injustice to the habit of verbiage it developed #adjh2 and the pupils of ,abailard seem to have expressed themselves strongly to him concerning the wordy emptiness of most of what passed current as philosophic discourse2 speaking of the teachers as blind leaders of the blind4 #adji ,one version of the legend against ,simon of ,tournay is to the effect that1 after demonstrating by the most skilful arguments the truth of the doctrine of the ,trinity1 he went on to say1 when enraptured listeners besought him to dictate his address so that it might be preserved1 that if he had been evilly minded he could refute the doctrine by yet better arguments4 #adaj ,heresy apart1 this species of dialectical insincerity infected the whole life of the schools1 even the higher spirits going about their work with a certain amount of mere logical ceremony4 #f4 ,,saracen ,,and ,,jewish ,,influences ,even in the schools1 however1 over and above the influence of the more original teachers1 there rises at the close of the twelfth century and the beginning of the thirteenth some measure of a new life1 introduced into philosophy through the communication of ,aristotle to the western world by the ,saracens1 largely by the mediation of the ,jews4 #adaa ,the latter1 in their free life under the earlier ,moorish toleration1 had developed something in the nature of a school of philosophy1 in which the ,judaic ,platonism set up by ,philo of ,alexandria in the first century was blended with the ,aristotelianism of the ,arabs4 ,as early as the eighth and ninth centuries1 anti-,talmudic 7the ,karates7 and pro-,talmudic parties professed alike to appeal to reason #adab2 and in the twelfth century the mere production of the ,guide of the ,perplexed by the celebrated ,moses ,maimonides 7#aacj-abje7 #adac tells of a good deal of practical rationalism 7of the kind that reduced miracle stories to allegories71 of which1 however1 there is little direct literary result save of a theosophic kind4 #adad ,levi ben ,gershom 7#abhf-acdd71 commonly regarded as the greatest successor of ,maimonides1 is like him guardedly rationalistic in his commentaries on the ,scriptures4 #adae ,but the doctrine which makes ,aristotle a practical support to rationalism1 and which was adopted not only by ,averros but by the ,motazilites of ,islam--the eternity of matter--was rejected by ,maimonides 7as by nearly all other ,jewish teachers1 with the partial exception of ,levi ben ,gershom71 #adaf on ,biblical grounds2 though his attempts to rationalize ,biblical doctrine and minimize miracles made him odious to the orthodox ,jews1 some of whom1 in ,france1 did not scruple to call in the aid of the ,christian inquisition against his partisans4 #adag ,the long struggle between the ,maimonists and the orthodox is described as ending in the triumph of peripatetism or ,averrosm in the synagogue #adah2 but ,averrosm as modified by ,maimonides is only a partial accommodation of scripture to common sense4 ,it would appear1 in fact1 that ,jewish thought in the ,saracen world retrograded as did that of the ,saracens themselves2 for we find ,maimonides exclaiming over the apparent disbelief in creatio ex nihilo in the ,chapters of ,rabbi ,eliezer the ,great1 believed by him to be ancient1 but now known to be a product of the eighth century4 #adai ,the pantheistic teaching of ,solomon ben ,gebirol or ,ibn ,gebirol1 better known as ,avicebron1 #adbj who in point of time preceded the ,arab ,avempace1 and who later acquired much ,christian authority1 was orthodox on the side of the creation dogma even when many ,jews were on that head rationalistic4 #adba ,the high-water mark1 among the ,jews1 of the critical rationalism of the time1 is the perception by ,aben or ,ibn ,ezra 7#aaai-aagd7 that the ,pentateuch was not written by ,moses--a discovery which gave ,spinoza his cue five hundred years later2 but ,ibn ,ezra1 liberioris ingenii vir1 as ,spinoza pronounced him1 had to express himself darkly4 #adbb ,thus the ,jewish influence on ,christian thought in the ,middle ,ages was chiefly metaphysical1 carrying on ,greek and ,arab impulses2 and to call the ,jewish people1 as does ,renan1 the principal representative of rationalism during the second half of the ,middle ,age is to make too much of the academic aspects of freethinking4 ,on the side of popular theology it is difficult to believe that they had much ,unitarian influence2 though ,joinville in his ,life of ,saint ,louis tells how1 in a debate between ,churchmen and ,jews at the monastery of ,cluny1 a certain knight saw fit to break the head of one of the ,jews with his staff for denying the divinity of ,jesus1 giving as his reason that many good ,christians1 listening to the ,jewish arguments1 were in a fair way to go home unbelievers4 ,it was in this case that the sainted king laid down the principle that when a layman heard anyone blaspheme the ,christian creed his proper course was not to argue1 but to run the blasphemer through with his sword4 #adbc ,such admitted inability on the part of the laity to reason on their faith1 however1 was more likely to accompany a double degree of orthodoxy than to make for doubt2 and the clerical debating at the ,abbey of ,cluny1 despite the honourable attitude of the ,abbot1 who condemned the knight's outrage1 was probably a muster of foregone conclusions4 ,for a time1 indeed1 in the energetic intellectual life of northern ,france the spirit of freethought went far and deep4 ,after the great stimulus given in ,abailard's day to all discussion1 we find another ,breton teacher1 ,amaury or ,amalrich of ,bne or ,bena 7end of twelfth century7 and his pupil ,david of ,dinant1 partly under the earlier ,arab influence1 #adbd partly under that of ,john the ,scot1 #adbe teaching a pronounced pantheism1 akin to that noted as flourishing later among the ,brethren of the ,free ,spirit #adbf and some of the ,franciscan ,fraticelli4 ,such a movement1 involving disregard for the sacraments and ceremonies of the ,church1 was soon recognized as a dangerous heresy1 and dealt with accordingly4 ,the ,church caused ,amaury to abjure his teachings2 and after his death1 finding his party still growing1 dug up and burned his bones4 ,at the same time 7#abji7 a number of his followers were burned alive2 ,david of ,dinant had to fly for his life2 #adbg and inasmuch as the new heresy had begun to make much of ,aristotle1 presumably as interpreted by ,averros1 a ,council held at ,paris vetoed for the university the study alike of the pagan master and his commentators1 interdicting first the ,physics and soon after the ,metaphysics4 #adbh ,this veto held until #abcg1 when the school which adapted the lore of ,aristotle to ,christian purposes began to carry the day4 ,the heretical ,aristotelianism and the orthodox system which was to overpower it were alike radiated from the south1 where the ,arab influence spread early and widely4 ,there1 as we shall see1 the long duel between the ,emperor ,frederick ,,ii and the papacy made a special opportunity for speculative freethought2 and though this was far from meaning at all times practical enmity to ,christian doctrine1 #adbi that was not absent4 ,it is clear that before ,thomas ,aquinas 7#abbe-abgd7 a ,naturalist and ,averrost view of the universe had been much discussed1 since he makes the remark that ,god is by some called ,natura naturans #adcj--,nature at work--an idea fundamental alike to pantheism and to scientific naturalism4 ,and throughout his great work--a marvel of mental gymnastic which better than almost any other writing redeems medieval orthodoxy from the charge of mere ineptitude--,thomas indicates his acquaintance with unorthodox thought4 ,in particular he seems to owe the form of his work as well as the subject-matter of much of his argument to ,averros4 #adca ,born within the sphere of the ,saracen-,sicilian influence1 and of high rank1 he must have met with what rationalism there was1 and he always presupposes it4 #adcb ,he is nearly as consummate a skeptic1 almost atheist1 as he is a divine and theologian1 says one modern ecclesiastical dignitary2 #adcc and an orthodox apologist #adcd more severely complains that ,aquinas presented 444 so many doubts on the deepest points 444 so many plausible reasons for unbelief 444 that his works have probably suggested most of the skeptical opinions which were adopted by others who were trained in the study of them4444 ,he has done more than most men to put the faith of his fellow-,christians in peril4 ,of course he rejects ,averrosm4 ,yet he1 like his antagonist ,duns ,scotus1 inevitably gravitates to pantheism when he would rigorously philosophize4 #adce ,what he did for his church was to combine so ingeniously the semblance of ,aristotelian method with constant recurrence to the sacred books as to impose their authority on the life of the schools no less completely than it dominated the minds of the unlearned4 ,meeting method with method1 and showing himself well aware of the lore he circumvented1 he built up a system quite as well fitted to be a mere gymnastic of the mind2 and he thereby effected the arrest for some three centuries of the method of experimental science which ,aristotle had inculcated4 ,he came just in time4 ,roger ,bacon1 trained at ,paris1 was eagerly preaching the scientific gospel2 and while he was suffering imprisonment at the hands of his ,franciscan superiors for his eminently secular devotion to science1 the freer scholars of the university were developing a heresy that outwent his4 ,now1 however1 began to be seen once for all the impossibility of rational freedom in or under a church which depended for its revenue on the dogmatic exploitation of popular credulity4 ,for a time the ,aristotelian influence1 as had been seen by the churchmen who had first sought to destroy it1 #adcf tended to be ,averrost and rationalist4 #adcg ,in #abfi1 however1 there begins a determined campaign1 led by the bishop of ,paris1 against the current ,averrost doctrines1 notably the propositions that the world is eternal2 that there never was a first man2 that the intellect of man is one2 that the mind1 which is the form of man1 constituting him such1 perishes with the body2 that the acts of men are not governed by divine providence2 that ,god cannot give immortality or incorruptibility to a corruptible or mortal thing4 #adch ,on such doctrines the bishop and his coadjutors naturally passed an anathema 7#abgj72 and at this period it was that ,albertus ,magnus and ,thomas ,aquinas wrote their treatises against ,averrosm4 #adci ,still the freethinkers held out1 and though in #abga official commands were given that the discussion of such matters in the university should cease1 another process of condemnation was carried out in #abgg4 ,this time the list of propositions denounced includes the following3 that the natural philosopher as such must deny the creation of the world1 because he proceeds upon natural causes and reasons2 while the believer 7fidelis7 may deny the eternity of the world1 because he argues from supernatural causes2 that creation is not possible1 although the contrary is to be held according to faith2 that a future resurrection is not to be believed by the philosopher1 because it cannot be investigated by reason2 that the teachings of the theologians are founded on fables2 that there are fables and falsities in the ,christian religion as in others2 that nothing more can be known1 on account of theology2 that the ,christian law prevents from learning2 #addj that ,god is not triune and one1 for trinity is incompatible with perfect simplicity2 that ecstatic states and visions take place naturally1 and only so4 ,such vital unbelief could have only one fate2 it was reduced to silence by a papal ,bull1 #adda administered by the orthodox majority2 and the memory of the massacres of the year #abji1 and of the awful crusade against the ,albigenses1 served to cow the thinkers of the schools into an outward conformity4 ,henceforward orthodox ,aristotelianism1 placed on a canonical footing in the theological system of ,thomas ,aquinas1 ruled the universities2 and scholasticism counts for little in the liberation of ,european life from either dogma or superstition4 #addb ,the practically progressive forces are to be looked for outside4 ,in the thirteenth century in ,england we find the ,franciscan friars in the school of ,robert ,grosstte at ,oxford discussing the question ,whether there be a ,god8 #addc but such a dispute was an academic exercise like another2 and in any case the authorities could be trusted to see that it came to nothing4 ,the work of ,thomas himself serves to show how a really great power of comprehensive and orderly thought can be turned to the subversion of judgment by accepting the prior dominion of a fixed body of dogma and an arbitrary rule over opinion4 ,and yet1 so strong is the principle of ratiocination in his large performance1 and so much does it embody of the critical forces of antiquity and of its own day1 that while it served the ,church as a code of orthodoxy its influence can be seen in the skeptical philosophy of ,europe as late as ,spinoza and ,kant4 ,it appears to have been as a result of his argumentation that there became established in the later procedure of the ,church the doctrine that1 while heretics who have once received the faith and lapsed are to be coerced and punished1 other unbelievers 7as ,moslems and ,jews7 are not4 ,this principle also1 it would appear1 he derived from the ,moslems1 as he did their rule that those of the true faith must avoid intimacy with the unbelievers1 though believers firm in the faith may dispute with them when there is greater expectation of the conversion of the infidels than of the subversion of the fidels4 ,and to the rule of non-inquisition into the faith of ,jews and ,moslems the ,church professed to adhere while the ,inquisition lasted1 after having trampled it under foot in spirit by causing the expulsion of the ,jews and the ,moriscoes from ,spain4 #addd ,we shall perhaps best understand the inner life of the schools in the ,middle ,ages by likening it to that of the universities of our own time1 where there is unquestionably much unbelief among teachers and taught1 but where the economic and other pressures of the institution suffice to preserve an outward acquiescence4 ,in the ,middle ,ages it was immeasurably less possible than in our day for the unbeliever to strike out a free course of life and doctrine for himself4 ,if1 then1 to-day the scholarly class is in large measure tied to institutions and conformities1 much more so was it then4 ,the cloister was almost the sole haven of refuge for studious spirits1 and to attain the haven they had to accept the discipline and the profession of faith4 ,we may conclude1 accordingly1 that such works as ,abailard's ,sic et ,non1 setting forth opposed views of so many doctrines and problems1 stood for and made for a great deal of quiet skepticism2 #adde that the remarkable request of the monks of ,bec for a ratiocinative teaching which should meet even extravagant objections1 covered a good deal of resigned unfaith2 and that in the ,franciscan schools at ,oxford the disputants were not all at heart believers4 ,indeed1 the very existence of the doctrine of a twofold truth--one truth for religion and another for philosophy--was from the outset a witness for unbelief4 ,but the unwritten word died1 the litera scripta being solely those of faith1 and liberation had to come1 ages later1 from without4 ,even when a bold saying won general currency--as that latterly ascribed1 no doubt falsely1 to ,king ,alfonso the ,wise of ,castile1 that if he had been of ,god's council when he made the world he could have advised him better--it did but crystallize skepticism in a jest1 and supply the enemy with a text against impiety4 ,all the while1 the ,church was forging new and more murderous weapons against reason4 ,it is one of her infamies to have revived the use in ,christendom of the ancient practice of judicial torture1 and this expressly for the suppression of heresy4 ,the later ,european practice dates from the ,bull of ,innocent ,,iv1 ,ad extirpanda1 dated #abeb4 ,at first a veto was put on its administration by clerical hands2 but in #abef ,alexander ,,iv authorized the inquisitors and their associates to absolve one another for such acts4 ,by the beginning of the fourteenth century torture was in use not only in the tribunals of the ,inquisition but in the ordinary ecclesiastical courts1 whence it gradually entered into the courts of lay justice4 #addf ,it is impossible to estimate the injury thus wrought at once to culture and to civilization1 at the hands of the power which claimed specially to promote both4 #addg #g4 ,,freethought ,,in ,,italy ,apart from the schools1 there was a notable amount of hardy freethinking among the imperialist nobles of northern ,italy1 in the time of the emperors ,henry ,,iv and ,v1 the attitude of enmity to the ,holy ,see having the effect of encouraging a rude rationalism4 ,in #aaae1 while ,henry ,v was vigorously carrying on the war of investitures begun by his father1 and formerly condemned by himself1 the ,countess ,matilda of ,tuscany bequeathed her extensive fiefs to the papacy2 and in the following year ,henry took forcible possession of them4 ,at this period the strife between the papal and the imperial factions in the ,tuscan cities was at its fiercest2 and the ,florentine chronicler ,giovanni ,villani alleges that among many other heretics in #aaae and #aaag were some of the sect of the ,epicureans1 who with armed hand defended the said heresy against the orthodox4 #addh ,but it is doubtful whether the heresy involved was anything more than imperialist anti-papalism4 ,another chronicler speaks of the heretics as ,paterini2 and even this is dubious4 ,the title of ,epicurean in the time of ,villani and ,dante stood for an unbeliever in a future state2 #addi but there was an avowed tendency to call all ,ghibellines ,paterini2 and other heretical aspersions were likely to be applied in the same way4 #adej ,as the ,averrost philosophy had not yet risen1 and rationalistic opinions were not yet current among the western ,saracens1 any bold heresy among the anti-papalists of ,florence must be assigned either to a spontaneous growth of unbelief or to the obscure influence of the great poem of ,lucretius1 never wholly lost from ,italian hands4 ,but the ,lucretian view of things among men of the world naturally remained a matter of private discussion1 not of propaganda2 and it was on the less rationalistic but more organized anti-clericalism that there came the doom of martyrdom4 ,so with the simple deism of which we find traces in the polemic of ,guibert de ,nogent 7d4 #aabd71 who avowedly wrote his tract ,de ,incarnatione adversus ,judos rather as an apology against unbelievers among the ,christians2 #adea and again among the pilgrim community founded later in ,france in commemoration of ,thomas ,becket4 #adeb ,such doubters said little1 leaving it to more zealous reformers to challenge creed with creed4 ,freethought in south-western ,europe1 however1 had a measure of countenance in very high places4 ,in the thirteenth century the ,emperor ,frederick ,,ii had the repute of being an infidel in the double sense of being semi-,moslem #adec and semi-atheist4 ,by ,pope ,gregory ,,ix he was openly charged1 in a furious afterthought1 #aded with saying that the world had been deceived by three impostors 7baratores7--,moses1 ,jesus1 and ,mohammed2 also with putting ,jesus much below the other two1 and with delighting to call himself the forerunner of ,antichrist4 ,the ,pope's letter1 dated ,july #a1 #abci1 is given by ,matthew ,paris 7extracts in ,gieseler1 vol4 iii1 #ee71 and in ,labbe's ,concilia1 t4 xiii1 col4 #aaeg4 ,cp4 the other references given by ,renan1 ,averros1 #c;e dit4 pp4 #bif-ig4 ,as ,voltaire remarks 7,essai sur les ,moeurs1 ch4 lii71 the ,pope's statement is the basis for the old belief that ,frederick had written a treatise dealing with ,moses1 ,jesus1 and ,mohammed as ,the ,three ,impostors4 ,the story is certainly a myth2 and probably no such book existed in his century4 ,cp4 ,maclaine's note to ,mosheim1 #ac ,cent4 pt4 i1 end2 ,renan1 ,averros1 pp4 #bhj-ha1 #bie4 ,the authorship of such a book has nevertheless been ascribed by ,catholic writers successively to ,averros1 ,simon of ,tournay1 ,frederick1 his ,minister1 ,pierre des ,vignes1 ,arnaldo de ,villanueva1 ,boccaccio1 ,poggio1 ,pietro ,aretino1 ,machiavelli1 ,symphorien1 ,champier1 ,pomponazzi1 ,cardan1 ,erasmus1 ,rabelais1 ,ochinus1 ,servetus1 ,postel1 ,campanella1 ,muret1 ,geoffroi ,valle1 ,giordano ,bruno1 ,dolet1 ,hobbes1 ,spinoza1 and ,vanini 7cp4 ,sentimens sur le trait des trois imposteurs in the ,french ed4 of #agic2 and ,lea1 ,hist4 of the ,inquis4 iii1 #efj72 and the seventeenth-century apologist ,mersenne professed to have seen it in ,arabic 7,lea1 iii1 #big74 ,these references may be dismissed as worthless4 ,in #afed the ,french physician and mathematician ,morin wrote an ,epistola de tribus impostoribus under the name of ,panurge1 but this attacked the three contemporary writers ,gassendi1 ,neure1 and ,bernier2 and in #afhj ,kortholt of ,kiel published under the title ,de tribus impostoribus magnis an attack on ,herbert1 ,hobbes1 and ,spinoza4 ,the ,three ,impostors current later1 dealing with ,moses1 ,jesus1 and ,mohammed1 may have been written about the same time1 but1 as we shall see later1 is identical with ,l',esprit de ,spinoza1 first published in #agai4 ,a ,latin treatise purporting to be written de tribus famosissimis deceptoribus1 and addressed to an ,otho illustrissimus 7conceivably ,otho ,duke of ,bavaria1 #acth c471 came to light in ,,ms4 in #agjf1 and was described in #agaf1 but was not printed4 ,the treatise current later in ,french cannot have been the same4 ,on the whole subject see the note of ,r4 ,c4 ,christie 7reprinted from ,notes and ,queries7 in his ,selected ,essays and ,papers1 #aijb1 pp4 #cji1 #cae2 and the full discussion in ,reuter's ,geschichte der religisen ,aufklrung1 ii1 #bea-if4 ,the book ,de tribus impostoribus1 bearing the date #aeih1 of which several copies exist1 seems to have been really published1 with its false date1 at ,vienna in #agec4 ,frederick was in reality superstitious enough2 he worshipped relics2 and he was nearly as merciless as the popes to rebellious heretics and ,manicheans2 #adee his cruelty proceeding1 seemingly1 on the belief that insubordination to the emperor was sure to follow intellectual as distinguished from political revolt against the ,church4 ,he was absolutely tolerant to ,jews and ,moslems1 #adef and had trusted ,moslem counsellors1 thereby specially evoking the wrath of the ,church4 ,greatly concerned to acquire the lore of the ,arabs1 #adeg he gave his favour and protection to ,michael ,scotus1 the first translator of portions of ,averros into ,latin1 #adeh and presumptively himself a heretic of the ,averrost stamp2 whence the legend of his wizardry1 adopted by ,dante4 #adei ,thus the doubting and persecuting emperor assisted at the birth of the philosophic movement which for centuries was most closely associated with unbelief in ,christendom4 ,for the rest1 he is recorded to have ridiculed the doctrine of the ,virgin ,birth1 the viaticum1 and other dogmas1 as being repugnant to reason and to nature2 #adfj and his general hostility to the ,pope would tend to make him a bad ,churchman4 ,indeed the testimonies1 both ,christian and ,moslem1 as to his freethinking are too clear to be set aside4 #adfa ,certainly no monarch of that or any age was more eagerly interested in every form of culture1 or did more1 on tyrannous lines1 to promote it2 #adfb and to him rather than to ,simon de ,montfort ,europe owes the admission of representatives of cities to ,parliaments4 #adfc ,of his son ,manfred it is recorded that he was a thorough ,epicurean1 believing neither in ,god nor in the saints4 #adfd ,but positive unbelief in a future state1 mockery of the ,christian religion1 and even denial of deity--usually in private1 and never in writing--are frequently complained of by the clerical writers of the time in ,france and ,italy2 #adfe while in ,spain ,alfonso the ,wise1 about #abfj1 speaks of a common unbelief in immortality1 alike as to heaven and hell2 and the ,council of ,tarragona in #abia decrees punishments against such unbelievers4 #adff ,in ,italy1 not unnaturally1 they were most commonly found among the ,ghibelline or imperial party1 the opponents of the papacy1 despite imperial orthodoxy4 ,incredulity1 affected or real1 was for the oppressed ,ghibellines a way among others of distinguishing themselves from the ,guelph oppressors4 #adfg ,the commonest form of rationalistic heresy seems to have been unbelief in immortality4 ,thus ,dante in the ,inferno estimates that among the heretics there are more than a thousand followers of ,epicurus1 who make the soul die with the body1 #adfh specifying among them the ,emperor ,frederick ,,ii1 a cardinal1 #adfi the ,ghibelline noble ,farinata degli ,uberti1 and the ,guelph ,cavalcante ,cavalcanti4 #adgj ,he was thinking1 as usual1 of the men of his own age2 but1 as we have seen1 this particular heresy had existed in previous centuries1 having indeed probably never disappeared from ,italy4 ,other passages in ,dante's works #adga show1 in any case1 that it was much discussed in his time2 #adgb and it is noteworthy that1 so far as open avowal went1 ,italian freethought had got no further two hundred years later4 ,in the period before the papacy had thoroughly established the ,inquisition1 and diplomacy supervened on the tempestuous strifes of the great factions1 there was a certain hardihood of speech on all subjects1 which tended to disappear alongside of even a more searching unbelief4 ,le #af;e sicle n'a eu aucune mauvaise pense que le #ac;e n'ait eue avant lui 7,renan1 ,averros1 p4 #bca74 ,renan1 however1 seems astray in stating that ,le ,pome de la ,descente de ,saint ,paul aux enfers parle avec terreur d'une socit secrte qui avait jur la destruction de ,christianisme 7id4 p4 #bhd74 ,the poem simply describes the various tortures of sinners in hell1 and mentions in their turn those who en terre1 sainte ,iglise firent guerre1 and in death ,verbe ,deu refusouent2 also those ,ki ne croient que ,deu fust nez 7n71 ne que ,sainte ,marie l'eust portez1 ne que por le peuple vousist 7voulait7 mourir1 ne que peine deignast soffrir4 ,see the text as given by ,ozanam1 ,dante1 ed4 #f;ime1 ,ptie4 iv--the version cited by ,renan4 ,so1 with regard to the belief in magic1 there was no general advance in the later ,renaissance on the skepticism of ,pietro of ,abano1 a famous ,paduan physician and ,averrost1 who died1 at the age of #hj1 in #acje4 ,he appears to have denied alike magic and miracles1 though he held fast by astrology1 and ascribed the rise and progress of all religions to the influence of the stars4 ,himself accused of magic1 he escaped violent death by dying naturally before his trial was ended2 and the ,inquisition burned either his body or his image4 #adgc ,after him1 superstition seems to have gone step for step with skepticism4 ,dante's own poetic genius1 indeed1 did much to arrest intellectual evolution in ,italy4 ,before his time1 as we have seen1 the trouvres of northern ,france and the ,goliards of the south had handled hell in a spirit of burlesque2 and his own teacher1 ,brunetto ,latini1 had framed a poetic allegory1 ,il ,tesoretto1 in which ,nature figures as the universal power1 behind which the ,god-idea disappeared4 #adgd ,but ,dante's tremendous vision ultimately effaced all others of the kind2 and his intellectual predominance in virtue of mere imaginative art is at once the great characteristic and the great anomaly of the early ,renaissance4 ,happily the inseparable malignity of his pietism was in large part superseded by a sunnier spirit2 #adge but his personality and his poetry helped to hold the balance of authority on the side of faith4 #adgf ,within a few years of his death there was burned at ,florence 7#acbg7 one of the most daring heretics of the later ,middle ,ages1 ,cecco ,stabili d',ascoli1 a professor of philosophy and astrology at ,bologna1 who is recorded to have had some intimacy with ,dante1 and to have been one of his detractors4 #adgg ,cecco has been described as representing natural science1 against the ,christian science of ,dante2 #adgh and though his science was primitive1 the summing-up is not unwarranted4 ,combining strong anti-,christian feeling with the universal belief in astrology1 he had declared that ,jesus lived as a sluggard 7come un poltrone7 with his disciples1 and died on the cross1 under the compulsion of his star4 #adgi ,in view of the blasphemer's fate1 such audacity was not often repeated4 ,as against ,dante1 the great literary influence for tolerance and liberalism if not rationalism of thought was ,boccaccio 7#acac-acge71 whose ,decameron #adhj anticipates every lighter aspect of the ,renaissance--its levity1 its licence1 its humour1 its anti-clericalism1 its incipient tolerance1 its irreverence1 its partial freethinking1 as well as its exuberance in the joy of living4 ,on the side of anti-clericalism1 the key-note is struck so strongly and so defiantly in some of the opening tales that the toleration of the book by the papal authorities can be accounted for only by their appreciation of the humour of the stories therein told against them1 as that #adha of the ,jew who1 after seeing the utter corruption of the clergy at ,rome1 turned ,christian on the score that only by divine support could such a system survive4 ,no ,protestant ever passed a more scathing aspersion on the whole body of the curia than is thus set in the forefront of the ,decameron4 ,still more deeply significant of innovating thought1 however1 is the famous story of ,the ,three ,rings1 #adhb embodied later by ,lessing in his ,nathan the ,wise as an apologue of tolerance4 ,such a story1 introduced with whatever parade of orthodox faith1 could not but make for rational skepticism1 summarizing as it does the whole effect of the inevitable comparison of the rival creeds made by the men of ,italy and those of the east in their intercourse4 ,the story itself1 centring on ,saladin1 is of eastern origin1 #adhc and so tells of even more freethinking than meets the eye in the history of ,islam4 #adhd ,it is noteworthy that the ,rabbi ,simeon ,duran 7#acfj-addd71 who follows on this period1 appears to be the first ,jewish teacher to plead for mutual toleration among the conflicting schools of his race4 #adhe ,current in ,italy before ,boccaccio1 the tale had been improved from one ,italian hand to another2 #adhf and the main credit for its full development is ,boccaccio's4 #adhg ,though the ,church never officially attempted to suppress the book--leaving it to ,savonarola to destroy as far as possible the first edition--the more serious clergy naturally resented its hostility1 first denouncing it1 then seeking to expurgate all the anti-clerical passages2 #adhh and the personal pressure brought to bear upon ,boccaccio had the effect of dispiriting and puritanizing him2 so that the ,decameron finally wrought its effect in its author's despite4 #adhi ,so far as we can divine the deeper influence of such a work on medieval thought1 it may reasonably be supposed to have tended1 like that of ,averrosm1 towards ,unitarianism or deism1 inasmuch as a simple belief in deity is all that is normally implied in its language on religious matters4 ,on that view it bore its full intellectual fruit only in the two succeeding centuries1 when deism and ,unitarianism alike grew up in ,italy1 apparently from non-scholastic roots4 ,it is an interesting problem how far the vast calamity of the ,black ,death 7#acdh-di7 told either for skepticism or for superstition in this age4 ,in ,boccaccio's immortal book we see a few refined ,florentines who flee the pest giving themselves up to literary amusement2 but there is also mention of many who had taken to wild debauchery1 and there are many evidences as to wild outbreaks of desperate licence all over ,europe4 #adij ,on the other hand1 many were driven by fear to religious practices2 #adia and in the immense destruction of life the ,church acquired much new wealth4 ,at the same time the multitudes of priests who died #adib had as a rule to be replaced by ill-trained persons1 where the problem was not solved by creating pluralities1 the result being a general falling-off in the culture and the authority of the clergy4 #adic ,but there seems to have been little or no growth of such questioning as came later from the previously optimistic ,voltaire after the earthquake of ,lisbon2 and the total effect of the immense reduction of population all over ,europe seems to have been a lowering of the whole of the activities of life4 ,certainly the students of ,paris in #acgf were surprisingly freethinking on scriptural points2 #adid but there is nothing to show that the great pestilence had set up any new movement of ethical thought4 ,in some ways it grievously deepened bigotry1 as in regard to the ,jews1 who were in many regions madly impeached as having caused the plague by poisoning the wells1 and were then massacred in large numbers4 ,side by side with ,boccaccio1 his friend ,petrarch 7#acjd-acgd71 who with him completes the great literary trio of the late ,middle ,ages1 belongs to freethought in that he too1 with less aggressiveness but also without recoil1 stood for independent culture and a rational habit of mind as against the dogmatics and tyrannies of the ,church4 #adie ,he was in the main a practical humanist1 not in accord with the verbalizing scholastic philosophy of his time1 and disposed to find his intellectual guide in the skeptical yet conservative ,cicero4 ,the scholastics had become as fanatical for ,aristotle or ,averros as the churchmen were for their dogmas2 #adif and ,petrarch made for mental freedom by resisting all dogmatisms alike4 #adig ,the general liberality of his attitude has earned him the titles of the first modern man #adih and the founder of modern criticism #adii--;both somewhat high-pitched4 #aejj ,he represented in reality the sobering and clarifying influence of the revived classic culture on the fanaticisms developed in the ,middle ,ages2 and when he argued for the rule of reason in all things #aeja it was not that he was a deeply searching rationalist1 but that he was spontaneously averse to all the extremes of thought around him1 and was concerned to discredit them4 ,for himself1 having little speculative power1 he was disposed to fall back on a simple and tolerant ,christianity4 ,thus he is quite unsympathetic in his references to those scholars of his day who privately indicated their unbelief4 ,knowing nothing of the teaching of ,averros1 he speaks of him1 on the strength of ,christian fictions1 as that mad dog who1 moved by an execrable rage1 barks against his ,lord ,christ and the ,catholic faith4 #aejb ,apart from such conventional odium theologicum1 his judgment1 like his literary art1 was clear and restrained2 opening no new vistas1 but bringing a steady and placid light to bear on its chosen sphere4 ,between such humanistic influences and that of more systematic and scholastic thought1 ,italy in that age was the chief source of practical criticism of ,christian dogmas2 and the extent to which a unitarian theism was now connected with the acceptance of the philosophy of ,averros brought it about1 despite the respectful attitude of ,dante1 who gave him a tranquil place in hell1 #aejc that he came to figure as ,antichrist for the faithful4 #aejd ,petrarch in his letters speaks of much downright hostility to the ,christian system on the part of ,averrosts2 #aeje and the association of ,averrosm with the great medical school of ,padua #aejf must have promoted practical skepticism among physicians4 ,being formally restricted to the schools1 however1 it tended there to undergo the usual scholastic petrifaction2 and the common-sense deism it encouraged outside had to subsist without literary discipline4 ,in this form it probably reached many lands1 without openly affecting culture or life2 since ,averrosm itself was professed generally in the ,carmelite order1 who claimed for it orthodoxy4 #aejg ,alongside1 however1 of intellectual solvents1 there were at work others of a more widely effective kind1 set up by the long and sinister historic episode of the ,great ,papal ,schism4 ,the ,church1 already profoundly discredited in the eleventh century by the gross disorders of the papacy1 continued frequently throughout the twelfth to exhibit the old spectacle of rival popes2 and late in the fourteenth 7#acgh7 there broke out the greatest schism of all4 ,ostensibly beginning in a riotous coercion of the electing cardinals by the ,roman populace1 it was maintained on the one side by the standing interest of the clergy in ,italy1 which called for an ,italian head of the ,church1 and on the other hand by the ,french interest1 which had already enforced the residence of the popes at ,avignon from #acje to #acgf4 ,it was natural that1 just after the papal chair had been replaced in ,italy by ,gregory ,,ix1 the ,romans should threaten violence to the cardinals if they chose any but an ,italian2 and no less natural that the ,french court should determine to restore a state of things in which it controlled the papacy in all save its corruption4 ,during the seventy years of the ,captivity1 ,rome had sunk to the condition of a poor country town2 and to the ,italian clergy the struggle for a restoration was a matter of economic life and death4 ,for thirty-nine years did the schism last1 being ended only by the prolonged action of the great ,council of ,constance in deposing the rivals of the moment and appointing ,martin ,v 7#adag72 and this was achieved only after there had slipped into the chair of ,peter the most worthless and infamous man to be found4 #aejh ,during the schism every species of scandal had flourished4 ,indulgences had been sold and distributed at random2 #aeji simony and venality abounded more than ever2 #aeaj the courts of ,rome and ,avignon were mere rivals in avarice1 indecorum1 and reciprocal execration2 and in addition to the moral occasion for skepticism there was the intellectual1 since no one could show conclusively that the administration of sacraments was valid under either pope4 #aeaa #h4 ,,sects ,,and ,,orders ,despite1 therefore1 the premium put by the ,church on devotion to its cause and doctrine1 and despite its success in strangling specific forms of heresy1 hostility to its own pretensions germinated everywhere1 #aeab especially in the countries most alien to ,italy in language and civilization4 ,an accomplished ,catholic scholar #aeac sums up that from about the middle of the twelfth century the whole secular and religious literature of ,europe grew more and more hostile to the papacy and the curia4 ,the ,church's own economic conditions1 constantly turning its priesthood1 despite all precautions1 into a money-making and shamelessly avaricious class1 ensured it a perpetuity of ill-will and denunciation4 ,the popular literature which now began to grow throughout ,christendom with the spread of political order was everywhere turned to the account of anti-clerical satire2 #aead and only the defect of real knowledge secured by the ,church's own policy prevented such hostility from developing into rational unbelief4 ,as it was1 a tendency to criticize at once the socio-economic code and practice and the details of creed and worship is seen in a series of movements from the thirteenth century onwards2 and some of the most popular literature of that age is deeply tinged with the new spirit4 ,after the overthrow of the well-organized anti-clericalism of the ,cathari and other heretics in ,languedoc1 however1 no movement equally systematic and equally heretical flourished on any large scale2 and as even those heresies on their popular side were essentially supernaturalist1 and tended to set up one hierarchy in place of another1 it would be vain to look for anything like a consistent or searching rationalism among the people in the period broadly termed medieval1 including the ,renaissance4 ,it would be a bad misconception to infer from the abundant signs of popular disrespect for the clergy that the mass of the laity even in ,italy1 for instance1 were unbelievers4 #aeae ,they never were anything of the kind4 ,at all times they were deeply superstitious1 easily swayed by religious emotion1 credulous as to relics1 miracles1 visions1 prophecies1 responsive to pulpit eloquence1 readily passing from derision of worldly priests to worship of austere ones4 #aeaf ,when ,machiavelli said that religion was gone from ,italy1 he was thinking of the upper classes1 among whom theism was normal1 #aeag and the upper clergy1 who were often at once superstitious and corrupt4 ,as for the common people1 it was impossible that they should be grounded rationalists as regarded the great problems of life4 ,they were merely the raw material on which knowledge might work if it could reach them1 which it never did4 ,and the common people everywhere else stood at or below the culture level of those of ,italy4 ,for lack of other culture than ,biblical1 then1 even the popular heresy tended to run into mysticisms which were only so far more rational than the dogmas and rites of the ,church that they stood for some actual reflection4 ,a partial exception1 indeed1 may be made in the case of the ,brethren of the ,free ,spirit1 a sect set up in ,germany in the early years of the thirteenth century1 by one ,ortlieb1 on the basis of the pantheistic teachings of ,amaury of ,bne and ,david of ,dinant4 #aeah ,their doctrines were set forth in a special treatise or sacred book1 called ,the ,nine ,rocks4 ,the ,fratres liberi spiritus seem to have been identical with the sect of the ,holy ,spirit2 #aeai but their tenets were heretical in a high degree1 including as they did a denial of personal immortality1 and consequently of the notions of heaven1 hell1 and purgatory4 ,even the sect's doctrine of the ,holy ,spirit was heretical in another way1 inasmuch as it ran1 if its opponents can be believed1 to the old antinomian assertion that anyone filled with the ,spirit was sinless1 whatever deeds he might do4 #aebj ,as always1 such antinomianism strengthened the hands of the clergy against the heresy1 though the ,brethren seem to have been originally very ascetic2 and inasmuch as their pantheism involved the idea that ,satan also had in him the divine essence1 they were duly accused of devil-worship4 #aeba ,on general principles they were furiously persecuted2 but all through the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries1 and even in the fifteenth1 they are found in various parts of central and western ,europe1 #aebb often in close alliance with the originally orthodox communities known in ,france and ,holland by the names of ,turlupins and ,beguins or ,beguines1 and in ,germany and ,belgium as ,begutt or ,beghards1 #aebc akin to the ,lollards4 ,these in turn are to be understood in connection with developments which took place in the thirteenth century within the ,church--notably the rise of the great orders of ,mendicant ,friars1 of which the two chief were founded about #abaf by ,francis of ,assisi and the ,spanish ,dominic1 the latter a fierce persecutor in the ,albigensian crusade4 ,nothing availed more to preserve or restore for a time the ,church's prestige4 ,the old criticism of priestly and monastic avarice and worldliness was disarmed by the sudden appearance and rapid spread of a priesthood and brotherhood of poverty2 and the obvious devotion of thousands of the earlier adherents went to the general credit of the ,church4 ,yet the descent of the new orders to the moral and economic levels of the old was only a question of time2 and no process could more clearly illustrate the futility of all schemes of regenerating the world on non-rational principles4 ,apart from the vast encouragement given to sheer mendicancy among the poor1 the orders themselves substantially apostatized from their own rules within a generation4 ,the history of the ,franciscans in particular is like that of the ,church in general--one of rapid lapse into furious schism1 with a general reversion to gross self-seeking on the part of the majority1 originally vowed to utter poverty4 ,elias1 the first successor of ,francis1 appointed by the ,saint himself1 proved an intolerable tyrant2 and in his day began the ferocious strife between the ,spirituals1 who insisted on the founder's ideal of poverty1 and the majority1 who insisted on accepting the wealth which the world either bestowed or could be cajoled into bestowing on the order4 ,the majority1 of course1 ultimately overbore the ,spirituals1 the papacy supporting them4 #aebd ,they followed the practically universal law of monastic life4 ,the ,humiliati1 founded before the thirteenth century1 had to be suppressed by the ,pope in the sixteenth1 for sheer corruption of morals2 and the ,franciscans and ,dominicans1 who speedily became bitterly hostile to each other1 were in large measure little better4 ,even in the middle of the thirteenth century they were attacked by the ,sorbonne doctor1 ,william of ,st4 ,amour1 in a book on ,the ,perils of the ,latter ,times2 #aebe and in ,england in the fourteenth century we find ,wiclif assailing the begging friars as the earlier satirists had assailed the abbots and monks4 ,that all this reciprocal invective was not mere partizan calumny1 but broadly true as against both sides1 is the conclusion forced upon a reader of the ,philobiblon ascribed to ,richard de ,bury1 ,bishop of ,durham and ,treasurer and ,chancellor under ,edward ,,iii4 ,in that book1 written either by the bishop or by one of his chaplains1 ,robert ,holkot1 #aebf the demerits of all orders of the clergy from the points of view of letters and morals are set forth with impartial emphasis2 #aebg and the character of the bishop in turn is no less effectively disposed of after his death by ,adam ,murimuth1 a distinguished lawyer and canon of ,st4 ,paul's4 #aebh ,the worst of the trouble for the ,church was that the mendicants were detested by bishops and the beneficed priests1 whose credit they undermined1 and whose revenues they intercepted4 ,that the ,franciscans and ,dominicans remained socially powerful till the ,reformation was due to the energy developed by their corporate organization and the measure of education they soon secured on their own behalf2 not to any general superiority on their part to the secular clergy so-called4 #aebi ,indeed it was to the latter1 within the ,church1 that most pre-,reformation reformers looked for sympathy4 ,at the outset1 however1 the movement of the ,mendicant ,friars gave a great impulsion to the lay communities of the type of the ,beguines and ,beghards who had originated in the ,netherlands1 and who practised at once mendicancy and charity very much on the early ,franciscan lines2 #aecj and the spirit of innovation led in both cases to forms of heresy4 ,that of the ,beguines and ,beghards arose mainly through their association with the ,brethren of the ,free ,spirit2 and they suffered persecution as did the latter2 while among the ,spiritual ,franciscans1 who were despisers of learning1 there arose a species of new religion4 ,at the beginning of the century1 ,abbot ,joachim1 of ,flora or ,flores in ,calabria 7d4 #abjb71 who may be regarded as the founder of modern mysticism1 #aeca had earned a great reputation by devout austerities1 and a greater by his vaticinations1 #aecb which he declared to be divine4 ,one of his writings was condemned as heretical1 thirteen years after his death1 by the ,council of ,lateran2 but his apocalyptic writings1 and others put out in his name1 had a great vogue among the rebellious ,franciscans4 ,at length1 in #abed1 there was produced in ,paris a book called ,the ,everlasting ,gospel1 consisting of three of his genuine works1 with a long and audacious ,introduction by an anonymous hand1 which expressed a spirit of innovation and revolt1 mystical rather than rational1 that seemed to promise the utter disruption of the ,church4 ,it declared that1 as the dispensation of the ,son had followed on that of the ,father1 so ,christ's evangel in turn was to be superseded by that of the ,holy ,spirit4 #aecc ,adopted by the ,spiritual section of the ,franciscans1 it brought heresy within the organization itself1 the ,introduction being by many ascribed--probably in error--to the head of the order1 ,john of ,parma1 a devotee of ,joachim4 ,on other grounds1 he was ultimately deposed2 #aecd but the ferment of heresy was great4 ,and while the ,franciscans are commonly reputed to have been led by small-minded generals1 #aece their order1 as ,renan notes1 #aecf not only never lost the stamp of its popular and irregular origin1 but was always less orthodox in general than the ,dominican4 ,but its deviations were rather ultra-religious than rational2 and some of its heresies have become orthodoxy4 ,thus it was the ,franciscans1 notably ,duns ,scotus1 who carried the doctrine of the ,immaculate ,conception of the ,virgin against the ,dominicans1 who held by the teaching of ,thomas ,aquinas that she was conceived in sin4 #aecg ,mary was thus deified on a popular impulse1 dating from paganism1 at the expense of ,christism2 and1 considering that both ,thomas and ,st4 ,bernard had flatly rejected the ,immaculate ,conception1 its ultimate adoption as dogma is highly significant4 #aech ,in the year #abfj1 when1 according to the ,eternal ,gospel1 the new dispensation of the ,holy ,spirit was to begin1 there was an immense excitement in northern ,italy1 marked by the outbreak of the order of ,flagellants1 self-scourgers1 whose hysteria spread to other lands4 ,gherardo ,segarelli1 a youth of ,parma1 came forward as a new ,christ1 had himself circumcised1 swaddled1 cradled1 and suckled2 #aeci and proceeded to found a new order of ,apostolicals1 after the manner of a sect of the previous century1 known by the same name1 who professed to return to primitive simplicity and to chastity1 and reproduced what they supposed to be the morals of the early ,church1 including the profession of ascetic cohabitation4 #aedj ,some of their missionaries got as far as ,germany2 but ,segarelli was caught1 imprisoned1 reduced to the status of a bishop's jester1 and at length1 after saving his life for a time by abjuration1 burned at ,parma1 in the year #acjj4 ,despite much persecution of the order1 one of its adherents1 ,fra ,dolcino1 immediately began to exploit ,segarelli's martyrdom1 and renewed the movement by an adaptation of the ,eternal ,gospel1 announcing that ,segarelli had begun a new era1 to last till the ,day of ,judgment4 ,predicting the formation of native states1 as well as the forcible purification of the papacy1 he ultimately set up an armed movement1 which held out in the southern ,alps for two years1 till the ,apostolicals were reduced to cannibalism4 ,at length 7#acjg7 they were overpowered and massacred1 and ,dolcino was captured1 with his beautiful and devoted companion1 ,margherita di ,trank4 ,she was slowly burned to death before his eyes1 refusing to abjure2 and he in turn was gradually tortured to death1 uttering no cry4 #aeda ,the order subsisted for a time in secret1 numbers cherishing ,dolcino's memory1 and practising a priestless and riteless religion1 prohibiting oaths1 and wholly repudiating every claim of the ,church4 #aedb ,yet another sect1 called by the name of ,the ,spirit of ,liberty--probably the origin of the name libertini1 later applied to freethinkers in ,france--was linked on the one hand to the ,apostolicals and on the other to the ,german ,brethren of the ,free ,spirit1 as well as to the ,franciscan ,fraticelli4 ,this sect is heard of as late as #acdd1 when one of its members was burned4 #aedc ,and there were yet others2 till it seemed as if the ,latin ,church were to be resolved into an endless series of schisms4 ,but organization1 as of old1 prevailed2 the cohesive and aggressive force of the central system1 with the natural strifes of the new movements1 whether within or without #aedd the ,church1 sufficed to bring about their absorption or their destruction4 ,it needed a special concurrence of economic1 political1 and culture forces to disrupt the fabric of the papacy4 #i4 ,,thought ,,in ,,spain ,of all the chapters in the history of the ,inquisition1 the most tragical is the record of its work in ,spain1 for there a whole nation's faculty of freethought was by its ministry strangled for a whole era4 ,there is a prevalent notion that in ,spain fanaticism had mastered the national life from the period of the overthrow of ,arianism under the later ,visigothic kings2 and that there the extirpation of heresy was the spontaneous and congenial work of the bulk of the nation1 giving vent to the spirit of intolerance ingrained in it in the long war with the ,moors4 ,spain1 says ,michelet1 has always felt herself more ,catholic than ,rome4 #aede ,but this is a serious misconception4 ,wars associated with a religious cause are usually followed rather by indifference than by increased faith2 and the long wars of the ,moors and the ,christians in ,spain had some such sequel1 #aedf as had the ,crusades1 and the later wars of religion in ,france and ,germany4 ,it is true that for a century after the 7political7 conversion of the ,visigothic king ,recared 7#ehg7 from ,arianism to ,catholicism--an age of complete decadence--the policy of the ,spanish ,church was extremely intolerant1 as might have been expected4 ,the ,jews1 in particular1 were repeatedly and murderously persecuted2 #aedg but after the fall of the ,visigoths before the invading ,moors1 the treatment of all forms of heresy in the ,christian parts of the ,peninsula1 down to the establishment of the second or ,new ,inquisition under ,torquemada1 was in general rather less severe than elsewhere4 #aedh ,an exception is to be noted in the case of the edicts of #aaid and #aaig1 by ,alfonso ,,ii and ,pedro ,,ii 7the ,catholic7 of ,aragon1 against the ,waldenses4 #aedi ,the policy in the first case was that of wholesale expulsion of the heretics anathematized by the ,church2 and1 as this laid the victims open to plunder all round1 there is a presumption that cupidity was a main part of the motive4 ,peter the ,catholic1 in turn1 who decreed the stake for the heretics that remained1 made a signally complete capitulation to the ,holy ,see2 but the nation did not support him2 and the tribute he promised to pay to the ,pope was never paid4 #aeej ,in the thirteenth century1 when the ,moors had been driven out of ,castile1 rationalistic heresy seems to have been as common in ,spain as in ,italy4 ,already ,arab culture had spread1 ,archbishop ,raymond of ,toledo 7#aacj-ej7 having caused many books to be translated from ,arabic into ,latin2 #aeea and inasmuch as racial warfare had always involved some intercourse between ,christians and ,moors1 #aeeb the ,averrost influence which so speedily reached ,sicily from ,toledo through ,michael ,scot must have counted for something in ,spain4 ,about #abfj ,alfonso ,x1 the ,wise king of ,castile1 describes the heresies of his kingdom under two main divisions1 of which the worse is the denial of a future state of rewards and punishments4 #aeec ,this heresy1 further1 is proceeded against by the ,council of ,tarragona in #abia4 ,and though ,alfonso was orthodox1 and in his legislation a persecutor1 #aeed his own astronomic and mathematical science1 so famous in the after times1 came to him from the ,arabs and the ,jews whom he actually called in to assist him in preparing his astronomic tables4 #aeee ,such science was itself a species of heresy in that age2 and to it the orthodox king owes his ,catholic reputation as a blasphemer1 as ,antichrist1 #aeef and as one of the countless authors of the fabulous treatise on the ,three ,impostors4 ,he would further rank as a bad ,churchman1 inasmuch as his very laws against heresy took no account of the ,roman ,inquisition 7though it was nominally established by a papal rescript in #abce71 #aeeg but provided independently for the treatment of offenders4 ,needless to say1 they had due regard to finance1 non-believers who listened to heresy being fined ten pounds weight of gold1 with the alternative of fifty lashes in public2 while the property of lay heretics without kin went to the fisc4 #aeeh ,the law condemning to the stake those ,christians who apostatized to ,islam or ,judaism #aeei had also a financial motive4 ,such laws1 however1 left to unsystematic application1 were but slightly operative2 and the people fiercely resisted what attempts were made to enforce them4 #aefj ,at the end of the thirteenth century the heresies of the ,french ,beguines and the ,franciscan ,spirituals spread in ,aragon1 both by way of books and of preaching1 and even entered ,portugal4 ,against these1 in the years #acad-acce1 the ,inquisitors maintained a persecution4 #aefa ,but it has been put on record by the famous ,arnaldo of ,villanueva--astronomer1 scholar1 alchemist1 reformer1 and occultist #aefb 7d4 #acad7--whose books were at that period condemned by a council of friars because of his championship of the ,spirituals1 that ,king ,frederick ,,ii of ,aragon had confessed to him his doubts as to the truth of the ,christian religion--doubts set up by the misconduct of priests1 abbots1 and bishops2 the malignities of the heads of the friar orders2 and the worldliness and political intrigues of the ,holy ,see4 #aefc ,such a king was not likely to be a zealous inquisitor2 and the famous ,joachite ,franciscan ,juan de ,pera-,tallada 7,jean de la ,rochetaillade71 imprisoned at ,avignon for his apocalyptic teachings about #acdi1 seems to have died in peace in ,spain long afterwards4 #aefd ,it cannot even be said that the ordinary motive of rapacity worked strongly against heresy in ,spain in the ,middle ,ages1 since there the ,templars1 condemned and plundered everywhere else1 were acquitted2 and their final spoliation was the work of the papacy1 the ,spanish authorities resisting4 #aefe ,we shall find1 further1 the orthodox ,spanish king of ,naples in the fifteenth century protecting anti-papal scholarship4 ,and though ,dominic1 the primary type of the ,inquisitor1 had been a ,castilian1 no ,spaniard was ,pope from the fourth to the fourteenth century1 and very few were cardinals4 #aeff ,as late as the latter half of the fifteenth century1 within a generation of the setting-up of the murderous ,new ,inquisition1 ,spain seems to have been on the whole as much given to freethinking as ,france1 and much more so than ,england4 ,on the one hand1 ,averrosm tinged somewhat the intellectual life through the ,moorish environment1 so that in #adfd we find revolted nobles complaining that ,king ,enrique ,,iv is suspected of being unsound in the faith because he has about him both enemies of ,catholicism and nominal ,christians who avow their disbelief in a future state4 #aefg ,on the other hand1 it had been noted that many were beginning to deny the need or efficacy of priestly confession2 and about #adgh a ,professor at ,salamanca1 ,pedro de ,osma1 actually printed an argument to that effect1 further challenging the power of the ,pope4 ,so slight was then the machinery of inquisition that he had to be publicly tried by a council1 which merely ordered him to recant in public2 and he died peacefully in #adhj4 #aefh ,it was immediately after this1 in the reign of ,ferdinand and ,isabella1 that the ,inquisition was newly and effectively established in ,spain2 and the determining motive was the avarice of the king and queen1 not the ,catholic zeal of the people4 ,the ,inquisitor-,general of ,messina came to ,madrid in #adgg in order to obtain confirmation of a forged privilege1 pretended to have been granted to the ,dominicans in ,sicily by ,frederick ,,ii in #abcc--that of receiving one-third of the property of every heretic they condemned4 ,to such a ruler as ,ferdinand1 such a system readily appealed2 and as soon as possible a new ,inquisition was established in ,spain1 ,isabella consenting4 #aefi ,from the first it was a system of plunder4 ,men long dead1 if they were represented by rich descendants1 were cited before the tribunal1 judged1 and condemned2 and the lands and goods that had descended to their heirs passed into the coffers of the ,catholic kings4 #aegj ,the solemn assertion by ,queen ,isabella1 that she had never applied such money to the purposes of the crown1 has been proved from ,state papers to be a most deliberate and daring falsehood4 #aega ,the revenue thus iniquitously obtained was enormous2 and it is inferrible that the pecuniary motive underlay the later expulsion of the ,jews and the ,moriscoes as well as the average practice of the ,inquisition4 ,the error as to the original or anciently ingrained fanaticism of the ,spanish people1 first made current by ,ticknor 7,hist4 ,spanish ,lit41 #fth ed4 i1 #eje71 has been to some extent diffused by ,buckle1 who at this point of his inquiry reasoned priori instead of inductively as his own principles prescribed4 ,see the notes to the present writer's edition of his ,introduction 7,routledge1 #aijd71 pp4 #ajg1 #ecd-ej4 ,the special atrocity of the ,inquisition in ,spain was not even due directly to the papacy 7cp4 ,burke1 ii1 #gh73 it was the result first of the rapacity of ,ferdinand1 utilizing a papal institution2 and later of the political fanaticisms of ,charles ,v and ,philip ,,ii1 both of ,teutonic as well as ,spanish descent4 ,philip alleged that the ,inquisition in the ,netherlands was more severe than in ,spain 7ed4 of ,buckle cited1 p4 #ajg1 note74 ,in the words of ,bishop ,stubbs3 ,to a ,german race of sovereigns ,spain finally owed the subversion of her national system and ancient freedom 7id4 p4 #eej1 note74 ,such a process1 however1 would not have been possible in any country1 at any stage of the world's history1 without the initiative and the support of some such sacrosanct organization as the ,catholic ,church1 wielding a spell over the minds even of those who1 in terror and despair1 fought against it4 ,as in the thirteenth century1 so at the end of the fifteenth1 #aegb the ,inquisition in ,spain was spasmodically resisted in ,aragon and ,castile1 in ,catalonia1 and in ,valencia2 the first ,inquisitor-,general in ,aragon being actually slain in the cathedral of ,saragossa in #adhg1 despite his precaution of wearing a steel cap and coat of mail4 #aegc ,vigorous protests from the ,corts even forced some restraint upon the entire machine2 but such occasional resistance could not long countervail the steady pressure of regal and official avarice and the systematic fanaticism of the ,dominican order4 ,it was thus the fate of ,spain to illustrate once for all the power of a dogmatic religious system to extirpate the spirit of reason from an entire nation for a whole era4 ,there and there only1 save for a time in ,italy1 did the ,inquisition become all-powerful2 and it wrought for the evisceration of the intellectual and material life of ,spain with a demented zeal to which there is no parallel in later history4 ,in the reign of ,ferdinand and ,isabella1 after several random massacres and much persecution of the ,new ,christians or doubtful converts from ,judaism1 #aegd the unconverted ,jews of ,spain were in #adhi penned into ,ghettos1 and were in #adib expelled bodily from the country1 with every circumstance of cruelty1 so far as ,church and ,state could compass their plans4 ,by this measure at least #afj1jjj subjects #aege of more than average value were lost to the ,state4 ,portugal and other ,christian countries took the same cruel step a few years later2 but ,spain carried the policy much further4 ,from the year of its establishment1 the ,inquisition was hotly at work destroying heresy of every kind2 and the renowned ,torquemada1 the confessor of ,isabella1 is credited with having burned over ten thousand persons in his eighteen years of office as ,grand ,inquisitor1 besides torturing many thousands4 ,close upon a hundred thousand more were terrified into submission2 and a further six thousand burned in effigy in their absence or after death4 #aegf ,the destruction of books was proportionally thorough2 #aegg and when ,lutheran ,protestantism arose it was persistently killed out2 thousands leaving the country in view of the hopelessness of the cause4 #aegh ,at this rate1 every vestige of independent thought must soon have disappeared from any nation in the world4 ,if she is to be judged by the number of her slain and exiled heretics1 ,spain must once have been nearly as fecund in reformative and innovating thought as any ,state in northern ,europe2 but the fatal conjunction of the royal and the clerical authority sufficed for a whole era to denude her of every variety of the freethinking species4 #aegi #aj4 ,,thought ,,in ,,england ,lying on the outskirts of the world of culture1 ,england in the later ,middle ,ages and the period of the ,italian ,renaissance lived intellectually1 even where ministered to by the genius of ,chaucer1 for the most part in dependence on ,continental impulses2 yet not without notable outcrops of native energy4 ,there is indeed no more remarkable figure in the ,middle ,ages than ,roger ,bacon 78 #abad-abid71 the ,english ,franciscan friar1 schooled at ,paris4 ,his career remains still in parts obscure4 ,born at or near ,ilchester1 in ,somersetshire1 he studied at ,oxford under ,edmund ,rich1 ,richard ,fitzacre1 ,robert ,grosstte1 and ,adam de ,marisco2 and later1 for a number of years1 at ,paris1 where he is supposed to have held a chair4 ,on his return he was lionized2 but a few years afterwards1 in #abeg1 we find him again in ,paris1 banished thither by his ,order4 #aehj ,he was not absolutely imprisoned1 but ordered to live under official surveillance in a dwelling where he was forbidden to write1 to speak to novices1 or observe the stars--rules which1 it is pretty clear1 he broke1 one and all4 #aeha ,after some eight years of this durance1 ,cardinal ,guido ,falcodi 7otherwise ,guy ,foucaud or ,de ,foulques71 who while acting as papal legate in ,england at the time of the rising of ,simon de ,montfort may have known or heard of ,bacon1 became interested in him through his chaplain1 ,raymond of ,laon1 who spoke 7in error7 of the imprisoned friar as having written much on science4 ,the cardinal accordingly wrote asking to see the writings in question4 ,bacon sent by a friend an explanation to the effect that he had written little1 and that he could not devote himself to composition without a written mandate and a papal dispensation4 ,about this time the ,cardinal was elevated to the papacy as ,clement ,,iv2 and in that capacity1 a year later 7#abff71 he wrote to ,bacon authorizing him to disobey his superior1 but exhorting him to do it secretly4 ,bacon1 by his own account1 had already spent in forty years of study #b1jjj libri #aehb in addition to purchases of books and instruments and teacher's fees2 and it is not known whether the ,pope furnished the supplies he declared he needed4 #aehc ,to work1 however1 he went with an astonishing industry1 and in the course of less than eighteen months #aehd he had produced his chief treatise1 the ,opus ,majus2 the ,opus ,minus1 designed as a summary or sample of the former2 and the later ,opus ,tertium1 planned to serve as a preamble to the two others4 #aehe ,through all three documents there runs the same inspiration1 the ,opus ,tertium and the ,majus constituting a complete treatise1 which gives at once the most vivid idea of the state of culture at the time1 and the most intimate presentment of a student's mind1 that survive from the thirteenth century4 ,it was nothing less than a demand1 such as was made by ,francis ,bacon three hundred and fifty years later1 and by ,auguste ,comte in the nineteenth century1 for a reconstruction of all studies and all tuition4 ,neither pope nor emperor could have met it2 but ,clement gave ,roger his freedom1 and he returned to ,oxford1 papally protected1 at the end of #abfg4 ,four years later ,clement died1 and was succeeded by ,gregory ,x1 a ,franciscan4 ,at this stage of his life ,bacon revealed that1 whatever were his wrongs1 he was inclined to go halfway to meet them4 ,in a new writing of similar purport with the others1 the ,compendium ,philosophi1 written in #abga1 #aehf he not only attacked in detail the ecclesiastical system1 #aehg but argued that the ,christians were incomparably inferior to pagans in morals1 and therefore in science2 #aehh that there was more truth in ,aristotle's few chapters on laws than in the whole corpus juris2 #aehi that the ,christian religion1 as commonly taught1 was not free of errors2 and that philosophy truly taught1 and not as in the schools1 was perhaps the surer way to attain both truth and salvation4 #aeij ,again he was prosecuted2 and this time1 after much delay1 it was decided that the entire ,order should deal with the case4 ,not till #abgg did the trial come off1 under the presidency of the chief of the ,order1 ,jerome of ,ascoli4 ,bacon was bracketed with another insubordinate brother1 ,jean d',olive2 and both were condemned4 ,in ,bacon's case his doctrine was specified as continentem aliquas novitates suspectas1 propter quas fuit idem ,rogerius carceri condempnatus4 #aeia ,this time ,bacon seems to have undergone a real imprisonment1 which lasted fourteen years4 ,during that time four more popes held office1 the last of them being the said ,jerome1 elevated to the papal chair as ,nicholas ,,iv4 ,not till his death in #abib was ,bacon released--to die two years later4 ,he was in fact1 with all his dogmatic orthodoxy1 too essentially in advance of his age to be otherwise than suspect to the typical ecclesiastics of any time4 ,the marvel is that with his radical skepticism as to all forms of human knowledge2 his intense perception of the fatality of alternate credulity and indifference which kept most men in a state of positive or negative error on every theme2 his insatiable thirst for knowledge2 his invincible repugnance to all acknowledgment of authority1 #aeib and his insistence on an ethical end1 he should have been able to rest as he did in the assumption of a divine infallibility vested in what he knew to be a corruptible text4 ,it was doubtless defect of strictly philosophic thought1 as distinguished from practical critical faculty1 that enabled him to remain orthodox in theology while anti-authoritarian in everything else4 ,as it was1 his recalcitrance to authority in such an age sufficed to make his life a warfare upon earth4 ,and it is not surprising that1 even as his ,franciscan predecessor ,robert ,grosstte1 bishop of ,lincoln1 came to be reputed a sorcerer on the strength of having written many treatises on scientific questions--as well as on witchcraft--,roger ,bacon became a wizard in popular legend1 and a scandal in the eyes of his immediate superiors1 for a zest of secular curiosity no less uncommon and unpriestlike4 #aeic ,it is sometimes impossible to avoid smiling1 says one philosophic historian of him1 when one sees how artfully this personified thirst for knowledge seeks to persuade himself1 or his readers1 that knowledge interests him only for ecclesiastical ends4 ,no one has believed it3 neither posterity 444 nor his contemporaries1 who distrusted him as worldly-minded4 #aeid ,worldly-minded he was in a noble sense1 as seeking to know the world of ,nature2 and perhaps the most remarkable proof of his originality on this side is his acceptance of the theory of the earth's sphericity4 ,peter de ,alliaco1 whose ,imago ,mundi was compiled in #adaj1 transcribed from ,roger ,bacon's ,opus ,majus almost literally1 but without acknowledgment1 a passage containing quotations from ,aristotle1 ,pliny1 and ,seneca1 all arguing for the possibility of reaching ,india by sailing westward4 ,columbus1 it is known1 was familiar with the ,imago ,mundi2 and this passage seems greatly to have inspired him in his task4 #aeie ,this alone was sufficient practical heresy to put ,bacon in danger2 and yet his real orthodoxy can hardly be doubted4 #aeif ,he always protested against the scholastic doctrine of a twofold truth1 insisting that revelation and philosophy were at one1 but that the latter also was divine4 #aeig ,it probably mattered little to his superiors1 however1 what view he took of the abstract question3 it was his zeal for concrete knowledge that they detested4 ,his works remain to show the scientific reach of which his age was capable1 when helped by the lore of the ,arabs2 for he seems to have drawn from ,averros some of his inspiration to research2 #aeih but in the ,england of that day his ideals of research were as unattainable as his wrath against clerical obstruction was powerless2 #aeii and ,averrosm in ,england made little for innovation4 #afjj ,the ,english ,renaissance properly sets-in in the latter half of the sixteenth century1 when the glory of that of ,italy is passing away4 ,in the fourteenth century1 indeed1 a remarkable new life is seen arising in ,england in the poetry and prose of ,chaucer1 from contact with the literature of ,italy and ,france2 but while ,chaucer reflects the spontaneous medieval hostility to the self-seeking and fraudulent clergy1 and writes of deity with quite medieval irreverence1 #afja he tells little of the ,renaissance spirit of critical unbelief1 save when he notes the proverbial irreligion of the physicians1 #afjb or smiles significantly over the problem of the potency of clerical cursing and absolution1 #afjc or shrugs his shoulders over the question of a future state4 #afjd ,in such matters he is noticeably undevout2 and though it is impossible to found on such passages a confident assertion that ,chaucer had no belief in immortality1 it is equally impossible in view of them to claim that he was a warm believer4 ,prof4 ,lounsbury1 who has gone closely and critically into the whole question of ,chaucer's religious opinions1 asks concerning the lines in the ,knight's ,tale on the passing of ,arcite3 ,can modern agnosticism point to a denial more emphatic than that made in the fourteenth century of the belief that there exists for us any assurance of the life that is lived beyond the grave8 7,studies in ,chaucer1 #ahib1 ii1 #ead-ae74 ,prof4 ,skeat1 again1 affirms 7,notes to the ,tales1 ,clar4 ,press ,compl4 ,chaucer1 v1 #ib7 that the real reason why ,chaucer could not here describe the passage of ,arcite's soul to heaven is because he had already copied ,boccaccio's description1 and had used it with respect to the death of ,troilus 7see ,troil4 v1 #ahjg-bg2 stanzas #g1 #h1 #i from the end74 ,this evades the question as to the poet's faith4 ,in point of fact1 the passage in ,troilus and ,criseyde is purely pagan1 and tells of no ,christian belief1 though that poem1 written before the ,tales1 seems to parade a ,christian contempt for pagan lore4 7,cp4 ,lounsbury1 as cited1 p4 #eab47 ,the ascription of unbelief seems a straining of the evidence2 but it would be difficult to gainsay the critic's summing-up3 ,the general view of all his ,chaucer's production leaves upon the mind the impression that his personal religious history was marked by the dwindling devoutness which makes up the experience of so many lives--the fallings from us1 the vanishings1 we know not how or when1 of beliefs in which we have been bred4 ,one characteristic which not unusually accompanies the decline of faith in the individual is in him very conspicuous4 ,this is the prominence given to the falsity and fraud of those who have professedly devoted themselves to the advancement of the cause of ,christianity4444 ,much of ,chaucer's late work1 so far as we know it to be late1 is distinctly hostile to the ,church4444 ,it is1 moreover1 hostile in a way that implies an utter disbelief in certain of its tenets1 and even a disposition to regard them as full of menace to the future of civilization 7,lounsbury1 vol4 cited1 pp4 #eai-bj74 ,against this general view is to be set that which proceeds on an unquestioning acceptance of the ,retractation or confession at the close of the ,canterbury ,tales1 as to the vexed question of the genuineness of which see the same critic1 work cited1 i1 #dab-ae2 iii1 #dj4 ,the fact that the document is appended to the concluding ,parson's ,tale 7also challenged as to authenticity71 which is not a tale at all1 and to which the confession refers as this little treatise or rede1 suggests strongly a clerical influence brought to bear upon the aging poet4 ,to infer real devotion on his part from his sympathetic account of the good parson1 or from the dubious ,retractation appended to the ,tales1 is as unwarrantable as is the notion1 dating from the ,reformation period1 that he was a ,wicliffite4 #afje ,even if the ,retractation be of his writing1 under pressure in old age1 it points to a previous indifferentism2 and from the great mass of his work there can be drawn only the inference that he is essentially non-religious in temper and habit of mind4 ,but he is no disputant1 no propagandist1 whether on ecclesiastical or on intellectual grounds2 and after his day there is social retrogression and literary relapse in ,england for two centuries4 ,that there was some practical rationalism in his day1 however1 we gather from the ,vision of ,piers ,ploughman1 by the contemporary poet ,langland 7fl4 #acfj-ij71 where there is a vivid account of the habit among anti-clerical laymen of arguing against the doctrine of original sin and the entailment of ,adam's offence on the whole human race4 #afjf ,to this way of thinking ,chaucer probably gave a stimulus by his translation of the ,de ,consolatione ,philosophiae of ,boethius1 where is cited the not unskilful dilemma3 ,if ,god is1 whence come wicked things8 ,and if ,god is not1 whence come good things8 #afjg ,the stress of the problem is hard upon theism2 and to ponder it was to resent the doctrine of inherited guilt4 ,the ,church had1 in fact1 visibly turned this dogma to its own ends1 insisting on the universal need of ghostly help even as it repelled the doctrine of unalterable predestination4 ,in both cases1 of course1 the matter was settled by ,scripture and authority2 and ,langland's reply to the heretics is mere angry dogmatism4 ,there flourished1 further1 a remarkable amount of heresy of the species seen in ,provence and ,northern ,italy in the eleventh and twelfth centuries1 such sectaries being known in ,england under the generic name of ,lollards1 derived from the ,flemish1 in which it seems to have signified singers of hymns4 #afjh ,lollards or ,beghards1 starting from the southern point of propagation1 spread all over civilized ,northern ,europe1 meeting everywhere persecution alike from the parish priests and the mendicant monks2 and in ,england as elsewhere their anti-clericalism and their heresy were correlative4 ,in the formal ,lollard petition to ,parliament in #acie1 however1 there is evident an amount of innovating opinion which implies more than the mere stimulus of financial pressure4 ,not only the papal authority1 monasteries1 clerical celibacy1 nuns' vows1 transubstantiation1 exorcisms1 bought blessings1 pilgrimages1 prayers for the dead1 offerings to images1 confessions and absolutions1 but war and capital punishment and unnecessary trades1 such as those of goldsmiths and armourers1 are condemned by those early ,utopists4 #afji ,in what proportion they really thought out the issues they dealt with we can hardly ascertain2 but a chronicler of ,wiclif's time1 living at ,leicester1 testifies that you could not meet two men in the street but one was a ,lollard4 #afaj ,the movement substantially came to nothing1 suffering murderous persecution in the person of ,oldcastle 7,lord ,cobham7 and others1 and disappearing in the fifteenth century in the demoralization of conquest and the ruin of the civil wars2 but apart from ,chaucer's poetry it is more significant of foreign influences in ,england than almost any other phenomenon down to the reign of ,henry ,,viii4 ,it is still doubtful1 indeed1 whence the powerful ,wiclif derived his marked ,protestantism as to some ,catholic dogmas2 but it would seem that he too may have been reached by the older ,paulician or other southern heresy4 #afaa ,as early as #abhf a form of heresy approaching the ,albigensian and the ,waldensian is found in the province of ,canterbury1 certain persons there maintaining that ,christians were not bound by the authority of the ,pope and the ,fathers1 but solely by that of the ,bible and necessary reason4 #afab ,it is true that ,wiclif never refers to the ,waldenses or ,albigenses1 or any of the continental reformers of his day1 though he often cites his ,english predecessor1 ,bishop ,grosstte2 #afac but this may have been on grounds of policy4 ,to cite heretics could do no good2 to cite a bishop was helpful4 ,the main reason for doubting a foreign influence in his case is that to the last he held by purgatory and absolute predestination4 #afad ,in any case1 ,wiclif's practical and moral resentment of ecclesiastical abuses was the mainspring of his doctrine2 and his heresies as to transubstantiation and other articles of faith can be seen to connect with his anti-priestly attitude4 ,he1 however1 was morally disinterested as compared with the would-be plunderers who formed the bulk of the anti-,church party of ,john of ,gaunt2 and his failure to effect any reformation was due to the fact that on one hand there was not intelligence enough in the nation to respond to his doctrinal common sense1 while on the other he could not so separate ecclesiastical from feudal tyranny and extortion as to set up a political movement which should strike at clerical evils without inciting some to impeach the nobility who held the balance of political power4 ,charged with setting vassals against tyrant lords1 he was forced to plead that he taught the reverse1 though he justified the withholding of tithes from bad curates4 #afae ,the revolt led by ,john ,ball in #acha1 which was in no way promoted by ,wiclif1 #afaf showed that the country people suffered as much from lay as from clerical oppression4 ,the time1 in short1 was one of common ferment1 and not only were there other reformers who went much farther than ,wiclif in the matter of social reconstruction1 #afag but we know from his writings that there were heretics who carried their criticism as far as to challenge the authority and credibility of the ,scriptures4 ,against these accusatores and inimici ,scripturae he repeatedly speaks in his treatise ,de veritate ,scripturae ,sacrae1 #afah which is thus one of the very earliest works in defence of ,christianity against modern criticism4 #afai ,his position1 however1 is almost wholly medieval4 ,one qualification should perhaps be made1 in respect of his occasional resort to reason where it was least to be expected1 as on the question of restrictions on marriage4 #afbj ,but on such points he wavered2 and otherwise he is merely scripturalist4 ,the infinite superiority of ,christ to all other men1 and ,christ's virtual authorship of the entire ,scriptures1 are his premisses--a way of begging the question so simple-minded that it is clear the other side was not heard in reply1 though these arguments had formed part of his theological lectures1 #afba and so pre-supposed a real opposition4 ,wiclif was in short a typical ,protestant in his unquestioning acceptance of the ,bible as a supernatural authority2 and when his demand for the publication of the ,bible in ,english was met by worldly clerks with the cry that it would set ,christians in debate1 and subjects to rebel against their sovereigns1 he could only protest that they openly slander ,god1 the author of peace1 and his holy law4 ,later ,english history proved that the worldly clerks were perfectly right1 and ,wiclif the erring optimist of faith4 ,for the rest1 his essentially dogmatic view of religion did nothing to counteract the spirit of persecution2 and the passing of the ,statute for the ,burning of ,heretics in #adja1 with the ready consent of both ,houses of ,parliament1 constituted the due dogmatic answer to dogmatic criticism4 ,yet within a few years the ,commons were proposing to confiscate the revenues of the higher clergy3 #afbb so far was anti-clericalism from implying heterodoxy4 #aa4 ,,thought ,,in ,,france ,as regards ,france1 the record of intellectual history between the thirteenth and the sixteenth centuries is hardly less scanty than as regards ,england4 ,in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the intellectual life of the ,french philosophic schools1 as we saw1 was more vigorous and expansive than that of any other country2 so that1 looking further to the ,provenal literature and to the ,french beginnings of ,gothic architecture1 ,france might even be said to prepare the ,renaissance4 #afbc ,outside of the schools1 too1 there was in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries a notable dissemination of partially philosophical thought among the middle-class laity4 ,at that period the anti-clerical tendency was strongest in ,france1 where in the thirteenth century lay scholarship stood highest4 ,in the reign of ,philippe le ,bel 7end of thirteenth century7 was composed the poem ,fauvel1 by ,franois de ,rues1 which is a direct attack on pope and clergy2 #afbd and in the famous ,roman de la ,rose1 as developed by ,jean le ,clopinel 7 the ,limper7 of ,meung-sur-,loire1 there enters1 without any criticism of the ,christian creed1 an element of all-round ,naturalism which indirectly must have made for reason4 ,begun by ,guillaume de ,lorris in the time of ,st4 ,louis in a key of sentiment and lyricism1 the poem is carried on by ,jean de ,meung under ,philippe le ,bel in a spirit of criticism1 cynicism1 science1 and satire1 which tells of many developments in forty years4 ,the continuation can hardly have been written1 as some literary historians assume1 about its author's twenty-fifth year2 but it may be dated with some certainty between #abgj and #abhe4 ,to the work of his predecessor1 amounting to less than #e1jjj lines1 he added #ah1jjj1 pouring forth a medley of scholarship1 pedantry1 philosophic reflection1 speculation on the process of nature and the structure and ills of society1 on property1 morals1 marriage1 witchcraft1 the characters of women1 monks1 friars1 aristocrats--the whole pageant of medieval knowledge and fancy4 ,the literary power of the whole is great1 and may be recommended to the general reader as comparing often with that shown in the satirical and social-didactic poems of ,burns1 though without much of the breath of poetry4 ,particularly noteworthy1 in the historic retrospect1 is the assimilization of the ancient ,stoic philosophy of living according to ,nature1 set forth in the name of a ,reason who is notably free from theological prepossessions4 ,it is from this standpoint that ,jean de ,meung assails the mendicant friars and the monks in general3 he would have men recognize the natural laws of life2 and he carries the principle to the length of insisting on the artificial nature of aristocracy and monarchy1 which are justifiable only as far as they subserve the common good4 ,thus he rises above the medieval literary prejudice against the common people1 whose merit he recognizes as ,montaigne did later4 ,on the side of science1 he expressly denies #afbe that comets carry any such message as was commonly ascribed to them alike by popular superstition and by theology--a stretch of freethinking perhaps traceable to ,seneca1 but nonetheless centuries in advance of the ,christendom of the time4 #afbf ,on the side of religion1 again1 he is one of the first to vindicate the lay conception of ,christian excellence as against the ecclesiastical4 ,his ,naturalism1 so far1 worked consistently in making him at once anti-ascetic and anti-supernaturalist4 ,it is not to be inferred1 however1 that ,jean de ,meung had learned to doubt the validity of the ,christian creed4 ,his long poem1 one of the most popular books in ,europe for two hundred years1 could never have had its vogue if its readers could have suspected it to be even indirectly anti-,christian4 ,he can hardly have held1 as some historians believe1 #afbg the status of a preaching friar2 but he claims that he neither blames nor defames religion1 #afbh respecting it in all forms1 provided it be humble and loyal4 ,he was in fact a man of some wealth1 much culture1 and orderly in life1 thus standing out from the earlier ,goliard type4 ,when1 then1 he pronounces ,nature the minister of this earthly state1 vicar and constable of the eternal emperor1 he has no thought of dethroning ,deity1 or even of setting aside the ,christian faith4 ,in his rhymed ,testament he expresses himself quite piously1 and lectures monks and women in an edifying fashion4 ,to say therefore that ,jean de ,meung's part of the ,roman de la ,rose is a popular satire on the beliefs of ,romanism 7,owen1 ,skeptics of ,ital4 ,renais4 p4 #dd7 is to misstate the case4 ,his doctrine is rather an intellectual expression of the literary reaction against asceticism 7cp4 ,bartoli1 ,storia della letteratura italiana1 i1 #cai1 quoting ,lenient7 which had been spontaneously begun by the ,goliards and ,troubadours4 ,at the same time the poem does stand for the new secular spirit alike in its ingrained religion and its nascent freethought 7,saintsbury1 p4 #hg72 and with the ,reynard epic it may be taken as representing the beginning of a whole revolution1 the resurgence and affirmation of the laity1 the new force which is to transform the world1 against the ,church 7,bartoli1 ,storia1 i1 #cjh2 cp4 ,demogeot1 ,hist4 de la litt4 fr4 #e;e d4 pp4 #acj-ca1 #aeg2 ,lanson1 pp4 #acb-cf74 ,the frequent flings at the clergy 7cp4 the partly ,chaucerian ,english version1 ,skeat's ed4 of ,chaucer's ,works1 i1 #bcd2 ,bell's ed4 iv1 #bcj7 were sufficient to draw upon this as upon other medieval poems of much secular vogue the anger of the ,church 7,sismondi1 ,lit4 of ,south4 ,europe1 i1 #baf72 but they were none the less relished by believing readers4 ,the ,church was in fact not an entity of one mind2 and some of its sections enjoyed satire directed against the others4 ,when1 then1 we speak of the anti-clerical character of much medieval poetry1 we must guard against exaggerated implications4 ,it is somewhat of a straining of the facts1 for instance1 to say of the humorous tale of ,reynard the ,fox1 so widely popular in the thirteenth century1 that it is essentially anti-clerical to the extent that ,reynard is laic3 ,isengrim the wolf is clerical 7,bartoli1 ,storia della letteratura italiana1 i1 #cjg2 cp4 ,owen1 ,skeptics of the ,italian ,renaissance1 p4 #dd74 ,the ,reynard epic1 in origin a simple humorous animal-story1 had various later forms4 ,some of these1 as the ,latin poem1 and especially the version attributed to ,peter of ,st4 ,cloud1 were markedly anti-clerical1 the latter exhibiting a spirit of all-round profanity hardly compatible with belief 7cp4 ,gervinus1 ,geschichte der deutschen ,dichtung1 #ete ,ausg4 i1 #bbg-bh2 ,gebhart1 ,les ,origines de la ,renais4 en ,italie1 #ahgd1 p4 #ci72 but the version current in the ,netherlands1 which was later rendered into ,english prose by ,caxton1 is of a very different character 7,gervinus1 p4 #bbi sq474 ,in ,caxton's version it is impossible to regard ,reynard as laic and ,isengrim as clerical2 though in the ,latin and other versions the wolf figures as monk or abbot4 7,see also the various shorter satires published by ,grimm in his ,reinhart ,fuchs1 #ahcd47 ,often the authorship is itself clerical1 one party or order satirizing another2 sometimes the spirit is religious1 sometimes markedly irreverent4 7,gervinus1 pp4 #bad-ba74 ,la plupart de ces satires sont l'oeuvre des moines et des abbs 7,lenient1 ,la ,satire en ,france au moyen ge1 #ahei1 prf4 p4 #d72 and to say that these men were often irreligious is not to say that they were rationalists4 ,it is to be remembered that nascent ,protestantism in ,england under ,henry ,,viii resorted to the weapons of obscene parody 7,blunt1 ,ref4 of ,ch4 of ,england1 ed4 #ahib1 i1 #bgc1 note74 ,in fine1 we may say with a judicious ,french historian1 one cannot get out of his time1 and the time was not come to be non-,christian4 ,jean de ,meung did not perceive that his thought put him outside the ,church1 and upset her foundations4 ,he is believing and pious1 like ,rutebeuf4444 ,the ,gospel is his rule3 he holds it2 he defends it2 he disputes with those who seem to him to depart from it2 he makes himself the champion of the old faith against the novelties of the ,eternal ,gospel4444 ,his situation is that of the first reformers of the sixteenth century1 who believed themselves to serve ,jesus ,christ in using their reason1 and who very sincerely1 very piously1 hoped for the reform of the ,church through the progress of philosophy4 #afbi ,nevertheless1 adds the same historian1 one cannot exaggerate the real weight of the work4 ,by his philosophy1 which consists essentially in the identity1 the sovereignty1 of ,nature and ,reason1 he is the first link in the chain which connects ,rabelais1 ,montaigne1 ,molire2 to which ,voltaire also links himself1 and even in certain regards ,boileau4 #afcj ,men could not then see whither the principle of ,nature and ,reason was to lead1 yet even in the age of ,jean de ,meung the philosophic heads went far1 and he can hardly have missed knowing as much1 if1 as is supposed1 he studied at ,paris1 as he certainly lived and died there4 ,in the latter part of the thirteenth century1 as before noted1 rationalism at the ,paris university was frequently carried in private to a rejection of all the dogmas peculiar to ,christianity4 ,at that great school ,roger ,bacon seems to have acquired his encyclopdic learning and his critical habit2 and there it was that in the first half of the fourteenth century ,william of ,occam nourished his remarkable philosophic faculty4 ,from about the middle of the fourteenth century1 however1 there is a relative arrest of ,french progress for some two centuries4 #afca ,three main conditions served to check intellectual advance3 the civil wars which involved the loss of the communal liberties which had been established in ,france between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries2 #afcb the exhaustion of the nation by the ,english invasion under ,edward ,,iii2 the repressive power of the ,church2 and the general devotion of the national energies to war4 ,after the partial recovery from the ruinous ,english invasion under ,edward ,,iii1 civil strifes and feudal tyranny wrought new impoverishment1 making possible the still more destructive invasion under ,henry ,v2 so that in the first half of the fifteenth century ,france was hardly more civilized than ,england4 #afcc ,it is from the ,french invasion of ,italy under ,charles ,,viii that the enduring renascence in ,france broadly dates4 ,earlier impulses had likewise come from ,italy3 ,lanfranc1 ,anselm1 ,peter ,lombard1 ,thomas ,aquinas1 and others of lesser note1 #afcd had gone from ,italy to teach in ,france or ,england2 but it needed the full contact of ,italian civilization to raise monarchic ,france to the stage of general and independent intellectual life4 ,during the period in question1 there had been established the following universities3 ,paris1 #abjj2 ,toulouse1 #abbj2 ,montpellier1 #abhi2 ,avignon1 #acjc2 ,orlans1 #acab2 ,cahors1 #accb2 ,angers1 #accg2 ,orange1 #acfg2 ,dle1 #adbb2 ,poitiers1 #adca2 ,caen1 #adcf2 ,valence1 #aded2 ,nantes1 #adfj2 ,bourges1 #adfc2 ,bordeaux1 #adgb 7,desmaze1 ,l',universit de ,paris1 #ahgf1 p4 #b4 ,other dates for some of these are given on p4 #ca74 ,but the militarist conditions prevented any sufficient development of such opportunities4 ,in the fourteenth century1 says ,littr 7tudes sur les barbares1 p4 #dai71 the university of ,paris 444 was more powerful than at any other epoch4444 ,never did she exercise such a power over men's minds4 ,but he also decides that in that epoch the first florescence of ,french literature withered away 7p4 #chg74 ,the long location of the anti-papacy at ,avignon 7#acje-acgf7 doubtless counted for something in ,french culture 7,v4 ,le ,clerc1 ,hist4 ,litt4 de la ,france au ,x,i,ve sicle1 i1 #cg2 ,gebhart1 pp4 #bba-bf72 but the devastation wrought by the ,english invasion was sufficient to countervail that and more4 ,see the account of it by ,petrarch 7letter of the year #acfj7 cited by ,littr1 tudes1 pp4 #daf-ag2 and by ,hallam1 ,middle ,ages1 i1 #ei1 note4 ,cp4 ,michelet1 ,hist4 de ,france1 vi1 ch4 iii2 ,dunton1 ,england in the ,fifteenth ,century1 #ahhh1 pp4 #gi-hd4 ,as to the consequences of the ,english invasion of the fifteenth century see ,martin1 ,hist4 de ,france1 #d;e dit4 vi1 #acb-cc2 ,sismondi1 ,hist4 des ,franais1 #ahca1 xii1 #ehb2 ,hallam1 ,middle ,ages1 i1 #hc-hg4 ,in northern ,france of the fourteenth century1 as in ,provence and ,italy and ,england1 there was a manifold stir of innovation and heresy3 there as elsewhere the insubordinate ,franciscans1 with their ,eternal ,gospel1 the ,paterini1 the ,beghards1 fought their way against the ,dominican ,inquisition4 ,but the ,inquisitors burned books as well as men2 and much anti-ecclesiastical poetry1 some dating even from the ,carlovingian era1 shared the fate of many copies of the ,talmud1 translations of the ,bible1 and1 fortiori1 every species of heretical writing4 ,in effect1 the ,inquisition for the time extinguished freethought #afce in ,france4 ,as in ,england1 the ferment of heresy was mixed with one of democracy2 and in the ,french popular poetry of the time there are direct parallels to the contemporary ,english couplet1 ,when ,adam delved and ,eve span1 ,where was then the gentleman8 #afcf ,such a spirit could no more prosper in feudal ,france than in feudal ,england2 and when ,france emerged from her mortal struggle with the ,english1 to be effectively solidified by ,louis ,,xi1 there was left in her life little of the spirit of free inquiry4 ,it has been noted that whereas the chronicler ,joinville1 in the thirteenth century1 is full of religious feeling1 ,froissart1 in the fourteenth1 priest as he is1 exhibits hardly any2 and again ,comines1 in the fifteenth1 reverts to the orthodoxy of the twelfth and thirteenth4 #afcg ,the middle period was one of indifference1 following on the killing out of heresy3 #afch the fifteenth century is a resumption of the ,middle ,ages1 and ,comines has the medieval cast of mind1 #afci although of a superior order4 ,there seems to be no community of thought between him and his younger ,italian contemporaries1 ,machiavelli and ,guicciardini2 though1 even while ,comines was writing1 there were unequivocal symptoms of a great and decisive change4 #afdj ,the special development in ,france of the spirit of chivalry had joined the normal uncivilizing influence of militarism with that of clericalism2 the various knightly orders1 as well as knighthood pure and simple1 being all under ecclesiastical sanctions1 and more or less strictly vowed to defend the church1 #afda while supremely incompetent to form an intelligent opinion4 ,it is the more remarkable that in the case of one of the crusading orders heresy of the most blasphemous kind was finally charged against the entire organization1 and that it was on that ground annihilated 7#acaa74 ,it remains incredible1 however1 that the order of the ,templars can have systematically practised the extravagances or held the tenets laid to their charge4 ,they had of course abused their power and departed from their principles like every other religious order enabled to amass wealth2 and the hostility theirs aroused is perfectly intelligible from what is known of the arrogance of its members and the general ruffianism of the ,crusaders4 ,their wealth alone goes far to explain the success of their enemies against them2 for1 though the numbers of the order were much smaller than tradition gives out1 its possessions were considerable4 ,these were the true ground of the ,french king's attack4 #afdb ,but that its members were as a rule either ,cathari or anti-,christians1 either disguised ,moslems or deists1 or that they practised obscenity by rule1 there is no reason to believe4 ,what seems to have happened was a resort by some unbelieving members to more or less gross burlesque of the mysteries of initiation--a phenomenon paralleled in ancient ,greece and in the modern ,catholic world1 and implying rather hardy irreligion than any reasoned heresy whatever4 ,the long-continued dispute as to the guilt of the ,knights ,templars is still chronically re-opened4 ,hallam1 after long hesitation1 came finally to believe them guilty1 partly on the strength of the admissions made by ,michelet in defending them 7,europe in the ,middle ,ages1 #aath ed4 i1 #ach-db--note of #ahdh74 ,he attaches1 however1 a surprising weight to the obviously weak architectural evidence cited by ,hammer-,purgstall4 ,heeren 7,essai sur l'influence des croisades1 #ahjh1 pp4 #bba-bb7 takes a more judicial view4 ,the excellent summing-up of ,lea 7,hist4 of the ,inquis4 bk4 iii1 ch4 v1 pp4 #bfc-gf7 perhaps gives too little weight to the mass of curious confirmatory evidence cited by writers on the other side 7e4g41 ,f4 ,nicolai1 ,versuch ber die ,beschuldigungen welche dem ,tempelherrenorden gemacht worden1 #aghb72 but his conclusion as to the falsity of the charges against the order as a whole seems irresistible4 ,the solution that offensive practices occurred irregularly 7,lea1 pp4 #bgf-gg7 is pointed to even by the earlier hostile writers 7,nicolai1 p4 #ag74 ,it seems to be certain that the initiatory rites included the act of spitting on the crucifix--presumptively a symbolic display of absolute obedience to the orders of those in command 7,jolly1 ,philippe le ,bel1 pp4 #bfd-fh74 ,that there was no ,catharism in the order seems certain 7,lea1 p4 #bdi74 ,the suggestion that the offensive and burlesque practices were due to the lower grade of serving brethren1 who were contemned by the higher1 seems1 however1 without firm foundation4 ,the courage for such freaks1 and the disposition to commit them1 were rather more likely to arise among the crusaders of the upper class1 who could come in contact with ,moslem-,christian unbelief through those of ,sicily4 ,for the further theory that the ,freemasons 7at that period really cosmopolitan guilds of masons7 were already given to freethinking1 there is again no evidence4 ,that they at times deliberately introduced obscene symbols into church architecture is no proof that they were collectively unbelievers in the ,church's doctrines2 though it is likely enough that some of them were4 ,obscenity is the expression not of an intellectual but of a physical and unreasoning bias1 and can perfectly well concur with religious feeling4 ,the fact that the medieval masons did not confine obscene symbols to the churches they built for the ,templars 7,hallam1 as cited1 pp4 #adj-da7 should serve to discredit alike the theory that the ,templars were systematically anti-,christian1 and the theory that the ,freemasons were so4 ,that for centuries the builders of the ,christian churches throughout ,europe formed an anti-,christian organization is a grotesque hypothesis4 ,at most they indulged in freaks of artistic satire on the lines of contemporary satirical literature1 expressing an anti-clerical bias1 with perhaps occasional elements of blasphemy4 7,see ,menzel1 ,gesch4 der ,deutschen1 ,cap4 #beb1 note47 ,it could well be that there survived among the ,freemasons various ,gnostic ideas2 since the architectural art itself came in a direct line from antiquity4 ,such heresy1 too1 might conceivably be winked at by the ,church1 which depended so much on the heretics' services4 ,but their obscenities were the mere expression of the animal imagination and normal salacity of all ages4 ,only in modern times1 and that only in ,catholic countries1 has the derivative organization of ,freemasonry been identified with freethought propaganda4 ,in ,england in the seventeenth century the ,freemasonic clubs--no longer connected with any trade--were thoroughly royalist and orthodox 7,nicolai1 pp4 #aif-ih71 as they have always remained4 ,some remarkable intellectual phenomena1 however1 do connect with the ,french university life of the first half of the fourteenth century4 ,william of ,occam 7d4 #acdg71 the ,english ,franciscan1 who taught at ,paris1 is on the whole the most rationalistic of medieval philosophers4 ,though a pupil of the ,realist ,duns ,scotus1 he became the renewer of ,nominalism1 which is the specifically rationalistic as opposed to the religious mode of metaphysic2 and his anti-clerical bias was such that he had to fly from ,france to ,bavaria for protection from the priesthood4 ,his ,disputatio super potestate ecclesiastica1 and his ,defensorium directed against ,pope ,john ,,xxii 7or ,,xxi71 were so uncompromising that in #acbc the ,pope gave directions for his prosecution4 ,what came of the step is not known2 but in #acbh we find him actually imprisoned with two ,italian comrades in the papal palace at ,avignon4 ,thence they made their escape to ,bavaria4 #afdc ,to the same refuge fled ,marsiglio of ,padua1 author 7with ,john of ,jandun7 of the ,defensor ,pacis 7#acbd71 the greatest and most original political treatise of the ,middle ,ages1 #afdd in which it is taught that1 though monarchy may be expedient1 the sovereignty of the ,state rests with the people1 and the hereditary principle is flatly rejected2 while it is insisted that the ,church properly consists of all ,christians1 and that the clergy's authority is restricted to spiritual affairs and moral suasion4 #afde ,of all medieval writers on politics before ,machiavelli he is the most modern4 ,only less original is ,occam1 who at ,paris came much under ,marsiglio's influence4 ,his philosophic doctrines apparently derive from ,pierre ,aureol 7,petrus ,aureolus1 d4 #acba71 who with remarkable clearness and emphasis rejected both ,realism and the doctrine that what the mind perceives are not realities1 but form speculares4 ,pierre it was who first enounced the ,law of ,parsimony in philosophy and science--that causes are not to be multiplied beyond mental necessity--which is specially associated with the name of ,occam4 #afdf ,both anticipated modern criticism #afdg alike of the ,platonic and the ,aristotelian philosophy2 and ,occam in particular drew so decided a line between the province of reason and that of faith that there can be little doubt on which side his allegiance lay4 #afdh ,his dialectic is for its time as remarkable as is that of ,hume1 four centuries later4 ,the most eminent orthodox thinker of the preceding century had been the ,franciscan ,john ,duns ,scotus 7#abfe or #abgd-acjh71 who1 after teaching great crowds of students at ,oxford1 was transferred in #acjd to ,paris1 and in #acjh to ,cologne1 where he died4 ,a ,realist in his philosophy1 ,duns ,scotus opposed the ,aristotelian scholasticism1 and in particular criticized ,thomas ,aquinas as having unduly subordinated faith and practice to speculation and theory4 ,the number of matters of faith which ,thomas had held to be demonstrable by reason1 accordingly1 was by ,duns ,scotus much reduced2 and1 applying his anti-rationalism to current belief1 he fought zealously for the dogma that ,mary1 like ,jesus1 was immaculately conceived4 #afdi ,but ,occam1 turning his predecessor's tactic to a contrary purpose1 denied that any matter of faith was demonstrable by reason at all4 ,he granted that on rational grounds the existence of a ,god was probable1 but denied that it was strictly demonstrable1 and rejected the ontological argument of ,anselm4 ,as to matters of faith1 he significantly observed that the will to believe the indemonstrable is meritorious4 #afej ,it is difficult now to recover a living sense of the issues at stake in the battle between ,nominalism and ,realism1 and of the social atmosphere in which the battle was carried on4 ,broadly speaking1 the ,nominalists were the more enlightened school1 the ,realists standing for tradition and authority2 and it has been alleged that the books of the ,nominalists1 though the art of printing tended strongly to preserve them1 were suppressed and destroyed to such a degree that it is now exceedingly difficult to collect them1 and not easy to obtain copies even of the most remarkable4 #afea ,on the other hand1 while we have seen ,occam a fugitive before clerical enmity1 we shall see ,nominalists agreeing to persecute a ,realist to the death in the person of ,huss in the following century4 ,so little was there to choose between the camps in the matter of sound civics2 and so easily could the hierarchy wear the colours of any philosophical system4 ,contemporary with ,occam was ,durand de ,st4 ,pourain1 who became a bishop 7d4 #accb71 and1 after ranking as of the school of ,thomas ,aquinas1 rejected and opposed its doctrine4 ,with all this heresy in the air1 the principle of double truth1 originally put in currency by ,averrosm1 came to be held in ,france as in ,italy1 in a sense which implied the consciousness that theological truth is not truth at all4 #afeb ,occam's pupil1 ,buridan1 rector of the ,university of ,paris 7fl4 #acdj71 substantially avoided theology1 and dealt with moral and intellectual problems on their own merits4 #afec ,it is recorded by ,albert of ,saxony1 who studied at ,paris in the first half of the century1 that one of his teachers held by the theory of the motion of the earth4 #afed ,even a defender of ,church doctrines1 ,pierre d',ailly1 accepted ,occam's view of theism1 #afee and it appears to be broadly true that ,occam had at ,paris an unbroken line of successors down to the ,reformation4 #afef ,in a world in which the doctrine of a two-fold truth provided a safety-valve for heresy1 such a philosophical doctrine as his could not greatly affect lay thought2 but at ,paris ,university in the year #acgf there was a startling display of freethinking by the philosophical students1 not a little suggestive of a parody of the ,averrost propositions denounced by the ,bishop of ,paris exactly a century before4 ,under cover of the doctrine of two-fold truth they propounded a list of #bai theses1 in which they 7#a7 denied the ,trinity1 the divinity of ,jesus1 the resurrection1 and the immortality of the soul2 7#b7 affirmed the eternity of matter and the uselessness of prayer1 but also posited the principles of astrology2 7#c7 argued that the higher powers of the soul are incapable of sin1 and that voluntary sexual intercourse between the unmarried is not sinful2 and 7#d7 suggested that there are fables and falsehoods in the gospels as in other books4 #afeg ,the element of youthful gasconnade in the performance is obvious1 and the ,archbishop sharply scolded the students2 but there must have been much free discussion before such a manifesto could have been produced4 ,nevertheless1 untoward political conditions prevented any dissemination of the freethinking spirit in ,france2 and not for some two centuries was there such another growth of it4 ,the remarkable case of ,nicolaus of ,autricuria1 who in #acdh was forced to recant his teaching of the atomistic doctrine1 #afeh illustrates at once the persistence of the spirit of reason in times of darkness1 and the impossibility of its triumphing in the wrong conditions4 #ab4 ,,thought ,,in ,,the ,,teutonic ,,countries ,the life of the rest of ,europe in the later medieval period has little special significance in the history of freethought4 ,france and ,italy1 by ,german admission1 were the lands of the medieval ,aufklrung4 #afei ,the poetry of the ,german ,minnesingers1 a growth from that of the ,troubadours1 presented the same anti-clerical features2 #affj and the story of ,reynard the ,fox was turned to anti-ecclesiastical purpose in ,germany as in ,france4 ,the relative freethinking set up by the crusaders' contact with the ,saracens seems to be the source of doubt of the ,minnesinger ,freidank concerning the doom of hell-fire on heretics and heathens1 the opinion of ,walter der ,vogelweide that ,christians1 ,jews1 and ,moslems all serve the same ,god1 #affa and still more mordant heresy4 ,but such bold freethinking did not spread4 ,material prosperity rather than culture was the main feature of ,german progress in the ,middle ,ages2 architecture being the only art greatly developed4 ,heresy of the anti-ecclesiastical order indeed abounded1 and was duly persecuted2 but the higher freethinking developments were in the theosophic rather than the rationalistic direction4 ,albert the ,great 7fl4 #abfj71 the universal ,doctor1 the chief ,german teacher of the ,middle ,ages1 was of unimpeached orthodoxy4 #affb ,the principal ,german figure of the period is ,master ,eckhart 7d4 #acbi71 who1 finding religious beliefs excluded from the sphere of reason by the freer philosophy of his day1 undertook to show that they were all matters of reason4 ,he was1 in fact1 a mystically reasoning preacher1 and he taught in the interests of popular religion4 ,naturally1 as he philosophized on old bases1 he did not really subject his beliefs to any skeptical scrutiny1 but took them for granted and proceeded speculatively upon them4 ,this sufficed to bring him before the ,inquisition at ,cologne1 where he recanted conditionally on an appeal to the ,pope4 ,dying soon after1 he escaped the papal bull condemning twenty-eight of his doctrines4 ,his school later divided into a heretical and a ,church party1 of which the former1 called the false free spirits1 seems to have either joined or resembled the antinomian ,brethren of the ,free ,spirit1 then numerous in ,germany4 ,the other section became known as the ,friends of ,god1 a species of mystics who were faithful to the whole medieval imaginative creed1 ,transubstantiation1 worship of the ,virgin and ,saints1 ,purgatory4 #affc ,through ,tauler and others1 ,eckhart's pietistic doctrine gave a lead to later ,protestant evangelicalism2 but the system as a whole can never have been held by any popular body4 #affd ,dr4 ,lasson pronounces 7,ueberweg1 i1 #dhc7 that the type of ,eckhart's character and teaching was derived from the innermost essence of the ,german national character4 ,at the same time he admits that all the offshoots of the school departed more or less widely from ,eckhart's type--that is1 from the innermost essence of their own national character4 ,it would be as plausible to say that the later mysticism of ,fnelon derived from the innermost essence of the ,french character4 ,the ,imitatio ,christi has been similarly described as expressing the ,german character1 on the assumption that it was written by ,thomas ,kempis4 ,many have held that the author was the ,frenchman ,gerson 7,hallam1 ,lit4 of ,europe1 ed4 #ahgb1 i1 #aci-dj74 ,it was in all probability1 as was held by ,suarez1 the work of several hands1 one a monk of the twelfth century1 another a monk of the thirteenth1 and the third a theologian of the fifteenth2 neither ,gerson nor ,thomas ,kempis being concerned 7,le ,clerc1 ,hist4 ,litt4 du ,x,i,ve ,sicle1 #b;e dit4 pp4 #chd-he2 cp4 ,neale's ,hist4 of the so-called ,jansenist ,church of ,holland1 #aheh1 pp4 #ig-ih74 ,the ,imitatio ,christi 7#adga71 the most popular ,christian work of devotion ever published1 #affe tells all the while of the obscure persistence of the search for knowledge and for rational satisfactions4 ,whatever be the truth as to its authorship1 it belongs to all ,christendom in respect of its querulous strain of protest against all manner of intellectual curiosity4 ,after the first note of world-renunciation1 the call to absorption in the inner religious life1 there comes the sharp protest against the desire to know4 ,surely an humble husbandman that serveth ,god is better than a proud philosopher who1 neglecting himself1 laboureth to understand the course of the heavens4444 ,cease from an inordinate desire of knowing4 #afff ,no sooner is the reader warned to consider himself the frailest of all men than he is encouraged to look down on all reasoners4 ,what availeth it to cavil and dispute much about dark and hidden things1 when for being ignorant of them we shall not be so much as reproved at the day of judgment8 ,it is a great folly to neglect the things that are profitable and necessary1 and give our minds to that which is curious and hurtful4444 ,and what have we to do with genus and species1 the dry notions of logicians8 #affg ,the homily swings to and fro between occasional admissions that learning is not to be blamed1 perhaps interpolated by one who feared to have religion figure as opposed to knowledge1 and recurrent flings--perhaps also interpolated--at all who seek book-lore or physical science2 but the note of distrust of reason prevails4 ,where are all those ,doctors and ,masters whom thou didst well know whilst they lived and flourished in learning8 ,now others have their livings1 and perchance scarce ever think of them4 ,while they lived they seemed something1 but now they are not spoken of4 #affh ,it belongs to the whole conception of retreat and aloofness that the devout man should meddle not with curiosities1 but read such things as may rather yield compunction to his heart than occupation to his head2 and the last chapter of the last book closes on the note of the abnegation of reason4 ,human reason is feeble and may be deceived1 but true faith cannot be deceived4 ,all reason and natural search ought to follow faith1 not to go before it1 nor to break in upon it4444 ,if the works of ,god were such that they might be easily comprehended by human reason1 they could not be justly called marvellous or unspeakable4 ,thus the very inculcation of humility1 by its constant direction against all intellectual exercise1 becomes an incitement to a spiritual arrogance2 and all manner of science finds in the current ideal of piety its pre-ordained antagonist4 ,,chapter ,x ,,freethought ,,in ,,the ,,renaissance #a4 ,,the ,,italian ,,evolution ,what is called the ,renaissance was1 broadly speaking1 an evolution of the culture forces seen at work in the later ,middle ,ages1 newly fertilized by the recovery of classic literature2 and we shall have to revert at several points of our survey to what we have been considering as medieval in order to perceive the new birth4 ,the term is inconveniently vague1 and is made to cover different periods1 sometimes extending from the thirteenth to the sixteenth century1 sometimes signifying only the fifteenth4 ,it seems reasonable to apply it1 as regards ,italy1 to the period in which southern culture began to outgo that of ,france1 and kept its lead--that is1 from the end of the fourteenth century #affi to the time of the ,counter-,reformation4 ,that is a comparatively distinct sociological era4 ,renascent ,italy is1 after ancient ,greece1 the great historical illustration of the sociological law that the higher civilizations arise through the passing-on of seeds of culture from older to newer societies1 under conditions that specially foster them and give them freer growth4 ,the straitened and archaic pictorial art of ,byzantium1 unprogressive in the hidebound life of the ,eastern ,empire1 developed in the free and striving ,italian communities till it paralleled the sculpture of ancient ,greece2 and it is to be said for the ,church that1 however she might stifle rational thought1 she economically elicited the arts of painting and architecture 7statuary being tabooed as too much associated with pagan worships71 even as ,greek religion had promoted architecture and sculpture4 ,by force1 however1 of the tendency of the arts to keep religion anthropomorphic where deeper culture is lacking1 popular belief in ,renaissance ,italy was substantially on a par with that of polytheistic ,greece4 ,before the general recovery of ancient literature1 the main motives to rationalism1 apart from the tendency of the ,aristotelian philosophy to set up doubts about creation and ,providence and a future state1 were 7#a7 the spectacle of the competing creed of ,islam1 #afgj made known to the ,italians first by intercourse with the ,moors1 later by the ,crusades2 and further and more fully by the ,saracenized culture of ,sicily and commercial intercourse with the east2 7#b7 the spectacle of the strife of creeds within ,christendom2 #afga and 7#c7 the spectacle of the worldliness and moral insincerity of the bulk of the clergy4 ,it is in that atmosphere that the ,renaissance begins2 and it may be said that freethought stood veiled beside its cradle4 ,in such an atmosphere1 even on the ecclesiastical side1 demand for reforms naturally made headway2 and the ,council of ,constance 7#adad-adah7 was convened to enact many besides the ending of the schism4 #afgb ,but the ,council itself was followed by seven hundred prostitutes2 #afgc and its relation to the intellectual life was defined by its bringing about1 on a charge of heresy1 the burning of ,john ,huss1 who had come under a letter of safe-conduct from the emperor4 ,the baseness of the act was an enduring blot on the ,church2 and a hundred years later1 in a ,germany with small goodwill to ,bohemia1 ,luther made it one of his foremost indictments of the hierarchy4 ,but in the interim the spirit of reform had come to nothing4 ,cut off from much of the force that was needed to effect any great moral revolution in the ,church1 the reforming movement soon fell away1 #afgd and the ,church was left to ripen for later and more drastic treatment4 ,how far1 nevertheless1 anti-clericalism could go among the scholarly class even in ,italy is seen in the career of one of the leading humanists of the ,renaissance1 ,lorenzo ,valla 7#adjf-adeg74 ,in the work of his youth1 ,de ,voluptate et ,vero ,bono1 a hardy vindication of aggressive ,epicureanism--at a time when the title of ,epicurean stood for freethinker #afge--;he plainly sets up a rationalist standard1 affirming that science is founded on reason and ,nature1 and that ,nature is ,god4 ,not content with a theoretic defiance of the faith1 he violently attacked the ,church4 ,it was probably to the protection of ,alfonso of ,aragon1 king of ,naples1 who though pious was not pro-clerical1 #afgf that ,valla was able to do what he did1 above all to write his famous treatise1 ,de falso credita et ementita ,constantini donatione1 wherein he definitely proved once for all that the donation in question was a fiction4 #afgg ,such an opinion had been earlier maintained at the ,council of ,basle by neas ,sylvius1 afterwards ,pope ,pius ,,ii1 and before him by the remarkable ,nicolaus of ,cusa2 #afgh but when the existence of ,valla's work was known he had to fly from ,rome afresh 7#addc7 to ,naples1 where he had previously been protected for seven years4 ,applying the same critical spirit to more sacrosanct literature1 he impugned the authenticity of the ,apostles' ,creed1 and of the letter of ,abgarus to ,jesus ,christ1 given by ,eusebius2 proceeding further to challenge many of the mistranslations in the ,vulgate4 #afgi ,for his untiring propaganda he was summoned before the ,inquisition at ,naples1 but as usual was protected by the king1 whom he satisfied by professing faith in the dogmas of the ,church1 as distinguished from ecclesiastical history and philology4 ,it was characteristic of the life of ,italy1 hopelessly committed on economic grounds to the ,church1 that ,valla finally sought and found reconciliation with the papacy4 ,he knew that his safety at ,naples depended on the continued anti-papalism of the throne2 he yearned for the society of ,rome2 and his heart was all the while with the cause of ,latin scholarship rather than with that of a visionary reformation4 ,in his as in so many cases1 accordingly1 intellectual rectitude gave way to lower interests2 and he made unblushing offers of retractation to cardinals and pope4 ,in view of the extreme violence of his former attacks1 #afhj it is not surprising that the reigning ,pope1 ,eugenius ,,iv1 refused to be appeased2 but on the election of ,nicholas ,v 7#addg7 he was sent for2 and he died secretary to the ,curia and ,canon of ,st4 ,john ,lateran4 #afha ,where so much of anti-clericalism could find harbourage within the ,church1 there was naturally no lack of it without2 and from the period of ,boccaccio till the ,catholic reaction after the ,reformation a large measure of anti-clerical feeling is a constant feature in ,italian life4 ,it was so ingrained that the ,church had on the whole to leave it alone4 ,from pope to monk the mass of the clergy had forfeited respect2 and gibes at their expense were household words1 #afhb and the basis of popular songs4 ,tommaso ,guardati of ,salerno1 better known as ,masuccio1 attacks all orders of clergy in his collection of tales with such fury that only the protection of the court of ,naples could well have saved him2 and yet he was a good ,catholic4 #afhc ,the popular poetic literature1 with certain precautions1 carried the anti-clerical spirit as far as to parade a humorous non-literary skepticism1 putting in the mouths of the questionable characters in its romances all manner of anti-religious opinions which it would be unsafe to print as one's own1 but which in this way reached appreciative readers who were more or less in sympathy with the author's sentiments and stratagems4 ,the ,morgante ,maggiore of ,pulci 7#adhh7 is the great type of such early ,voltairean humour3 #afhd it revives the spirit of the ,goliards1 and passes unscathed in the new ,renaissance world1 where the earlier ,provenal impiety had gone the way of the ,inquisition bonfire1 books and men alike4 ,beneath its mockery there is a constant play of rational thought1 and every phase of contemporary culture is glanced at in the spirit of always unembittered humour which makes ,pulci the most lovable among the great poets of the ,renaissance4 #afhe ,it is noteworthy that ,pulci is found affirming the doctrine of an ,antipodes with absolute openness1 and with impunity1 over a hundred years before ,galileo4 ,this survival of ancient pagan science seems to have been obscurely preserved all through the ,middle ,ages4 ,in the eighth century1 as we have seen1 the priest ,feargal or ,vergilius1 of ,bavaria1 was deposed from his office by the ,pope1 on the urging of ,st4 ,boniface1 for maintaining it2 but he was reinstated1 died a bishop1 and became a saint2 and not only that doctrine1 but that of the two-fold motion of the earth1 was affirmed with impunity before ,pulci by ,nicolaus of ,cusa #afhf 7d4 #adfd72 though in the fourteenth century ,nicolaus of ,autricuria had to recant his teaching of the atomistic theory4 #afhg ,as ,pulci had specially satirized the clergy and ecclesiastical miracles1 his body was refused burial in consecrated ground2 but the general temper was such as to save him from clerical enmity up to that point4 ,the ,inquisition too was now greatly enfeebled throughout central and northern as well as southern ,italy4 ,in #addj the materialist1 mathematician1 and astrologer ,amadeo de' ,landi1 of ,milan1 was accused of heresy by the orthodox ,franciscans4 ,not only was he acquitted1 but his chief accuser was condemned in turn to make public retractation1 which he however declined to do4 #afhh ,fifty years later the ,inquisition was still nearly powerless4 ,in #adig we find a freethinking physician at ,bologna1 ,gabriele de ,sal1 protected by his patrons against its wrath1 although he was in the habit of maintaining that ,christ was not ,god1 but the son of ,joseph and ,mary 4442 that by his cunning he had deceived the world2 that he may have died on the cross on account of crimes which he had committed1 #afhi and so forth4 ,nineteen years before1 ,galeotto ,marcio had come near being burned for writing that any man who lived uprightly according to his own conscience would go to heaven1 whatever his faith2 and it needed the ,pope1 ,sixtus ,,iv1 his former pupil1 to save him from the ,inquisition4 #afij ,others1 who went further1 ran similar risks2 and in #aejj ,giorgio da ,novara was burned at ,bologna1 presumptively for denying the divinity of ,jesus4 #afia ,a bishop of ,aranda1 however1 is said to have done the same with impunity1 in the same year1 #afib besides rejecting hell and purgatory1 and denouncing indulgences as a device of the popes to fill their pockets4 ,during this period too the philosophy of ,averros1 as set forth in his ,great ,commentary on ,aristotle1 was taught in ,north ,italy with an outspokenness not before known4 ,gaetano of ,siena began to lecture on the ,commentary at ,padua in #adcf2 it was in part printed there in #adgb2 and from #adga to #adii ,nicoletto ,vernias seems to have taught1 in the ,paduan chair of philosophy1 the ,averrost doctrine of the world-soul1 thus virtually denying the ,christian doctrine of immortality4 ,violent opposition was raised when his pupil ,niphus 7,nifo7 printed similar doctrine in a treatise ,de ,intellectu et ,dmonibus 7#adib72 but the professors when necessary disclaimed the more dangerous tenets of ,averrosm4 #afic ,nifo it was who put into print the maxim of his tribe3 ,loquendum est ut plures1 sententiendum ut pauci--think with the few2 speak with the majority4 #afid ,as in ancient ,greece1 humorous blasphemy seems to have fared better than serious unbelief4 #afie ,as is remarked by ,hallam1 the number of vindications of ,christianity produced in ,italy in the fifteenth century proves the existence of much unbelief2 #afif and it is clear that1 apart from academic doubt1 there was abundant freethinking among men of the world4 #afig ,erasmus was astonished at the unbelief he found in high quarters in ,rome4 ,one ecclesiastic undertook to prove to him from ,pliny that there is no future state2 others openly derided ,christ and the apostles2 and many avowed to him that they had heard eminent papal functionaries blaspheming the ,mass4 #afih ,the biographer of ,pope ,paul ,,ii has recorded how that pontiff found in his own court1 among certain young men1 the opinion that faith rested rather on trickeries of the saints 7sanctorum astutiis7 than on evidence2 which opinion the ,pope eradicated4 #afii ,but in the career of ,perugino 7#addf-aebd71 who from being a sincerely religious painter became a skeptic in his wrath against the ,church which slew ,savonarola1 #agjj we have evidence of a movement of things which no papal fiat could arrest4 ,as to the beliefs of the great artists in general we have little information4 ,employed as they so often were in painting religious subjects for the churches1 they must as a rule have conformed outwardly2 and the artistic temper is more commonly credent than skeptical4 ,but in the case of one of the greatest1 ,leonardo da ,vinci 7#adeb-aeai71 we have evidence of a continual play of critical scrutiny on the world1 and a continual revolt against mere authority1 which seem incompatible with any acceptance of ,christian dogma4 ,in his many notes1 unpublished till modern times1 his universal genius plays so freely upon so many problems that he cannot be supposed to have ignored those of religion4 ,his stern appraisement of the mass of men #agja carries with it no evangelical qualifications2 his passion for knowledge is not ,christian2 #agjb and his reiterated rejection of the principle of authority in science #agjc and in literature #agjd tells of a spirit which1 howsoever it might practise reticence1 cannot have been inwardly docile to either priesthood or tradition4 ,in all his reflections upon philosophic and scientific themes he is1 in the scientific sense1 materialistic--that is1 inductive1 studious of experiment1 insistent upon tangible data4 #agje ,wisdom is daughter of experience2 #agjf truth is the daughter of time2 #agjg there is no effect in ,nature without a reason2 #agjh all our knowledge originates in sensations #agji--such are the dicta he accumulates in an age of superstition heightened by the mutability of life1 of ecclesiastical tyranny tempered only by indifferentism1 of faith in astrology and amulets1 of benumbing tradition in science and philosophy4 ,on the problem of the phenomena of fossil shells he pronounces with a searching sagacity of inference #agaj that seems to reveal at once the extent to which the advance of science has been blocked by pious obscurantism4 #agaa ,in all directions we see the great artist1 a century before ,bacon1 anticipating ,bacon's protests and questionings1 and this with no such primary bias to religion as ,bacon had acquired at his mother's knee4 ,when he turns to the problems of body and spirit he is as dispassionate1 as keenly speculative1 as over those of external nature4 #agab ,of magic he is entirely contemptuous1 not in the least on religious grounds1 though he glances at these1 but simply for the folly of it4 #agac ,all that tells of religious feeling in him is summed up in a few utterances expressive of a vague theism2 #agad while he has straight thrusts at religious fraud and absurdity4 #agae ,it is indeed improbable that a mind so necessitated to discourse of its thought1 however gifted for prudent silence1 can have subsisted without private sympathy from kindred souls4 ,skepticism was admittedly abundant2 and ,leonardo of all men can least have failed to reckon with its motives4 ,perhaps the most fashionable form of quasi-freethinking in the ,italy of the fifteenth century was that which prevailed in the ,platonic ,academy of ,florence in the period1 though the chief founder of the ,academy1 ,marsilio ,ficino1 wrote a defence of ,christianity1 and his most famous adherent1 ,giovanni ,pico della ,mirandola1 planned another4 ,renaissance ,platonism began with the ,greek ,georgios ,gemistos1 surnamed ,plethon because of his devotion to ,plato1 which was such as to scandalize common ,christians and exasperate ,aristotelians4 ,the former had the real grievance that his system ostensibly embodied polytheism and logically involved pantheism2 #agaf and one of his antagonists1 ,gennadios ,georgios ,scolarios1 who became patriarch of ,constantinople1 caused his book ,on ,laws to be burned2 #agag but the allegation of his ,aristotelian enemy and countryman1 ,georgios ,trapezuntios1 that he prayed to the sun as creator of the world1 #agah is only one of the polemical amenities of the period4 ,ostensibly he was a believing ,christian1 stretching ,christian love to accommodate the beliefs of ,plato2 but it was not zeal for orthodoxy that moved ,cosimo dei ,medici1 at ,florence1 to embrace the new ,platonism1 and train up ,marsilio ,ficino to be its prophet4 ,the furor allegoricus which inspired the whole school #agai was much more akin to ancient ,gnosticism than to orthodox ,christianity1 and constantly points to pantheism #agbj as the one philosophic solution of its ostensible polytheism4 ,when1 too1 ,ficino undertakes to vindicate ,christianity against the unbelievers in his ,della ,religione ,cristiana1 the most solid arguments that he can find in its favour are the answers of the ,sibyls1 and the prophecies of the coming of ,jesus ,christ to be found in ,virgil1 ,plato1 ,plotinus1 and ,porphyry4 #agba ,how far such a spirit of expatiation and speculation1 however visionary and confused1 tended to foster heresy is seen in the brief career of the once famous young ,pico della ,mirandola1 ,ficino's wealthy pupil4 ,parading a portentous knowledge of tongues #agbb and topics at the age of twenty-four1 he undertook 7#adhf7 to maintain a list of nine hundred ,conclusiones or propositions at ,rome against all comers1 and to pay their expenses4 ,though he had obtained the permission of the ,pope1 ,innocent ,,viii1 the challenge speedily elicited angry charges of heresy against certain of the theses1 and the ,pope had to stop the proceedings and issue an ecclesiastical commission of inquiry4 ,some of the propositions were certainly ill adjusted to ,catholic ideas1 in particular the sayings that neither the cross of ,christ nor any image is to be adored adoratione latri--with worship2 that no one believes what he believes merely because he wishes to2 and that ,jesus did not physically descend into hell4 #agbc ,pico1 retiring to ,florence1 defended himself in an ,apologia1 which provoked fresh outcry2 whereupon he was summoned to proceed to ,rome2 and though the powerful friendship of ,lorenzo dei ,medici procured a countermand of the order1 it was not till #adif that he received1 from ,alexander ,,vi1 a full papal remission4 ,among the unachieved projects of his later life1 which ended at the age of thirty-one1 was that of a treatise ,adversus ,hostes ,ecclesi1 to be divided into seven sections1 the first dealing with ,the avowed and open enemies of ,christianity1 and the second with ,atheists and those who reject every religious system upon their own reasoning2 and the others with ,jews1 ,moslems1 idolaters1 heretics1 and unrighteous believers4 #agbd ,the vogue of unbelief thus signified was probably increased by the whole speculative habit of ,pico's own school1 #agbe which tended only less than ,averrosm to a pantheism subversive of the ,christian creed4 ,it is noteworthy that1 while ,ficino believed devoutly in astrology1 #agbf ,pico rejected it1 and left among his confused papers a treatise against it which his nephew contrived to transcribe and publish2 #agbg but it does not appear that this served either the cause of religion or that of science4 ,the educated ,italian world1 while political independence lasted1 remained in various degrees freethinking1 pantheistic1 and given to astrology1 no school or teacher combining rationalism in philosophy with sound scientific methods4 ,one of the great literary figures of the later ,renaissance1 ,niccol ,machiavelli 7#adfi-aebg71 is the standing proof of the divorce of the higher intelligence of ,italy from the faith as well as the cause of the ,church before the ,reformation4 ,with this divorce he expressly charges the ,church itself1 giving as the first proof of its malfeasance that the peoples nearest ,rome were the least religious4 #agbh ,to him the ,church was the supreme evil in ,italian politics1 #agbi the stone in the wound4 ,in a famous passage he gives his opinion that our religion1 having shown us the truth and the true way1 makes us esteem less political honour 7l'onore del mondo72 and that whereas the pagan religion canonized only men crowned with public honour1 as generals and statesmen1 our religion has glorified rather the humble and contemplative men than the active1 placing the highest good in humility and abjection1 teaching rather to suffer than to do1 and so making the world debile and ready to be a prey to scoundrels4 #agcj ,the passage which follows1 putting the blame on men for thus misreading their religion1 is a fair sample of the grave mockery with which the men of that age veiled their unfaith4 #agca ,machiavelli was reputed in his own world an atheist2 #agcb and he certainly was no religionist4 ,he indeed never avows atheism1 but neither did any other writer of the epoch2 #agcc and the whole tenour of his writings is that of a man who had at least put aside the belief in a prayer-answering deity2 #agcd though1 with the intellectual arbitrariness which still affected all the thought of his age1 he avows a belief that all great political changes are heralded by prodigies1 celestial signs1 prophecies1 or revelations #agce--;here conforming to the ordinary superstition of his troublous time4 ,it belongs1 further1 to the manifold self-contradiction of the ,renaissance that1 holding none of the orthodox religious beliefs1 he argues insistently and at length for the value and importance of religion1 however untrue1 as a means to political strength4 ,through five successive chapters of his ,discourses on ,livy he presses and illustrates his thesis1 praising ,numa as a sagacious framer of useful fictions1 and as setting up new and false beliefs which made for the unification and control of the ,roman people4 ,the argument evolved with such strange candour is1 of course1 of the nature of so much ,renaissance science1 an priori error3 there was no lack of religious faith and fear in primitive ,rome before the age of ,numa2 and the legend concerning him is a product of the very primordial mythopoiesis which ,machiavelli supposes him to have set on foot4 ,it is in the spirit of that fallacious theory of a special superinduced religiosity in ,romans #agcf that the great ,florentine proceeds to charge the ,church with having made the ,italians religionless and vicious 7senza religione e cattivi74 ,had he lived a century or two later he might have seen in the case of zealously believing ,spain a completer political and social prostration than had fallen in his day on ,italy1 and this alongside of regeneration in an unbelieving ,france4 ,but indeed it was the bitterness of spirit of a suffering patriot looking back yearningly to an idealized ,rome1 rather than the insight of the author of ,the ,prince1 #agcg that inspired his reasoning on the political uses of religion2 for at the height of his exposition he notes1 with his keen eye for fact1 how the most strenuous use of religious motive had failed to support the ,samnites against the cool courage of ,romans led by a rationalizing general2 #agch and he notes1 too1 with a sardonic touch of hopefulness1 how ,savonarola had contrived to persuade the people of contemporary ,florence that he had intercourse with deity4 #agci ,italy then had faith enough and to spare4 ,such argument1 in any case1 even if untouched by the irony which tinges ,machiavelli's1 could never avail to restore faith2 men cannot become believers on the motive of mere belief in the value of belief2 and the total effect of ,machiavelli's manifold reasoning on human affairs1 with its startling lucidity1 its constant insistence on causation1 its tacit negation of every notion of ,providence1 must have been1 in ,italy as elsewhere1 rather to prepare the way for inductive science than to rehabilitate supernaturalism1 even among those who assented to his theory of ,roman development4 ,in his hands the method of science begins to emerge1 turned to the most difficult of its tasks1 before ,copernicus had applied it to the simpler problem of the motion of the solar system4 ,after centuries in which the name of ,aristotle had been constantly invoked to small scientific purpose1 this man of the world1 who knew little or nothing of ,aristotle's ,politics1 #agdj exhibits the spirit of the true ,aristotle for the first time in the history of ,christendom2 and it is in his land after two centuries of his influence that modern sociology begins its next great stride in the work of ,vico4 ,he is to be understood1 of course1 as the product of the moral and intellectual experience of the ,renaissance1 which prepared his audience for him4 ,guicciardini1 his contemporary1 who in comparison was unblamed for irreligion1 though an even warmer hater of the papacy1 has left in writing the most explicit avowals of incredulity as to the current conceptions of the supernatural1 and declares concerning miracles that as they occur in every religion they prove none4 #agda ,at the same time he professes firm faith in ,christianity2 #agdb and others who would not have joined him there were often as inconsistent in the ready belief they gave to magic and astrology4 ,the time was1 after all1 one of artistic splendour and scientific and critical ignorance2 #agdc and its freethought had the inevitable defects that ignorance entails4 ,thus the belief in the reality of witchcraft1 sometimes discarded by churchmen1 #agdd is sometimes maintained by heretics4 ,rejected by ,john of ,salisbury in the twelfth century1 and by the freethinking ,pietro of ,abano in #acjc1 it was affirmed and established by ,thomas ,aquinas1 asserted by ,gregory ,,ix1 and made a motive for uncounted slaughters by the ,inquisition4 ,in #adfj a theologian had been forced to retract1 and still punished1 for expressing doubt on the subject2 and in #adga ,pope ,sixtus ,,vi reserved to the papacy the privilege of making and selling the waxen models of limbs used as preservatives against enchantments4 ,in the sixteenth century a whole series of books directed against the belief were put on the ,index1 and a ,jesuit handbook codified the creed4 ,yet a ,minorite friar1 ,alfonso ,spina1 pronounced it a heretical delusion1 and taught that those burned suffered not for witchcraft but for heresy1 #agde and on the other hand some men of a freethinking turn held it4 ,thus the progress of rational thought was utterly precarious4 ,of the literary freethinking of the later ,renaissance the most famous representative is ,pomponazzi1 or ,pomponatius 7#adfb-aebe71 for whom it has been claimed that he really initiated the philosophy of the ,italian ,renaissance4 #agdf ,the ,italian ,renaissance1 however1 was in reality near its turning-point when ,pomponazzi's treatise on the ,immortality of the ,soul appeared 7#aeaf72 and that topic was the commonest in the schools and controversies of that day4 #agdg ,he has been at times spoken of as an ,averrost1 on the ground that he denied immortality2 but he did so in reality as a disciple of ,alexander of ,aphrodisias1 a rival commentator to ,averros4 ,what is remarkable in his case is not the denial of immortality1 which we have seen to be frequent in ,dante's time1 and more or less implicit in ,averrosm1 but his contention that ethics could do very well without the belief #agdh--;a thing that it still took some courage to affirm1 though the spectacle of the life of the faithful might have been supposed sufficient to win it a ready hearing4 ,presumably his rationalism1 which made him challenge the then canonical authority of the scholasticized ,aristotle1 went further than his avowed doubts as to a future state2 since his profession of obedience to the ,church's teaching1 and his reiteration of the old academic doctrine of two-fold truth--one truth for science and philosophy1 and another for theology #agdi--;are as dubious as any in philosophic history4 #agej ,of him1 or of ,lorenzo ,valla1 more justly than of ,petrarch1 might it be said that he is the father of modern criticism1 since ,valla sets on foot at once historical and textual analysis1 while ,pomponazzi anticipates the treatment given to ,biblical miracles by the rationalizing ,german theologians of the end of the eighteenth century4 #agea ,he too was a fixed enemy of the clergy2 and it was not for lack of will that they failed to destroy him4 ,he happened to be a personal favourite of ,leo ,x1 who saw to it that the storm of opposition to ,pomponazzi--a storm as much of anger on behalf of ,aristotle1 who had been shown by him to doubt the immortality of the soul1 as on behalf of ,christianity--should end in an official farce of reconciliation4 #ageb ,he was however not free to publish his treatises1 ,de ,incantationibus and ,de ,fato1 ,libero ,arbitrio1 et ,prdestinatione4 ,these1 completed in #aebj1 were not printed till after his death1 in #aeef and #aeeg2 #agec and by reason of their greater simplicity1 as well as of their less dangerous form of heresy1 were much more widely read than the earlier treatise1 thus contributing much to the spread of sane thought on the subjects of witchcraft1 miracles1 and special providences4 ,whether his metaphysic on the subject of the immortality of the soul had much effect on popular thought may be doubted4 ,what the ,renaissance most needed in both its philosophic and its practical thought was a scientific foundation2 and science1 from first to last1 was more hindered than helped by the environment4 ,in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries1 charges of necromancy against physicians and experimenters were frequently joined with imputations of heresy1 and on such charges not a few were burned4 #aged ,the economic conditions too were all unfavourable to solid research4 ,when ,galileo in #aehi was made ,professor of ,mathematics at ,pisa1 his salary was only #fj scudi 7 dollars71 while the ,professor of ,medicine got #b1jjj4 7,karl von ,gebler1 ,galileo ,galilei1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahgi1 p4 #i47 ,at ,padua1 later1 ,galileo had #ebj florins1 with a prospect of rising to as many scudi4 7,letter given in ,the ,private ,life of ,galileo1 ,boston1 #ahgj1 p4 #fa47 ,the ,grand ,duke finally gave him a pension of #a1jjj scudi at ,florence4 7,id4 p4 #fd47 ,this squares with ,bacon's complaint 7,advancement of ,learning1 bk4 ii2 ,de ,augmentis1 bk4 ii1 ch4 i--,works1 ,routledge ed4 pp4 #gf1 #dbb-bc7 that1 especially in ,england1 the salaries of lecturers in arts and professions were injuriously small1 and that1 further1 among so many noble foundations of colleges in ,europe 444 they are all dedicated to professions1 and none left free to the study of arts and sciences at large4 ,in ,italy1 however1 philosophy was fairly well endowed4 ,pomponazzi received a salary of #ijj ,bolognese lire when he obtained the chair of ,philosophy at ,bologna in #aeji4 7,christie1 essay cited1 p4 #ach47 ,medicine was nearly as dogmatic as theology4 ,even philosophy was in large part shouldered aside by the financial motives which led men to study law in preference2 #agee and when the revival of ancient literature gained ground it absorbed energy to the detriment of scientific study1 #agef the wealthy amateurs being ready to pay high prices for manuscripts of classics1 and for classical teaching2 but not for patient investigation of natural fact4 ,the humanists1 so-called1 were often forces of enlightenment and reform2 witness such a type as the high-minded ,pomponio ,leto 7,pomponius ,laetus71 pupil and successor of ,lorenzo ,valla1 and one of the many pagan scholars of the later ,renaissance2 #ageg but the discipline of mere classical culture was insufficient to make them1 as a body1 qualified leaders either of thought or action1 #ageh in such a society as that of decaying ,italy4 ,only after the fall of ,italian liberties1 the decay of the ,church's wealth and power1 the loss of commerce1 and the consequent decline of the arts1 did men turn to truly scientific pursuits4 ,from ,italy1 indeed1 long after the ,reformation1 came a new stimulus to freethought which affected all the higher civilization of northern ,europe4 ,but the failure to solve the political problem1 a failure which led to the ,spanish tyranny1 meant the establishment of bad conditions for the intellectual as for the social life2 and an arrest of freethought in ,italy was a necessary accompaniment of the arrest of the higher literature4 ,what remained was the afterglow of a great and energetic period rather than a spirit of inquiry2 and we find the old ,averrost scholasticism1 in its most pedantic form1 lasting at the university of ,padua till far into the seventeenth century4 ,a philosophy1 remarks in this connection an esteemed historian1 a mode of thought1 a habit of mind1 may live on in the lecture-rooms of ,professors for a century after it has been abandoned by the thinkers1 the men of letters1 and the men of the world4 #agei ,the avowal has its bearings nearer home than ,padua4 ,while it lasted1 the light of ,italy had shone upon all the thought of ,europe4 ,not only the other nations but the scholars of the ,jewish race reflected it2 for to the first half of the sixteenth century belongs the ,jew ,menahem ,asariah de ,rossi1 whose work1 ,meor ,enayim1 ,light of the ,eyes1 is the first attempt by a ,jew to submit the statements of the ,talmud to a critical examination1 and to question the value of tradition in its historical records4 ,and he did not stand alone among the ,jews of ,italy2 for1 while ,elijah ,delmedigo1 at the end of the fifteenth century1 was in a didactic ,maimonist fashion doubtful of literary tradition1 his grandson1 ,joseph ,solomon ,delmedigo1 flourishing early in the seventeenth century1 wrote various pamphlets of a deeply skeptical character4 #agfj ,that this movement of ,jewish rationalism should be mainly limited to the south was inevitable1 since there only were ,jewish scholars in an intellectual environment4 ,there could be no better testimony to the higher influence of the ,italian ,renaissance4 #b4 ,,the ,,french ,,evolution ,in the other countries influenced by ,italian culture in the sixteenth century the rationalist spirit had various fortune4 ,france1 as we saw1 had substantially retrograded at the time of the ,italian new-birth1 her revived militarism no less than her depression by the ,english conquests having deeply impaired her intellectual life in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries4 ,thus the true renascence of letters in ,france began late1 and went on during the ,reformation period2 and all along it showed a tincture of freethought4 ,from the midst of the group who laid the foundations of ,french ,protestantism by translations of the ,bible there comes forth the most articulate freethinker of that age1 ,bonaventure ,desperiers1 author of the ,cymbalum ,mundi 7#aecg74 ,early associated with ,calvin and ,olivetan in revising the translation of the ,bible by ,lefvre d',etaples 7rev4 #aece71 ,desperiers turned away from the ,protestant movement1 as did ,rabelais and tienne ,dolet1 caring as little for the new presbyter as for the old priest2 and all three were duly accused by the ,protestants of atheism and libertinage4 #agfa ,in the same year ,desperiers aided ,dolet1 scholar and printer1 to produce his much-praised ,commentarii lingu latin2 and within two years he had printed his own satire1 ,cymbalum ,mundi1 #agfb wherein1 by way of pagan dialogues1 are allegorically ridiculed the ,christian scheme1 its miracles1 ,bible contradictions1 and the spirit of persecution1 then in full fire in ,france against the ,protestants4 ,in the first dialogue ,mercury is sent to ,athens by ,zeus the ,father to have the ,book of the ,destinies rebound--an adaptation of an ancient sarcasm against the ,christians by ,celsus4 #agfc ,he1 robbing others1 is robbed of the book1 and another 7 the ,new ,testament7 is put in its place4 ,in the second dialogue figure ,rhetulus 7 ,lutherus7 and ,cubercus 7 ,bucerus871 who suppose they have found the main pieces of the philosopher's stone1 which ,mercury had broken and scattered in the sand of the theatre arena4 ,protestants and ,catholics are thus alike ridiculed4 ,the allegory is not always clear to modern eyes2 but there was no question then about its general bearing2 and ,desperiers1 though groom of the chamber 7after ,clement ,marot7 to ,marguerite of ,france 7later of ,navarre71 had to fly for his life1 as ,marot did before him4 ,the first edition of his book1 secretly printed at ,paris1 was seized and destroyed2 and the second 7#aech71 printed for him at ,lyons1 whither he had taken his flight1 seems to have had a similar fate4 ,from that time he disappears1 probably dying1 whether or not by suicide is doubtful1 #agfd before #aedd1 when his miscellaneous works were published4 ,they include his ,o,euvres ,diverses--many of them graceful poems addressed to his royal mistress1 ,marguerite--which1 with his verse translation of the ,andria of ,terence and his ,discours non plus ,melancoliques que ,divers1 make up his small body of work4 ,in the ,discours may be seen applied to matters of history and scholarship the same critical spirit that utters itself in the ,cymbalum1 and the same literary gift2 but for orthodoxy his name became a hissing and a byword1 and it is only in modern times that ,french scholarship has recognized in ,desperiers the true literary comrade and potential equal of ,rabelais and ,marot4 #agfe ,the age of ,francis was too inclement for such literature as his ,cymbalum2 and it was much that it spared ,gringoire 7d4 #aedd71 who1 without touching doctrine1 satirized in his verse both priests and ,protestants4 ,it is something of a marvel1 further1 that it spared ,rabelais 78 #adic-aeec71 whose enormous raillery so nearly fills up the literary vista of the age for modern retrospect4 ,it has been said by a careful student that the free and universal inquiry1 the philosophic doubt1 which were later to work the glory of ,descartes1 proceed from ,rabelais2 #agff and it is indeed an impression of boundless intellectual curiosity and wholly unfettered thinking that is set up by his entire career4 ,sent first to the convent school of ,la ,baumette1 near ,angers1 he had there as a schoolfellow ,geoffroy d',estissac1 afterwards his patron as ,bishop of ,maillezais4 ,sent later to the convent school of ,fontenay-le-,comte1 he had the luck to have for schoolfellows there the four famous brothers ,du ,bellay1 so well able to protect him in later life2 and1 forced to spend fifteen years of his young life 7#aeji-bd7 at ,fontenay as a ,franciscan monk1 he turned the time to account by acquiring an immense erudition1 including a knowledge of ,greek1 then rare4 #agfg ,naturally the book-lover was not popular among his fellow-monks2 and his ,greek books were actually confiscated by the chapter1 who found in his cell certain writings of ,erasmus1 #agfh to whom as a scholar he afterwards expressed the deepest intellectual obligations4 ,thereafter1 by the help of his friend d',estissac1 now bishop of the diocese1 ,rabelais received papal permission to join the order of the ,benedictines and to enter the ,abbey of ,maillezais as a canon regular 7#aebd72 but soon after1 though he was thus a fully-ordained priest1 we find him broken loose1 and living for some six years a life of wandering freedom as a secular priest1 sometimes with his friend the bishop1 winning friends in high places by his learning and his gaiety1 everywhere studying and observing4 ,at the bishop's priory of ,ligug he seems to have studied hard and widely4 ,in #aecj he is found at ,montpellier1 extending his studies in medicine1 in which he speedily won distinction1 becoming ,b4,m4 on ,december #a1 and a lecturer in the following year4 ,he was later esteemed one of the chief anatomists of his day1 being one of the first to dissect the human body and to insist on the need of such training for physicians2 #agfi and in #aecb #aggj we find him characterized as the true great universal spirit of this time4 #agga ,in the same year he published at ,lyons1 where he was appointed physician to the chief hospital1 an edition of the ,latin letters of the ,ferrarese physician ,manardi2 and his own commentaries on ,galen and ,hippocrates1 which had a very poor sale4 #aggb ,at ,lyons he made the acquaintance of ,dolet1 ,marot1 and ,desperiers2 and his letter 7of the same year7 to ,erasmus 7printed as addressed to ,bernard de ,salignac #aggc7 showed afresh how his intellectual sympathies went4 ,about #aecb he produced his ,gargantua and ,pantagruel1 the first two books of his great humoristic romance2 and in #aecc began his series of almanacks1 continued till #aeej1 presumably as printer's hack-work4 ,from the fragments which have been preserved1 they appear to have been entirely serious in tone1 one containing a grave theistic protest against all astrological prediction4 ,along with the almanack of #aecc1 however1 he produced a ,pantagruelian ,prognostication2 and this1 which alone has been preserved entire1 #aggd passes hardy ridicule on astrology1 #agge one of the most popular superstitions of the day1 among high and low alike4 ,almost immediately the ,sorbonne was on his track1 condemning his ,pantagruel in #aecc4 #aggf ,a journey soon afterwards to ,rome1 in the company of his friend ,bishop ,jean du ,bellay1 the ,french ambassador1 may have saved him some personal experience of persecution4 ,two years later1 when the ,bishop went to ,rome to be made cardinal1 ,rabelais again accompanied him2 and he appears to have been a favourite alike with ,pope ,clement ,,vii and ,paul ,,iii4 ,at the end of #aece we find him1 in a letter to his patron1 the bishop of ,maillezais1 scoffing at the astrological leanings of the new ,pope1 ,paul ,,iii4 #aggg ,nonetheless1 upon a formal ,supplicatio pro apostasia1 he obtained from the ,pope in #aecf an absolution for his breach of his monastic vows1 with permission to practise medicine in a ,benedictine monastery4 ,shortly before1 his little son ,thodule had died2 #aggh and it may have been grief that inspired such a desire3 in any case1 the papal permission to turn monk again was never used1 #aggi though the pardon was doubtless serviceable4 ,taking his degree as doctor at ,montpellier in ,may1 #aecg1 he there lectured for about a year on anatomy2 and in the middle of #aech he recommenced a wandering life1 #aghj practising in turn at ,narbonne1 ,castres1 and ,lyons4 ,then1 after becoming a ,benedictine canon of ,st4 ,maur in #aedj1 we find him in ,piedmont from #aedj to #aedc1 under the protection of the viceroy1 ,guillaume de ,bellay4 #agha ,during this period the frequent reprints of the first two books of his main work1 though never bearing his name1 brought upon him the denunciations alike of priests and ,protestants4 ,ramus1 perhaps in revenge for being caricatured as ,raminagrobis1 pronounced him an atheist4 #aghb ,calvin1 who had once been his friend1 had in his book ,de ,scandalis angrily accused him of libertinage1 profanity1 and atheism2 and henceforth1 like ,desperiers1 he was about as little in sympathy with ,protestantism as with the zealots of ,rome4 ,thus assailed1 ,rabelais had seen cause1 in an edition of #aedb1 to modify a number of the hardier utterances in the original issues of the first two books of his ,pantagruel1 notably his many epithets aimed at the ,sorbonne4 #aghc ,in the reprints there are substituted for ,biblical names some drawn from heathen mythology2 expressions too strongly savouring of ,calvinism are withdrawn2 and disrespectful allusions to the kings of ,france are elided4 ,in his concern to keep himself safe with the ,sorbonne he even made a rather unworthy attack #aghd 7#aedb7 on his former friend tienne ,dolet for the mere oversight of reprinting one of his books without deleting passages which ,rabelais had expunged2 #aghe but no expurgation could make his vangile1 as he called it1 #aghf a ,christian treatise1 or keep for him an orthodox reputation2 and it was with much elation that he obtained in #aede from ,king ,francis--whose private reader was his friend ,duchtel1 ,bishop of ,tulle--a privilege to print the third book of ,pantagruel1 which he issued in #aedf1 signed for the first time with his name1 and prefaced by a cry of jovial defiance to the petticoated devils of the ,sorbonne4 ,they at once sought to convict him of fresh blasphemies2 but even the thrice-repeated substitution of an n for an m in me1 making ass out of soul1 was carried off1 by help of ,bishop ,duchtel1 as a printer's error2 and the king1 having laughed like other readers1 maintained the imprimatur4 ,but although it gave ,rabelais formal leave to reprint the first and second books1 he was careful for the time not to do so1 leaving the increasing risk to be run by whoso would4 ,it was on the death of ,francis in #aedg that ,rabelais ran his greatest danger1 having to fly to ,metz1 where for a time he acted as salaried physician of the city4 ,about this time he seems to have written the fourth and fifth books of ,pantagruel2 and to the treatment he had suffered at ,catholic hands has been ascribed the reversion to ,calvinistic ideas noted in the fifth book4 #aghg ,in #aedi1 however1 on the birth of a son to ,henri ,,ii1 his friend ,cardinal ,bellay returned to power1 and ,rabelais to court favour with him4 ,the derider of astrology did not scruple to cast a prosperous horoscope for the infant prince--justifying by strictly false predictions his own estimate of the art1 since the child died in the cradle4 ,there was now effected the dramatic scandal of the appointment of ,rabelais in #aeej to two parish cures1 one of which1 ,meudon1 has given him his most familiar sobriquet4 ,he seems to have left both to be served by vicars2 #aghh but the wrath of the ,church was so great that early in #aeeb he resigned them2 #aghi proceeding immediately afterwards to publish the fourth book of ,pantagruel1 for which he had duly obtained official privilege4 ,as usual1 the ,sorbonne rushed to the pursuit2 and the ,parlement of ,paris forbade the sale of the book despite the royal permission4 ,that permission1 however1 was reaffirmed2 and this1 the most audacious of all the writings of ,rabelais1 went forth freely throughout ,france1 carrying the war into the enemies' camp1 and assailing alike ,protestants and churchmen4 ,in the following year1 his work done1 he died4 ,it is difficult to estimate the intellectual effect of his performance1 which was probably much greater at the end of the century than during his life4 ,patericke1 the ,english translator of ,gentillet's famous ,discours against ,machiavelli 7#aegf71 points to ,rabelais among the ,french and ,agrippa 7an odd parallel7 among the ,germans as the standard-bearers of the whole train of atheists and scoffers4 ,little by little1 that which was taken in the beginning for jests turned to earnest1 and words into deeds4 #agij ,rabelais's vast innuendoes by way of jests about the people of ,ruach 7the ,spirit7 who lived solely on wind2 #agia his quips about the reverend fathers in devil1 of the diabological faculty2 #agib his narratives about the ,papefigues and ,papimanes2 #agic and his gibes at the ,decretals1 #agid were doubtless enjoyed by many good ,catholics otherwise placated by his attacks on the demoniacal ,calvins1 impostors of ,geneva2 #agie and so careful was he on matters of dogma that it remains impossible to say with confidence whether or not he finally believed in a future state4 #agif ,that he was a deist or ,unitarian seems the reasonable inference as to his general creed2 #agig but there also he throws out no negations--even indicates a genial contempt for the philosophe ephectique et pyrrhonien #agih who opposes a halting doubt to two contrary doctrines4 ,in any case1 he was anathema to the heresy-hunters of the ,sorbonne1 and only powerful protection could have saved him4 ,dolet 7#aejh-aedf7 was certainly much less of an unbeliever #agii than ,rabelais2 #ahjj but where ,rabelais could with ultimate impunity ridicule the whole machinery of the ,church1 #ahja ,dolet1 after several iniquitous prosecutions1 in which his jealous rivals in the printing business took part1 was finally done to death in priestly revenge #ahjb for his youthful attack on the religion of inquisitorial ,toulouse1 where gross pagan superstition and gross orthodoxy went hand in hand4 #ahjc ,he certainly lived a life of sturt and strife4 ,born at ,orlans1 he studied in his boyhood at ,paris2 later at ,padua1 under ,simon ,villanovanus1 whom he heard converse with ,sir ,thomas ,more2 then1 at #ba1 for a year at ,venice1 where he was secretary to ,langeac1 the ,french ,bishop of ,limoges4 ,it was at ,toulouse1 where he went in #aecb to study law1 that he began his quarrels and his troubles4 ,in that year1 and in that town1 the young ,jean de ,caturce1 a lecturer in the school of law1 was burned alive on a trivial charge of heresy2 and ,dolet witnessed the tragedy4 #ahjd ,previously there had been a wholesale arrest of suspected ,lutherans--advocates1 procureurs1 ecclesiastics of all sorts1 monks1 friars1 and curs4 #ahje ,thirty-two saved themselves by flight2 but among those arrested was ,jean de ,boysonne1 the most learned and the ablest professor in the university1 much admired by ,rabelais1 #ahjf and afterwards the most intimate friend of ,dolet4 ,it was his sheer love of letters that brought upon him the charge of heresy2 #ahjg but he was forced publicly to abjure ten ,lutheran heresies charged upon him4 ,the students of the time were divided in the old fashion into nations1 and formed societies as such2 and ,dolet1 chosen in #aecd as orator of the ,french group1 as distinct from the ,gascons and the ,tolosans1 in the course of a quarrel of the societies delivered two ,latin orations1 in one of which he vilipended alike the cruelty and the superstitions of ,toulouse4 ,a number of the leading bigots of the place were attacked2 and ,dolet was after an interval of some months thrown into prison1 charged with exciting a riot and with contempt of the ,parlement of ,toulouse4 ,his incarceration did not last long2 but never thereafter was he safe2 and in the remaining thirteen years of his life he was five more times in prison1 for nearly five years in all4 #ahjh ,after he had settled at ,lyons1 and produced his ,commentaries1 he had the bad fortune to kill an enemy who drew sword upon him2 and the pardon he obtained from the king through the influence of ,marguerite of ,navarre remained technically unratified for six years1 during which time he was only provisionally at liberty1 being actually in prison for a short time in #aecg4 ,apart from this episode he showed himself both quarrelsome and vainglorious1 alienating friends who had done much for him2 but his enemies were worse spirits than he4 ,the power of the man drove him to perpetual production no less than to strife2 and his mere activity as a printer went far to destroy him4 ,no calling was more hateful to the friends of bigotry and superstition than that of a printer 7,christie1 as cited1 p4 #chg74 ,nearly all the leading printers of ,france and ,germany were either avowedly in sympathy with ,protestant heresy or suspected of being so 7id4 p4 #chh72 and the issue of an edict by ,king ,francis in #aece for the suppression of printing was at the instance of the ,sorbonne4 ,we shall see that in ,germany the support of the printers1 and their hostility to the priests and monks1 contributed greatly to the success of ,lutheranism4 ,in #aedb he was indicted as a heretic1 but really for publishing ,protestant books of devotion and ,french translations of the ,bible4 ,among the formal offences charged were3 7#a7 his having in his ,cato ,christianus cited as the second commandment the condemnation of all images2 7#b7 his use of the term fate in the sense of predestination2 7#c7 his substitution of habeo fidem for credo2 7#d7 the eating of flesh in ,lent2 and 7#e7 the act of taking a walk during the performance of mass4 #ahji ,on this indictment the two inquisitors ,orry and ,faye delivered him over to the secular arm for execution4 ,again he secured the ,king's pardon 7#aedc71 through the mediation of ,pierre ,duchtel1 the good ,bishop of ,tulle2 but the ecclesiastical resistance was such that1 despite ,dolet's formal recantation1 it required a more plenary pardon1 the express orders of the ,king1 and three official letters to secure his release after a year's detention4 #ahaj ,that was1 however1 swiftly followed by a final and successful prosecution4 ,by a base device two parcels were made of prohibited books printed by ,dolet and of ,protestant books issued at ,geneva2 and these1 bearing his name in large1 were forwarded to ,paris4 ,the parcels were seized1 and he was again arrested1 early in ,january1 #aedd4 ,he contrived to escape to ,piedmont2 but1 returning secretly after six months to print documents of defence1 he was discovered and sent to prison in ,paris4 ,the last pardon having covered all previous writings1 the prosecutors sought in his translation of the pseudo-,platonic dialogues ,axiochus and ,hipparchus1 printed with his last vindication2 and1 finding a slight over-emphasis of ,sokrates's phrase describing the death of the body 7thou shalt no longer be1 rendered by thou shalt no longer be anything at all71 pronounced this a wilful propounding of a heresy1 though in fact there had been no denial of the doctrine of immortality4 #ahaa ,this time the prey was held4 ,after ,dolet had been in prison for twenty months the ,parlement of ,paris ratified the sentence of death2 and he was burned alive on ,august #c1 #aedf4 ,the utter wickedness of the whole process #ahab at least serves to relieve by neighbourhood the darkness of the stains cast on ,protestantism by the crimes of ,calvin4 ,the whole of the clerical opposition to the new learning at this period is not unjustly to be characterized as a malignant cabal of ignorance against knowledge4 ,in ,germany as in ,france real learning was substantially on the side of the persecuted writers4 ,when1 in ,march of #aecg1 ,dolet was entertained at a banquet to celebrate the pardon granted to him by the king for his homicide at ,lyons on the last day of the previous year1 there came to it1 by ,dolet's own account1 the chief lights of learning in ,france--,bud1 the chief ,greek scholar of his time2 ,berauld1 his nearest compeer2 ,dans and ,toussain1 both pupils of ,bud and the first royal professors of ,greek at ,paris2 ,marot1 the ,french ,maro2 ,rabelais1 then regarded as a great new light in medicine2 ,voult1 #ahac and others4 ,the men of enlightenment at first instinctively drew together1 recognizing that on all hands they were surrounded by rabid enemies1 who were the enemies of knowledge4 ,but soon the stresses of the time drove them asunder4 ,voult1 who in this year was praising ,rabelais in ,latin epigrams1 was attacking him in the next as an impious disciple of ,lucian2 #ahad and1 after having warmly befriended ,dolet1 was impeaching him1 not without cause1 as an ingrate4 ,it was an age of passion and violence2 and ,voult was himself assassinated in #aedb by a man who had been unsuccessful in a law-suit against him4 #ahae ,infamous as was the cruelty with which ,dolet was persecuted to the death1 his execution was but a drop in the sea of blood then being shed in ,france by the ,church4 ,the king1 sinking under his maladies1 had become the creature of the priests1 who in defiance of the ,chancellor obtained his signature 7#aede7 to a decree for a renewed persecution of the heretics of the ,vaudois2 and an army1 followed by a ,catholic mob and accompanied by the papal vice-legate of ,avignon1 burst upon the doomed territory and commenced to burn and slay4 ,women captured were violated and then thrown over precipices2 and twice over1 when a multitude of fugitives in a fortified place surrendered on the assurance that their lives and property would be spared1 the commander ordered that all should be put to death4 ,when old soldiers refused to enact such an infamy1 others joyfully obeyed1 the mob aiding2 and among the women were committed1 as usual1 all the crimes of which hell could dream4 ,three towns were destroyed1 #c1jjj persons massacred1 #bef executed1 six or seven hundred more sent to the galleys1 and many children sold as slaves4 #ahaf ,thus was the faith vindicated and safeguarded4 ,of the freethought of such an age there could be no adequate record4 ,its tempestuous energy1 however1 implies not a little of private unbelief2 and at a time when in ,england1 two generations behind ,france in point of literary evolution1 there was1 as we shall see1 a measure of rationalism among religionists1 there must have been at least as much in the land of ,rabelais and ,desperiers4 ,the work of ,guillaume ,postell1 ,de causis seu principiis et originibus ,natur contra ,atheos1 published in #aeeb1 testifies to kinds of unbelief that outwent the doubt of ,rabelais2 though ,postell's general extravagance discounts all of his utterances4 ,it is said of ,guillaume ,pellicier 7#aebg-aefh71 ,bishop of ,montpellier1 who first turned ,protestant and afterwards1 according to ,gui ,patin1 atheist1 that he would have been burned but for the fact of his consecration4 #ahag ,and the ,english chroniclers preserve a scandal concerning an anonymous atheist1 worded as follows3 #aeci4 ,this yeare1 in ,october1 died in the ,universitie of ,parris1 in ,france1 a great doctor1 which said their was no ,god1 and had bene of that opinion synce he was twentie yeares old1 and was above fouerscore yeares olde when he died4 ,and all that tyme had kept his error secrett1 and was esteamed for one of the greatest clarkes in all the ,universitie of ,parris1 and his sentence was taken and holden among the said studentes as firme as scripture1 which shewed1 when he was asked why he had not shewed his opinion till his death1 he answered that for feare of death he durst not1 but when he knew that he should die he said their was no lief to come after this lief1 and so died miserably to his great damnation4 #ahah ,among the eminent ones then surmised to lean somewhat to unbelief was the sister of ,king ,francis1 ,marguerite of ,navarre1 whom we have noted as a protectress of the pantheistic ,libertini1 denounced by ,calvin4 ,she is held to have been substantially skeptical until her forty-fifth year2 #ahai though her final religiousness seems also beyond doubt4 #ahbj ,in her youth she bravely protected the ,protestants from the first persecution of #aebc onwards2 and the strongly ,protestant drift of her ,miroir de l'me pcheresse exasperated the ,catholic theologians2 but after the ,protestant violences of #aedf she seems to have sided with her brother against the ,reform4 #ahba ,the strange taste of the ,heptamron1 of which again her part-authorship seems certain1 #ahbb constitutes a moral paradox not to be solved save by recognizing in her a woman of genius1 whose alternate mysticism and bohemianism expressed a very ancient duality in human nature4 ,a similar mixture will explain the intellectual life of the poet ,ronsard4 ,a persecutor of the ,huguenots1 #ahbc he was denounced as an atheist by two of their ministers2 #ahbd and the pagan fashion in which he handled ,christian things scandalized his own side1 albeit he was hostile to ,rabelais4 ,but though the spirit of the ,french ,renaissance1 so eagerly expressed in the ,dfense et ,illustration de la langue franoise of ,joachim du ,bellay 7#aedi71 is at its outset as emancipated as that of the ,italian1 we find ,ronsard in his latter years edifying the pious4 #ahbe ,any ripe and consistent rationalism1 indeed1 was then impossible4 ,one of the most powerful minds of the age was ,bodin 7#aecj-aeif71 whose ,rpublique is one of the most scientific treatises on government between ,aristotle and our own age1 and whose ,colloquium ,heptaplomeres #ahbf is no less original an outline of a naturalist #ahbg philosophy4 ,it consists of six dialogues1 in which seven men take part1 setting forth the different religious standpoints of ,jew1 ,christian1 pagan1 ,lutheran1 ,calvinist1 and ,catholic1 the whole leading up to a doctrine of tolerance and universalism4 ,bodin was repeatedly and emphatically accused of unbelief by friends and foes2 #ahbh and his rationalism on some heads is beyond doubt2 yet he not only held by the belief in witchcraft1 but wrote a furious treatise in support of it2 #ahbi and he dismissed the system of ,copernicus as too absurd for discussion4 #ahcj ,he also formally vetoes all discussion on faith1 declaring it to be dangerous to religion2 #ahca and by these conformities he probably saved himself from ecclesiastical attack4 #ahcb ,nonetheless1 he essentially stood for religious toleration3 the new principle that was to change the face of intellectual life4 ,a few liberal ,catholics shared it with him to some extent #ahcc long before ,st4 ,bartholomew's ,day2 eminent among them being ,l',hopital1 #ahcd whose humanity1 tolerance1 and concern for practical morality and the reform of the ,church brought upon him the charge of atheism4 ,he was1 however1 a believing ,catholic4 #ahce ,deprived of power1 his edict of tolerance repealed1 he saw the long and ferocious struggle of ,catholics and ,huguenots renewed1 and crowned by the massacre of ,st4 ,bartholomew's ,day 7#aegb74 ,broken-hearted1 and haunted by that monstrous memory1 he died within six months4 ,two years later there was put to death at ,paris1 by hanging and burning1 on the charge of atheism1 ,geoffroi ,valle1 a man of good family in ,orlans4 ,long before1 at the age of sixteen1 he had written a freethinking treatise entitled ,la ,batitude des ,chrtiens1 ou le flau de la foy--a discussion between a ,huguenot1 a ,catholic1 a libertin1 an ,anabaptist and an atheist4 ,he had been the associate of ,ronsard1 who renounced him1 and helped1 it is said1 to bring him to execution4 #ahcf ,it is not unlikely that a similar fate would have overtaken the famous ,protestant scholar and lexicographer1 ,henri ,estienne 7#aecb-aeih71 had he not died unexpectedly4 ,his false repute of being the prince of atheists #ahcg and the ,pantagruel of ,geneva was probably due in large part to his sufficiently audacious ,apologie pour ,hrodote #ahch 7#aeff7 and to his having translated into ,latin 7#aefb7 the ,hypotyposes of ,sextus ,empiricus1 a work which must have made for freethinking4 ,but he was rather a ,protestant than a rationalist4 ,in the former book he had spoken1 either sincerely or ironically1 of the detestable book of ,bonaventure ,desperiers1 calling him a mocker of ,god2 and impeached ,rabelais as a modern ,lucian1 believing neither in ,god nor immortality2 #ahci yet his own performance was fully as well fitted as theirs to cause scandal4 ,it is in fact one of the richest repertories ever formed of scandalous stories against priests1 monks1 nuns1 and popes4 #ahdj ,one literary movement towards better things had begun before the crowning infamy of the ,massacre appalled men into questioning the creed of intolerance4 ,castalio1 whom we shall see driven from ,geneva by ,calvin in #aedd for repugning to the doctrine of predestination1 published pseudonymously1 in #aeed1 in reply to ,calvin's vindication of the slaying of ,servetus1 a tract1 ,de ,haereticis quomodo cum iis agendum sit variorum ,sententi1 in which he contrived to collect some passage from the ,fathers and from modern writers in favour of toleration4 ,to these he prefaced1 by way of a letter to the ,duke of ,wirtemberg1 an argument of his own1 the starting-point of much subsequent propaganda4 #ahda ,aconzio1 another ,italian1 followed in his steps2 and later came ,mino ,celso of ,siena1 with his long and elaborate argument against persecution1 ,de ,haereticis capitali supplicio non afficiendis 7#aehd74 #ahdb ,withal1 ,castalio died in beggary1 ostracized alike by ,protestants and ,catholics1 and befriended only by the ,sozzini1 whose sect was the first to earn collectively the praise of condemning persecution4 #ahdc ,but in the next generation there came to reinforce the cause of humanity a more puissant pen than any of these2 while at the same time the recoil from religious cruelty was setting many men secretly at utter variance with faith4 ,in ,france in particular a generation of insane civil war for religion's sake must have gone far to build up unbelief4 ,even among many who did not renounce the faith1 there went on an open evolution of stoicism1 generated through resort to the teaching of ,epictetus4 ,the atrocities of ,christian civil war and ,christian savagery were such that ,christian faith could give small sustenance to the more thoughtful and sensitive men who had to face them and carry on the tasks of public life the while4 ,the needed strength was given by the masculine discipline which pagan thought had provided for an age of oppression and decadence1 and which had carried so much of healing even for the ,christians who saw decadence carried yet further1 that in the fifth century the ,enchiridion of ,epictetus had been turned by ,st4 ,nilus into a monastic manual1 even as ,ambrose manipulated the borrowed ,stoicism of ,cicero4 #ahdd ,with its devout theism1 the book had appealed to those northern scholars who had mastered ,greek in the early years of the sixteenth century1 when the refugees of ,constantinople had set up ,platonic studies in ,italy4 ,after #aebj1 ,italian ,hellenism rapidly decayed2 #ahde but in the north it never passed away2 and from the stronger men of the new learning in ,germany the taste for ,epictetus passed into ,france4 ,in #aeeh the semi-,protestant legist ,coras--later slain in the massacre of ,st4 ,bartholomew--published at ,toulouse a translation of the apocryphal dialogue of ,epictetus and ,hadrian2 in #aeff the ,protestant poet ,rivaudeau translated the ,enchiridion1 which thenceforth became a culture force in ,france4 #ahdf ,the influence appears in ,montaigne1 in whose essays it is pervasive2 but more directly and formally in the book of ,justus ,lipsius1 ,de ,constantia 7#aehd71 and the same scholar's posthumous dialogues entitled ,manducatio ad philosophiam stocam and ,physiologia stocorum 7#afjd71 which influenced all scholarly ,europe4 ,thus far the ,stoic ethic had been handled with ,christian bias and application2 and ,guillaume ,du ,vair1 who embodied it in his work ,la ,sainte ,philosophie 7#aehh71 was not known as a heretic2 but in his hands it receives no ,christian colouring1 and might pass for the work of a deist4 #ahdg ,and its popularity is to be inferred from his further production of a fresh translation of the ,enchiridion and a ,trait de la philosophie morale des stoques4 ,under ,henri ,,iv he rose to high power2 and his public credit recommended his doctrine4 ,such were the more visible fruits of the late spread of the ,renaissance ferment in ,france while1 torn by the frantic passions of her pious ,catholics1 she passed from the plane of the ,renaissance to that of the new ,europe1 in which the intellectual centre of gravity was to be shifted from the south to the north1 albeit ,italy was still to lead the way1 in ,galileo1 for the science of the modern world4 #c4 ,,the ,,english ,,evolution ,in ,england as in ,france the intellectual life undergoes visible retrogression in the fifteenth century1 while in ,italy1 with the political problem rapidly developing towards catastrophe1 it flourished almost riotously4 ,from the age of ,chaucer1 considered on its intellectual side and as represented mainly by him1 there is a steep fall to almost the time of ,sir ,thomas ,more1 around whom we see as it were the sudden inrush of the ,renaissance upon ,england4 ,the conquest of ,france by ,henry ,v and the ,wars of the ,roses1 between them1 brought ,england to the nadir of mental and moral life4 ,but in the long and ruinous storm the ,middle ,ages1 of which ,wiclif is the last powerful representative1 were left behind1 and a new age begins to be prepared4 ,of a very different type from ,wiclif is the remarkable personality of the ,welshman ,reginald 7or ,reynold7 ,pecock 7#acie8-adfj871 who seems divided from ,wiclif by a whole era of intellectual development1 though born within about ten years of his death4 ,it is a singular fact that one of the most rationalistic minds among the serious writers of the fifteenth century should be an ,english bishop1 #ahdh and an ,ultramontane at that4 ,pecock was an opponent at once of popular ,bibliolatry and of priestly persecution1 declaring that the clergy would be condemned at the last day if they did not draw men into consent to the true faith otherwise than by fire and sword and hanging4 #ahdi ,it was as the rational and temperate defender of the ,church against the attacks of the ,lollards in general that he formulated the principle of natural reason as against scripturalism4 ,this attitude it is that makes his treatise1 the ,repressor of ,overmuch ,blaming of the ,clergy1 the most modern of theoretic books before ,more and ,hooker and ,bacon4 ,that he was led to this measure of rationalism rather by the exigencies of his papalism than by a spontaneous skepticism is suggested by the fact that he stands for the acceptance of miraculous images1 shrines1 and relics1 when the ,lollards are attacking them4 #ahej ,on the other hand1 it is hard to be certain that his belief in the shrines was genuine1 so ill does it consist with his attitude to ,bibliolatry4 ,in a series of serenely argued points he urges his thesis that the ,bible is not the basis of the moral law1 but merely an illustration thereof1 and that the natural reason is obviously presupposed in the bulk of its teaching4 ,he starts from the formulas of ,thomas ,aquinas1 but reaches a higher ground4 ,it is the position of ,hooker1 anticipated by a hundred years2 and this in an age of such intellectual backwardness and literary decadence that the earlier man must be pronounced by far the more remarkable figure4 ,in such a case the full influence of the ,renaissance seems to be at work2 though in the obscurity of the records we can do no more than conjecture that the new contacts with ,french culture between the invasion of ,france by ,henry ,v in #adae and the expulsion of the ,english in #adea may have introduced forces of thought unknown or little known before4 ,if indeed there were ,english opponents of scripture in ,wiclif's day1 the idea must have ripened somewhat in ,pecock's4 ,whether1 however1 the victories of ,jeanne ,d',arc made some unbelievers as well as many dastards among the ,english is a problem that does not seem to have been investigated4 ,pecock's reply to the ,lollards creates the curious situation of a churchman rebutting heretics by being more profoundly heretical than they4 ,in his system1 the ,scriptures reveal only supernatural truths not otherwise attainable1 a way of safeguarding dogma not likely to reassure believers4 ,there is reason1 indeed1 to suspect that ,pecock held no dogma with much zeal2 and when in his well-named treatise 7now lost71 ,the ,provoker1 he denied the authenticity of the ,apostles' ,creed1 he alienated every section of theological opinion in ,england4 ,see ,miss ,a4 ,m4 ,cooke's art4 ,reginald ,pecock in ,dict4 of ,nat4 ,biog4 ,this valuable notice is the best short account of ,pecock2 though the nature of his case is most fully made out by ,hook1 as cited below4 ,it is characteristic of the restricted fashion in which history is still treated that neither in the ,student's ,history of ,professor ,gardiner nor in the ,short ,history of ,green is ,pecock mentioned4 ,earlier ideas concerning him were far astray4 ,the notion of ,foxe1 the martyrologist1 that ,pecock was an early ,protestant1 is a gross error4 ,he held not a single ,protestant tenet1 being a rationalizing papist4 ,a ,german ecclesiastical historian of the eighteenth century 7,werner1 ,kirchengeschichte des #ahten ,jahrhunderts1 #agef1 cited by ,lechler7 calls ,pecock the first ,english deist4 ,see a general view of his opinions in ,lewis's ,life of ,dr4 ,reynold ,pecock 7rep4 #ahbj71 ch4 v4 ,the heresies charged on him are given on p4 #afj2 also in the ,r4 ,t4 ,s4 ,writings and ,examinations1 #ahca1 pp4 #bjj-bja4 ,while rejecting ,bibliolatry1 he yet argued that ,popes and ,councils could make no change in the current creed2 and he thus offended the ,high ,churchmen4 ,cp4 ,massingberd1 ,the ,english ,reformation1 #dth ed4 pp4 #bjf-bji4 ,the main causes of the hostility he met from the ,english hierarchy and ,government appear to have been1 on the one hand1 his change of political party1 which put him in opposition to ,archbishop ,bourchier1 and on the other his zealous championship of the authority of the papacy as against that of the ,councils of the ,church4 ,it was expressly on the score of his denunciation of the ,councils that he was tried and condemned4 #ahea ,thus the reward of his effort to reason down the menacing ,lollards and rebut ,wiclif #aheb was his formal disgrace and virtual imprisonment4 ,had he not recanted1 he would have been burned3 as it was1 his books were2 and it is on record that they consisted of eleven quartos and three folios of manuscript4 ,either because of his papalism or as a result of official intrigue1 ,church and lords and commons were of one mind against him2 and the mob would fain have burned him with his books4 #ahec ,in that age of brutal strife1 when neither the ,church nor the opponents of the ,church had any longer a sway over men's hearts1 #ahed he figures beside the mindless prelates and their lay peers somewhat as does ,more later beside ,henry ,,viii1 as ,reason versus the ,beast2 and it was illustrative of his entire lack of fanaticism that he made the demanded retractations--avowing his sin in trusting to natural reason rather than to ,scripture and the authority of the ,church--and went his way in silence to solitude and death4 ,the ruling powers disposed of ,lollardism in their own way2 and in the ,wars of the ,roses every species of heretical thought seems to disappear4 ,the bribe held out to the nation by the invasion of ,france had been fatally effectual to corrupt the spirit of moral criticism which inspired the ,lollard movement at its best2 and the subsequent period of rapine and strife reduced thought and culture to the levels of the ,middle ,ages4 ,a hint of what was possible in the direction of freethought in the ,england of ,henry ,v and ,henry ,,vi emerges in some of the records concerning ,duke ,humphrey of ,gloucester1 the youngest son of ,henry ,,iv4 ,gifted but ill-balanced1 ,humphrey was the chief patron of learning in ,england in his day2 and he drank deeply of the spirit of ,renaissance scholarship4 #ahee ,sir ,thomas ,more preserves the story--reproduced also in the old play1 ,the ,first ,part of the ,contention of the two ,famous ,houses of ,york and ,lancaster--of how he exposed the fraud of a begging impostor who pretended to have recovered his sight through the virtue of a saint's relics2 and a modern pietistic historian decides that the ,duke had long ceased to believe in miracles and relics4 #ahef ,but if this be true1 it is the whole truth as to ,humphrey's freethinking4 ,it was the highest flight of rationalism permissible in his day and sphere4 ,on the view that ,humphrey was a freethinker1 the pious ,pauli1 who says 7as cited1 p4 #ccg7 of the ,renaissance of letters1 ,the weak and evil side of this revived form of literature is that its disciples should have elevated the morality1 or rather the immorality1 of classical antiquity above ,christian discipline and virtue1 sees fit further to pronounce that the bad account of ,gloucester's condition of body drawn up eleven years before his death by the physician ,kymer is a proof of the wild unbridled passions by which the duke was swayed1 and throws a lurid light upon the tendencies and disposition of his mind4 ,humphrey lived till #ee1 and died suddenly1 under circumstances highly suggestive of poisoning by his enemies4 ,his brothers ,henry and ,john died much younger than he2 but in their case the religious historian sees no ground for imputation4 ,but the historian's inference is overstrained4 ,in reality ,humphrey never indicated any lack of theological faith4 ,the poet ,lydgate1 no unbeliever1 described him as ,chose of ,god to be his owne knyghte1 and so rigorous that heretike dar not comen in his sihte 7verses transcribed in ,furnivall's ,early ,english ,meals and ,manners1 #ahfh1 pp4 lxxxv-vi74 ,his most comprehensive biographer decides that he was essentially orthodox1 despite his uncanonical marriage with his second wife and his general reputation for sexual laxity4 ,he was punctilious in the performance of his religious duties and a stern opponent of the ,lollards2 he countenanced the extinction of heresy by being present at the burning at ,smithfield of an old priest who denied the validity of the sacraments of the ,church2 and an ,archbishop of ,milan pronounced him to be known everywhere as the chiefest friend and preserver of ,holy ,church 7,k4 ,h4 ,vickers1 ,humphrey1 ,duke of ,gloucester3 ,a ,biography1 #aijg1 pp4 #bbc1 #cba-bc74 ,of such a personage no exegesis can make a rationalist4 ,of other traces of critical thinking in ,england in that age there is little to be said1 so little literature is there to convey them4 ,but there are signs of the influence of the pagan thought of the ,renaissance in religious books4 ,the old ,revelation of the ,monk of ,evesham1 ostensibly dating from #aaif1 was first printed about #adhb1 #aheg with a prologe explaining that it was not shewed to hym only for hym butte also for the confort and profetyng of all cristyn pepulle that none man shuld dowte or mystruste of anothir life and world2 and as for the trowthe of this reuelacyon no man nother woman ought to dowte in any wise1 seeing it is thus miraculously provided that alle resons and mocyons of infydelite the which risith often tymes of man's sensualite shall utwardly be excluded and quenched4 ,evidently the old problem of immortality had been agitated4 #d4 ,,the ,,remaining ,,european ,,countries ,not till late in the fifteenth century is the intellectual side of the ,renaissance influence to be seen bearing fruit in ,germany1 of which the turbulent and semi-barbaric life in the medieval period was little favourable to mental progress4 ,of political hostility to the ,church there was indeed an abundance1 long before ,luther2 #aheh but amid the many traces of irreligion there is practically none of rational freethinking4 ,what reasoned thought there was1 as we have seen1 turned to ,christian mysticism of a pantheistic cast1 as in the teaching of ,tauler and ,eckhart4 #ahei ,another and a deeper current of thought is seen in the remarkable philosophic work of ,bishop ,nicolaus of ,kues or ,cusa 7#adja-adfd71 who1 professedly by an independent movement of reflection1 but really as a result of study of ,greek philosophy1 reached a larger pantheism than had been formulated by any ,churchman since the time of ,john the ,scot4 #ahfj ,there is little or no trace1 however1 of any influence attained by his teaching1 which indeed could appeal only to a very few minds of that day4 ,less remarkable than the metaphysic of ,nicolaus1 though also noteworthy in its way1 is his ,dialogue ,on ,peace1 or ,concordance of ,faith1 in which1 somewhat in the spirit of ,boccaccio's tale of the ,three ,kings1 he aims at a reconciliation of all religions1 albeit by way of proving the ,christian creed to be the true one4 ,in the ,netherlands and other parts of western ,europe the popular anti-ecclesiastical heresy of the thirteenth century spread in various degrees2 but there is only exceptional trace of literate or properly rationalistic freethinking4 ,among the most notable developments was the movement in ,holland early in the fourteenth century1 which compares closely with that of the higher ,paulicians and mystics of the two previous centuries1 its chief traits being a general pantheism1 a denial of the efficacy of the sacrament of the altar1 an insistence that all men are sons of ,god1 and a general declaration for natural light4 #ahfa ,but this did not progressively develop4 ,lack of leisured culture in the ,low ,countries1 and the terrorism of the ,inquisition1 would sufficiently account for the absence of avowed unbelief1 though everywhere1 probably1 some was set up by the contact of travellers with the culture of ,italy4 ,it is fairly to be inferred that in a number of cases the murderous crusade against witchcraft which was carried on in the fifteenth century served as a means of suppressing heresy1 rationalistic or other4 ,at ,arras1 for instance1 in #adfj1 the execution of a number of leading citizens on a charge of sorcery seems to have been a blow at free discussion in the chambers of rhetoric4 #ahfb ,and that rationalism1 despite such frightful catastrophes1 obscurely persisted1 is to be gathered from the long vogue of the work of the ,spanish physician ,raymund of ,sebonde1 #ahfc who1 having taught philosophy at ,toulouse1 undertook 7about #adce7 to establish ,christianity on a rational foundation #ahfd in his ,theologia ,naturalis1 made famous later by ,montaigne4 ,to what length the suppressed rationalism of the age could on occasion go is dramatically revealed in the case of ,hermann van ,ryswyck1 a ,dutch priest1 burned for heresy at the ,hague in #aeab4 ,he was not only a priest in holy orders1 but one of the order of ,inquisitors2 and he put forth the most impassioned denial and defiance of the ,christian creed of which there is any record down to modern times4 ,tried before the inquisitors in #aejb1 he declared with his own mouth and with sane mind that the world is eternal1 and was not created as was alleged by the fool ,moses that there is no hell1 and no future life2 that ,christ1 whose whole career was flatly contrary to human welfare and reason1 was not the son of ,omnipotent ,god1 but a fool1 a dreamer1 and a seducer of ignorant men1 of whom untold numbers had been slain on account of him and his absurd evangel2 that ,moses had not physically received the law from ,god2 and that our faith was shown to be fabulous by its fatuous ,scripture1 fictitious ,bible1 and crazy ,gospel4 ,and to this exasperated testimony he added3 ,i was born a ,christian1 but am no longer one3 they are the chief fools4 ,sentenced in #aejb to perpetual imprisonment1 he was again brought forward ten years later1 and1 being found unbroken by that long durance1 was as an unrepentant heretic sentenced to be burned on ,december #ad1 #aeab1 the doom being carried out on the same day4 ,the source of his conviction can be gathered from his declaration that the most learned ,aristotle and his commentator ,averros were nearest the truth2 but his wild sincerity and unyielding courage were all his own4 ,nimis infelix quidam is the estimate of an inquisitor of that day4 #ahfe ,not so1 unless they are most unhappy who die in battle1 fighting for the truth they prize4 ,but it has always been the ,christian way to contemn all save ,christian martyrs4 ,there is a tolerably full account of ,ryswyck's case in a nearly contemporary document1 which evidently copies the official record4 ,ryswyck is described as sacre theologie professorem ordinis predicatorum et inquisitorum2 and his declaration runs3 ,quod mundum fuit ab eterna et non incipit per creationem fabricatum a stulto ,mose1 ut dicit ,biblia indistincta4444 ,nec est infernus1 ut nostri estimant4 ,item post hanc vitam nulla erit vita particularis4444 ,item doctissimus ,aristoteles et ejus commentator ,auerrois fuerunt veritati propinquissimi4 ,item ,christum fuit stultus et simplex fantasticus et seductor simplicium hominum4444 ,quot enim homines interfecti sunt propter ipsum et suum ,euangelium fatuum6 ,item quod omnia que ,christus gessit1 humano generi et rationi recte sunt contraria4 ,item ,christum filium ,dei omnipotentem aperte nego4 ,et ,mosen legem a ,deo visibiliter et facialiter suscepisse recuso4 ,item fides nostra fabulosa est1 ut probat nostra fatua ,scriptura et ficta ,biblia et ,euangelium delirum4444 ,omnes istos articulos et consimilos confessus est proprio ore et sana mente coram inquisitore et notario et testibus1 addens3 ,ego ,christianus natus1 sed iam non sum ,christianus1 quoniam illi stultissimi sunt4 ,paul ,frdricq1 ,corpus documentorum ,inquisitionis haereticae pravitatis ,neerlandicae1 ,gent1 #ahhi1 i1 #did1 #eja-ejb4 ,thus the ,renaissance passed on to the age of the ,reformation the seeds of a rationalism which struck far deeper than the doctrine of ,luther1 but at the same time left a social soil in which such seeds could ill grow4 ,its own defeat1 social and intellectual1 may be best realized in terms of its failure to reach either political or physical science4 ,lack of the former meant political retrogression and bondage2 and lack of the latter a renewed dominion of superstition and ,bibliolatry--two sets of conditions of which each facilitated the other4 ,nothing is more significant of the intellectual climate of the ,renaissance than the persistence at all its stages of the belief in astrology1 of which we find some dregs even in ,bacon4 ,that pseudo-science indeed stands1 after all1 for the spirit of science1 and is not to be diagnosed as mere superstition2 being really an priori fallacy fallen into in the deliberate search for some principle of cordination in human affairs4 ,though adhered to by many prominent ,catholics1 including ,charles ,v1 and by many ,protestants1 including ,melanchthon1 it is logically anti-,christian1 inasmuch as it presupposes in the moral world a reign of natural law1 independent of the will or caprice of any personal power4 ,herein it differs deeply from magic2 #ahff though in the ,renaissance the return to the lore of antiquity often involved an indiscriminate acceptance and blending of both sorts of occult pagan lore4 #ahfg ,magic subordinates ,nature to ,will3 astrology1 as apart from angelology1 subordinates ,will to ,cosmic ,law4 ,for many perplexed and thoughtful men1 accordingly1 it was a substitute1 more or less satisfying1 for the theory1 grown to them untenable1 of a moral government of the universe4 ,it was in fact a primary form of sociology proper1 as it had been the primary form of astronomy2 to which latter science1 even in the ,renaissance1 it was still for many the introduction4 ,it flourished1 above all things1 on the insecurity inseparable from the turbulent ,italian life of the ,renaissance1 even as it had flourished on the appalling vicissitude of the drama of imperial ,rome2 and it is conceivable that the inclination to true science which is seen in such men as ,galileo1 after the period of ,italian independence1 was nourished by the greater stability attained for a time under absolutist rule4 ,and though ,protestantism1 on the other hand1 adhered in the main unreasoningly to the theory of a moral control1 that dogma at least served to countervail the dominion of astrology1 which was only a dogmatism with a difference1 and as such inevitably hindered true science4 #ahfh ,on the whole1 ,protestantism tended to make more effectual that veto on pagan occultism which had been ineffectually passed from time to time by the ,catholic ,church2 albeit the motive was stress of ,christian superstition1 and the veto was aimed almost as readily at inductive and true science as at the deductive and false4 ,we shall find the craze of witchcraft1 in turn1 dominating ,protestant countries at a time when freethinkers and liberal ,catholics elsewhere were setting it at naught4 ,there can be little doubt that1 broadly speaking1 the new interest in ,scripture study and ecclesiastical history told against the free play of thought on scientific and scholarly problems2 we shall find ,bacon realizing the fact a hundred years after ,luther's start2 and the influence has operated down to our own day4 ,in this resistance ,catholics played their part4 ,the famous ,cornelius ,agrippa #ahfi 7#adhf-aece7 never ceased to profess himself a ,catholic1 and had small sympathy with the ,reformers1 though always at odds with the monks2 and his long popular treatise ,de incertitudine et vanitate scientiarum et artium1 atque excellentia verbi ,dei declamatio 7#aeca7 is a mere polemic for scripturalism against alike false science and true1 monkish superstition and reason4 ,vilified as a magician by the monks1 and as an atheist and a scoffer by angry humanists1 #ahgj he did but set error against error1 being himself a believer in witchcraft1 a hater of anatomy1 and as confident in his contempt of astronomy as of astrology4 ,and his was a common frame of mind for centuries4 ,still1 the new order contained certain elements of help for a new life1 as against its own inclement principles of authority and dogma2 and the political heterogeneity of ,europe1 seconded by economic pressures and by new geographic discovery1 sufficed further to prevent any far-reaching organization of tyranny4 ,under these conditions1 new knowledge could incubate new criticism4 ,but it would be an error-breeding oversight to forget that in the many-coloured world before the ,reformation there was not only a certain artistic and imaginative sunlight which the ,reformation long darkened1 but even1 athwart the mortal rigours of papal rule1 a certain fitful play of intellectual insight to which the peoples of the ,reformation became for a time estranged4 ,,chapter ,,xi ,,the ,,reformation1 ,,politically ,,considered #a4 ,,the ,,german ,,conditions ,in a vague and general sense the ecclesiastical revolution known as the ,reformation was a phenomenon of freethought4 ,to be so understood1 indeed1 it must be regarded in contrast to the dominion of the ,catholic ,church1 not to the movement which we call the ,renaissance4 ,that movement it was that made the ,reformation possible2 and if we have regard to the reign of ,bibliolatry which ,protestantism set up1 we seem to be contemplating rather a superimposing of ,semitic darkness upon ,hellenic light than an intellectual emancipation4 ,emancipation of another kind the ,reformation doubtless brought about4 ,in particular it involved1 to an extent not generally realized1 a secularization of life1 through the sheer curtailment1 in most ,protestant countries1 of the personnel and apparatus of clericalism1 and the new disrepute into which1 for a time1 these fell4 ,alike in ,germany and in ,england there was a breaking-up of habits of reverence and of self-prostration before creed and dogma and ritual4 ,but this liberation was rather social than intellectual1 and the product was rather licence and irreverence than ordered freethought4 ,on the other hand1 when the first unsettlement was over1 the new growth of ,bibliolatry tended rather to deepen the religious way of feeling and make more definite the religious attitude4 ,tolerance did not emerge until after a whole era of embittered strife4 ,the ,reformation1 in fact1 was much more akin to a revolt against a hereditary king than to the process of self-examination and logical scrutiny by which men pass from belief to disbelief in a theory of things1 a dogma1 or a document4 ,the beginning of such a process had indeed taken place in ,germany before ,luther1 insofar as the ,new ,learning represented by such humanists as ,erasmus1 such scholars as ,reuchlin1 #ahga and such satirists as ,ulrich von ,hutten1 set up a current of educated hostility to the ignorance and the grosser superstitions of the churchmen4 ,for ,germany1 as for ,england1 this movement was a contagion from the new scholarship and ,platonism of ,italy2 #ahgb and the better minds in the four universities founded in the pre-,lutheran generation 7,tbingen1 #adgg2 ,mayence1 #adhb2 ,frankfort-on-the-,oder1 #aejf2 ,wittemberg1 #aejb7 necessarily owed much to ,italian impulses1 which they carried on1 though the universities as a whole were bitterly hostile to the new learning4 #ahgc ,the ,dutch freethinker ,ryswyck1 as we saw1 was fundamentally an ,averrost2 and ,italy was the stronghold of ,averrosm1 of which the monistic bias probably fostered the ,unitarianism of the sixteenth century4 ,but it was not this literary and scholarly movement that effected the ,reformation so-called1 which was rather an economic and political than a mental revolution4 ,the persistence of ,protestant writers in discussing the early history of the ,reformation without a glance at the economic causation is one of the great hindrances to historic science4 ,from such popular works as those of ,d',aubign and ,husser it is practically impossible to learn what socially took place in ,germany2 and the general ,protestant reader can learn it only--and imperfectly--from the works on the ,catholic side1 as ,audin's ,histoire de la vie de ,luther 7,eng4 tr4 #ahec7 and ,dllinger's ,die ,reformation1 and the more scientific ,protestant studies1 such as those of ,ranke and ,bezold 7even there not at any great length71 to neither of which classes of history will he resort4 ,in ,england the facts are partially realized1 in the light of an ecclesiastical predilection1 through ,high ,church histories such as that of ,blunt1 which proceed upon a ,catholic leaning4 ,cobbett's intemperate exposure of the economic causation has found an audience chiefly among ,catholics4 ,bezold admits that with perfect justice have recent historians commented on the former underrating of an economic force which certainly played its part in the spread and establishment of the ,reformation 7,gesch4 der deutschen ,reformation1 #ahij1 p4 #efc74 ,the broad fact is that in not a single country could the ,reformation have been accomplished without enlisting the powerful classes or corporations1 or alternatively the de facto governments1 by proffering the plunder of the ,church4 ,only in a few ,swiss cantons1 and in ,holland1 does the confiscation seem to have been made to the common good 7cp4 the present writer's ,evolution of ,states1 pp4 #caa1 #cdc74 ,but even in ,holland needy nobles had finally turned ,protestant in the hope of getting ,church lands4 7,see ,motley1 ,rise of the ,dutch ,republic1 ed4 #ahfc1 p4 #aca47 ,elsewhere appropriation of ,church lands by princes and nobles was the general rule4 ,even as to ,germany1 it is impossible to accept ,michelet's indulgent statement that most of the confiscated ,church property returned to its true destination1 to the schools1 the hospitals1 the communes2 to its true proprietors1 the aged1 the child1 the toiling family 7,hist4 de ,france1 x1 #ccc2 see the same assertion in ,henderson1 ,short ,history of ,germany1 #aijb1 i1 #cdd74 ,plans to that effect were drawn up2 but1 as the princes were left to carry out the arrangement1 they took the lion's share4 ,ranke 7,hist4 of the ,ref4 bk4 iv1 ch4 v2 ,eng4 tr4 #a-vol4 ed4 #aije1 pp4 #dff-fg7 admits much grabbing of ,church lands as early as #aebf2 merely contending1 with ,luther1 that papist nobles had begun the spoliation4 7,cp4 ,bezold1 pp4 #efd-fe2 ,menzel1 ,gesch4 der ,deutschen1 cap4 #cic47 ,in ,saxony1 when monks broke away from their monasteries1 the nobles at once appropriated the lands and buildings 7,ranke1 p4 #dfg74 ,luther made a warm appeal to the ,elector against the nobles in general 7,ranke1 p4 #dfg2 ,luther's letter1 ,nov4 #bb1 #aebf1 in ,werke1 ed4 ,de ,wette1 iii1 #acg2 letter to ,spalatin1 ,jan4 #a1 #aebg1 id4 p4 #adg2 also p4 #aec74 ,see too his indignant protests against the rapine of the princes and nobles and the starvation of the ministers in the ,table ,talk1 chs4 #bb1 #fj4 ,even ,philip of ,hesse did not adhere to his early and disinterested plans of appropriation 7,ranke1 pp4 #dfh-fi1 #gaa-ab74 ,all that ,ranke can claim is that some great institutions were really founded--to wit1 two homes for young ladies of noble birth1 four hospitals1 and the theological school of ,marburg4 ,and this was in the most hopeful region4 ,there is positive evidence1 further1 that not only ecclesiastical but purely charitable foundations were plundered by the ,protestants 7,witzel1 cited by ,dllinger1 ,die ,reformation1 ihre innere ,entwickelung und ihre ,wirkungen1 #ahdf1 i1 #df1 #dg1 #ea1 #fb72 and1 as school foundations were confiscated equally with ecclesiastical in ,england1 there is no reason to doubt the statement4 ,practically the same process took place in ,scotland1 where the share of ,church property proposed to be allotted to the ,protestant ministers was never given1 and their protests were treated with contempt 7,burton1 ,history of ,scotland1 iv1 #cg-da74 ,knox's comments were similar to ,luther's 7,works1 ,laing's ed4 ii1 #caj-ab74 ,dr4 ,gardiner1 a fairly impartial historian1 sums up that1 after the ,german settlement of #aeeb1 ,the princes claimed the right of continuing to secularize ,church lands within their territories as inseparable from their general right of providing for the religion of their subjects4444 ,about a hundred monasteries are said to have fallen victims in the ,palatinate alone2 and an almost equal number1 the gleanings of a richer harvest which had been reaped before the ,convention of ,passau1 were taken possession of in ,northern ,germany 7,the ,thirty ,years' ,war1 #hth ed4 p4 #aa74 ,the credit of bringing the various forces to a head1 doubtless1 remains with ,luther1 though ground was further prepared by literary predecessors such as ,john of ,wesel and ,john ,wessel1 ,erasmus1 ,reuchlin1 and ,ulrich von ,hutten4 ,but even the signal courage of ,luther could not have availed to fire an effectual train of action unless a certain number of nobles had been ready to support him for economic reasons4 ,even the shameless sale of indulgences by ,tetzel was resented most keenly on the score that it was draining ,germany of money2 #ahgd and nothing is more certain than that ,luther began his battle not as a heretic but as an orthodox ,catholic ,reformer1 desiring to propitiate and not to defy the papacy4 ,economic forces were the determinants4 ,this becomes the more clear when we note that the ,reformation was only the culmination or explosion of certain intellectual1 social1 and political forces seen at work throughout ,christendom for centuries before4 ,in point of mere doctrine1 the ,protestants of the sixteenth century had been preceded and even distanced by heretics of the eleventh1 and by teachers of the ninth4 ,the absurdity of relic-worship1 the folly of pilgrimages and fastings1 the falsehood of the doctrine of transubstantiation1 the heresy of prayers to the saints1 the unscripturalness of the hierarchy--these and a dozen other points of protest had been raised by ,paulicians1 by ,paterini1 by ,beghards1 by ,apostolicals1 by ,lollards1 long before the time of ,luther4 ,as regards his nearer predecessors1 indeed1 this is now a matter of accepted ,protestant history4 #ahge ,what is not properly realized is that the conditions which wrought political success where before there had been political failure were special political conditions2 and that to these1 and not to supposed differences in national character1 is due the geographical course of the ,reformation4 #b4 ,,the ,,problem ,,in ,,italy1 ,,spain1 ,,and ,,the ,,netherlands ,we have seen that the spirit of reform was strong in ,italy three hundred years before ,luther2 and that some of the strongest movements within the ,church were strictly reformatory1 and originally disinterested in a high degree4 ,in less religious forms the same spirit abounded throughout the ,renaissance2 and at the end of the fifteenth century ,savonarola was preaching reform religiously enough at ,florence4 ,his death1 however1 was substantially due to the perception that ecclesiastical reform1 as conducted by him1 was a socio-political process1 #ahgf whence the reformer was a socio-political disturber4 ,intellectually he was no innovator2 on the contrary1 he was a hater of literary enlightenment1 and he was as ready to burn astrologers as were his enemies to burn him4 #ahgg ,his claim1 in his ,triumph of the ,cross1 to combat unbelievers by means of sheer natural reason1 indicates only his inability to realize any rationalist position--a failure to be expected in his age1 when rationalism was denied argumentative utterance1 and when the problems of ,christian evidences were only being broached4 ,the very form of the book is declamatory rather than ratiocinative1 and every question raised is begged4 #ahgh ,that he failed in his crusade of ,church reform1 and that ,luther succeeded in his1 was due to no difference between ,italian and ,german character1 but to the vast difference in the political potentialities of the two cases4 ,the fall of public liberty in ,florence1 which must have been preceded as it was accompanied by a relative decline in popular culture1 #ahgi and which led to the failure of ,savonarola1 may be in a sense attributed to ,italian character2 but that character was itself the product of peculiar social and political conditions1 and was not inferior to that of any northern population4 #ahhj ,the ,savonarolan movement had all the main features of the ,puritanism of the northern ,reform4 ,savonarola sent organized bodies of boys1 latterly accompanied by bodies of adults1 to force their way into private houses and confiscate things thought suitable for the reformatory bonfire4 ,burckhardt1 p4 #dgg2 ,perrens1 ,jrome ,savonarole1 #b;e dit4 pp4 #adj-da4 ,the things burned included pictures and busts of inestimable artistic value1 and manuscripts of exquisite beauty4 ,perrens1 p4 #bbi4 ,compare ,villari1 as cited2 ,george ,eliot's ,romola1 bk4 iii1 ch4 xlix2 and ,merejkowski's ,the ,forerunner 7,eng4 tr471 bk4 vii4 ,previous reformers had set up bonfires of false hair and books against the faith 7,armstrong1 as cited1 p4 #afg72 and ,savonarola's bands of urchins were developments from previous organizations1 bent chiefly on blackmail4 7,id47 ,but he carried the tyranny furthest1 and actually proposed to put obstinate gamblers to the torture4 ,perrens1 p4 #acb4 ,villari in his sentimental commemoration lecture on ,savonarola 7,studies ,historical and ,critical1 ,eng4 tr4 #aijg7 ignores these facts4 ,when1 a generation later1 the propaganda of the ,lutheran movement reached ,italy1 it was more eagerly welcomed than in any of the ,teutonic countries outside of the first ,lutheran circle1 though a vigilant system was at once set on foot for the destruction of the imported books4 #ahha ,it had made much headway at ,milan and ,florence in #aebe2 #ahhb and we have the testimony of ,pope ,clement ,,vii himself that before #aecj the ,lutheran heresy was widely spread not only among the laity but among priests and friars1 both mendicant and non-mendicant1 many of whom propagated it by their sermons4 #ahhc ,the ruffianism and buffoonery of the ,german ,lutheran soldiers in the army of ,charles ,v at the sack of ,rome in #aebi was hardly likely to win adherents to their sect2 #ahhd yet the number increased all over ,italy4 ,in #aeda-de they were numerous and audacious at ,bologna1 #ahhe where in #aecg a commission of cardinals and prelates1 appointed by ,pope ,paul ,,iii1 had reported strongly on the need for reformation in the ,church4 ,in #aedb they were so strong at ,venice as to contemplate holding public assemblies2 in the neighbouring towns of ,vicentino1 ,vicenza1 and ,trevisano they seem to have been still more numerous2 #ahhf and ,cardinal ,caraffa reported to the ,pope that all ,italy was infected with the heresy4 #ahhg ,now began the check4 ,among the ,protestants themselves there had gone on the inevitable strifes over the questions of the ,trinity and the ,eucharist2 the more rational views of ,zwingli and ,servetus were in notable favour2 #ahhh and the ,catholic reaction1 fanned by ,caraffa1 was the more facile4 ,measures were first taken against heretical priests and monks2 ,ochino and ,peter ,martyr had to fly2 and many monks in the monastery of the latter were imprisoned4 ,at ,rome was founded1 in #aedc1 the ,congregation of the ,holy ,office1 a new ,inquisition1 on the deadly model of that of ,spain2 and thenceforth the history of ,protestantism in ,italy is but one of suppression4 ,the hostile force was all-pervading1 organized1 and usually armed with the whole secular power2 and though in ,naples the old detestation of the ,inquisition broke out anew so strongly that even the ,spanish tyranny could not establish it1 #ahhi the papacy elsewhere carried its point by explaining how much more lenient was the ,italian than the ,spanish ,inquisition4 ,such a pressure1 kept up by the strongest economic interest in ,italy1 no movement could resist2 and it would have suppressed the ,reformation in any country or any race1 as a similar pressure did in ,spain4 ,prof4 ,gebhart 7,orig4 de la ,renais4 en ,italie1 p4 #fh7 writes that ,italy has known no great national heresies3 one sees there no uprising of minds which resembles the profound popular movements provoked by ,waldo1 ,wiclif1 ,john ,huss1 or ,luther4 ,the decisive answer to this is soon given by the author himself 7p4 #gd73 ,if the ,order of ,franciscans has had in the peninsula an astonishing popularity2 if it has1 so to speak1 formed a ,church within the ,church1 it is that it responded to the profound aspirations of an entire people4 7,cp4 p4 #gg47 ,yet again1 after telling how the ,franciscan heresy of the ,eternal ,gospel so long prevailed1 ,m4 ,gebhart speaks 7p4 #gh7 of the ,italians as a people whom formal heresy has never seduced4 ,these inconsistencies derive from the old fallacy of attributing the course of the ,reformation to national character4 7,see it discussed in the present writer's ,evolution of ,states1 pp4 #bcg-ch1 #cjb-cjg1 #cda-dd47 ,burckhardt1 while recognizing--as against the theory of something lacking in the ,italian mind--that the ,italian movements of ,church reformation failed to achieve success only because circumstances were against them1 goes on to object that the course of mighty events like the ,reformation 444 eludes the deductions of the philosophers1 and falls back on mystery4 7,renaissance in ,italy1 ,eng4 tr4 p4 #deg47 ,there is really much less mystery about such movements than about small ones2 and the causes of the ,reformation are in large part obvious and simple4 ,baur1 even in the act of claiming special credit for the personality of ,luther as the great factor in the ,reformation1 admits that only in the peculiar political conditions in which he found himself could he have succeeded4 7,kirchengeschichte der neueren ,zeit1 #ahfc1 p4 #bc47 ,the broad explanation of the ,italian failure is that in ,italy reform could not for a moment be dreamt of save as within the ,church1 where there was no economic leverage such as effected the ,reformation from the outside elsewhere4 ,it was a relatively easy matter in ,germany and ,england to renounce the ,pope's control and make the ,churches national or autonomous4 ,to attempt that in ,italy would have meant creating a state of universal and insoluble strife4 7,symonds1 ,renaissance in ,italy1 vol4 i1 ed4 #ahig1 p4 #cfi4 ,symonds1 however1 omits to note the financial dependence of ,italian society on the papal system2 and his verdict that ,luther and the nations of the north saw clearly what the ,italians could not see is simply the racial fallacy over again47 ,apart from that1 the ,italians1 as we have seen1 were as much bent on reformation as any other people in mass2 and the earlier ,franciscan movement was obviously more disinterested than either the later ,german or the ,english1 in both of which plunder was the inducement to the leading adherents1 as it was also in ,switzerland4 ,there the wholesale bestowal of ,church livings on ,italians was the strongest motive to ecclesiastical revolution2 and in ,zrich1 the first canton which adopted the ,reformation1 the process was made easy by the ,state guaranteeing posts and pensions for life to the whole twenty-four canons of the chapter4 7,vieusseux1 ,history of ,switzerland1 #ahdj1 pp4 #abj1 #abh2 cp4 ,zschokke1 ,schweizerland's ,geschichte1 #ite ,ausg4 ch4 #cb1 and ,jackson1 ,huldreich ,zwingli1 #aija1 pp4 #bbb-be1 #bie-if47 ,the ,protestants had further the support of the unbelieving soldiery1 made anti-religious in the ,italian wars1 who rejoiced in the process of priest-baiting and plunder 7,vieusseux1 p4 #acj74 ,the process of suppression in ,italy was prolonged through sixty years4 ,in #aedc numbers of ,protestants began to fly2 hundreds more were cast into prison2 and1 save in a few places1 public profession of the heresy was suppressed4 ,in #aedf the papacy persuaded the ,venetian senate to put down the ,protestant communities in their dominions1 and in #aedh there began in ,venice a persecution in which many were sent to the galleys4 ,to reach secret ,protestantism1 the papacy dispersed spies throughout ,italy1 ,ferrara being particularly attended to1 as a known hotbed4 #ahij ,after the death of the comparatively merciful ,paul ,,iii 7#aeej71 ,julius ,,iii authorized new severities4 ,a ,ferrarese preacher was put to death2 and the ,duchess ,rene1 the daughter of ,louis ,,xii1 who had notoriously favoured the heretics1 was made virtually a prisoner in her own palace1 secluded from her children4 ,at ,faenza1 a nobleman died under torture at the hands of the inquisitors1 and a mob in turn killed some of these2 #ahia but the main process went on throughout the country4 ,an old ,waldensian community in ,calabria having reverted to its former opinions under the new stimulus1 it was warred upon by the inquisitors1 who employed for the purpose outlaws2 and multitudes of victims1 including sixty women1 were put to the torture4 #ahib ,at ,montalto1 in #aefj1 another ,waldensian community were taken captive2 eighty-eight men were slaughtered1 their throats being cut one by one2 many more were tortured2 the majority of the men were sent to the ,spanish galleys2 and the women and children were sold into slavery4 #ahic ,in ,venice many were put to death by drowning4 #ahid ,of individual executions there were many4 ,in a documented list of seventy-eight persons burned alive or hanged and burned at ,rome from #aeec to #afjj1 #ahie only a minority are known to have been ,lutherans1 the official records being kept on such varying principles that it is impossible to tell how many of the victims were ,catholic criminals2 #ahif while some heretics are represented--it would seem falsely--as having died in the communion of the ,church4 ,but probably more than half were ,lutherans or ,calvinists4 ,the first in the list 7#aeec7 are ,giovanni ,mollio1 #ahig a ,minorite friar of ,montalcino1 who had been a professor at ,brescia and ,bologna1 and ,giovanni ,teodori #ahih of ,perugia2 and the former is stated in the official record to have recommended his soul to ,god1 the ,virgin ,mary1 ,st4 ,francis1 and ,st4 ,anthony of ,padua1 though he had been condemned as an obstinate ,lutheran4 ,the next victims 7#aeef7 are the ,milanese friar ,ambrogio de ,cavoli1 who dies firm in his false opinion1 and ,pomponio ,angerio or ,algieri of ,nola1 a student aged twenty-four1 who1 as being obstinate1 was burned alive4 #ahii ,these were the first victims of ,caraffa after his elevation to the papal chair as ,paul ,,iv4 ,under ,pius ,,iv three were burned in #aefj2 under ,pius ,v two in #aeff1 six in #aefg1 six in #aefh1 and so on4 ,francesco ,cellario1 an ex-,franciscan friar1 living as a refugee and ,protestant preacher in the ,grisons1 was kidnapped1 taken to ,rome1 and burned #aijj 7#aefi74 ,a ,neapolitan nobleman1 ,pompeo de ,monti1 caught in ,rome1 was officially declared to have renounced head by head all the errors he had held1 and accordingly was benignantly beheaded4 #aija ,quite a number1 including the learned protonotary ,carnesecchi 7#aefg71 are alleged to have died in the bosom of the ,church4 #aijb ,on the other hand1 some of the inquisitors themselves came under the charge of heresy1 two cardinals and a bishop being actually prosecuted #aijc--whether for ,lutheranism or for other forms of private judgment does not appear4 ,simple ,lutheranism1 however1 seems to have been the usual limit of heresy among those burned4 ,aonio ,paleario 7originally ,antonio della ,paglia or de' ,pagliaricci7 of ,veroli #aijd--poet and professor of rhetoric at ,milan1 hanged in #aegj 7in his seventieth year7 either for denouncing the ,inquisition or for ,lutheranism--was an extreme heretic from the ,catholic point of view4 ,his ,actio in ,romanos ,pontificos et eorum asseclas is still denounced by the ,church4 #aije ,if1 however1 he was the author of the ,trattato utilissimo del beneficio di ,giesu ,crocifisso verso ,i ,christiani1 he was simply an evangelical of the school of ,luther1 exalting faith and making light of works2 and its remedies against the temptation of doubt deal solely with theological difficulties1 not with critical unbelief4 #aijf ,this treatise1 immensely popular in the sixteenth century1 was so zealously destroyed by the ,church that when ,ranke wrote no copy was known to exist4 #aijg ,the ,trattato was placed on the first papal ,index ,expurgatorius in #aedi2 and the nearly complete extinction of the book is an important illustration of the ,church's faculty of suppressing literature4 ,the ,index1 anticipated by ,charles ,v in the ,netherlands several years earlier1 was established especially to resist the ,reformation2 and its third class contained a prohibition of all anonymous books published since #aeai4 ,the destruction of books in ,italy in the first twenty years of the work of the ,congregation of the ,index was enormous1 nearly every library being decimated1 and many annihilated4 ,all editions of the classics1 and even of the ,fathers1 annotated by ,protestants1 or by ,erasmus1 were destroyed2 the library of the ,medicean ,college at ,florence1 despite the appeals of ,duke ,cosmo1 was denuded of many works of past generations1 now pronounced heretical2 and many dead writers who had passed for good ,catholics were put on the ,index4 ,booksellers1 plundered of their stocks1 were fain to seek another calling2 and printers1 seeing that any one of them who printed a condemned work had every book printed by him put on the ,index1 were driven to refuse all save works officially accredited4 ,it was considered a merciful relaxation of the procedure when1 after the death of ,paul ,,iv 7#aeee71 certain books1 such as ,erasmus's editions of the ,fathers1 were allowed to be merely mutilated4 #aijh ,the effect of the whole machinery in making ,italy in the seventeenth century relatively unlearned and illiterate cannot easily be overstated4 ,in fine1 the ,reformation failed in ,italy because of the economic and political conditions1 as it failed in ,spain2 as it failed in a large part of ,germany2 as it would have failed in ,holland had ,philip ,,ii made his capital there 7in which case ,spain might very well have become ,protestant72 and as it would have failed in ,england had ,elizabeth been a ,catholic1 like her sister4 ,during the sixty years from #aebj to #aehj1 thousands of ,italian ,protestants left ,italy1 as thousands of ,spanish ,protestants fled from ,spain1 and thousands of ,english ,protestants from ,england in the reign of ,mary4 #aiji ,to make the outcome in ,italy and ,spain a basis for a theory of racial tendency in religion1 or racial defect of public spirit1 is to explain history in a fashion which1 in physical science1 has long been discredited as an argument in a circle4 ,mc,crie1 at the old standpoint1 says of the ,inquisition that this iniquitous and bloody tribunal could never obtain a footing either in ,france or in ,germany2 that the attempt to introduce it in the ,netherlands was resisted by the adherents of the old as well as the disciples of the new religion2 and it kindled a civil war which 444 issued in establishing civil and religious liberty2 and that the ease with which it was introduced into ,italy showed that1 whatever illumination there was among the ,italians 444 they were destitute of that public spirit and energy of principle which were requisite to shake off the degrading yoke by which they were oppressed4 ,the ethical attitude of the ,christian historian is noteworthy2 but we are here concerned with his historiography4 ,a little reflection will make it clear that the non-establishment of the ,inquisition in ,france and ,germany was due precisely to the fact that the papacy was not in these countries as it was in ,italy1 and that the native ,governments resented external influence4 ,as to the ,netherlands1 the statement is misleading in the extreme4 ,the ,inquisition set up by ,charles ,v was long and fully established in the ,low ,countries2 and ,motley recognizes that it was there more severe even than in ,spain4 ,it was ,charles ,v who1 in #aedf1 gave orders for the establishment of the ,inquisition in ,naples1 when the people so effectually resisted4 ,the view1 finally1 that the attempt to suppress heresy caused the ,dutch revolt is merely part of the mythology of the ,reformation4 ,charles ,v1 at the outset of his reign1 stood to ,spain in the relation of a foreign king who1 with his ,flemish courtiers1 exploited ,spanish revenues4 ,only by making ,madrid his capital and turning semi-,spanish did he at all reverse that relation between the two parts of his dominions4 ,so late as #aeej he set up an exceptionally merciless form of the ,inquisition in the ,low ,countries1 and this without losing any of the loyalty of the middle and upper classes1 ,protestantism having made its converts only among the poor4 ,in #aedf too he had set up an ,index ,expurgatorius with the assistance of the theological faculty at ,louvain2 and there was actually a ,flemish ,index in print before the papal one 7,mc,crie1 ,ref4 in ,italy1 p4 #ahd2 ,ticknor1 ,hist4 of ,spanish ,lit4 #fth ed4 i1 #dic74 ,what set up the breach between the ,netherlands and ,spain was the failure of ,philip ,,ii to adjust himself to ,dutch interests as his father had adjusted himself to ,spanish4 ,the sunderance was on lines of economic interest and racial jealousy2 and ,dutch ,protestantism was not the cause but the effect4 ,in the war1 indeed1 multitudes of ,dutch ,catholics held persistently with their ,protestant fellow-countrymen against ,spain1 as many ,english ,catholics fought against the ,armada4 ,as late as #afjj the majority of the people of ,groningen were still ,catholics1 as the great majority are now in ,north ,brabant and ,limburg2 and in #aijj the ,catholics in the ,netherlands were nearly a third of the whole4 ,from first to last too the ,dutch ,protestant creed and polity were those set up by ,calvin1 a ,frenchman4 ,to those accustomed to the conventional view1 the case may become clearer on a survey of the course of anti-papalism in other countries than those mentioned4 ,the political determination of the process in the sixteenth century1 indeed1 cannot be properly realized save in the light of kindred movements of earlier date1 when the ,teutonic conscience made1 not for reform1 but for fixation4 #c4 ,,the ,,hussite ,,failure ,,in ,,bohemia ,that the causal forces in the ,reformation were neither racial religious bias nor special gift on the part of any religious teachers is made tolerably clear by the pre-,lutheran episode of the ,hussites in ,bohemia a century before the ,german movement4 ,in ,bohemia as elsewhere clerical avarice1 worldliness1 and misconduct had long kept up anti-clerical feeling2 and the adoption of ,wiclif's teaching by ,huss #aiaj at the end of the fourteenth century was the result1 and not the cause1 of ,bohemian anti-papalism4 #aiaa ,the ,waldensians1 whose doctrines were closely akin to those of ,huss1 were represented in ,bohemia as early as the twelfth century2 and so late as #accj their community was a teaching centre1 able to send money help to the ,waldensians of ,italy4 ,so apparent was the heredity that neas ,sylvius1 afterwards ,pope ,pius ,,ii1 maintained that the ,hussites were a branch of the ,waldenses4 #aiab ,before ,huss too a whole series of native reformers1 beginning with the ,moravian ,militz1 ,archdeacon of ,prague1 had set up a partly anti-clerical propaganda4 ,militz1 who gave up his emoluments 7#acfc7 to become a wandering preacher1 actually wrote a ,libellus de ,anti-christo1 affirming that the ,church was already in ,anti-christ's power1 or nearly so4 #aiac ,it was written while he was imprisoned by the ,inquisition at ,rome at the instance of the mendicant orders1 whom he censured4 ,as1 however1 the later hostility he incurred1 up to his death1 was on the score of his influence with the people1 the treatise cannot well have been current in his lifetime4 ,a contemporary1 ,conrad of ,waldhausen1 holding similar views1 joined ,militz in opposing the mendicant friars as ,wiclif was doing at the same period2 and the ,king of ,bohemia 7the emperor ,charles ,,iv7 gave zealous countenance to both4 ,a follower of ,militz1 ,matthias of ,janow1 a prebendary of ,prague1 holding the same views as to ,anti-christ1 wrote a book on ,the ,abomination of ,desolation of ,priests and ,monks1 and yet another to similar effect4 ,there was thus a considerable movement in the direction of ,church reform before either ,huss or ,wiclif was heard in ,bohemia2 and a ,bohemian king had shown a reforming zeal1 apparently not on financial motives1 before any other ,european potentate4 ,and whereas racial jealousy of the dominant ,italians was a main factor in the movement of ,luther1 the much more strongly motived jealousy of the ,czechs against the ,germans who exploited ,bohemia was a main element in the salient movement of the ,hussites4 #aiad ,called in to work the silver mines1 and led further by the increasing field for commerce and industry1 #aiae the more civilized ,germans secured control of the ,czech church and monasteries1 appropriating most of the best livings4 ,as they greatly predominated also at the ,university of ,prague1 ,huss1 whose inspiration was largely racial patriotism1 wrought with his colleague ,jerome to have the university made strictly national4 #aiaf ,when1 accordingly1 the ,german heads of the university still 7#adjc and #adjh7 condemned the doctrines of ,wiclif as preached by ,huss1 the motives of the censors were as much racial and economic as theological2 that is to say1 the ,teutonic conscience operated in its own interest to the exaltation of papal rule against the ,czech conscience4 ,the first crisis in the racial struggle ended in ,huss's obtaining a royal decree 7#adji7 giving three votes in university affairs 7wherein1 according to medieval custom1 the voting was by nations7 to the ,bohemians1 and only one to the ,germans1 though the latter were the majority4 ,thereupon a multitude of the ,german students marched back to ,germany1 where there was founded for them the university of ,leipzig2 #aiag and the racial quarrel was more envenomed than ever4 ,at the same time the ecclesiastical authorities1 closely allied with the ,german interest1 took up the cause of the ,church against heresy2 and ,archbishop ,sbinko of ,prague1 having procured a papal bull1 caused a number of ,wiclifian and other manuscripts to be burned #aiah 7#adaj71 soon after excommunicating ,huss4 ,the now nationalist university protested1 and the king sequestrated the estates of the archbishop on his refusal to indemnify the owners of the manuscripts4 ,in #adaa1 further1 ,huss denounced the proposed papal crusade against ,naples1 and in #adab the sale of indulgences by permission of ,pope ,john ,,xxiii1 exactly as ,luther denounced those of ,leo ,x a century later1 calling the ,pope ,antichrist in the ,lutheran manner1 while his partizans burned the papal bulls4 #aiai ,for the rest1 he preached against image-worship1 auricular confession1 ceremonialism1 and clerical endowments4 #aibj ,at the ,council of ,constance 7#adae71 accordingly1 there was arrayed against him a solid mass of ,german churchmen1 including the ex-rector of ,prague ,university1 now bishop of ,misnia4 ,further1 the ,germans were scholastically1 as a rule1 ,nominalists1 and ,huss a ,realist2 and as ,gerson1 the most powerful of the ,french prelates1 was zealous for the former school1 he threw his influence on the ,german side1 #aiba as did the ,bishop of ,london on the part of ,england4 #aibb ,the forty-five ,wiclifian heresies1 therefore1 were re-condemned2 ,huss was sentenced to imprisonment1 though he had gone to the ,council under a letter of safe-conduct from the emperor2 #aibc and on his refusal to retract he was burned alive 7,july #f1 #adae74 ,jerome1 taking flight1 was caught1 and1 being imprisoned1 recanted2 but later revoked the recantation and was burned likewise 7,may #cj1 #adaf74 ,the subsequent fortunes of the ,hussite party were determined as usual by the political and economic forces4 ,the ,king of ,bohemia had joyfully accepted ,huss's doctrine that the tithes were not the property of the churchmen2 and had locally protected him as his fowl with the golden eggs1 proceeding to plunder the ,church as did the ,german princes in the next age4 #aibd ,when1 later1 the revolutionary ,hussites began plundering churches and monasteries1 the ,bohemian nobles in their turn profited1 #aibe and became good ,hussites accordingly2 while yet another aristocracy was formed in ,prague by the citizens who managed the confiscations there4 #aibf ,as happened earlier in ,hungary and later in ,germany1 again1 there followed a revolt of the peasants against their extortionate masters2 #aibg and there resulted a period of ferocious civil war and exacerbated fanaticism4 ,ziska1 the ,hussite leader1 had been a strong anti-,german2 #aibh and when the emperor entered into the struggle the racial hatred grew more intense than ever4 ,on the ,hussite side the claim for the cup 7that is1 the administration of the eucharist with wine as well as bread1 in the original manner1 departed from by the ,church in the eleventh century7 indicated the nature of the religious feeling involved4 ,more memorable was the communistic zeal of the advanced section of the ,taborites 7so called from the town of ,tabor1 their headquarters71 who anticipated the ,german movement of the ,anabaptists1 #aibi a small minority of them seeking to set up community of women4 ,for the rest1 all the other main features of later ,protestantism came up at the same time--the zealous establishment of schools for the young2 #aicj the insistence on the ,bible as the sole standard of knowledge and practice2 inflexible courage in warfare and good military organization1 with determined denial of sacerdotal claims4 #aica ,the ideal collapsed as similar ideals did before and afterwards4 ,first the main body of the ,hussites1 led by ,ziska1 though at war with the ,catholics in general and the ,germans in particular1 warred murderously also on the extremer communists1 called the ,adamites1 and destroyed them 7#adba74 ,then1 as the country became more and more exhausted by the civil war1 the common people gradually fell away from the ,taborites1 who were the prime fanatics of the period4 ,the zeal of the communist section1 too1 itself fell away2 and at length1 in #adcd1 the ,taborites1 betrayed by one of their generals1 were defeated with great slaughter by the nobles in the battle of ,lipan4 ,meanwhile1 the upper aristocracy had reaped the economic fruits of the revolution at the expense of townsmen1 small proprietors1 and peasants2 #aicb and1 just as the lot of the ,german peasants in ,luther's day was worse after their vain revolt than before1 so the ,bohemian peasantry at the close of the fifteenth century had sunk back to the condition of serfdom from which they had almost completely emerged at the beginning4 ,it is doubtful1 indeed1 whether the material lot of the poor was bettered in any degree at any stage of the ,protestant revolution1 in any country4 ,so little efficacy for social betterment has a movement guided by a light set above reason4 ,that there was in the period some ,christian freethinking of a finer sort than the general ,taborite doctrine is proved by the recovery of the unprinted work of the ,czech ,peter ,helchitsky 7,chelcicky71 ,the ,net of ,faith1 which impeached the current orthodoxy and the ecclesiastico-political system on the lines of the more exalted of the ,paulicians and the ,lollards1 very much to the same effect as the modern gospel of ,tolstoy4 ,in the midst of a party of warlike fanatics ,helchitsky denounced war as mere wholesale murder1 taught the sinfulness of wealth1 declaimed against cities as the great corrupters of life1 and preached a peaceful and non-resistant anarchism1 ignoring the ,state4 ,but his party in turn developed into that of the ,bohemian ,brethren1 an intensely ,puritan sect1 opposed to learning1 and ashamed of the memory of the communism in which their order began4 #aicc ,of permanent gain to culture there is hardly a trace in the entire evolution4 #d4 ,,anti-,,papalism ,,in ,,hungary ,as in ,bohemia1 so in ,hungary1 there was a ready popular inclination to religious independence of ,rome before the ,lutheran period4 ,the limited sway of the ,hungarian monarchy left the nobles abnormally powerful1 and their normal jealousy of the wealth of the ,church made them in the thirteenth century favourable to the ,waldenses and recalcitrant to the ,inquisition4 #aicd ,in the period of the ,hussite wars a similar protection was long given to the thousands of refugees led by ,ziska from ,bohemia into ,hungary in #adbd4 #aice ,the famous king ,matthias ,corvinus1 who put severe checks on clerical revenue1 had as his favourite court poet the anti-papal bishop of ,wardein1 ,john1 surnamed ,pannonicus1 who openly derided the ,papal ,jubilee as a financial contrivance4 #aicf ,under ,matthias's successor1 the ill-fated ,uladislaus ,,ii1 began a persecution1 pushed on by his priest-ruled queen 7#addj71 which drove many ,hussites into ,wallachia2 and at the date of ,luther's movement the superior clergy of ,hungary were a powerful body of feudal nobles1 living mainly as such1 wielding secular power1 and impoverishing the ,state4 #aicg ,as the crusade got up by the papacy against the ,turks 7#aead7 drew away many serfs1 and ended in a peasant war against the nobility1 put down with immense slaughter1 and followed by oppression both of peasants and small landholders1 there was a ready hearing for the ,lutheran doctrines in ,hungary4 ,nowhere1 probably1 did so many join the ,reformation movement in so short a time4 #aich ,as elsewhere1 a number of the clergy came forward2 and the resistance of the rest was proportionally severe1 though ,queen ,mary1 the wife of ,king ,louis ,,ii1 was pro-,lutheran4 #aici ,books were burned by cartloads2 and the diet was induced to pass a general decree for the burning of all ,lutherans4 #aidj ,the great ,turkish invasion under ,soliman 7#aebf7 could not draw the priests from their heresy-hunt2 but the subsequent division of sovereignty between ,john ,zapoyla and ,ferdinand ,i1 and above all the disdainful tolerance of the ,turkish ,sultan in the parts under his authority1 #aida permitted of a continuous spread of the anti-papal doctrine4 ,about #aedf four bishops joined the ,lutheran side1 one getting married2 and in ,transylvania in particular the whole ,church property was ere long confiscated to the ,state2 so that in #aeef1 when only two monasteries remained1 the ,bishop withdrew4 ,of the tithes1 it is said1 the ,protestant clergy held three-fourths1 and retained them till #ahdh4 #aidb ,in #aeei1 according to the same authority1 only three families of magnates still adhered to the pope2 the lesser nobility were nearly all ,protestant2 and the ,lutherans among the common people were as thirty to one4 #aidc ,as a matter of course1 ,church property had been confiscated on all hands by the nobles1 ,ferdinand having been unable to hinder them4 ,soon after the battle of ,mohcs 7#aebf7 the nobles in diet decided not to fill up the places of deceased prelates1 but to make over the emoluments of the bishoprics to such men as deserved well of their country4 ,within a short time seven great territories were so accorded to as many magnates and generals1 nearly all of whom separated from the ,church of ,rome1 and became steady supporters of the ,reformation4 #aidd ,the ,hungarian ,reformation was thus remarkably complete4 ,its subsequent decadence is one of the proofs that1 even as the ,reformation movement had succeeded by secular force1 so it was only to be maintained on the same footing by excluding ,catholic propaganda4 ,in ,hungary1 as elsewhere1 strife speedily arose among ,reformers on the two issues on which reason could play within the limits of ,scripturalism--the doctrine of the eucharist and the divinity of ,jesus4 ,on the former question the majority took the semi-rationalist view of ,zwingli1 making the eucharist a simple commemoration2 and a strong minority in ,transylvania became ,socinian4 ,the ,italian ,unitarian ,giorgio ,biandrata 7or ,blandrata #aide71 driven to ,poland from ,switzerland for his anti-trinitarianism1 and called from ,poland to be the physician of the ,prince of ,transylvania1 organized a ten days' debate between ,trinitarians and ,unitarians at ,weissenberg in #aefh2 and at the close the latter obtained from the nobles present all the privileges enjoyed by the ,lutherans1 even securing control of the cathedral and schools of ,clausenburg4 #aidf ,it is remarkable that this1 the most advanced movement of ,protestantism1 has practically held its ground in ,transylvania to modern times4 #aidg ,the advance1 however1 meant desperate schism1 and disaster to the main ,protestant cause4 ,the professors of ,wittemberg appealed to the orthodox authorities to suppress the heresy1 with no better result than a public repudiation of the doctrine of the ,trinity at the ,synod of ,wardein1 #aidh and an organization of the ,unitarian ,churches4 ,in due course these in turn divided4 ,in #aegh ,biandrata's colleague1 ,ferencz ,davides1 contended for a cessation of prayers to ,christ1 whereupon ,biandrata invited ,fausto ,sozzini from ,basel to confute him2 and the confutation finally took the shape of a sentence of perpetual imprisonment on ,davides in #aegi by the ,prince of ,transylvania1 to whom ,biandrata and ,sozzini referred the dispute4 ,the victim died in a few days--by one account1 in a state of frenzy4 #aidi ,between the ,helvetic and ,augsburg confessionalists1 meanwhile1 the strife was equally bitter2 and it needed only free scope for the new organization of the ,jesuits to secure the reconquest of the greater part of ,hungary for the ,catholic ,church4 ,the course of events had shown that the ,protestant principle of private judgment led those who would loyally act on it further and further from the historic faith2 and there was no such general spirit of freethought in existence as could support such an advance4 ,in contrast with the ever-dividing and mutually anathematizing parties of the dissenters1 the ostensible solidity of the ,catholic ,church had an attraction which obscured all former perception of her corruptions2 and the fixity of her dogma reassured those who recoiled in horror from ,zwinglianism and ,socinianism1 as the adherents of these systems recoiled in turn from that of ,davides4 ,only the absolute suppression of the ,jesuits1 as in ,elizabethan ,england1 could have saved the situation2 and the political circumstances which had facilitated the spread of ,protestantism were equally favourable to the advent of the reaction4 ,as the ,huguenot nobles in ,france gradually withdrew from their sect in the seventeenth century1 so the ,protestant nobles in ,hungary began to withdraw from theirs towards the end of the sixteenth4 ,what the ,jesuits could not achieve by propaganda was compassed by imperial dragonnades2 and in #afja only a few ,protestant congregations remained in all ,styria and ,carinthia4 #aiej ,admittedly1 however1 the ,jesuits wrought much by sheer polemic1 the pungent writings of their ,cardinal ,pazmny having the effect of converting a number of nobles2 #aiea while the ,protestants1 instead of answering the most effective of ,pazmny's attacks1 ,the ,guide to ,truth1 spent their energies in fighting each other4 #aieb ,in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries there ensued enough of persecution by the ,catholic rulers to have roused a new growth of ,protestantism1 if that could longer avail2 but the balance of forces remained broadly unchanged4 ,orthodox ,protestantism and orthodox ,unitarianism1 having no new principle of criticism as against those turned upon themselves by the ,jesuits1 and no new means of obtaining an economic leverage1 have made latterly no headway against ,catholicism1 which is to-day professed by more than half the people of ,hungary1 while among the remainder the ,greek ,catholics and ,greek ,orientals respectively outnumber the ,helvetic and ,lutheran ,churches4 ,the future is to some more searching principle of thought4 #e4 ,,protestantism ,,in ,,poland ,the chief triumph of the ,jesuit reaction was won in ,poland2 and there1 perhaps1 is to be found the best illustration of the failure of mere ,protestantism1 on the one hand1 to develop a self-maintaining intellectual principle1 and the worse failure1 on the other hand1 of an organized and unresisted ,catholicism to secure either political or intellectual vitality4 ,opposition to the papacy on nationalist as well as on general grounds is nearly as well marked in ,polish history as in ,bohemian1 from the pagan period onwards1 the first ,christian priesthood being chiefly foreign1 #aiec while1 as in ,bohemia1 the people clung to vernacular worship4 ,in #ajgh we find ,king ,boleslav the ,dauntless 7otherwise the ,cruel7 executing the ,bishop of ,cracow1 taxing the lands of the ,church1 and vetoing the bestowal of posts on foreigners4 #aied ,he in turn was driven into exile by a combination of clergy and nobles4 ,a century later a ,polish diet vetoes the confiscation of the property of deceased bishops by the sovereign princes of the various provinces2 and a generation later still the veto is seen to be disregarded4 #aiee ,in the middle of the thirteenth century there are further violent quarrels between dukes and clergy over tithes1 the former successfully ordering and the latter vainly resisting a money commutation2 till in #abgi ,duke ,boleslav of ,cracow is induced to grant the bishops almost unlimited immunities and powers4 #aief ,under ,casimir the ,great 7#accc-acgj7 further strifes occur on similar grounds between the equestrian order and the clergy1 the king sometimes supporting the latter against the former1 as in the freeing of serfs1 and sometimes enforcing taxation of ,church lands with violence4 #aieg ,in the next reign the immunities granted by ,boleslav in #abgi are cancelled by the equestrian order1 acting in concert4 ,and while these strifes had all been on economic grounds1 we meet in #acda with a heretical movement1 set up by ,john ,pirnensis1 who denounced the pope as ,antichrist in the fashion of the ,bohemian reformers of the next generation4 ,the people of ,breslau seem to have gone over bodily to the heresy2 and when the ,inquisition of ,cracow attempted forcible repression the ,chief ,inquisitor was murdered in a riot4 #aieh ,it was thus natural that in the fourteenth century the ,hussite movement should spread greatly in ,poland1 and the papacy be defied in matters of nomination by the king4 #aiei ,the ,poles had long frequented the university of ,prague2 and ,huss's colleague ,jerome was called in to organize the university of ,cracow in #adac4 ,against the ,hussite doctrines the ,catholic clergy had to resort largely to written polemic1 #aifj their power being small2 though the king confirmed their synodical decree making heresy high treason4 ,in #adej ,poland obtained its law of ,habeas ,corpus1 #aifa over two centuries before ,england2 and under that safeguard numbers of the nobility declared themselves ,hussites4 ,in #adce some of the chief of these formed a confederation against ,church and crown2 and in #adci they proclaimed an abolition of tithes1 and demanded1 on the lines of the earlier ,english ,lollards1 that the enormous estates of the clergy should be appropriated to public purposes4 ,in the diet of #adei1 again1 a learned noble1 ,john ,ostrorog1 who had studied at ,padua1 delivered an address1 afterwards expanded into a ,latin book1 denouncing the revenue exactions of the papacy1 and proposing to confiscate the annates1 or first fruits of ecclesiastical offices so exacted2 proceeding further to bring against the ,polish clergy in general all the usual charges of simony1 avarice1 and fraud1 and indicting the mendicant orders as having demoralized the common people4 #aifb ,the ,poles having no such nationalist motive in their ,hussitism as had the ,bohemians1 who were fighting ,german domination1 there took place in ,poland no such convulsions as followed the ,bohemian movement2 but1 when the ,lutheran impulse came in the next century1 the ,german element which had been added to ,poland by the incorporation of the order and territory of the ,teutonic knights in #adff made an easy way for the ,german heresy4 ,in ,dantzic the ,lutheran inhabitants in #aebd took the churches from the ,catholics1 and1 terrorizing the town council1 shut up and secularized the monasteries and convents4 #aifc ,in #aebf1 with due bloodshed1 the king effected a counter-revolution in the ,catholic interest2 but still the heresy spread1 the law of ,habeas ,corpus thwarting all clerical attempts at persecution1 and the king being at heart something of an indifferentist in religion4 #aifd ,in the province of ,great ,poland was formed 7#aecj-dj7 a ,lutheran church1 protected by a powerful family2 and in ,cracow a group of scholars formed a non-sectarian organization to evangelize the country4 ,among them1 about #aedf1 occurred the first expression of ,polish ,unitarianism1 the innovator being ,adam ,pastoris1 a ,dutch or ,belgian priest1 who seems to have used at times the name of ,spiritus4 #aife ,on lines of simple ,protestantism the movement was rapid1 many aristocrats and clergy declaring for it2 #aiff and in the ,diets of #aeej and #aeeb was shown an increasingly strong anti-,catholic feeling1 which the ,church was virtually powerless to punish4 ,in #aedi a parish priest publicly married a wife1 and the bishop of ,cracow abandoned the attempt to displace him4 ,the next bishop1 ,zebrzydowski1 a favourite pupil of ,erasmus1 was said by a ,socinian writer of the period to have openly expressed disbelief in immortality and other dogmas2 #aifg but when in #aeeb a noble refused to pay tithes1 he ecclesiastically condemned him to death1 and declared his property confiscated4 ,the sentence1 however1 could not be put in force2 and when the other heads of the ,church1 seeing their revenues menaced and their clergy in large part tending to heresy1 #aifh attempted a general and severe prosecution of backsliding priests1 the resistance of the magistracy brought the effort to nothing4 #aifi ,the ,diet of #aeeb practically abrogated the ecclesiastical jurisdiction2 and despite much intrigue the economic interest of the landowners continued to maintain the ,protestant movement1 which was rapidly organized on ,german and ,swiss models4 ,it was by the play of its own elements of strife that its ascendancy was undermined4 ,on the one hand1 an influential cleric1 ,orzechowski1 who had married and turned ,protestant1 reconciled himself to ,rome on the death of his wife1 having already begun a fierce polemic against the ,unitarian tendencies appearing on the ,protestant side in the teaching of the ,italian ,stancari 7#aeej72 on the other hand1 those tendencies gained head till they ruptured the party1 of which the ,trinitarian majority further quarrelled violently among themselves till1 as in ,hungary1 many were driven back to the arms of ,catholicism4 ,in a ,synod held in #aeef1 one ,peter ,goniondzki #aigj 7,gonesius7--who as a ,catholic had violently opposed ,stancari in #aeej1 but in the interim had studied in ,switzerland and turned ,protestant--took up a more anti-,trinitarian position than ,stancari's1 affirming three ,gods1 of whom the ,son and the ,spirit were subordinate to the ,father4 ,a few years later he declared against infant baptism--here giving forth opinions he had met with in ,moravia2 and he rapidly drew to him a considerable following alike of ministers and of wealthy laymen4 #aiga ,it was thus not the primary influence of ,lelio ,sozzini1 who had visited ,poland in #aeea and did not return till #aeeh1 that set up the remarkable growth of ,unitarianism in that country4 ,it would seem rather that in the country of ,copernicus the relative weakness of the ,church had admitted of a more common approach to freedom of thought than was seen elsewhere2 #aigb and the impunity of the new movements brought many heterodox fugitives 7as it did ,jews7 from other lands4 ,one of the newcomers1 the learned ,italian1 ,george ,biandrata1 whose ,unitarianism had been cautiously veiled1 was made one of the superintendents of the ,helvetic ,church of ,little ,poland1 and aimed at avoidance of dogmatic strifes2 but after his withdrawal to ,transylvania ,gregorius ,pauli1 a minister of ,cracow1 of ,italian descent1 went further than ,gonesius had done1 and declared ,jesus to be a mere man4 #aigc ,he further preached community of goods1 promised a speedy millennium1 and condemned the bearing of arms4 #aigd ,after various attempts at suppression and compromise by the orthodox majority1 a group of ,unitarian ministers and nobles formally renounced the doctrine of the ,trinity at the ,conference of ,petrikov in #aefb2 and1 on a formal condemnation being passed by an orthodox majority at ,cracow in #aefc1 there was formed a ,unitarian ,church1 with forty-two subscribing ministers1 ,zwinglian as to the eucharist1 and opposed to infant baptism4 #aige ,ethically1 its doctrine was humane and pacificatory1 its members being forbidden to go to law or to take oaths2 and for a time the community made great progress1 the national ,diet being1 by one account1 filled with ,arians for a time4 #aigf ,meantime the ,calvinist1 ,zwinglian1 and ,lutheran ,protestant ,churches quarrelled as fiercely in ,poland as elsewhere1 every compromise breaking down1 till the abundant relapses of nobles and common people to ,catholicism began to rebuild the power of the old ,church1 which found in the ,great ,cardinal1 ,hosius1 a statesman and controversialist unequalled on the ,protestant side4 ,backed by the ,jesuits1 he gained by every ,protestant dispute1 the ,jesuit order building itself up with its usual skill4 ,and the course of politics told conclusively in the same direction4 ,king ,stephen ,battory favoured the ,jesuits2 and ,king ,sigismund ,,iii1 who had been educated as a ,catholic by his mother1 systematically gave effect to his personal leanings by the use of his peculiar feudal powers4 ,under the ancient constitution the king had the bestowal of a number of life-tenures of great estates1 called starosties2 and the granting of these ,sigismund made conditional on the acceptance of ,catholicism4 #aigg ,thus the ,protestantism of the nobles1 which had been in large part originally determined by economic interests1 was dissolved by a reversal of the same force1 very much in the fashion in which it was disintegrated in ,france by the policy of ,richelieu at the same period4 ,at the close of ,sigismund's reign ,protestantism was definitively broken up2 and the ,jesuit ascendancy permitted even of frequent persecutions of heresy4 ,from these ,unitarians could not escape2 and at length1 in #afeh1 they were expelled from the country1 now completely subject to ,jesuitism4 ,in the country in which ,protestantism and ,unitarianism in turn had spread most rapidly under favouring political and social conditions1 the rise of contrary conditions had most rapidly and decisively overthrown them4 ,the record of the heresy of ,poland1 ,bohemia1 and ,hungary1 in fine1 is very much a reduplication of that of early ,christianity4 ,men presented with an obscure and self-contradictory revelation set themselves zealously to extract from it a body of certain truth1 and in that hopeless undertaking did but multiply strife1 till the majority1 wearied with the fruitless quest1 resigned themselves like their ancient prototypes to a rule of dogma under which the reasoning faculty became inert4 ,sane rationalism had to find another path1 in a more enlightened day4 #f4 ,,the ,,struggle ,,in ,,france ,the political and economic conditioning of the ,reformation may perhaps best be understood by following the fortunes of ,protestantism in ,france4 ,when ,luther began his schism1 ,france might reasonably have been held a much more likely field for its extension than ,england4 ,while ,king ,henry was still to earn from the papacy the title of ,defender of the ,faith as against ,luther1 ,king ,francis had exacted from the ,pope 7#aeaf7 a ,concordat by which the appointment of all abbots and bishops in ,france was vested in the crown1 the papacy receiving only the annates1 or first year's revenue4 ,for centuries too the ,french throne and the papacy had been chronically at strife2 for seventy years a ,french pope1 subservient to the king1 had sat at ,avignon2 and before the ,concordat the ,pragmatic ,sanction1 first enacted in #abfh by the devout ,st4 ,louis1 had since the reign of ,charles ,,vii1 who reinforced it 7#adch71 kept the ,gallican ,church on a semi-independent footing towards ,rome4 ,by the account of the chancellor ,du ,prat in #aeag1 the ,pragmatic1 then superseded by the ,concordat1 had isolated ,france among the ,catholic peoples1 causing her to be regarded as inclined to heresy4 #aigh ,in #aeab the ,council of ,pisa1 convoked by ,louis ,,xii1 had denounced ,pope ,julius ,,ii as a dangerous schismatic1 and he had retaliated by placing ,france under interdict4 ,in the previous year the ,french king had given his protection to a famous farce by ,pierre ,gringoire1 in which1 on ,shrove ,tuesday1 the ,pope was openly ridiculed4 #aigi ,nowhere1 in short1 was the papacy as such less respected4 ,the whole strife1 however1 between the ,french kings and the popes had been for revenue1 not on any question of doctrine4 ,in the three years 7#adfa-fd7 during which ,louis ,,xi had for his own purposes suspended the ,pragmatic ,sanction1 it was found that #b1ejj1jjj crowns had gone from ,france to ,rome for expetatives and dispensations1 besides #cdj1jjj crowns for bulls for archbishoprics1 bishoprics1 abbeys1 priories1 and deaneries4 #aihj ,this drain was naturally resisted by ,church and ,crown alike4 ,louis ,,xi restored the ,pragmatic ,sanction4 ,louis ,,xii re-enacted it in #adii with new severity2 and the effect of the ,concordat of ,francis ,i was merely to win over the ,pope by dividing between the king and him the power of plunder by the sale of ecclesiastical offices4 #aiha ,it was accordingly much resented by the ,parlement1 the ,university1 the clergy1 and the people of ,paris2 but the king overbore all opposition4 ,though1 therefore1 he had at times some disposition to make a reform on the ,lutheran lines1 he had no such motive thereto as had the kings and nobles of the other northern countries2 and he had further no such personal motive as had ,henry ,,viii of ,england4 ,under the existing arrangement he was as well provided for as might be1 since the patronage of some six hundred bishoprics and abbeys furnished him with a convenient and inexpensive method of providing for his diplomatic service1 and of rewarding literary merit4 #aihb ,the troubles in ,germany1 besides1 were a warning against letting loose a movement of popular fanaticism4 #aihc ,when1 therefore1 ,protestantism and ,lutheranism began to show head in ,france1 they had no friends at once powerful and zealous4 ,before ,luther1 in #aeab1 ,jacques ,lefvre d'taples laid down in the commentary on his ,latin translation of the ,pauline ,epistles the ,lutheran doctrine of grace1 and in effect denied the received doctrine of transubstantiation4 #aihd ,in #aebj his former pupil1 ,guillaume ,brionnet1 ,bishop of ,meaux1 invited him and some younger reformers1 among them ,guillaume ,farel1 to join him in teaching in his diocese2 and in #aebc appeared ,lefvre's translation of and commentary on the gospels1 which effectually began the ,protestant movement in ,france4 #aihe ,persecution soon began4 ,the king's adoring sister1 ,margaret1 ,duchess of ,alenon 7afterwards ,queen of ,navarre71 was the friend of ,brionnet1 but was powerless to help at home even her own intimates4 #aihf ,at first the king and his mother encouraged the movement at ,meaux while sending out a dozen preachers through ,france to combat the ,lutheran teaching2 #aihg but in #aebd1 setting out on his ,italian campaign1 the king saw fit to conciliate his clergy1 and his clerical chancellor ,du ,prat began measures of repression1 the queen-mother assenting1 and ,brionnet's own brother assisting4 ,already1 in #aeba1 the ,sorbonne had condemned ,luther's writings1 and the ,parlement of ,paris had ordered the surrender of all copies4 ,in #aebc the works of ,louis de ,berquin1 the anti-clerical friend of ,erasmus1 were condemned1 and himself imprisoned2 and ,brionnet consented to issue synodal decrees against ,luther's books and against certain ,lutheran doctrines preached in his own diocese4 ,only by the king's intervention was ,berquin at this time released4 ,the first man slain was ,jean ,chastellain1 a shoemaker of ,tournay1 burned at ,vic in ,lorraine on ,january #ab1 #aebe4 ,the next was a wool-carder of ,meaux1 #aihh who was first whipped and branded for a fanatical outrage1 then burned to death1 with slow tortures1 for a further outrage against an image of the ,virgin at ,metz 7,july1 #aebe74 ,later1 an ecclesiastic of the ,meaux group1 ,jacques ,banvan of ,picardy1 was prosecuted at ,paris for anti-,lutheran heresy1 and publicly recanted2 but repented1 retracted his abjuration1 and was burned on the ,place de ,grve1 in ,august1 #aebf2 a nameless hermit of ,livry suffering the same death about the same time beside the cathedral of ,notre ,dame4 #aihi ,meantime ,lefvre had taken refuge in ,strasburg1 and1 despite a letter of veto from the king1 now in captivity at ,madrid1 his works were condemned by the ,sorbonne4 ,when released1 the king not only recalled him but made him tutor to his children4 ,ecclesiastical pressures1 however1 forced him finally to take refuge under the ,queen of ,navarre at ,nrac1 in ,gascony1 where he mourned his avoidance of martyrdom4 #aiij ,so determined had been the persecution that in #aebf ,berquin was a second time imprisoned1 and with difficulty saved from death by the written command of the captive king1 sent on his sister's appeal4 #aiia ,and when the released king1 to secure the deliverance of his hostage sons1 felt bound to conciliate the ,pope1 and to secure funds had to conciliate the clergy1 ,marguerite1 compelled to marry the king of ,navarre1 could do nothing more for ,protestantism1 #aiib being herself openly and furiously denounced by the ,catholic clergy4 #aiic ,bought by a clerical subsidy1 the king1 on the occasion of a new outrage on a statue of the ,virgin 7#aebh71 #aiid associated himself with the popular indignation2 and when the audacious ,berquin1 despite the dissuasions of ,erasmus1 resumed his anti-,catholic polemic1 and in particular undertook to prove that ,bda1 the chief of the ,sorbonne1 was not a ,christian1 #aiie he was re-arrested1 tried1 and condemned to be publicly branded and imprisoned for life4 ,on his announcing an appeal to the absent king1 and to the pope1 a fresh sentence1 this time of death1 was hurriedly passed2 and he was strangled and burned 7#aebi7 within two hours of the sentence1 #aiif to the intense joy of the ecclesiastical multitude4 ,after various vacillations1 the king in #aecd had the fresh pretext of ,protestant outrage--the affixing of an anti-,catholic placard in all of the principal thoroughfares of ,paris1 and to the door of the king's own room #aiig--;for permitting a fresh persecution after he had refused the ,pope's request that he should join in a general extermination of heresy1 #aiih and there began at ,paris a series of human sacrifices4 ,it will have been observed that ,protestant outrages had provoked previous executions2 and there is some ground for the view that1 but for the new and exasperating outrage of #aecd1 the efforts which were being officially made for a modus vivendi might have met with success4 #aiii ,this hope was now frustrated4 ,in ,november1 #aecd1 seven men were condemned to be burned alive1 one of them for printing ,lutheran books4 ,in ,december others followed2 and in ,january1 #aece1 on the occasion of a royal procession to appease the wrath of ,god1 six ,lutherans 7by one account1 three by another7 were burned alive by slow fires1 one of the victims being a school-mistress4 #bjjj ,it was on this occasion that the king1 in a public speech1 declared3 ,were one of my arms infected with this poison1 ,i would cut it off4 ,were my own children tainted1 ,i should immolate them4 #bjja ,under such circumstances religious zeal naturally went far4 ,in six months there were passed #ajb sentences of death1 of which twenty-seven were executed1 the majority of the condemned having escaped by flight4 ,thereafter the individual burnings are past counting4 ,on an old demand of the ,sorbonne1 the king actually sent to the ,parlement an edict abolishing the art of printing2 #bjjb which he duly recalled when the ,parlement declined to register it4 ,but the ,french ,government was now committed to persecution4 ,the ,sorbonne's declaration against ,luther in #aeba had proclaimed as to the heretics that their impious and shameless arrogance must be restrained by chains1 by censures--nay1 by fire and flame1 rather than confuted by argument2 #bjjc and in that spirit the ruling clergy proceeded1 the king abetting them4 ,in #aedc he ordained that heresy should be punished as sedition2 #bjjd and in #aede occurred the massacres of the ,vaudois1 before described4 ,the result of this and further savageries was simply the wider diffusion of heresy1 and a whole era of civil war1 devastation1 and demoralization4 ,meantime ,calvin had been driven abroad1 to found a ,protestant polity at ,geneva and give a lead to those of ,england and ,scotland4 ,the balance of political forces prevented a ,protestant polity in ,france2 but nowhere else in the sixteenth century did ,protestantism fight so long and hard a battle4 ,that the ,reformation was a product of ,teutonic conscience is an inveterate fallacy4 #bjje ,the country in which ,protestantism was intellectually most disinterested and morally most active was ,france4 ,the main battle of erudition and doctrine against the ,catholic ,church1 justly contends ,guizot1 was sustained by the ,french reformers2 it was in ,france and ,holland1 and always in ,french1 that most of the philosophic1 historical1 and polemic works on that side were written2 neither ,germany nor ,england1 certainly1 employed in the cause at that epoch more intelligence and science4 #bjjf ,nor was there in ,france--apart from the provocative insults to ,catholics above mentioned--any such licence on the ,protestant side as arose in ,germany1 though the ,french ,protestants were as violently intolerant as any4 ,their ultimate decline1 after long and desperate wars ending in a political compromise1 was due to the play of socio-economic causes under the wise and tolerant administration of ,richelieu1 who opened the royal services to the ,protestant nobles4 #bjjg ,the ,french character had proved as unsubduable in ,protestantism as any other2 and the generation which in large part gradually reverted to ,catholicism did but show that it had learned the lesson of the strifes which had followed on the ,reformation--that ,protestantism was no solution of either the moral or the intellectual problems of religion and politics4 #g4 ,,the ,,political ,,process ,,in ,,britain ,it was thus by no predilection or faculty of race that the ,reformation so-called came to be associated historically with the northern or ,teutonic nations4 ,they simply succeeded in making permanent1 by reason of more propitious political circumstances1 a species of ecclesiastical revolution in which other races led the way4 ,as ,hussitism failed in ,bohemia1 ,lollardism came to nothing in ,england in the same age1 after a period of great vogue and activity4 #bjjh ,the designs of ,parliament on the revenues of the ,church at the beginning of the fifteenth century #bjji had failed by reason of the alliance knit between ,church and ,crown in the times when the latter needed backing2 and at the accession of ,henry ,,viii ,england was more orthodox than any of the other leading ,states of ,northern ,europe4 #bjaj ,henry was himself passionately orthodox1 and was much less of a reformer in his mental attitude than was ,wolsey1 who had far-reaching schemes for de-,romanizing the ,church alike in ,england and ,france1 and who actually gave the king a handle against him by his plans for turning ,church endowments to educational purposes4 #bjaa ,the personal need of the despotic king for a divorce which the pope dared not give him was the first adequate lead to the rejection of the papal authority4 ,on this the plunder of the monasteries followed1 as a forced measure of royal finance1 #bjab of precaution against papal influence1 and for the creation of a body of new interests vitally hostile to a papal restoration4 ,the king and the mass of the people were alike ,catholics in doctrine2 the ,protestant nobles who ruled under ,edward ,,vi were for the most part mere cynical plunderers1 appropriating alike ,church goods1 lands1 and school endowments more shamelessly than even did the potentates of ,germany2 and on the accession of ,queen ,mary the nation gladly reverted to ,romish usages1 though the spoil-holders would not surrender a yard of ,church lands4 #bjac ,had there been a succession of ,catholic sovereigns1 ,catholicism would certainly have been restored4 ,protestantism was only slowly built up by the new clerical and heretical propaganda1 and by the state of hostility set up between ,england and the ,catholic ,powers4 ,it was the episode of the ,spanish ,armada that1 by identifying ,catholicism with the cause of the great national enemy1 made the people grow definitely anti-,catholic4 ,even in ,shakespeare's dramas the old state of things is seen not yet vitally changed4 ,in ,scotland1 though there the priesthood had fewer friends than almost anywhere else1 the act of ,reformation was mainly one of pure and simple plunder of ,church property by the needy nobility1 in conscious imitation of the policy of ,henry ,,viii1 at a time when the throne was vacant2 and there too ,protestant doctrine was only gradually established by the new race of preachers1 trained in the school of ,calvin4 ,in ,ireland1 on the other hand1 ,protestantism became identified with the cause of the oppressor1 just as for ,england ,romanism was the cause of the enemy-in-chief4 ,race and national character1 whatever they may be understood to mean1 had nothing whatever to do with the course of events1 and doctrinal enlightenment had just as little4 #bjad ,in the words of a distinguished clerical historian3 ,no truth is more certain than this1 that the real motives of religious action do not work on men in masses2 and that the enthusiasm which creates ,crusaders1 ,inquisitors1 ,hussites1 ,puritans1 is not the result of conviction1 but of passion provoked by oppression or resistance1 maintained by self-will1 or stimulated by the mere desire of victory4 #bjae ,to this it need only be added that the desire of gain is also a factor1 and that accordingly the anti-papal movement succeeded where the balance of political forces could be turned against the clerical interest1 and failed where the latter predominated4 ,,chapter ,,xii ,,the ,,reformation ,,and ,,freethought #a4 ,,germany ,,and ,,switzerland ,in the circumstances set forth in the last chapter1 the ,reformation could stand for only the minimum of freethought needed to secure political action4 ,some decided unbelief there was within its original sphere2 #bjaf the best known instance being the private latitudinarianism of such humanist teachers as ,mutianus 7,mudt7 and ,crotus 7,jger71 of the ,erfurt ,university1 in the closing years of the fifteenth century4 ,trained in ,italy1 ,mutianus1 after his withdrawal to private life at ,gotha1 in his private correspondence #bjag avowed the opinion that the sacred books contained many designed fables2 that the books of ,job and ,jonah were such2 and that there was a secret wisdom in the ,moslem opinion that ,christ himself was not crucified1 his place being taken by someone resembling him4 ,to his young friend ,spalatin he propounded the question3 ,if ,christ alone be the way1 the truth1 and the life1 how went it with the men who lived so many centuries before his birth8 ,had they had no part in truth and salvation8 ,and he hints the answer that the religion of ,christ did not begin with his incarnation1 but is as old as the world1 as his birth from the ,father4 ,for what is the real ,christ1 the only ,son of ,god1 save1 as ,paul says1 the ,wisdom of ,god1 with which he endowed not only the ,jews in their narrow ,syrian land1 but also the ,greeks1 the ,romans1 and the ,germans1 however different might be their religious usages4 ,though some such doctrine could be found in ,eusebius1 #bjah it was remarkable enough in the ,germany of four hundred years ago4 ,but ,mutianus went still further4 ,to his friend ,heinrich ,urban he wrote that there is but one ,god and one ,goddess under the many forms and names of ,jupiter1 ,sol1 ,apollo1 ,moses1 ,christ1 ,luna1 ,ceres1 ,proserpina1 ,tellus1 ,maria4 ,but1 he prudently added1 heed that you do not spread it abroad4 ,one must hide it in silence1 like ,eleusinian mysteries4 ,in religious matters we must avail ourselves of the cloak of fable and enigma4 ,thou1 with the grace of ,jupiter--that is1 the best and greatest ,god--shouldst silently despise the little ,gods4 ,when ,i say ,jupiter1 ,i mean ,christ and the true ,god4 ,but enough of these all too high things4 ,such language hints of much current rationalism that can now only be guessed at1 since it was unsafe even to write to friends as ,mutianus did4 ,on concrete matters of religion he is even more pronounced1 laughing at the worship of the coat and beard and foreskin of ,jesus1 calling ,lenten food fool's food1 contemning the begging monks1 rejecting confession and masses for the dead1 and pronouncing the hours spent in altar-service lost time4 ,in his house at ,gotha1 behind the ,cathedral1 his friend ,crotus burlesqued the ,mass1 called the relics of saints bones from the gallows1 and otherwise blasphemed with his host4 #bjai ,but such esoteric doctrine and indoors unbelief can have had no part in the main movement2 and though at the same period we see among the common people the satirist ,heinrich ,bebel1 a ,swabian peasant's son1 jesting for them over the doctrines of trinity in unity1 the resurrection1 doomsday1 and the sacraments1 #bjbj it is certain that that influence counted for little in the way of serious thinking4 ,it was only as separate and serious heresies that such doctrines could long propagate themselves2 and ,luther in his letter to the people of ,antwerp #bjba speaks of one sect or group as rejecting baptism1 another the eucharist1 another the divinity of ,jesus1 and yet another affirming a middle state between the present life and the day of judgment4 ,one teacher in ,antwerp he describes as saying that every man has the ,holy ,ghost1 that being simply reason and understanding1 that there is no hell1 and that doing as we would be done by is faith2 but this heretic does not seem to have founded a sect4 ,the most extensive wave of really innovating thought was that set up by the social and anti-sacerdotal revolt of the ,anabaptists1 among whom occurred also the first popular avowals of ,unitarianism4 ,in the way of literature1 ,unitarian doctrine came from ,john ,campanus1 of ,jlich2 ,ludwig ,hetzer1 a priest of ,zrich2 and 7in a minor degree7 ,johann ,denk1 school-rector in ,nremberg in #aebd1 #bjbb and afterwards one of the earlier leaders of the ,anabaptist movement4 ,all three were men of academic training2 and ,hetzer1 who wrote explicitly against the divinity of ,christ1 had previously made with the aid of ,denk a ,german translation1 which was used by ,luther1 of the ,hebrew prophets 7#aebg74 ,he was beheaded at ,constance in #aebi1 nominally on the charge of practising free-love4 #bjbc ,campanus1 who published a book attacking the doctrine of the ,trinity and the teaching of ,luther1 had to leave ,wittemberg in consequence1 and finally died after a long imprisonment in ,cleve4 ,denk--an amiable and estimable man #bjbd--;is said1 on very scant grounds1 to have recanted before he died4 ,not only from such thoroughgoing heresy1 but from the whole ,anabaptist secession1 and no less from the rising of the peasants1 the main ,lutheran movement kept itself utterly aloof2 and1 though the ,catholics naturally identified the extremer parties with the ,reformation1 its official or ,centre polity made little for intellectual or political as distinct from ecclesiastical innovation4 ,towards the ,peasants' ,revolt1 which at first he favoured1 inasmuch as the peasants1 whom he had courted1 came to him for counsel1 ,luther's final attitude was so brutal that it has to-day almost no apologist2 and in this as in some of his other evil departures the mild ,melanchthon went with him4 #bjbe ,their doctrine was the very negation of all democracy1 and must be interpreted as an absolute capitulation to the nobles1 without whose backing they knew themselves to be ecclesiastically helpless4 ,in the massacres to which ,luther gave his eager approval a hundred thousand men were destroyed4 #bjbf ,from this time onwards1 pronounces ,baur1 ,luther ceases to be the representative of the spirit of his time2 he represents only one side of it4444 ,thenceforth his writings have no more the universal bearing they once had1 but only a particular4444 ,in the political connection we must date from ,luther's attitude to the ,peasants' ,war the ,lutheran theory of unconditional obedience4 ,christianity1 as ,luther preached it1 has given to princes unlimited power of despotism and tyranny2 while the poor man1 who1 without right of protest1 must submit to everything1 will be compensated for his earthly sufferings in heaven4 #bjbg ,naturally the princes henceforth grew more and more ,lutheran4 ,as naturally the crushed peasantry turned away from the ,reformation in despair4 ,luther had in the first instance approached them1 not they him4 ,before the revolt the reformers had made the peasant a kind of hero in their propaganda2 #bjbh and when in the first and moderate stage of the rising its motives were set forth in sixty-two articles1 these were purely agrarian4 ,there is no trace of a religious element in them1 no indication that their authors had ever heard of ,luther or of the ,gospel4 #bjbi ,then it was that ,luther commended them2 and thereafter a religious element began to obtrude4 #bjcj ,when the overthrow began1 doubtless sincerely reprobating the violences of the insurgents1 he hounded on the princes in their work of massacre1 ,melanchthon chiming in4 ,thereafter1 as ,melanchthon admitted1 the people showed a detestation of the ,lutheran clergy2 #bjca and among many there was even developed a kind of materialistic atheism4 #bjcb ,the political outcome1 as aforesaid1 was a thoroughly undemocratic organization of ,protestantism in ,germany2 and1 though the ecclesiastical tyranny which resulted from the more democratic system of ,calvin was not more favourable to progress or happiness1 the final ,german system of cujus regio1 ejus religio--every district taking the religion of its ruler--must be summed up as a mere negation of the right of private judgment4 ,save for the attempt of a ,frenchman1 ,franois ,lambert of ,avignon1 to organize a self-governing church1 ,german ,protestantism showed almost no democratic feeling4 #bjcc ,the one poor excuse for ,luther was that the peasants had never recognized the need or duty of maintaining their clergy4 #bjcd ,and seeing how the wealth of the ,church went to the nobles and the well-to-do1 and how downtrodden were the peasants all along1 it would be surprising indeed if they had4 ,they were not the workers of the ecclesiastical ,reformation1 and it wrought little or nothing for them4 ,the side on which the whole movement made for new light was its promotion of common schools1 which enabled many of the people for the first time to read4 #bjce ,this tendency had been seen among the ,waldenses1 the ,lollards1 and the ,hussites1 and for the same reasons4 ,such movements depended for their existence on the reading of the sacred books by the people for themselves2 and to make readers was their first concern4 ,in this connection1 of course1 note must be taken of the higher educational revival before the ,reformation1 #bjcf without which the ecclesiastical revolution could not have taken place even in ,germany4 ,as we saw1 a literary expansion preceded the ,hussite movement in ,bohemia2 and the stir of concern for written knowledge1 delightedly acclaimed by ,ulrich von ,hutten1 is recognized by all thoughtful historians in ,germany before the rise of ,luther4 ,such enlightenment as that of ,mutianus was far in advance of ,luther's own2 and enlightenment of a lower degree cannot have been lacking4 ,the ability to read1 indeed1 must have been fairly general in the middle class in ,germany1 for it appears that the partisan favour shown everywhere to ,luther's writings by the printers and booksellers gave him an immense propagandist advantage over his ,catholic opponents1 who could secure for their replies only careless or bad workmanship1 and were thus made to seem actually illiterate in the eyes of the reading public4 #bjcg ,as regards ,switzerland1 again1 it is the admitted fact that the educational movement began before the religious revival1 and was a cause of the ,reformation rather than a result4 #bjch ,so in ,holland1 the ,brethren of the ,common ,lot 7,fratres ,vit ,communis71 a partially communistic but orthodox order of learned and unlearned laymen which lasted from the fourteenth to the sixteenth century1 did much for the schooling of the common people1 and passed on their impulse to ,germany4 #bjci ,similarly in ,scotland the schools seem to have been fairly numerous even in the later ,catholic period4 #bjdj ,there1 and in some other countries1 it was the main merit of the ,reformation to carry on zealously the work so begun1 setting up common schools in every parish4 ,in ,lutheran ,germany this work was for a long period much more poorly done1 as regarded the peasantry4 ,these had been trodden down after their revolt into a state of virtual slavery4 ,the broad midlands and the entire eastern part of ,germany were filled with slaves1 who had neither status nor property nor education2 #bjda and it was long before any large number of the people were taught to read and write1 #bjdb the schooling given at the best being a scanty theological drill4 #bjdc ,but indeed for two-thirds of its adherents everywhere the ,reformation meant no other reading than that of the ,bible and catechisms and theological treatises4 ,coming as it did within one or two generations of the invention of printing1 it stood not for new ideas1 but for the spread of old4 ,that invention had for a time positively checked the production of new books1 the multiplication of the old having in a measure turned attention to the past2 #bjdd and the diffusion of the ,bible in particular determined the mental attitude of the movement in mass4 ,the thinking of its more disinterested promoters began and ended in ,bibliolatry3 ,luther and ,calvin alike did but set up an infallible book and a local tyranny against an infallible pope and a tyranny centring at ,rome4 ,neither dreamt of toleration2 and ,calvin1 the more competent mind of the two1 did but weld the detached irrationalities of the current theology into a system which crushed reason and stultified the morality in the name of which he ruled ,geneva with a rod of iron4 #bjde ,it is remarkable that both men reverted to the narrowest orthodoxies of the earlier ,church1 in defiance of whatever spirit of reasonable inquiry had been on the side of their movement4 ,it is a quality of faith1 wrote ,luther1 that it wrings the neck of reason and strangles the beast2 #bjdf and he repeatedly avowed that it was only by submitting his mind absolutely to the ,scriptures that he could retain his faith4 #bjdg ,he despised reason as heartily as any papal dogmatist could despise it4 ,he hated the very thought of toleration or comprehension4 #bjdh ,and when ,calvin was combated by the ,catholic ,pighius on the question of predestination and freewill1 his defence was that he followed ,christ and the ,apostles1 while his opponents resorted to human thoughts and reasonings4 #bjdi ,on the same principle he dealt with the ,copernican theory4 ,after once breaking away from ,rome both leaders became typical anti-freethinkers1 never even making ,savonarola's pretence to resort to rationalist methods1 though of course not more anti-rationalist than he4 ,the more reasonable ,zwingli1 who tried to put an intelligible aspect on one or two of the mysteries of the faith1 was scouted by both1 as they scouted each other4 ,it is noteworthy that ,zwingli1 the most open-minded of the ,reformers1 owed his relative enlightenment to his general humanist culture1 #bjej and in particular to the influence of ,pico della ,mirandola and of ,erasmus4 ,it has even been argued that his whole theological system is derived from ,pico1 #bjea but it appears to have been from ,erasmus that he drew his semi-rationalistic view of the eucharist1 #bjeb a development of that of ,berengar1 representing it as a simple commemoration4 ,such thinking was far from the spirit of the ,reformation2 and ,luther1 after the ,colloquy of ,marburg 7#aebi71 in which he and ,melanchthon debated against ,zwingli and ,oecolampadius1 spoke of those ,sacramentarians as not only liars1 but the very incarnation of lying1 deceit1 and hypocrisy4 #bjec ,zwingli's language is less ferocious2 but it is confessed of him that he too practised coercion against minorities in the case alike of the ,anabaptists and of the monasteries and nunneries1 and even in the establishment of his reformed eucharist4 #bjed ,the expulsion of the nuns of ,st4 ,katherinenthal in particular was an act of sheer tyranny2 and the outcome of the methods enforced by him at ,zrich was the bitter hostility of the five ,forest ,cantons1 which remained ,catholic4 ,in war with them he lost his life2 and after his death 7#aeca7 his sacramental doctrine rapidly disappeared from ,swiss and ,continental ,protestantism1 #bjee even as it failed to make headway in ,england4 #bjef ,at his fall the words of triumph and cursing used by ,lutherans and others were shameful and almost inhuman4 #bjeg ,in the sequel1 for sheer lack of a rational foundation1 the other ,protestant sects in turn fell to furious dissension and persecution1 some apparently finding their sole bond of union in hatred of the rest4 ,see ,menzel1 ,geschichte der ,deutschen1 #cte ,aufl4 ,cap4 #dca1 for a sample of ,lutheran popery2 and as to the strifes cp4 ,c4 ,beard1 ,the ,reformation1 as cited1 pp4 #ahb-hc2 ,dunham1 ,history of the ,germanic ,empire1 #ahce1 iii1 #aae-bj1 #aec1 #afi2 ,strype1 ,memorials of ,cranmer1 ed4 #ahdh1 iii1 #aee-fb2 ,a4 ,f4 ,pollard1 in ,the ,cambridge ,modern ,history1 vol4 ii1 ,the ,reformation1 ch4 viii1 pp4 #bgg-gi4 ,in the last-cited compilation1 however1 the strifes of the ,protestant sects are barely indicated4 ,as to ,luther's attitude towards new science1 see his derision of ,copernicus1 on scriptural grounds1 in the ,table ,talk1 ch4 lxix1 ,of ,astronomy and ,astrology4 7,the passage is omitted from the ,english translation in the ,bohn ,library1 p4 #cda2 and the whole chapter is dropped from the ,german abridgment published by ,reclam47 ,melanchthon was equally unteachable1 and actually proposed to suppress the new teachings by punitive methods4 7,initia ,doctrin ,physic1 cited by ,white1 ,warfare of ,science and ,theology1 #ahif1 i1 #abg47 ,it has been loosely claimed for ,luther that he was an enemy to religious persecution 7,lieber1 ,manual of ,political ,ethics1 #ahci1 pt4 i1 p4 #cbi71 when the only evidence offered is 7id4 p4 #bje7 that he declared against killing for heresy1 because innocent men were likely to be slain--,quare nullo modo possum admittere1 falsos doctores occidi4 ,as early as #aebd1 renouncing his previous doctrine of non-coercion1 he invoked the intervention of the ,state to punish blasphemy1 declaring that the power of the sword was given by ,god for such ends 7,bezold1 p4 #efc74 ,melanchthon too declared that ,our commands are mere ,platonic laws when the civil power does not give its support 7id4 p4 #efe74 ,a certain intellectual illusion is set up even by ,bezold when he writes that in ,luther's resort to physical force the hierarchical principle had triumphed over one of the noblest principles of the ,reformation4 ,the ,reformation had no specific principles4 ,among its promoters were professed all manner of principles4 ,the ,reformation was the outcome of all their activities1 and to make of it an entity or even a distinct set of theories is to obscure the phenomena4 ,such flaws of formulation1 however1 are trifling in comparison with the mis-statement of the historic fact which is still normal in academic as in popular accounts of the ,reformation4 ,it would be difficult1 for instance1 to give seriously a more misleading account of the ,lutheran reformation than the proposition of ,dr4 ,edward ,caird that1 in thrusting aside the claim of the ,church to place itself between the individual and ,god1 ,luther had proclaimed the emancipation of men not only from the leading strings of the ,church1 but1 in effect1 from all external authority whatever1 and even1 in a sense1 from all merely external teaching or revelation of the truth 7,hegel1 #ahhc1 p4 #ah74 ,luther thrust his own ,church precisely where the ,catholic ,church had been2 bitterly denounced new heresies2 and put the ,bible determinedly between the individual and ,god4 ,in ,luther's own day ,sebastian ,franck unanswerably accused him of setting up a paper pope in place of the human pope he had rejected4 ,luther's declaration was that the ungodly papists prefer the authority of the ,church far above ,god's ,word1 a blasphemy abominable and not to be endured1 wherewith 444 they spit in ,god's face4 ,truly ,god's patience is exceeding great1 in that they be not destroyed 7,table ,talk1 ch4 i74 ,another misconception is set up by ,pattison1 who seems to have been much concerned to shield ,calvin from the criticism of the civilized conscience 7see below1 p4 #deb74 ,he pronounces that ,calvin's great merit lies in his comparative neglect of dogma4 ,he seized the idea of reformation as a real renovation of human character 7,essays1 ii1 #bc74 ,if so1 the reformer can have had little satisfaction1 for he never admitted having regenerated ,geneva4 ,but the claim that he comparatively neglected dogma is true only in the sense that he was more inquisitorially zealous about certain forms of private conduct than was ,luther4 ,gruet1 indeed1 he helped to slay upon political charges1 taking a savage vengeance upon a personal opponent4 ,but even in ,gruet's case he sought later to add a religious justification to his crime4 ,and it was in the name of dogma that he put ,servetus to death1 exiled ,castalio1 imprisoned ,bolsec1 broke with old friends1 and imperilled the entire ,genevan polity4 ,pattison's praise would be much more appropriate to ,zwingli4 ,luther1 though he would probably have been ready enough to punish ,copernicus as a heretic1 was saved the evil chance which befel ,calvin of being put in a place of authority where he could in ,god's name commit judicial murder4 ,it is by acts so describable that the name of ,calvin is most directly connected with the history of freethought4 ,in nowise entitled to rank with its furtherers1 he is to be enrolled in the evil catalogue of its persecutors4 ,in the case of ,jacques ,gruet on a mixture of political and religious charges1 in that of ,michael ,servetus on grounds of dogma pure and simple1 he cast upon the record of ,genevan ,protestantism and upon his own memory an ineffaceable stain of blood4 ,gruet1 an adherent of the ,perrinist faction of ,geneva1 a party opposed to ,calvin1 on being arrested for issuing a placard against the clerical junto in power1 was found1 by the accounts of the ,calvinist historians1 to have among his papers some revealing his disbelief in the ,christian religion4 #bjeh ,this1 however1 proves to be a partisan account of the matter1 and is hardly even in intention truthful4 ,in the first place1 it was admitted by ,calvin that the placard1 affixed by night to the chair of ,st4 ,peter in ,geneva1 was not in ,gruet's handwriting2 yet he was arrested1 imprisoned1 and put to the torture with the avowed object of making him confess that he had acted at the instigation of ,franois ,favre1 of the wife of ,perrin1 and of other accomplices of the same party whom he must have had4 ,perrin was the former ,captain-,general of ,geneva1 a popular personage1 opposed to ,calvin and detested by him4 ,no match for the vigilant ,reformer1 ,perrin had been through ,calvin's intrigues deprived of his post2 and there was a standing feud between his friends and the ,calvinistic party in power4 ,the main part of the charges against ,gruet was political2 and the most circumstantial was based upon a draft1 found among his papers1 of a speech which he had ostensibly proposed to make in the ,general ,council calling for reform of abuses4 ,the speech contained nothing seditious1 but the intention to deliver it without official permission was described as lse-majest--a term now newly introduced into ,genevan procedure4 ,the other documentary proofs were trivial4 ,in one fragment of a letter there was an ironical mention of notre galant ,calvin2 and in a note on a margin of ,calvin's book against the ,anabaptists he had written in ,latin ,all trifles4 ,for the rest1 he was accused of writing two pages in ,latin in which are comprised several errors1 and of being inclined 7plutt enclin7 to say1 recite and write false opinions and errors as to the true words of ,our ,saviour4 #bjei ,concerning his errors the only documentary proof preserved is from an alleged scrap of his writing in corrupt ,latin1 cited by ,calvin as a sample of his inability to write ,latin correctly3 ,omnes tam humane quam divine que dicantur leges factae sunt ad placitum hominum1 which may be rendered1 ,all so-called laws1 divine as well as human1 are made at the will of men4 ,in the act of sentence1 he is declared further to have written obscene verses justifying free love2 to have striven to ruin the authority of the consistory1 menaced the ministers1 and abused ,calvin2 and to have conspired with the king of ,france against the safety of ,calvin and the ,state4 ,to make out these charges1 for the last of which there seems to be no evidence whatever1 ,gruet was put to the torture many times during many days according to the manner of the time1 says one of ,calvin's biographers4 #bjfj ,in reality such unmeasured use of torture was in ,geneva a ,calvinistic innovation4 ,gruet1 refusing under the worst stress of torture to incriminate anyone else1 at length1 in order to end it1 pleaded guilty to the charges against him1 praying in his last extremity for a speedy death4 ,on ,july #bf1 #aedg1 his half-dead body was beheaded on the scaffold1 the torso being tied and the feet nailed thereto4 ,such were the judicial methods and mercies of a reformed ,christianity1 guided by a chief reformer4 ,the biographer ,henry cannot repress a sigh over the thirty days of double torture of ,gruet 7ii1 #ff71 but goes on to make a most disingenuous defence of ,calvin1 first asserting that he was not responsible1 and then arguing that it would be as unjust to try ,calvin by modern standards as to blame him for not wearing a perruque la ,louis ,,xiv1 or proceeding by the ,code ,napolon6 ,the same moralist declares 7p4 #fh7 that it is really inspiriting to hear how ,calvin stormed in his sermons against the opposite party3 and is profoundly impressed by the deep religious earnestness with which ,calvin in #aeej claimed that ,the council ought again to declare aloud that this blasphemer has been justly condemned1 that the wrath of ,god may be averted from the city4 ,finally 7p4 #fi71 recording how ,gruet's book was burned in #aeej1 the biographer pronounces that ,the ,gospel thus gained a victory over its enemies2 in the same manner as in ,germany freedom triumphed when ,luther burnt the pope's bull4 ,as to the alleged anti-religious writings of ,gruet1 they were not produced or even specified till #aeej1 three years after his execution1 when they were said to have been found partly in the roof of what had been his house 7now occupied by the secretary of the consistory71 partly behind a chimney1 and partly in a dustbin4 ,put together1 they amounted to thirteen leaves1 in a handwriting which was declared by ,calvin to be juridically1 by good examination of trustworthy men1 recognized to be that of ,gruet4 ,the time and the singular manner of their discovery raises the question whether the papers had not been placed by the finders4 ,the execution of ,gruet1 the first bloodshed under ,calvin's rgime1 had roused new hatred against him2 the slain man figured as a martyr in the eyes of the party to which he belonged2 and it had become necessary to discredit him and them if the ascendancy of ,calvin was to be secure4 ,it is solely upon ,calvin's account that we have to depend for our knowledge of ,gruet's alleged anti-,christian doctrine2 for the document1 after being described and condemned1 was duly burned by the common hangman4 ,if genuine1 it was a remarkable performance4 ,according to the act of condemnation1 which is in the handwriting of ,calvin1 it derided all religions alike1 blasphemed ,god1 ,jesus1 the ,holy ,ghost1 the ,virgin ,mary1 ,moses1 the ,patriarchs1 the ,prophets1 the ,apostles1 the disciples1 the gospels1 the ,old and ,new ,testaments1 the gospel miracles1 and the resurrection4 #bjfa ,not a single phrase is quoted2 we have mere general description1 execration1 and sentence4 ,whether the document was a planned forgery1 or part of a copy by ,gruet of an anti-,christian treatise theretofore secretly circulated1 will never be known4 ,the story of ,gruet soon swelled into a legend4 ,according to one narrative1 he had copied with his own hand and circulated in ,geneva the mysterious treatise1 ,de ,tribus ,impostoribus1 the existence of which1 at that period1 is very doubtful4 #bjfb ,on the strength of this and other cases #bjfc the ,libertines have been sometimes supposed to be generally unbelievers2 but there is no more evidence for this than for the general ascription to them of licentious conduct4 ,it appears certain indeed that at that time the name ,libertine was not recognized as a label for all of ,calvin's political opponents1 but was properly reserved for the sect so-called2 #bjfd but even a vindicator of ,calvin admits that it is undeniable that the ,libertines i4e4 the political opponents of ,calvin1 so-called by modern writers of #aeee were the true political representatives of the patriots of #aecj4 #bjfe ,the presumption is that the political opposition included the more honest and courageous men of liberal and tolerant tendencies1 as ,calvin's own following included men of free life4 #bjff ,the really antinomian ,libertini of the period were to be found among the pantheistic-,christian sect or school so-called1 otherwise known as ,spirituals1 who seem to have been a branch of the ,brethren of the ,free ,spirit1 or fraternity of the ,spirit of ,liberty4 ,these ,calvin denounced in his manner2 but in #aedd he had also forced into exile his former friend1 ,sebastian ,castalio 7or ,castalion2 properly ,chatillon71 master of the public school at ,geneva1 for simply rejecting his doctrine of absolute predestination1 striving to have him driven in turn from ,basel2 and in #aeea he had caused to be imprisoned and banished a physician and ex-,carmelite1 ,jerome ,bolsec1 for publicly denying the same dogma4 ,bolsec1 being prevented by ,calvin's means from settling in any neighbouring ,protestant community1 returned to ,catholicism1 #bjfg as did many others4 ,after ,calvin's death ,bolsec took his revenge in an attack on the reformer in his public and private character1 #bjfh which has been treated as untrustworthy by the more moderate ,catholic scholars who deal with the period2 #bjfi and which1 as regards its account of his private morals1 is probably on all fours with ,calvin's own unscrupulous charges against the ,libertines and others who opposed him4 ,the tenets of the ,libertini are somewhat mystifying1 as handled by ,calvin and his biographer ,henry1 both alike animated by the odium theologicum in the highest degree4 ,by ,calvin's own account they were mystical ,christians1 speaking of ,christ as the spirit which is in the world and in us all1 and of the devil and his angels as having no proper existence1 being identical with the world and sin4 ,further1 they denied the eternity of the human soul and the freedom of the will2 and ,calvin charges them with subverting alike belief in ,god and morality 7,henry1 ,life of ,calvin1 ,eng4 tr4 ii1 #de-df74 ,the last charge could just as validly be brought against his own predestinarianism2 and as regards ethics we find ,calvin alternately denouncing the ,libertines for treating all sin as unpardonable1 and for stating that in ,christ none could sin4 ,apparently he gives his inferences as their doctrines2 and the antinomianism which1 in the case of the trial of ,madame ,ameaux1 ,henry identifies with pantheism1 was by his own showing of a ,christian cast4 ,little credit1 accordingly1 can be given to his summing up that among the ,libertines of ,geneva there exhibited itself a perfectly-formed anti-,christianity1 which he calls a true offspring of hell 7ii1 #di74 ,the residuum of truth appears to be that in the pantheism of this sect1 as ,neander says concerning the ,brethren of the ,free ,spirit among the ,beghards1 there were the foretokens of a thoroughly anti-,christian tendency1 hostile to everything supernatural1 every sentiment of a ,god above the world2 a tendency which contained 444 the germ of absolute rationalism 7,hist4 of the ,chr4 ,church1 ,torrey's tr4 ix1 #ecf74 ,pantheism1 logically extended1 obviously reduces the supernatural and the natural to unity1 and is thus atheistic4 ,but that the pantheists of ,geneva in ,calvin's day reached logical consistency is incredible4 ,the ,libertine sect1 in all likelihood1 was only partially antinomian1 and only in very small part consciously anti-,christian4 ,at this period 7#aeeb71 on the same issue of predestination1 ,calvin broke utterly with one of his closest friends1 ,jacques de ,bourgogne1 ,sieur de ,falais4 #bjgj ,it seemed as if the ,protestant polity were disrupting in a continuous convulsion of dogmatic strife2 and ,melanchthon wrote to ,bucer in despair over the madness and misery of a time in which ,geneva was returning to the fatalism of the ,stoics1 and imprisoning whosoever would not agree with ,zeno4 #bjga ,by this time it must have been clear to some that behind the strifes of raging theologians there lay a philosophic problem which they could not sound4 ,it is therefore not surprising to learn that already ,basel ,university1 as fifty years before at ,erfurt1 there was a latitudinarian group of professors who aimed at a universal religion1 and came near naturalism in the attempt2 #bjgb while elsewhere in ,switzerland1 as we shall see later1 there grew up the still freer way of thought which came to be known as ,deism4 ,a great impulse to that development1 as well as to simple ,unitarianism1 must have been given by the execution of ,michael ,servetus4 #bjgc ,that ill-starred heretic1 born of ,spanish stock in ,france1 brought to the propaganda of ,unitarianism1 of which he may be reckoned the inaugurator1 a determination as strong as ,calvin's own4 ,sent by his father to study civil law at ,toulouse1 he began there to study the ,bible1 doubtless under the stimulus of the early ,protestant discussions of the time4 ,the result was a prompt advance beyond the ,protestant standpoint4 ,leaving ,toulouse after two or three years' residence1 he visited ,bologna and ,augsburg in the train of the confessor of ,charles ,v4 ,thereafter he visited ,lyons and ,geneva1 and had some intercourse with ,oecolampadius at ,basel1 where he put in the hands of a bookseller the signed manuscript of his first book1 ,de ,trinitatis erroribus libri septem4 ,the bookseller sent it on to ,hagenau1 in ,alsace1 which as an imperial city seems to have had special freedom in the matter of book-publishing2 and thither1 after visiting ,bucer and ,capito at ,strasburg1 ,servetus went to have it printed in #aeca4 #bjgd ,in this treatise1 produced in his twenty-first year1 he definitely rejects ,trinitarianism1 while putting somewhat obscurely his own idea of the nature of ,jesus ,christ--whom1 it should be noted1 he held in high reverence4 ,in the following year he produced at the same place another small treatise1 ,dialogorum de ,trinitate libri duo1 wherein he recasts his first work1 retracting it and apologizing for its crudity1 but standing substantially to its positions4 ,it was not till #aeec that he printed at ,vienne in ,dauphin1 without his name1 his ,christianismi ,restitutio4 #bjge ,in the interval he had been doing scientific work as an editor of ,ptolemy 7#aece1 ,lyons71 and as a student of and lecturer on anatomy and medicine at ,paris1 where 7#aecf7 he met ,calvin on his last visit to ,france4 ,in #aech he is found studying at ,louvain2 and1 after practising medicine at ,avignon and ,charlieu1 he again studies medicine at ,montpellier4 ,the ,archbishop of ,vienne1 who had heard him lecture at ,paris1 established him at ,vienne as his confidential physician 7#aeda-ec71 and there it was that he produced the book for which he died4 ,about #aede-df he had rashly written to ,calvin1 sending him the ,,ms4 of the much-expanded recast of his books which later appeared as the ,restitutio4 ,calvin sent a hostile reply1 and on the same day wrote to ,farel3 ,if he come1 and my influence can avail1 ,i shall not suffer him to depart alive4 ,servetus had denounced the papacy as fiercely as any ,protestant could wish1 yet his heresy on the question of the ,trinity #bjgf was enough to doom him to instant death at ,calvin's hands4 ,servetus could not get back his ,,ms41 and wrote to a friend about #aedg that he felt sure the affair would bring him to his death4 #bjgg ,when in #aeeb-ec he had the book privately printed at ,vienne1 and the bulk of the edition was sent to ,lyons and ,frankfort1 the toils closed around him1 the ecclesiastical authorities at ,lyons being apprised of the facts by de ,trie1 a ,genevan ,protestant1 formerly of ,lyons4 ,the whole ,protestant world1 in fact1 was of one opinion in desiring to suppress ,servetus's anti-,trinitarian books1 and the wonder is that he had so long escaped both ,protestant and ,catholic fury4 ,luther had called his first book horribly wicked2 and ,melanchthon1 who in #aecc foresaw from the second much dangerous debate1 wrote in #aeci to the ,venetian ,senate to warn them against letting either be sold4 #bjgh ,it is significant of the random character of ,protestant as of ,catholic thought that ,servetus1 like ,melanchthon1 was a convinced believer in astrology1 #bjgi while ,luther on ,biblical grounds rejected astrology and the ,copernican astronomy alike1 and held devoutly by the belief in witchcraft4 ,the superiority of ,servetus consists in his real scientific work--he having in part given out the true doctrine of the circulation of the blood #bjhj--;and his objection to all persecution of heresy4 #bjha ,philosophically1 he was more than a mere ,scripturist4 ,though pantheism was not charged upon him1 we have ,calvin's testimony that he propounded it in the strongest form4 #bjhb ,calvin's guilt in the matter begins with his devices to have ,servetus seized by the ,catholic authorities of ,lyons #bjhc--to set misbelievers1 as he regarded them1 to slay the misbeliever--and his use of ,servetus's confidential letters against him4 #bjhd ,he was not repelling a heresy from his own city1 but heretic-hunting far away in sheer malignity4 ,the ,catholics were the less cruel gaolers1 and let their prisoner escape1 condemning him to death at ,vienne in absence4 ,after some months of wandering he had the temerity to seek to pass into ,italy by way of ,geneva1 and was there at length recognized1 and arrested4 ,after a long trial he was sentenced to be burned alive 7,oct4 #bg1 #aeec74 ,the trial at ,geneva is a classic document in the records of the cruelties committed in honour of chimeras2 and ,calvin's part is the sufficient proof that the ,protestant could hold his own with the ,catholic ,inquisitor in the spirit of hate4 #bjhe ,it has been urged1 in his excuse1 that the doctrines of ,servetus were blasphemously put2 but in point of fact ,calvin passed some of his bitterest denunciation on the statement1 cited 7from ,lorenz ,friese7 in a note in ,servetus's edition of ,ptolemy's ,geography1 that ,judea is actually a barren and meagre country1 and not flowing with milk and honey4 ,despite the citation of ample proof1 and the plea that the passage was drawn from a previous edition1 it was by ,calvin adjudged blasphemous in that it necessarily inculpated ,moses and grievously outraged the ,holy ,spirit4 #bjhf ,the language of ,calvin against ,servetus at this point is utterly furious4 ,had ,servetus chanced to maintain the doctrine of the earth's motion1 he would certainly have been adjudged a blasphemer on that score also2 for in the ,argument to his ,commentary on ,genesis 7#aefc7 ,calvin doggedly maintains the ,ptolemaic theory4 ,his language tells of much private freethinking around him on the ,mosaic doctrine1 and his tone leaves no doubt as to how he would treat published heresy on that theme4 ,the audacity of ,servetus in suggesting that the #ecrd chapter of ,isaiah had historical reference to ,cyrus is for him anathema4 #bjhg ,even before this hideous episode1 ,calvin's passion of malevolence against his theological opponents in his own sect is such as to shock some of his adoring biographers4 #bjhh ,all the ,protestant leaders1 broadly speaking1 grew more intolerant as they grew in years--a fair test as between the spirit of dogma and the spirit of freethought4 ,calvin had begun by pleading for tolerance and clemency2 ,luther1 beginning as a humanitarian1 soon came to be capable of hounding on the ,german nobility against the unhappy peasants2 ,melanchthon1 tolerant in his earlier days1 applauded the burning of ,servetus2 #bjhi ,beza laboriously defended the act4 ,erasmus stood for tolerance2 and ,luther accordingly called him godless1 an enemy of true religion1 a slanderer of ,christ1 a ,lucian1 an ,epicurean1 and 7by implication7 the greatest knave alive4 #bjij ,the burning of ,servetus in #aeec1 however1 marked a turning point in ,protestant theological practice on the ,continent4 ,there were still to come the desperate religious wars in ,france1 in which more than #cjj1jjj houses were destroyed1 abominable savageries were committed1 and all civilization was thrown back1 both materially and morally2 and there was yet to come the still more appalling calamity of the ,thirty ,years' ,war in ,germany--a result of the unstable political conditions set up at the ,reformation2 but theological human sacrifices were rapidly discredited4 ,servetus was not the first victim1 but he was nearly the last4 ,the jurist ,matthieu ,gripaldi 7or ,gribaldo7 lectured on law at ,toulouse1 ,cahors1 ,valence1 and ,padua successively1 and1 finding his anti-,trinitarian leanings everywhere a source of danger to him1 had sought a retreat at ,fargias near ,geneva1 then in the jurisdiction of ,berne4 ,venturing to remonstrate with ,calvin against the sentence on ,servetus1 he brought upon himself the angry scrutiny of the heretic-hunter1 and was banished from the neighbourhood4 ,for a time he found refuge in a new professorship at ,tbingen2 but there too the alarm was raised1 and he was expelled4 ,coming back to ,fargias1 he gave refuge to the heretic ,valentinus ,gentilis on his escape from ,geneva2 and again ,calvin attacked him1 delivering him to the authorities of ,berne4 ,an abjuration saved him for the time2 but he would probably have met the martyr's fate in time had not his death by the plague1 in #aefd1 guaranteed him1 as ,bayle remarks1 against any further trial for heresy4 #bjia ,the effect of theological bias on moral judgment is interestingly exemplified in the comment of ,mosheim on the case of ,servetus4 ,unable to refer to the beliefs of deists or atheists without vituperation1 ,mosheim finds it necessary to add to his account of ,servetus as a highly-gifted and very learned man the qualification3 ,yet he laboured under no small moral defects1 for he was beyond all measure arrogant1 and at the same time ill-tempered1 contentious1 unyielding1 and a semi-fanatic4 ,every one of these characterizations is applicable in the highest degree to ,calvin1 and in a large degree to ,luther2 yet for them the historian has not a word of blame4 ,even among rationalists it has not been uncommon to make light of ,calvin's crimes on the score that his energy maintained a polity which alone sustained ,protestantism against the ,catholic ,reaction4 ,this is the verdict of ,michelet3 ,the ,renaissance1 betrayed by the accident of the mobilities of ,france1 turning to the wind of light volitions1 would assuredly have perished1 and the world would have fallen into the great net of the fishers of men1 but for that supreme concentration of the ,reformation on the rock of ,geneva by the bitter genius of ,calvin4 ,and again3 ,against the immense and darksome net into which ,europe fell by the abandonment of ,france nothing less than this heroic seminary could avail 7,hist4 de ,france1 vol4 x1 ,la ,rforme3 end of pref4 and end of vol474 ,though this verdict has been accepted by such critical thinkers as ,pattison 7,essays1 ii1 #cj-cb7 and ,lord ,morley 7,romanes ,lecture on ,machiavelli1 #ahgg1 p4 #dg71 it is difficult to find for it any justification in history4 ,the nature of the proposition is indeed far from clear4 ,michelet appears to mean that ,geneva saved ,europe as constituting a political rallying-point1 a nucleus for ,protestantism4 ,pattison1 pronouncing that ,calvinism saved ,europe 7,essays1 ii1 #cb71 explains that it was by a positive education of the individual soul2 and that this1 and this alone1 enabled the ,reformation to make head against the terrible repressive forces brought to bear by ,spain--the ,inquisition and the ,jesuits 7p4 #cb74 ,the thesis thus vanishes in rhetoric1 for it is quite impossible to give such a formula any significance in the light of the history of ,protestantism in ,britain1 ,scandinavia1 ,germany1 and ,holland4 ,it implies that where ,protestantism finally failed--as in ,italy1 ,france1 ,bohemia1 ,hungary1 ,poland1 ,belgium1 parts of ,germany1 and parts of ,switzerland--it was because the individual spirit had not been educated enough1 which is a mere omission to note the real economic and political causation4 ,neither ,michelet nor ,pattison had any scientific notion of the nature of the process4 ,if we revert to ,michelet's claim1 we get no more satisfaction4 ,the very fact that ,calvin's polity could subsist without any special military protection is the proof that it could have subsisted without the gross cruelty and systematic persecution which marked it out from the rest of the world1 making ,geneva a kind of frozen hell of austerity and retribution and secret sin4 ,to say otherwise is to say that freedom and toleration are less attractive to men than ferocity1 tyranny1 and gloom4 ,calvin drove many men back to ,catholicism1 and had his full share in the mortal schism which set ,calvinists and ,lutherans at daggers drawn for a century1 while ,catholicism re-conquered ,poland and ,bohemia and ,hungary1 held ,france1 and nearly re-conquered ,lutheran ,germany4 ,there is no reason to suppose that the ,reformation would have gone otherwise in ,britain1 ,scandinavia1 and ,holland had ,geneva gone as far in tolerance as it actually did in intolerance4 ,to call it1 as ,michelet does1 an asylum1 in view of ,calvin's expulsion or execution of every man who dared to differ from him1 is courageous4 ,at the close of his argument 7p4 #da7 ,pattison sums up that1 ,greatly as the ,calvinistic ,churches have served the cause of political liberty1 they have contributed nothing to the cause of knowledge4 ,the admission is in the main valid2 but the claim will not stand1 unless political liberty is to be newly defined4 ,the ,calvinistic rule at ,geneva was from the first a class tyranny1 which became more and more narrow in its social basis4 ,the ,calvinist clergy and populace of ,holland turned their backs on republican institutions1 and became violent monarchists4 ,the ,calvinists of ,england and ,scotland were as determined persecutors as ever lived4 ,and1 indeed1 how should liberty anywhere flourish when knowledge is trodden under foot8 ,the treatment of ,bernardino ,ochino1 who had turned ,protestant after being vicar-general of the ,capuchin order1 shows the slackening of ferocity after the end of ,servetus4 ,ochino in a late writing ventured guardedly to suggest certain relaxations of the law of monogamy--a point on which some ,lutherans went much further than he--and was besides mildly heretical about the ,trinity4 #bjib ,he was in consequence expelled with his family from the canton of ,zrich 7#aefc71 at the age of seventy-six4 ,finding ,switzerland wholly inhospitable1 and being driven by the ,catholics from ,poland1 where he had sought to join the ,socinians1 he went to die in ,moravia4 #bjic ,this was no worse treatment than ,lutherans and ,calvinists normally meted out to each other2 #bjid and several of the ,italian ,protestants settled at ,geneva who leant to ,unitarian views--among them ,gribaldo1 ,biandrata1 and ,alciati--found it prudent to leave that fortress of orthodoxy1 where they were open to official challenge4 #bjie ,finally1 when the ,italian ,valentinus ,gentilis1 or ,gentile1 the anti-,trinitarian1 variously described as ,tritheist1 ,deist1 and ,arian1 uttered his heresies at ,geneva1 he contrived1 after an imprisonment1 a forced recantation1 and a public degradation 7#aeeh71 to escape thence with his life1 but was duly beheaded at ,berne in #aeff1 refusing this time to recant4 #bjif ,this ends the main ,swiss era of theological murder2 but a century was to pass before sectarian hatreds subsided1 or the spirit of persecution was brought under control of civilization4 ,in #afcb1 indeed1 a ,protestant minister1 ,nicholas ,anthoine1 was burned at ,geneva on the charge of apostasy to ,judaism4 ,as he had been admittedly insane for a time1 and had repeatedly shown much mental excitement1 #bjig his execution tells of a spirit of cruelty worthy of the generation of ,calvin4 ,the ,protestant ,bibliolatry1 in short1 was as truly the practical negation of freethought and tolerance as was ,catholicism itself2 and it was only their general remoteness from each other that kept the different reformed communities from absolute war where they were not1 as in ,switzerland1 held in check by the dangers around them4 #bjih ,as it was1 they had their full share in the responsibility for the furious civil wars which so long convulsed ,france1 and for those which ultimately reduced ,germany to the verge of destruction1 arresting her civilization for over a hundred years4 ,to sum up4 ,in ,germany ,protestantism failed alike as a moral and as an intellectual reform4 ,the lack of any general moral motive in the ecclesiastical revolution is sufficiently proved by the general dissolution of conduct which1 on the express admission of ,luther1 followed upon it4 #bjii ,this was quite apart from the special disorders of the ,anabaptist movement1 which1 on the other hand1 contained elements of moral and religious rationalism1 as against ,bibliolatry1 that have been little recognized4 #bajj ,of that movement the summing-up is that1 like the ,lutheran1 it turned to evil because of sheer lack of rationalism4 ,among its earlier leaders were men such as ,denk1 morally and temperamentally on a higher plane than any of the ,lutherans4 ,but ,anabaptism too was fundamentally scriptural and revelationist1 not rational2 and it miscarried in its own way even more hopelessly than the theological reform4 ,lutheranism1 renouncing the rational and ethical hope of social betterment1 ran to insane dissension over irrational dogma2 ,anabaptism1 ignorantly attaching the hope of social betterment to religious delusion1 ran to irrational social schemes1 ending in anarchy1 massacre1 and extinction4 ,but the ,lutheran failure was intellectually and morally no less complete4 ,luther was with good reason ill at ease about his cause when he died in #aedf2 and ,melanchthon1 dying in #aefj1 declared himself glad to be set free from the rabies theologorum4 #baja ,the test of the new regimen lay1 if anywhere1 in the ,university of ,wittemberg2 and there matters were no better than anywhere else4 #bajb ,german university life in general went from bad to worse till a new culture began slowly to germinate after the ,thirty ,years' ,war2 #bajc and the germs came mainly from the neighbouring nations4 ,german ,switzerland exhibited similar symptoms1 the ,reformation being followed by no free intellectual life1 but by a tyranny identical in spirit and method with that of ,rome4 #bajd ,it rests1 finally1 on the express testimony of leading ,reformers that the main effect of the ,reformation in the intellectual life of ,germany was to discredit all disinterested learning and literature4 ,melanchthon in particular1 writing at dates as far apart as #aebb and #aeeg1 repeatedly and emphatically testifies to the utter disregard of erudition and science in the interests of pietism1 corroborating everything said to the same effect by ,erasmus4 #baje ,on the social and political side the rule of the ,protestant princes was not only as tyrannous but as indecorous as that of their ,catholic days1 each playing pope in his own dominions2 #bajf and their clergy were not in a position to correct them4 ,menzel notes that the normal drunkenness of the ,protestant aristocracy at this period made current in ,europe the expression a ,german swine4 ,and whereas ,germany before the ,reformation was at various points a culture force for ,europe--whence the readiness in other nations at first to follow the ,lutheran lead--it progressively became more and more of an object-lesson of the evils of heresy1 thus fatally weakening the cause of ,protestantism in ,france1 where its fortunes hung in the balance4 ,even in the matter of theology1 ,protestantism did not hold its own against ,catholic criticism4 ,both began by discriminating in the scriptural canon1 rejecting some books and depreciating others1 all the while professing to make the ,word of ,god their sole or final standard4 ,when the ,catholics pressed the demand as to how they could settle what was the true ,word of ,god1 their followers and successors could make no answer1 and had to fall back on an indiscriminate acceptance of the ,canon4 ,again1 ,luther and ,calvin alike maintained the doctrine of ,assurance1 and this was one of the points in ,calvinism accepted by ,arminius4 ,the ,catholics1 naturally making the most of the admitted increase of sexual and other licence in ,germany and elsewhere under ,lutheranism1 dwelt upon ,luther's predestinarianism in general1 and the doctrine of ,assurance in particular1 as the source of the demoralization2 and at the ,council of ,trent it was expressly condemned4 ,thereafter1 though it was part and parcel of the ,confessions of all the ,churches of the ,reformation down to the ,westminster ,assembly1 it was in the last-named conclave 7#afdc7 declared not to be of the essence of faith2 and the ,scottish ,general ,assembly subsequently deposed and condemned holders of this1 the original ,protestant doctrine4 ,similar modifications took place elsewhere4 ,thus the ,protestant world drifted back to a ,catholic position1 affirmed at the ,council of ,trent against ,protestantism2 #bajg and in ,holland we shall see1 in the rise of ,arminianism1 a similar surrender on the ,protestant side to the general pressure of ,catholicism upon the ethical weaknesses of ,predestinarianism4 ,on that point1 however1 the original ,catholic doctrine of predestination was revived by the ,spanish ,jesuit ,luis ,molina 7#aece-afjj2 not to be confused with the later ,quietist1 ,miguel de ,molinos71 who in his treatise ,liberi ,arbitrii concordia cum grati donis 7#aehh7 set it forth as consequent upon ,god's foreknowledge of man's free use of his will4 ,as a result of the dispute between the ,thomists and ,molina's followers1 known as the ,molinists1 the ,pope in #afjg pronounced that the views of both sides were permissible--a course which had already been taken twenty years before with the controversy on predestination aroused by the doctrines of ,michael ,baius at the ,university of ,louvain4 #bajh ,thus the dissensions of ,catholics in a manner kept in countenance the divided ,protestants2 but the old confidence of affirmation and formulation was inevitably sapped by the constant play of controversy2 and from this ,protestantism necessarily suffered most4 ,intellectually1 there was visible retrogression in the ,protestant world4 ,it is significant that throughout the sixteenth century most of the great scientific thinkers and the freethinkers with the strongest bent to new science lived in the ,catholic world4 ,rabelais and ,bruno were priests2 ,copernicus a lay canon2 ,galileo had never withdrawn from the ,church which humiliated him2 even ,kepler returned to the ,catholic environment after professing ,protestantism4 ,he was in fact excommunicated by the ,tbingen ,protestant authorities in #afab #baji for condemning the ,lutheran doctrine that the body of ,christ could be in several places at once4 ,the immunity of such original spirits as ,gilbert and ,harriott from active molestation is to be explained only by the fact that they lived in the as yet un-,puritanized atmosphere of ,elizabethan ,england1 before the age of ,bibliolatry4 ,it would seem as if the spirit of ,scripturalism1 invading the very centres of thought1 were more fatal to original intellectual life than the more external interferences of ,catholic sacerdotalism4 #baaj ,in the phrase of ,arnold1 ,protestantism turned the key on the spirit1 where ,catholicism was normally content with an outward submission to its ceremonies1 and only in the most backward countries1 as ,spain1 destroyed entirely the atmosphere of free mental intercourse4 ,it was after a long reaction that ,bruno and ,galileo were arraigned at ,rome4 ,the clerical resistance to new science1 broadly speaking1 was more bitter in the ,protestant world than in the ,catholic2 and it was merely the relative lack of restraining power in the former that made possible the later scientific progress4 ,the history of ,lutheranism upon this side is an intellectual infamy4 ,at ,wittemberg1 during ,luther's life1 ,reinhold did not dare to teach the ,copernican astronomy2 ,rheticus had to leave the place in order to be free to speak2 and in #aega the subject was put in the hands of ,peucer1 who taught that the ,copernican theory was absurd4 ,finally1 the rector of the university1 ,hensel1 wrote a text-book for schools1 entitled ,the ,restored ,mosaic ,system of the ,world1 showing with entire success that the new doctrine was unscriptural4 #baaa ,a little later the ,lutheran superintendent1 ,pfeiffer1 of ,lbeck1 published his ,pansophia ,mosaica1 insisting on the literal truth of the entire ,genesaic myth4 #baab ,in the next century ,calovius 7#afab-afhf71 who taught successively at ,knigsberg1 ,dantzic1 and ,wittemberg1 maintained the same position1 contending that the story of ,joshua's staying the sun and moon refuted ,copernicus4 #baac ,when ,pope ,gregory ,,xiii1 following an impulse abnormal in his world1 took the bold step of rectifying the ,calendar 7#aehd71 the ,protestants in ,germany and ,switzerland vehemently resisted the reform1 and in some cities would not tolerate it1 #baad thus refusing1 on theological grounds1 the one species of co-operation with ,catholicism that lay open to them4 ,and the anti-scientific attitude persisted for over a century in ,switzerland as in ,scotland4 ,at ,geneva1 ,j4-,a4 ,turretin 7#afga-agcg71 writing after ,kepler and ,newton had done their work1 laboriously repeated the demonstration of ,calovius1 and reaffirmed the positions of ,calvin4 ,so far as its ministers could avail1 the ,sacred ,book was working the old effect4 #b4 ,,england ,freethought gained permanently as little in ,england as elsewhere in the process of substituting local tyranny for that of ,rome4 ,the secularizing effect of the ,reformation1 indeed1 was even more marked there than elsewhere4 ,what ,wolsey had aimed at doing with moderation and without revolution was done after him with violence on motives of sheer plunder1 and a multitude not only of monasteries but of churches were disendowed and destroyed4 ,the monastic churches were often magnificent1 and when the monasteries were dissolved1 divine service altogether ceased in ninety out of every hundred of these great churches1 and the remaining ten were left 444 without any provision whatever for public worship4 #baae ,all this must have had a secularizing effect1 which was accentuated by the changes in ritual2 and by the middle of the century it was common to treat both churches and clergy with utter irreverence1 which indeed the latter often earned by their mode of life4 #baaf ,riots in churches1 especially in ,london1 were common2 there was in fact a habit of driving mules and horses through them2 #baag and buying and selling and even gaming were often carried on4 ,but with all this there was no intellectual enlightenment1 and in high places there was no toleration4 ,under ,henry ,,viii anti-,romanist heretics were put to death on the old ,romanist principles4 ,in #aecb1 again1 was burned ,james ,bainham1 who not only rejected the specially ,catholic dogmas1 but affirmed the possible salvation of unbelievers4 ,under the ,protectorate which followed there was indeed much religious semi-rationalism1 evidently of continental derivation1 which is discussed in the theological literature of the time4 ,roger ,hutchinson1 writing about #aeej1 repeatedly speaks of contemporary ,sadducees and ,libertines who say 7#a7 that all spirits and angels are no substances1 but inspirations1 affections1 and qualities2 7#b7 that the devil is nothing but nolitum1 or a filthy affection coming of the flesh2 7#c7 that there is neither place of rest nor pain after this life2 that hell is nothing else but a tormenting and desperate conscience2 and that a joyful1 quiet1 and merry conscience is heaven4 ,see ,the ,image of ,god1 or ,layman's ,book1 #aeej1 ch4 xxiv3 ,parker ,society's rep4 #ahdb1 pp4 #acd1 #ach1 #adj4 ,cp4 p4 #gi and ,sermon ,,ii1 on ,the ,lord's ,supper 7id4 p4 #bdg71 as to ,julianites who do think mortal corpo1 mortal anima4 ,to the period #aeej-fj is also assigned the undated work of ,john ,veron1 ,a ,frutefull ,treatise of ,predestination and of the ,divine ,providence of ,god1 with an ,apology of the same against the swynishe gruntinge of the ,epicures and ,atheystes of oure time4 ,there was evidently a good deal of new rationalism1 which has been generally ignored in ,english historiography4 ,its foreign source is suggested by the use of the term ,libertines1 which derives from ,france and ,geneva4 ,see below1 p4 #dgc4 ,the above-cited tenets are1 in fact1 partly identical with those of the libertins denounced at ,geneva by ,calvin4 ,such doctrine1 which we shall find in vogue fifty years later1 cannot have been printed1 and probably can have been uttered only by men of good status1 as well as culture2 and even by them only because of the weakness of the ,state ,church in its transition stage4 ,yet heresy went still further among some of the sects set up by the ,anabaptist movement1 which in ,england as in ,germany involved some measure of ,unitarianism4 ,a letter of ,hooper to ,bullinger in #aedi tells of libertines and wretches who are daring enough in their conventicles not only to deny that ,christ is the ,messiah and ,saviour of the world1 but also to call that blessed ,seed a mischievous fellow and deceiver of the world4 #baah ,this must have been said with locked doors1 for much milder heresy was heavily punished1 the worst penalties falling upon that which stood equally with orthodoxy on ,biblical grounds4 ,in #aeda1 under ,henry ,,viii1 were burned three persons because they denied transubstantiation1 and had not received the sacrament at ,easter4 ,see the letter of ,hilles to ,bullinger1 ,original ,letters1 as cited1 i1 #bjj4 ,the case of ,jean ,bouchier or ,bocher1 burned in #aeej1 is well known4 ,it is worth noting that the common charge against ,cranmer1 of persuading the young king to sign her death warrant1 is false1 being one of the myths of ,foxe4 ,the warrant was passed by the whole ,privy ,council1 ,cranmer not being even present4 ,see the ,parker ,society's reprint of ,roger ,hutchinson1 #ahab1 introd4 pp4 ii-#e4 ,hutchinson apparently approved2 and it is significant of the clerical attitude of the time that he calls 7,image of ,god1 ch4 xxx1 p4 #bja7 for the punishment of ,anabaptists by death if necessary1 but does not suggest it for ,sadducees and ,libertines4 ,the ,elizabethan archbishops and the ,puritans were equally intolerant2 and the idea of free inquiry was undreamt of4 ,that there had been much private discussion in clerical circles1 however1 is plain from the #acth and #ahth of the ,thirty-nine ,articles 7#aefb71 which repudiate natural morality and hold accursed those who say that men can be saved under any creed4 #baai ,this fulmination would not have occurred had the heresy not been pressing2 but the curse would thenceforth set the key of clerical and public utterance4 ,the ,reformation1 in fact1 speedily over-clouded with fanaticism what new light of freethought had been glimmering before2 turning into ,bibliolaters those who had rationally doubted some of the ,catholic mysteries1 and forcing back1 either into silence or1 by reaction1 into ,catholic bigotry1 those more refined spirits who1 like ,sir ,thomas ,more1 had before been really in advance of their age intellectually and morally1 and desired a transmutation of the old system rather than its overthrow4 ,nothing so nearly rational as the ,utopia 7#aeae-af7 appeared again in ,english literature for a century2 it is indeed1 in some respects1 a lead to social science in our own day4 ,more1 with all his spontaneous turn for pietism1 had evidently drunk in his youth or prime #babj at some freethinking source1 for his book recognizes the existence of unbelievers in deity and immortality2 and though he pronounces them unfit for political power1 as did ,milton1 ,locke1 and ,voltaire long after him1 he stipulates that they be tolerated4 #baba ,broadly speaking1 the book is simply deistic4 ,from a world1 says a popular historian1 clerically trained--from a world where fifteen hundred years of ,christian teaching had produced social injustice1 religious intolerance1 and political tyranny1 the humorist philosopher turns to a ',nowhere' in which the efforts of mere natural human virtue realized those ends of security1 equality1 brotherhood1 and freedom1 for which the very institution of society seems to have been framed4 #babb ,in his own case1 however1 we see the ,nemesis of the sway of feeling over judgment1 for1 beginning by keeping his prejudice above the reason of whose teaching he is conscious1 he ends by becoming a blind religious polemist and a bitter persecutor4 ,cp4 ,isaac ,disraeli's essay1 ,the ,psychological ,character of ,sir ,thomas ,more1 in the ,amenities of ,literature1 and the present writer's essay1 ,culture and ,reaction1 in ,essays in ,sociology1 vol4 i4 ,lord ,acton1 vindicating ,more as against ,wolsey1 pleads 7,histor4 ,essays and ,studies1 #aijg1 p4 #fd7 that ,more before his death protested that no ,protestant perished by his act4 ,this seems to be true in the bare sense that he did not exceed his ostensible legal duties1 and several times restrained the execution of the law 7,archdeacon ,hutton1 ,sir ,thomas ,more1 #ahie1 pp4 #bae-bb74 ,but the fact remains that ,more expressly justified and advocated the burning of heretics as lawful1 necessary1 and well done4 ,title of ch4 xiii of ,dialogue1 ,the ,supper of the ,lord4 ,cp4 title of ch4 xv4 ,it is in the wake1 then1 of the overthrow of ,catholicism in the second generation that a far-reaching freethought begins to be heard of in ,england2 and this clearly comes by way of new continental and literary contact1 which would have occurred in at least as great a degree under ,catholicism1 save insofar as unbelief was facilitated by the irreverence developed by the ecclesiastical revolution1 or by the state of indifference which among the upper classes was the natural sequel of the shameless policy of plunder and the oscillation between ,protestant and ,catholic forms4 ,and it was finally in such negative ways only that ,protestantism furthered freethought anywhere4 #c4 ,,the ,,netherlands ,hardly more fortunate was the earlier course of things intellectual after the ,reformation in the ,netherlands1 where by the fifteenth century remarkable progress had been made alike in science and the arts1 and where ,erasmus acquired his culture and did his service to culture's cause4 ,the fact that ,protestantism had to fight for its life against ,philip was of course not the fault of the ,protestants2 and to that ruinous struggle is to be attributed the arrest of the civilization of ,flanders4 ,but it lay in the nature of the ,protestant impulse that1 apart from the classical culture which in ,holland was virtually a successful industry1 providing editions for all ,europe1 it should turn all intellectual life for generations into vain controversy4 ,the struggle between reform and popery was followed by the struggle between ,calvinism and ,arminianism2 and the second was no less bitter if less bloody than the first1 #babc the religious strife passing into civil feud4 ,the secret of the special bitterness of ,calvinist resentment towards the school of ,arminius lay in the fact that the latter endorsed some of the most galling of the ,catholic criticisms of ,calvinism4 ,arminius ,latinized name of ,jacob ,harmensen or van ,harmin1 #aefj-afji1 professor of theology at ,leyden was personally a man of great amiability1 averse to controversy1 but unable to reconcile the ,calvinist view of predestination with his own quasi-rational ethic1 and concerned to secure that the dogma should not be fastened upon all ,dutch ,protestants4 ,in his opinion1 no effective answer could be made on ,calvinist lines to the argument of ,cardinal ,bellarmin #babd that from much ,calvinist doctrine there flowed the consequences3 ,god is the author of sin2 ,god really sins2 ,god is the only sinner2 sin is no sin at all4 #babe ,this was substantially true2 and ,arminius1 like ,bellarmin1 unable to see that the ,calvinist position was simply a logical reduction to moral absurdity of all theistic ethic1 sought safety in fresh dogmatic modifications4 ,of these the ,calvinists1 in turn1 could easily demonstrate the logical incoherence2 and in a ring of dilemmas from which there was no logical exit save into ,naturalism there arose an exacerbated strife1 as of men jostling each other in a prison where some saw their nominal friends in partial sympathy with their deadly enemies1 who jeered at their divisions4 ,the wonder is that the chaos of dispute and dogmatic tinkering which followed did not more rapidly disintegrate faith4 ,calvinists sought modifications under stress of dialectic1 like their predecessors2 and the high ,supralapsarian doctrine--the theory of the certain regeneration or perseverance of the saints--shaded into the ,creabilitarian opinion #babf and yet another2 while the ,sublapsarian view claimed also to safeguard predestination4 ,so long as men remained in the primary ,protestant temper1 convinced that they possessed in their ,bibles an infallible revelation1 such strife could but generate new passion1 even as it had done on the other irrational problem of the eucharist4 ,for men of sane and peaceful disposition1 the only modes of peace were resignation and doubt2 and in the case of the doubters the first intellectual movements would be either back towards ,rome #babg or further on towards deism4 ,the former course would be taken by some who had winced under the jeers of the ,catholics2 the latter by the hardier spirits who judged ,catholicism for themselves4 ,as most of the fighting had been primed by and transacted over texts1 the surrender of the belief in an inspired scripture greatly reduced the friction2 and in ,holland as elsewhere deism would be thus spontaneously generated in the ,protestant atmosphere4 ,a few went even further4 ,i have no doubt that many persons have secretly revolted from the ,reformed ,church to the ,papists1 wrote ,uitenbogaert to ,vorstius in #afac4 ,i firmly believe1 he added1 that ,atheism is creeping by degrees into the minds of some4 #babh ,where mere ,arminianism could bring ,barneveldt to the block1 even deism could not be avowed2 and generations had to pass before it could have the semblance of a party2 but the proof of the new vogue of unbelief lies in the labour spent by ,grotius 7,hugo or ,huig van ,groot1 #aehc-afde7 on his treatise ,de ,veritate ,religionis ,christian 7#afbg7--;a learned and strenuous defence of the faith which had so lacerated his fatherland1 first through the long struggle with ,spain1 and again in the feud of ,arminians and ,calvinists4 ,when ,barneveldt was put to death1 ,grotius had been sentenced to imprisonment for life2 and it was only after three years of the dungeon that1 by the famous stratagem of his wife1 he escaped in #afba4 ,the fact that he devoted his freedom in ,france first to his great treatise ,on the ,law of ,war and ,peace 7#afbe71 seeking to humanize the civil life of the world1 and next to his defence of the ,christian religion1 is the proof of his magnanimity2 but the spectacle of his life must have done as much to set thinkers against the whole creed as his apologetic did to reconcile them to it4 ,he1 the most distinguished ,dutch scholar and the chief apologist of ,christianity in his day1 had to seek refuge1 on his escape from prison1 in ,catholic ,france1 whose king granted him a pension4 ,the circumstance which in ,holland chiefly favoured freethought1 the freedom of the press1 was1 like the great florescence of the arts in the seventeenth century1 a result of the whole social and political conditions1 not of any ,protestant belief in free discussion4 ,that there were freethinkers in ,holland in and before ,grotius's time is implied in the pains he took to defend ,christianity2 but that they existed in despite and not by grace of the ruling ,protestantism is proved by the fact that they did not venture to publish their opinions4 ,in ,france1 doubtless1 he found as much unbelief as he had left behind4 ,in the end1 ,grotius and ,casaubon alike recoiled from the narrow ,protestantism around them1 which had so sadly failed to realize their hopes4 #babi ,in #afdb ,grotius had become wholly averse to the ,reformation4 ,he thought it had done more harm than good2 and had he lived a few years longer he would probably have become a ,catholic4 #bacj #d4 ,,conclusion ,thus concerning the ,reformation generally we are obliged to confess that1 especially in ,germany1 it soon parted company with free learning2 that it turned its back upon culture2 that it lost itself in a maze of arid theological controversy2 that it held out no hand of welcome to awakening science4 ,presently we shall see that the impulse to an enlightened study and criticism of the ,scriptures came chiefly from heretical quarters2 that the unbelieving ,spinoza and the ,arminian ,le ,clerc pointed the way to investigations which the great ,protestant systematizers thought neither necessary nor useful4 ,even at a later time it has been the divines who have most loudly declared their allegiance to the theology of the ,reformation who have also looked most askance at science1 and claimed for their statements an entire independence of modern knowledge4 #baca ,in fine1 to look at the ,reformation by itself1 to judge it only by its theological and ecclesiastical development1 is to pronounce it a failure2 and the claim that to consider it as part of a general movement of ,european thought 444 is at once to vindicate its past and to promise it the future--this amounts merely to avowing the same thing4 ,only as an eddy in the movement of freethought is the ,reformation intellectually significant4 ,politically it is a great illustration of the potency of economic forces4 ,while1 however1 the ,reformation in itself thus did little for the spirit of freethought1 substituting as it did the arbitrary standard of revelation for the not more arbitrary standard of papal authority1 it set up outside its own sphere some new movements of rational doubt which must have counted for much in the succeeding period4 ,it was not merely that1 as we shall see1 the bloody strifes of the two ,churches1 and the quarrels of the ,protestant sects among themselves1 sickened many thoughtful men of the whole subject of theology2 but that the disputes between ,romanists and anti-,romanists raised difficult questions as to the bases of all kinds of belief4 ,as always happens when established beliefs are long attacked1 the subtler spirits in the conservative interest after a time begin putting in doubt beliefs of every species2 a method often successful with those who cannot carry an argument to its logical conclusions1 and who are thus led to seek harbour in whatever credence is on the whole most convenient2 but one which puts stronger spirits on the reconsideration of all their opinions4 ,thus we shall find1 not only in the skepticism of ,montaigne1 which is historically a product of the wars of religion in ,france1 but in the more systematic and more cautious argumentation of the abler ,protestants of the seventeenth century1 a measure of general rationalism much more favourable alike to natural science and to ,biblical and ethical criticism than had been the older environment of authority and tradition1 brutal sacerdotalism1 and idolatrous faith4 ,men continued to hate each other religiously for trifles1 to quarrel over gestures and vestures1 and to wrangle endlessly over worn-out dogmas2 but withal new and vital heresies were set on foot2 new science generated new doubt2 and under the shadow of the aging tree of theology there began to appear the growths of a new era4 ,as ,protestantism had come outside the universal ,church1 rearing its own tabernacles1 so freethought came outside both1 scanning with a deepened intentness the universe of things4 ,and thus began a more vital innovation than that dividing the ,reformation from the ,renaissance1 or even that dividing the ,renaissance from the ,middle ,ages4 ,,chapter ,,xiii ,,the ,,rise ,,of ,,modern ,,freethought #a4 ,,the ,,italian ,,influence ,the negative bearing of the ,reformation on freethought is made clear by the historic fact that the new currents of thought which broadly mark the beginning of the modern spirit arose in its despite1 and derive originally from outside its sphere4 ,it is to ,italy1 where the political and social conditions thus far tended to frustrate the ,inquisition1 that we trace the rise alike of modern deism1 modern ,unitarianism1 modern pantheism1 modern physics1 and the tendency to rational atheism4 ,the deistic way of thinking1 of course1 prevailed long before it got that name2 and besides the vogue of ,averrosm we have noted the virtual deism of ,more's ,utopia 7#aeaf74 ,the first explicit mention of deism noted by ,bayle1 however1 is in the epistle dedicatory to the second and expanded edition of the ,instruction ,chrtienne of the ,swiss ,protestant ,viret 7#aefc71 where professed deists are spoken of as a new species bearing a new name4 ,on the admission of ,viret1 who was the friend and bitter disciple of ,calvin1 they rejected all revealed religion1 but called themselves deists by way of repudiating atheism2 some keeping a belief in immortality1 some rejecting it4 ,in the theological manner he goes on to call them all execrable atheists1 and to say that he has added to his treatise on their account an exposition of natural religion grounded on the ,book of ,nature2 stultifying himself by going on to say that he has also dealt with the professed atheists4 #bacb ,of the deists he admits that among them were men of the highest repute for science and learning4 ,thus within ten years of the burning of ,servetus we find privately avowed deism and atheism in the area of ,french-speaking ,protestantism4 ,doubtless the spectacle of ,protestant feuds and methods would go far to foster such unbelief2 but though1 as we have seen1 there were aggressive ,unitarians in ,germany before #aecj1 who1 being scholars1 may or may not have drawn on ,italian thought1 thereafter there is reason to look to ,italy as the source of the propaganda4 ,thence came the two ,sozzini1 the founders of ,socinianism1 of whom ,lelio1 the uncle of ,fausto1 travelled much in northern ,europe 7including ,england7 between #aedf and #aeeb4 #bacc ,as the earlier doctrine of ,servetus shows clear affinities to that of the ,sozzini1 and his earlier books were much read in ,italy between #aecb and #aedj1 he may well have given them their impulse4 #bacd ,it is evidently to ,servetus that ,zanchi referred when he wrote to ,bullinger in #aefe that ,spain bore the hens1 ,italy hatched the eggs1 and we now hear the chickens piping4 #bace ,before ,socinianism had taken form it was led up to1 as we have seen1 in the later writings of the ex-monk ,bernardino ,ochino 7#adhg-aefd71 who1 in the closing years of a much chequered career1 combined mystical and ,unitarian tendencies with a leaning to polygamy and freedom of divorce4 #bacf ,his influence was considerable among the ,swiss ,protestants1 though they finally expelled him for his heresies4 ,from ,geneva or from ,france1 in turn1 apparently came some of the ,english freethought of the middle period of the sixteenth century2 #bacg for in #aefb ,speaker ,williams in the ,house of ,commons1 in a list of misbelievers1 speaks of ,pelagians1 ,libertines1 ,papists1 and such others1 leaving ,god's commandments to follow their own traditions1 affections1 and minds #bach--using theologically the foreign term1 which never became naturalized in ,english in its foreign sense4 ,it was about the year #aefc1 again1 that ,roger ,ascham wrote his ,scholemaster1 wherein are angrily described1 as a species new in ,england1 men who1 where they dare1 scorn both ,protestant and ,papist1 rejecting scripture1 and counting the ,christian mysteries as fables4 #baci ,he describes them as atheoi in doctrine2 adding1 this last word is no more unknowne now to plane ,englishe men than the ,person was unknown somtyme in ,england1 untill some ,englishe man took peines to fetch that develish opinion out of ,italie4 #badj ,the whole tendency he connects in a general way with the issue of many new translations from the ,italian1 mentioning in particular ,petrarch and ,boccaccio4 ,among good ,protestants his view was general2 and so ,lord ,burghley in his ,advice to his ,son writes3 ,suffer not thy sons to pass the ,alps1 for they shall learn nothing there but pride1 blasphemy1 and atheism4 ,as it happened1 his grandson the second ,earl of ,exeter1 and his great-grandson ,lord ,roos1 went to ,rome1 and became not atheists but ,roman ,catholics4 ,such episodes should remind us that in that age of ignorance and superstition the ,church had always an immense advantage4 ,those who1 like ,gentillet in his raging ,discours1 commonly known as the ,contre-,machiavel 7#aegf71 ascribed to atheism and the teaching of ,machiavelli all the crimes and oppressions wrought by ,catholics1 #bada were ludicrously perverting the facts4 ,massacres in churches1 which are cited by ,gentillet as impossible to believing ,catholics1 were wrought1 as we have seen1 on the largest scale by the ,church in the thirteenth century4 ,so1 when ,scaliger calls the ,italians of his day a set of atheists1 we are to understand it rather of the hypocrisy than of the professed skepticism of the time4 #badb ,but rationalism and semi-rationalism did prevail in ,italy more than in any other country4 #badc ,like the old ,averrosm1 the new pietistic ,unitarianism persisted in ,italy and radiated thence afresh when it had flagged in other lands4 ,the exploded ,unitarian tradition #badd runs that the doctrine arose in the year #aedf among a group of more than forty learned men who were wont to assemble in secret at ,vicenza1 near ,venice4 ,claudius of ,savoy1 however1 emphatically gave out his anti-,trinitarian doctrine at ,berne in #aecd1 after having been imprisoned at ,strasburg and banished thence2 #bade and ,ochino and ,lelio ,sozzini left ,italy in #aedc4 ,but there seems to have been a continuous evolution of ,unitarian heresy in the south after the ,german movement had ceased4 ,giorgio ,biandrata1 whom we have seen flying to ,poland from ,geneva1 had been seized by the ,inquisition at ,pavia for such opinion4 ,still it persisted4 ,in #aefb ,giulio ,guirlando of ,treviso1 and in #aeff ,francesco ,saga of ,rovigo1 were burned at ,venice for anti-,trinitarianism4 ,giacomo ,aconzio too1 who dedicated his ,stratagems of ,satan 7,basel1 #aefe7 to ,queen ,elizabeth1 and who pleaded notably for the toleration of heresy1 #badf was a decided latitudinarian4 #badg ,it is remarkable that the whole ferment occurs in the period of the ,catholic ,reaction1 the ,council of ,trent1 and the subjection of ,italy1 when the papacy was making its great effort to recover its ground4 ,it would seem that in the compulsory peace which had now fallen on ,italian life men's thoughts turned more than ever to mental problems1 as had happened in ,greece after the rise of ,alexander's empire4 ,the authority of the ,church was outwardly supreme2 the ,jesuits had already begun to do great things for education2 #badh the revived ,inquisition was everywhere in ,italy2 its prisons1 as we have seen1 were crowded with victims of all grades during a whole generation2 ,pius ,v and the hierarchy everywhere sought to enforce decorum in life2 the pagan academies formed on the ,florentine model were dissolved2 and classic culture rapidly decayed with the arts1 while clerical learning flourished1 #badi and a new religious music began with ,palestrina4 ,yet on the death of ,paul ,,iv the ,roman populace burned the ,office of the ,inquisition to the ground and cast the pope's statue into the ,tiber2 #baej and in that age 7#aedh7 was born ,giordano ,bruno1 one of the types of modern freethought4 ,the great service of ,italy to modern freethought1 however1 was to come later1 in respect of the impulse given to the scientific spirit by ,bruno1 ,vanini1 and ,galileo4 ,on the philosophical or critical side1 the ,italy of the middle of the sixteenth century left no enduring mark on ,european thought1 though her serious writers were numerous4 ,aconzio had published1 before his ,de ,stratagematibus ,satan1 a treatise ,de ,methodo1 sive recta investigandarum tradendarumque scientiarum ratione 7,basel1 #aeeh71 wherein he pleads strenuously for a true logical method as the one way to real knowledge of things4 ,in this he anticipates ,bacon1 as did1 still earlier1 ,mario ,nizolio in his ,antibarbarus sive de veris principiis et vera ratione philosophandi contra pseudo-philosophos 7,parma1 #aeec74 ,nizolio's main effort is towards the discrediting of ,aristotle1 whom1 like so many in the generation following1 he regarded as the great bulwark of scholastic obscurantism4 ,he insists that all knowledge must proceed from sensation1 which alone has immediate certainty2 and thus stands for direct scientific observation as against tradition and verbalism4 ,but ,ludovicus ,vives had before him 7in his ,de causis corruptarum artium1 ,antwerp1 #aeca7 claimed that the true ,aristotelian went direct to nature1 as ,aristotle himself had done2 and ,nizolio did nothing in practical science to substantiate his polemic against the logic-choppers4 ,he and ,aconzio in effect cancel each other4 ,each had glimpsed a truth1 one seeing the need for a right method in inference1 the other protesting against the idea that abstract reasoning could lead to knowledge2 but neither made good his argument by any treasure trove of fact4 ,another writer of the same decade1 ,gomez ,pereira1 joined in the revolt against ,aristotelianism1 publishing in #aeed his ,margarita ,antoniana1 wherein1 in advance of ,descartes1 he maintained the absence of sensation in brutes4 #baea ,for the rest1 he championed freedom in speculation1 denying that authority should avail save in matters of faith4 ,but he too failed to bring forth fruits meet for freedom4 ,neither by abstract exposition of right methods of reasoning1 nor by abstract attacks on wrong methods1 could any vital impulse yet be given to thought4 ,what was lacking was the use of reason upon actual problems1 whether of human or of natural science4 ,all the while ,europe was anchored to ancient delusion1 historical and scientific4 ,even as the horrors of age-long religious war could alone drive men to something like toleration in the religious life1 there was needed the impact of actual discovery to win them to science as against scholasticism4 ,and rational thinking on the religion which resisted all new science was to be still later of attainment1 save for the nameless men who throughout the ages of faith rejected the creeds without publishing their unbelief4 ,of these ,italy had always a large sprinkling4 #b4 ,,spain ,the fact that sixteenth-century ,spain could be charged1 on the score of ,servetus1 with producing the hen of ,socinianism1 is an important reminder of the perpetuity of variation and of the fatality of environment4 ,the ,portuguese ,sanchez1 whom we shall find laying new potential foundations of skepticism in ,france alongside of ,montaigne1 could neither have acquired nor propounded his philosophy in his native land4 ,but it is to be noted that an elder contemporary of ,sanchez1 living and dying in ,spain1 was able1 in the generation after ,servetus1 to make a real contribution to the revival of freethought1 albeit under shelter of a firm profession of orthodoxy4 ,no book of the kind1 perhaps1 had a wider ,european popularity than the ,examen de ,ingenios para las ciencias of ,huarte de ,san ,juan1 otherwise ,juan ,huarte y ,navarro 7c4 #aecj-aeib74 ,like ,servetus and ,sanchez and many another1 ,huarte had his bias to reason fostered by a medical training2 and it is as a natural philosopher that he stands for a rational study of causation4 ,as a pioneer of exact science1 indeed1 he counts for next to nothing4 ,taking as his special theme the divergences of human faculty1 he does but found himself on the priori system of humours and temperatures passed on by ,aristotle to ,galen and ,hippocrates1 inconsistently affirming on the one hand that the characters not only of whole nations but of the inhabitants of provinces are determined by their special climates and aliments1 and on the other hand that individual faculty is determined by the proportions of hot and cold1 moist and dry temperatures in the parents4 ,apart from his insistence on the functions of the brain1 and from broadly rational deliverances as to the kinds of faculty which determine success in theology and law1 arms and arts1 his science is naught4 ,dealing with an obscure problem1 he brought to it none of the exact inductiveness which alone had yielded true knowledge in the simpler field of astronomy4 ,in virtue1 however1 either of his confidence in affirmation or of his stand for rational inquiry1 or of both1 ,huarte's book1 published in #aege1 went the round of ,europe4 ,translated into ,italian in #aehb 7or earlier2 new rendering #afjj71 it was thence rendered into ,english by ,richard ,carew in #aeid4 #baeb ,a ,french version appeared in #aeih1 and two others in #affa and #afga4 ,a later ,english translation1 from the original1 was produced in #afih2 and ,lessing thought the book worth putting into ,german in #aghe4 ,the rationalistic importance of ,huarte lies in his insistence on the study of second causes and his protest against the burking of all inquiry by a reference to deity4 ,on this head he anticipates much of the polemic of ,bacon4 ,the explanation of all processes and phenomena by the will of ,god1 he observes1 is so ancient a manner of talk1 and the natural philosophers have so often refuted it1 that the seeking to take the same away were superfluous1 neither is it convenient4444 ,but ,i have often gone about to consider the reason and the cause whence it may grow that the vulgar sort is so great friend to impute all things to ,god1 and to reave them from ,nature1 and do so abhor the natural means4 #baec ,his solution is the impatience of men over the complexity of ,nature1 their spiritual arrogance1 their indolence1 and their piety4 ,for himself1 he pronounces1 as ,middleton did in ,england nearly two centuries later1 that ,god doth no longer those unwonted things of the ,new ,testament2 and the reason is1 for that on his behalf he hath performed all necessary diligence that men might not pretend ignorance4 ,and to think that he will begin anew to do the like miracles 444 is an error very great4444 ,god speaks once 7saith ,job7 and turns not to a second replial4 #baed ,only thus could the principle of natural causation be affirmed in the ,spain of ,philip ,,ii4 ,huarte is careful to affirm miracles while denying their recurrence2 and throughout he writes as a good ,scripturist and ,catholic4 ,but he sticks to his naturalist thesis that ,nature makes able1 and avows that natural philosophers laugh at such as say1 ,this is ,god's doing1 without assigning the order and discourse of the particular causes whence they may spring4 #baee ,the fact that the book was dedicated to ,philip tells of royal protection1 without which the author could hardly have escaped the ,inquisition4 ,years after1 we shall find ,lilly in ,england protesting on the stage against the conception of ,natura naturans2 and ,bacon powerfully reaffirming ,huarte's doctrine1 with the same reservations4 ,the ,spaniard must have counted for something as a pleader for elementary reason1 if ,bacon did4 ,but this is practically the only important contribution from ,spain to the intellectual renascence then going on in ,europe4 ,as we have seen1 it was not that ,spaniards had any primordial bias to dogmatism and persecution3 it was simply that their whole socio-political evolution1 largely determined by ,spanish discovery and dominion in the ,new ,world1 set up institutions and forces which became specially powerful to stamp out freethought4 ,the work of progress was done in lands where lack of external dominion left on the one hand a greater fund of variant energy1 and on the other made for a lesser power of repression on the part of ,church and ,state4 #c4 ,,france ,while ,italy continues to be reputed throughout the sixteenth century a hotbed of freethinking1 styled atheism1 it appears to have been in ,france1 alongside of the wars of religion1 that positive unbelief1 as distinct from scripturalist ,unitarianism1 made most new headway among laymen4 ,it was in ,france that the forces of change had greatest play4 ,the mere contact with ,italy which began with the invasion of ,charles ,,vii in #adid meant a manifold moral and mental influence1 affecting ,french literature and life alike2 and the age of strife and destruction which set in with the first ,huguenot wars could not but be one of disillusionment for multitudes of serious men4 ,we have seen as much in the work of ,bonaventure des ,periers and ,rabelais2 but the spread of radical unbelief is to be traced1 as is usual in the ages of faith1 by the books written against it4 ,already in #aeeb we have seen ,guillaume ,postell publishing his book1 ,contra ,atheos4 #baef ,unbelief increasing1 there is published in #aefd an ,atheomachie by one ,de ,bourgeville2 but the ,massacre must have gone far to frustrate him4 ,in #aeha appears another ,atheomachie1 ou rfutation des erreurs et impits des ,athistes1 ,libertins1 etc41 issued at ,geneva1 but bearing much on ,french life2 and in the same year is issued the long-time popular work of the ,huguenot ,philippe de ,mornay1 ,de la vrit de la religion ,chrestienne1 ,contre les ,athes1 ,epicuriens1 ,payens1 ,juifs1 ,mahumedistes1 et autres ,infidles4 #baeg ,in both the ,epistle ,dedicatory 7to ,henry of ,navarre7 and the ,preface the author speaks of the great multiplication of unbelief1 the refutation of which he declares to be more needful among ,christians than it ever had been among the heathen4 ,but1 like most of the writers against atheism in that age1 he declares #baeh that there are no atheists save a few young fools and utterly bad men1 who turn to ,god as soon as they fall sick4 ,the reputed atheists of antiquity are vindicated as having denied not the principle of deity but the false ,gods of their age--this after the universality of a belief in ,gods in all ages had been cited as one of the primary proofs of ,god's existence4 ,in this fashion is compiled a book of nine hundred pages1 ostensibly for the confutation of a few fools and knaves1 described as unworthy of serious consideration4 ,evidently the unbelief of de ,mornay's day was a more vigorous growth than he affected to think2 and his voluminous performance was followed by others4 ,in #aehf1 ,christophe ,cheffontaines published his ,epitome nov illustrationis ,christianae ,fidei adversus ,impios1 ,libertinos et ,atheos2 and still skepticism gained ground1 having found new abettors4 ,first came the ,portuguese ,francisco ,sanchez 7#aeeb-afbc871 born in ,portugal1 but brought as a child to ,bordeaux1 which seems to have been a place of refuge for many fugitive heretics from both sides of the ,peninsula4 ,sanchez has recorded that in his early youth he had no bias to incredulity of any kind2 but at some stage of his adolescence he travelled in ,italy and spent some time at ,rome4 ,the result was not that special disbelief in ,christianity which was proverbially apt to follow1 but a development on his part of philosophic skepticism properly so-called1 which found expression in a ,latin treatise entitled ,quod ,nihil ,scitur--,that ,nothing is ,known4 ,composed as early as #aegf1 in the author's twenty-fourth year1 the book was not published till #aeha1 a year after the first issue of the ,essais of ,montaigne4 ,it is natural to surmise that while ,sanchez was at ,bordeaux he may have known something of his famous contemporary2 but though ,montaigne is likely to have read the ,quod ,nihil ,scitur in due course1 he nowhere speaks of it2 and in #aegf ,sanchez was a ,professor of ,medicine at ,montpellier1 then a town of ,huguenot leanings4 ,soon he left it for ,toulouse1 the hotbed of ,catholic fanaticism1 where he contrived to live out his long life in peace1 despite his production of a ,pyrrhonist treatise and of a remarkable ,latin poem 7#aegh7 on the comet of #aegg4 ,the ,quod ,nihil ,scitur is a skeptical flank attack on current science1 in no way animadverting on religion1 as to which he professed orthodoxy3 the poem is a frontal attack on the whole creed of astrology1 then commonly held by ,averrosts and ,aristotelians1 as well as by orthodox ,catholics4 ,yet he seems never to have been molested4 ,it would seem as if a skepticism which ostensibly disallowed all claims to natural knowledge1 while avowedly recognizing spiritual1 was then as later thought to make rather for faith than against it4 ,that such virtual ,pyrrhonism as that of ,sanchez can ever have ministered to religious zeal is not indeed to be supposed3 it is rather as a weapon against the confidence of the ,naturalist that the skeptical method has always recommended itself to the calculating priest4 ,and inasmuch as astrology could be1 and was1 held by a non-religious theory1 though many ,christians added it to their creed1 a polemic against that was the least dangerous form of rationalizing then possible4 ,at all times there had been priests who so reasoned1 though1 as we have seen in dealing with the men of the ,protestant ,reformation1 the belief in astral influences is too closely akin to the main line of religious tradition to be capable of ejection on religious grounds4 ,with his hostility to credulous hopes and fears in the sphere of ,nature1 ,sanchez is naturally regarded as a forerunner and helper of freethought4 ,but there is nothing to show that his work had any effect in undermining the most formidable of all the false beliefs of ,christendom4 #baei ,like so many others of his age1 he flouted ,aristotelean scholasticism1 but was perforce silent as to the verbalisms and sophistries of simple theology4 ,it may fairly be inferred that his poem on the comet of #aegg helped to create that current of reasoned disbelief #bafj which we find throwing up almost identical expressions in ,montaigne1 ,shakespeare1 and ,molire1 #bafa concerning the folly of connecting the stars with human affairs4 ,but a skepticism which left untouched the main matter of the creeds could not affect conduct in general2 and while ,sanchez passed unchecked the watchdogs of the ,inquisition1 the fiery ,bruno and ,vanini were in his day to meet their fiery death at its hands--the latter in ,toulouse1 perhaps under the eyes of ,sanchez4 ,having resigned his professorship of medicine1 he seems to have lived to a ripe age1 dying in #afbc4 ,probably those very deaths availed more for the rousing of critical thought than did the dialectic of the ,pyrrhonist4 ,to the life of the reason may with perfect accuracy be applied the claim so often made for that of religion--that it feeds on feeling and is rooted in experience4 ,revolt from the cruelties and follies of faith plays a great part in the history of freethought4 ,in the greatest ,french writer of that age1 a professed ,catholic1 but in mature life averse alike to ,catholic and to ,protestant bigotry1 the shock of the ,massacre of ,saint ,bartholomew can be seen disintegrating once for all the spirit of faith4 ,montaigne typifies the kind of skepticism produced in an unscientific age by the practical demonstration that religion can avail immeasurably more for evil than for good4 #bafb ,a few years before the ,massacre he had translated for his dying father #bafc the old ,theologia ,naturalis of ,raymond of ,sebonde2 and we know from the later ,apology in the ,essays that freethinking contemporaries declared the argument of ,raymond to be wholly insufficient4 #bafd ,it is clear from the same essay that ,montaigne felt as much2 though the gist of his polemic is a vehement attack upon all forms of confident opinion1 religious and anti-religious alike4 ,in replying to arguments of so opposite a tenour1 ,montaigne leaves ,christianity1 as well as ,raimond ,sebonde1 without a leg to stand upon4 ,he demolishes the arguments of ,sebonde with the rest of human presumption1 and allows ,christianity1 neither held by faith nor provable by reason1 to fall between the two stools4 #bafe ,the truth is that ,montaigne's skepticism was the product of a mental evolution spread over at least twenty years4 ,in his youth his vivid temperament kept him both credulous and fanatical1 so much so that in #aefb he took the reckless oath prescribed by the ,catholic ,parlement of ,paris4 ,as he avows with his incomparable candour1 he had been in many things peculiarly susceptible to outside influences1 being always ready to respond to the latest pressure2 #baff and the knowledge of his susceptibility made him self-distrustful4 ,but gradually he found himself4 ,beginning to recoil from the ferocities and iniquities of the ,league1 he yet remained for a time hotly anti-,protestant2 and it seems to have been his dislike of ,protestant criticism that led him to run amuck against reason1 at the cost of overthrowing the treatise he had set out to defend4 ,the common end of such petulant skepticism is a plunge into uneasy yet unreasoning faith2 but1 though ,montaigne professed ,catholicism to the end1 the sheer wickedness of the ,catholic policy made it impossible for him to hold sincerely to the creed any more than to the cause4 #bafg ,above all things he hated cruelty4 #bafh ,it was the ,massacre that finally made ,montaigne renounce public life2 #bafi it must have affected likewise his working philosophy4 ,that philosophy was not1 indeed1 an original construction3 he found it to his hand partly in the deism of his favourite ,seneca2 partly in the stoical ethic of ,epictetus1 then so much appreciated in ,france2 and partly in the ,hypotyposes of ,sextus ,empiricus1 of which the ,latin translation is known to have been among his books2 from which he took several of the mottoes inscribed on his library ceiling1 #bagj and from which he frequently quotes towards the end of his ,apology4 ,the body of ideas compacted on these bases cannot be called a system3 it was not in ,montaigne's nature to frame a logical scheme of thought2 and he was far from being the philosophic skeptic he set out to be #baga by way of confounding at once the bigots and the atheists4 ,he was essentially ondoyant et divers1 as he freely admitted4 ,as he put it in a passage added to the later editions of the ,essais1 #bagb he was a kind of mtis1 belonging neither to the camp of ignorant faith nor to that of philosophic conviction1 whether believing or unbelieving4 ,he early avows that1 had he written what he thought and knew of the affairs of his times1 he would have published judgments mon gr mesme et selon raison1 in his opinion true and reasonable1 but illgitimes et punissables4 #bagc ,again1 whatsoever is beyond the compass of custom1 we deem likewise to be beyond the compass of reason1 ,god knows how unreasonably1 for the most part4 #bagd ,yet in the next breath he will exclaim at those who demand changes4 ,often he comments keenly on the incredible readiness of men to go to war over trifles2 but in another mood he accuses the nobility of his day of unwillingness to take up arms except upon some urgent and extreme necessity4 #bage ,in the same page he will tell us that he is easily carried away by the throng1 and that he is yet not very easy to change1 forsomuch as ,i perceive a like weakness in contrary opinions4 #bagf ,i am very easily to be directed by the world's public order1 #bagg is the upshot of his easy meditations4 ,and a conformist he remained in practice to the last1 always bearing himself dutifully towards ,mother ,church1 and generally observing the proprieties1 though he confesses that he made it a conscience to eat flesh upon a fish day4 #bagh ,his conformities1 verbal and practical1 have set certain ,catholics upon proving his orthodoxy1 though his ,essays are actually prohibited by the ,church4 ,a ,benedictine1 ,dom ,devienne1 published in #aggc a ,dissertation sur la ,religion de ,montaigne1 of which the main pleas are that the ,essais often affirm the divinity of the ,christian faith2 that the essayist received the freedom of the city of ,rome under the eyes of the pope2 and that his epitaph declared his orthodoxy6 ,a generation later1 one ,labouderie undertook to set forth ,le ,christianisme de ,montaigne in a volume of #fjj pages 7#ahai74 ,this apologist has the courage to face the protest of ,pascal3 ,montaigne puts everything in a doubt so universal and so general that1 doubting even whether he doubts1 his uncertainty turns upon itself in a perpetual and unresting circle4444 ,it is in this doubt which doubts of itself1 and in this ignorance which is ignorant of itself1 that the essence of his opinion consists4444 ,in a word1 he is a pure ,pyrrhonist 7,penses1 supp4 to ,pt4 i1 art4 #aa74 ,the reply of the apologist is that ,montaigne never extends his skepticism to revelation1 but on the contrary declares that revelation alone gives man certainties 7work cited1 p4 #abg74 ,that is of course merely the device of a hundred skeptics of the ,middle ,ages2 the old shibboleth of a twofold truth modified by a special disparagement of reason1 with no attempt to meet the rejoinder that1 if reason has no certainties1 there can be no certainty that revelation is what it claims to be4 ,when the apologist concludes that ,montaigne's aim en froissant la raison humaine is to oblige men to recognize the need of a revelation to fix his incertitudes1 it suffices to answer that ,montaigne in so many words declares at the outset of the ,apologie de ,raimond ,sebonde that he knows nothing of theology1 which is equivalent to saying that he is not a student of the ,bible4 ,as a matter of fact he never quotes it6 ,in the last and most characteristic essay of all1 discoursing at large ,of ,experience1 he makes the most daring attack on laws in general1 as being always arbitrary and often irrational1 and not seldom more criminal than the offences they punish4 ,after a planless discourse of diseases and diets1 follies of habit and follies of caprice1 the wisdom of self-rule and the wisdom of irregularity1 he contrives to conclude at once that we should make the best of everything and that only authority is of force with men of common reach and understanding1 and is of more weight in a strange language--a plea for ,catholic ritual4 ,yet in the same page he pronounces that ,supercelestial opinions and under-terrestrial manners are things that amongst us ,i have ever seen to be of singular accord4 ,there is no final recognition here of religion as even a useful factor in life4 ,in point of fact ,montaigne's whole habit of mind is perfectly fatal to orthodox religion2 and it is clear that1 despite his professions of conformity1 he did not hold the ,christian beliefs4 #bagi ,he was simply a deist4 ,again and again he points to ,sokrates as the noblest and wisest of men2 there is no reference to ,jesus or any of the saints4 ,whatever he might say in the ,apology1 in the other essays he repeatedly reveals a radical unbelief4 ,the essay on ,custom strikes at the root of all orthodoxy1 with its thrusts at the gross imposture of religions1 wherewith so many worthy and sufficient men have been besotted and drunken1 and its terse avowal that miracles are according to the ignorance wherein we are by nature1 and not according to nature's essence4 #bahj ,above all1 he rejected the great superstition of the age1 the belief in witchcraft2 and1 following the lead of ,wier1 #baha suggested a medical view of the cases of those who professed wizardry4 #bahb ,this is the more remarkable because his rubber-ball fashion of following impulsions and rebounding from certainty made him often disparage other men's certainties of disbelief just because they were certainties4 ,declaring that he prefers above all things qualified and doubtful propositions1 #bahc he makes as many confident assertions of his own as any man ever did4 ,but the effect of the whole is a perpetual stimulus to questioning4 ,his function in literature was thus to set up a certain mental atmosphere1 #bahd and this the extraordinary vitality of his utterance enabled him to do to an incalculable extent4 ,he had the gift to disarm or at least to baffle hostility1 to charm kings1 #bahe to stand free between warring factions4 ,no book ever written conveys more fully the sensation of a living voice2 and after three hundred years he has as friendly an audience as ever4 ,owen notes 7,french ,skeptics1 p4 #ddf2 cp4 ,champion1 pp4 #afh-fi7 that1 though the papal curia requested ,montaigne to alter certain passages in the ,essays1 it cannot be shown that he erased or modified a single one of the points4 ,sainte-,beuve1 indeed1 has noted many safeguarding clauses added to the later versions of the essay on ,prayers 7i1 #ef73 but they really carry further the process of doubt4 ,m4 ,champion has well shown how the profession of personal indecision and mere self-portraiture served as a passport for utterances which would have brought instant punishment on an author who showed any clear purpose4 ,as it was1 nearly a century passed before the ,essais were placed upon the ,roman ,index ,librorum ,prohibitorum 7#afgf74 ,to the orthodox of his own day ,montaigne seems to have given entire satisfaction4 ,thus ,florimond de ,boemond1 in his ,antichrist 7#b;e d4 #aeii1 p4 #d71 begins his apologetic with a skeptical argument1 which he winds up by referring the reader with eulogy to the ,apologie of ,montaigne4 ,the modern resort to the skeptical method in defence of traditional faith seems to date from this time4 ,see ,prof4 ,fortunat ,strowski1 ,histoire du sentiment religieux en ,france au xviie sicle2 #aijg1 i1 #ee1 note4 7,de ,montaigne ,pascal47 ,the momentum of such an influence is seen in the work of ,charron 7#aeda-afjc71 ,montaigne's friend and disciple4 ,the ,essais had first appeared in #aehj2 the expanded and revised issue in #aehh2 and in #afja there appeared ,charron's ,de la ,sagesse1 which gives methodic form and as far as was permissible a direct application to ,montaigne's naturalistic principles4 ,charron's is a curious case of mental evolution4 ,first a lawyer1 then a priest1 he became a highly successful popular preacher and champion of the ,catholic ,league2 and as such was favoured by the notorious ,marguerite 7the ,second #bahf7 of ,navarre4 ,on the assassination of the ,duke of ,guise by order of ,henri ,,iii he delivered an indignant protest from the pulpit1 of which1 however1 he rapidly repented4 #bahg ,becoming the friend of ,montaigne in #aehf1 he shows already in #aeic1 in his ,three ,truths1 the influence of the essayist's skepticism1 #bahh though ,charron's book was expressly framed to refute1 first1 the atheists2 second1 the pagans1 ,jews1 ,mohammedans2 and1 third1 the ,christian heretics and schismatics4 ,the ,wisdom1 published only eight years later1 is a work of a very different cast1 proving a mental change4 ,even in the first work the growing teeth of the skeptic are discernible beneath the well-worn stumps of the believer2 #bahi but the second almost testifies to a new birth4 ,professedly orthodox1 it was yet recognized at once by the devout as a seminary of impiety1 #baij and brought on its author a persecution that lasted till his sudden death from apoplexy1 which his critics pronounced to be a divine dispensation4 ,in the second and rearranged edition1 published a year after his death1 there are some modifications2 but they are so far from essential #baia that ,buckle found the book as it stands a kind of pioneer manual of rationalism4 #baib ,its way of putting all religions on one level1 as being alike grounded on bad evidence and held on prejudice1 is only the formal statement of an old idea1 found1 like so many others of ,charron's1 in ,montaigne2 but the didactic purpose and method turn the skeptic's shrug into a resolute propaganda4 ,so with the formal and earnest insistence that true morality cannot be built on religious hopes and fears--a principle which ,charron was the first to bring directly home to the modern intelligence1 #baic as he did the principle of development in religious systems4 #baid ,attempting as it does to construct a systematic practical philosophy of life1 the book puts aside so positively the claims of the theologians1 #baie and so emphatically subordinates religion to the rule of natural reason1 #baif that it constitutes a virtual revolution in public doctrine for ,christendom4 ,as ,montaigne is the effective beginner of modern literature1 so is ,charron the beginner of modern secular teaching4 ,he is a ,naturalist1 professing theism2 and it is not surprising to find that for a time his book was even more markedly than ,montaigne's the ,french freethinker's breviary4 ,strowski1 as cited1 pp4 #afd-fe1 #ahc sq41 founding on ,garasse and ,mersenne4 ,strowski at first pronounces ,charron in reality only a collector of commonplaces 7p4 #aff72 but afterwards obliviously confesses 7p4 #aia7 that his audacities are astonishing1 and explains that he formulates1 perhaps without knowing it1 a whole doctrine of irreligion which outgoes the man and the time--a thought stronger than the thinker6 ,and again he forgetfully speaks of cette critique hardie et mthodique1 j'allais crire scientifique 7p4 #bdj74 ,all this would be a new form of commonplace4 ,it was only powerful protection that could save such a book from proscription2 but ,charron and his book had the support at once of ,henri ,,iv and the ,president ,jeannin--the former a proved indifferentist to religious forms2 the latter the author of the remark that a peace with two religions was better than a war which had none4 ,such a temper had become predominant even among professed ,catholics1 as may be gathered from the immense popularity of the ,satyre ,menippe 7#aeid74 ,ridiculing as it did the insensate fanaticism of the ,catholic ,league1 that composition was naturally described as the work of atheists2 but there seems to have been no such element in the case1 the authors being all ,catholics of good standing1 and some of them even having a record for zeal4 #baig ,the ,satyre was in fact the triumphant revolt of the humorous common sense of ,france against the tyranny of fanaticism1 which it may be said to have overthrown at one stroke1 #baih inasmuch as it made possible the entry of ,henri into ,paris4 ,by a sudden appeal to secular sanity and the sense of humour it made the bulk of the ,catholic mass ashamed of its past course4 #baii ,on the other hand1 it is expressly testified by the ,catholic historian ,de ,thou that all the rich and the aristocracy held the ,league in abomination4 #bbjj ,in such an atmosphere rationalism must needs germinate1 especially when the king's acceptance of ,catholicism dramatized the unreality of the grounds of strife4 ,after the assassination of the king in #afaj1 the last of the bloody deeds which had kept ,france on the rack of uncertainty in religion's name for three generations1 the spirit of rationalism naturally did not wane4 ,in the ,paris of the early seventeenth century1 doubtless1 the new emancipation came to be associated1 as libertinism1 with licence as well as with freethinking4 ,in the nature of the case there could be no serious and free literary discussion of the new problems either of life or belief1 save insofar as they had been handled by ,montaigne and ,charron2 and1 inasmuch as the accounts preserved of the freethought of the age are almost invariably those of its worst enemies1 it is chiefly their side of the case that has been presented4 ,thus in #afbc the ,jesuit ,father ,franois ,garasse published a thick quarto of over a thousand pages1 entitled ,la ,doctrine ,curieuse des ,beaux ,esprits de ce temps1 ou prtendus tels1 in which he assails the libertins of the day with an infuriated industry4 ,the eight books into which he divides his treatise proceed upon eight alleged maxims of the freethinkers1 which run as follows3-- ,i4 ,there are very few good wits bons ,esprits in the world2 and the fools1 that is to say1 the common run of men1 are not capable of our doctrine2 therefore it will not do to speak freely1 but in secret1 and among trusting and cabalistic souls4 ,,ii4 ,good wits beaux ,esprits believe in ,god only by way of form1 and as a matter of public policy 7par ,maxime d',etat74 ,,iii4 ,a bel ,esprit is free in his belief1 and is not readily to be taken in by the quantity of nonsense that is propounded to the simple populace4 ,,iv4 ,all things are conducted and governed by ,destiny1 which is irrevocable1 infallible1 immovable1 necessary1 eternal1 and inevitable to all men whomsoever4 ,v4 ,it is true that the book called the ,bible1 or the ,holy ,scripture1 is a good book 7un gentil livre71 and contains a lot of good things2 but that a bon esprit should be obliged to believe under pain of damnation all that is therein1 down to the tail of ,tobit's dog1 does not follow4 ,,vi4 ,there is no other divinity or sovereign power in the world but ,nature1 which must be satisfied in all things1 without refusing anything to our body or senses that they desire of us in the exercise of their natural powers and faculties4 ,,vii4 ,supposing there be a ,god1 as it is decorous to admit1 so as not to be always at odds with the superstitious1 it does not follow that there are creatures which are purely intellectual and separated from matter4 ,all that is in ,nature is composite1 and therefore there are neither angels nor devils in the world1 and it is not certain that the soul of man is immortal4 ,,viii4 ,it is true that to live happily it is necessary to extinguish and drown all scruples2 but all the same it does not do to appear impious and abandoned1 for fear of offending the simple or losing the support of the superstitious4 ,this is obviously neither candid #bbja nor competent writing2 and as it happens there remains proof1 in the case of the life of ,la ,mothe le ,vayer1 that earnest freethought in the beginning of the seventeenth century afforded a point d'appui for serious-minded men1 which neither the corrupt ,romanism nor the narrow ,protestantism of the period could furnish4 #bbjb ,garasse's own doctrine was that the true liberty of the mind consists in a simple and docile 7sage7 belief in all that the ,church propounds1 indifferently and without distinction4 #bbjc ,the later social history of ,catholic ,france is the sufficient comment on the efficacy of such teaching to regulate life4 ,in any case the new ideas steadily gained ground2 and on the heels of the treatise of ,garasse appeared that of ,marin ,mersenne1 ,l'impiet des ,distes1 ,athes et ,libertins de ce temps combattue1 avec la refutation des opinions de ,charron1 de ,cardan1 de ,jordan ,brun1 et des quatraines du ,diste 7#afbd74 ,in a previous treatise1 ,qustiones celeberrim in ,genesim 444 in quo volumine ,athei et ,deisti impugnantur et expugnantur 7#afbc71 ,mersenne set agoing the often-quoted assertion that1 while atheists abounded throughout ,europe1 they were so specially abundant in ,france that in ,paris alone there were some fifty thousand4 ,even taking the term atheist in the loosest sense in which such writers used it1 the statement was never credited by any contemporary1 or by its author2 but neither did anyone doubt that there was an unprecedented amount of unbelief4 ,the ,quatraines du ,diste1 otherwise ,l',antibigot1 was a poem of one hundred and six stanzas1 never printed1 but widely circulated in manuscript in its day4 ,it is poor poetry enough1 but its doctrine of a ,lucretian ,god who left the world to itself sufficed to create a sensation1 and inspired ,mersenne to write a poem in reply4 #bbjd ,such were the signs of the times when ,pascal was in his cradle4 ,mersenne's statistical assertion was made in two sheets of the ,qustiones ,celeberrim1 qui ont t supprim dans la plupart des exemplaires1 cause1 sans doute1 de leur exagration 7,bouillier1 ,hist4 de la philos4 cartsienne1 #ahed1 i1 #bh1 where the passage is cited74 ,the suppressed sheets included a list of the atheists of the time1 occupying five folio columns4 7,julian ,hibbert1 ,plutarchus and ,theophrastus on ,superstition1 etc41 #ahbh2 ,app4 ,catal4 of ,works written against ,atheism1 p4 #c2 ,prosper ,marchand1 ,lettre sur le ,cymbalum ,mundi1 in d4 ,bibliophile ,jacob1 #ahda1 p4 #ag1 note2 ,prof4 ,strowski1 ,de ,montaigne ,pascal1 #aijg1 p4 #ach sq47 ,mersenne himself1 in the preface to his book1 stultifies his suppressed assertion by declaring that the impious in ,paris boast falsely of their number1 which is really small1 unless heretics be reckoned as atheists4 ,garasse1 writing against them1 all the while professed to know only five atheists1 three of them ,italians 7,strowski1 as cited74 ,,end ,,of ,,vol4 ,i4 ,,notes #a ,cp4 ,lechler1 ,geschichte des englischen ,deismus1 #ahda1 p4 #deh2 ,a4 ,s4 ,farrar1 ,critical ,history of ,freethought1 #ahfb1 p4 #ehh2 ,larousse's ,dictionnaire1 art4 ,libre ,pense2 ,sayous1 ,les distes anglais et le ,christianisme1 #ahhb1 p4 #bjc4 #b ,jesus is made to apply it either to his disciples or to willing followers in ,matt4 xvii1 #ag1 where the implication seems to be that lack of faith alone prevents miraculous cures4 ,so with apistia in ,matt4 xiii1 #eh4 ,in the ,epistles1 a pagan as such is apistos--e4g41 #a ,cor4 vi1 #f4 ,here the ,vulgate has infideles3 in ,matt4 xiii1 #eh1 the word is incredulitatem4 #c ,cp4 ,luke xii1 #df2 ,tit4 i1 #ae2 ,rev4 xxi1 #h4 #d ,in the prologue to the first print of the old 7#aaif7 ,revelation of the ,monk of ,evesham1 #adhb4 #e ,bayle1 ,dictionnaire1 art4 ,viret1 ,note ,d4 #f ,essais1 liv4 iii4 ch4 #ab4 dit4 ,firmin-,didot1 #ahhb1 ii1 #eah4 #g ,see ,f4 ,t4 ,perrens1 ,les ,libertins en ,france au xviie ,sicle1 #ahif1 ,introd4 #aa1 for a good general view of the bearings of the word4 ,it stood at times for simple independence of spirit1 apart from religious freethinking4 ,thus ,madame de ,sevign 7,lettre ,mme4 de ,grignan1 #bh juin1 #afga7 writes3 ,je suis libertine1 plus que vous4 #h ,sthelin1 ,johannes ,calvin1 #ahfc1 i1 #chc sq42 ,perrens as cited1 pp4 #e-f2 ,mosheim1 ,eccles4 ,hist41 #ac ,cent41 part ii1 ch4 v1 #i-ab1 and notes2 #ad ,cent41 part ii1 ch4 v1 #c-e2 #af ,cent41 #c1 part ii1 ch4 ii4 #ch-db4 #i ,a4 ,bossert1 ,calvin1 #aijf4 p4 #aea4 #aj ,burckhardt1 ,renaissance in ,italy1 ,eng4 tr4 ed4 #ahib1 p4 #edb1 note4 #aa ,answer to ,sir ,t4 ,more1 ,parker ,soc4 rep4 #ahej1 pp4 #ec-ed4 #ab ,controversy with ,harding1 ,parker ,soc4 rep4 of ,works1 #ahde1 i1 #cje4 #ac ,paradise ,lost1 i1 #ehb2 ,samson ,agonistes1 #bba4 #ad ,the ,new ,inn1 #afbh-i1 ,act iii4 ,sc4 #b4 #ae ,the ,new ,english ,dictionary gives instances in #aebf and #aeeb4 #af ,if ,mr4 ,froude's transcript of a manuscript can here be relied on4 ,history1 ed4 #ahgj1 x1 #ede4 7,ed4 #ahgb1 xi1 #aii47 #ag ,four ,questions ,propounded 7pref4 to ,acts and ,monuments74 #ah ,answer to the ,bishop of ,winchester1 ,parker ,soc4 rep41 p4 #abi4 #ai ,works1 ed4 #ahej1 ii1 #geb4 #bj ,b4 ,v1 ch4 i1 #c4 ,works1 i1 #dbi4 #ba ,de civitate ,dei1 xx1 #cj1 end2 xxi1 #e1 beginn41 etc4 #bb ,religio ,medici1 #afdb1 pt4 i4 #ai1 #bj4 #bc ,essay ,,ii1 ,of ,scepticism and ,certainty 7rep4 of reply to ,thomas ,white1 app4 to ,scepsis ,scientifica in #affe7 in ,glanvill's collected ,essays on ,several ,important ,subjects in ,philosophy and ,religion1 #afgf1 pp4 #ch1 #dd4 #bd ,plus ,ultra3 or1 ,the ,progress and ,advancement of ,knowledge since the ,days of ,aristotle1 #affh1 p4 #adf4 #be ,history of the ,royal ,society1 #affg1 p4 #gc4 ,describing the beginnings of the ,society1 ,sprat remarks that ,oxford had at that time many members who had begun a free way of reasoning 7p4 #ec74 #bf ,buckle1 ,introd4 to ,hist4 of ,civ4 in ,eng41 #a-vol4 ed4 p4 #baa4 #bg ,sprat1 p4 #cge 7printed as #cfg74 #bh ,id41 p4 #hc4 ,the ,french ,academy had the same rule4 #bi ,some of ,sprat's uses of the term have a very general sense1 as when he writes 7p4 #hg7 that ,amsterdam is a place of ,trade without the mixture of men of freer thoughts4 ,the latter is an old application1 as in the free sciences or the liberal arts4 #cj ,cited by ,archbishop ,trench1 ,the ,study of ,words1 #aith ed41 p4 #bcj1 from the ,clarendon ,state ,papers1 ,app4 ,vol4 ,,iii1 p4 #dj4 #ca ,art4 ,rationalismus and ,supernaturalismus in ,herzog and ,plitt's ,real-,encyk4 fr prot4 ,theol4 und ,kirche1 #ahhc4 xii1 #eji4 #cb ,philosophical ,works of ,bacon1 ed4 ,ellis and ,spedding1 iii1 #ehc4 ,see the same saying quoted among the ,apophthegms given in ,tenison's ,baconiana 7,routledge's ed4 of ,works1 p4 #hie74 #cc ,every ,man in his ,humour 7#aeih71 ,act iii1 sc4 #c4 #cd ,some ,familiar ,letters between ,mr4 ,locke and ,several of his ,friends1 #agjh1 p4 #aij4 #ce ,id4 p4 #acc4 #cf ,ed4 ,rotterdam1 #afhf4 p4 #aie4 #cg ,b4 ,,ii1 pt4 ii1 #a4 #ch ,ch4 on ,logic1 cited by ,professor ,fowler in his ed4 of the ,novum ,organum1 #ahgh1 introd4 p4 #aah4 #ci #c and #d4 #dj ,letters1 #agdf1 p4 #e4 #da ,orig4 ed4 iii1 #cje1 #cjf1 #caa2 ed4 ,j4 ,m4 ,r41 #aijj1 ii1 #cdi1 #cec4 #db ,nos4 #ab1 #aaa1 #ace4 #dc ,cp4 ,johnson on ,a4 ,philips in ,lives of the ,poets4 ,swift1 too1 issued his ,free ,thoughts upon the ,present ,state of ,affairs in #agad4 #dd ,thus ,bentley1 writing as ,phileleutherus ,lipsiensis against ,collins1 claims to have been train'd up and exercis'd in ,free ,thought from my youth4 ,dr4 ,samuel ,clarke somewhere makes a similar statement2 and the point is raised by ,berkeley in his ,minute ,philosopher1 ,dial4 i1 #aj4 ,one of the first replies to ,collins1 ,a ,letter to the ,free-thinkers1 ,by a ,layman1 dated ,february #bd1 #agab-ac1 likewise insists on the right of believers to the title1 declaring that a free-thinker may be the best or worst of men4 ,shaftesbury on the other side protests that the passion of orthodoxy holds up the intended chains and fetters and declares its resolution to enslave 7,characteristics1 iii4 #cje2 ed4 #aijj1 ii1 #cde74 ,later1 the claim of ,bentley and ,clarke became common2 and one tract on ,christian evidences1 ,a ,layman's ,faith1 #agcb1 whose author shows not a grain of the critical spirit1 professes to be written by a ,freethinker and a ,christian4 #de ,written in #ahih4 #df ,cp4 ,haurau1 ,histoire de la philosophie scolastique1 ed4 #ahgj-ahgb1 i1 #edc-df4 #dg ,second ed4 with enlarged ,appendix 7of authorities and references71 #ahjh1 #b vols4 #dh ,farrar1 pref41 p4 x2 ,riddle1 p4 #ii2 ,van ,mildert1 i1 #aje1 etc4 #di ,van ,mildert even recast his first manuscript4 ,see the ,memoir of ,joshua ,watson1 #ahfc1 p4 #ce4 #ej ,cp4 ,w4 ,a4 ,schmidt1 ,geschichte der ,denk- und ,glaubensfreiheit im ersten ,jahrhundert der ,kaiserherrschaft und des ,christenthums1 #ahdg1 pp4 #ab-ac4 #ea ,its legitimacy on that side is expressly contended for by ,professor ,william ,james in his volume ,the ,will to ,believe 7#ahig71 the positions of which were criticized by the present writer in the ,university ,magazine1 ,april and ,june1 #ahig4 #eb ,bryce1 ,the ,holy ,roman ,empire1 #hth ed41 p4 #ace4 #ec ,a religious basis for sexual licence is of course a common feature in non-,christian religions also4 ,classic instances are well known4 ,as to sexual promiscuity in an intensely religious savage community1 see ,turner1 ,samoa a ,hundred ,years ,ago1 #ahhd1 p4 #bij4 #ed ,e4 ,b4 ,tylor1 ,anthropology1 #ahha1 p4 #dci4 ,cp4 ,lang1 ,custom and ,myth1 ed4 #ahic1 p4 #gb2 ,j4 ,g4 ,frazer1 ,lectures on the ,early ,history of the ,kingship1 #aije1 pp4 #he-hg4 #ee ,theal1 ,the ,beginning of ,south ,african ,history1 #aijb1 p4 #eg4 ,see also the ,rev4 ,j4 ,macdonald1 ,light in ,africa1 #ahij1 p4 #aib4 #ef ,account of the ,manners and ,customs of the ,modern ,egyptians1 #eth ed4 #ahga1 i1 #bhj1 note4 #eg ,life of ,mr4 ,yukichi ,fukuzawa1 ,tokyo1 #aijb1 pp4 #dh-ec1 #ef-fi4 #eh ,see ,tylor1 ,primitive ,culture1 #crd ed4 i1 #ga1 as to savage conservatism in handicraft2 but compare his ,researches into the ,early ,history of ,mankind1 #ahfe1 p4 #afj1 as to countervailing forces4 #ei ,e4g41 in the first chapter of ,saint-,simon's ,mmoires1 the account of the ,french soldiers who at the siege of ,namur burned and broke the images of ,saint ,mdard for sending so much rain4 ,cp4 ,irvine1 ,letters on ,sicily1 #ahac1 p4 #gb2 and ,ramage1 ,wanderings through ,italy1 ed4 #ahfh1 p4 #aac4 ,constant1 ,de la religion1 #ahbd1 vol4 i1 ptie4 ii1 p4 #cd1 gives a number of ,christian instances4 #fj ,rev4 ,j4 ,b4 ,stair1 ,old ,samoa1 #ahig1 pp4 #aha-hb4 #fa ,sextus ,empiricus1 ,adv4 ,mathematicos1 ix1 #ad1 #bi2 ,pseudo-,plutarch1 ,de placitis philosophorum1 i1 #g2 ,lactantius1 ,de ira ,dei1 x1 #dg2 ,cicero1 ,de natura ,deorum1 i1 #db2 ,augustine1 ,de civitate ,dei1 iv1 #cb4 ,it is noteworthy that the skeptic ,sextus rejects the opinion as absurd1 even as does the high-priest ,cotta in ,cicero4 #fb ,vico was one of the first1 after ,sextus ,empiricus and his modern commentator ,fabricius1 to insist 7following the saying of ,petronius1 ,primus in orbe deos fecit timor7 that ,false religions were founded not by the imposture of some1 but by the credulity of all 7,scienza ,nuova #agbe1 lib4 i1 prop4 #dj74 ,yet when denying 7id41 ,de' ,principii1 ed4 #aheb1 p4 #aad7 the assertions of travellers as to tribes without religion1 he insisted that they were mere fictions planned to sell the authors' books--here imputing fraud as lightly as others had done in the case of the supposed founders of religions4 #fc ,e4g41 the ,elizabethan play ,selimus 7,huth ,lib4 ed4 of ,greene1 vol4 xiv1 ed4 ,grosart71 dated #aeid1 vv4 #beh-bfb4 7,in ,temple ,dramatists ed41 vv4 #ccj-ccd47 ,see also below1 vol4 ii1 ch4 xiii4 #fd ,on the principle of self-expression in religion1 cp4 ,feuerbach1 ,das ,wesen der ,religion1 in ,werke1 ed4 #ahdf-ahdi1 i1 #dac1 #dde1 #dih1 etc4 #fe ,bishop ,thirlwall1 ,history of ,greece1 ed4 #ahci1 i1 #ahf1 #bjd4 ,cp4 ,curtius1 ,griechische ,geschichte1 #aheh1 i1 #chi4 #ff ,tiele1 ,outlines of the ,hist4 of ,religions1 ,eng4 tr41 p4 #if4 ,cp4 ,robertson ,smith1 ,the ,old ,testament in the ,jewish ,church1 #bnd ed41 p4 #ada1 note4 #fg ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,the ,northern ,tribes of ,central ,australia1 #aijd1 pp4 #beh1 #cdg1 #cff1 #cgc1 #dib4 #fh ,see the article by ,e4 ,j4 ,glave1 of ,stanley's force1 on ,fetishism in ,congoland1 in the ,century ,magazine1 ,april1 #ahia1 p4 #hcf4 ,compare ,f4 ,schultze1 ,der ,fetischismus1 #ahga1 pp4 #acg1 #ada1 #adb1 #add1 etc42 ,theal1 ,the ,beginning of ,south ,african ,history1 #aijb1 pp4 #di1 #eb2 ,kranz1 ,natur- und ,kulturleben der ,zulus1 #ahhj1 pp4 #aaj1 #aac-ad2 ,moffat1 ,missionary ,labours1 #ceth thous41 pp4 #fi1 #ha-hd2 ,a4 ,b4 ,ellis1 ,the ,tshi-,speaking ,peoples1 #ahhg1 pp4 #abe-bi1 #acg-ci1 #adb2 ,sir ,g4 ,s4 ,robertson1 ,the ,kfirs of the ,hindu-,kush1 ed4 #ahii1 pp4 #dje1 #dag2 ,e4 ,rae1 ,the ,white ,sea ,peninsula1 #ahha1 p4 #adi2 ,turner1 ,samoa1 #ahhd1 p4 #bgb4 ,it is certain that the wizards of contemporary savage races are frequently killed as impostors by their own people4 ,see below1 p4 #ce4 #fi ,tylor1 ,anthropology1 p4 #djf2 ,primitive ,culture1 #crd ed41 i1 #ch4 #gj ,the fact that this phenomenon occurs everywhere among primitives1 from the ,south ,seas to ,lapland1 should be noted in connection with the latterly revived claims of so-called ,mysticism4 #ga ,cp4 ,e4 ,rae1 ,the ,white ,sea ,peninsula1 #ahha1 pp4 #adi1 #bfc4 #gb ,glave1 article cited1 pp4 #hce-cf4 #gc ,cp4 ,max ,mller1 ,natural ,religion1 #ahhi1 p4 #acc2 ,anthropological ,religion1 #ahib1 p4 #aej2 ,lang1 ,myth1 ,ritual1 and ,religion1 #bnd ed4 ii1 #ceh sq4 #gd ,compare ,bishop ,butler's ,charge to the ,clergy of ,durham1 and ,bishop ,wordsworth ,on ,religious ,restoration in ,england1 #ahed1 p4 #ge1 etc4 #ge ,p4 von ,bradke1 ,dyus ,asura1 ,ahura ,mazda1 und die ,asuras1 ,halle4 #ahhe1 p4 #aae4 #gf ,rig-,veda1 x1 #aba 7as translated by ,muir1 ,mller1 ,dutt1 and von ,bradke72 and x1 #hb 7,dutt's rendering74 ,it is to be noted that the refrain ,who is the ,god whom we should worship8 is entirely different in ,ludwig's rendering of x1 #aba4 ,bertholet's ,religionsgeschichtliches ,lesebuch 7#aijh7 compiled on the principle that the best translations are good enough for us1 follows the rendering of ,muir1 ,mller1 ,dutt1 and von ,bradke 7p4 #afe74 ,cp4 ,max ,mller1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 p4 #cjb1 and ,natural ,religion1 pp4 #bbg-bbi1 citing ,r4 ,v41 viii1 #ajj1 #c1 etc41 for an apparently undisputed case of skepticism4 ,see again ,langlois's version of vi1 #g1 iii1 #c 7p4 #dei74 ,he cannot diverge much more from the ,german and ,english translators than they do from each other4 #gg ,junod1 as above cited1 pp4 #cda1 #cdc1 #cej1 #chh4 ,cp4 ,dalton1 as cited1 p4 #aae4 #gh ,e4 ,rae1 ,the ,white ,sea ,peninsula1 #ahha1 pp4 #adf-g4 #gi ,on the other hand1 there might be genuine defect of knowledge of the religion of others of the tribe4 ,this is said to occur in thousands of cases in ,christian countries3 why not also among savages8 ,see the express testimony of ,sir ,g4 ,s4 ,robertson1 ,the ,kfirs of the ,hindu-,kush1 ed4 #ahii1 pp4 #cgg1 #dji4 #hj ,e4g41 ,moffat1 ,missionary ,labours1 end of ch4 xvi and beginning of ch4 xix4 #ha ,see ,dr4 ,gasquet1 ,the ,great ,pestilence1 #ahic4 #hb ,missionary ,labours1 ch4 xix3 stereo4 ed4 pp4 #ha1 #hb4 ,it is noteworthy that the women were the first to avow unbelief in an unsuccessful rainmaker 7,id4 p4 #hd74 #hc ,missionary ,labours1 as cited1 p4 #he4 #hd ,cp4 ,schultze1 ,der ,fetischismus1 #ahga1 pp4 #aee-ef2 ,a4 ,h4 ,keane1 ,man1 ,past and ,present1 #aijj1 p4 #di2 ,thurston1 ,castes and ,tribes of ,southern ,india1 #aiji1 i1 #hf4 #he ,travels in ,southern ,africa in the ,years #ahjc-ahjf1 #ahae1 ii1 #fa4 ,cp4 ,rev4 ,j4 ,macdonald1 ,light in ,africa1 #ahij1 p4 #aib1 as to the compulsion on men of superior intelligence to play the wizard1 by reason of the common connection of wizardry with any display of mental power4 ,there is no more tragical aspect in the life-conditions of primitive peoples4 #hf ,the ,lake ,regions of ,central ,africa1 #ahfj1 ii1 #cea4 #hg ,turner1 ,samoa a ,hundred ,years ,ago1 #ahhd1 pp4 #cjd-cje4 ,cp4 ,herodotos1 iv1 #fh1 as to the slaying of false prophets among the ,scythians2 and i1 #abh1 as to the impaling of the ,magi by ,astyages4 #hh ,paul ,kollmann1 ,the ,victoria ,nyanza1 #ahii1 p4 #afh4 #hi ,sir ,a4 ,b4 ,ellis1 ,the ,tshi-,speaking ,peoples of the ,gold ,coast1 #ahhg1 p4 #abg4 #ij ,e4g41 an aged female relative of the writer1 quite orthodox in all her habits1 and devout to the extent of calling the ,book of ,esther ,godless because the word ,god does not occur in it1 yet at a pinch declared that she had never heard of ,providence putting a boll of meal inside anybody's door4 ,her daughter-in-law1 also of quite religious habits1 quoted the saying with a certain sense of its audacity1 but endorsed it1 as she had cause to do4 ,yet both regularly practised prayer and asserted divine beneficence4 #ia ,see ,b4 ,seeman1 ,fiji and the ,fijians1 in ,galton's ,vacation ,tourists1 #ahfb1 pp4 #bge-gf1 as to the terrorism resorted to by ,fijian priests against unbelievers4 ,punishment was sure to overtake the skeptic1 let his station in life be what it might--i4e41 supernatural punishment was threatened1 and the priests were not likely to let it fail4 ,cp4 ,basil ,thomson1 ,the ,fijians3 ,a ,study of the ,decay of ,custom1 #aiji1 introd41 p4 xi3 ,the reformers of primitive races never lived long3 if they were low-born they were clubbed1 and that was the end of them and their reforms2 if they were chiefs1 and something happened to them1 either by disease or accident1 men saw therein the figure of an offended deity2 and obedience to the existing order of things became stronger than before4 ,cp4 ,pagan ,christs1 #bnd ed41 pp4 #fj-fb1 as to kings who wished to put down human sacrifices4 #ib ,see ,pagan ,christs1 #bnd ed41 pp4 #a-b4 #ic ,e4 ,j4 ,glave1 art4 cited1 p4 #hbe4 ,cp4 ,lubbock1 ,prehistoric ,times1 pp4 #ehb1 #eid4 #id ,cp4 the ,rev4 ,j4 ,macdonald1 ,light in ,africa1 #ahij1 pp4 #bbb-bc1 as to the universal suspicion which falls upon tribesmen of rationalistic and anti-superstitious tendencies1 making them almost doubt their own sanity4 #ie ,sir ,h4 ,h4 ,johnston1 ,the ,river ,congo1 ed4 #ahje1 p4 #bhi4 ,cp4 ,moffat1 as cited above4 #if ,colenso1 ,the ,pentateuch1 vol4 i1 pref4 p4 vii2 introd4 p4 #i4 #ig ,spencer1 ,principles of ,sociology1 iii1 #ehc4 #ih ,w4 ,ellis1 ,polynesian ,researches1 #ahca1 iv1 #cj-ca1 #abf-bh4 #ii ,account of the ,natives of the ,tonga ,islands1 compiled from the communications of ,w4 ,mariner1 by ,john ,martin1 ,m4,d41 #crd ed4 #ahbg1 i1 #bhi-cjj1 #cjf-cjg1 #cch-ci2 ii1 #bg-bh1 #hc-hf1 #acd4 ,mariner1 who saw much of the priests1 found no reason to suspect them of any systematic deception4 ,see ii1 #abi4 ,but his narrative leaves small room for doubt as to the procedure of the priest of ,toobo ,totai4 #ajj ,dr4 ,a4 ,kropf1 ,das ,volk der ,xosa-,kaffern in stlichen ,sdafrika1 ,berlin1 #ahii1 pp4 #bjc-bjd4 ,dr4 ,kropf1 a missionary of forty years' experience1 states that many of the ,kaffirs latterly disbelieve in their sorcerers2 but this may be partly a result of missionary teaching--not so much the religious as the scientific4 ,see the testimony of the ,rev4 ,j4 ,macdonald1 ,life in ,africa1 #ahij1 pp4 #dg-dh4 #aja ,rev4 ,j4 ,macdonald1 ,life in ,africa1 pp4 #bbe-bf4 #ajb ,it is clear that in the ,christianization of ,europe much use was made of the argument that the best lands had fallen to the ,christian peoples4 ,see the epistle of ,bishop ,daniel of ,winchester to ,st4 ,boniface 7,ep4 lxvii7 cited in ,schlegel's note to ,mosheim1 ,reid's ed4 of ,murdock's translation1 p4 #bfb4 #ajc ,bede1 ,eccles4 ,hist41 ii1 #ac4 #ajd ,cp4 ,a4 ,h4 ,mann in ,social ,england1 illustr4 ed41 i1 #bag4 #aje ,teutonic ,mythology1 ,eng4 trans4 #ahhb1 i1 #g4 #ajf ,crichton and ,wheaton1 ,scandinavia1 #ahcg1 i1 #aih1 note4 ,compare ,dr4 ,ph4 ,schweitzer1 ,geschichte der ,skandinavischen ,litteratur1 i1 #be3 ,in the higher circles in the pagan period from an early date 7schon lange7 unbelief and even contempt of religion flourished 444 probably never reaching the lower grades of the people4 ,see also ,c4 ,f4 ,allen1 ,histoire de ,danemark1 ,french trans41 ,copenhagen1 #ahgh1 i1 #ee4 #ajg neid1 vii1 #fdh2 x1 #ggc1 #hhj4 ,mezentius does not deny that ,gods exist3 see x1 #gdc4 #ajh ,sir ,g4 ,s4 ,robertson1 ,the ,kfirs of the ,hindu-,kush1 ed4 #ahii1 p4 #cgi4 #aji ,professor ,t4 ,clifford ,allbutt1 ,harveian ,oration on ,science and ,medieval ,thought1 #aija1 p4 #hb4 #aaj ,mr4 ,basil ,thomson1 in the able introduction to his excellent work on ,the ,fijians1 speaks of primitive reformers 7p4 xi7 as rare souls born before their time4 ,but there is no special time for reformers1 who1 as such1 must be in advance of their average contemporaries4 #aaa ,garcilasso1 #a4 viii1 c4 #h2 #a4 ix1 c4 #aj2 ,herrera1 ,dec4 v1 #a4 iv1 c4 #d4 ,see the passages in ,rville's ,hibbert ,lectures1 pp4 #afb-fe4 #aab ,prescott1 ,conquest of ,mexico1 ,kirk's ed41 pp4 #ha sq41 #ia-ic1 #ig2 ,h4 ,h4 ,bancroft1 ,native ,races of the ,pacific ,states1 v1 #dbg-bi2 ,clavigero1 ,history of ,mexico1 ,eng4 tr4 ed4 #ahjg1 ,b4 iv1 #d1 #ae2 vii4 #db4 #aac ,see the author's ,pagan ,christs1 #bnd ed4 pp4 #fj-fb1 #cfa4 ,cp4 ,lafcadio ,hearn1 ,japan1 #aijd1 pp4 #cac-ad4 #aad ,cp4 ,t4 ,williams1 ,fiji and the ,fijians1 ed4 #ahgj1 i1 #bca2 ,turner1 ,samoa a ,hundred ,years ,ago1 #ahhd1 p4 #bjb4 #aae ,a long time elapses between each step that their missionaries' stations advance3 and when they do it invariably is under the influence of some chief that they are even then led on4 ,dalton1 ,narrative of an ,explorer in ,tropical ,south ,africa1 ed4 #ahia1 p4 #ajb4 #aaf ,see ,professor ,sully's ,studies of ,childhood1 #ahie4 #aag ,rev4 ,s4 ,smith1 ,church ,work among the ,deaf and ,dumb1 #ahge1 cited by ,spencer1 ,principles of ,sociology1 iii1 #ehc4 ,cp4 the testimony cited there from ,dr4 ,kitto1 ,lost ,senses1 p4 #bjj4 #aah ,die griechischen ,culte und ,mythen1 #ahhg1 pp4 #bfc1 #bgf1 #bgg1 etc4 ,what is true as regards the thesis is that some of the central insanities of religion1 such as the cult of human sacrifice1 seem to have been propagated in all directions from an ,asiatic centre4 ,see the author's ,pagan ,christs1 #bnd ed4 pp4 #bgc1 #bib1 #cdc1 #ced1 #cfb1 etc4 ,cp4 the ,rev4 ,d4 ,macdonald's ,asiatic ,origin of the ,oceanic ,languages1 ,luzac ,co41 #ahid2 the ,nubische ,grammatik of ,lepsius1 #ahhj2 and ,terrien de ,lacouperie1 ,western ,origin of the ,early ,chinese ,civilization1 #ahid1 pp4 #acd1 #cfb-fc4 #aai ,dr4 ,andrew ,white1 ,a ,history of the ,warfare of ,science with ,theology in ,christendom1 #ahif1 i1 #bc4 #abj ,dr4 ,b4 ,seeman1 ,viti1 #ahfb1 pp4 #agi-hb4 #aba ,cp4 ,lang 7,myth1 ,ritual1 and ,religion1 i1 #ia7 as to the contemptuous disbelief of savages in ,christian myths4 ,mr4 ,lang observes that this shows savages and civilized men to have different standards of credulity4 ,that1 however1 does not seem to be the true inference4 ,each order of believer accepts the myths of his own creed1 and derides others4 #abb ,cp4 ,decharme1 ,la ,critique des trad4 relig4 chez les ,grecs1 #aijd1 p4 #aba4 #abc ,the same process will be recorded later in the case of the intercourse of ,crusaders and ,saracens2 and in the seventeenth century it is noted by ,la ,bruyre 7,caractres1 ch4 xvi1 ,des esprits forts1 par4 #c7 as occurring in his day4 ,the anonymous ,english author of an essay on ,the ,agreement of the ,customs of the ,east ,indians with those of the ,jews 7#agje1 pp4 #aeb-ec7 navely endorses ,la ,bruyre4 ,macaulay's remark to the ,edinburgh electors1 on the view taken of sectarian strifes by a man who in ,india had seen the worship of the cow1 is well known4 #abd ,cp4 ,sayce1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 pp4 #if1 #aba-bb2 ,robertson ,smith1 ,religion of the ,semites1 p4 #gd2 ,tiele1 ,egyptian ,religion1 p4 #cf2 and ,outlines1 p4 #eb4 #abe ,cp4 ,tiele1 ,outlines1 pp4 #aji-aaj1 and ,fischer1 ,heidenthum und ,offenbarung1 p4 #ei4 ,professor ,max ,mller's insistence that the lines of ,vedic religion could not have been crossed by trains of thought which started from ,china1 from ,babylon1 or from ,egypt 7,physical ,religion1 p4 #bea71 does not affect the hypothesis put above4 ,the ,professor admits 7p4 #bej7 the exact likeness of the ,babylonian fire-cult to that of ,agni4 #abf ,but cp4 ,mller1 ,anthropolog4 ,relig41 p4 #afd1 as to possible later developments2 and see above1 pp4 #de-dg1 as to the many cases in which conquering races have actually adopted the ,gods of the conquered4 #abg ,muir1 ,original ,sanskrit ,texts1 ii 7#bnd ed471 #cgb1 #cgi1 #chd4 #abh ,id4 p4 #cie4 #abi ,max ,mller1 ,selected ,essays1 #ahha1 ii1 #bjg-bjh4 #acj ,cp4 ,oldenberg1 ,die ,religion des ,veda1 #ahid1 pp4 #id1 #ih-ii2 ,ghosha1 ,hist4 of ,hindu ,civ4 as illust4 in the ,vedas1 ,calcutta1 #ahhi1 pp4 #aij-ia2 ,max ,mller1 ,phys4 ,relig41 #ahia1 pp4 #aig-ih4 #aca ,max ,mller1 ,selected ,essays1 ii1 #bcg4 #acb ,muir1 ,original ,sanskrit ,texts1 v1 #bfh4 #acc ,max ,mller1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 p4 #cjb1 citing ,r4 ,v41 viii1 #ajj1 #c2 and ii1 #ab1 #e4 ,the first passage runs3 ,if you wish for strength1 offer to ,indra a hymn of praise3 a true hymn1 if ,indra truly exist2 for some one says1 ,indra does not exist6 ,who has seen him8 ,whom shall we praise8 ,the hymn of course asseverates his existence4 #acd ,cp4 ,rig-,veda1 i1 #afd1 #df2 x1 #ij 7cited by ,ghosa1 pp4 #aia1 #aih72 viii1 #aj 7cited by ,mller1 ,natural ,religion1 pp4 #bbg-bi72 and x1 #hb1 #aba1 #abi 7cited by ,romesh ,chunder ,dutt1 ,hist4 of ,civ4 in ,anc4 ,india1 ed4 #ahic1 i1 #ie-ig72 ,muir1 ,sanskrit ,texts1 v1 #cec sq42 ,tiele1 ,outlines1 p4 #abe2 ,weber1 ,hist4 of ,ind4 ,lit41 ,eng4 trans41 p4 #e2 ,max ,mller1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 ed4 #ahhj1 pp4 #bih-cjd1 #caj1 #cae2 ,phys4 ,relig41 p4 #ahg2 ,barth1 ,religions of ,india1 ,eng4 trans41 p4 #h2 ,tylor1 ,primitive ,culture1 ii1 #ced4 #ace ,barth1 ,religions of ,india1 pp4 #bf1 #ca1 citing ,rig-,veda1 v1 #c1 #a2 i1 #afd1 #df2 viii1 #fh1 #b4 ,the phrase as to ,agni is common in the ,brhmanas1 but is not yet so in the ,vedas4 ,the second text cited is rendered by ,mller3 ,that which is one the sages speak of in many ways--they call it ,agni1 ,yama1 ,mtarisvan 7,selected ,essays1 #ahha1 ii1 #bdj74 #acf ,colebrooke's ,miscellaneous ,essays1 ed4 #ahgc1 i1 #cge-gf4 ,weber 7,ind4 ,lit41 pp4 #bg1 #acg1 #bcf1 #bhd-he7 has advanced the view that the adherents of this doctrine1 who gradually became stigmatized as heretics1 were the founders or beginners of ,buddhism4 ,but the view that the universe is a self-existent totality appears to enter into the ,brahmans' ,sankhya teaching1 which is midway between the popular ,nyaya system and the esoteric ,vednta 7,ballantyne1 ,christianity ,contrasted with ,hindu ,philosophy1 #ahei1 pp4 xviii1 #ei1 #fa74 ,as to the connection between the ,sankhya system and ,buddhism1 see ,oldenberg1 ,der ,buddha1 sein ,leben1 seine ,lehre1 seine ,gemeinde1 #cte ,aufl41 ,excurs1 pp4 #ddc4 #acg ,h4 ,h4 ,wilson1 ,works1 #ahfb-ga1 ii1 #cdf4 #ach ,weber1 ,hist4 ,ind4 ,lit41 p4 #bcf4 #aci ,ballantyne1 pp4 #eh1 #fa2 ,major ,jacob1 ,manual of ,hindu ,pantheism1 #ahha1 p4 #ac4 #adj ,cp4 ,max ,mller1 ,chips from a ,german ,workshop1 ed4 #ahhj1 i1 #bbh-bcb1 and ,banerjea's ,dialogues on the ,hindu ,philosophy1 p4 #gc1 cited by ,major ,jacob1 ,hindu ,pantheism1 p4 #ac4 #ada ,jacob1 as cited1 p4 #c4 #adb ,max ,mller1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 pp4 #cdj-da4 ,cp4 ,barth1 ,religions of ,india1 p4 #ha4 #adc ,mller1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 p4 #aci4 #add ,cp4 ,weber1 ,hist4 ,ind4 ,lit41 p4 #bh4 #ade ,id4 pp4 #bh1 #bbj-bb4 #adf ,max ,mller1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 p4 #aci1 note1 citing ,panini1 iv1 #d1 #fj4 #adg ,apparently belonging to the later or middle ,buddhist period4 ,mller1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 p4 #ada4 #adh ,on these cp4 ,mller1 p4 #aci1 note2 ,garbe1 ,philos4 of ,anc4 ,india1 ,eng4 tr4 #bnd ed4 ,chicago1 #ahii1 p4 #be2 and ,weber1 ,ind4 ,lit4 p4 #bdf1 note1 with the very full research of ,professor ,rhys ,davids1 ,dialogues of the ,buddha1 #ahii1 pp4 #aff-gb4 #adi ,mller1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 pp4 #adj-da4 ,cp4 ,garbe4 p4 #bh4 #aej ,garbe1 as cited4 #aea ,rhys ,davids1 ,dialogues of the ,buddha1 p4 #aga4 #aeb ,id4 pp4 #afi-ga4 #aec ,id4 p4 #agb4 #aed ,id4 ib4 #aee ,trans4 in ,english by ,cowell and ,gough1 #ahhb4 #aef ,garbe1 as cited1 p4 #be4 #aeg ,see ,mller1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 pp4 #ada-db1 citing ,burnouf4 #aeh ,mller1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 p4 #caj4 #aei ,bk4 ,i1 ,stories ii1 #g1 #h1 #af2 vii4 #ahj4 #afj ,bk4 ,i1 #aa1 #dj2 ,st4 ii1 #cb4 #afa ,st4 vi4 #afb4 #afb ,major ,jacob1 as cited1 preface4 #afc ,mller1 ,psychol4 ,relig41 pp4 #ie1 #ig1 #abf2 ,lect4 on the ,vednta ,philos41 #ahid1 p4 #cb4 #afd ,chunder ,dutt1 ,hist4 of ,civ4 in ,anc4 ,india1 as cited1 i1 #aab-ac4 #afe ,rhys ,davids1 trans4 of ,dialogues of the ,buddha1 p4 #aff4 ,cp4 his ,buddhism1 p4 #adc1 as to ,buddhist censures of an extravagant skepticism which denied every religious theory4 ,in one of the ,dialogues 7ii1 #be1 p4 #gd7 a contemporary sophist is cited as flatly denying a future state4 ,mr4 ,lillie1 however 7,buddhism in ,christendom1 #ahhg1 p4 #ahg71 contends as against ,professor ,rhys ,davids that the ,upanishads were only whispered to pupils who had gone through a severe probation4 #aff ,prof4 ,weber 7,hist4 ,ind4 ,lit41 p4 #d7 says the peoples of the ,punjaub never at all submitted to the ,brahmanical rule and caste system4 ,but the subject natives there must at the outset have been treated as an inferior order4 ,cp4 ,tiele1 ,outlines1 p4 #abj and refs42 and ,rhys ,davids1 ,buddhism1 p4 #bc4 #afg ,cp4 ,weber1 ,hist4 ,ind4 ,lit41 pp4 #bcf1 #bhd-he2 ,max ,mller1 ,chips1 i1 #bbh-cb2 ,kuenen1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 pp4 #beh-fd2 and the general discussion of the problem in the author's ,pagan ,christs1 #bnd ed4 pp4 #bci-fc4 #afh ,brahmanism had itself been by this time influenced by aboriginal elements1 even to the extent of affecting its language4 ,weber1 as cited1 p4 #agg4 ,cp4 ,mller1 ,anthrop4 ,relig41 p4 #afd4 #afi ,major ,jacob1 as cited1 p4 #ab4 #agj ,i4e41 the enlightened1 a title given to sages in general4 ,weber1 p4 #bhd4 #aga ,weber1 ,hist4 ,ind4 ,lit41 pp4 #agi1 #bii2 ,mller1 ,natural ,religion1 p4 #bii4 #agb ,see ,senart1 ,essai sur la lgende de ,buddha1 #b;e dit41 p4 #big ff4 #agc ,cp4 ,weber1 pp4 #bhf-hg1 #cjc4 #agd ,see ,weber1 pp4 #cja1 #cjg2 also ,rhys ,davids1 ,buddhism1 pp4 #dc1 #hc1 etc4 #age ,tiele1 ,outlines1 p4 #aag4 #agf ,cp4 ,weber1 ,hist4 ,ind4 ,lit41 pp4 #bg1 #bhd-hg2 ,max ,mller1 ,natural ,religion1 p4 #eee2 ,jacobi1 as there cited2 ,tiele1 ,outlines1 pp4 #ace-cf2 ,rhys ,davids1 ,american ,lectures on ,buddhism1 pp4 #aae-af2 ,buddhism1 p4 #hd2 and the author's ,pagan ,christs1 pt4 ii1 ch4 ii1 #h-ac4 #agg ,weber1 ,hist4 ,ind4 ,lit41 pp4 #d1 #ci4 #agh ,barth1 ,religions of ,india1 p4 #adf4 #agi ,rhys ,davids1 ,buddhism1 pp4 #ce1 #gi1 #ii4 #ahj ,cp4 ,pagan ,christs1 pp4 #bdh-ej4 #aha ,rhys ,davids1 trans4 of ,dialogues1 pp4 #ahh-hi2 ,amer4 ,lec4 on ,buddhism1 #ahif1 pp4 #abg-cd2 ,hibbert ,lectures1 #ahha1 p4 #aji2 ,buddhism1 pp4 #ie1 #ih-ii4 #ahb ,max ,mller1 ,selected ,essays1 #ahha1 ii1 #bie4 #ahc ,as the context in ,professor ,mller's work shows1 these phrases are inaccurate4 #ahd ,cp4 ,weber1 ,ind4 ,lit41 p4 #bhi1 note2 and ,banerjea1 ,dialogues on the ,hindu ,philosophy1 p4 #ebj1 cited by ,major ,jacob1 pp4 #bi-cj4 #ahe ,see ,muir1 ,sanskrit ,texts1 iv1 #ej 7cited by ,jacob1 pp4 #cj-ca71 as to the ,brahman view of the licence ascribed to ,krishna4 ,and see iii1 #cb 7cited by ,jacob1 p4 #ad71 as to a remarkable disparagement of ,vedism in the ,bhagavat ,gita4 #ahf ,mller1 ,selected ,essays1 ii1 #cfc3 ,h4 ,h4 ,wilson1 as last cited1 ii1 #cfh sq4 #ahg ,see this brought out in a strikingly dramatic way in ,mr4 ,dennis ,hird's novel1 ,the ,believing ,bishop4 #ahh ,cp4 ,dr4 ,a4 ,jeremias1 ,monotheistische ,strmungen innerhalb der ,babylonischen ,religion1 #aijd1 p4 #dd--;a very candid research4 #ahi ,the ,hammurabi ,code1 by ,chilperic ,edwards1 #aijd1 pp4 #fg1 #fh1 #gj 7 #bdj1 #bdi1 #bff74 ,the invocations of named ,gods by ,hammurabi at the close of the code1 however1 suggest that the force of the word was a ,god4 ,cp4 p4 #gf with what follows2 and see note on p4 #ic4 ,on this question compare ,jeremias1 as cited1 pp4 #ci1 #dc4 #aij ,maspero1 ,hist4 anc4 des peup4 de l'orient1 #d;e d4 p4 #aci2 ,sayce1 ,hib4 ,lect41 pp4 #aba1 #bac1 #bae2 ,e4 ,meyer1 ,gesch4 des ,alt41 i 7#ahhd71 #afa 7 #acc72 iii 7#aija71 #afg sq4 7 #ajc74 #aia ,sayce1 pp4 #bai1 #cdd2 ,lenormant1 ,chaldean ,magic1 ,eng4 ed4 p4 #abg4 #aib ,jastrow1 ,religions of ,babylonia and ,assyria1 #ahih1 p4 #cah4 #aic ,jastrow1 p4 #ahg2 ,sayce1 pp4 #abh1 #bfg-fh4 ,cp4 ,kuenen1 ,religion of ,israel1 ,eng4 tr41 i1 #ia2 ,menzies1 ,history of ,religion1 #ahie1 p4 #aga2 ,gunkel1 ,israel und ,babylonien1 #aijc1 p4 #cj2 ,jeremias1 as cited1 pp4 #e-f4 #aid ,meyer1 iii1 #afh2 ,jastrow1 p4 #gi2 ,sayce1 p4 #cca sq41 #cfg sq42 ,lenormant1 ,chaldean ,magic1 p4 #aab2 ,jeremias1 pp4 #g-bc4 #aie ,sayce1 p4 #cje4 ,cp4 ,robertson ,smith1 ,religion of the ,semites1 p4 #deb4 #aif ,jastrow1 p4 #aij1 note1 p4 #cai2 ,sayce1 pp4 #aia-ib1 #cfg2 ,lenormant1 pp4 #aab1 #aac1 #aai1 #acc2 ,jeremias1 p4 #bf4 #aig ,tiele1 ,outlines1 p4 #gh2 ,sayce1 ,ancient ,empires of the ,east1 pp4 #aeb-ec2 ,rawlinson1 ,five ,great ,monarchies1 #bnd ed4 iii1 #ac2 ,maspero1 p4 #aci4 #aih ,strabo1 xvi1 c4 #a1 #f4 #aii ,cp4 ,rawlinson1 ,five ,great ,monarchies1 i1 #aaj2 iii1 #ab-ac4 #bjj ,hibbert ,lectures1 p4 #che4 #bja ,meyer1 iii1 #ajc2 ,sayce1 pp4 #aib1 #cde4 #bjb ,cp4 ,jastrow1 p4 #ffb2 ,sayce1 p4 #gh2 and ,tiele1 ,hist4 ,compare1 p4 #bji4 ,it seems probable that human sacrifice was latterly restricted to the case of criminals4 #bjc ,cp4 ,meyer1 iii1 #agc4 #bjd ,meyer1 i1 #ahg1 and note4 #bje ,cp4 ,t4 ,g4 ,pinches1 ,the ,old ,testament in the ,light of the ,hist4 ,records of ,assyria and ,babylonia1 #aijb1 pp4 #afa-fc4 #bjf ,jastrow1 pp4 #ahg1 #bef2 ,sayce1 pp4 #caf1 #cbj1 #cbb1 #cbg2 ,meyer1 i1 #ahc2 ,lenormant1 p4 #aaj2 ,jeremias1 p4 #e4 #bjg ,sayce1 pp4 #cbf1 #cda2 cp4 ,jastrow1 p4 #cag4 #bjh ,meyer1 i1 #eii2 ,sayce1 ,hib4 ,lect41 pp4 #he-ia2 ,anc4 ,emp4 of the ,east1 p4 #bde4 #bji ,meyer1 iii1 #eg4 #baj ,herod4 i1 #aca4 #baa ,jer4 xi1 #ac1 etc4 #bab ,ezek4 chs4 vi1 viii4 #bac ,cp4 the recent literature on the recovered ,code of ,hammurabi4 #bad ,herod4 i1 #aja4 #bae ,id4 iii1 #gi4 #baf ,cp4 ,grote1 ,history of ,greece1 pt4 ii1 ch4 #cc 7ed4 #ahhh1 iii1 #ddb71 note4 #bag ,meyer1 ,gesch4 des ,alt41 i1 #eje 7 #dag71 #edb 7 #dea71 #fag 7 #eae72 ,tiele1 ,outlines1 p4 #afd4 #bah ,herod4 i1 #acj4 #bai ,cp4 ,herod4 iii1 #id1 #ih2 ,grote1 vol4 iii1 p4 #ddh4 #bbj ,meyer1 as cited1 i1 #eje1 #ecj 7 #dci72 ,tiele1 ,outlines1 pp4 #afc1 #afe4 #bba ,meyer1 i1 #ebh 7 #dch74 #bbb ,darmesteter1 ,the ,zendavesta 7,s4 ,b4 ,e4 ser471 vol4 i1 introd41 p4 lx 7#ast ed474 #bbc ,rawlinson1 ,religions of the ,anc4 ,world1 p4 #aje2 ,meyer1 #dag1 #dej-ea4 #bbd ,meyer1 i1 #ejg 7 #dah74 #bbe ,cp4 ,meyer1 i1 #ejf-ejh2 ,renan1 as cited by him1 p4 #ejh2 ,darmesteter1 as cited1 cc4 iv-ix1 #bnd ed42 ,tiele1 ,outlines1 p4 #afe4 #bbf ,meyer1 i1 #ebj 7 #dbh74 #bbg ,meyer1 i1 #ebd 7 #dcc72 ,tiele1 ,outlines1 p4 #agh2 ,darmesteter1 ,ormazd et ,ahriman1 #ahgg1 pp4 #g-ah4 #bbh ,meyer1 i1 #dej 7p4 #eda74 #bbi ,tiele1 ,outlines1 p4 #afg4 ,cp4 ,lenormant 7,chaldean ,magic1 p4 #bbi71 who attributes the heresy to immoral ,median ,magi2 and ,spiegel 7,avesta1 #aheb1 i1 #bga71 who considers it a derivation from ,babylon4 #bcj ,le ,page ,renouf1 ,hibbert ,lectures on ,relig4 of ,anc4 ,egypt1 #bnd ed4 p4 #ib2 ,wiedemann1 ,religion of the ,ancient ,egyptians1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahig1 p4 #aji4 ,cp4 p4 #bfj4 ,renouf 7pp4 #ic-ajc7 supplies an interesting analysis4 #bca ,meyer1 ,gesch4 des ,alt4 i1 #hc2 ,wiedemann1 as cited1 p4 #ajc sq4 #bcb ,cp4 ,major ,glyn ,leonard1 ,the ,lower ,niger and its ,tribes1 #aijf1 pp4 #ced1 #dag1 #dcc4 #bcc ,wiedemann1 as cited1 p4 #acf4 #bcd ,meyer1 p4 #ha 7 #ff72 ,tiele1 ,hist4 of the ,egypt4 ,relig4 ,eng4 tr41 pp4 #aai1 #aed4 #bce ,le ,page ,renouf1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 #bnd ed4 p4 #bdj4 #bcf ,meyer1 ,geschichte des ,alten ,egyptens1 in ,oncken's series1 #ahgg1 ,b4 iii1 ,kap4 #c1 p4 #bdi2 ,gesch4 des ,alt4 i4 #aji2 ,tiele1 ,egypt4 ,relig4 pp4 #adi1 #aea1 #aeg2 ,maspero1 ,hist4 anc4 des peuples de l'orient1 #d ed41 pp4 #bgh-hj2 ,le ,page ,renouf1 as cited1 pp4 #bae-cj2 ,wiedemann1 pp4 #ab1 #ac1 #cja2 ,erman1 ,handbook of ,egyptian ,religion1 ,eng4 tr4 #aijg1 p4 #eg4 #bcg ,erman1 pp4 #ei1 #fj4 #bch ,tiele1 ,egypt4 ,rel4 pp4 #aec1 #aee1 #aef4 #bci ,tiele1 p4 #aeg4 #bdj ,brugsch1 ,religion und ,mythologie der alten ,aegypter1 #ahhd2 #a ,hlfte1 pp4 #ij-ia2 ,kuenen1 ,religion of ,israel1 ,eng4 trans4 i1 #cie-ig2 ,tiele1 pp4 #bbf-cj2 ,erman1 pp4 #ga1 #ajc-aje4 #bda ,cp4 ,wiedemann1 p4 #cjb4 #bdb ,tiele1 pp4 #aad1 #aah1 #aed4 ,cp4 ,meyer1 ,geschichte des ,alterthums1 i1 #aja-ajb 7 #he74 ,wiedemann1 p4 #bfj4 #bdc ,dr4 ,wallis ,budge1 ,egyptian ,magic1 #ahii1 end4 #bdd ,tiele1 p4 #aeg4 ,cp4 p4 #bag4 #bde ,cp4 ,maspero1 as cited1 pp4 #bgd-gf4 #bdf ,meyer1 i1 #gb4 #bdg ,maspero's spelling4 #bdh ,von ,bissing's spelling4 #bdi ,de ,garis ,davies1 ,the ,tombs of ,amarna4 #bej ,maspero 7,hist4 anc4 des peuples de l'orient1 ed4 #aije1 p4 #bea7 says he respected also ,osiris and ,horus4 #bea ,brugsch1 ,egypt under the ,pharaohs1 ed4 #ahia1 p4 #baf4 ,maspero 7as cited1 p4 #bej7 recognizes no such revolt4 #beb ,maspero1 ,hist4 anc4 de l'orient1 #g;e d4 pp4 #bdh-ed2 ,brugsch1 ,hist4 of ,egypt under the ,pharaohs1 ,eng4 trans4 ed4 #ahia1 ch4 x2 ,meyer1 ,geschichte des alten ,aegyptens1 ,b4 iii1 ,kap4 #d1 #e2 ,gesch4 des ,alterthums1 i1 #bga-gd2 ,tiele1 pp4 #afa-fe2 ,flinders ,petrie1 ,history of ,egypt1 iii 7#aije71 #aj2 ,wiedemann1 pp4 #ce-ci2 ,erman1 pp4 #fa-gj2 ,l4 ,w4 ,king and ,h4 ,h4 ,hall1 ,egypt and ,western ,asia in the ,light of ,recent ,discoveries1 #aijg1 pp4 #chc-hg2 ,f4 ,w4 von ,bissing1 ,geschichte ,aegyptens in ,umriss1 #aijd1 pp4 #eb-ec4 #bec ,tiele1 p4 #add2 ,meyer1 ,gesch4 des ,alt4 i1 #ace4 #bed ,we do not find magic predominant in the tales until the ,ptolemaic age4 ,at that time the physical magic of the early times reappears in full force 7,petrie1 ,religion and ,conscience in ,ancient ,egypt1 #ahih1 p4 #bi4 ,cp4 ,maspero1 p4 #bhf2 ,budge1 ,egyptian ,magic1 pp4 #fd1 #bcc74 #bee ,petrie1 ,hist4 iii1 #agd-ge1 #ahj4 #bef ,tiele1 pp4 #ahj-hb2 ,meyer1 ,gesch4 des ,alt4 i1 #adj-dc4 #beg ,tiele1 pp4 #ahd-he1 #aif1 #bag4 #beh ,herodotos1 ii1 #dh1 #fj-fd1 etc4 ,cp4 ,maspero1 p4 #bhf4 #bei ,the ,osiride and ,cosmic ,gods rose in importance as time went on1 while the ,abstract ,gods continually sank on the whole4 ,this agrees with the general idea that the imported ,gods have to yield their position gradually to the older and more deeply-rooted faiths 7,petrie1 as last cited1 p4 #ie74 #bfj ,the familiar narrative of ,herodotos is put in doubt by the monuments4 ,sayce1 ,ancient ,empires1 p4 #bdf4 ,but cp4 ,meyer1 i1 #faa 7 #ejh74 #bfa ,tiele1 p4 #aeh4 #bfb ,see figures #bji1 #bab1 #bba1 #bce1 #bdb1 #bdi1 #bej1 in ,sharpe's ,hist4 of ,egypt1 #gth ed4 #bfc ,cp4 ,sharpe1 ii1 #bhg-ie2 ,budge1 ,egyptian ,magic1 p4 #fd4 #bfd ,compare the orthodox view of ,bishop ,westcott1 ,essays in the ,history of ,religious ,thought in the ,west1 #ahia1 pp4 #aig-bjj4 #bfe ,these fights had not ceased even in the time of ,julian 7,sharpe1 ii1 #bhj74 ,cp4 ,juvenal1 ,sat4 xv1 #cc sq4 #bff ,metamorphoses1 ,b41 xi4 #bfg ,cp4 ,lane1 ,manners and ,customs of the ,modern ,egyptians1 passim4 #bfh ,cp4 ,meyer1 ,gesch4 des ,alt4 i1 #bcb-cc4 #bfi ,meyer1 i1 #bcg4 #bgj ,put by ,canon ,rawlinson1 ,history of ,phoenicia1 #ahhi1 p4 #cba4 #bga ,as to the universality of this tendency1 see ,meyer1 ii1 #ig4 #bgb ,meyer1 ,geschichte des ,alterthums1 i1 #bea1 #bji2 ,tiele1 ,outlines1 p4 #hd2 ,histoire compare des anciennes religions1 ,fr4 tr4 pp4 #cbj-ba4 #bgc ,rawlinson1 ,phoenicia1 p4 #cdj2 ,sayce1 ,anc4 ,emp4 p4 #bjd2 ,menzies1 ,hist4 of ,relig4 p4 #afh4 #bgd ,prparatio ,evangelica1 ,b4 i1 c4 #i-aj4 #bge ,meyer1 i1 #bdi4 #bgf ,cp4 ,sayce1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 p4 #aei1 as to ,persian methods of the same kind4 #bgg ,div4 ,inst4 i1 #bc4 #bgh ,e4 ,meyer1 ,geschichte des ,alterthums1 ii1 #ajd1 #aje4 #bgi ,as to ,greek instances1 cp4 ,bury1 ,hist4 of ,greece1 ed4 #aijf1 pp4 #ec1 #ee1 #fe1 #ib1 #ajd2 and as to ,roman1 see ,ettore ,pais1 ,ancient ,legends of ,roman ,history1 ,eng4 trans4 #aijf1 ch4 x1 where it is shown that ,virginia and ,lucretia are primarily ancient ,latin divinities2 and 7ch4 vii7 that both ,numa and ,servius ,tullius are probably in the same case1 ,servius ,rex being in all likelihood the servus rex ,nemorensis of the ,arician grove1 round whom turns the research of ,dr4 ,j4 ,g4 ,frazer's ,golden ,bough2 while tullius is an old ,latin word for a spring4 ,see also ch4 iv as to ,acca ,larentia1 another ,goddess reduced by the historians to the status of a hetaira1 as was ,flora4 ,horatius ,cocles 7id4 p4 #aeg7 is also a ,god reduced to a hero4 #bhj ,so ,sayce1 ,ancient ,empires1 p4 #bjd4 #bha ,sayce1 ,ancient ,empires1 p4 #bjb4 #bhb ,legge1 ,religions of ,china1 #ahhj1 pp4 #aa1 #af2 ,douglas1 ,confucianism and ,taouism1 #ahgi1 pp4 #ab1 #hb4 #bhc ,menzies1 ,history of ,religion1 p4 #aeh4 #bhd ,legge1 pp4 #ab1 #ai1 #bc1 #be1 #bf2 ,tiele1 ,outlines1 p4 #bg2 ,douglas1 p4 #gi4 #bhe ,legge1 ,religions of ,china1 p4 #adb4 #bhf ,see the citations made by ,legge1 p4 #e4 #bhg ,id4 p4 #aci2 cp4 ,menzies1 p4 #aji4 #bhh ,legge1 p4 #adj2 cp4 p4 #aag2 ,douglas1 p4 #ha4 #bhi ,legge1 ,religions1 p4 #aag2 ,life and ,teachings of ,confucius1 #dth ed4 p4 #aja2 ,douglas1 p4 #fh2 ,tiele1 ,outlines1 p4 #bi4 #bij ,tiele1 p4 #ca2 ,legge1 ,religions1 p4 #adc4 #bia ,tiele1 pp4 #ca-cb2 ,douglas1 pp4 #fh1 #hd4 ,but cp4 ,legge1 ,religions1 pp4 #abc1 #abg4 #bib ,legge1 ,life and ,teachings1 pp4 #ajj-aja4 #bic ,douglas1 pp4 #agi1 #ahd4 #bid ,see the author's ,pagan ,christs1 pp4 #bad-bb4 #bie ,pauthier1 ,chine ,moderne1 p4 #cea4 ,there is a tradition that ,lao-,tsze took his doctrine from an ancient sage who flourished before #aabj ,b4,c42 and he himself 7,tau ,teh ,king1 trans4 by ,chalmers1 ,the ,speculations of ,lao-,tsze1 #ahfh1 ch4 #da7 cites doctrine as to ,tau from those who have spoken 7before me74 ,cp4 cc4 #bb1 #da1 #fb1 #fe1 #gj4 #bif ,cp4 ,e4 ,j4 ,simcox1 ,primitive ,civilizations1 #ahid1 ii1 #ah4 #big ,pauthier1 p4 #ceh2 ,chalmers1 pp4 #ad1 #cg4 #bih ,legge1 ,religions1 p4 #acg4 #bii ,tau ,teh ,king1 as cited1 pp4 #ch4 #di1 ch4 #di1 #fc2 ,pauthier1 p4 #ceh2 ,legge1 p4 #bbc4 #cjj ,analects1 xxv1 #cf2 ,legge1 ,religions1 p4 #adc2 ,life and ,teachings1 p4 #aac2 ,douglas1 p4 #add4 #cja ,legge1 ,religions1 p4 #afd4 ,we do find1 however1 an occasional allusion to deity1 as in the phrase the ,great ,architect 7,chalmers' trans4 #ahfh4 ch4 lxxiv1 p4 #eg71 and ,heaven is spoken of in a somewhat personalized sense4 ,still1 ,mr4 ,chalmers complains 7p4 xv7 that ,lao-,tsze did not recognize a personal ,god1 but put an indefinite1 impersonal1 and unconscious ,tau above all things 7ch4 iv74 #cjb ,f4 ,h4 ,balfour1 ,art4 ,a ,philosopher who ,never ,lived1 in ,leaves from my ,chinese ,scrap-book1 #ahhg1 p4 #hc sq4 #cjc ,id4 pp4 #hf-ij4 #cjd ,id4 p4 #acd4 #cje ,legge1 ,religions of ,china1 p4 #adg2 ,tiele1 ,outlines1 p4 #cc4 #cjf ,legge1 ,life and ,works of ,mencius1 #ahge1 pp4 #bi1 #ej1 #gg1 etc4 #cjg ,tiele1 p4 #cc4 #cjh ,legge1 ,life and ,works of ,mencius1 pp4 #dd1 #dg1 #ef1 #eg1 etc4 #cji ,miss ,simcox1 ,primitive ,civilizations1 ii1 #cf-cg1 following ,chavannes4 #caj ,legge's ,mencius1 p4 #di2 cp4 p4 #dh4 #caa ,cp4 ,legge's ,mencius1 pp4 #dg1 #aca2 ,chalmers' ,lao-,tsze1 pp4 #bc1 #bh1 #ec1 #eh 7chs4 xxx1 xxxi1 xxxvi1 lxvii1 lxxiv72 ,douglas1 ,taouism1 chs4 ii1 iii4 #cab ,legge1 ,religions of ,china1 p4 #adg4 ,the ruler in question seems to have been of non-,chinese descent4 ,e4 ,h4 ,parker1 ,china1 #aija1 p4 #ah4 #cac ,legge1 ,religions of ,china1 p4 #aei4 #cad ,id4 p4 #fj4 #cae ,tiele1 p4 #cg4 #caf ,douglas1 p4 #bbb4 #cag ,id4 p4 #bci4 #cah ,tiele1 p4 #ce2 ,douglas1 p4 #bhg4 ,taouism1 however1 has a rather noteworthy ethical code4 ,see ,douglas1 ch4 vi4 ,it has to be noted that the translations of the ,to ,th ,king have varied to a disquieting degree4 ,cp4 ,drews1 ,gesch4 des ,monismus1 p4 #aba4 #cai ,details are given in the author's ,pagan ,christs1 pt4 iv4 #cbj ,nadaillac 7,l',amrique prhistorique1 #ahhc1 pp4 #bgc-hd7 gives them little of this credit1 pronouncing them at once cruel and degenerate4 ,he credits them1 however1 with being the first makers of roads and aqueducts in ,central ,america1 and cites the record of their free public hospitals1 maintained by the sacerdotal kings4 ,prescott1 on the other hand1 overstated the bloodlessness of their religion 7,conquest of ,mexico1 ,kirk's ed4 #ahij1 p4 #da and ed4 note74 #cba ,rville1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 ,on the ,native ,religions of ,mexico and ,peru1 #ahhd1 pp4 #fb-fg4 #cbb ,j4 ,g4 ,mller1 ,geschichte der ,amerikanischen ,urreligionen1 ed4 #ahfg1 pp4 #egg-ij2 ,h4 ,h4 ,bancroft1 ,native ,races of the ,pacific ,states1 iii1 #bgi4 7,passage cited in author's ,pagan ,christs1 pp4 #djb-djc2 where is also noted ,dr4 ,tylor's early view1 discarded later1 that ,quetzalcoatl was a real personage47 #cbc ,cp4 ,prescott1 as cited4 #cbd ,rville1 p4 #ff4 #cbe ,j4 ,g4 ,mller1 as cited1 pp4 #dgc-gd2 ,rville1 p4 #df4 ,dr4 ,rville speaks of the worship of the unifying deity as pretty much effaced by that of the lower ,gods4 ,it seems rather to have been a priestly effort to syncretize these4 ,still1 such an effacement did take place1 as we have seen1 in ,central ,asia in ancient times1 after a syncretic idea had been reached 7above1 p4 #de74 ,as to the alleged monotheism of ,king ,netzahuatl 7or ,netzahualcoyotl71 of ,tezcuco1 mentioned above1 p4 #ci1 see ,lang1 ,making of ,religion1 p4 #bgj1 note1 and p4 #bhb2 ,prescott1 ,conquest of ,mexico1 as cited1 p4 #ib2 and ,j4 ,g4 ,mller1 as cited1 pp4 #dgc-gd1 #dhj4 #cbf ,as to the capabilities of the ,aztec language1 see ,bancroft1 ,native ,races1 ii1 #gbg-bh 7quoted in ,pagan ,christs1 p4 #daf1 note74 #cbg ,refs4 above1 p4 #da4 ,cp4 ,lang1 ,making of ,religion1 p4 #bgj1 note1 and p4 #bhb2 ,j4 ,g4 ,mller1 as cited1 pp4 #dgc-gd2 and ,nadaillac1 as cited1 p4 #bhi4 #cbh ,the ,christianized descendant of the ,tezcucan kings1 ,ixtilxochitl1 who wrote their history1 adds the words1 ,cause of ,causes--a very unlikely formula in the place and circumstances4 #cbi ,above1 p4 #da4 ,cp4 ,lang1 as last cited1 pp4 #bfc1 #bhb4 #ccj ,cp4 ,kirk's ed4 of ,prescott's ,conquest of ,peru1 #ahhi1 p4 #dd2 ,rville1 p4 #ahi-ij2 ,lang1 as cited below4 #cca ,rville1 p4 #aeb1 citing ,garcilasso4 ,see same page for a story of resistance to the invention of an alphabet4 #ccb ,rville1 p4 #ej4 citing ,torquemada1 #a4 viii1 c4 #bj4 end4 #ccc ,history of the ,affairs of ,new ,spain1 ,french trans4 #ahhj1 #a4 vi1 ch4 #g1 pp4 #cdb-dc4 ,cp4 ,prescott1 ,conquest of ,mexico1 ,kirk's ed4 pp4 #ca1 #cc4 #ccd ,prescott1 p4 #cd4 #cce ,the priest says1 'the spirit is hungry4' the fact being that he himself is hungry4 ,he advises the killing of an animal 7,max ,mller1 ,anthropological ,religion1 p4 #cjg74 #ccf ,on the general tendency cp4 ,chantepie de la ,saussaye1 ,manual of the ,science of ,religion1 pp4 #gg-hd4 #ccg ,in the windows of the shop of the ,s4 ,p4 ,c4 ,k41 in ,london1 may be often seen large displays of reproduced ,madonna-pictures1 by ,catholic artists1 at popular prices4 #cch ,compare the author's ,pagan ,christs1 pp4 #ff-ie4 #cci ,jud4 xvii1 xviii4 #cdj ,gen4 xxxi1 #ai1 #cd1 #ce4 #cda ,compare ,hugo ,winckler1 ,geschichte ,israels1 i1 #ef-eh4 #cdb ,compare ,tiele1 ,outlines1 p4 #hg2 ,hist4 comp4 des anc4 relig4 p4 #cdb sq42 ,kuenen1 ,relig4 of ,israel1 iii1 #ce1 #dd1 #cih4 ,winckler 7,gesch4 ,israels1 i1 #cd-ch7 pronounces the original ,semitic ,yahu1 and the ,yahweh evolved from him1 to have been each a ,wetter-,gott4 #cdc ,the word is applied to the apparition of ,samuel in the story of the ,witch of ,endor 7#a ,sam4 xxviii1 #ac74 #cdd ,the unlearned reader may here be reminded that in ,gen4 i the ,hebrew word translated ,god is ,elohim and that the phrase in ,gen4 ii rendered the ,lord ,god in our versions is in the original ,yah-weh-,elohim4 ,the first chapter1 with its plural deity1 is1 however1 probably the later as well as the more dignified narrative1 and represents the influence of ,babylonian quasi-science4 ,see1 for a good general account of the case1 ,the ,witness of ,assyria1 by ,c4 ,edwards1 #ahic1 ch4 ii4 ,cp4 ,wellhausen1 ,proleg4 to ,hist4 of ,israel1 ,eng4 tr4 pp4 #aif-cjh2 ,e4 ,j4 ,fripp1 ,composition of the ,book of ,genesis1 #ahib1 passim2 ,driver1 ,introd4 to the ,lit4 of the ,old ,test4 #ahia1 pp4 #ah-ai4 #cde ,winckler1 ,gesch4 ,isr4 i1 #bi-cj4 #cdf ,cp4 ,meyer1 ,gesch4 des ,alt4 i1 #cih4 #cdg ,see the myth of the offerings put in it by the ,philistines 7#a ,sam4 vi74 #cdh #a ,sam4 iii1 #c4 ,cp4 ch4 ii1 #ab-bb4 ,contrast ,lev4 xvi1 #b1 ff4 #cdi #a ,sam4 iv1 #c-aa4 ,cp4 v4 vii1 #b4 #cej #b ,sam4 vi4 #cea #a ,kings xii1 #bh2 ,hosea viii1 #d-f4 ,cp4 ,jud4 viii4 #bg2 ,hosea viii1 #e4 #ceb ,smith1 ,religion of the ,semites1 p4 #aif4 ,but see above1 p4 #gi4 #cec #aath cent4 ,b4,c4 #ced #b ,kings xviii1 #d1 #bb2 xxiii1 #dh4 #cee #b ,kings xxiii4 #cef ,jer4 i1 #ah2 iii1 #af2 vi1 #ac2 vii1 #d-bb2 viii1 #h2 xviii1 #ah2 xx1 #a1 #b2 xxiii1 #aa4 #ceg ,jer4 ii1 #bh2 xi1 #ac4 #ceh ,so ,kuenen1 vol4 i4 ,app4 i to ,ch4 #a4 #cei ,amos v1 #ba1 #bb4 #cfj ,hosea ii1 #aa2 vi1 #f4 #cfa ,isa4 i1 #aa-ad4 #cfb ,mic4 vi1 #f-h4 #cfc ,cp4 ,m4 ,mller1 ,nat4 ,rel4 pp4 #efj-fa2 ,psychol4 ,rel4 pp4 #cj-cb2 ,wellhausen1 ,israel1 p4 #dfe4 ,if the ,moabite ,stone be genuine--and it is accepted by ,stade 7,gesch4 des ,volkes ,israel1 in ,oncken's ,series1 #ahha1 i1 #hf7 and by most contemporary scholars--the ,hebrew alphabetic writing is carried back to the ninth century ,b4,c4 ,an account of the ,stone is given in ,the ,witness of ,assyria1 by ,c4 ,edwards1 ch4 xi4 ,see again ,mommsen1 ,hist4 of ,rome1 bk4 i1 ch4 #ad1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahid1 i1 #bhj1 for a theory of the extreme antiquity of the alphabet4 #cfd ,dr4 ,cheyne 7,art4 ,amos in ,encyc4 ,biblica7 gives some good reasons for attaching little weight to such objections1 but finally joins in calling ,amos a surprising phenomenon4 #cfe ,driver1 ,introd4 to ,lit4 of ,old ,test4 ch4 vi1 #b 7p4 #bij1 ed4 #ahia74 ,cp4 ,kuenen1 ,relig4 of ,israel1 i1 #hf2 and ,robertson ,smith1 art4 ,joel1 in ,encyc4 ,brit4 #cff ,cp4 ,wellhausen1 ,israel1 p4 #eja2 ,driver1 ch4 vii 7#ast ed4 pp4 #ceb sq41 esp4 pp4 #cee1 #cfa1 #cfb1 #cfe72 ,stade1 ,gesch4 des ,volkes ,israel1 i1 #he4 #cfg ,e4g4 ,ps4 l1 #h-ae2 li1 #af-ag1 where v4 #ai is obviously a priestly addition1 meant to countervail vv4 #af1 #ag4 #cfh ,cp4 ,kuenen1 i1 #aef2 ,wellhausen1 ,prolegomena1 p4 #aci2 ,israel1 p4 #dgh4 #cfi ,as to a possible prehistoric connection of ,hebrews and ,perso-,aryans1 see ,kuenen1 i1 #bed1 discussing ,tiele and ,spiegel1 and iii1 #ce1 #dd1 treating of ,tiele's view1 set forth in his ,godsdienst van ,zarathustra1 that fire-worship was the original basis of ,yahwism4 ,cp4 ,land's views1 discussed by ,kuenen1 p4 #cih2 and ,renan1 ,hist4 des langues smit4 p4 #dgc4 #cgj ,cheyne1 ,introd4 to ,isaiah1 ,prol4 pp4 xxx1 xxxviii1 following ,kosters4 #cga ,there is a cognate dispute as to the condition of the ,samaritans at the time of the ,return4 ,stade 7,gesch4 den ,volkes ,israel1 i1 #fjb7 holds that they were numerous and well-placed4 ,winckler 7,alttestamentliche ,untersuchungen1 #ahib1 p4 #ajg7 argues that1 on the contrary1 they were poor and unorganized1 and looked to the ,jews for help4 ,so also ,e4 ,meyer1 ,gesch4 des ,alt4 iii 7#aija71 #bad4 #cgb ,cp4 ,rowland ,williams1 ,the ,hebrew ,prophets1 ii 7#ahga71 #ch4 ,this translator's rendering of the phrase cited by ,zephaniah runs3 ,neither good does the eternal nor evil4 #cgc ,cp4 ,e4 ,meyer1 ,geschichte des ,alterthums1 iii1 #baf4 #cgd ,mal4 ii1 #ag2 iii1 #ac4 ,cp4 ii1 #h1 #aa4 #cge ,cp4 ,jer4 xxxiii1 #bd2 xxxviii1 #ai4 #cgf ,eccles4 iii1 #ai-ba4 #cgg ,ch4 v4 ,renan's translation lends lucidity4 #cgh ,driver1 ,introduction1 p4 #cgh4 ,prof4 ,dillon 7,skeptics of the ,old ,testament1 p4 #aee7 goes so far as to pronounce ,agur a ,hebrew ,voltaire1 which is somewhat of a straining of the few words he has left4 ,cp4 ,dr4 ,moncure ,conway1 ,solomon and ,solomonic ,literature1 #ahii1 p4 #ee4 ,in any case1 ,agur belongs to an age of advanced religious reflection 7,cheyne1 ,job and ,solomon1 p4 #aeb74 #cgi ,driver1 ,introduction1 p4 #cgh4 #chj ,biscoe1 ,hist4 of the ,acts of the ,apostles1 ed4 #ahbi1 p4 #hj1 following ,selden and ,lightfoot4 #cha ,s4 ,schechter1 ,studies in ,judaism1 #ahif1 p4 #ahi1 citing ,sanhedrin1 #chf1 and ,pseudo-,jonathan to ,gen4 iv1 #h4 ,cp4 pp4 #aia-ib1 citing a mention of ,epicurus in the ,mishna4 #chb ,the familiar phrase in the ,psalms 7xiv1 i2 liii1 #a71 ,the fool hath said in his heart1 there is no ,god1 supposing it to be evidence for anything1 clearly does not refer to any reasoned unbelief4 ,atheism could not well be quite so general as the phrase1 taken literally1 would imply4 #chc ,cp4 ,w4 ,r4 ,sorley1 ,jewish ,christians and ,judaism1 #ahha1 p4 #i2 ,robertson ,smith1 ,old ,test4 in the ,jewish ,ch4 ed4 #ahib1 pp4 #dh-di4 ,these writers somewhat exaggerate the novelty of the view they accept4 ,cp4 ,biscoe1 ,history of the ,acts1 ed4 #ahbi1 p4 #aja4 #chd ,wisdom1 c4 #b4 #che ,cp4 the implications in ,ecclesiasticus1 vi1 #d-f2 xvi1 #aa-ab1 as to the ethics of many believers4 #chf ,kuenen1 ii1 #bdb-dc4 #chg ,kalisch1 ,comm4 on ,leviticus1 xxv1 #h1 pt4 ii1 p4 #edh4 #chh ,in the ,wisdom of ,solomon1 iii1 #ac2 iv1 #a1 the old desire for offspring is seen to be in part superseded by the newer belief in personal immortality4 #chi ,schechter1 ,studies in ,judaism1 #ahif1 p4 #baf4 ,compare pp4 #aic-id4 #cij ,see ,supernatural ,religion1 #fth ed4 i1 #ig-ajj1 #ajc-ba2 ,mosheim1 ,comm4 on ,christ4 ,affairs before ,constantine1 ,vidal's tr4 i1 #gj2 ,schrer1 ,jewish ,people in the ,time of ,jesus1 ,eng4 tr4 ,div4 ,,ii1 vol4 iii1 p4 #aeb4 #cia ,sat4 xiv1 #if-ajf4 #cib ,cp4 ,horace1 #a ,sat4 v1 #ajj4 #cic ,rev4 ,a4 ,edersheim1 ,history of the ,jewish ,nation after the ,destruction of ,jerusalem1 #ahef1 p4 #dfb1 citing the ,avoda ,sara1 a treatise directed against idolatry6 ,other ,rabbinical views cited by ,dr4 ,edersheim as being in comparison sublime are no great improvement on the above--e4g41 the conception of deity as the prototype of the high priest1 and the king of kings1--who created everything for his own glory4 ,with all this in view1 ,dr4 ,edersheim thought it showed spiritual decadence in ,philo ,judus to speak of ,persian magi and ,indian gymnosophists in the same laudatory tone as he used of the ,essenes1 and to attend heathenish theatrical representations 7p4 #cgb74 #cid ,see ,ps4 xc1 #b2 ,prov4 viii1 #bb1 #bf4 #cie ,this is seen persisting in the lore of the ,neo-,platonist writer ,sallustius ,philosophus 7#dth c471 ,de ,diis et ,mundo1 c4 #g1 though quite unscientifically held4 #cif ,cp4 ,tiele1 ,outlines1 pp4 #bje1 #bjg1 #bab4 #cig ,cp4 ,e4 ,meyer1 ,geschichte des ,alterthums1 ii1 #ecc4 #cih ,cp4 ,k4 ,o4 ,mller1 ,literature of ,ancient ,greece1 ed4 #ahdg1 p4 #gg4 #cii ,duncker1 ,gesch4 des ,alterth4 #b ,aufl4 iii1 #bji-aj1 #beb-ed1 #cai sq42 ,e4 ,meyer1 ,gesch4 des ,alterth4 ii1 #aha1 #cfe1 #cfi1 #cgg1 #chj1 #ece 7see also ii1 #ajj1 #ajb1 #aje1 #ajf1 #aae note1 etc472 ,w4 ,christ1 ,gesch4 der griech4 ,lit4 #cte ,aufl4 p4 #ab2 ,gruppe1 ,die griech4 ,culte und ,mythen1 #ahhg1 p4 #afe sq4 #djj ,e4 ,curtius1 ,griech4 ,gesch4 i1 #bh1 #bi1 #ce1 #dj1 #da1 #aja1 #bjc1 etc42 ,meyer1 ii1 #cfi4 #dja ,see the able and learned essay of ,s4 ,reinach1 ,le ,mirage ,orientate1 reprinted from ,l',anthropologie1 #ahic4 ,i do not find that its arguments affect any of the positions here taken up4 ,see pp4 #dj-da4 #djb ,meyer1 ii4 #cfi2 ,benn1 ,the ,philosophy of ,greece1 #ahih1 p4 #db4 #djc ,cp4 ,bury1 ,history of ,greece1 ed4 #aijf1 pp4 vi1 #aj1 #bg1 #cb-cd1 #dj1 etc42 ,burrows1 ,the ,discoveries in ,crete1 #aijg1 ch4 ix2 ,maisch1 ,manual of ,greek ,antiquities1 ,eng4 tr4 #h1 #i1 #aj1 #fj2 ,h4 ,r4 ,hall1 ,the ,oldest ,civilization of ,greece1 #aija1 pp4 #ca1 #cb4 #djd ,cp4 ,k4 ,o4 ,mller1 ,hist4 of the ,doric ,race1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahcj1 i1 #h-aj2 ,busolt1 ,griech4 ,gesch4 #ahhe1 i1 #cc2 ,grote1 ,hist4 of ,greece1 #aj-vol4 ed4 #ahhh1 iii1 #c-e1 #ce-dd2 ,duncker1 iii1 #acf1 n42 ,e4 ,meyer1 ,gesch4 des ,alterthums1 i1 #bii-caj 7 #bej-eh72 ,e4 ,curtius1 i1 #bi2 ,schmann1 ,griech4 ,alterthmer1 as cited1 i1 #b-c1 #hi2 ,burrows1 ch4 ix4 #dje ,cp4 ,meyer1 ii1 #ig2 and his art4 ,baal in ,roscher's ,ausfhrl4 ,lex4 ,mythol4 i1 #bhfg4 #djf ,the fallacy of this tradition1 as commonly put1 was well shown by ,renouvier long ago--,manuel de philosophie ancienne1 #ahdd1 i1 #c-ac4 ,cp4 ,ritter1 as cited below4 #djg ,cp4 on one side1 ,ritter1 ,hist4 of ,anc4 ,philos4 ,eng4 tr4 i1 #aea2 ,renan1 tudes d'hist4 religieuse1 pp4 #dg-dh2 ,zeller1 ,hist4 of ,greek ,philos4 ,eng4 tr4 #ahha1 i1 #dc-di2 and on the other1 ,ueberweg1 ,hist4 of ,philos4 ,eng4 tr4 i1 #ca1 and the weighty criticism of ,lange1 ,gesch4 des ,materialismus1 i1 #abf-bg 7,eng4 tr4 i1 #i1 note #e74 #djh ,cp4 ,curtius1 i1 #abe2 ,bury1 introd4 and ch4 i4 #dji ,cp4 ,bury1 as cited4 #daj ,as to the primary mixture of ,pelasgians and ,hellenes1 cp4 ,busolt1 i1 #bg-cb2 ,curtius1 i1 #bg2 ,schmann1 i1 #c-d2 ,thirlwall1 ,hist4 of ,greece1 ed4 #ahci1 i1 #ea-eb1 #aaf4 ,k4 ,o4 ,mller 7,doric ,race1 ,eng4 tr4 i1 #aj7 and ,thirlwall1 who follows him 7i1 #de-dg71 decide that the ,thracians cannot have been very different from the ,hellenes in dialect1 else they could not have influenced the latter as they did4 ,this position is clearly untenable1 whatever may have been the ethnological facts4 ,it would entirely negate the possibility of reaction between ,greeks1 ,kelts1 ,egyptians1 ,semites1 ,romans1 ,persians1 and ,hindus4 #daa ,murray1 ,four ,stages of ,greek ,religion1 #aiab1 p4 #ei4 #dab ,cp4 ,meyer1 ,gesch4 des ,alt4 ii1 #ehc4 #dac ,the question is discussed at some length in the author's ,evolution of ,states1 #aiab4 #dad ,lit4 of ,anc4 ,greece1 pp4 #da-dg4 ,the discussion of the ,homeric problem is1 of course1 alien to the present inquiry4 #dae ,introd4 to ,scientif4 ,mythol4 ,eng4 tr4 pp4 #ahj1 #aha1 #bia4 ,cp4 ,curtius1 i1 #abf4 #daf ,cp4 ,curtius1 i1 #ajg1 as to the absence in ,homer of any distinction between ,greeks and barbarians2 and ,grote1 #aj-vol4 ed4 #ahhh1 iii1 #cg-ch1 as to the same feature in ,archilochos4 #dag ,duncker1 ,gesch4 des ,alt41 as cited1 iii4 #bji-aj2 pp4 #beg1 #cai sq4 ,cp4 ,k4 ,o4 ,mller1 as last cited1 pp4 #aha1 #aic2 ,curtius1 i1 #dc-di1 #ec1 #ed1 #ajg1 #cfe1 #cgc1 #cgg1 etc42 ,grote1 iii1 #ci-da2 and ,meyer1 ii1 #ajd4 #dah ,duncker1 iii1 #bad2 ,curtius1 i1 #aee1 #aba2 ,grote1 iii1 #bgi-hj4 #dai ,busolt1 ,griech4 ,gesch4 #ahhe1 i1 #aga-gb4 ,cp4 pp4 #cb-cd2 and ,curtius1 i1 #db4 #dbj ,on the general question cp4 ,gruppe1 ,die griechischen ,culte und ,mythen1 pp4 #aea ff41 #aeg1 #aeh ff41 #fef ff41 #fgb ff4 #dba ,preller1 ,griech4 ,mythol4 #b ,aufl4 i1 #bfj2 ,tiele1 ,outlines1 p4 #baa2 ,r4 ,brown1 ,jr41 ,semit4 ,influ4 in ,hellenic ,mythol4 #ahih1 p4 #acj2 ,murray1 ,hist4 of ,anc4 ,greek ,lit4 p4 #ce2 ,h4 ,r4 ,hall1 ,oldest ,civilization of ,greece1 #aija1 p4 #bij4 #dbb ,see ,tiele1 ,outlines1 pp4 #baj1 #bab4 ,cp41 again1 ,curtius1 ,griech4 ,gesch4 i1 #ie1 as to the probability that the twelve ,gods were adjusted to the confederations of twelve cities2 and again p4 #abf4 #dbc ,even the title 'king' 7,anax7 seems to have been borrowed by the ,greek from ,phrygian4444 ,it is expressly recorded that tyrannos is a ,lydian word4 ,basileus 7'king'7 resists all attempts to explain it as a purely ,greek formation1 and the termination assimilates it to certain ,phrygian words4 7,prof4 ,ramsay1 in ,encyc4 ,brit4 art4 ,phrygia74 ,in this connection note the number of names containing ,anax 7,anaximenes1 ,anaximandros1 ,anaxagoras1 etc47 among the ,ionian ,greeks4 #dbd iv1 #efa sq4 #dbe ,it is now agreed that this is merely a guess4 ,the document1 further1 has been redacted and interpolated4 #dbf ,prehist4 ,antiq4 of the ,aryan ,peoples1 ,eng4 tr4 p4 #dbc4 ,wilamowitz holds that the verses ,od4 xi1 #eff-fca1 are interpolations made later than #fjj ,b4,c4 #dbg ,tiele1 ,outlines1 p4 #bji2 ,preller1 p4 #bfc4 #dbh ,meyer says on the contrary 7,gesch4 des ,alt4 ii1 #ajc1 ,anm47 that ,kronos is certainly a ,greek figure2 but he cannot be supposed to dispute that the ,greek ,kronos cult is grafted on a ,semitic one4 #dbi ,sayce1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 pp4 #ed1 #aha4 ,cp4 ,cox1 ,mythol4 of the ,aryan ,nations1 p4 #bfj1 note4 ,it has not1 however1 been noted in the discussions on ,semel that ,semlje is the ,slavic name for the ,earth as ,goddess4 ,ranke1 ,history of ,servia1 ,eng4 tr4 p4 #dc4 #dcj ,iliad1 xiv1 #bja1 #cjb4 #dca ,sayce1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 p4 #cfg sq42 ,ancient ,empires1 p4 #aeh4 ,note p4 #chg in the ,lectures as to the ,assyrian influence1 and p4 #cia as to the ,homeric notion in particular4 ,cp4 ,w4 ,christ1 ,gesch4 der griech4 ,literatur1 #fh4 #dcb ,it is unnecessary to examine here the view of ,herodotos that many of the ,greek cults were borrowed from ,egypt4 ,herodotos reasoned from analogies1 with no exact historical knowledge4 ,but cp4 ,renouvier1 ,manuel1 i1 #fg1 as to probable ,egyptian influence4 #dcc ,cp4 ,meyer1 ii1 #dec-fj1 as to the eastern initiative of ,orphic theology4 #dcd ,it is noteworthy that the traditional doctrine associated with the name of ,orpheus included a similar materialistic theory of the beginning of things4 ,athenagoras1 ,apol4 c4 #ai4 ,cp4 ,renouvier1 ,manuel de philos4 anc4 i1 #fi-gb2 and ,meyer1 ii1 #gdc4 #dce ,cp4 ,meyer1 ii1 #gbf4 ,as to the oriental elements in ,hesiod see further ,gruppe1 ,die griechischen ,culte und ,mythen1 #ahhg1 pp4 #egg1 #ehg1 #ehi1 #eic4 #dcf ,cp4 however1 ,bury 7,hist4 of ,greece1 pp4 #f1 #fe71 who assumes that the ,greeks brought the hexameter with them to ,hellas4 ,contrast ,murray1 ,four ,stages1 p4 #fa4 #dcg ,mahaffy1 ,history of ,classical ,greek ,literature1 #ahhj1 i1 #ae4 #dch ,id4 p4 #af4 ,cp4 ,w4 ,christ1 as cited1 p4 #gi4 #dci ,mahaffy1 pp4 #af-ag4 #ddj ,od4 xviii1 #ceb4 #dda ,od4 vi1 #bdj2 ,il4 v1 #ahe4 #ddb ,od4 xxii1 #ci4 #ddc ,in ,od4 xiv1 #ah1 antitheoi means not opposed to the ,gods1 but ,god-like1 in the ordinary ,homeric sense of noble-looking or richly attired1 as men in the presence of the ,gods4 ,cp4 vi1 #bda4 ,yet a ,scholiast on a former passage took it in the sense of ,god-opposing4 ,clarke's ed4 in loc4 ,liddell and ,scott give no use of atheos1 in the sense of denying the ,gods1 before ,plato 7,apol4 #bf ,c4 etc471 or in the sense of ungodly before ,pindar 7,p4 iv1 #bhh7 and schylus 7,eumen4 #aea74 ,for ,sophocles it has the force of ,god-forsaken--,oedip4 ,tyr4 #bed 7#bde71 #ffa 7#fdj71 #acfj 7#acbf74 ,cp4 ,electra1 #aaha 7#aafb74 ,but already before ,plato we find the terms apistos and atheos1 faithless or infidel and atheist1 used as terms of moral aspersion1 quite in the ,christian manner 7,euripides1 ,helena1 #aadg71 where there is no question of incredulity4 #ddd ,cp4 ,lang1 ,myth1 ,ritual1 and ,religion1 #bnd ed4 i1 #ad-ae4 and cit4 there from ,professor ,jebb4 #dde ,cp4 ,meyer1 ,gesch4 des ,alterthums1 ii1 #gbd-bg2 ,grote1 as cited1 i1 #bgi-ha4 #ddf ,meyer1 ii1 #gbd1 #gbg4 #ddg ,the tradition is confused4 ,stesichoros is said first to have aspersed ,helen1 whereupon she1 as ,goddess1 struck him with blindness3 thereafter he published a retractation1 in which he declared that she had never been at ,troy1 an eidolon or phantasm taking her name2 and on this his sight was restored4 ,we can but divine through the legend the probable reality1 the documents being lost4 ,see ,grote1 as cited1 for the details4 ,for the eulogies of ,stesichoros by ancient writers1 see ,girard1 ,sentiment religieux en ,grce1 #ahfi1 pp4 #age-gi4 #ddh ,cp4 ,meyer 7#aija71 iii4 #bdd4 #ddi ,ol4 i1 #db-eg1 #hj-he4 #dej ,ol4 ix1 #ed-fa4 #dea ,he dedicated statues to ,zeus1 ,apollo1 and ,hermes4 ,pausanias1 ix1 #af1 #ag4 #deb ,herodot4 ii4 #ec4 #dec ,a ruler of ,libyan stock1 and so led by old ,libyan connections to make friends with ,greeks4 ,he reigned over fifty years1 and the ,greek connection grew very close4 ,curtius1 i1 #cdd-de4 ,cp4 ,grote1 i1 #add-ee4 #ded ,grote1 #aj-vol4 ed4 #ahhh1 i1 #cjg1 #cbf1 #cbi1 #dac4 ,cp4 i1 #bg-cj2 ii1 #eb2 iii1 #ci-da1 etc4 #dee ,k4 ,o4 ,mller1 ,introd4 to ,mythology1 p4 #aib4 #def ,then one of the ,persians who before had in nowise believed in or1 recognized the existence of the ,gods1 offered prayer and supplication1 doing obeisance to ,earth and ,heaven 7,persae1 #dig-ii74 #deg ,agamemnon1 #cgj-cgb4 ,this is commonly supposed to be a reference to ,diagoras the ,melian 7below1 p4 #aei74 #deh ,agam4 #agj-gb 7#afj-fb74 #dei ,so ,whittaker1 ,priests1 ,philosophers1 and ,prophets1 #aiaa1 pp4 #db-dc4 #dfj ,so ,buckley1 in ,bohn trans4 of schylus1 p4 #ajj4 ,he characterizes as a skeptical formula the phrase ,zeus1 whoever he may be2 but goes on to show that such formulas were grounded on the ,semitic notion that the true name of ,god was concealed from man4 #dfa ,grote1 ed4 #ahhh1 vii1 #h-ba4 ,see the whole exposition of the exceptionally interesting #fgth chapter4 #dfb ,cp4 ,meyer1 ii1 #dca2 ,k4 ,o4 ,mller1 ,introd4 to ,mythol4 pp4 #ahi-ib2 ,duncker1 p4 #cdj2 ,curtius1 i1 #chd2 ,thirlwall1 i1 #bjj-bjc2 ,burckhardt1 ,griech4 ,culturgesch4 #ahih1 ii4 #ai4 ,as to the ancient beginnings of a priestly organization1 see ,curtius1 i1 #ib-id1 #ig4 ,as to the effects of its absence1 see ,heeren1 ,polit4 ,hist4 of ,anc4 ,greece1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahbi1 pp4 #ei-fc2 ,burckhardt1 as cited1 ii1 #ca-cb2 ,meyer1 as last cited2 ,zeller1 ,philos4 der ,griechen1 #cte ,aufl4 i1 #dd sq4 ,lange's criticism of ,zeller's statement 7,gesch4 des ,materialismus1 #cte ,aufl4 i1 #abd-bf1 note #b7 practically concedes the proposition4 ,the influence of a few powerful priestly families is not denied4 ,the point is that they remained isolated4 #dfc ,cp4 ,k4 ,o4 ,mller1 ,introd4 to ,mythol4 p4 #aie2 ,curtius1 i1 #chg1 #chi1 #cib2 ,duncker1 iii1 #eai-ba1 #efc2 ,thirlwall1 i1 #bjd2 ,barthlemy ,st4 ,hilaire1 prf4 to tr4 of ,metaphys4 of ,aristotle1 p4 #ad4 ,professor ,gilbert ,murray1 noting that ,homer and ,hesiod treated the ,gods as elements of romance1 or as facts to be catalogued1 asks3 ,where is the literature of religion3 the literature which treated the ,gods as ,gods8 ,it must1 he adds1 have existed2 and he holds that we can see that the religious writings were both early and multitudinous 7,hist4 of ,anc4 ,greek ,lit4 p4 #fb2 cp4 ,meyer and ,mahaffy as cited above1 pp4 #abe-bf4 ,writings is not here to be taken literally2 the early hymns were unwritten74 ,the priestly hymns and oracles and mystery-rituals in question were never collected2 but perhaps we may form some idea of their nature from the ,homeridian and ,orphic hymns to the ,gods1 and those of the ,alexandrian antiquary ,callimachus4 ,it is further to be inferred that they enter into the ,hesiodic ,theogony4 7,decharme1 p4 #c1 citing ,bergk47 #dfd ,meyer1 ii1 #dbf2 ,curtius1 i1 #cij-ia1 #dag2 ,thirlwall1 i1 #bjd2 ,grote1 i1 #dh-di4 #dfe ,meyer1 ii1 #daj-ad4 #dff ,cp4 ,curtius1 i1 #cib-djj1 #daf2 ,duncker1 iii1 #ebi4 #dfg ,curtius1 i1 #aab2 ,meyer1 ii1 #cff4 #dfh ,curtius1 i1 #bja1 #bjd1 #bje1 #cha2 ,grote1 iii1 #e2 ,lange1 ,gesch4 des ,materialismus1 #cte ,aufl4 i1 #bc 7,eng4 tr4 i1 #bc74 #dfi ,herodotos1 i1 #agj2 ,diogenes ,lartius1 ,thales1 ch4 i4 #dgj ,on the essentially anti-religious rationalism of the whole ,ionian movement1 cp4 ,meyer1 ii1 #gec-eg4 #dga ,the ,first ,philosophers of ,greece1 by ,a4 ,fairbanks1 #ahih1 pp4 #b1 #c1 #f4 ,this compilation usefully supplies a revised text of the ancient philosophic fragments1 with a translation of these and of the passages on the early thinkers by the later1 and by the epitomists4 ,a good conspectus of the remains of the early ,greek thinkers is supplied also in ,grote's ,plato and the other ,companions of ,sokrates1 ch4 i2 and a valuable critical analysis of the sources in ,prof4 ,j4 ,burnet's ,early ,greek ,philosophy4 #dgb ,cp4 ,lange1 ,gesch4 des ,mat4 i1 #abf 7,eng4 tr4 i1 #h1 n474 ,mr4 ,benn 7,the ,greek ,philosophers1 i1 #h7 and ,prof4 ,decharme 7p4 #ci7 seem to read this as a profession of belief in deities in the ordinary sense4 ,but cp4 ,r4 ,w4 ,mackay1 ,the ,progress of the ,intellect1 #ahej1 i1 #cch4 ,burnet 7ch4 i1 #aa7 doubts the authenticity of this saying1 but thinks it extremely probable that ,thales did say that the magnet and amber had souls4 #dgc ,mackay1 as cited1 p4 #cca4 #dgd ,fairbanks1 p4 #d4 #dge ,diogenes ,lartius1 ,thales1 ch4 #i4 #dgf ,fairbanks1 pp4 #c1 #g4 #dgg ,herodotos1 i1 #gd4 #dgh ,cp4 ,burnet1 ,early ,greek ,philos4 #bnd4 ed4 introd4 #c4 ,to ,thales is ascribed by the ,greeks the discovery of the constellation ,ursus ,major4 ,diog4 ch4 #b4 ,as it was called ,phoenike by the ,greeks1 his knowledge would be of ,phoenician derivation4 ,cp4 ,humboldt1 ,kosmos1 ,bohn tr4 iii1 #afj4 #dgi ,diog4 ,lart4 ch4 #c4 ,on this cp4 ,burnet1 introd4 #f4 #dhj ,herod4 i1 #agj4 ,cp4 ,diog4 ,lart4 ch4 #c4 #dha ,diog4 ,lart4 ch4 #i4 #dhb ,cp4 ,burnet1 p4 #eg4 #dhc ,fairbanks1 pp4 #i-aj4 ,mr4 ,benn 7,greek ,philosophers1 i1 #i7 decides that the early philosophers1 while realizing that ex nihilo nihil fit1 had not grasped the complementary truth that nothing can be annihilated4 ,but even if the teaching ascribed to ,anaximandros be set aside as contradictory 7since he spoke of generation and destruction within the infinite71 we have the statement of ,diogenes ,lartius 7bk4 ix1 ch4 #i1 #eg7 that ,diogenes of ,apollonia1 pupil of ,anaximenes1 gave the full ,lucretian formula4 #dhd ,diogenes ,lartius1 however 7ii1 #b71 makes him agree with ,thales4 #dhe ,fairbanks1 pp4 #i-af4 ,diogenes makes him the inventor of the gnomon and of the first map and globe1 as well as a maker of clocks4 ,cp4 ,grote1 i1 #ccj1 note4 #dhf ,see below1 p4 #aeh1 as to ,demokritos' statement concerning the ,eastern currency of scientific views which1 when put by ,anaxagoras1 scandalized the ,greeks4 #dhg ,fairbanks1 pp4 #ag-bb4 #dhh ,see ,windelband1 ,hist4 of ,anc4 ,philos4 ,eng4 tr4 #aijj1 p4 #be1 citing ,diels and ,wilamowitz-,mllendorf4 ,cp4 ,burnet1 introd4 #ad4 #dhi ,it will be observed that ,mr4 ,cornford's book1 though somewhat loosely speculative is very freshly suggestive4 ,it is well worth study1 alongside of the work of ,prof4 ,burnet1 by those interested in the scientific presentation of the evolution of thought4 #dij ,diog4 ,lart4 ix1 #ai2 ,fairbanks1 p4 #gf4 #dia ,herodotos1 i1 #afc-fg2 ,grote1 iii1 #dba2 ,meyer1 ii1 #dch4 #dib ,cp4 ,guillaume ,brton1 ,essai sur la posie philosophique en ,grce1 #ahhb1 pp4 #bc-be4 ,the life period of ,xenophanes is still uncertain4 ,meyer 7ii1 #dff7 and ,windelband 7,hist4 of ,anc4 ,philos4 ,eng4 tr4 p4 #dg7 still adhere to the chronology which puts him in the century #egj-dgj1 making him a young man at the foundation of ,elea4 #dic ,cousin1 developed by ,g4 ,brton1 work cited1 p4 #ca sq41 traces ,xenophanes's doctrine of the unity of things to the school of ,pythagoras4 ,it clearly had antecedents4 ,but ,xenophanes is recorded to have argued against ,pythagoras as well as ,thales and ,epimenides 7,diog4 ,lart4 ix1 #b1 #ah1 #bj74 #did ,metaphysics1 i1 #e2 cp4 ,fairbanks1 pp4 #gi-hj4 #die ,one of several so entitled in that age4 ,cp4 ,burnet1 introd4 #g4 #dif ,metaph41 as cited2 ,plato1 ,soph4 #bdb ,d4 #dig ,long fragment in ,athenus1 xi1 #g2 ,burnet1 p4 #acj4 #dih ,burnet1 p4 #ada4 #dii ,cp4 ,burnet1 p4 #aca4 #ejj ,fairbanks1 p4 #fg1 ,fr4 #e1 #f2 ,clem4 ,alex4 ,stromata1 bk4 v1 ,wilson's tr4 ii1 #bhe-hf4 ,cp4 bk4 vii1 c4 #d4 #eja ,fairbanks1 ,fr4 #g4 #ejb ,cicero1 ,de divinatione1 i1 #c1 #e2 ,aetius1 ,de placitis reliqui1 in ,fairbanks1 p4 #he4 #ejc ,aristotle1 ,rhetoric1 ii1 #bc1 #bg4 ,a similar saying is attributed to ,herakleitos1 on slight authority 7,fairbanks1 p4 #ed74 #ejd ,cicero1 ,academica1 ii1 #ci2 ,lactantius1 ,div4 ,inst4 iii1 #bc4 ,anaxagoras and ,demokritos held the same view4 ,diog4 ,lart1 bk4 ii1 ch4 iii1 iv 7 #h72 ,pseudo-,plutarch1 ,de placitis philosoph4 ii1 #be4 #eje ,cp4 ,mackay1 ,progress of the ,intellect1 i1 #cdj4 #ejf ,diog4 ,lart4 in life of ,pyrrho1 bk4 ix1 ch4 xi1 #h 7 #gb74 ,the passage1 however1 is uncertain4 ,see ,fairbanks1 p4 #gj4 #ejg ,fairbanks4 ,fr4 #a4 ,fairbanks translates with ,zeller3 ,the whole of ,god4 ,grote3 ,the whole ,kosmos1 or the whole ,god4 ,it should be noted that the original in ,sextus ,empiricus 7,adv4 ,math4 ix1 #add7 is given without the name of ,xenophanes1 and the ascription is modern4 #ejh ,grote1 as last cited1 p4 #ah4 #eji ,fairbanks1 ,fr4 #ai4 ,in ,athenus1 x1 #dac4 #eaj ,polybius1 iv1 #dj2 ,sextus ,empiricus1 ,adversus ,mathematicos1 viii1 #abf2 ,fairbanks1 pp4 #be1 #bg2 ,frag4 #d1 #ad4 ,cp4 #ib1 #aaa1 #aac4 #eaa ,diog4 ,lart4 ix1 i1 #b4 #eab ,fairbanks1 ,fr4 #acd4 #eac ,id4 ,frag4 #cf1 #fg4 #ead ,id4 ,frag4 #dc1 #dd1 #df1 #fb4 #eae ,diog4 ,lart4 last cited4 ,this saying is by some ascribed to the later ,herakleides 7see ,fairbanks1 ,fr4 #aai and note72 but it does not seem to be in his vein1 which is wholly pro-,homeric4 #eaf ,clem4 ,alex4 ,protrept4 ch4 #b1 ,wilson's tr4 p4 #da4 ,the passage is obscure1 but ,mr4 ,fairbanks's translation 7,fr4 #abg7 is excessively so4 #eag ,clemens1 as cited1 p4#cb2 ,fairbanks1 ,fr4 #abd1 #abe1 #acj4 ,cp4 ,burnet1 p4 #aci4 #eah ,fairbanks1 ,fr4 #ba4 #eai ,cp4 ,burnet1 pp4 #age-ij4 #ebj ,theaetetus1 #ahj ,d4 ,see good estimates of ,parmenides in ,benn's ,greek ,philosophers1 i1 #ag-ai1 and ,philosophy of ,greece in ,relation to the ,character of its ,people1 pp4 #hc-ie2 in ,j4 ,a4 ,symonds's ,studies of the ,greek ,poets1 #crd ed4 #ahic1 vol4 i1 ch4 #f2 and in ,zeller1 i1 #ehj sq4 #eba ,plutarch1 ,perikles1 ch4 #bf4 #ebb ,mr4 ,benn finally gives very high praise to ,melissos 7,philos4 of ,greece1 pp4 #ia-ib72 as does ,prof4 ,burnet 7,early ,gr4 ,philos4 p4 #cgh74 ,he held strongly by the ,ionian conception of the eternity of matter4 ,fairbanks1 p4 #abe4 #ebc ,diog4 ,lart4 bk4 ix1 ch4 iv1 #c 7 #bd74 #ebd ,diog4 ,lart4 ix1 #c 7 #ba74 #ebe ,as to this see ,windelband1 ,hist4 ,anc4 ,philos4 pp4 #ia-ib4 #ebf ,cp4 ,mackay1 ,progress of the ,intellect1 i4 #cdj4 #ebg ,the difference between the ,ionians and ,eleat was this3 the former endeavoured to trace an idea among phenomena by aid of observation2 the latter evaded the difficulty by dogmatically asserting the objective existence of an idea 7,mackay1 as last cited74 #ebh ,cp4 ,mackay1 i1 #ceb-ec1 as to the survival of veneration of the heavenly bodies in the various schools4 #ebi ,grote1 i1 #cej4 #ecj ,meyer1 ii1 #i1 #gei 7 #e1 #dfe74 #eca ,id4 #f1 #dff4 #ecb ,jevons1 ,hist4 of ,greek ,lit4 #ahhf1 p4 #baj4 #ecc ,compare ,meyer1 ii1 #ejb1 as to the close resemblances between ,pythagoreanism and ,orphicism4 #ecd ,meyer1 i1 #ahf2 ii1 #fce4 #ece ,fairbanks1 pp4 #ade1 #aea1 #aee1 etc4 #ecf ,id4 p4 #adc4 #ecg ,id4 p4 #aed4 #ech ,prof4 ,burnet insists 7introd4 p4 #cj7 that the ,greeks must be reckoned good observers because their later sculptors were so4 ,as well say that artists make the best men of science4 #eci ,metaph4 i1 #e2 ,fairbanks1 p4 #acf4 ,it is quite safe to attribute the substance of the ,first ,book of ,euclid to ,pythagoras4 ,burnet1 ,early ,greek ,philos4 #bnd ed4 p4 #aag4 #edj ,diog4 ,lart4 ,philolaos 7bk4 viii1 ch4 #g74 #eda ,l4 ,u4 ,k4 ,hist4 of ,astron4 p4 #bj2 ,a4 ,berry's ,short ,hist4 of ,astron4 #ahih1 p4 #be2 ,narrien's ,histor4 ,acc4 of the ,orig4 and ,prog4 of ,astron4 #ahej1 p4 #afc4 #edb ,see ,benn1 ,greek ,philosophers1 i1 #aa4 #edc ,diog4 ,lart4 in life of ,philolaos2 ,cicero1 ,academica1 ii1 #ci4 ,cicero1 following ,theophrastus1 is explicit as to the teaching of ,hiketas4 #edd ,hippolytos1 ,ref4 of all ,heresies1 i1 #ac4 ,cp4 ,renouvier1 ,manuel de la philos4 anc4 i1 #bja1 #bje1 #bch-ci4 #ede ,pseudo-,plutarch1 ,de ,placitis ,philosoph4 iii1 #ac1 #ad4 #edf ,ueberweg1 i1 #di4 ,cp4 ,tertullian 7,apol4 ch4 #aa71 who says ,pythagoras taught that the world was uncreated2 and the contrary statement of ,aetius 7in ,fairbanks1 pp4 #adf-dg74 #edg ,berry1 ,short ,hist4 of ,astron4 pp4 #bb1 #be4 ,the question is ably handled by ,renouvier1 ,manuel1 i1 #aii-bje4 #edh ,diog4 ,lart41 viii1 i1 #h4 #edi ,the whole question is carefully sifted by ,grote1 iv1 #gf-id4 ,prof4 ,burnet 7,early ,greek ,philos4 #bnd ed4 pp4 #if-ih7 sums up that the ,pythagorean ,order was an attempt to overrule or supersede the ,state4 #eej ,cp4 ,burnet1 p4 #ig1 note #c4 ,prof4 ,burnet speaks of the ,pythagorean ,order as a new religion appealing to the people rather than the aristocrats1 who were apt to be freethinking4 ,but on the next page he pictures the plain man as resenting precisely the religious neology of the movement4 ,the evidence for the adhesion of aristocrats seems pretty strong4 #eea ,fairbanks1 p4 #adc4 #eeb ,grote1 ,plato and the ,other ,companions of ,socrates1 ed4 #ahhe1 iv1 #afc4 #eec ,diog4 ,lart4 bk4 viii1 ch4 i1 #ai 7 #ba74 #eed ,ennius1 ,fragmenta1 ed4 ,hesselius1 #agjg1 pp4 #a1 #d-g2 ,horace1 ,epist4 ii1 #a1 #eb2 ,persius1 ,sat4 vi4 #eee ,grote1 ,history1 iv1 #ig4 #eef ,scholiast on ,iliad1 xx1 #fg2 ,tatian1 ,adv4 ,grcos1 c4 #dh 7#ca72 ,w4 ,christ1 ,gesch4 der griech4 ,literatur1 #cte ,aufl4 p4 #fc2 ,grote1 ch4 xvi 7i1 #cgd74 #eeg ,see above1 p4 #ade4 #eeh ,k4 ,o4 ,mller1 ,dorians1 ,eng4 tr4 ii1 #cfe-fh2 ,mommsen1 ,hist4 of ,rome1 ,eng4 tr4 ed4 #ahid1 iii1 #aac4 #eei ,grote4 i1 #cch1 note4 #efj ,cicero1 ,de natura ,deorum1 i1 #bb4 #efa ,philolaos1 as we saw1 is said to have been prosecuted1 but is not said to have been condemned4 #efb ,fairbanks1 pp4 #bde1 #bee1 #bfa2 ,diog4 ,lart4 bk4 ii1 ch4 iii1 #d 7 #h74 #efc ,fairbanks1 pp4 #bcj-de4 ,cp4 ,grote1 ,plato1 i1 #ed1 and ,ueberweg1 i1 #ff1 as to nature of the ,nous of ,anaxagoras4 #efd ,grote1 i1 #cgd2 ,hesychius1 s4v4 ,agamemnona2 cp4 ,diog4 ,lart4 bk4 ii1 ch4 iii1 #g 7 #aa72 ,tatian1 ,adv4 ,grcos1 c4 #cg 7#ba74 #efe ,plutarch1 ,perikles1 ch4 #f4 #eff ,id4 chs4 #e1 #h4 #efg ,id4 c4 #af4 ,the old man is said to have uttered the reproach3 ,perikles1 those who want to use a lamp supply it with oil4 #efh ,plutarch1 ,perikles1 ch4 #d4 #efi ,cp4 ,meyer1 ,gesch4 des ,alt4 iv1 #bgg4 #egj ,plutarch1 ,perikles1 ch4 #cb4 #ega ,diog4 ,lart4 bk4 ix1 ch4 ix 7 #eg71 citing the ,defence of ,sokrates by ,demetrius ,phalereus4 #egb ,id4 bk4 ii1 ch4 iii1 #i 7 #ab71 citing ,sotion4 ,another writer of philosophers' lives1 ,hermippus 7same cit471 said he had been thrown into prison2 and yet a third1 ,hieronymus1 said he was released out of pity because of his emaciated appearance when produced in court by ,perikles4 #egc ,diog4 ,lart4 last cit4 #aj 7 #ad74 #egd ,id4 #h 7 #aa74 #ege ,drews1 ,gesch4 des ,monismus im ,altertum1 p4 #bje4 #egf ,even in the early progressive period the same time which set up rationalism developed a deep religious influence in the masses4 7,meyer1 ,gesch4 des ,alt4 ii1 #gbh4 ,cp4 iii1 #dbe2 also ,grote1 vii1 #cj2 and ,benn1 ,philosophy of ,greece1 #ahih1 pp4 #fi-gj47 #egg ,plutarch1 ,perikles1 ch4 #cb4 #egh ,cp4 ,grote1 v1 #bd2 ,curtius1 ii1 #bjh-bji4 #egi ,plutarch1 as cited4 ,plutarch also states1 however1 that the only occasion on which ,perikles gave way to emotion in public was that of the death of his favourite son4 #ehj ,holm 7,griechische ,geschichte1 ii1 #cce7 decides that ,perikles sought to ,ionise his fellow ,athenians2 and ,dr4 ,burnet1 coinciding 7,early ,greek ,philosophy1 #ahib1 p4 #bgg71 suggests that he and ,aspasia brought ,anaxagoras to ,athens with that aim4 #eha ,perikles1 ch4 #h4 #ehb ,der ,kleinasiatische ,rationalist ,herodot is the exaggerated estimate of ,a4 ,bauer1 in ,ilberg's ,neue ,jahrbcher fr das klassische ,altertum1 ix 7#aijb71 #bce1 following ,eduard ,meyer 7iv1 #ddh71 who1 however 7 #ddg71 points to the lack of scientific thought or training in ,herodotos as in ,thukydides4 ,ignorance of ,nature remained a ,greek characteristic4 #ehc ,bk4 viii1 ch4 #gg4 ,cp4 viii1 #bj1 #if2 ix1 #dc4 #ehd ,cp4 ,meyer1 iv1 #ddf1 as to the inadequacy of ,athenian culture1 and the unchanging ignorance of the populace on matters of physical science4 #ehe ,plutarch1 ,against the ,stoics1 ch4 #ca2 ,simplicius1 ,physica1 i1 #f4 #ehf ,clem4 ,alex4 ,protrept4 c4 #d4 #ehg ,refutation of all ,heresies1 i1 #ad4 #ehh ,cp4 ,aristotle1 ,metaphysics1 i1 #c2 ,de anima1 i1 #b4 #ehi ,decharme1 ,critique des trad4 relig4 p4 #acg1 citing scholiast on ,aristoph41 ,clouds1 #if4 #eij ,see the point discussed by ,lange1 ,geschichte des ,materialismus1 #cte ,aufl4 i1 #abh-bi1 #aca-cb1 notes #aj and #ca 7,eng4 tr4 i1 #ae1 #ci74 ,ritter and ,preller say ,protagoras floret circa a4 #dej-dcj2 ,democritus natus circa a4 #dfj floret a4 #dcj-daj1 obit4 circa a4 #ceg4 #eia ,cp4 ,ueberweg1 i1 #fh-fi2 ,renouvier1 ,manuel de la philos4 anc4 i1 #bch4 #eib ,burnet1 p4 #cha4 #eic ,diog4 ,lart4 x1 #ac4 #eid ,lange1 i1 #aj-aa 7tr4 p4 #ag72 ,clem4 ,alex4 ,stromata1 i1 #ae2 ,diog4 ,lart4 bk4 ix1 #ce4 #eie ,on this also see ,lange1 i1 #abh 7tr4 p4 #ae1 note74 #eif ,diog4 ,lart4 bk4 ix1 ch4 vii1 #b 7 #cd74 ,cp4 ,renouvier1 i1 #bci-da4 #eig ,see in particular the ,de principiis atque originibus 7,works1 ,routledge's #a-vol4 ed4 #aije1 pp4 #fdi-ej74 #eih ,meyer1 who dwells on his scientific shortcomings 7,gesch4 des ,alt4 v4 #iaj71 makes no account of this1 his vital doctrine4 #eii ,fairbanks1 pp4 #ahi-ia4 ,the idea is not put by ,empedokles with any such definiteness as is suggested by ,lange1 i1 #bc-be 7tr4 pp4 #cc-ce71 and ,ueberweg1 ,hist4 of ,philos4 ,eng4 tr4 i1 #fb1 n4 ,but ,ueberweg's exposition is illuminating4 #fjj ,fairbanks1 pp4 #acf1 #afi4 #fja ,id4 p4 #bja4 #fjb ,benn1 i1 #bh4 #fjc ,fairbanks1 p4 #bje4 #fjd ,see a good study of ,empedokles in ,j4 ,a4 ,symonds' ,studies of the ,greek ,poets1 #crd ed4 #ahic1 vol4 i1 ch4 #g2 and another in ,renouvier1 ,manuel1 i1 #afc-hb4 #fje ,cp4 ,grote1 ,plato1 i1 #gc1 and note4 #fjf ,cp4 ,renouvier1 i1 #bci-fb2 ,lange1 p4 #aa 7tr4 p4 #ag74 #fjg ,cp4 ,meyer1 #iaa4 #fjh ,diogenes ,lartius1 bk4 ix1 ch4 viii1 #c 7#ea72 cp4 ,grote1 vii1 #di1 note4 #fji ,for a defence of ,protagoras against ,plato1 see ,grote1 vii1 #dc-ed4 #faj ,sextus ,empiricus1 ,adversus ,mathematicos1 ix1 #ef4 #faa ,beckmann1 ,history of ,inventions1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahdf1 ii1 #eac4 #fab ,diod4 ,sic4 xiii1 #f2 ,hesychius1 cit4 in ,cudworth1 ed4 ,harrison1 i1 #aca4 #fac ,ueberweg1 i1 #hj2 ,thukydides1 v1 #aaf4 ,the bias of ,sextus ,empiricus is further shown in his account of ,diagoras as moved in his denunciation by an injury to himself4 #fad ,it is told by ,sextus ,empiricus 7,adv4 ,math4 ix1 #ec7 that ,diagoras is said to have invented the dithyramb 7in praise of ,iacchos71 and to have begun a poem with the words1 ,all things come by the daimon and fortune4 ,but ,sextus writes with a fixed skeptical bias4 #fae ,grote1 vi1 #ac1 #cb1 #cc1 #db-de4 #faf ,athenagoras1 ,apol41 ch4 #d2 ,clem4 ,alex41 ,protrept4 ch4 #b4 ,see the documentary details in ,meyer1 iv1 #aje4 #fag ,cicero1 ,de natura ,deorum1 i1 #a1 #bc1 #db2 iii1 #cg 7the last reference gives proof of his general rationalism72 ,lactantius1 ,de ir ,dei1 c4 #i4 ,in calling ,sokrates the ,melian1 ,aristophanes 7,clouds1 #hcj7 was held to have virtually called him the atheist4 #fah ,diod4 xiii1 #f2 ,suidas1 s4v4 ,diagoras2 ,aristophanes1 ,birds1 #ajgc4 ,it is noteworthy that in their fury against ,diagoras the ,athenians put him on a level of common odium with the tyrants of past history4 ,cp4 ,burckhardt1 ,griechische ,culturgeschichte1 i1 #cee4 #fai ,grote1 vi1 #dgf-gg4 ,as to the freethinking of ,kritias1 see ,sextus ,empiricus1 ,adv4 ,math4 ix1 #ed4 ,according to ,xenophon 7,memorabilia1 i1 #b71 ,kritias made his decree in revenge for ,sokrates's condemnation of one of his illicit passions4 ,prof4 ,decharme 7pp4 #abb-bd7 gives a good account of him4 #fbj ,diog4 ,lart4 bk4 ii1 ch4 iv2 ,hippolytos1 ,refutation of all ,heresies1 i1 #h2 ,renouvier1 ,manuel1 i1 #bcc-cg4 #fba ,cp4 ,cudworth1 ,intellectual ,system1 ed4 ,harrison1 i1 #cb2 ,renouvier1 ,manuel1 i1 #bcc1 #bhi2 ii1 #bfh1 #bib2 ,tatian1 ,adv4 ,grcos1 c4 #dh 7#ca72 ,diog4 ,lart4 bk4 ii1 ch4 iii1 #g 7 #aa72 ,grote1 i1 #cgd1 #cie1 note2 ,hatch1 ,infl4 of ,greek ,ideas1 p4 #fj4 #fbb ,haigh1 ,tragic ,drama of the ,greeks1 p4 #bjf4 ,cp4 ,burnett1 p4 #bgh4 #fbc ,diog4 ,lart4 bk4 ii 7 #bb74 #fbd ,he never so utterly abandoned the religion of his country as to find it impossible to acquiesce in at least some part of traditional religion4 ,jevons1 ,hist4 of ,greek ,lit4 #ahhf4 p4 #bbb4 #fbe ,haigh1 ,the ,attic ,theatre1 #ahhi1 p4 #caf4 #fbf ,above1 p4 #acc4 #fbg ,he had also acquired in no small degree that love of dexterous argumentation and verbal sophistry which was becoming fashionable in the ,athens of the fifth century4 ,not unfrequently he exhibits this dexterity when it is clearly out of place4 ,haigh1 ,tragic ,drama of the ,greeks1 p4 #bce4 ,cp4 ,jevons1 ,hist4 of ,greek ,lit4 p4 #bbc4 ,schlegel is much more censorious4 #fbh ,ion41 #dcf-ea1 #hhe-ibb2 ,andromache1 #aafa-fe2 ,electra1 #abde-df2 ,hercules ,furens1 #cci-dg2 ,iphigenia in ,tauris1 #ce1 #gaa-ae4 #fbi ,hercules ,furens1 #cdd1 #acda-df2 ,iphigenia in ,tauris1 #chj-ia4 #fcj ,electra1 #gcg-de4 #fca ,troades1 #ifi-ij4 #fcb ,ion1 #cgd-gh1 #fhe2 ,helena1 #gdd-eg2 ,iphigenia in ,tauris1 #egj-ge2 ,electra1 #djj2 ,phoeniss1 #ggb2 ,fragm4 #gic2 ,bacch1 #bee-eg2 ,hippolytus1 #ajei4 ,it is noteworthy that even ,sophocles 7,o,ed4 ,tyr41 #chg7 makes a character taunt ,tiresias the soothsayer with venality4 #fcc ,philoctetes1 fr4 #gic2 ,helena1 #aacg-dc2 ,bellerophon1 fr4 #bhh4 #fcd ,bacch1 #bjj-bjc4 #fce ,helena1 #ajac2 ,fragm4 #hij1 #ije1 #ice2 ,troades1 #hdh-hh4 #fcf ,a4 ,schlegel1 ,lectures on ,dramatic ,literature1 ,bohn tr4 p4 #aag4 #fcg ,this charge is on a par with that of ,hygiainon1 who accused ,euripides of impiety on the score that one of his characters makes light of oaths4 ,aristotle1 ,rhetoric1 iii1 #ae4 #fch ,k4 ,o4 ,mller1 ,hist4 of the ,lit4 of ,anc4 ,greece1 #ahdg1 p4 #cei4 ,the complaint is somewhat surprising from such a source4 ,the only play with an entirely invented plot mentioned by ,aristotle is ,agathon's ,flower 7,aristotle1 ,poetic1 ix72 and such plays would not have been eligible for representation at the great festivals4 #fci ,cp4 ,jevons1 ,hist4 of ,greek ,lit4 pp4 #bbc-bd4 #fdj ,haigh4 ,the ,attic ,theatre1 p4 #aia4 ,cp4 ,mller1 pp4 #cfb-fd4 #fda ,see1 however1 the sthetic theorem of ,prof4 ,murray1 ,euripides and his ,age1 pp4 #bba-bg4 #fdb ,it seems arguable that the aversion of ,aristophanes to ,euripides was primarily artistic1 arising in dislike of some of the features of his style4 ,on this head his must be reckoned an expert judgment4 ,the old criticism found in ,euripides literary vices2 the new seems to ignore the issue4 ,but a clerical scholar pronounces that ,aristophanes was the most unreasoning laudator temporis acti4 ,genius and poet as he was1 he was the sworn foe to intellectual progress4 ,hence his hatred of ,euripides and his championship of schylus4 7,rev4 ,dr4 ,w4 ,w4 ,merry1 introd4 to ,clar4 ,press ed4 of ,the ,frogs1 #ahib47 #fdc ,girard1 ,essai sur ,thucydide1 #ahhd1 pp4 #beh-ei4 #fdd ,cp4 ,haigh1 ,the ,attic ,theatre1 p4 #cae4 ,in the same way ,ktesilochos1 the pupil of ,apelles1 could with impunity make ,zeus ridiculous by exhibiting him pictorially in child-bed1 bringing forth ,dionysos 7,pliny1 ,hist4 ,nat4 xxxv1 #dj4 #ae74 #fde ,bk4 x1 ad init4 #fdf ,cp4 ,benn1 ,philos4 of ,greece1 p4 #aga4 #fdg ,zeller1 ,socrates and the ,socratic ,schools1 ,eng4 tr4 #crd ed4 p4 #bbg3 ,hegel1 as there cited ,grote1 ,plato1 ed4 #ahhe1 i1 #dbc4 #fdh ,cp4 ,owen1 ,evenings with the ,skeptics1 i1 #aha sq41 #bia1 #bic1 #bii1 etc4 #fdi ,grote1 ,history1 i1 #ccd2 ,xenophon1 ,memorabilia1 i1 #a1 #f-i4 #fej ,cp4 ,benn4 ,the ,philosophy of the ,greeks1 #ahih1 p4 #afj4 #fea ,grote1 i1 #ccd-ce2 ,hippocrates1 ,de ,aeribus1 ,aquis1 ,locis1 c4 #bb 7#di74 #feb ,plato1 ,phdrus1 ,jowett's tr4 #crd ed4 i4 #dcd2 ,grote1 ,history1 i1 #cic4 #fec ,compare1 however1 the claim made for him1 as promoting objectivity1 by ,prof4 ,drews1 ,gesch4 des ,monismus im ,altertum1 #aiac4 ,p4 #bac4 #fed ,memorabilia1 i1 #d4 #fee ,the predominatingly theistic character of philosophy ever since has been stamped on it by ,socrates1 as it was stamped on ,socrates by ,athens 7,benn1 ,philos4 of ,greece1 p4 #afh74 #fef ,zeller1 ,socrates and the ,socratic ,schools1 as cited1 p4 #bca4 ,the case against ,sokrates is bitterly urged by ,forchhammer1 ,die ,athenen und ,sokrates1 #ahcg2 see in particular pp4 #h-aa4 ,cp4 ,grote1 ,hist4 vii1 #ha4 #feg ,had not all the cultivated men of the time passed through a school of rationalism which had entirely pulled to pieces the beliefs and the morals of their ancestors8 ,zeller1 as last cited1 pp4 #bca-cc4 ,cp4 ,haigh1 ,tragic ,drama1 p4 #bfa4 #feh ,see ,aristophanes's ,frogs1 #hhh-id4 #fei schines1 ,timarchos1 cited by ,thirlwall1 iv1 #bgg4 ,cp4 ,xenophon1 ,mem4 i1 #b4 #ffj ,nothing could well be more unpopular and obnoxious than the task which he undertook of cross-examining and convicting of ignorance every distinguished man whom he could approach4 ,grote1 vii4 #ie4 ,cp4 pp4 #ada-dd4 ,cp4 also ,trevelyan's ,life of ,macaulay1 ed4 #ahha1 p4 #caf3 and ,renouvier1 ,manuel de la philos4 anc4 #a1 iv1 iii4 ,see also1 however1 ,benn1 ,phil4 of ,greece1 pp4 #afb-fc4 ,for a view of ,sokrates's relations to his chief accuser1 which partially vindicates or whitewashes the latter1 see ,prof4 ,g4 ,murray's ,anc4 ,greek ,lit4 pp4 #agf-gg4 ,there is a good monograph by ,h4 ,bleeckly1 ,socrates and the ,athenians3 ,an ,apology1 #ahhd1 which holds the balances fairly4 #ffa ,on the desire of ,sokrates to die see ,grote1 vii1 #aeb-fd4 #ffb ,the assertion of ,plutarch that after his death the prosecutors of ,sokrates were socially excommunicated1 and so driven to hang themselves 7,moralia3 ,of ,envy and ,hatred71 is an interesting instance of moral myth-making4 ,it has no historic basis2 though ,diogenes 7ii1 #bc #dc7 and ,diodorus ,siculus 7xiv1 #cg71 late authorities both1 allege an ,athenian reaction in ,sokrates' favour4 ,probably the story of the suicide of ,judas was framed in imitation of ,plutarch's4 #ffc ,grote1 ,history1 i1 #id4 #ffd ,id4 i1 #aid4 ,not till ,strabo do we find this myth disbelieved2 and ,strabo was surprised to find most men holding by the old story while admitting that the race of ,amazons had died out4 ,id4 p4 #aig4 #ffe ,life of ,thukydides1 by ,marcellinus1 ch4 #bb1 citing ,antyllas4 ,cp4 ,girard1 ,essai sur ,thucydide1 p4 #bci2 and the prefaces of ,hobbes and ,smith to their translations4 #fff ,girard1 p4 #c4 #ffg ,his writings1 remarks ,dr4 ,hatch1 contain the seeds of nearly all that afterwards grew up on ,christian soil 7,influence of ,greek ,ideas and ,usages upon the ,christian ,church1 #ahij1 p4 #ahb74 #ffh ,clem4 ,alex4 ,stromata1 v1 #ad2 ,fairbanks1 pp4 #adf-dg2 ,grote1 ,plato1 ch4 #ch4 #ffi ,cp4 ,grote1 ,plato1 iv1 #afb1 #cha4 ,professor ,bain1 however 7,practical ,essays1 #ahhd1 p4 #bgc71 raises an interesting question by his remark1 as to the death of ,sokrates3 ,the first person to feel the shock was ,plato4 ,that he was affected by it to the extent of suppressing his views on the higher questions we can infer with the greatest probability4 ,aristotle was equally cowed4 #fgj ,diog4 ,lar4 bk4 ix1 ch4 vii1 #h 7#dj74 #fga ,republic1 bk4 ii1 #cgg1 to iii1 #cic2 ,jowett's tr4 #crd ed4 iii1 #fj sq41 #fh sq4 ,in bk4 x1 it is true1 he does speak of the poets as unqualified by knowledge and training to teach truth 7,jowett's tr4 iii1 #caa sq472 but ,plato's truth is not objective1 but idealistic1 or rather fictitious-didactic4 #fgb ,id4 ,jowett4 pp4 #ei1 #fi1 etc4 #fgc ,id4 bk4 iii2 ,jowett1 pp4 #ajc-aje4 #fgd ,laws1 x2 ,jowett1 v1 #bie-ih4 #fge ,received myths are forbidden2 and the preferred fictions are to be city law4 ,cp4 the ,laws1 ii1 iii2 ,jowett1 v1 #db1 #gi4 #fgf ,laws1 ,jowett's tr4 #crd ed4 v1 #bga-gb4 ,cp4 the comment of ,benn1 i1 #bga-gb4 #fgg ,republic1 bk4 ii1 #cgi2 ,jowett1 iii1 #fb4 #fgh ,laws1 x1 #ijf-ijg1 #iaj2 ,jowett1 v1 #bic-id1 #big-ih4 #fgi ,on the inconsistency of the whole doctrine see see ,grote's ,plato1 iv1 #cgi-ig4 #fhj ,ueberweg1 ,hist4 of ,philos4 ,eng4 tr4 i1 #be4 ,cp4 ,lange1 ,geschichte des ,materialismus1 i1 #ch-ci 7tr4 i1 #eb-ed71 and the remarkable verdict of ,bacon 7,de ,augmentis1 bk4 iii1 ch4 #d2 ,works1 #a-vol4 ed4 #aije1 p4 #dga2 cp4 ,advancement of ,learning1 bk4 ii1 p4 #if7 as to the superiority of the natural philosophy of ,demokritos over those of ,plato and ,aristotle4 ,bacon immediately qualifies his verdict2 but he repeats it1 as regards both ,aristotle and ,plato1 in the ,novum ,organum1 bk4 i1 aph4 #if4 ,see1 however1 ,mr4 ,benn's final eulogy of ,plato as a thinker1 i1 #bgc1 and ,murray's ,anc4 ,greek ,lit4 pp4 #caa-ac4 #fha ,laws1 x1 #ijh2 ,jowett1 v1 #bie4 #fhb ,grote1 ,history1 vii1 #afh4 #fhc ,cp4 ,grote1 ,aristotle1 #bnd ed4 p4 #aj4 #fhd ,origen1 ,against ,celsus1 ii1 #ac2 cp4 i1 #fe2 iii1 #ge2 vii1 #c4 #fhe ,grote1 ,aristotle1 p4 #ac4 #fhf ,benn1 ,greek ,philosophers1 i1 #ceb4 ,mr4 ,benn refutes ,sir ,a4 ,grant's view that ,aristotle's creed was a vague pantheism2 but that phrase loosely conveys the idea of its non-religiousness4 ,it might be called a ,lucretian monotheism4 ,cp4 ,benn1 i1 #bid2 and ,drews1 ,gesch4 des ,monismus1 p4 #beg4 #fhg ,metaphysics1 xi 7xii71 #h1 #ac 7p4 #ajgd1 b74 ,the passage is so stringent as to raise the question how he came to run the risk in this one case4 ,it was probably a late writing1 and he may have taken it for granted that the ,metaphysics would never be read by the orthodox4 #fhh ,cp4 the severe criticisms of ,benn1 vol4 i1 ch4 vi2 ,berry1 ,short ,hist4 of ,astron4 p4 #cc2 and ,lange1 ,ges4 des ,mater4 i1 #fa-fh1 and notes1 citing ,eucken and ,cuvier4 ,aristotle's science is very much on a par with that of ,bacon1 who saw his imperfections1 but fell into the same kinds of error4 ,both insisted on an inductive method2 and both transgressed from it4 ,see1 however1 ,lange's summary1 p4 #fi1 also p4 #g1 as to the unfairness of ,whewell2 and ch4 v of ,soury's ,brviaire de l'histoire du ,matrialisme1 #ahha1 especially end4 #fhi ,politics1 i1 #b4 #fij ,strabo1 bk4 ix1 ch4 iii1 #aa4 ,strabo reproaches ,ephoros with repeating the current legends all the same2 but it seems clear that he anticipated the critical tactic of ,gibbon4 #fia ,as to the ,stoics1 cp4 ,zeller1 #cd1 #d2 ,benn1 ,the ,philosophy of ,greece1 pp4 #bee-ef4 ,as to ,epicurus1 cp4 ,benn1 p4 #bfa4 #fib ,diog4 ,lart4 bk4 ix1 ch4 xi1 #e1 #fd4 ,the lengthy notice given by ,diogenes shows the impression ,pyrrho's teaching made4 ,see a full account of it1 so far as known1 in the ,rev4 ,j4 ,owen's ,evenings with the ,skeptics1 #ahha1 i1 #bhg sq41 and the monograph of ,zimmerman1 there cited4 #fic ,these propositions occur in the first of the ten ,pyrrhonian tropoi or modes 7,diog4 ,lart4 bk4 ix1 ch4 xi1 #i71 of which the authorship is commonly assigned to nesidemos 7fl4 #hj-ej74 ,cp4 ,owen1 ,evenings with the ,skeptics1 i1 #bij1 #cbb-bc4 ,but as given by ,diogenes they seem to derive from the early ,pyrrhonian school4 #fid ,thus1 where ,democritos pronounced the sun to be of vast size1 ,epicurus held it to be no larger than it seemed 7,cicero1 ,de ,finibus1 i1 #f7--;a view also loosely ascribed to ,herakleitos 7,diog4 ,lart4 bk4 ix1 ch4 i1 #f1 #g74 ,see1 however1 ,wallace's ,epicureanism 7,ancient ,philosophies series71 #ahhi1 pp4 #agf sq41 #ahf sq41 #bff1 as to the scientific merits of the system4 #fie ,the ,epicurean doctrine on this and other heads is chiefly to be gathered from the great poem of ,lucretius4 ,prof4 ,wallace's excellent treatise gives all the clues4 ,see p4 #bjb as to the ,epicurean ,god-idea4 #fif ,grote1 ,history1 i1 #cie1 note2 ,plutarch1 ,non posse suaviter vivi sec4 ,epicur4 #fig ,compare ,wallace1 ,epicureanism1 pp4 #fd-ga1 and ch4 xi2 and ,mackintosh1 ,on the ,progress of ,ethical ,philosophy1 #dth ed4 p4 #bi4 #fih ,de rerum natura1 i1 #fb-gi4 #fii ,alexander seu ,pseudomantis1 cc4 #be1 #ch1 #dg1 #fa1 cited by ,wallace1 pp4 #bdi-ej4 #gjj ,the repute of the ,epicureans for irreligion appears in the fact that when ,romanized ,athens had consented to admit foreigners to the once strictly ,athenian mysteries of ,eleusis1 the ,epicureans were excluded4 #gja ,cicero1 ,de natura ,deorum1 i1 #ac2 ,clemens ,alexandrinus1 ,stromata1 v1 #ad2 ,sextus ,empiricus1 ,adv4 ,mathematicos1 ix1 #ea1 #ee4 #gjb ,diog4 ,lart4 bk ii1 ch4 viii1 #g1 #aa-ad 7#hf1 #ig-ajj74 ,he was also nicknamed the ,god4 ,id4 and ch4 xii1 #e 7 #aaf74 #gjc ,cicero1 ,de natura ,deorum1 i1 #a1 #bc1 #db4 #gjd ,diogenes1 as last cited1 #ab 7#ig74 #gje ,id4 #ae1 #af 7#aja-ajb74 #gjf ,professor ,wallace's account of the court of ,lysimachos of ,thrace as a favourite resort of emancipated freethinkers 7,epicureanism1 p4 #db7 is hardly borne out by his authority1 ,diogenes ,lartius1 who represents ,lysimachos as unfriendly towards ,theodoros4 ,hipparchia the ,cynic1 too1 opposed rather than agreed with the atheist4 #gjg ,diog41 last cit4 ,cp4 ,cicero1 ,tusculans1 ii1 #dc4 ,philo ,judus 7,quod ,omnis ,probus ,liber1 c4 #ah2 cp4 ,plutarch1 ,de ,exilio1 c4 #af7 has a story of his repelling taunts about his banishment by comparing himself to ,hercules1 who was put ashore by the alarmed ,argonauts because of his weight4 ,but he is further made to boast extravagantly1 and in doing so to speak as a believer in myths and deities4 ,the testimony has thus little value4 #gjh ,diog4 bk4 ii1 ch4 xii1 #e 7#aaf74 #gji ,id4 ch4 x1 #b 7#ajf74 #gaj ,id4 ch4 xii1 #e 7#aag7 and bk4 iv1 ch4 vii1 #d1 #i1 #aj 7#eb1 #ed1 #ee74 #gaa ,plutarch1 ,de defectu orac4 ch4 #ai4 ,bion seems to have made an impression on ,plutarch1 who often quotes him1 though it be but to contradict him4 #gab ,cicero1 ,de natura ,deorum1 i1 #ac4 #gac ,id4 ib42 ,academics1 iv1 #ch4 #gad ,cicero1 ,tusculans1 i1 #aj1 #ca2 ,academics1 ii1 #ci2 and refs4 in ed4 ,davis4 #gae ,sir ,a4 ,grant's tr4 of the hymn is given in ,capes's ,stoicism 7,chief ,ancient ,philosophies series71 #ahhj1 p4 #da2 and the ,greek text by ,mahaffy1 ,greek ,life and ,thought1 p4 #bfb4 ,cp4 ,cicero1 ,de nat4 ,deor4 i1 #ad4 #gaf ,pseudo-,plutarch1 ,de placitis philosoph4 i1 #g4 #gag ,eusebius1 ,prp4 ,evang4 bk4 ii1 ch4 #b2 ,plutarch1 ,isis and ,osiris1 ch4 #bc4 #gah ,p4 #hj4 #gai ,it may be noted that ,diogenes of ,babylon1 a follower of ,chrysippos1 applied the principle to ,greek mythology4 ,cicero1 ,de nat4 ,deor4 i1 #ae4 #gbj ,above1 p4 #hj1 note #d4 #gba ,see ,grote1 i1 #cga-gd and notes4 #gbb ,palaiphatos1 ,de ,incredibilibus3 ,de ,actone1 ,de ,geryone1 ,de ,cerbero1 ,de ,amazonibus1 etc4 #gbc ,e4 ,r4 ,bevan 7art4 ,the ,deification of ,kings in the ,greek ,cities in ,eng4 ,histor4 ,rev4 ,oct4 #aija1 p4 #fca7 argues that the practice was not primarily eastern1 but ,greek4 ,see1 however1 ,herodotos1 vii1 #acf2 ,arrian1 ,anabas4 ,alexand4 iv1 #aa2 ,q4 ,curtius1 viii1 #e-h2 and ,plutarch1 ,artaxerxes1 ch4 #bb1 as to the normal attitude of the ,greeks1 even as late as ,alexander4 #gbd ,see ,plutarch1 ,isis and ,osiris1 chs4 #bb1 #bc1 for the later ,hellenistic tone on the subject of apotheosis apart from the official practice of the empire4 #gbe ,gibbon1 ch4 xl4 ,bohn ed4 iv1 #cec1 and note4 #gbf ,mahaffy1 ,greek ,life1 pp4 #acc-ce2 ,diog4 ,lart4 bk4 ii1 ch4 v1 #e 7 #ch74 #gbg ,wallace1 ,epicureanism 7pp4 #bde-df71 citing ,suidas1 s4v4 ,epicurus4 #gbh ,diogenes ,lartius1 bk4 vii1 ch4 i1 #bh 7 #cc72 cp4 ,origen1 ,against ,celsus1 bk4 i1 ch4 #e2 ,clemens ,alex1 ,stromata1 bk4 v1 ch4 ii4 #gbi ,mahaffy1 as cited1 p4 #ace1 n42 ,athenus1 ix1 #fc 7p4 #djj74 #gcj 7#big ,b4,c47 ,burckhardt1 ,griechische ,culturgeschichte1 i1 #bac2 ,pausanias1 i1 #bi4 #gca ,cp4 ,g4 ,guizot1 ,mnandre1 #ahee1 pp4 #cbd-bg1 and ,app4 #gcb ,cp4 ,guizot1 pp4 #cbg-ca1 and the fragments cited by ,justin ,martyr1 ,de ,monarchia1 ch4 #e4 #gcc ,whittaker1 as cited1 p4 #he4 #gcd ,martha1 as cited1 p4 #gh4 #gce ,diog4 ,lart4 bk4 iv1 ch4 ix1 #h 7 #fe74 #gcf ,diog4 ,lart4 bk4 iv1 ch4 ix1 #d1 #e 7 #fc72 ,noumenios in ,euseb4 ,prp4 ,evang4 xiv1 #h2 ,cicero1 ,de ,oratore1 ii1 #ch2 ,lucilius1 cited by ,lactantius1 ,div4 ,inst4 #gcg ,cicero1 ,academics1 ii1 #cd4 #gch ,berry1 ,short ,hist4 of ,astron4 pp4 #cd-fb2 ,narrien1 ,histor4 ,account1 as cited1 ch4 xi2 ,l4 ,u4 ,k4 ,hist4 of ,astron4 ch4 vi4 ,it is noteworthy that ,hipparchos1 like so many of his predecessors1 had some of his ideas from ,babylonia4 ,strabo1 prooem41 #i4 #gci ,ptolemy normally lumps unbelief in religion with all the vices of character4 ,cp4 the ,tetrabiblos1 iii1 #ah 7paraphrase of ,proclus74 #gdj ,hist4 ,nat4 ii1 #bf4 #gda ,lucian's dialogue ,philopseudes gives a view of the superstitions of average ,greeks in the second century of our era4 ,cp4 ,mr4 ,williams's note to the first ,dialogue of the ,dead1 in his tr4 p4 #hg4 #gdb ,see ,m4 ,foucart's treatise1 ,des assoc4 relig4 chez les ,grecs1 #ahgc1 #b;e ptie4 #gdc ,on the early tendency to orthodox conformity among the unbelieving ,alexandrian scholars1 see ,mahaffy1 ,greek ,life and ,thought1 pp4 #bfj-fa4 #gdd ,frag4 cited by ,wallace1 p4 #beh4 #gde ,rev4 ,baden ,powell1 ,hist4 of ,nat4 ,philos4 #ahcd1 p4 #gi4 #gdf ,de ,oratore1 iii1 #ag2 ,de ,finibus1 ii1 #ab1 #ac4 #gdg ,see ,saisset1 ,le ,scepticisme1 #ahfe1 pp4 #bb-bg1 for a careful discussion of dates4 #gdh ,his own claim was to be of the methodical school4 ,hypotyp4 i1 #cd4 #gdi ,see his doctrine expounded by ,owen1 ,evenings with the ,skeptics1 i1 #ccb sq4 #gej ,cp4 ,owen1 p4 #cdi4 #gea ,these seem to be derived from ,carneades4 ,cp4 ,ueberweg1 i1 #bag4 #geb ,the general character of the ,greek ,skeptics from ,sokrates to ,sextos is quite unexceptionable 7,owen1 ,evenings1 i1 #ceb74 #gec ,polybius1 bk4 vi1 ch4 lvi4 ,cp4 bk4 xvi1 ,frag4 #e 7#ab71 where he speaks impatiently of the miracle-stories told of certain cults1 and1 repeating his opinion that some such stories are useful for preserving piety among the people1 protests that they should be kept within bounds4 #ged ,bk4 i1 ch4 ii1 #h4 ,plutarch 7,isis and ,osiris1 ch4 #h7 puts the more decent principle that all the apparent absurdities have good occult reasons4 #gee ,bk4 ix1 ch4 iii1 #ab4 ,cp4 bk4 x1 ch4 iii1 #bc4 ,the hand of an interpolator frequently appears in ,strabo 7e4g41 bk4 ix1 ch4 ii1 #dj2 ch4 iii1 #e72 and the passage cited in bk4 i is more in the style of the former than of the latter4 #gef ,see ,dr4 ,hatch1 ,influence of ,greek ,ideas upon the ,christian ,church1 #ahij1 pp4 #fj-fd1 notes2 also above1 pp4 #adc and #afa1 note4 #geg ,de defect4 orac4 c4 #ai2 ,isis and ,osiris1 ch4 #fg4 #geh ,de ,amore1 c4 #ac2 ,isis and ,osiris1 chs4 #ff1 #fg2 and ,de defect4 orac4 c4 #ac4 #gei ,schmidt1 ,gesch4 der ,denk- und ,glaubensfreiheit im erst4 ,jahr41 #ahdg1 p4 #bb4 #gfj ,burnet1 ,early ,greek ,philos4 #ahib1 p4 #bgf4 ,cp4 #bnd ed4 p4 #bid4 #gfa ,it is to be presumed that ,dr4 ,burnet1 when penning his estimate1 had not in memory such a record as ,dr4 ,a4 ,d4 ,white's ,history of the ,warfare between ,science and ,theology4 #gfb ,mommsen1 ,history of ,rome1 bk4 i1 ch4 #ad 7,eng4 tr4 #ahid1 vol4 i1 pp4 #bhb-hc74 ,mommsen's view of the antiquity of writing among the ,latins 7p4 #bhj7 is highly speculative4 ,he places its introduction about or before #ajjj ,b4,c42 yet he admits that they got their alphabet from the ,greeks1 and he can show no ,greek contacts for that period4 ,cp4 pp4 #afg-fh 7ch4 x74 ,schwegler 7,rmische ,geschichte1 #ahec1 i1 #cf7 more reasonably places the period after that of the ,etruscan domination1 while recognizing the ,greek origin of the script4 ,cp4 ,ettore ,pais1 ,ancient ,legends of ,roman ,history1 ,eng4 tr4 #aijf1 pp4 #bf-bh2 ,pelham1 ,outlines of ,roman ,history1 #ahic1 p4 #cb4 #gfc ,schwegler1 i1 ch4 i1 #ab2 ,teuffel1 ,hist4 of ,roman ,lit4 ed4 ,schwabe1 ,eng4 tr4 #aijj1 i1 #ajj-aja1 #ajd-aj4 #gfd ,teuffel1 i1 #aaj-aa4 #gfe ,mommsen1 bk4 ii1 ch4 #h4 ,eng4 tr4 ii1 #gj4 ,such creation of deities by mere abstraction of things and functions had been the rule in the popular as distinguished from the civic religion4 ,cp4 ,augustine1 ,de civitate ,dei1 iv1 #af1 #bc2 vi1 #i1 etc4 ,it was the concomitant of the tendency noted by ,livy3 adeo minimis etiam rebus prava religio inserit deos 7xxvii1 #bc74 ,but the practice was not peculiar to the ,romans1 for among the ,greeks were ,gods or ,goddesses of ,wealth1 ,peace1 ,mercy1 ,shame1 ,fortune1 ,rumour1 ,energy1 ,action1 ,persuasion1 ,consolation1 ,desire1 ,yearning1 ,necessity1 ,force1 etc4 ,see ,pausanias passim4 ,the inference is that the more specific deities in all religions1 with personal names1 are the product of sacerdotal institutions or of poetic or other art4 ,m4 ,boissier 7i1 #e71 like ,ihne1 takes it for granted that the multitude of deified abstractions had no legends2 but this is unwarranted4 ,they may have had many2 but there were no poets to sing1 or priests to preserve and ritualize them4 #gff ,de natura ,deorum1 i1 #db4 #gfg ,mr4 ,schuckburgh 7,history of ,rome1 #ahid1 p4 #dja1 note7 cites a translated passage in his fragments 7,cicero1 ,de ,div4 ii1 #ej2 ,de nat4 ,deorum1 iii1 #cb71 putting the ,epicurean view that the ,gods clearly did not govern human affairs1 which he probably would have softened if he had not agreed with it4 ,cp4 ,mommsen1 iii1 #aac 7bk4 ii1 ch4 #ac74 #gfh ,fragmenta1 ed4 ,hesselius1 p4 #bbf2 ,cicero1 ,de ,divinatione1 i1 #eh4 #gfi ,mommsen1 i1 #cja2 ii1 #ga2 iii1 #aag 7bk4 i1 ch4 #ae2 bk4 ii1 ch4 #h2 bk4 iii1 ch4 #ac74 ,cicero1 ,de ,div4 i1 #da4 #ggj ,livy1 xxix1 #ah4 ,dr4 ,warde ,fowler 7,religious ,experience of the ,roman ,people1 p4 #cdf7 censures ,mr4 ,heitland for calling ,livy's story an interesting romance 7,hist4 of ,rom4 ,rep4 ii1 #bbi note72 remarking that it is the fashion now to reject as false whatever is surprising1 and adding 7p4 #cdg73 ,it is certain1 from the steps taken by the government 444 that it is in the main a true account4 ,it may suffice to ask whether ,dr4 ,fowler believes in all or any of the prodigia mentioned by ,livy because the government took steps about them4 #gga ,cp4 ,boissier1 ,la religion romaine1 i1 #ci1 #cdf4 #ggb ,teuffel1 i1 #abb4 #ggc ,aulus ,gellius 7xv1 #aa7 says the edict was de philosophis et de rhetoribus ,latinis1 but the senatus-consultum1 as given by him1 does not contain the adjective2 and he goes on to tell that aliquot deinde annis post--really sixty-nine years later--the censors fulminated against homines qui ,,novum genus disciplin instituerunt 444 eos sibi nomen imposuisse ,latinas rhetoras4 ,the former victims1 then1 were presumably ,greek4 ,cp4 ,shuckburgh1 p4 #ebj2 and ,long1 ,decline of the ,roman ,republic1 #ahff1 ii1 #adf4 ,professor ,pelham 7,outlines of ,roman ,history1 #ahic1 p4 #agi1 note7 mistakenly cites the senatus-consultum as containing the word ,latini4 ,the reading ,latinis in ,gellius's own phrase has long been suspected4 ,see ed4 ,frederic and ,gronov1 #agjf4 #ggd ,plutarch1 ,cato1 c4 #bb4 #gge ,cicero1 ,de4 ,repub41 passim1 ed4 ,halm4 #ggf ,polybius1 xxxii1 #aj4 #ggg ,suetonius1 ,de claris rhetoribus4 #ggh ,see in ,cicero1 ,de ,oratore1 iii1 #bd1 the account by the censor ,crassus of his reasons for preferring the ,greek rhetors4 #ggi ,valerius ,maximus1 i1 #c1 #a4 #ghj ,the culture history of the republican period1 as partially recovered by recent archology1 shows a process of dissolution and replacement from a remote period4 ,cp4 ,ettore ,pais1 ,ancient ,legends of ,roman ,history1 ,eng4 tr4 #aijf1 ch4 ii1 notably p4 #ah4 #gha ,de rerum natura1 i1 #ej-ace2 cp4 v1 #aaff4 #ghb ii1 #fdf-ej 7the passage cited by ,mr4 ,gladstone in the ,house of ,commons in one of the ,bradlaugh debates1 with a confession of its noble beauty72 and again ii1 #ajij-aaje1 and iii1 #ah-bb4 #ghc ,see ,christianity and ,mythology1 pp4 #eb-eg4 #ghd ,see the account of the doctrine of the high-priest ,scaevola1 preserved by ,augustine1 ,de civ4 ,dei1 iv1 #bg4 ,he and ,varro 7id4 iv1 #ca2 vi1 #e-g7 agreed in rejecting the current myths1 but insisted on the continued civic acceptance of them4 ,on the whole question compare ,boissier1 ,la religion romaine1 i1 #dg-fc4 #ghe ,thus the satirist ,lucilius1 who ridiculed the popular beliefs1 was capable1 in his capacity of patriot1 of crying out against the lack of respect shown to religion and the ,gods 7,boissier1 pp4 #ea-eb74 ,the purposive insincerity set up in their thinking by such men must1 of course1 have been injurious to character4 #ghf ,cp4 the ,de ,divinatione1 i1 #b4 #ghg ,e4g41 ,mr4 ,a4 ,j4 ,balfour's ,foundations of ,belief4 #ghh ,tusc4 ,disp4 i1 #bf4 #ghi ,de ,divinatione1 ii1 #cc1 #cd1 cp4 ii1 #ab2 and ,de nat4 ,deorum1 i1 #bb4 ,it is not surprising that in a later age1 when the remaining pagans had no dialectic faculty left1 the ,christian ,fathers1 by using ,cicero as a weapon against the cults1 could provoke them into calling him impious 7,arnobius1 ,adv4 ,gentes1 iii1 #f1 #g74 #gij ,de ,divinatione1 ii1 #bb4 #gia ,boissier1 i1 #eh4 #gib ,de nat4 ,deorum1 ii1 #a4 #gic ,boissier1 p4 #ei4 #gid ,it seems to me that1 on the whole1 among the educated and the rich1 the indifferent must have been in the majority 7,boissier1 p4 #fa74 #gie ,id4 p4 #ei4 #gif ,cp4 ,long1 ,decline of ,roman ,republic1 i1 #dch2 ii1 #ch-dj4 ,long remarks that ,domitius1 the accuser of ,scaurus 7who had prevented his election to the college of augurs71 used the name of religion for the purpose of damaging a political enemy2 and the trick has been repeated1 and is repeated1 up to the present day4 ,the ,romans must have kept records of many of these trials4 ,they were the great events of the times 4442 and so we learn that three tribes voted against ,scaurus1 and thirty-two voted for him2 but in each of these thirty-two tribes there was only a small majority of votes 7pauca puncta7 in favour of ,scaurus4 #gig ,see ,long1 i1 #ef1 for a cynical estimate of the mode of manipulation of the ,sibylline and other sacred books4 #gih ,sallust1 ,bellum ,catilin4 c4 #ea4 #gii ,suetonius1 ,julius1 cc4 #ei1 #gg2 ,cicero1 ,de ,divinatione1 ii1 #bd4 ,cp4 ,merivale1 ,history of the ,romans under the ,empire1 ed4 #ahfe1 ii1 #dbd4 #hjj ,plutarch1 ,sulla1 c4 #bi2 ,marius1 c4 #af4 ,long 7,decline of ,roman ,republic1 ii1 #cfi7 says of ,sulla that1 though he could rob a temple when he wanted money1 he believed in the religion of his time4 ,we should call him superstitious2 and a man who is superstitious is capable of any crime1 for he believes that the ,gods can be conciliated by prayers and presents4 #hja ,compare the fears which grew upon ,cromwell in his last days4 #hjb ,pompeius1 on the other hand1 had many seers in his camp2 but after his overthrow expressed natural doubts about ,providence4 ,cicero1 ,de ,div4 ii1 #bd1 #dg2 ,plutarch1 ,pompeius1 c4 #ge4 #hjc ,boissier1 i1 #gc4 #hjd ,see ,augustine's citation from ,varro1 ,de civ4 ,dei1 vi1 #b4 ,cp4 ,sueton4 ,aug4 #bi4 #hje ,the only record to the contrary is the worthless scandal as to his suppers of the ,twelve ,gods 7,sueton4 ,aug4 #gj74 ,the statement of ,w4 ,a4 ,schmidt that none of the ,julians was orthodox 7,geschichte der ,denk- und ,glaubensfreiheit im ersten ,jahrhundert1 #ahdg1 p4 #age7 is somewhat overstrained4 #hjf ,dio ,cassius1 lii1 #cf4 #hjg ,e4g41 his encouragement of a new college of priests founded in his honour4 ,dio1 xliv1 #f4 #hjh ,sueton4 ,julius1 #dd1 #ef4 ,the first public library actually opened in ,rome was founded by ,asinius ,pollio under ,augustus1 and was placed in the forecourt of the temple of ,liberty3 ,augustus founded two others2 ,tiberius a fourth1 in his palace2 ,vespasian a fifth1 in the temple of ,peace2 ,domitian a sixth1 on the ,capitol4 ,w4 ,a4 ,schmidt1 ,gesch4 der ,denk- und ,glaubensfreiheit1 pp4 #aea-eb1 and refs4 #hji ,boissier1 pp4 #fg-ajh2 ,suetonius1 ,aug4 xxix-xxxi4 #haj ,l',abb ,beurlier1 ,le ,culte ,imprial1 #ahia1 introd4 and ch4 #a2 ,boissier1 ch4 #b4 ,cp4 p4 #ahe1 note1 above4 #haa ,it would seem that the occasion on which he enraged the ,senate by not rising to receive them 7,sueton4 ,jul4 #gh7 was that on which they came to announce that they had made him a ,god1 ,jupiter ,julius1 with a special temple and a special priest4 ,see ,long1 ,decline of the ,roman ,republic1 v1 #dah4 ,he might very well have intended to rebuke their baseness4 ,but cp4 ,boissier1 i1 #abb1 citing ,dio1 xlvi1 #f4 #hab iii1 #df2 x1 #dj2 xliii1 #ac4 #hac #a ,sat4 v1 #ih-ajc4 #had ,as to the conflict between ,horace's bias and his policy1 cp4 ,boissier1 i4 #aic-bja4 #hae ,e4g41 ,carm4 iii1 #f4 #haf ,fasti1 v1 #fgc-ib4 #hag ,fasti1 ii1 #fa-ff4 #hah ,fasti1 iv1 #bjd4 ,the preceding phrase1 pro magno teste vetustas creditur1 certainly has an ironic ring4 #hai neid1 vi1 #gbd-bg4 #hbj ,cp4 ,boissier1 i1 #bbh-bi4 #hba ,georgics1 ii1 #dij1 #dic4 ,diderot originated the idea that the first of these lines and the two which follow it in ,virgil had reference to ,lucretius4 ,grimm1 ,correspondance ,littraire1 ed4 #ahbi-cj1 vi1 #ba-be4 ,it is acquiesced in by ,w4 ,warde ,fowler1 ,social ,life at ,rome in the ,age of ,cicero1 #aiji1 p4 #cbg4 ,sellar 7,roman ,poets of the ,augustan ,age3 ,virgil1 #ahgg4 p4 #bja7 is doubtful on the point4 #hbb ,cp4 ,boissier1 i1 #aic4 #hbc ,boissier1 ii1 #hd-ib4 #hbd ,ep4 xcv4 #hbe ,suetonius1 ,jul4 #hh4 #hbf ,the same note occurs in ,virgil1 neid1 vi1 #gai-ba4 #hbg ,hist4 ,nat4 ii1 #a1 #e 7#g74 ,pliny identifies nature and deity3 ,per qu declaratur haud dubie natur potentia1 idque esse quod ,deum vocamus 7last cit41 end74 #hbh ,hist4 nat4 vii1 #ee 7#ef74 ,cp4 ,boissier1 i1 #cjj4 #hbi ,id4 pp4 #cja-cjc4 #hcj ,see the praiseworthy treatise of ,mr4 ,j4 ,a4 ,farrer1 ,paganism and ,christianity1 #ahia1 chs4 #e1 #f1 and #g4 #hca 444 vires religionis1 ad quas maxime etiamnum caligat humanum genus4 ,hist4 nat4 xxx1 #a4 #hcb ,above1 p4 #ahh4 #hcc ,primus in orbe deos fecit timor4 ,frag4 #bb1 ed4 ,burmanni4 ,the whole passage is noteworthy4 ,see also his ,satyricon1 c4 #acg1 as to his estimate of sacerdotal sincerity4 #hcd ,thebaid1 iii1 #ffa4 #hce ,porphyry1 ,epistle to ,anebo 7with ,jamblichus74 ,chaeremon1 however1 is said to have regarded comets as divine portents4 ,origen1 ,ag4 ,celsus1 bk4 i1 ch4 #ei4 #hcf ,prof4 ,c4 ,martha1 ,les moralistes sous l'empire romain1 ed4 #ahha1 p4 #cda4 #hcg ,w4 ,a4 ,schmidt1 who cites this act 7,geschichte der ,denk- und ,glaubensfreiheit1 pp4 #ca-cc7 as the beginning of the end of free speech in ,rome1 does not mention the detail given by ,dio 7xliv1 #aj71 that ,csar suspected the tribunes of having set on some of the people to hail him as king4 ,but the unproved suspicion does not justify his course1 which was a bad lapse of judgment1 even if the suspicion were just4 ,from this point a conspiracy against his life was natural4 ,cp4 ,long1 ,decline of the ,roman ,republic1 v1 #dcb-cc4 as to the facts4 #hch ,see ,w4 ,a4 ,schmidt1 pp4 #cd-ajh1 for a careful analysis of the evolution4 ,as to the book-censure1 see pp4 #aja-ajd4 #hci ,suetonius1 ,tiberius1 c4 #bh4 #hdj ,id4 c4 #fa4 #hda ,annals1 i1 #gc4 ,that such a phrase should have been written by an emperor in an official letter1 and yet pass unnoticed through antiquity save in one historical work1 recovered only in the ,renaissance1 is one of the minor improbabilities that give colour to the denial of the genuineness of the ,annals4 #hdb ,tiberius1 c4 #fi4 #hdc ,petronius1 ,satyricon1 ad init4 #hdd ,in the ,annals 7xiv1 #ej7 it is stated that the book attacked senators and pontiffs2 that it was condemned to be burned1 and ,vejento to be exiled2 and that the book was much sought and read while forbidden2 but that it fell into oblivion when all were free to read it4 ,here1 again1 there is no other ancient testimony4 ,vejento is heard of1 however1 in ,juvenal1 iv1 #aac1 #abc-bi4 #hde ,philostratus1 ,life of ,apollonius1 iv4 #dg4 #hdf ,cp4 ,schmidt1 pp4 #cdf-dg4 #hdg ,suetonius1 ,domitian1 c4 #aj4 #hdh ,cp4 ,schmidt1 p4 #aeg4 #hdi ,suetonius1 ,tiberius1 c4 #cf2 ,josephus1 ,antiquities1 xviii1 #c1 #d1 #e4 ,josephus specifies isolated pretexts1 which ,suetonius does not mention4 ,they are not very probable4 #hej ,who destroyed #b1jjj copies of prophetical books4 ,suetonius1 ,aug4 c4 #ca4 #hea ,see1 in the next chapter1 as to the rationalistic mythology of ,macrobius4 #heb ,cp4 ,propertius1 ii1 #ad1 #bg sqq42 iii1 #bc1 #ai-bj2 iv1 #c1 #ch2 ,tibullus1 iv1 #a1 #ah-bc2 ,juvenal1 as before cited1 and xv1 #acc1 #adb-df4 #hec ,plato1 #b ,alcib42 ,cicero1 ,pro ,cluentio1 c4 #fh2 ,horace1 ,carm4 iii1 #bc1 #ag2 ,ovid1 ,heroides1 ,acont4 ,cydipp4 #aia-ib2 ,persius1 ,sat4 ii1 #fi2 ,seneca1 ,de ,beneficiis1 i1 #f4 ,cp4 ,diod4 ,sic4 xii1 #bj2 ,varro1 in ,arnobius1 ,adv4 ,gentes1 vii1 #a4 #hed #a ,sat4 iii1 #if-ih4 ,cp4 ,cicero1 ,de ,finibus1 iv1 #ai1 #bg1 #bh2 ,matt4 v4 #ai-bh2 ,james1 ii1 #aj4 ,lactantius1 again 7,div4 ,inst4 iii1 #bc74 denounces the doctrine of the equality of offences as laid down by ,zeno1 giving no sign of knowing that it is also set forth in his own sacred books4 #hee ,on ,seneca's moral teaching1 cp4 ,martha1 ,les ,moralistes sous l'empire romain1 pp4 #eg-ff2 ,boissier1 ,la religion romaine1 ii1 #hj-hb4 ,m4 ,boissier further examines fully the exploded theory that ,seneca received ,christian teaching4 ,on this compare ,bishop ,lightfoot1 ,dissertations on the ,apostolic ,age1 pp4 #bcg-ib4 #hef ,seneca was so advanced in his theoretic ethic as to consider all war on a level with homicide4 ,epist4 xcv1 #cj4 #heg ,it is to be noted that preaching had begun among the moralists of ,rome in the first century1 and was carried on by the priests of ,isis in the second2 and that in ,egypt monasticism had long been established4 ,martha1 as cited1 p4 #fg2 ,boissier1 i1 #cef-ei4 ,cp4 ,mosheim1 #b ,cent4 pt4 ii1 c4 iii1 #ac1 #ad1 as to monasticism4 #heh ,mt4 xxii1 #ci2 ,mk4 xii1 #ca4 #hei ,talmud1 tract4 ,sabbath1 #cjf4 #hfj ,mk4 xii1 #cb4 #hfa ,lk4 xviii1 #bj4 #hfb ,see the impressive argument of ,dr4 ,moncure ,conway in his ,solomon and ,solomonic ,literature1 #ahii1 ch4 xviii4 #hfc ,see ,dr4 ,nicholson's ,the ,gospel ,according to the ,hebrews1 #ahgi1 p4 #gg4 ,cp4 ,conway1 p4 #bbb4 ,dr4 ,nicholson insists that at least the word sacrificing must be spurious1 because it is surely impossible that ,jesus ever uttered this threat6 #hfd ,cp4 the author's ,christianity and ,mythology1 pt4 iii4 div4 ii1 #f4 #hfe ,the ,book of the ,secrets of ,enoch1 known as the ,slavonic ,enoch1 ch4 xliv1 #a 7,eng4 tr4 #ahif1 pp4 #fj1 #fg74 #hff ,see the author's ,pagan ,christs1 pt4 ii4 #hfg ,above1 p4 #bae4 #hfh ,hosea1 vi1 #f2 ,psalms1 xl1 #f1 #g2 ,ecclesiastes1 v1 #a4 #hfi ,talmud1 ,yoma-,derech ,eretz2 ,midrash1 ,vayikra-,rabba1 xxvii1 #aa and #ab4 #hgj ,ch4 lii 7p4 #fi74 #hga ,luke xiii1 #d4 #hgb ,cp4 ,conway1 ,solomon and ,solomonic ,literature1 #ahii1 pp4 #eg1 #bja1 #bai4 #hgc ,john iv1 #ba4 #hgd ,e4g41 ,plato1 ,crito1 ,jowett's tr4 #crd ed4 ii1 #aej2 ,seneca1 ,de ,ira1 ii1 #cb4 ,valerius ,maximus 7iv1 #b1 #d7 even urges the returning of benefits for injuries4 #hge ,it is impossible to find in the whole patristic literature a single display of the love in question4 ,in all early ,christian history there is nothing to represent it save the attitude of martyrs towards their executioners--an attitude seen often in pagan literature4 7,e4g41 lian1 ,var4 ,hist4 xii1 #di47 #hgf #a ,thess4 v1 #ba4 #hgg #b ,cor4 xi1 #d2 ,gal4 i1 #f4 #hgh ,cp4 ,rom4 ix1 #ad-ba4 #hgi #b ,cor4 x1 #e4 ,needless to say1 such an expression savours strongly of late invention2 but in any case it tells of the attitude of the ,christian teachers of the second century4 #hhj #a ,cor4 vii1 #bj-bd 7where the phrase translated in ,english use it rather unquestionably means rather continue remain a slave4 ,cp4 ,eph4 vi1 #e1 and ,variorum ,teacher's ,bible in loc474 #hha ,rom4 xiii1 #a4 ,cp4 #a ,peter ii1 #ac-ad2 ,tit4 iii1 #a4 ,the anti-,roman spirit in the ,apocalypse is ,judaic1 not ,gentile-,christian2 the book being of ,jewish origin4 #hhb ,james ii1 #ba4 #hhc #a ,cor4 xv1 #ab4 #hhd ,the ,apology of ,athenagoras 7#bnd c47 is rather a defence of monotheism than a ,christian document2 hence1 no doubt1 its speedy neglect by the ,church4 #hhe ,justin ,martyr1 #a ,apol4 c4 #e2 ,min4 ,felix1 ,octavius1 c4 #aj4 #hhf ,the inhabitants of ,coelesyria1 ,idumea1 and ,judea are principally influenced by ,aries and ,ares1 and are generally audacious1 atheistical1 and treacherous 7,ptolemy1 ,tetrabiblos1 ii1 #c--,paraphrase of ,proclus74 #hhg ,cp4 ,tertullian1 ,de ,idolatria1 passim1 and ,ad ,scapulam1 c4 #e4 #hhh ,for the refusal to worship men as ,gods they had1 of course1 abundant pagan precedent4 ,see above1 p4 #ahf1 note4 #hhi ,e4g41 ,tertullian1 ,de ,testimonio ,anim1 c4 #a2 ,arnobius1 ,adversus ,gentes1 i1 #da1 etc42 ,lactantius1 ,divine ,institutes1 c4 xv2 ,epit4 c4 vii4 #hij ,cp4 ,j4 ,a4 ,farrer1 ,paganism and ,christianity1 ch4 vii4 #hia ,irenus1 ,against ,heresies1 i1 #bf4 ,cp4 ,hagenbach1 ,lehrbuch der ,dogmengeschichte1 #cte ,aufl4 #bc1 #d 7p4 #cg71 as to ,cerinthus4 #hib #a ,tim4 vi1 #bj4 ,the word persistently translated oppositions is a specific term in ,gnostic lore4 ,cp4 ,r4 ,w4 ,mackay1 ,rise and ,progress of ,christianity1 #ahed1 p4 #aae1 note4 #hic ,cp4 ,harnack1 ,outlines of the ,history of ,dogma1 ,mitchell's trans4 p4 #gg 7ch4 vi71 p4 #adi 7bk4 ii1 ch4 vi72 ,gieseler1 ,comp4 of ,eccles4 ,hist4 i1 #fc1 ,eng4 tr4 i1 #bcd1 as to the attitude of ,origen4 #hid ,the term ,gnostic1 often treated as if applicable only to heretical sects1 was adopted by ,clemens of ,alexandria as an honourable title4 ,cp4 ,gieseler1 p4 #bda1 as cited4 #hie ,mosheim1 ,eccles4 ,hist4 #b ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 i1 #d-ab4 ,cp41 however1 ,abb ,cognat1 ,clment d',alexandrie1 #ahei1 pp4 #dba-bc1 and ,ueberweg1 i1 #bci1 as to the obscurity resting on the original teaching of ,ammonios4 #hif ,cp4 ,gieseler1 ,compendium1 i1 #eb 7tr4 vol4 i1 p4 #afb74 #hig ,id4 #ed1 #ee1 pp4 #ahf-ij4 #hih ,e4 ,h4 #c ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 i1 #b-d4 #hii ,as to the earlier latitudinarianism1 cp4 ,gieseler1 as cited1 p4 #aff4 #ijj ,gieseler1 #ee4 #ija ,mosheim1 ,e4 ,h4 #c ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 iii1 #a-g2 ,gieseler1 as cited1 #ec1 pp4 #afb-fe2 ,eusebius1 ,eccles4 ,hist4 vi1 #ai2 ,b4 ,saint-,hilaire1 ,de l'cole d',alexandrie1 #ahde1 p4 #g2 ,baur1 ,ch4 ,hist4 ,eng4 tr4 ii1 #c-h4 ,but cp4 ,cognat1 ,clment d',alexandrie1 l4 v1 ch4 v4 #ijb ,cp4 ,mosheim on ,origen1 ,comm4 de rebus ,christ4 ante ,const4 #bg1 #bh1 summarized in ,schlegel's note to ,ec4 ,hist4 ,reid's ed4 pp4 #ajj-aja2 ,gieseler1 #fc2 ,renan1 ,marc-,aurle1 pp4 #aad1 #adj4 ,dr4 ,hatch 7,influence of ,greek ,ideas on the ,christian ,church1 pp4 #hb-hc7 notes that the allegorical method1 which began in a tendency towards rationalism1 came later to be typically orthodox4 #ijc ,gnosis was an attempt to convert ,christianity into philosophy2 to place it in its widest relation to the universe1 and to incorporate with it the ideas and feelings approved by the best intelligence of the times4 ,mackay1 ,rise and ,progress of ,christianity1 p4 #aji4 ,but cp4 the per contra on p4 #aaj3 it was but a philosophy in fetters1 an effort of the mind to form for itself a more systematic belief in its own prejudices4 ,again 7p4 #aae73 a reaction towards freethought was the essence of ,gnosis4 ,so also ,robins1 ,a ,defence of the ,faith1 #ahfb1 pt4 i1 pp4 #d-e1 #aec4 #ijd ,this view could be supported by the ,platonists from ,plato1 ,laws1 bk4 x4 ,cp4 ,chaignet1 ,la vie et les crits de ,platon1 #ahga1 p4 #dbb2 and ,milman1 ,hist4 of ,christianity1 bk4 ii1 ch4 v1 ed4 ,paris1 #ahdj1 i1 #bhh4 ,it is explicitly set forth by ,plutarch1 ,i4 and ,o41 cc4 #de-di4 #ije ,on the subject in general cp4 ,mosheim1 ,e4 ,h4 #b ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 v2 also his ,commentaries on the ,affairs of the ,christians before ,constantine1 ,eng4 tr4 vol4 ii2 ,harnack1 ,outlines of the ,hist4 of ,dogma1 ch4 iv2 ,king1 ,the ,gnostics and their ,remains2 ,mackay1 ,rise and ,progress of ,christianity1 pt4 iii1 #aj1 #aa1 #ab2 ,renan1 ,l'glise ,chrtienne1 chs4 ix1 x2 ,milman1 ,hist4 of ,christianity1 bk4 ii1 ch4 v2 ,lardner1 ,hist4 of ,heretics1 in ,works1 ed4 #ahce1 vol4 viii2 ,baur1 ,church ,history1 pt4 iii2 ,jeremie1 ,hist4 of the ,chr4 ,church in #bnd and #crd ,cent41 ch4 v 7in ,encyc4 ,metropolitana74 #ijf ,mysticism itself is but an insane rationalism 7,hampden1 ,bampton ,lect4 on ,scholastic ,philosophy1 #crd ed4 intr4 p4 liii74 ,it may be described as freethought without regard to evidence--that lawless thought which ,christian polemists are wont to ascribe to rationalists4 #ijg ,gieseler1 #fa1 #hf 7pp4 #bbh1 #cfh1 #cgj74 #ijh ,in the fourth century and later1 however1 the gospel of asceticism won great orthodox vogue through the writings of the so-called ,dionysius the ,areopagite4 ,cp4 ,mosheim1 #d ,cent4 pt4 ii1 c4 iii1 #ab2 ,westcott1 ,religious ,thought in the ,west1 #ahia1 pp4 #aij-ia4 #iji ,compare the process by which the ,talmudic system unified ,judaism4 ,wellhausen1 ,israel1 as cited1 pp4 #eda-db2 ,milman1 ,history of ,christianity1 bk4 ii1 ch4 #d1 ed4 ,paris1 #ahdj1 i1 #bgf4 #iaj ,there is good reason to suppose that the ,christian bishops multiplied sacred rites for the sake of rendering the ,jews and the pagans more friendly to them 7,mosheim1 ,e4 ,h4 #b ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 iv4 ,cp4 ch4 iii1 #ag2 ch4 iv1 #c-g2 #d ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 iii1 #a-c2 ch4 iv1 #a-b2 #e ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 iii1 #b74 ,this generalization is borne out by nearly every other ,church historian4 ,cp4 ,harnack1 ,outlines1 pt4 ii1 bk4 i1 ch4 i2 ,milman1 bk4 iv1 ch4 #e1 pp4 #cfg-gd2 ,gieseler4 #ih1 #ii1 #aja1 #ajd2 ,renan1 ,marc-,aurle1 #c;e edit4 p4 #fcj4 ,baur1 ,church ,history1 ,eng4 tr4 ii1 #bhe-hi4 #iaa ,gieseler1 #hg1 p4 #cgc2 ,hagenbach1 ,lehrbuch der ,dogmengeschichte1 #cte ,aufl4 #ajh4 #iab ,eusebius1 v1 #bh2 ,gieseler1 #fj1 p4 #bah4 #iac ,cp4 ,gieseler1 #hj-hc1 pp4 #cbh-ec2 ,harnack1 ,outlines1 pt4 ii1 bk4 i1 esp4 pp4 #bja-bjb4 #iad ,one being another ,theodotos1 a money-changer4 #iae ,eusebius1 as last cited4 ,the sect was accused of altering the gospels to suit its purposes4 ,the charge could probably be made with truth against every sect in turn1 as against the ,church in general4 #iaf ,in the end the doctrine declared orthodox was the opposite of what had been declared orthodox in the ,sabellian and other controversies 7,mosheim1 #d ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 v1 #i72 and all the while the ,arians and the orthodox embraced the same theology in substance 7,murdock1 note on ,mosheim1 ,reid's ed4 p4 #afa74 ,an eminent modern ,catholic1 however1 has described ,arianism as a deistic doctrine which had not the courage to bury itself in the fecund obscurities of dogma 7,ozanam1 ,la ,civilisation chrtienne chez les ,francs1 #ahdi1 p4 #ce74 #iag ,gieseler1 #hc4 p4 #cde4 #iah ,cp4 the author's ,short ,history of ,christianity1 #bnd ed4 pp4 #agf-ha4 #iai ,pelagianism is ,christian rationalism 7,harnack1 ,outlines1 pt4 ii1 bk4 ii1 ch4 iv1 #c1 p4#cfd74 #ibj ,he was first a ,manichean2 later an anti-,manichean1 denying predestination2 later1 as an opponent of the ,pelagians1 an assertor of predestination4 ,cp4 ,mackay1 ,rise and ,progress of ,christianity1 pt4 v1 #ae4 ,as to his final ,manicheanism1 see ,milman1 ,hist4 of ,latin ,christianity1 #crd ed4 i1 #aeb4 #iba ,cp4 ,harnack1 ,outlines1 pt4 ii1 bk4 ii1 ch4 v1 #a 7p4 #chf74 #ibb ,cp4 ,hampden1 ,bampton ,lectures on ,the ,scholastic ,philosophy1 #ahdh1 pp4 xxxv-xxxvi1 and refs4 #ibc ,sokrates1 ,eccles4 ,hist4 bk4 vii1 ch4 #ae4 #ibd ,epist4 #ic4 ,cp4 ,schlegel's notes on ,mosheim1 in ,reid's ed4 pp4 #aei1 #aih2 ,rev4 ,w4 ,r4 ,clarke1 ,saint ,augustine1 pp4 #hf-hg 7a defence72 ,milman1 ,history of ,latin ,christianity1 bk4 ii1 ch4 ii1 #crd4 ed4 i1 #afc2 ,boissier1 ,la fin du paganisme1 #b;e dit4 i1 #fi-gi4 ,harnack's confused and contradictory estimate of ,augustine 7,outlines1 pt4 ii1 bk ii1 chs4 iii1 iv7 ignores this issue4 ,he notes1 however 7pp4 #cfb-fc71 some of ,augustine's countless self-contradictions4 #ibe ,milman1 ,hist4 of ,christianity1 bk4 iii1 ch4 viii2 ed4 cited1 ii1 #ahb1 #ahh1 and note4 ,for the views of ,ambrose see p4 #ahd4 ,in ,gaul1 ,st4 ,martin put down the old shrines by brute force4 ,id4 p4 #agi4 #ibf ,cp4 ,beugnot1 ,histoire de la destruction du paganisme en ,occident1 #ahce1 i1 #dcj4 #ibg ,de errore profanarum religionum1 end4 #ibh ,see it translated in full by ,lardner in his ,testimonies of ,ancient ,heathens1 ch4 xlix4 ,works1 ed4 #ahce1 vol4 viii4 #ibi ,lardner1 as cited1 pp4 #be-bg4 #icj ,as to the high character of ,libanius1 who used his influence to succour his ,christian friends in the reign of ,julian1 see ,lardner1 pp4 #ae-ag4 #ica ,milman1 ,hist4 of ,christianity1 bk4 iii1 ch4 vi2 vol4 ii1 p4 #aca4 ,see the passage there cited from the ,funeral ,oration of ,libanius ,on ,julian1 as to ,christians building houses with temple stones2 also the further passages1 pp4 #abi1 #afa1 #bab1 of ,mr4 ,king's tr4 of the ,oration in his ,julian the ,emperor 7,bohn ,lib474 #icb ,ammianus1 xxii1 #d4 #icc ,gibbon1 ch4 xlvii4 ,bohn ed4 v1 #baa-eb1 #bfd1 #bfh1 #bgb4 ,mosheim1 passim4 #icd ,milman1 as cited1 p4 #agh4 #ice ,de ,testimonio ,anim1 c4 #b2 ,de ,ira ,dei4 #icf ,tertullian1 as cited1 c4 #c4 #icg ,b4 vi1 ch4 #bh4 #ich ,on the ,mysteries1 bk4 x1 ch4 #b4 #ici ,cp4 ,minucius ,felix 7#bnd c471 ,octavius1 c4 #e4 #idj ,de consensu evangelistarum1 i1 #aj4 #ida ,de civ4 ,dei1 xxi1 #b1 #e-g4 #idb ,id4 i1 #ad4 #idc ,id4 xxi1 #aa4 #idd ,see the citations in ,abailard's ,sic et non1 #a4 ,quod fides humanis rationibus sit adstruenda1 et contra4 #ide ,de ,gubernatione ,dei1 l4 #d4 #idf ,see ,renan1 ,l'glise ,chrtienne1 p4 #dic4 ,as to ,crescens1 the enemy of ,justin ,martyr 7#b ,apol4 c4 #c71 see id4 p4 #dib4 ,cp4 ,arnobius1 ,adversus ,gentes1 passim1 as to pagan objections4 ,what remains of ,porphyry will be found in ,lardner's ,testimonies of the ,heathen1 ch4 xxxvii4 ,cp4 ,baur1 ,church ,history1 ,eng4 tr4 ii1 #agi-hg4 #idg ,the ,controversy between ,jason and ,papiscus regarding ,christ1 mentioned by ,origen 7,ag4 ,celsus1 bk4 iv1 ch4 #d71 seems to have been of the same nature4 #idh ,origen repeatedly calls him an ,epicurean2 but this is obviously false4 ,the ,platonizing ,christian would not admit that a ,platonist was anti-,christian4 #idi ,origen places him in the reign of ,hadrian2 but the internal evidence is all against that opinion4 ,kain dates the treatise #agg-gh4 #iej ,cp4 ,renan1 ,marc-,aurle1 #c;e dit4 pp4 #cdf-ga4 #iea ,b4 i1 cc4 #bd1 #be4 #ieb ,b4 i1 cc4 #bh1 #cb4 #iec c4 #cb4 #ied cc4 #cg1 #ci4 #iee ,b4 ii1 c4 #bf4 #ief ,b4 ii1 c4 #gh4 #ieg ,b4 ii1 c4 #di4 #ieh ,b4 ii1 c4 #cj4 #iei ,b4 iii1 c4 #a4 #ifj ,b4 iv1 cc4 #bc-cj1 #ed-fj1 #gd4 #ifa ,cp4 ,a4 ,kind1 ,teleologie und ,naturalismus in der altchristlichen ,zeit1 #ahge2 ,soury1 ,brviaire de l'histoire du ,matrialisme1 pp4 #cca-dj4 #ifb ,b4 i1 chs4 #i-aa2 iii1 #dd4 #ifc ,cp4 ,renan1 ,marc-,aurle1 pp4 #cgc-gg4 #ifd ,christian excisions have been suspected in the ,peregrinus1 #aa 7,bernays1 ,lucian und die ,kyniker1 #ahgi1 p4 #ajg74 ,but see ,mr4 ,j4 ,m4 ,cotterill's ,peregrinus ,proteus1 ,edinburgh1 #ahgi1 for a theory of the spuriousness of the treatise1 which is surmised to be a fabrication of ,henri ,etienne4 #ife ,logoi ,philaletheis1 known only from the reply of ,eusebius1 ,contra ,hiroclem4 ,hierocles made much of ,apollonius of ,tyana1 as having greatly outdone ,jesus in miracles1 while ranking simply as a ,god-beloved man4 #iff ,methodius1 ,eusebius1 ,apollinaris1 and ,philostorgius4 #ifg ,cod4 ,justin4 ,de ,summa ,trinitate4 l4 ,i1 tit4 i1 c4 #c4 #ifh ,citations are given by ,baur1 ,ch4 ,hist4 ii1 #ahj sq4 #ifi ,cp4 ,mackay1 ,rise and ,progress of ,christianity1 p4 #afj4 ,chrysostom 7,de ,mundi ,creatione1 vi1 #c7 testifies that ,porphyry led many away from the faith4 ,he ably anticipated the higher criticism of the ,book of ,daniel4 ,see ,baur1 as cited4 ,porphyry1 like ,celsus1 powerfully retorted on the ,old ,testament the attacks made by ,christians on the immorality of pagan myths1 and contemned the allegorical explanations of the ,christian writers as mere evasions4 ,the pagan explanations of pagan myths1 however1 were of the same order4 #igj ,gieseler1 #ajf1 ii1 #ge4 ,cp4 ,mosheim1 #d ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 iii1 #bb4 #iga ,gieseler1 #ajf1 vol4 ii1 p4 #gd2 ,mosheim1 #d ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 iii1 #b2 and ,schlegel's note in ,reid's ed4 p4 #aeb4 #igb ,milman1 ,hist4 of ,chr4 bk4 iii1 ch4 xi 7ii1 #bfh-gj72 ,mosheim1 #e ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 iii1 #ad2 ,gilly1 ,vigilantius and his ,times1 #ahdd1 pp4 #h1 #chi sq41 #dgj sq4 ,as to ,jerome's persecuting ferocity see also ,gieseler1 ii1 #fe note4 ,for a ,catholic polemic on ,jerome's side see ,amede ,thierry1 ,saint ,jrome1 #b;e dit4 pp4 #ada1 #cfc-ff4 #igc ,see a good account of the works of ,macrobius in ,prof4 ,dill's ,roman ,society in the last ,century of the ,western ,empire1 bk4 i1 ch4 iv4 #igd ,philostorgius1 ,eccles4 ,hist4 ,epit4 bk4 viii1 ch4 x4 #ige ,by ,justinian in #ebi4 ,the banished thinkers were protected by ,chosroes in ,persia1 who secured them permission to return 7,gibbon1 ,bohn ed4 iv4 #cee-ef2 ,finlay1 ,hist4 of ,greece1 ed4 ,tozer1 i1 #bgg1 #bhg74 ,theodosius ,,ii had already forbidden all public lectures by independent teachers 7id4 pp4 #bhb-hc74 #igf ,theodosius ,i1 ,arcadius1 and ,theodosius ,,ii 7#cgi-dej7 successively passed laws forbidding and persecuting paganism 7,finlay4 i1 #bhf2 ,beugnot4 ,hist4 de la destr4 du paganisme en occident1 i1 #cej sq474 ,mithraism was suppressed in the same period 7,jerome1 ,epist4 cvii1 ad ,laetam1 ,sokrates1 ,eccles4 ,hist4 bk4 v1 ch4 xvi74 ,it is to be remembered that ,constans and ,constantius1 the sons of ,constantine1 had commenced1 at least on paper1 to persecute paganism as soon as their father's new creed was sufficiently established 7,cod4 ,theod4 xvi1 #aj1 #b1 #d71 and this with the entire approval of the whole ,church4 ,it was not their fault that it subsisted till the time of ,theodosius ,,ii 7cp4 ,gieseler1 #ge1 pp4 #cjf-cjh2 and ,beugnot1 i1 #ach-dh74 ,on the edict of ,theodosius ,i see ,milman1 bk4 iii1 ch4 viii2 ed4 cited1 p4 #ahf4 #igg ,in ,s4 ,babylam1 contra ,julianum1 c4 ii4 ,cp4 his ,hom4 iv on #ast ,cor4 ,eng4 tr4 #ahci1 p4 #db4 #igh ,there is also a suggestion in one passage of ,chrysostom 7,hom4 in #a ,cor4 vi1 #b1 #c7 that some ,christians tended to doubt the actuality of apostolic miracles1 seeing that no miracles took place in their own day4 #igi ,prparatio ,evangelica1 xv1 #fa4 #ihj ,div4 ,inst4 iii1 #c4 #iha ,id4 iii1 #bd4 #ihb ,topographia1 lib4 v1 cited by ,murdock in note on ,mosheim4 #e ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 iii1 #e1 ,reid's ed4 p4 #aib4 ,cp4 same ed4 p4 #bai1 note2 and ,gibbon1 ,bohn ed4 iv1 #bei2 v1 #cai4 #ihc 1 ii1 #fe1 #ga4 #ihd ,see ,schlegel's note on ,mosheim4 #d ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 v1 #ai4 #ihe ,the first name came from ,anomoios1 unlike-natured 7to the ,father71 that being their primary doctrinal heresy concerning ,jesus4 ,the second seems to have been a euphemism of their own making1 with the sense of holding the good law4 #ihf ,jerome1 ,adv4 ,vigilantium1 cc4 #i1 #aa4 #ihg ,epiphanius1 ,adv4 ,hres4 lxx1 #f4 #ihh ,cp4 ,augustine1 ,de ,civ4 ,dei1 viii1 #ae-ai2 xxi1 #f2 ,de ,trinitate1 iii1 #ab1 #ac 7#g1 #h72 ,epist4 cxxxviii1 #ah-bj2 ,sermo cc1 in ,epiph4 ,dom4 ii2 ,jerome1 ,vita ,s4 ,hilarion1 cc4 #f1 #cg4 #ihi ,mosheim1 ,e4 ,h4 #b ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 iii1 #h1 #ae2 #c ,cent4 pt4 i1 ch4 i1 #e2 pt4 ii1 ch4 iii1 #aj1 #aa2 #d ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 iii1 #c1 #af2 ,gieseler1 #fc1 p4 #bce2 ,waddington1 ,hist4 of the ,church1 #ahcc1 pp4 #ch-ci2 ,milman1 ,hist4 of ,chr4 bk4 iv1 ch4 iii1 ed4 cited1 ii1 #ccg4 ,cp4 ,mackay1 ,rise and ,progress of ,christianity1 pp4 #aa-ab4 #iij ,cp4 the explicit admissions of ,mosheim1 ,e4 ,h4 #b ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 iii1 #af2 #c ,cont4 pt4 ii1 ch4 ii1 #d1 #f2 #d ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 ii1 #h2 ch4 iii1 #ag2 ,gieseler1 #ajc1 vol4 ii1 p4 #ef4 ,it is to be noted1 however1 that even the martyrs were at times bad characters who sought in martyrdom remission for their sins 7,gieseler1 #gd1 p4 #bjf2 ,de ,wette1 as there cited74 #iia ,cp4 ,gieseler1 ii1 #fg-fh4 #iib ,epist4 vii1 #e2 xcv1 #cc4 ,cp4 ,cicero1 ,tusculans1 ii1 #ag4 #iic ,cp4 the ,bohn ed4 of ,gibbon1 note by clerical editor1 iii1 #cei4 #iid ,the express declaration of ,salvian1 ,de ,gubernatione ,dei1 l4 #f4 ,on the general question compare ,mr4 ,farrer's ,paganism and ,christianity1 ch4 x2 ,milman1 as last cited1 p4 #cca2 and ,gieseler1 ii1 #ga1 note #f4 ,the traditional view that the games were suppressed by ,honorius1 though accepted by ,gibbon and by ,professor ,dill 7,roman ,society in the ,last ,century of the ,western ,empire1 #bnd ed4 p4 #ef71 appears to be an error4 ,cp4 ,beugnot1 ,destr4 du ,paganisme1 ii1 #be2 ,finlay1 ,hist4 of ,greece1 i1 #bcf4 #iie ,as to the specially cruel use of judicial torture by the later ,inquisition1 see ,h4 ,c4 ,lea1 ,superstition and ,force1 #crd ed4 p4 #deb4 #iif ,lavolle1 as cited1 p4 #ib4 ,cp4 ,st4 ,chrysostom's ,picture of his ,age1 p4 #aab1 and the admissions of ,milman1 bk4 iv1 ch4 i4 #iig ,as to the spirit of hatred roused by controversy among believers1 see ,gieseler1 #ajd1 vol4 ii1 pp4 #fd-fg2 and ,ullmann's ,gregory of ,nazianzum1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahea1 pp4 #agg-hj4 #iih ,h4 ,fraser ,stewart1 ,boethius3 ,an ,essay1 #ahia1 pp4 #ajj-aja4 #iii ,cp4 ,beugnot1 ,destruction du ,paganisme1 ii1 #bhb-hc4 #ajjj ,id4 p4 #aei4 ,mr4 ,stewart in another passage 7p4 #ajf7 argues that ,the ,consolation is intensely artificial--this by way of explaining that it was a deliberate exercise1 not representing the real or normal state of its author's mind4 ,yet he has finally to avow 7p4 #ajg7 that it remains a very noble book--a character surely incompatible with intense artificiality4 #ajja ,this is the view of ,maurice 7,medieval ,philosophy1 #bnd ed4 #ahei1 pp4 #ad-af71 who decides that ,boethius was neither a ,christian nor a pagan--i4e41 a believer in the pagan ,gods4 ,this is simply to say that he was a rationalist--a pagan philosopher1 like ,aristotle4 ,but1 as is noted by ,prof4 ,bury 7ed4 of ,gibbon1 iv4 #aii71 ,boethius's authorship of a book1 ,de sancta trinitate1 et capita qudam dogmatica1 et librum contra ,nestorium1 is positively asserted in the ,anecdoton ,holderi 7ed4 by ,usener1 ,leipzig1 #ahgg1 p4 #d71 a fragment found in a #ajth century ,,ms4 #ajjb ,the strict meaning of this term1 given by ,mohammed 7the true religion with ,god is ,islam2 ,sura1 iii1 #ag71 is submission--such being the attitude demanded by the ,prophet4 ,moslem or ,muslim means one who accepts ,islam4 ,koran means strictly1 not book1 but reading or recitation4 #ajjc ,rodwell's tr4 of the ,koran1 ed4 #ahfa1 pref4 p4 xv4 #ajjd ,sale1 ,preliminary ,discourse to tr4 of the ,koran1 ed4 #ahcc1 i1 #db2 ,muir's ,life of ,mohammad1 ed4 ,weir1 #aiab1 p4 #gh4 ,cp4 ,freeman1 ,history and ,conquests of the ,saracens1 #ahef1 p4 #ce4 ,the late ,prof4 ,palmer1 in introd4 to his tr4 of the ,koran 7,sacred ,books of the ,east series71 i1 p4 xv1 says that ,by far the greater number had ceased to believe in anything at all2 but this is an extravagance1 confuted by himself in other passages--e4g4 p4 xi4 #ajje ,these generalizations are always matched1 and cancelled1 by others from the same sources4 ,thus ,prof4 ,d4 ,b4 ,macdonald writes of the always flighty and skeptical ,arabs1 and1 a few pages later1 of the ,god-fearing fatalism of all ,muslim thought1 the faith to which the ,semite ever returns in the end4 ,development of ,muslim ,theology1 etc4 7in ,semitic ,series71 ,new ,york1 #aijc1 pp4 #abb1 #abf4 #ajjf ,the word means either convert or pervert2 in ,heb4 and ,syr4 heretic2 in ,arabic1 orthodox4 ,it must not be confounded with ,hanyfite1 the name of an orthodox sect1 founded by one ,hanyfa4 #ajjg ,see ,rodwell's tr4 of the ,koran1 ed4 #ahfa1 pref4 pp4 xvi1 xvii2 and ,sura1 xvi 7lxxiii in ,rodwell's chron4 arrangement71 v4 #aba1 p4 #beb1 note #b4 #ajjh ,sprenger1 ,das ,leben und die ,lehre des ,mohammad1 #ahfa-fe1 i1 #hc sq4 ,cp4 p4 #fj sq4 #ajji ,rodwell1 p4 #dig1 note to ,sura iii 7xcvii7 #ai2 and pref4 p4 xvi2 ,caussin de ,perceval1 ,essai sur l'histoire des ,arabes avant l',islamisme1 #ahdg1 i1 #cba-bf2 ,nicholson1 ,lit4 ,hist4 of the ,arabs1 pp4 #fi1 #adi4 ,to the great mass of the citizens of ,mecca the new doctrine was simply the ,hanyfism to which they had become accustomed2 and they did not at first trouble themselves at all about the matter4 ,palmer1 introd4 to tr4 of ,koran1 i1 p4 xxiv4 ,cp4 ,sprenger1 as cited1 i1 #df-fj1 #fe4 #ajaj ,the word ,hanyf or ,hanif recurs in ,sura ii1 #abi2 iii1 #fj1 #hi2 iv1 #abd2 vi1 #gi1 #afb2 x1 #aje1 xvi1 #aba2 xxii1 #cb2 xxx1 #bi4 ,cp4 ,h4 ,derenbourg1 ,la science des religions et l',islamisme1 #ahhf1 pp4 #db-dc4 ,palmer's translation1 marred as it unfortunately is by slanginess1 is on such points specially trustworthy4 ,rodwell's does not always indicate the use of the word ,hanyf2 but the ,german version of ,ullmann1 the ,french of ,kanimirski1 and ,sale's1 do not indicate it at all4 ,sprenger 7p4 #dc7 derives the ,hanyfs from ,essenes who had almost lost all knowledge of the ,bible4 ,cp4 p4 #fg4 ,prof4 ,macdonald writes that the word is of very doubtful derivation4 ,but we have evidence from heathen ,arab poetry that these ,hanifs were regarded as much the same as ,christian monks1 and that the term hanif was used as a synonym for rahib1 monk4 ,work cited1 p4 #abe4 #ajaa ,sprenger1 as cited1 p4 #ac4 #ajab ,cp4 ,sale's ,prelim4 ,discourse1 as cited1 i1 #ch2 and ,palmer1 introd4 p4 xv2 and ,nicholson1 pp4 #aci-dj4 #ajac ,al ,mostaraf1 cited by ,pococke1 ,specimen ,histor4 ,arab4 p4 #acf2 ,sale1 ,prelim4 ,disc4 as cited1 p4 #de4 #ajad ,cp4 ,nicholson1 pp4 #aee-ef and refs4 #ajae ,sale1 as cited1 pp4 #ci-da4 #ajaf ,palmer1 introd4 to his ,haroun ,alraschid1 #ahhb1 p4 #ad4 ,cp4 ,derenbourg1 ,la science des religions et l',islamisme1 p4 #dd1 controverting ,kuenen4 #ajag ,hibbert ,lectures1 ,on ,national and ,universal ,religions1 ed4 #aija1 p4 #ba and ,note ,,ii4 #ajah ,id4 p4 #ca4 #ajai ,nicholson1 ,lit4 ,hist4 of the ,arabs1 p4 #ade4 #ajbj ,rodwell1 note to ,sura xcvi 7,r4 i71 #aj4 #ajba ,sprenger estimates that at his death the number really converted to his doctrine did not exceed a thousand4 ,cp4 ,nicholson1 pp4 #aec-eh4 #ajbb ,renan ascribes the idea wholly to ,omar4 tudes d'histoire et de critique1 ed4 #ahfb1 p4 #bej4 ,the faithful have preserved a sly saying that ,omar was many a time of a certain opinion1 and the ,koran was then revealed accordingly4 ,nldeko1 ,enc4 ,brit4 art4 on ,koran1 in ,sketches from ,eastern ,history1 #ahib1 p4 #bh4 ,on the other hand1 ,sedillot decides 7,histoire des ,arabes1 #ahed4 p4 #fj7 that in ,mohammed it is the political idea that dominates4 ,so ,nicholson 7p4 #afi73 ,at ,medina the days of pure religious enthusiasm have passed away for ever1 and the prophet is overshadowed by the statesman4 ,cp4 pp4 #agc1 #age4 #ajbc ,on the measure of racial unity set up by ,abyssinian attacks as well as by the pretensions of the ,byzantine and ,persian empires1 see ,sedillot1 pp4 #cj1 #ch4 ,cp4 ,van ,vloten1 ,recherches sur la domination arabe1 ,amsterdam1 #ahid4 pp4 #a-d4 #g4 #ajbd ,professor ,stanilas ,guyard1 ,la ,civilisation ,musulmane1 #ahhd1 p4 #bb4 #ajbe ,cp4 ,renan1 tudes1 pp4 #beg-ff2 ,hauri1 ,der ,islam in seinem ,einfluss auf das ,leben seiner ,bekenner1 #ahhb1 pp4 #fd-fe2 ,nicholson1 p4 #bce4 ,it was at ,medina that a strict ,mohammedanism first arose4 #ajbf ,nicholson1 pp4 #agh-gi1 and ref4 #ajbg ,hauri1 ,der ,islam1 p4 #fd4 #ajbh ,cp4 ,montesquieu1 ,grandeur et dcadence des ,romains1 ch4 #bb4 #ajbi ,nicholson1 p #aij4 #ajcj ,id4 p4 #aii4 #ajca ,van ,vloten1 p4 #gj and passim4 #ajcb ,prof4 ,guyard1 as cited1 pp4 #af1 #ea2 ,c4 ,e4 ,oelsner1 ,des effets de la religion de ,mohammed1 etc41 #ahaj1 p4 #acj4 #ajcc ,guyard1 p4 #ba2 ,palmer1 ,haroun ,alraschid1 introd4 p4 #ai4 #ajcd ,the alleged destruction of the library of ,alexandria by ,omar is probably a myth1 arising out of a story of ,omar's causing some ,persian books to be thrown into the water4 ,see ,prof4 ,bury's notes in his ed4 of ,gibbon1 v1 #deb-ed4 ,cp4 ,oelsner1 as cited1 pp4 #adb-dc4 #ajce ,sura1 vi1 #be1 #bi2 xix1 #fg2 xxvii1 #fh-gj2 liv1 #b2 lxxxiii1 #aj-ac4 ,according to lviii1 #bh1 however1 some polytheists denied the future state4 #ajcf ,cp4 ,renan1 tudes d'histoire et de critique1 pp4 #bcb-cd4 #ajcg ,renan1 as cited1 p4 #bcb4 #ajch ,id4 p4 #bce4 ,renan and ,sprenger conflict on this point1 the former having regard1 apparently1 to the bulk of the poetry1 the latter to parts of it4 #ajci ,sedillot1 p4 #ci4 ,one of these was ,zaid4 ,nicholson1 p4 #adi4 #ajdj ,see the passage 7,sura ii7 cited with praise by the sympathetic ,mr4 ,bosworth ,smith in his ,mohammed and ,mohammedanism1 #bnd ed4 p4 #aha2 where also delighted praise is given to the description of ,infidelity in ,sura xxiv1 #ci-dj4 ,the infidels in question were simply non-,moslems4 #ajda ,the ,flight 7of the ,prophet to ,medina from ,mecca1 in #fbb71 from which begins the ,mohammedan era4 #ajdb ,sale1 as cited1 p4 #afj4 #ajdc ,weil1 ,geschichte der ,chalifen1 ii1 #bfa-fd2 ,dugat1 ,histoire des philosophes et des thologiens ,mussulmans1 #ahgh1 pp4 #dh-ee2 ,h4 ,steiner1 ,die ,mutaziliten1 oder die ,freidenker im ,islam1 #ahfe1 pp4 #di-ej2 ,guyard1 p4 #cf2 ,sale1 p4 #afa 7sec4 viii72 ,nicholson1 p4 #bbb sq4 ,the term ,motazila broadly means dissenter1 or belonging to a sect4 #ajdd ,steiner1 p4 #a4 #ajde ,palmer1 ,introd4 to ,haroun ,alraschid1 p4 #ad4 #ajdf ,as to the ,persian influence on ,arab thought1 cp4 ,a4 ,mller1 ,der ,islam1 i1 #dfi2 ,palmer1 as last cited2 ,weil1 ,geschichte der ,chalifen1 ii1 #aad ff42 ,nicholson1 p4 #bbj2 ,van ,vloten1 ,recherches sur la domination arabe1 p4 #dc4 ,van ,vloten's treatise is a lucid sketch of the socio-political conditions set up in ,persia by the ,arab conquest4 #ajdg ,weil1 ii1 #bfa4 #ajdh ,g4 ,dugat1 ,histoire des philosophes et des thologiens ,mussulmans1 p4 #dd2 ,sale1 pp4 #afa1 #agd-gh4 #ajdi ,dugat1 p4 #ee2 ,steiner1 p4 #d2 ,sale1 p4 #afb4 #ajej ,motazilism represents in ,islam a ,protestantism of the shade of ,schleiermacher 7,renan1 ,averros et l',averrosme1 #c;e ed4 p4 #ajd74 ,cp4 ,syed ,ameer ,ali1 ,crit4 ,exam4 of ,life of ,mohammed1 pp4 #cjj-cjh2 ,sale1 p4 #afa4 #ajea ,dugat1 pp4 #bh1 #dd2 ,guyard1 p4 #cf2 ,steiner1 pp4 #bd-be2 ,renan1 ,averros1 p4 #aja4 ,the ,kadarites1 as ,sale notes 7pp4 #afd-fe71 are really an older group than the ,motazilites1 so-called1 their founder having rejected predestination before ,wasil did4 ,kuenen 7,hibbert ,lect4 p4 #dg7 writes as if all the ,motazilites were maintained of freewill1 but they varied4 ,see ,prof4 ,macdonald1 as cited1 p4 #ace sq4 #ajeb ,sale1 pp4 #afe1 #agb-gc4 #ajec ,for a view of the various schools of ,sifatites see ,sale1 pp4 #aff-gd4 #ajed ,guyard1 pp4 #cg-ch2 ,g4 ,d4 ,osborn1 ,the ,khalifs of ,baghdad1 #ahgh1 p4 #acd4 #ajee ,steiner1 p4 #af4 ,major ,osborn 7work cited1 p4 #acf7 attributes their rise to the influence of ,eastern ,christianity1 but gives no proof4 #ajef ,guyard1 p4 #dj4 ,cp4 ,sale1 p4 #agf2 ,van ,vloten1 p4 #dc4 #ajeg ,dugat1 p4 #cd4 ,thus the orthodox sect of ,hanyfites were called by one writer followers of reason1 since they relied rather on their judgment than on tradition4 #ajeh ,steiner1 p4 #e2 ,nicholson1 p4 #cgj4 #ajei ,steiner1 pp4 #e1 #i1 #hh-hi2 ,sale1 p4 #afa2 ,macdonald1 p4 #adj4 #ajfj ,sedillot1 ,hist4 des ,arabes1 p4 #cce2 ,prof4 ,a4 ,mller1 ,der ,islam 7in ,oncken's series71 i1 #dgj2 ,ueberweg1 i1 #djb4 #ajfa ,ueberweg1 p4 #djc2 ,weil1 ,gesch4 der ,chalifen1 ii1 #bha4 #ajfb ,for an orthodox account of the beginnings of freethinking 7called zendekism7 see ,weil1 ii1 #bad4 ,cp4 p4 #bfa2 also ,tabari's ,chronicle1 pt4 v1 ch4 xcvii2 and ,renan1 ,averros1 p4 #ajc4 ,already1 among the ,ommayade ,khalifs1 ,yezid ,,iii held the ,motazilite tenet of freewill4 ,weil1 p4 #bfj4 #ajfc ,nicholson1 pp4 #cgb1 #cge4 ,the name zendek 7otherwise spelt zindiq7 seems to have originally meant a ,manichan4 ,browne1 ,literary ,history of ,persia1 ii 7#aijf71 #bie2 ,nicholson1 p4 #cge and ref4 ,macdonald1 p4 #acd1 thinks it literally meant initiate4 #ajfd ,steiner1 p4 #h4 ,an association called ,brethren of ,purity or ,sincere ,brethren seem to have carried ,motazilism far1 though they aimed at reconciling philosophy with orthodoxy4 ,they were in effect the encyclopedists of ,arab science4 ,ueberweg1 i1 #daa2 ,nicholson1 p4 #cgj sq4 ,see ,dr4 ,f4 ,dieterici1 ,die ,naturanschauung und ,naturphilosophie der ,araber im #ajten ,jahrhundert1 aus den schriften der lautern ,brder1 #ahfa1 ,vorrede1 p4 viii1 and ,flgel1 as there cited4 ,flgel dates the writings of the ,brethren about #igj2 but the association presumably existed earlier4 ,cp4 ,renan1 ,averros1 p4 #ajd2 and ,s4 ,lane-,poole's ,studies in a ,mosque1 #ahic1 ch4 vi1 as to their performance4 ,prof4 ,macdonald is disposed to regard them as part of the great ,fatimid propaganda which honeycombed the ground everywhere under the ,sunnite ,abassids1 but admits that the ,fatimid movement is the great mystery of ,muslim history 7pp4 #afe-gj74 #ajfe ,sale1 pp4 #hb-hc1 note4 #ajff ,he made five pilgrimages to ,mecca1 and died on the last1 thus attaining to sainthood4 #ajfg ,weil1 ,gesch4 der ,chalifen1 ii1 #ha2 ,dugat1 pp4 #ei-fa2 ,a4 ,mller1 ,der ,islam1 i4 #dgj2 ,macdonald1 p4 #acd4 ,in ,mansour's reign was born ,al ,allaf1 ,sheikh of the ,motazilites4 #ajfh ,dugat1 p4 #fb4 ,the ,hyetians1 who had ,unitarian ,christian leanings1 also held by metempsychosis4 ,sale1 p4 #afc4 #ajfi ,nicholson1 p4 #cga and refs4 #ajgj ,dugat1 p4 #ga4 ,he persecuted ,zendeks in general4 ,nicholson1 pp4 #cgc-gd4 #ajga ,id4 p4 #gb2 ,sale1 pp4 #ahd-he2 ,tabari's ,chronicle1 pt4 v1 ch4 xcvii1 ,zotenberg's tr4 #ahgd1 iv1 #ddg-ec4 ,tabari notes 7p4 #ddh7 that all the ,moslem theologians agree in thinking zendekism much worse than any of the false religions1 since it rejects all and denies ,god as well as the ,prophet4 #ajgb ,cp4 ,steiner1 pp4 #ee sq41 #ff sq42 ,ueberweg1 ,hist4 of ,philos41 i1 #dje4 #ajgc ,dugat1 p4 #gf4 ,see ,sale1 pp4 #hb-hc1 #afb-fc1 as to the champions of this principle4 #ajgd ,sale1 p4 #hc2 ,macdonald1 p4 #aej4 #ajge ,dugat1 p4 #gi2 ,osborn1 ,the ,khalifs of ,baghdad1 p4 #aie4 #ajgf ,palmer1 ,haroun ,alraschid1 p4 #hb4 ,they were really theists4 #ajgg ,weil1 ,geschichte der ,chalifen1 ii1 #bae1 #bfa1 #bhj2 ,a4 ,mller1 ,der ,islam1 pp4 #ead-ae4 ,it was believed that he was at heart a zindiq4 ,nicholson1 p4 #cfh4 #ajgh ,dugat1 pp4 #he-if4 #ajgi ,prof4 ,macdonald1 as cited1 p4 #aed4 #ajhj ,dugat1 p4 #hc4 #ajha ,see extract by ,major ,osborn1 ,khalifs1 p4 #bej4 #ajhb ,osborn1 ,khalifs1 p4 #bdi4 #ajhc ,macdonald1 pp4 #aed-eh1 #afg4 #ajhd ,nicholson1 pp4 #ceh-ei4 ,he it was who first caused to be measured a degree of the earth's surface4 ,the attempt was duly denounced as atheistic by a leading theologian1 ,takyuddin4 ,montucla1 ,hist4 des ,mathmatiques1 d4 ,lalande1 i1 #cee sq42 ,draper1 ,conflict of ,religion and ,science1 p4 #aji4 #ajhe ,a4 ,mller1 ,der ,islam1 i1 #eji sq42 ,weil1 ,gesch4 der ,chalifen1 ii1 #bhj ff4 #ajhf ,dugat1 pp4 #aje-aa2 ,sale1 p4 #hb4 ,apart from this one issue1 general tolerance seems to have prevailed4 ,osborn1 ,khalifs1 p4 #bfe4 #ajhg ,dugat1 p4 #aab2 ,steiner1 p4 #gi4 ,according to ,abulfaragius1 ,motawakkel had the merit of leaving men free to believe what they would as to the creation of the ,koran4 ,sale1 p4 #hb4 #ajhh ,a good analysis is given by ,dugat1 pp4 #ccg-dh4 #ajhi ,the whole of ,aristotle1 except1 apparently1 the ,politics1 had been translated in the time of the philosopher ,avicenna 7fl4 #ajjj74 #ajij ,macdonald1 pp4 #bjj1 #bje-bjf4 #ajia ,steiner1 ,die ,mu'taziliten1 pp4 #aj-aa1 following ,gazzali 7,al ,gazel72 ,weil1 ,gesch4 der ,chalifen1 iii1 #gb4 #ajib ,guyard1 pp4 #da-db2 ,renan1 ,averros1 pp4 #ajd-e2 ,macdonald1 p4 #ahf sq4 ,the cultivators of ,kalm were called ,motecallemn4 #ajic ,ueberweg1 i1 #dje1 #dad2 ,steiner1 p4 #aa2 ,whewell1 ,hist4 of the ,inductive ,sciences1 #crd ed4 i1 #aic-id4 ,compare the laudatory account of ,al ,gazzali by ,prof4 ,macdonald 7pt4 iii1 ch4 iv71 who pronounces him certainly the most sympathetic figure in the history of ,islam 7p4 #bae74 #ajid ,hence1 among other things1 a check on the practice of anatomy1 religious feeling being opposed to it under ,islam as under ,christianity4 ,dugat1 pp4 #fb-fc4 #ajie ,dugat1 pp4 #abc-bh4 #ajif ,browne1 ,literary ,history of ,persia1 ii 7#aijf71 #bij1 #bic2 ,r4 ,a4 ,nicholson1 ,literary ,history of the ,arabs1 #aijg1 p4 #cah4 #ajig ,browne1 as cited1 p4 #bib4 ,cp4 ,von ,kremer1 ,culturgeschichte des ,orients1 #ahge-gg1 ii1 #chf-ie2 ,macdonald1 p4 #aii4 #ajih ,dugat1 p4 #afg2 ,weil1 iii1 #gb4 #ajii ,dugat1 pp4 #afd-fh4 #aajj ,nicholson1 pp4 #cad-ae4 #aaja ,the ,diwan of ,abu'l-,ala1 by ,henry ,baerlein1 #aijh1 st4 #cf4 ,cp4 #a1 #cg1 #da1 #db1 #ec1 #ha1 #hf1 #id1 and the extracts given by ,nicholson1 pp4 #caf-bc4 #aajb ,weil1 ii1 #bae4 #aajc ,decline and ,fall1 ch4 lvii4 ,bohn ed4 vi1 #chb1 and note4 ,cp4 ,e4 ,h4 ,whinfield1 ,the ,quatrains of ,omar ,khayym1 #ahhb1 p4 #d4 #aajd ,see the preface to ,fitzgerald's translation of the ,rubiyt4 #aaje ,in one quatrain1 of doubtful authenticity1 is the line ,khayym1 who longtime stitched the tents of learning 7,whinfield1 xxxviii71 which excludes the idea of literal handicraft4 #aajf ,j4 ,k4 ,m4 ,shirazi1 ,life of ,omar ,al-,khayymi1 ed4 #ahie1 pp4 #cj-da4 #aajg ,id4 pp4 #ea1 #eh4 #aajh ,id4 p4 #ed4 #aaji ,id4 p4 #ef4 #aaaj ,id4 p4 #ei4 #aaaa ,id4 pp4 #fb-fc4 #aaab ,id4 p4 #ic4 #aaac ,id4 pp4 #ei-fa4 #aaad ,id4 pp4 #fi-gf1 #hf-hh4 #aaae ,cited in introd4 to ,dole's variorum ed4 of the ,rubiyt1 #ahif1 i1 p4 xix4 ,cp4 ,macdonald1 p4 #aii4 #aaaf ,dost thou desire to taste eternal bliss8 ,vex thine own heart1 but never vex another4 7,whinfield1 vi47 ,seek not the ,kaaba1 rather seek a heart4 7,id4 vii47 ,this note is often repeated4 ,e4g4 xxxii1 li4 #aaag ,see in the very competent translation of ,mrs4 ,h4 ,m4 ,cadell 7who remarked that ,fitzgerald has rather written a poem upon ,omar than translated him71 quatrains #ab1 #ad1 #ae1 #bj1 #bh1 #bi1 #db1 #de1 #dh1 #ea;d1 #he1 #hh;b1 #acc1 #ada1 #adc4 etc42 in the artistically turned version of ,mr4 ,a4 ,h4 ,talbot1 which follows very faithfully the literal prose translation of ,mr4 ,heron-,allen1 ,nos4 #a1 #c1 #ae1 #ah1 #ai1 #bd1 #cc1 #da1 #de1 #ei1 #gb1 #ia1 #aae1 #abc1 #adh2 and in ,whinfield's version1 ,nos4 #aj1 #be1 #cb1 #da1 #de1 #df1 #fb1 #fh1 #gg1 #hd1 #hg1 #ajd1 #aje1 #aaa1 #aac1 #aah1 #adb1 #add1 #adh1 #aea1 #aeg1 #afa1 #agi1 #aie1 #bjj1 #bja1 #bjc1 #baf4 #aaah ,shirazi1 pp4 #ajb-ajh4 ,early in the thirteenth century he was denounced by a ,sufi mystic as an unhappy philosopher1 atheist1 and materialist4 ,browne1 ,lit4 ,hist4 of ,persia1 ii1 #bej4 ,abu'l-,ala1 of course1 was similarly denounced4 #aaai ,whinfield1 cited by ,browne1 pp4 #aji-aaj4 #aabj ,cp4 ,mrs4 ,cadell1 ,the ,rub'yat of ,omar ,khayam1 #ahii4 ,garnett's introd4 pp4 xvii1 xviii-xxi1 xxiv1 and ,shirazi1 as cited1 pp4 #gi-hj4 #aaba ,fitzgerald's pref4 #dth ed4 p4 xiii2 ,whinfield1 ,no4 #adg4 ,cp4 quatrains cited in art4 ,sufiism1 in ,relig4 ,systems of the ,world1 #bnd ed4 pp4 #cbe-bf4 #aabb ,cp4 ,whinfield1 p4 #hf1 note on ,no4 #adg4 #aabc ,guyard1 as cited1 p4 #db4 ,but cp4 ,ueberweg1 i1 #daa2 ,nicholson1 pp4 #bcc-cd4 #aabd ,it is not impossible1 ,max ,mller notwithstanding1 that the name may have come originally from the ,greek sophoi1 the wise1 though it is usually connected with sufi the woollen robe worn by the ,sufite4 ,there are other etymologies4 ,cp4 ,fraser1 ,histor4 and ,descrip4 ,account of ,persia1 #ahcd1 p4 #cbc1 note2 ,dugat1 p4 #cbf2 and art4 ,sufiism in ,relig4 ,systems of the ,world1 #bnd ed4 p4 #cae4 ,on the ,sufi system in general see also ,max ,mller1 ,psychol4 ,relig4 ,lect4 vi4 #aabe ,cp4 ,renan1 ,averros1 p4 #bic1 as to ,sufi latitudinarianism4 #aabf ,guyard1 p4 #dd2 ,relig4 ,systems1 p4 #cai4 #aabg ,hafiz in his own day was reckoned impious by many4 ,cp4 ,malcolm1 ,sketches of ,persia1 #ahbg1 ii1 #ajj4 #aabh ,fitzgerald's pref4 p4 x4 #aabi ,yet he was disposed to put to death those who claimed mystic intercourse with ,deity4 ,sale1 pp4 #agg-gh4 #aacj ,whose ,salaman and ,absal1 tr4 by ,fitzgerald1 is so little noticed in comparison with the ,rubiyt of ,omar4 #aaca ,e4 ,c4 ,browne1 in ,religious ,systems1 as cited1 p4 #cba2 ,dugat1 p4 #cca4 #aacb ,shirazi1 pp4 #bb-bh2 ,fitzgerald's pref4 following ,mirkhond2 ,fraser1 ,persia1 p4 #cbi4 #aacc ,cp4 ,dugat1 p4 #ccf2 ,syed ,ameer ,ali1 pp4 #caa-ae2 ,gobineau1 ,les religions et les philosophies dans l',asie centrale1 #b;e dit4 p4 #fh4 #aacd ,sale1 p4 #agf4 ,the same doctrine is fairly ancient in ,india4 7,muir1 ,original ,sanskrit ,texts1 v1 #cac1 note47 ,a belief that hell-fire will not be eternal was held among the ,motazilite sect of ,jhedhians4 ,sale1 p4 #afd4 ,the ,thamamians1 again1 held that at the resurrection all infidels1 idolaters1 atheists1 ,jews1 ,christians1 ,magians1 and heretics1 shall be reduced to dust4 ,id4 ib4 #aace ,cp4 ,renan1 ,averros1 p4 #aja4 ,cp4 p4 #agb4 #aacf ,renan's tr4 in ,averros1 p4 #aff4 ,the wording of the last phrase suggests a misconstruction4 #aacg ,cp4 p4 #agb4 #aach ,renan1 ,averros1 pp4 #ajd-ajg4 #aaci ,steiner1 ,die ,mu'taziliten1 p4 #f4 #aadj ,ueberweg1 i1 #dab2 ,renan1 ,averros1 pp4 #dd1 #if4 #aada ,e4 ,g4 ,browne1 ,lit4 ,hist4 of ,persia1 ii1 #ajg4 #aadb ,whom he pronounced a pagan and an infidel4 ,haurau1 ,,ii1 i1 #bi4 #aadc ,cp4 ,renan1 ,averros1 pp4 #eg1 #if-ih2 ,whewell1 ,hist4 of the ,inductive ,sciences1 #crd4 ed4 ,i1 #aic4 ,renan1 following ,degenerando 7cp4 ,whewell1 as cited71 credits ,gazzali with anticipating ,hume's criticism of the idea of causation2 but ,gazzali's position is that of dogmatic theism1 not of naturalism4 ,see ,lewes1 ,hist4 of ,philos41 #dth ed4 ii1 #eg4 #aadd ,haurau1 ,hist4 de la philos4 scolastique1 ,ptie ,,ii1 i1 #ce4 #aade ,cp4 ,seignobos1 ,hist4 de la ,civ4 ii1 #eh2 ,stanley ,lane-,poole1 ,the ,moors in ,spain1 pref42 ,milman1 ,latin ,christianity1 #dth ed4 ix4 #ajh-ah2 ,u4 ,r4 ,burke1 ,history of ,spain1 i1 ch4 #af2 ,baden ,powell1 as cited1 pp4 #id-ajd2 ,gebhart1 ,origines de la ,renaissance en ,italie1 #ahgi1 pp4 #ahe-hi2 and post1 ch4 x4 #aadf ,baden ,powell1 ,hist4 of ,nat4 ,philos4 #ahcd1 p4 #ig2 ,whewell1 ,hist4 of the ,induct4 ,sciences1 #crd ed4 ii4 #bgc-gd4 #aadg ,dr4 ,l4 ,leclerc1 ,hist4 de la ,mdecine ,arabe1 #ahgf1 i1 #dfb2 ,dr4 ,e4 von ,meyer1 ,hist4 of ,chemistry1 ,eng4 tr4 #bnd ed4 p4 #bh4 #aadh ,cp4 ,buckle1 ,introd4 to ,hist4 of ,civ4 in ,england1 #a-vol4 ed4 p4 #gj4 #aadi ,lane-,poole1 ,the ,moors in ,spain1 p4 #gc4 #aaej ,properly ,morabethin--men of ,god or of religion2 otherwise known as ,marabouts4 #aaea ,sedillot1 p4 #bih4 #aaeb ,cp4 ,dozy1 ,hist4 des ,musulmans d',espagne1 iii1 #bdh-hf2 ,ueberweg1 i1 #dae4 #aaec ,renan1 ,averros1 pp4 #ih-ii4 #aaed ,ueberweg4 i4 #dae2 ,renan1 ,averros1 pp4 #cb1 #ii4 #aaee ,renan1 ,averros1 p4 #ii4 #aaef ,renan1 ,averros1 p4 #ade4 #aaeg ,id4 pp4 #aef-eh4 #aaeh ,id4 pp4 #aei-fj4 #aaei ,renan1 ,averros1 pp4 #afj-fb4 #aafj ,ueberweg1 i1 #daf2 ,steiner1 p4 #f2 ,renan1 ,averros1 p4 #afb sq4 #aafa ,ueberweg1 i1 #dfj2 ,renan1 pp4 #beh1 #bge4 #aafb ,renan1 ,averros1 p4 #afi1 and references4 #aafc ,id4 pp4 #afe-ff4 #aafd ,id4 p4 #e4 ,cp4 the ,avertissement1 p4 iii4 #aafe ,renan1 ,averros1 pp4 #ca-cf4 ,renan surmises that the popular hostility to the philosophers1 which was very marked1 was largely due to the element of the conquered ,christians1 who were noted for their neglect of astronomy and natural science4 #aaff ,cp4 ,ueberweg4 i4 #dae-ag4 #aafg ,cp4 ,flint1 ,history of the ,philosophy of ,history1 ed4 #ahic1 vol4 i1 p4 #afi4 #aafh ,cp4 ,flint1 p4 #abi1 as to their hostility to him4 #aafi ,huth1 ,life and ,writings of ,buckle1 ii1 #aga4 #aagj ,ricaut1 ,present ,state of the ,ottoman ,empire1 #afhf1 p4 #bde4 #aaga ,dugat1 p4 #ei4 ,the ,ameer ,ali ,syed1 ,moulvi1 ,m4,a41 ,,ll4,b41 whose ,critical ,examination of the ,life and ,teachings of ,mohammed appeared in #ahgc1 writes as a ,motazilite of a moderate type4 #aagb ,macdonald1 pp4 #abj1 #aif1 #bhf4 #aagc ,a4 ,franck1 tudes ,orientales1 #ahfa1 pp4 #bda-dh1 citing the ,dabistan4 #aagd ,gobineau1 ,les religions et les philosophies dans l',asie centrale1 #b;e dit4 ch4 v2 ,j4 ,k4 ,m4 ,shirazi1 ,life of ,omar ,khayymi1 ed4 #aije1 p4 #ajb4 ,the latter writer notes1 however1 that the cultured classes1 who ought to know better1 are at no pains to dissipate the existing religious prejudice against one ,omar of whose reputation every ,persian may well feel proud4 ,at the present time 444 the name of ,omar is no less execrated by the ,shi-ite mob in ,persia than it was in his own day4 ,id4 p4 #ajh4 #aage ,fraser1 ,persia1 p4 #ccj4 ,this writer 7p4 #bci7 describes ,sufiism as the superstition of the freethinker1 and as often assumed as a cloak to cover entire infidelity4 #aagf ,e4g41 ,dr4 ,wills1 ,the ,land of the ,lion and the ,sun1 ed4 #ahia1 p4 #cci4 #aagg ,smith and ,dwight1 ,missionary ,researches in ,armenia1 #ahcd1 p4 #cdj4 ,cp4 ,rev4 ,h4 ,southgate1 ,tour through ,armenia1 etc4 #ahdj1 ii1 #aec2 and ,morier's ,hadji ,baba of ,ispahan 7#ahbd71 ch4 xlvii1 near end4 #aagh ,fraser1 ,persia1 p4 #cca2 ,malcolm1 ,sketches of ,persia1 ii1 #ajh2 ,gobineau1 as cited1 ch4 v4 #aagi ,h4 ,vambry1 ,der ,islam im neunzehnten ,jahrhundert1 #ahge1 pp4 #cb-cc4 ,vambry further remarks3 ,the half-fanatical1 half-freethinking tone of ,persians has often surprised me in my controversies with the most zealous ,schiites4 #aahj ,as to the rise of this sect see ,gobineau1 as cited1 pp4 #ada-ceh2 ,e4 ,g4 ,browne's ,the ,episode of the ,bb2 and his lecture on ,bbism in ,religious ,systems of the ,world4 ,cp4 ,renan1 ,les ,aptres1 pp4 #cgh-ha4 #aaha ,h4 ,araklian1 ,mmoire sur ,le ,bbisme en ,perse1 in the ,actes du ,premier ,congrs ,international d',histoire des ,religions1 ,paris1 #aijb1 #b ,ptie4 ,fasc4 i4 #aahb ,gobineau1 pp4 #afg sq42 #ahj sq42 ,araklian1 p4 #id4 #aahc ,lane1 ,manners and ,customs of the ,modern ,egyptians1 #eth ed4 #ahga1 i1 #cdi1 #cef4 ,there are1 ,i believe1 says ,lane 7writing originally in #ahcf71 very few professed ,muslims who are really unbelievers2 and these dare not openly avow their unbelief through fear of losing their heads for their apostacy4 ,i have heard of two or three such who have been rendered so by long and intimate intercourse with ,europeans2 and have met with one materialist1 who has often had long discussions with me4 #aahd ,id4 ii1 #cji4 7,suppl4 ,,iii1 ,of ,late ,innovations in ,egypt47 #aahe ,see the documents reproduced by ,max ,mller1 ,introd4 to the ,science of ,religion1 ed4 #ahhb1 ,app4 #a4 #aahf ,id4 pp4 #bad1 #baf4 #aahg ,id4 pp4 #baj1 #bag1 #bbd1 #bbe4 #aahh ,id4 pp4 #bbd1 #bbf4 #aahi ,id4 pp4 #bbf1 #bbi4 #aaij ,guyard1 p4 #de2 ,steiner1 p4 #e1 note2 ,lane1 ,the ,modern ,egyptians1 ed4 #ahga1 i4 #acg-ch4 ,cp4 ,spencer1 ,study of ,sociology1 ch4 xii1 p4 #bib2 ,bosworth ,smith1 ,mohammed and ,mohammedanism1 #bnd ed4 pp4 #cae-ai4 #aaia ,derenbourg1 p4 #gb2 ,steiner1 p4 #a2 ,lane1 i1 #gi4 #aaib ,cp4 ,bosworth ,smith1 ,mohammed and ,mohammedanism1 ,lectures ,i and ,,iv2 ,canon ,isaac ,taylor1 address to ,church ,congress at ,wolverhampton1 #ahhg1 and letters to ,times1 ,oct4 and ,nov4 #ahhg4 ,on the other or anti-,mohammedan side see ,canon ,robinson1 ,hausaland1 #crd ed4 #aijj1 p4 #ahf sq4--a somewhat obviously prejudiced argument4 ,see pp4 #aij-ia4 #aaic ,sir ,harry ,h4 ,johnston1 ,history of the ,colonization of ,africa by ,alien ,races1 #ahii1 p4 #bhc4 #aaid ,this label has been applied by scholars to the seventh1 eighth1 ninth1 and tenth centuries4 ,one writer1 who supposes it to cover the period from #ejj to #adjj1 and protests1 is attacking only a misconception4 7,m4 ,a4 ,lane1 ,the ,level of ,social ,motion1 ,new ,york1 #aijb41 p4 #bcb47 ,the ,renaissance is commonly reckoned to begin about the end of the fourteenth century 7cp4 ,symonds1 ,age of the ,despots1 ch4 i74 ,but the whole period from the fall of the ,roman ,empire to the fall of ,constantinople1 or to the ,reformation1 is broadly included in the ,middle ,ages4 #aaie ,essai sur les ,moeurs1 ch4 xlv4 #aaif ,according to which ,god predestinated good1 but merely foreknew evil4 #aaig ,for ,leo's contacts with the ,saracens see ,finlay1 ,hist4 of ,greece1 ed4 ,tozer1 ii1 #ad-bj1 #bd1 #ca-cb1 #cd-ce1 #cg1 etc41 and compare p4 #bah4 ,see also ,hardwick1 ,church ,history3 ,middle ,age1 #ahcc1 p4 #gh1 note #b2 and ,waddington1 ,history of the ,church1 #ahcc1 p4 #ahg1 note4 #aaih ,kurtz1 ,hist4 of the ,chr4 ,church1 ,eng4 tr4 i1 #beb4 #aaii ,kurtz1 p4 #bec4 #abjj ,as to his hostility to letters see ,gibbon1 ch4 liii--,bohn ed4 vi1 #bbh4 ,of course the other side were not any more liberal4 ,cp4 ,finlay1 ii1 #bbb4 #abja ,gieseler1 ii1 #bjb4 ,per4 ,,iii1 ,div4 ,i1 pt4 i1 #a4 ,in the next century this was said to have gone in some churches to the point of rejection of ,christ4 ,id4 p4 #bjg1 note #bh4 #abjb ,id4 pp4 #bje1 #bjg2 ,finlay1 ii1 #aie4 #abjc ,neander1 ,hist4 of ,chr4 ,church1 ,bohn tr4 v1 #bhi2 vi1 #bff4 #abjd ,on their connection at this time with the culture-movement of the ,khalifate of ,mamoun1 see ,finlay1 ii1 #bbd-be2 ,gibbon1 ch4 liii--,bohn ed4 vi1 #bbh-bi4 #abje ,finlay1 ii1 #aha1 note4 ,the enemies of ,photius accused him of lending himself to the emperor's buffooneries4 ,neander1 vi1 #cjc-cjd4 ,cp4 ,mosheim1 #i ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 iii1 #g2 and ,gibbon1 ch4 xxxiii--ed4 cited1 vi1 #bbi4 ,finlay declares 7p4 #bbb7 that no ,greek of the intellectual calibre of ,photius1 ,john the ,grammarian1 and ,leo the ,mathematician1 has since appeared4 #abjf ,neander1 vi1 #bhj4 #abjg ,finlay1 ii1 #agd-ge1 #ahj4 #abjh ,hardwick1 ,church ,history3 ,middle ,age1 #ahec1 p4 #he4 ,it is noteworthy that the heathen ,magyars held the ,mazdean dualistic principle1 and that their evil power was named ,armanyos 7 ,ahrimanes74 ,mailth1 ,geschichte der ,magyaren1 #ahbh1 i1 #be-bf4 #abji ,gibbon1 ch4 liv2 ,mosheim1 #i ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 #e2 ,gieseler1 ,per4 ,,iii1 ,div4 ,i1 pt4 i1 #c2 ,g4 ,s4 ,faber1 ,the ,ancient ,vallenses and ,waldenses1 #ahch1 pp4 #cb-fj4 ,some fresh light is thrown on the ,paulician doctrines by the discovery of the old ,armenian book1 ,the ,key of ,truth1 edited and translated by ,f4 ,c4 ,conybeare1 ,oxford1 #ahih4 ,it belonged to the ,armenian sect of ,thonraki1 or ,thonrakians1 or ,thondrakians--people of the village of ,thondrac 7,neander1 vi1 #cdg7--;founded by one ,sembat1 originally a ,paulician1 in the ninth century 7,hardwick1 ,church ,history3 ,middle ,age1 p4 #bja2 ,neander1 last cit474 ,for a criticism of ,mr4 ,conybeare's theories see the ,church ,quarterly ,review1 ,jan4 #ahii1 ,art4 ,v4 #abaj ,gieseler1 ,per4 ,,iii1 #de1 #df1 vol4 ii1 pp4 #dhi1 #dib2 ,hardwick1 p4 #hf4 ,the sect of ,euchites1 also anti-priestly1 seem to have joined them4 ,faber denies any ,manichean element4 #abaa ,gibbon1 as cited1 vi1 #bda4 #abab ,gibbon1 vi1 #bdb2 ,hardwick1 pp4 #hh-ij4 #abac ,gibbon1 vi1 #bde1 and note2 ,finlay1 ii1 #fj4 #abad ,despite the express decision1 the use of statues proper 7agalmata7 gradually disappeared from the ,greek ,church1 the disuse finally creating a strong antipathy1 while pictures and ikons remained in reverence 7,tozer's note to ,finlay1 ii1 #afe2 cp4 ,waddington1 ,history of the ,church1 #ahcc1 p4 #aij1 note74 ,it is probable that the sheer loss of artistic skill counted for much in the change4 ,cp4 ,milman1 ,latin ,christianity1 bk4 xiv1 ch4 ix2 #dth ed4 ix1 #cjh-ab4 ,it is noteworthy that1 whereas in the struggle over images their use was for two long periods legally abolished1 it was in both cases restored by empresses ,irene and ,theodora4 #abae ,hardwick1 p4 #hj1 note2 ,neander1 vi1 #cdj4 #abaf ,cp4 ,kurtz1 ,his4 of the ,chr4 ,church1 ,eng4 tr4 i1 #bga4 #abag ,gibbon1 vi1 #bdf2 ,finlay1 iii1 #fd2 ,mosheim1 #aj ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 v4 #abah ,finlay1 iii1 #ff4 #abai ,gibbon1 as cited2 ,r4 ,lane ,poole1 ,illustrations of the ,history of ,medieval ,thought1 #ahhd1 pp4 #ia-if2 ,mosheim1 #aa ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 v4 #abbj ,finlay1 iii1 #fg-fh2 ,mosheim1 #ab ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 v1 #b4 ,hardwick1 pp4 #cjb-cje2 ,kurtz1 i1 #bgj-gc4 #abba ,gieseler1 ,per4 ,,iii1 ,div4 ,,ii1 pt4 iii1 #df4 #abbb ,gibbon1 vi1 #bdi1 note2 ,poole1 p4 #ia1 note2 ,de ,potter1 ,l',esprit de ,l'glise1 #ahba1 vi1 #af1 note4 #abbc ,boniface1 ,ep4 lxvi1 cited by ,poole1 p4 #bc2 ,reid's ,mosheim1 p4 #bfc1 note #c2 ,neander1 ,hist4 of the ,christian ,church1 ,bohn tr4 v1 #hf-fg2 ,hardwick1 p4 #bc4 #abbd ,for excellent accounts of both see ,mr4 ,poole's ,illustrations1 pp4 #bh-ej4 ,as to ,claudius cp4 ,monastier1 ,hist4 of the ,vaudois ,church1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahdh1 pp4 #ac-db1 and ,faber1 ,the ,ancient ,vallenses1 bk4 iii1 ch4 iv4 #abbe ,see ,mr4 ,poole's ,illustrations1 pp4 #df-dh1 for an account of the privileges then accorded to ,jews4 #abbf ,this is not incompatible with their having opposed both ,saracens 7,claudius in actual war7 and ,jews1 as ,christian bishops4 #abbg ,poole1 ,illustrations1 p4 #cg4 #abbh ,this when the ,church found its account in adopting all such usages4 ,lea1 ,superstition and ,force1 pp4 #bdb1 #bhj1 etc4 ,it is to be noted1 however1 that one ,council1 that of ,valence1 #hee1 perhaps under the influence of ,agobard's teaching1 published a canon prohibiting all duels1 and praying the emperor to abolish them4 ,cited by ,waddington1 ,history of the ,church1 #ahcc1 p4 #bdb1 note1 from ,fleury4 #abbi ,de ,grandine et tonitruis1 c4 #c2 and ,de imaginibus1 c4 #ac1 cited by ,reuter4 #abcj ,he had the clearest head in the whole ninth century2 and as an influence 7,mann der ,tendenz7 is above comparison 7,reuter1 ,gesch4 der religisen ,aufklrung im ,mittelalter1 i1 #bd74 ,as to his acute handling of the thorny question of reason and authority see ,reuter1 i1 #dj-da4 #abca ,poole1 pp4 #ej-eb4 #abcb ,noack1 ,philosophie-,geschichtliches ,lexikon1 s4 v4 ,rabanus4 ,as to the doubtful works in which ,rabanus coincides with ,scotus ,erigena1 cp4 ,poole1 p4 #ccf2 ,noack1 as cited2 ,ueberweg1 i1 #cfg-fh4 #abcc ,ueberweg1 pp4 #cff1 #cga2 ,poole1 pp4 #ii1 #aja1 #ccf4 #abcd ,ueberweg1 pp4 #cef-fe4 ,that there was1 however1 an ,irish scholasticism as early as the eighth century is shown by ,mosheim1 #h ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 iii1 #f1 note #c4 ,cp4 ,huber1 ,johannes ,scotus ,erigena1 #ahfa1 p4 #dbh sq42 ,taillandier1 ,scot ,erigne et la philosophie scolastique1 #ahdc1 p4 #aih4 #abce ,lea1 as cited1 p4 #bhj4 #abcf ,the learned and freethinking guest of ,charles le ,chauve1 ,hardwick calls him1 p4 #agf4 ,it needed the protection of ,charles to save him from the orthodox1 ,hincmar included4 ,see ,ampre1 ,histoire littraire de la ,france1 #ahdj1 iii1 #id-ie1 as to the anger against him4 #abcg ,see the whole argument summarized by ,huber1 p4 #ei sq4 #abch ,cp4 ,poole1 ,illustrations1 pp4 #fa1 #fc1 #fe2 ,neander1 ,bohn tr4 vi1 #aih sq42 and the present writer's introd4 to ,shaftesbury's ,characteristics1 ed4 #aijj1 p4 xxxiv4 ,and see above1 p4 #ahd4 #abci ,de divisione ,natur1 l4 v2 ,de ,prdestinatione1 c4 #ag2 ,poole1 pp4 #ga-gb2 ,neander1 vi1 #aih-ii2 ,huber1 as cited1 p4 #dje4 #abdj ,in the treatise ,on the ,division of ,nature4 ,see the extracts given in the ,cabinet ,cyclopdia survey of ,europe in the ,middle ,ages1 ii1 #bff-fh4 ,they prove1 says the author of the survey1 that ,john ,erigena had none of the spirit of ,christianity4 #abda ,poole1 pp4 #fd1 #gf4 #abdb ,s4 ,robins1 ,a ,defence of the ,faith1 #ahfb1 pp4 #be-bf4 #abdc ,huber1 pp4 #dce-dj4 #abdd ,cp4 ,neander1 ,hist4 of the ,chr4 ,church1 ,bohn tr4 vi1 #aib4 #abde ,de ,corpore et ,sanguine ,domini1 rep4 ,oxford1 #ahch1 cc4 #h-af1 #bi1 #ef1 #gb-gf1 etc4 #abdf ,c4 #ai3 ,non sicut quidam volunt1 anima sola hoc mysterio pascitur4 ,neander1 vi1 #baj4 #abdg ,hardwick1 pp4 #agh1 #aha2 ,neander1 vi1 #bag4 #abdh ,cp4 ,neander1 vi1 #bai4 #abdi ,poole1 p4 #fi4 #abej ,c4 #f3 ,ineptas qustiunculas et aniles pne fabulas ,scotorumque pultes4 ,neander1 vi1 #bjg4 #abea ,neander1 vi1 #bai1 citing ,mabillon1 ,analecta1 i1 #bjg4 #abeb ,compare the ,gemma ,ecclesiastica of ,giraldus ,cambrensis for an inside view of the avarice of the clergy in his day4 #abec ,neander1 ,hist4 of the ,chr4 ,church1 v1 #ahg4 ,see the whole section for a good account of the general economic and moral evolution4 ,neander repeatedly 7pp4 #ahf-hg7 insists on the magical element in the doctrine of the mass1 as established by ,gregory the ,great4 #abed ,see ,neander1 as cited1 v1 #ahc4 ,the point was well put some centuries later by the ,italian story-teller ,masuccio1 an orthodox ,catholic but a vehement anti-clericalist1 in a generalization concerning the monks3 ,the best punishment for them would be for ,god to abolish ,purgatory2 they would then receive no more alms1 and would be forced to go back to their spades4 ,cited by ,burckhardt1 ,the ,civilization of the ,renaissance in ,italy1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahib1 p4 #dfa4 #abee ,neander1 vi1 #ahb4 ,rabanus ,maurus distinctly belied him on this score4 7,id4 p4 #ahc47 #abef ,formerly1 only the saved had been spoken of as prdestinati1 the reprobate being called prsciti4 ,neander1 vi1 #aha4 #abeg ,neander1 vi1 #ahg4 ,cp4 ,hampden1 ,bampton ,lectures on ,the ,scholastic ,philosophy1 #crd ed4 p4 #dah2 and ,ampre1 ,histoire littraire de ,france1 #ahdj1 iii1 #ib4 #abeh ,poole1 p4 #ajc4 ,cp4 ,neander1 vi1 #bbe4 #abei ,neander1 vi1 #bcg-ch4 #abfj ,id4 pp4 #bee-ef4 #abfa ,id4 p4 #beg4 #abfb ,id4 p4 #beh4 ,as to the wide extent of the discussion see ,reuter1 ,geschichte der religisen ,aufklrung im ,mittelalter1 i1 #aab4 #abfc ,in #ide1 however1 ,atto1 ,bishop of ,verceil1 is found complaining that some people from the ,italian border had introduced heresies4 #abfd ,mosheim1 #aj ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 v1 #c2 ,poole1 ,illustrations1 p4 #ia4 #abfe ,hardwick1 p4 #bjc4 #abff ,kurtz1 ,history of the ,christian ,church1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahfh1 i1 #dce4 #abfg ,hnault1 ,abrg chronologique1 ann4 #ajbb2 ,neander1 ,hist4 of the ,chr4 ,relig4 and ,church1 ,eng4 tr4 ,bohn ed4 vi1 #cdi sq42 ,mosheim1 #aj ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 v1 #c2 ,de ,potter1 ,l',esprit de l'glise1 vi1 #ah-ai2 ,poole1 pp4 #if-ih2 ,lea1 ,history of the ,inquisition1 i1 #ajd1 #ajh-aji1 #bah2 ,gieseler1 ,per4 ,,iii1 ,div4 ii1 #df4 ,the contemporary accounts say nothing as to the heretics being ,manicheans4 ,neander1 p4 #cej1 note4 #abfh ,cp4 ,murdock's note on ,mosheim1 ,reid's ed4 p4 #chf2 ,monastier1 ,hist4 of the ,vaudois ,church1 p4 #cc2 ,waddington1 p4 #cef2 ,hardwick1 p4 #bjc1 note1 and p4 #bjg4 #abfi ,de ,potter1 pp4 #bj-ba2 ,gieseler1 as cited1 p4 #dig2 ,lea1 i1 #ajd1 #aji4 #abgj ,mosheim1 as last cited1 #d2 ,gieseler1 ii1 #dif 7 #df72 ,hardwick1 pp4 #bjc1 #bjd4 #abga ,mosheim4 #aa ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 v1 #b1 and ,murdock's notes2 #ab ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 v1 #d1 #e4 #abgb ,hardwick1 p4 #cjf2 ,kurtz1 i1 #dcc4 ,the derivation through the ,italian is however disputed4 ,cp4 ,murdock's note to ,mosheim1 ,reid's ed4 p4 #che1 and ,gieseler1 ii1 #dhf4 ,the ,chazari1 a ,turkish 7,crimean7 people1 partly ,christian and partly ,moslem in the ninth century 7,gieseler1 as cited71 may have given the name of ,gazzari1 as ,bulgar gave ,bougre2 and the ,german ,ketzer may have come directly from ,chazar4 ,the ,christianity of the ,chazars1 influenced by neighbourhood with ,islam1 seems to have been a very free syncretism4 #abgc ,cp4 ,gieseler1 ,per4 ,,iii1 #bd1 #cd2 ,abb ,queant1 ,gerbert1 ou ,sylvestre ,,ii1 #ahfh1 pp4 #c-e1 citing ,chev1 ,histoire des papes1 t4 ii1 and ,baronius1 ,annales1 ad ann4 #ijj1 n4 #a2 ,mosheim1 #i ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 ii1 #a-d2 with his and ,murdock's refs42 #aj ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 ii1 #a1 #b2 #aa ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 ii1 #a2 ch4 iii1 #a-c2 #ab ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 ii1 #a2 #ac ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 ii1 #a-g4 ,the authorities are often eminent ,churchmen1 as ,agobard1 ,ratherius1 ,bernard1 and ,gregory ,,viii4 #abgd ,see ,mosheim1 #h ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 ii1 #e1 note z4 ,cp4 ,duruy1 ,hist4 de ,france1 ii1 #agj4 #abge ,cp4 ,prof4 ,abdy1 ,lectures on ,feudalism1 #ahij1 p4 #gb4 #abgf ,mosheim1 #ab ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 v1 #f4 #abgg ,cp4 ,morin1 ,origines de la dmocratie1 #c;e d4 pp4 #afd-fe2 ,mosheim1 #aj ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 iii1 #c4 #abgh ,morin1 p4 #afh4 ,compare1 on the whole communal movement1 ,duruy1 ,hist4 de ,france1 ch4 xxi1 and ,michelet4 #abgi ,gieseler1 ,per4 ,,iii1 #df1 end2 ,lea1 i1 #aji1 #bah4 #abhj ,monastier1 ,hist4 of the ,vaudois ,ch41 p4 #cb2 ,lea1 i1 #aaj4 #abha ,bryce1 ,the ,holy ,roman ,empire1 #hth ed4 p4 #acd4 ,see p4 #ace for a list of ,john's offences2 and cp4 p4 #he as to other papal records4 ,for a contemporary account of ,pope ,honorius ,,ii 7d4 #aacj7 see ,milman1 ,latin ,christianity1 iii1 #ddh-di4 #abhb ,hallam1 ,middle ,ages1 #aath ed4 ii1 #agd4 #abhc ,cp4 ,mller1 ,allgemeine ,geschichte1 ,b4 xiv1 ,cap4 #ag4 #abhd ,bryce1 p4 #aeb4 #abhe ,janus1 ,the ,pope and the ,councils1 ,eng4 tr4 pp4 #agh-gi4 #abhf ,cp4 ,heeren1 ,essai sur l'influence des ,croisades1 #ahjh1 p4 #agb4 #abhg ,sir ,g4 ,cox1 ,the ,crusades1 p4 #aaa4 #abhh ,cp4 ,lea1 i1 #aaa4 #abhi ,id4 p4 #aae4 #abij ,hardwick1 p4 #caj2 ,lea1 i1 #fh2 ,reuter1 ,gesch4 der religisen ,aufklrung im ,mittelalter1 i1 #adh-di2 ,mosheim1 as last cited1 #g4 #abia ,cp4 ,motley1 ,rise of the ,dutch ,republic1 ed4 #ahfc1 p4 #cf4 #abib ,mosheim1 #ab ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 v1 #g-i1 and varior4 notes2 ,monastier1 pp4 #ch-da1 #dc-dg2 ,milman1 ,latin ,christianity1 v1 #chd-ij4 #abic ,hardwick1 p4 #bfg2 ,mosheim1 as last cited1 #aj2 ,monastier1 p4 #di4 #abid ,hardwick1 p4 #bjd1 note2 ,kurtz1 i1 #dcc4 ,cp4 the ,transactions of the ,new ,shakespeare ,society1 #ahge-gf1 pt4 ii1 p4 #cac2 ,mosheim1 #aa ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 ii1 #ac1 and note2 ,milman1 ,latin ,christianity1 v1 #dja4 ,on the sects in general see ,de ,potter1 vi1 #bag-caj2 and ,cant1 ,gli ,eretici d',italia1 #ahfe1 i1 #adi-ec4 #abie ,lea1 i1 #aae4 #abif ,id4 pp4 #aag-ah4 #abig ,id4 p4 #aai4 #abih ,kurtz1 i1 #dce2 ,lea1 i1 #aai4 #abii ,hardwick1 p4 #cjh1 note2 ,murdock's note to ,mosheim1 p4 #dbf2 ,monastier1 pp4 #ajf-ajg4 #acjj ,lea1 i1 #abd4 #acja ,id4 p4 #abf4 #acjb ,id4 pp4 #abg-bh4 #acjc ,kitchin1 ,history of ,france1 #dth ed4 #ahhi1 i1 #bhf2 citing ,chron4 de ,st4 ,denis1 p4 #cej4 ,the ,annales ,victoriani at ,philip's death 7#abbc7 pronounce him ecclesiarum et religionarum personarum amator et fautor 7,hnault's ,abrg ,chronologique74 ,among the many ,cathari put to death in his reign was ,nicholas1 the most famous painter in ,france--burned at ,braine in #abjd4 ,lea1 i1 #aca4 #acjd ,lea1 i1 #aac-ad4 ,cp4 ,ranke1 ,hist4 of the ,popes1 ,eng4 tr4 #a-vol4 ed4 p4 #ac4 #acje ,cp4 ,hardwick1 p4 #cab2 ,mosheim1 #ab ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 v1 #aa1 and notes in ,reid's ed42 ,monastier1 ,hist4 of the ,vaudois ,church1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahdh1 pp4 #ab-bi2 ,faber1 ,the ,ancient ,vallenses and ,albigenses1 pp4 #bh1 #bhd1 etc4 ,as ,vigilantius took refuge in the ,cottian ,alps1 his doctrine may have survived there1 as argued by ,monastier 7p4 #aj7 and ,faber 7p4 #bij74 ,the influence of ,claudius of ,turin1 as they further contend1 might also come into play4 ,on the whole subject see ,gieseler1 ,per4 ,,iii1 ,div4 iii1 #hh4 #acjf ,cp4 ,mosheim with ,faber1 bk4 iii1 chs4 iii1 viii2 ,hardwick1 as cited2 and ,monastier1 pp4 #ec-hb4 ,waddington1 p4 #cec1 holds ,mosheim to be in error2 and there are some grounds for dating the ,waldensian heresy before ,waldus1 who flourished #aagj-aahj 7id4 p4 #ced74 ,waldus had to flee from ,france1 and finally died in ,bohemia1 #aaig 7,kurtz1 i1 #dci74 #acjg ,cp4 ,lea1 ,hist4 of the ,inquisition1 i1 #gc-hh4 ,waldensian theology varied from time to time4 #acjh ,between #aaec and #aaia there were ten popes1 three of them anti-popes4 ,celestine ,,iii held the chair from #aaia to #aaih2 and ,innocent ,,iii from the latter year to #abaf4 #acji ,de ,potter1 vi1 #bf2 ,lea1 i1 #aae4 #acaj ,lea1 i1 #bij4 #acaa ,de ,potter1 vi1 #bh4 #acab ,see ,bartoli1 ,storia della ,letteratura ,italiana1 #ahgh1 i1 #bfb1 note1 also his ,i ,precursori del ,renascimento1 #ahgg1 p4 #cg4 ,in this section and in the next chapter ,i am indebted for various clues to the ,rev4 ,john ,owen's ,skeptics of the ,italian ,renaissance4 ,as to the ,goliards generally1 see that work1 pp4 #ch-de2 ,bartoli1 ,storia1 cap4 viii2 ,milman1 ,latin ,christianity1 bk4 xiv1 ch4 iv2 and ,gebhart1 ,les ,origines de la ,renaissance en ,italie1 #ahgi1 pp4 #abe-bf4 ,the name ,goliard came from the type-name ,golias1 used by many satirists4 #acac ,bartoli1 ,storia1 i1 #bga-gi4 ,cp4 ,schlegel's note to ,mosheim1 ,reid's ed4 p4 #ccb1 following ,ratherius2 and ,gebhart1 as cited4 ,milman 7#dth ed4 ix1 #ahi7 credits the ,goliards with a profound respect for sacred things1 and freedom of invective against sacred persons4 ,this shows an imperfect knowledge of much of their work4 #acad ,c4 ,lenient1 ,la ,satire en ,france au moyen ge1 #ahei1 pp4 #ch-ci4 #acae ,owen1 as cited1 pp4 #dc1 #de2 ,bartoli1 ,storia1 i1 #bic4 #acaf ,disparagement of the serf is a commonplace of medieval literature4 ,langlois1 ,la ,vie en ,france au moyen ge1 #aijh1 p4 #afi1 and note2 ,lanson1 ,hist4 de la litt4 franaise1 p4 #if4 ,at this point the semi-aristocratic jongleurs and the writers of bourgeois bias1 such as some of the contributors to ,reynard the ,fox1 coincided4 ,the ,renart stories are at once anti-aristocratic1 anti-clerical1 and anti-demotic4 #acag ,c4 ,lenient1 ,la ,satire en ,france1 p4 #aae4 ,lenient cites from ,erasmus's letters 7,sept4 #a1 #aebh7 a story of a ,german burned alive in his time for venting the same idea4 #acah ,langlois1 as cited1 pp4 #cj-fh4 #acai ,cp4 ,langlois1 pp4 #ajg1 #abi1 #bfc1 etc4 ,c4 ,lenient1 as cited1 p4 #aae4 #acbj ,rev4 ,joseph ,berington1 ,literary ,history of the ,middle ,ages1 ed4 #ahdf1 p4 #bbi4 ,cp4 ,owen1 p4 #dc4 #acba ,owen1 p4 #dc2 ,bartoli1 ,storia1 i1 #bie1 as to the ,french fabliaux4 #acbb ,labitte1 ,la divine comdie avant ,dante1 in ,charpentier ed4 of ,dante1 pp4 #acc-cd4 #acbc ,aucassin and ,nicolette1 tr4 by ,eugene ,mason1 p4 #f4 #acbd ,sismondi1 ,literature of ,southern ,europe1 ,eng4 tr4 i1 #gd-ie4 #acbe ,id4 p4 #gf4 #acbf ,zeller1 ,histoire d',italie1 #ahec1 p4 #aeb2 ,renan1 ,averros1 p4 #ahd4 #acbg ,the ,troubadours in truth were freethinkers 7,owen1 ,italian ,skeptics1 p4 #dh74 ,cp4 ,lea1 ,hist4 of the ,inquisition1 ii1 #b2 and ,hardwick1 p4 #bgd1 note #d1 as to the common animus against the papacy4 #acbh ,heeren1 ,essai sur l'influence des ,croisades1 ,french tr4 #ahjh1 p4 #agd1 note2 ,owen1 ,italian ,skeptics1 p4 #dd1 note4 #acbi ,abb ,queant1 ,gerbert1 ou ,sylvestre ,,ii1 #ahfh1 pp4 #cj-ca4 #accj ,sismondi1 as cited1 p4 #hb2 ,owen1 pp4 #ff1 #fh2 ,mosheim1 #aa ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 i1 #d2 #ab ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 i1 #i1 and ,reid's note to #h2 ,hampden1 ,bampton ,lectures1 p4 #ddf4 ,the familiar record that ,gerbert1 afterwards ,pope ,sylvester ,,ii1 studied in ,spain among the ,arabs 7,ueberweg1 i1 #cfi7 has of late years been discredited 7,olleris1 ,vie de ,gerbert1 #ahfg1 chs4 ii and xxv2 ,ueberweg1 p4 #dcj2 ,poole1 ,illustrations1 p4 #hh72 but its very currency depended on the commonness of some such proceeding in his age4 ,in any case1 the teaching he would receive at the ,spanish monastery of ,borel would owe all its value to ,saracen culture4 ,cp4 ,abb ,queant1 ,gerbert1 pp4 #bf-cb4 ,the greatness of the service he rendered to northern ,europe in introducing the ,arabic numerals is expressed in the legend of his magical powers4 ,compare the legends as to ,roger ,bacon4 #acca ,sismondi1 p4 #hc4 #accb ,cp4 ,g4 ,h4 ,lewes1 ,the ,spanish ,drama1 #ahdf1 pp4 #aa-ad2 ,littr1 tudes sur les barbares et le moyen ge1 #c;e dit4 p4 #cef4 #accc ,see the passages cited by ,owen1 p4 #eh4 #accd ,cp4 ,bartoli1 ,storia1 pp4 #bjj-bjb4 #acce ,gebhart1 ,les ,origines de la ,renaissance1 pp4 #d1 #ag2 ,renan1 ,averros et l',averrosme1 pp4 #ade1 #ahc1 #ahe2 ,libri1 ,hist4 des sciences mathmatiques en ,italie1 i1 #aec2 ,michelet1 ,hist4 de ,france1 t4 vii1 ,renaissance1 introd4 note du vii2 ,haurau1 ,hist4 de la philos4 scolastique1 i1 #chb4 ,cp4 ,franck1 tudes ,orientales1 #ahfa1 p4 #ceg4 #accf ,as to the ,pope's character compare ,sismondi1 ,hist4 of the ,crusades against the ,albigenses 7,eng4 tr4 from vols4 vi and vii of his ,histoire des ,franais71 p4 #aj2 ,hallam1 ,europe during the ,middle ,ages1 #aath ed4 ii1 #aih2 ,mosheim1 #ac ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 ii1 #f-h4 #accg ,as to previous acts of inquisition and persecution by ,pope ,alexander ,,iii 7noted above7 see ,llorente1 ,hist4 ,crit4 de l',inquisition en ,espagne1 ,french tr4 #b;e dit4 i1 #bg-cj1 and ,lea1 ,history of the ,inquisition1 i1 #aah4 ,cp4 ,gieseler1 ,per4 ,,iii1 ,div4 iii1 #hi 7,amer4 ed4 ii1 #efd74 #acch ,hardwick1 p4 #cji2 ,lea1 i1 #ade4 #acci ,sismondi1 ,crusades against the ,albigenses1 p4 #ba4 #acdj ,on the previous history of indulgences see ,lea1 ,history of the ,inquisition1 i1 #da-dg2 ,de ,potter1 ,esprit de l'glise1 vii1 #bb-ci4 ,for the later developments cp4 ,lea's ,studies in ,church ,history1 #ahfi1 p4 #dej2 ,vieusseux1 ,history of ,switzerland1 #ahdj1 pp4 #aba1 #abe4 #acda ,sismondi1 ,crusades1 pp4 #bh-bi4 #acdb ,id4 p4 #bc4 #acdc ,lea1 i1 #adi4 #acdd ,for a modern ,catholic defence of the whole proceedings see the ,comte de ,montalembert's ,histoire de ,sainte ,elisabeth de ,hongrie1 #ac;e dit4 intr4 pp4 #ce-dj4 #acde ,sismondi1 ,crusades1 p4 #ce1 and refs42 ,lea1 i1 #aed4 #acdf ,sismondi1 pp4 #cf-cg1 and refs4 #acdg ,id4 pp4 #cg-dc4 #acdh ,id4 pp4 #ba1 #da4 ,cp4 p4 #he as to later treachery towards ,saracens2 and p4 #abc as to the deeds of the ,bishop of ,toulouse4 ,see again pp4 #adj-db as to the massacre of ,marmande4 #acdi ,as to the international character of the crusade see ,sismondi1 ,crusades1 p4 #ec4 #acej ,sismondi1 p4 #fb sq4 #acea ,pp4 #gg1 #gh4 #aceb ,pp4 #gd1 #ge4 #acec ,p4 #hg4 ,the worship of the reformed ,albigenses had everywhere ceased 7p4 #aae74 ,cp4 p4 #aaf as to the completeness of the final massacres4 ,it is estimated 7,monastier1 p4 #aae1 following ,de la ,mothe-,langon7 that a million ,albigenses were slain in the first half of the thirteenth century4 ,the figures are of course speculative4 #aced ,cp4 ,lea1 ii1 #aei2 ,lenient1 ,la ,satire en ,france an moyen ge1 #ahei1 p4 #dc4 #acee ,lea1 vol4 ii1 ch4 i4 #acef ,sismondi1 pp4 #aae1 #aag4 #aceg ,id4 p4 #acc4 #aceh ,id4 pp4 #bce-ci2 ,lea1 ii1 #bdg1 #bei1 #cai1 #cdg1 #dbi1 etc4 #acei ,sismondi1 p4 #bcf2 ,llorente1 as cited1 i1 #fj-fd2 ,lea1 ii1 #bjj4 #acfj ,matthew ,paris records that in #abdi four hundred and forty-three heretics were burned in ,saxony and ,pomerania4 ,previously multitudes had been burned by the ,inquisitor ,conrad1 who was himself finally murdered in revenge4 ,he was the confessor of ,saint ,elizabeth of ,hungary1 and he taught her among other things1 ,be merciful to your neighbour1 and ,do to others whatsoever you would that they should do to you4 ,see his praises recorded by ,montalembert1 as cited1 vol4 i1 ch4 x4 ,cp4 ,gieseler1 ,per4 ,,iii1 ,div4 iii1 #hi 7ii1 #efg74 #acfa ,lea1 ii1 #bjd4 ,this was the peace-maker described by ,dr4 ,lea as--in that capacity--so worthy a disciple of the ,great ,teacher of divine love 7i1 #bdj74 #acfb ,ueberweg1 i1 #cff2 ,poole1 pp4 #ii1 #ajj4 #acfc ,as to the verbal confusion of ,aristotle's theory see ,ueberweg4 #acfd ,id4 i1 #afj4 #acfe ,id4 i1 #cge4 #acff ,cp4 ,mosheim's note1 ,reid's ed4 p4 #chh4 #acfg ,ueberweg1 i1 #cgd4 #acfh ,poole1 p4 #ajd1 note2 ,milman1 ,latin ,christianity1 #dth ed4 i1 #ed4 #acfi ,hampden1 ,bampton ,lectures1 ,on the ,scholastic ,philosophy1 #ahdh1 p4 #ga4 #acgj ,mosheim1 as cited1 and refs4 #acga ,hampden1 p4 #gj4 #acgb ,a4 ,s4 ,farrar1 ,crit4 ,hist4 of ,freethought1 #ahfb1 p4 #aaa4 ,farrar adds3 ',neque enim quaero intelligere ut credam1 set credo ut intelligam' are the words of the ,realist ,anselm 7,prolog4 i1 #dc1 ed4 ,gerberon73 ',dubitando ad inquisitionem venimus2 inquirendo veritatem percipimus' are those of the ,nominalist ,abailard 7,sic et ,non1 p4 #af1 ed4 ,cousin74 #acgc ,cp4 ,haurau1 ,hist4 de la philos4 scolastique1 i1 ch4 #ai1 as to orthodoxy among both ,nominalists and ,realists4 #acgd ,hampden1 pp4 #gj1 #ddi4 #acge ,cp4 ,lea1 ,hist4 of the ,inquisition1 iii1 #eej4 #acgf ,poole1 ,illustr4 of the ,hist4 of ,medieval ,thought1 pp4 #ajd-aje4 #acgg ,prfatio in ,monologium4 #acgh ,as to the various classes of doubters known to ,anselm see ,reuter1 ,gesch4 der religisen ,aufklrung im ,mittelalter1 i1 #abi-ca1 and refs4 ,anselm writes3 ,fides enim nostra contra impios ratione defenda est4 ,epist4 ii1 #da4 #acgi ,ueberweg1 i1 #cha4 #achj ,see it in ,ueberweg1 i1 #chd-he2 cp4 ,ch4 de ,rmusat1 ,saint ,anselme1 #ahec1 pp4 #fa-fb2 ,dean ,church1 ,saint ,anselm1 ed4 #ahhh1 pp4 #hf-hg4 ,as to previous instances of ,anselm's argument cp4 ,poole1 ,illustrations1 p4 #cch sq4 #acha ,cp4 ,ueberweg1 i1 #cgi-hj4 #achb ,cited by ,hampden1 ,bampton ,lect4 p4 #ddc4 #achc ,metalogicus1 vii1 #b2 ,poole1 p4 #bbc4 #achd ,gemma ,ecclesiastica1 ,distinctio i1 c4 #ea2 ,works1 ed4 ,brewer1 ,rolls ,series1 ii1 #adh-di2 pref4 p4 xxxv4 #ache ,cp4 ,haurau1 ,hist4 de la philos4 scolastique1 ,ptie4 ,,ii 7#ahhj71 i1 #fa4 ,haurau points out that ,simon's writings are strictly orthodox1 whatever his utterances may have been4 #achf ,distinctio1 ii1 c4 #bd2 pp4 liv1 #bhe4 #achg ,cp4 ,pearson1 ,hist4 of ,england during the ,early and ,middle ,ages1 ii1 #ejd4 #achh ,the ,saynt ,graal1 ed4 ,furnivall1 #ahfa1 pp4 #g1 #hd2 ,history of the ,holy ,grail1 ed4 ,furnivall1 #ahgd1 pp4 #e-g2 ,pearson1 as cited1 i1 #fjf-fjg4 #achi ,haurau1 ,hist4 de la philos4 scolastique1 i1 #ahgj1 p4 #ejb4 #acij ,poole1 pp4 #ada-db4 #acia ,humanas ac philosophicas rationes requirebant2 et plus qu intelligi quam qu dici possent efflagitabant 7,historia calamitatum mearum1 ed4 ,grard1 p4 #cf74 #acib ,id4 ib4 #acic ,ueberweg1 i1 #chg4 #acid ,ueberweg1 i1 #cia4 ,cp4 ,milman1 ,latin ,christianity1 ix1 #aaa4 #acie ,ueberweg1 i1 #cid-ie4 #acif ,hampden1 ,bampton ,lect4 pp4 #dbj-ba4 #acig ,poole1 p4 #age4 ,it is not impossible that1 as ,sismondi suggests 7,histoire des ,franais1 ed4 #ahbc1 v1 #bid-if71 ,abailard was persecuted mainly because of the dangerous anti-papal movement maintained in ,italy for fifteen years 7#aaci-aaee7 by his doctrinally orthodox pupil1 ,arnold of ,brescia4 ,but ,hampden 7p4 #dj71 agreeing with ,guizot 7,hist4 de ,civ4 en ,europe2 ,hist4 mod4 ,leon #f71 pronounces that there was no sympathy between the efforts of the ,italian ,republics to obtain social liberty1 and those within the ,church to recover personal freedom of thought4 #acih ,poole1 pp4 #aag-bc1 #afi4 #acii ,ueberweg1 i1 #cih4 #adjj ,poole1 p4 #agc4 #adja ,cp4 ,poole1 p4 #aec4 ,it is difficult to doubt that the series of patristic deliverances against reason in the first section of ,sic et ,non was compiled by ,abailard in a spirit of dissent4 #adjb ,cp4 ,hardwick1 p4 #bgi2 and see p4 #bge1 note1 for ,bernard's dislike of his demand for clearness3 ,nihil videt per speculum et in aenigmate1 sed facie ad faciem omnia intuetur4 #adjc ,poole1 p4 #afa4 ,cp4 ,dr4 ,hastings ,rashdall on the pious scurrility of ,bernard4 ,the ,universities of ,europe in the ,middle ,ages1 #ahie1 i1 #eg1 note4 ,contrast the singularly laudatory account of ,st4 ,bernard given by two contemporary ,positivists1 ,mr4 ,cotter ,morison in his ,life and ,times of ,st4 ,bernard1 and ,mr4 ,f4 ,harrison in his essay on that work in his ,choice of ,books4 ,the subject is discussed in the present writer's paper on ,the ,ethics of ,propaganda in ,essays in ,ethics4 #adjd ,erdmann1 ,history of ,philosophy1 ,eng4 tr4 #crd ed4 i1 #cbe4 #adje ,haurau1 ,hist4 de la philos4 scolastique1 i 7#ahgb71 #ecd-df4 #adjf ,id4 citing the ,polycraticus1 l4 vii1 c4 #b4 #adjg ,polycraticus1 l4 vii1 c4 #g4 #adjh ,cp4 ,poole1 pp4 #bbj-bb2 the extracts of ,hampden1 pp4 #dch-dc2 and the summing-up of ,haurau4 ,hist4 de la philos4 scolastique1 i 7#ahgj71 #ceg4 #adji ,historia calamitatum1 as cited4 ,cp4 p4 #aj for ,abailard's own opinion of ,anselm of ,laon1 whom he compares to a leafy but fruitless tree4 #adaj ,matthew ,paris1 sub4 ann4 #abja4 ,there is a somewhat circumstantial air about this story1 ,simon's reply being made to begin humorously with a ,jesule4 ,jesule6 ,matthew1 however1 tells on this item the story of ,simon's miraculous punishment which ,giraldus tells on a quite different text4 ,matthew is indignant with the scholastic arrogance which has led many to suppress the miracle4 #adaa ,ueberweg1 i1 #dai1 #dcj2 ,hampden1 p4 #ddc sq4 ,cp4 ,renan1 ,averros1 p4 #agc sq4 #adab ,ueberweg1 i1 #dah4 ,the ,karates may be described as ,jewish ,protestants or ,puritans4 ,cp4 ,schechter1 ,studies in ,judaism1 #ahif1 pp4 #beb-ed4 #adac ,schechter 7as cited1 pp4 #aig1 #dag7 gives two sets of dates1 the second being #aace-abjd4 #adad ,for a good survey of the medieval ,hebrew thought in general see ,joel1 ,beitrge zur ,gesch4 der ,philos4 #ahgf2 and as to ,maimonides see ,a4 ,franck's tudes ,orientales1 #ahfa2 ,haurau1 ,hist4 de la philos4 scolastique1 ,ptie ,,ii1 i1 #da-df2 and ,renan1 ,averros1 pp4 #agg-hb4 #adae ,schechter1 ,studies in ,judaism1 pp4 #dbb-bc4 #adaf ,id4 p4 #bjh4 #adag ,ueberweg1 i1 #dbh2 ,schechter1 p4 #dbd4 #adah ,renan1 ,averros1 p4 #ahc4 #adai ,schechter1 pp4 #hc-he4 #adbj ,haurau pronounces 7,,ii1 i1 #bi-cd7 that ,avicebron should be ranked among the most sincere and resolute of pantheists4 ,his chief work was the ,fons vit4 #adba ,renan1 ,averros1 pp4 #ajj1 #age4 #adbb ,spinoza1 ,tractatus ,theologico-,politicus1 c4 #h1 ad init4 #adbc ,mmoires de ,joinville1 ed4 #ahga1 ii1 #af4 #adbd ,renan1 ,averros1 pp4 #bbb-bd4 #adbe ,huber1 ,johannes ,scotus ,erigena1 p4 #dce2 ,christlieb1 ,leben und ,lehre des ,johannes ,scotus ,erigena1 #ahfj1 p4 #dch4 ,copies of ,john's writings were found in the hands of the sectaries of ,amalrich and ,david2 and in #abbf the writings in question were condemned and burnt accordingly4 ,haurau1 ,hist4 de la philos4 scolastique1 i1 #age4 #adbf ,ueberweg1 i1 #chh1 #dca2 ,milman1 ,latin ,christianity1 ix1 #aab-ad2 ,renan1 p4 #bbc2 ,hahn1 ,geschichte der ,ketzer im ,mittelalter1 #ahde-ej1 iii1 #agf-ib4 #adbg ,mosheim1 #ac ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 v1 #ab4 #adbh ,poole1 p4 #bbe2 ,ueberweg1 i1 #dca4 #adbi ,lecky's description 7,rationalism in ,europe1 ed4 #ahhg1 i1 #dh7 of ,averrosm as a stern and uncompromising infidelity is hopelessly astray4 #adcj ,summa ,theologica1 ,prima ,secundae1 ,qust4 ,,lxxxv1 ,art4 #f4 ,compare ,haurau1 ,hist4 de la philos4 scolastique1 i1 #ahi1 for a trace of the idea of natura naturans in ,john ,scotus and ,heiric1 in the ninth century4 #adca ,renan1 p4 #bcf sq4 #adcb ,cp4 ,reuter1 ,gesch4 der religisen ,aufklrung im ,mittelalter1 ii1 #acj4 #adcc ,milman1 ,latin ,christianity1 #dth ed4 ix1 #acc4 #adcd ,robins4 ,a ,defence of the ,faith1 #ahfb1 pt4 i1 pp4 #ch-ci4 ,compare ,rashdall1 ,universities in the ,middle ,ages1 i1 #bfd2 and ,maurice1 ,medieval ,philosophy1 #bnd ed4 pp4 #ahh-ij4 ,it is noteworthy that the ,summa of ,thomas was a favourite study of ,descartes1 who read hardly any other theologian4 #adce ,cp4 ,milman1 ix1 #adc4 #adcf ,see the comments of ,giraldus ,cambrensis in the proem to his ,speculum ,ecclesi ,brewer's ed4 in ,rolls ,series1 i4 #i2 and pref4 pp4 xii-xiii4 #adcg ,cp4 ,renan4 ,averros1 p4 #bfg1 as to the polemic of ,william of ,auvergne4 #adch ,renan1 pp4 #efg-fh4 #adci ,id4 pp4 #bfi-ga1 and refs4 #addj ,renan1 pp4 #bgc-ge1 and refs42 ,ueberweg1 i1 #dfj1 and refs42 ,maywald1 ,die ,lehre von der zweifachen ,wahrheit1 #ahga1 p4 #aa2 ,lange1 i1 #ahb 7tr4 i1 #bah74 #adda ,of ,john ,,xxi1 who had in #abgf condemned the doctrine of a twofold truth4 #addb ,cp4 ,gebhart1 ,origines de la ,renaissance1 pp4 #bi-dd4 ,and see above1 p4 #cjh4 #addc ,berington1 ,lit4 ,hist4 of the ,middle ,ages1 p4 #bde4 ,see above1 p4 #caj4 #addd ,see the ,summa of the ,inquisitor ,bartholomus ,fumus1 ,venet4 #aeed1 s4v4 ,infidelitas1 fol4 #bfa1 #e2 and the ,summa of ,thomas1 ,secunda ,secund1 ,qust4 ,x1 ,art4 #b4 #adde ,it is sometimes described as a formidable product of doubt2 and again by ,m4 de ,rmusat as consecrated to controversy rather than to skepticism4 ,cp4 ,pearson1 ,hist4 of ,england in the ,early and ,middle ,ages1 #ahfg1 i4 #fji4 ,the view in the text seems the just mean4 ,cp4 ,lea1 ,hist4 of the ,inquisition1 i4 #eg4 ,in itself the book is for a modern reader a mere collection of the edifying contradictions of theologians2 but such a collection must in any age have been a perplexity to faith2 and it is not surprising that it remained unpublished until edited by ,cousin 7see the ,ouvrages indits1 intr4 pp4 clxxxv-ix74 ,that writer justly sums up that such antinomies condamnent l'esprit un doute salutaire4 ,the ,rev4 ,a4 ,s4 ,farrar pronounces that the critical independence of ,nominalism1 in a mind like that of ,abailard1 represents the destructive action of freethought1 partly as early ,protestantism1 partly as skepticism 7,crit4 ,hist4 of ,freethought1 p4 #ab74 #addf ,lea1 ,hist4 of the ,inquisition1 i1 #dba-bb1 #eef-eh1 #ege2 ,u4 ,burke1 ,hist4 of ,spain1 ,hume's ed4 #aijj1 ii1 #cea-eb4 ,for a detailed description of the methods of ecclesiastical torture1 ,burke refers to the treatise1 ,de ,catholicis ,institutionibus1 by ,simancas1 ,bishop of ,beja1 ,rome1 #aege1 tit4 lxv1 ,de ,tormentis1 p4 #dia sq4 #addg ,torture was inflicted on witnesses in ,england in #acaa1 by special inquisitors1 under the mandate of ,clement ,v1 in defiance of ,english law2 and under ,edward ,,ii it was used in ,england as elsewhere against the ,templars4 #addh ,istorie fiorentine1 iv1 #bi4 #addi ,see below1 p4 #cbe4 #adej ,villari1 ,two ,first ,centuries of ,florentine ,history1 ,eng4 tr4 #aija1 pp4 #aaj-ab4 #adea ,reuter1 ,gesch4 der religisen ,aufklrung im ,mittelalter1 i1 #afg4 #adeb ,id4 i1 #afd-ff4 #adec ,the ,moslems were inclined to regard him as of their creed because educated in ,sicily4 ,cant1 ,gli ,eretici d',italia1 #ahfe1 i1 #ff4 #aded ,see ,gieseler1 as cited below2 and ,reid's ,mosheim1 p4 #dcg1 note4 #adee ,milman1 ,latin ,christianity1 vi1 #aej2 ,lea1 ,hist4 of the ,inquisition1 i1 #bba4 #adef ,milman1 vi1 #aej1 #aeh4 #adeg ,renan1 ,averros1 p4 #bhi4 #adeh ,renan1 ,averros1 pp4 #bje-aj4 ,michael ,scotus may have been1 like ,john ,scotus1 an ,irishman1 but his refusal to accept the archbishopric of ,cashel1 on the ground that he did not know the native language1 makes this doubtful4 ,the identification of him with a ,scottish knight1 ,sir ,michael ,scott1 still persisted in by some scholars on the strength of ,sir ,walter ,scott's hasty note to ,the ,lay of the ,last ,minstrel1 is destitute of probability4 ,see the ,rev4 ,j4 ,wood ,brown's ,inquiry into the ,life and ,legend of ,michael ,scot1 #ahig1 pp4 #afj-fa1 #age-gf4 #adei ,inferno1 xx1 #eae-ag4 #adfj ,cant1 ,gli ,eretici d',italia1 i1 #fe-ff2 the ,pope's letter1 as cited2 ,renan1 ,averros1 pp4 #bhg-ia1 #bif4 #adfa ,see the verdict of ,gieseler1 ,eng4 tr4 iii 7#ahec71 p4 #ajc1 note4 #adfb ,milman1 vi1 #aeh-ei4 #adfc ,id4 p4 #aed4 ,cp4 the author's ,evolution of ,states1 #aiab1 p4 #chb4 #adfd ,g4 ,villani1 ,istorie fiorentine1 vi1 #df4 #adfe ,mosheim1 #ac ,cent4 pt4 i1 ch4 ii1 #b1 citing in particular ,moneta's ,summa contra ,catharos et ,valdenses1 lib4 ,v1 cc4 #d1 #aa1 #ae2 ,tempier 7bishop of ,paris71 ,indiculum ,errorum 7#abgb7 in the ,bibliotheca ,patrum ,maxima1 t4 xxv2 ,bulus1 ,hist4 ,acad4 ,paris1 iii1 #dcc--;as to the ,averrosts at ,paris1 described above1 p4 #cai4 ,cp4 ,renan1 ,averros1 pp4 #bcj-ca1 citing ,william of ,auvergne1 and pp4 #bhc1 #bhe2 ,ozanam1 ,dante1 #f;e dit4 pp4 #hf1 #aja1 #aaa-ab2 ,gebhart1 ,origines de la ,renais1 pp4 #gi-ha2 ,lange1 i1 #ahb 7tr4 i1 #bah72 ,sharon ,turner1 ,hist4 of ,england during the ,middle ,ages1 #bnd ed4 v1 #acf-ch4 #adff ,lea1 ,hist4 of the ,inquisition1 iii1 #efj-fa4 #adfg ,perrens1 ,la civilisation florentine du #ac;e au #af;e sicle1 #ahib1 p4 #aja4 ,above1 p4 #cbb4 #adfh ,inferno1 ,canto x1 #ad-ae1 #aah4 #adfi ,ottavio ,ubaldini1 d4 #abgc1 of whom the commentators tell that he said that if there were such a thing as a soul he had lost his for the cause of the ,ghibellines4 #adgj ,as to whom see ,renan1 ,averros1 p4 #bhe1 note2 ,gebhart1 ,renaissance1 p4 #ha4 ,his son ,guido1 the first friend and the companion of all the youth of ,dante1 was reputed an atheist 7,decameron1 vi1 #i74 ,cp4 ,cesare ,balbo1 ,vita di ,dante1 ed4 #ahec1 pp4 #dh-di4 ,but see ,owen1 ,skeptics of the ,ital4 ,renais41 p4 #ach1 note4 #adga ,in the ,convito1 ii1 #i1 he writes that1 among all the bestialities1 that is the most foolish1 the most vile1 the most damnable1 which believes no other life to be after this life4 ,another passage 7iv1 #e7 heaps curses on the most foolish and vile beasts 444 who presume to speak against our ,faith4 #adgb ,cp4 ,ozanam1 ,dante1 #f;e dit4 pp4 #aaa-ab1 as to anti-,christian movements4 #adgc ,lecky1 ,rationalism in ,europe1 i1 #hc1 note2 ,renan1 ,averros1 pp4 #cbf-bg2 ,cant1 ,gli ,eretici d',italia1 i1 #agg4 and note #ac on p4 #aif4 #adgd ,cp4 ,labitte1 ,la ,divine ,comdie avant ,dante1 as cited1 p4 #aci4 #adge ,michelet argues that ,italy was anti-,dantesque in the ,renaissance 7,hist4 de ,france1 vii1 ,intr4 #i and ,app471 but he exaggerates the common disregard of the ,commedia4 #adgf ,as to an element of doubt1 even in ,dante1 concerning ,divine government1 see ,burckhardt1 p4 #dig4 ,but the attempt made by some critics to show that the sins to which ,dante confessed had been intellectual--i4e41 heresies--falls to the ground4 ,see ,dllinger1 ,studies in ,european ,history1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahij1 pp4 #hg-ij2 and cp4 ,cant1 ,gli ,eretici d',italia1 i1 #add sq4 on the whole question4 #adgg ,cesare ,balbo1 ,vita di ,dante1 ed4 #ahec1 pp4 #daf-ag1 #dcc4 #adgh ,cant4 ,eretici d' ,italia1 i1 #aec4 ,cant gives an account of the trial process4 #adgi ,g4 ,villani1 x1 #ci4 ,it is to be noted that the horoscope of ,jesus was cast by several professed believers1 as ,albertus ,magnus and ,pierre d',ailli1 ,cardinal and ,bishop of ,cambrai1 as well as by ,cardan4 ,see ,bayle1 art4 ,cardan1 note ,q2 and cp4 ,renan1 ,averros1 p4 #cbf4 #adhj ,cp4 ,owen1 pp4 #abh1 #ace-db2 ,hallam1 ,lit4 ,hist41 i1 #ada-db2 ,milman1 bk4 xiv1 ch4 v1 end4 #adha ,decam41 ,gior4 i1 nov4 #b4 #adhb ,gior4 i1 nov4 #c4 #adhc ,dr4 ,marcus ,landau1 ,die ,quellen des ,dekameron1 #bte ,aufl4 #ahhd1 p4 #ahb4 #adhd ,the story is recorded to have been current among the ,motecallemn--a party kindred to the ,motazilites--in ,bagdad4 ,renan1 ,averros1 p4 #bic1 citing ,dozy4 ,renan thinks it may have been of ,jewish origin4 ,id4 p4 #bid1 note4 #adhe ,schechter1 ,studies in ,judaism1 #ahif1 pp4 #bjg-bjh4 #adhf ,it is found some time before ,boccaccio in the ,cento ,novelle antiche 7,no4 #gb or #gc7 in a simpler form2 but ,landau 7p4 #ahc7 thinks ,boccaccio's immediate source was the version of ,busone da ,gubbio 7b4 #abhj71 who had improved on the version in the ,cento ,novelle1 while ,boccaccio in turn improved on him by treating the ,jew more tolerantly4 ,bartoli 7,i ,precursori del ,boccaccio1 #ahgf1 pp4 #bf-bh7 disputes any immediate debt to ,busone2 as does ,owen1 ,skeptics of the ,ital4 ,renais41 p4 #bi1 note4 #adhg ,burckhardt 7,renaissance in ,italy1 p4 #dic1 note7 points out that ,boccaccio is the first to name the ,christian religion1 his ,italian predecessors avoiding the idea2 and that in one eastern version the story is used polemically against the ,christians4 #adhh ,owen1 p4 #adb1 and refs4 #adhi ,id4 pp4 #adc-de4 ,he was even so far terrorized by the menaces of a monk 7who appeared to him to have occult knowledge of some of his secrets7 as to propose to give up his classical studies2 and would have done so but for ,petrarch's dissuasion4 ,petrarch's letter 7,epist4 ,senil41 i1 #e7 is translated 7,lett4 xii7 by ,m4 ,develay1 ,lettres de ,pttrarque ,boccace4 #adij ,gasquet1 ,the ,great ,pestilence1 #ahic1 pp4 #bh1 #cb1 #cg1 and refs4 #adia ,id4 pp4 #aa1 #da4 #adib ,probably #be1jjj in ,england alone1 including monks4 ,id4 p4 #bjd4 #adic ,id4 pp4 #bje-bjh1 #bac1 #baf4 #adid ,below1 #aa4 #adie ,as to his anti-clericalism1 cp4 ,gebhart1 ,orig4 de la ,renais41 p4 #ga1 and ref42 ,owen1 p4 #aac4 #adif ,cp4 ,rashdall1 ,universities in the ,middle ,ages1 i1 #bfd4 #adig ,see the exposition of ,owen1 pp4 #aji-bh4 and refs4 on p4 #aac4 #adih ,renan1 ,averros1 p4 #cbh4 #adii ,mzires1 ,ptrarque1 #ahfh1 p4 #cfb4 #aejj ,it is to be noted that in his opposition to the scholastics he had predecessors4 ,cp4 ,gebhart1 ,orig4 de la ,renais41 p4 #fe4 #aeja ,owen1 p4 #aac4 ,it is to be remembered that ,dante also 7,convito1 ii1 #h1 #i2 iii1 #ad2 iv1 #g7 exalts ,reason2 but he uses the word in the old sense of mere mentality--the thinking as distinguished from the sensuous element in man2 and he was fierce against all resort to reason as against faith4 ,petrarch was of course more of a rationalist4 ,as to his philosophic skepticism1 see ,owen1 p4 #abj4 ,he drew the line only at doubting those things in which doubt is sacrilege4 ,nevertheless he grounded his belief in immortality not on the ,christian creed1 but on the arguments of the pagans 7,burckhardt1 p4 #edf74 #aejb ,epist4 sine titulo1 cited by ,renan1 ,averros1 p4 #bii4 ,for the phrases put in ,averros' mouth by ,christians1 see pp4 #bid-ih4 #aejc ,inferno1 iv1 #add4 #aejd ,renan1 ,averros1 pp4 #cja-ae4 #aeje ,id4 pp4 #ccc-cg2 ,cant1 ,gli ,eretici d'ltalia1 i1 #agf and refs4 #aejf ,renan1 pp4 #cbf-bg4 #aejg ,id4 pp4 #cah-bj4 #aejh ,justinger1 cited in ,the ,pope and the ,council1 ,eng4 tr4 p4 #bih4 #aeji ,hardwick1 p4 #ceg1 note4 #aeaj ,cp4 ,bonnechose1 ,reformers before the the ,reformation1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahdd1 i1 #dj-dc4 #aeaa ,janus 7i4e4 ,dllinger71 ,the ,pope and the ,council1 ,eng4 tr4 #bnd ed4 #ahfi1 pp4 #bib-ie4 ,this weighty work1 sometimes mistakenly ascribed to ,huber1 who collaborated in it1 was recast by commission and posthumously published as ,das ,papstthum1 by ,j4 ,friedrich1 ,mnchen1 #ahib4 #aeab ,hallam1 ,middle ,ages1 #aath ed4 ii1 #bah2 ,lea1 ,hist4 of the ,inquis41 i1 #e-cd2 ,gieseler1 #ij 7ii1 #egb72 ,freytag1 ,bilder aus der deutschen ,vergangenheit1 #dte aufl4 ii1 #cah-ai4 #aeac ,the ,pope and the ,council1 p4 #bbj4 ,for proofs see same work1 pp4 #bbj-cd4 #aead ,la satire est la plus complte manifestation de la pense libre au moyen ge4 ,dans ce monde ou le dogmatisme impitoyable au sein de l'glise et de l'cole frappe comme hrtique tout dissident1 l'esprit critique n'a pas trouv de voie plus sre1 plus rapide et plus populaire1 que la parodie 7,lenient1 ,la ,satire en ,france au moyen ge1 #ahei1 p4 #ad74 #aeae ,cp4 ,lenient1 as cited1 p4 #ba4 #aeaf ,see in ,symonds's ,renaissance in ,italy1 vol4 i 7,age of the ,despots71 ed4 #ahig1 pp4 #cfa-fi1 and ,appendix ,,iv1 on ,religious ,revivals in ,medieval ,italy4 ,those revivals occurred from time to time after ,savonarola4 #aeag ,cp4 ,villari1 ,machiavelli1 i1 #ach4 #aeah ,gieseler1 ,per4 ,,iii4 ,div4 iii1 #ij2 ,lea1 ,hist4 of ,inquis41 ii1 #cai-bj4 #aeai ,kurtz1 i1 #dce-cf4 #aebj ,lea1 i1 #cbj-ba4 ,cp4 ,ullmann1 ,reformers before the ,reformation1 ,eng4 tr4 ii1 #ae-bb2 and ,mosheim1 #ac ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 v1 #aa1 and notes4 ,the doctrine of the treatise ,de ,novem ,rupibus is that of an educated thinker1 and is in parts strongly antinomian1 but always on pantheistic grounds4 #aeba ,lea1 i1 #cbc-bd4 #aebb ,cp4 ,reuter1 ,gesch4 der religisen ,aufklrung1 ii1 #bdj-di4 #aebc ,mosheim1 #ac ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 ii1 #dj-dc1 and notes2 ch4 v1 #i4 ,the names ,beguin and ,beghard seem to have been derived from the old ,german verb beggan1 to beg4 ,in the ,netherlands1 ,beguine was a name for women2 and ,beghard for men4 #aebd ,see the record in ,lea1 ,hist4 of the ,inquisition1 bk4 iii1 chs4 i-iii4 #aebe ,praised in the ,roman de la ,rose1 ,eng4 vers4 in ,skeat's ,chaucer1 i1 #bdd2 ,bell's ed4 iv1 #bbh4 ,william was answered by the ,dominican ,thomas ,aquinas4 #aebf ,see ,biog4 ,introd4 to ed4 of the ,philobiblon by ,e4 ,c4 ,thomas1 #ahhh1 pp4 xliii-xlvii4 #aebg ,c4 #d1 ,querimonia librorum contra clericos jam promotos2 ,c4 #e1 444 contra religiosos possessionatos2 ,c4 #f1 444 contra religiosos mendicantes4 #aebh ,ed4 ,thomas1 as cited1 pp4 xlvi-vii4 #aebi ,cp4 ,mosheim1 #ac ,c4 pt4 ii1 ch4 ii1 #ah-dj2 ,hallam1 ,middle ,ages1 ch4 vii1 pt4 #b2 ,gebhart1 ,origines de la ,renais41 p4 #db2 ,berington1 ,lit4 ,hist4 of the ,middle ,ages1 p4 #bdd2 ,lea1 ,hist4 of ,inq41 bk4 iii1 ch4 i4 ,the special work of the ,dominicans was the establishment everywhere of the ,inquisition4 ,mosheim1 as last cited1 ch4 v1 #c-f1 and notes2 ,lea1 ii1 #bjj-bja2 ,milman1 ,latin ,christianity1 ix1 #aee-ef2 ,llorente1 ,hist4 ,crit4 de l',inquis4 en ,espagne1 as cited1 i1 #di-ee1 #fh1 etc4 #aecj ,as to the development of the ,beguines from an original basis of charitable co-operation see ,ullmann1 ,reformers before the ,reformation1 ii1 #ac2 ,lea1 ii1 #cea4 #aeca ,lea1 iii1 #aj4 #aecb ,see the thirteenth-century memoirs of ,fra ,salimbene1 ,eng4 tr4 in ,t4 ,k4 ,l4 ,oliphant's ,the ,duke and the ,scholar1 #ahge1 pp4 #ih1 #ajc-ajd1 #ajh-aj1 #aaf1 #acj4 #aecc ,the ,introduction to the book1 probably written by the ,franciscan ,gerhard1 made ,st4 ,francis the angel of ,rev4 xiv1 #f2 and the ministers of the new order were to be his friars4 ,mosheim1 #ac ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 ii1 #cc-cf1 and notes4 ,cp4 ,lea1 as cited2 and ,hahn1 ,gesch4 der ,ketzer im ,mittelalter1 #ahde-ej1 iii1 #gb-age--;a very full account of ,joachim's teaching4 #aecd ,lea1 iii1 #bj-be4 #aece ,le ,clerc1 ,hist4 ,litt4 de la ,france1 xx1 #bcj2 ,milman1 ,latin ,christianity1 ix1 #aee4 #aecf ,averros1 pp4 #bei-fj4 #aecg ,cp4 ,mosheim1 #ad ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 iii1 #e2 and ,burnet's ,letters1 ed4 ,rotterdam1 #afhf1 p4 #ca4 #aech ,cp4 ,milman1 ,latin ,christianity1 ix1 #ge-gf4 #aeci ,lea1 iii1 #ajd4 #aedj ,hardwick1 p4 #caf2 ,lea1 iii1 #aji2 ,mosheim1 #ab ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 v1 #ad-af4 ,a sect of ,apostolici had existed in ,asia ,minor in the fourth century4 ,kurtz1 i1 #bdb4 ,cp4 ,lea1 i1 #aji1 note4 ,those of the twelfth century were vehemently opposed by ,st4 ,bernard4 #aeda ,lea1 iii1 #aji-ai4 #aedb ,lea1 p4 #aba2 ,kurtz1 i1 #dcg2 ,hardwick1 p4 #cae1 note2 ,mosheim1 #ac ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 v1 #ad1 and note4 ,see ,dante1 ,inferno1 xxviii1 #ee-fj1 as to ,dolcino4 #aedc ,lea1 p4 #abe4 #aedd ,as to the external movements connected with ,joachim's ,gospel see ,mosheim1 #ac ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 v1 #ac-ae4 ,they were put down by sheer bloodshed4 ,cp4 ,ueberweg1 i1 #dca2 ,lea1 pp4 #be-bf1 #hf4 #aede ,hist4 de ,france1 vol4 x2 ,la ,rforme1 ed4 #ahhd1 p4 #ccc4 #aedf ,see the author's notes to his ed4 of ,buckle 7,routledge71 #aijd1 pp4 #eci1 #edg4 #aedg ,u4 ,r4 ,burke1 ,history of ,spain1 ,hume's ed4 i1 #aji-aj4 #aedh ,mc,crie1 ,reformation in ,spain1 ed4 #ahef1 p4 #da2 ,burke1 as cited1 ii1 #ee-ef4 #aedi ,lea1 ,hist4 of the ,inquisition1 i1 #ha4 #aeej ,burke1 i1 #bah4 #aeea ,haurau1 ,hist4 de la philos4 scolastique1 ii1 #ed-ee4 #aeeb ,id4 ii1 #eh4 #aeec ,lea1 iii1 #efj4 #aeed ,personally he discouraged heresy-hunting4 ,burke1 ii1 #ff4 #aeee ,burke1 i1 #bfh-gc2 ,dunham1 ,hist4 of ,spain and ,portugal1 #ahcb1 iv1 #bfj4 #aeef ,lea1 iii1 #bd4 #aeeg ,burke1 ii1 #fe4 #aeeh ,lea1 ii1 #ahc4 #aeei ,id4 i1 #bba4 #aefj ,burke1 ii1 #ff-fg4 #aefa ,lea1 iii1 #he-hf4 #aefb ,id4 pp4 #eb-ec2 ,mc,crie1 ,reformation in ,spain1 p4 #bj4 #aefc ,bonet-,maury1 ,les ,prcurseurs de la ,rforme1 #aijd1 pp4 #aad-ai4 #aefd ,lea1 iii1 #hf4 #aefe ,burke1 ii1 #eg4 #aeff ,id4 ii1 #fb-fc4 #aefg ,lea1 iii1 #efd4 #aefh ,id4 ii1 #ahg-hh4 #aefi ,lea1 ii1 #bhg2 ,burke1 ii1 #fg-fi4 #aegj ,burke1 ii1 #gg1 citing ,lafuente1 ix1 #bcc4 #aega ,id4 citing ,bergenroth1 ,calendar1 etc4 i1 #cg4 #aegb ,even as late as #aeia1 in ,aragon1 when in a riot against the ,inquisition the ,inquisitors barely escaped with their lives4 ,burke1 ii1 #hj1 note4 #aegc ,id4 pp4 #ha-hb4 #aegd ,there had previously been sharp social persecution by the ,corts1 in #adhj1 on anti-,semitic grounds1 the ,jews being then debarred from all the professions1 and even from commerce4 ,they were thus driven to usury by ,christians1 who latterly denounce the race for usuriousness4 ,cp4 ,michelet1 ,hist4 de ,france1 x1 ed4 #ahhd1 p4 #ae1 note4 #aege ,the number has been put as high as #hjj1jjj4 ,cp4 ,f4 ,d4 ,mocatta1 ,the ,jews and the ,inquisition1 #ahgg1 p4 #ed2 ,e4 ,la ,rigaudire1 ,hist4 des ,persc4 ,relig4 en ,espagne1 #ahfj1 pp4 #aab-ad2 ,prescott1 ,hist4 of ,ferdinand and ,isabella1 ,kirk's ed4 #ahhi1 p4 #cbc2 and refs4 in ed4 of ,buckle cited1 p4 #eda4 #aegf ,llorente1 ,hist4 ,crit4 de l',inquis4 en ,espagne1 ed4 #ahah1 i1 #bhj4 ,as to ,llorente's other estimates1 which are of doubtful value1 cp4 ,prescott's note1 ed4 cited1 p4 #gdf4 ,but as to ,llorente's general credit1 see the vindication of ,u4 ,r4 ,burke1 ii1 #he-hg4 #aegg ,llorente1 i1 #bha4 #aegh ,mc,crie1 ,reformation in ,spain1 ch4 viii4 #aegi ,cp4 ,la ,rigaudire1 pp4 #cji-ad2 ,buckle1 as cited1 pp4 #ead1 #egj2 ,u4 ,r4 ,burke1 i1 #ei1 #he4 #aehj ,cp4 mile ,charles1 ,roger ,bacon1 ,paris1 #ahfa1 p4 #bc4 #aeha ,cp4 ,haurau1 ,hist4 de la philos4 scolastique1 ,ptie4 ii1 #ahhj1 vol4 ii1 p4 #gi4 #aehb ,this sum of libri has been taken by ,english writers to stand for ,english pounds4 ,it may however have represented ,parisian livres4 #aehc ,prof4 ,brewer1 ,introd4 to ,opera ,inedita of ,roger ,bacon1 #ahei1 pp4 xiv-xxiii4 #aehd ,id4 p4 xlvi4 #aehe ,id4 p4 xxx1 sq4 #aehf ,id4 pp4 liv-lv4 #aehg ,compendium ,philosophi1 cap4 i1 in ,op4 ,ined41 pp4 #cih-dja4 #aehh ,id4 p4 #dja4 ,cp4 p4 #dab as to the multitude of theologians at ,paris banished for sodomy4 #aehi ,id4 p4 #dbb4 #aeij ,id4 cc4 ii-v1 pp4 #djd-cb4 #aeia ,brewer1 p4 xciii1 note1 cites this in an extract from the ,chronicle of ,antoninus1 ,archbishop of ,florence1 a late writer of the fifteenth century1 who gives no authority for his statement4 ,dr4 ,bridges1 however1 was enabled by ,m4 ,sabatier to trace the passage back to the ,,ms4 ,chronica xxiv ,generalium ,ordinis ,minorum1 which belongs to the first half of the fourteenth century2 and the passage1 as ,m4 ,sabatier remarks1 has all the appearance of being an extract from the official journal of this ,order4 7,bridges1 ,the ,opus ,majus of ,roger ,bacon1 ,suppl4 vol4 #aijj1 p4 #aeh47 #aeib ,il etait n rebelle4 ,le mpris systmatique de l'autorit1 voil vraiment ce qu'il professe4 7,haurau1 ,ptie4 ,,ii1 ii1 #gf1 #he47 #aeic ,see the sympathetic accounts of ,baden ,powell1 ,hist4 of ,nat4 ,philos4 #ahcd1 pp4 #ajj-ab2 ,white1 ,warfare of ,science with ,theology1 i1 #cgi-ia4 #aeid ,erdmann1 ,history of ,philosophy1 ,eng4 tr4 #crd ed4 i1 #dgf4 #aeie ,humboldt1 ,examen ,crit4 de l'hist4 de la ,gographie1 #ahcf-ci1 i1 #fd-gj1 gives the passages in the ,opus ,majus and the ,imago ,mundi1 and paraphrase of the latter in ,columbus's letter to ,ferdinand and ,isabella from ,jamaica 7given also in ,p4 ,l4 ,ford's ,writings of ,christopher ,columbus1 #ahib1 p4 #aii sq474 ,cp4 ,ellis's note to ,francis ,bacon's ,temporis ,partus ,masculus1 in ,ellis and ,spedding's ed4 of ,bacon's ,works1 iii1 #ecd4 ,it should be remembered in this connection that ,columbus found believers1 in the early stage of his undertaking1 only in two friars1 one a ,franciscan and one a ,dominican4 ,see ,ford's ed4 of the ,writings1 p4 #ajg4 #aeif ,cp4 ,haurau1 ,ptie4 ,,ii1 ii1 #ie4 #aeig ,opus ,majus1 ,pars ii1 cap4 #e4 #aeih ,renan1 ,averros1 p4 #bfc4 ,bacon mentions ,averros in the ,opus ,majus1 ,p4 i1 cc4 #f1 #ae2 ,p4 ii1 c4 #ac2 ed4 ,bridges1 iii 7#aijj71 #ad1 #cc1 #fg4 ,in the passage last cited he calls him homo solidae sapientiae1 corrigens multa priorum et addens multa1 quamvis corrigendus sit in aliquibus1 et in multis complendus4 #aeii ,see the careful notice by ,prof4 ,adamson in ,dict4 of ,nat4 ,biog4 ,cp4 ,milman1 ,latin ,christianity1 ix1 #aeb-fj2 ,lewes1 ,hist4 of ,philos4 ii1 #gg-hg4 #afjj ,two ,englishmen1 the ,carmelite ,john of ,baconthorpe 7d4 #acdf7 and ,walter ,burleigh1 were among the orthodox ,averrosts2 the latter figuring as a ,realist against ,william of ,occam4 #afja ,legend of ,good ,women1 ll4 #ajci-dc2 ,parliament of ,fowls1 ll4 #aii-bjj4 #afjb ,prologue to the ,canterbury ,tales1 #dch 7#ddj74 #afjc ,id4 #fec-fa 7#fee-fc74 ,cp4 ,tale of the ,wife of ,bath2 #a-be4 #afjd ,legend of ,good ,women1 prol4 ll4 #a-i2 ,knight's ,tale1 ll4 #aiea-ef 7#bhji-ad of ,,ms4 group ,a74 #afje ,the notion connects with the spurious ,ploughman's ,tale and ,pilgrim's ,tale1 as to which see ,lounsbury1 as cited1 i1 #dfj-gc2 ii1 #dfj-fi4 #afjf ,vision of ,piers ,ploughman1 ll4 #ehji sq4 ,wright's ed4 i1 #agi-hj4 #afjg ,chaucer's ,boece1 ,b4 ,i4 ,prose iv4 ll4 #bbc-bf1 in ,skeat's ,student's ,chaucer4 #afjh ,mosheim1 #ad ,cent4 ,pt4 ii1 ch4 ii1 #cf1 and note4 ,cp4 ,green1 ,short ,history of the ,english ,people1 ch4 v1 #c1 ed4 #ahha1 p4 #bce4 #afji ,cp4 ,green1 ,short ,hist4 ch4 v1 #e2 ,massingberd1 ,the ,english ,reformation1 p4 #aga4 #afaj ,cited by ,lechler1 ,wycliffe and his ,english ,precursors1 ,eng4 tr4 #a-vol4 ed4 p4 #ddj4 #afaa ,cp4 ,prof4 ,montagu ,burrows1 ,wiclif's ,place in ,history1 #ahhd1 p4 #di4 ,maitland 7,eight ,essays1 #aheb7 suggested derivation from the movement of ,abbot ,joachim and others of that period4 #afab ,wilkins' ,concilia1 ii1 #abd4 #afac ,cp4 ,vaughan1 as cited by ,hardwick1 ,church ,history3 ,middle ,age1 p4 #djb4 #afad ,hardwick1 pp4 #dag1 #dah4 ,the doctrine of purgatory was1 however1 soon renounced by the ,lollards 7id4 p4 #dbj74 #afae ,see the passages cited in ,lewis's ,life of ,wiclif1 ed4 #ahbj1 pp4 #bbd-be4 ,cp4 ,burrows1 as cited1 p4 #ai2 ,le ,bas1 ,life of ,wiclif1 #ahcb1 pp4 #ceg-ei4 #afaf ,lechler1 ,wycliffe and his ,eng4 ,precursors1 pp4 #cga-gf2 ,hardwick1 p4 #dab4 #afag ,cp4 ,green1 ,short ,history1 ch4 v1 #d4 #afah ,lechler1 p4 #bcf4 ,it forms bk4 vi of ,wiclif's theological ,summa4 #afai ,baxter1 in his address ,to the doubting and unbelieving readers prefixed to his ,reasons of the ,christian ,religion1 #affg1 names ,savonarola1 ,campanella1 ,ficinus1 ,vives1 ,mornay1 ,grotius1 ,cameron1 and ,micraelius as defenders of the faith1 but no writer of the fourteenth century4 #afbj ,cp4 ,le ,bas1 pp4 #cdb-dc2 and ,hardwick1 ,church ,hist43 ,middle ,age1 p4 #dae4 #afba ,lechler1 p4 #bcf4 #afbb ,blunt1 ,reformation of the ,church of ,england1 #ahib1 i1 #bhd1 and refs4 #afbc ,it is noteworthy that ,french culture affected the very vocabulary of ,dante1 as it did that of his teacher1 ,brunetto ,latini4 ,cp4 ,littr1 ,etudes sur les barbares et le moyen ge1 #c;e dit4 pp4 #cii-djj4 ,the influence of ,french literature is further seen in ,boccaccio1 and in ,italian literature in general from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century4 ,gebhart1 pp4 #bji-ba4 #afbd ,saintsbury1 ,short ,hist4 of ,french ,lit4 #ahhb1 p4 #eg4 #afbe ,passage not translated in the old ,eng4 version4 #afbf ,cp4 ,lenient1 pp4 #aei-fj4 #afbg ,lenient1 p4 #afi4 #afbh ,this declaration1 as it happens1 is put in the mouth of ,false-,seeming1 but apparently with no ironical intention4 #afbi ,lanson1 ,hist4 de la litt4 franaise1 p4 #acb4 #afcj ,id4 p4 #ace4 #afca ,duruy1 ,hist4 de ,france1 ed4 #ahhj1 i1 #ddj-da2 ,gebhart1 ,orig4 de la ,renais4 pp4 #b1 #ai1 #bd-bi1 #cb-ce1 #da-ej2 ,le ,clerc and ,renan1 ,hist4 ,litt4 de la ,france au ,x,i,ve ,sicle1 i1 #d2 ii1 #abc2 ,littr1 tudes1 as cited1 pp4 #dbd-bi4 #afcb ,duruy1 i1 #dji sq41 #ddi2 ,gebhart1 pp4 #ce-da2 ,morin1 ,origines de la ,dmocratie3 ,la ,france au moyen ge1 #c;e dit4 #ahfe1 p4 #cjd sq4 #afcc ,cp4 ,michelet1 ,hist4 de ,france1 vii1 ,renaissance1 ,introd4 ii4 ,between the thirteenth and the fifteenth centuries1 he insists1 le jour baisse horriblement4 #afcd ,ozanam1 ,dante1 #f;e dit4 pp4 #dg1 #gh1 #ajh-aj4 #afce ,littr1 tudes1 as cited1 pp4 #daa-ac4 #afcf ,le ,clerc1 as cited1 p4 #bei2 ,gebhart1 pp4 #dh-di4 #afcg ,sir ,james ,f4 ,stephen1 ,hor ,sabbatic1 #ahib1 i1 #db4 #afch ,the ,italians said of the ,french ,pope ,clement ,,vi 7#acdb-eb7 that he had small religion4 ,m4 ,villani1 ,cronica1 iii1 #dc 7ed4 #aeed74 #afci ,cp4 ,dr4 ,t4 ,arnold1 ,lect4 on ,mod4 ,hist4 #dth ed4 pp4 #aaa-ah2 ,buckle1 #c vol4 ed4 i1 #cbf-bg 7#a-vol4 ed4 p4 #ahe72 ,stephen1 as cited1 i1 #aba4 ,it is hardly too much to say that ,comines's whole mind was haunted at all times and at every point by a belief in an invisible and immensely powerful and artful man whom he called ,god 7last cited74 #afdj ,buckle1 i1 #cbi 7#a-vol4 ed4 p4 #ahf74 #afda ,buckle1 ii1 #acc 7#a-vol4 ed4 p4 #cfa72 ,hallam1 ,middle ,ages1 iii1 #cie-if4 ,religious ceremonies were attached to the initiation of knights in the #acth century4 ,seignobos1 ,hist4 de la ,civilisation1 ii1 #ae4 #afdb ,duruy1 i1 #cfh1 #cgc-gd4 ,cp4 ,j4 ,jolly1 ,philippe le ,bel1 #ahfi1 l4 iii1 ch4 iv1 p4 #bdi4 ,it is to be remembered that ,philippe had for years been sorely pressed for money to retrieve his military disasters4 ,see ,h4 ,hervieu1 ,recherches sur les premiers tats gnraux1 #ahgi1 pp4 #hi sq41 #ii sq4 ,he used his ill-gotten gains to restore the currency1 which he had debased4 ,id4 pp4 #aja-ajb4 #afdc ,haurau1 ,hist4 de la philos4 scolastique1 ,ptie ,,ii1 vol4 ii1 #cei-fj4 #afdd ,poole1 ,illustrations1 p4 #bfe4 ,cp4 ,villari1 ,life and ,times of ,machiavelli1 ii1 #fd-fg2 ,tullo ,massarani1 ,studii di politica e di storia1 #b;a ed4 #ahii1 pp4 #aab-ac2 ,neander1 ,ch4 ,hist4 ,eng4 tr4 #ahee1 ix1 #cc4 #afde ,poole1 pp4 #bff-gf4 ,cp4 ,hardwick1 ,church ,history1 ,middle ,age1 #ahec1 pp4 #cdf-dg4 #afdf ,ueberweg1 i1 #dfa-fb4 #afdg ,his 7,occam's7 philosophy is that of centuries later4 7,milman1 ,latin ,christianity1 ix1 #adh4 ,cp4 pp4 #aej-ea47 #afdh ,cp4 ,hardwick1 p4 #cgg1 and ,rettberg1 as there cited4 #afdi ,milman1 ,latin ,christianity1 ix1 #ge-gf2 ,mosheim1 #ad ,c4 pt4 ii1 ch4 iii1 #e4 ,as to his religious bigotry1 see ,milman1 p4 #adb1 notes4 #afej ,ueberweg1 i1 #dfj-fd2 cp4 ,poole1 ,illustrations1 pp4 #bge-ha4 #afea ,james ,mill1 ,analysis of the ,phenomena of the ,human ,mind1 ed4 #ahfi1 i1 #bej-ea4 #afeb ,cp4 ,ueberweg1 p4 #dfd4 ,mr4 ,poole's judgment 7p4 #bhj7 that ,occam starts from the point of view of a theologian hardly does justice to his attitude towards theology4 ,occam had indeed to profess acceptance of theology2 but he could not well have made less account of its claims4 #afec ,ueberweg1 pp4 #dfe-ff4 #afed ,id4 p4 #dff4 #afee ,id4 ib4 #afef ,poole1 p4 #bha4 #afeg ,ullmann1 ,reformers before the ,reformation1 i1 #cg1 citing ,john of ,goch1 ,de libertate ,christiana1 lib4 i1 cc4 #ag1 #ah4 ,compare the ,averrost propositions of #abfi-abgg1 given above1 pp4 #cai-bj4 #afeh ,lange1 ,gesch4 des ,materialismus1 i1 #ahg-hh 7,eng4 tr4 i1 #bbe-bf74 #afei ,reuter1 ,gesch4 der religisen ,aufklrung im ,mittelalter1 i1 #afd4 #affj ,gervinus1 ,gesch4 der deutschen ,dichtung1 #ete ,ausg4 i1 #dhi-ii4 ,even in the period before the ,minnesingers the clerical poetry had its anti-clerical side4 ,id4 p4 #aid4 ,towards the end of the #abth century ,nigellus ,wireker satirized the monks in his ,brunellus1 seu speculum stultorum4 ,menzel1 ,gesch4 der ,deutschen1 ,cap4 #beb4 ,see ,menzel's note1 before cited1 for a remarkable outbreak of anti-clerical if not anti-,christian satire1 in the form of sculpture in an ancient carving in the ,strasburg ,cathedral4 #affa ,reuter1 ,gesch4 der relig4 ,aufklrung1 ii1 #fb-fc2 ,gervinus1 i1 #ebc2 ii1 #fi2 ,kurtz1 ,gesch4 der deutschen ,litteratur1 #ahec1 i1 #dbh1 col4 #b4 #affb ,milman1 ,latin ,chr41 ix1 #abe4 ,albert was an ,aristotelian--a circumstance which makes sad havoc of ,menzel's proposition 7,geschichte1 ,cap4 #bea7 that the ,german spirit did not take naturally to ,aristotle4 ,menzel puts the fact and the theory on opposite pages4 #affc ,milman1 ,latin ,christianity1 ix1 #beh4 ,cp4 p4 #bfa4 #affd ,for a full account of ,eckhart's teaching see ,dr4 ,a4 ,lasson's monograph 7 #ajf7 in ,ueberweg's ,hist4 of ,philos41 i1 #dfg-hd2 also ,ullmann1 ,reformers before the ,ref41 ii1 #bc-ca4 ,cp4 ,lea1 ,hist4 of ,inquis41 ii1 #ced-ei1 #cfb-fi1 as to the sects4 ,as to ,tauler1 see ,milman1 ix1 #bee-ef4 ,he opposed the more advanced pantheism of the ,beghards4 ,id4 p4 #bfb4 #affe ,in the #djj years following its publication there were published over #f1jjj separate editions4 #afff ,bk4 i1 ch4 ii1 #a1 #b4 #affg ,bk4 i1 ch4 iii4 #a1 #b4 #affh ,id4 #e4 #affi ,j4 ,a4 ,symonds writes that in the age of ,dante1 ,petrarch1 and ,boccaccio what we call the ,renaissance had not yet arrived 7,renaissance in ,italy3 ,age of the ,despots1 ed4 #ahig1 p4 #i74 #afgj ,cp4 ,renan1 ,averros1 #c;e dit4 pp4 #bhj-hb1 #bie2 ,lewes1 ,hist4 of ,philos41 #dth ed4 ii1 #fg2 ,reuter1 ,gesch4 der relig4 ,aufklrung im ,mittelalter1 i1 #aci-da4 ,it is noteworthy that the troubadour1 ,austore d',orlac1 in cursing the crusades and the clergy who promoted them1 suggests that the ,christians should turn ,moslems1 seeing that ,god is on the side of the unbelievers 7,gieseler1 ,per4 ,,iii4 ,div4 ,,iii1 #eh1 note #a74 #afga ,cp4 ,burckhardt1 ,civ4 of the ,renais4 in ,italy1 ,eng4 tr4 ed4 #ahib1 pp4 #dij1 #dib4 #afgb ,id4 p4 #ccc4 #afgc ,hardwick1 p4 #ced1 note4 #afgd ,cp4 ,hardwick1 p4 #cfa2 ,janus1 ,the ,pope and the ,council1 p4 #cjh4 #afge ,burckhardt1 p4 #dig1 note4 #afgf ,villari1 ,life and ,times of ,machiavelli1 ,eng4 tr4 #crd ed4 vol4 i1 introd4 p4 #aae4 ,cp4 ,burckhardt1 pp4 #ce1 #bbf4 #afgg ,as to its history see ,janus1 ,the ,pope and the ,council1 p4 #aca sq4 #afgh ,villari1 as last cited1 pp4 #ih1 #ajh4 #afgi ,it is noteworthy1 however1 that he did not detect1 or at least did not declare1 the spuriousness of the text of the three witnesses 7,hallam1 ,lit4 of ,europe1 iii1 #eh1 note74 ,here the piety of ,alfonso1 who knew his ,bible by heart1 may have restrained him4 #afhj ,see the passages transcribed by ,hallam1 ,lit4 of ,europe1 i1 #adh4 #afha ,villari1 as last cited1 pp4 #ih-aja4 #afhb ,cp4 ,gebhart1 ,renaissance en ,italie1 pp4 #gb-gc2 ,burckhardt1 pp4 #deh-fe2 ,lea1 ,hist4 of the ,inquisition1 i1 #e-d4 ,the authors of the most scandalous satires were themselves mostly monks or benficed priests4 7,burckhardt1 p4 #dfe47 #afhc ,burckhardt1 pp4 #dea-fa2 ,j4 ,a4 ,symonds1 ,renaissance in ,italy3 ,the ,age of the ,despots1 ed4 #ahig1 p4 #cei2 ,villari1 ,life of ,machiavelli1 i1 #aec4 #afhd ,see it well analysed by ,owen1 pp4 #adg-fj4 ,cp4 ,hallam1 ,lit4 of ,europe1 i1 #aii4 ,m4 ,perrens describes ,pulci as emancipated from all belief2 but holds that he bantered the faith without the least design of attacking religion 7,la ,civilisation florentine1 p4 #aea74 ,but cp4 ,villari1 ,life of ,machiavelli1 i1 #aei-fj4 #afhe ,owen1 p4 #afj4 ,so also ,hunt1 and the editor of the ,parnaso ,italiano1 there cited4 #afhf ,below1 #d4 #afhg ,above1 p4 #cfa4 #afhh ,lea1 ii1 #bga-gb4 ,cp4 pp4 #bhb-hd4 #afhi ,burckhardt1 p4 #ejb4 #afij ,id4 p4 #ejj4 #afia ,id4 p4 #ejb4 #afib ,id4 p4 #ejc1 note4 #afic ,cp4 ,r4 ,c4 ,christie's essay1 ,pomponatius--a ,skeptic1 in his ,selected ,essays and ,papers1 #aijb1 pp4 #aca-cb2 ,renan1 ,averros1 pp4 #cde-ceb4 #afid ,comm4 in ,aristot4 de ,gen4 et ,corr41 lib4 i1 fol4 #bi ,g4 cited by ,ellis in note on ,bacon1 who quotes a version of the phrase in the ,de ,augmentis1 ,b4 v1 end4 ,as to ,nifo see ,nourrisson1 ,machiavel1 #ahge1 ch4 xii4 #afie ,as to ribald blasphemies by the ,roman clergy see ,erasmus1 ,epist4 xxvi1 #cd 7ed4 le ,clerc71 cited by ,hardwick1 ,church ,history3 ,middle ,age1 p4 #cgh1 note4 #afif ,lit4 ,hist4 of ,europe1 i1 #adb4 ,following ,eichhorn1 ,hallam notes vindications by ,marsilio ,ficino1 ,alfonso de ,spina 7a converted ,jew71 neas ,sylvius1 and ,pico di ,mirandola2 observing that the work of the first-named differs little from modern apologies of the same class4 #afig ,cp4 ,ranke1 ,history of the ,popes1 ,bohn tr4 ed4 #aijh1 i1 #eh4 #afih ,epist4 above cited2 ,burigni1 ,vie d',erasme1 #ageg1 i1 #adh-di4 #afii ,paul ,canensius1 cited by ,ranke4 #agjj ,this view seems to solve the mystery as to ,perugino's creed4 ,vasari 7ed4 ,milanesi1 iii1 #ehi7 calls him persona di assai poca religione4 ,mezzanotte 7,della vita di ,p4 ,vanucci1 etc4 #ahcf1 p4 #agb sq47 indignantly rejects the statement1 but notes that in ,ciatti's ,,ms4 annals of ,perugia1 ad ann4 #aebd1 the mind of the painter is said to have been come una tavola rasa in religious matters4 ,mezzanotte holds that ,pietro has been there confounded with a later ,perugian painter4 #agja ,leonardo da ,vinci1 ,frammenti letterari e filosofici1 trascelti par ,dr4 ,edmondo ,solmi4 ,firenze1 #aijj4 ,pensieri sulla scienza1 #ai1 #bj4 #agjb ,ib4 #ad1 #bb1 #bc1 #bd1 #ib4 #agjc ,ib4 #cf-ch1 #da4 #agjd ,some of the humanists called him unlettered 7omo senza lettere71 and he calls them gente stolta1 a foolish tribe4 #agje ,ib4 #dd1 #df1 #dg1 #dh1 #eh1 #fj1 #fc1 etc4 #agjf ,ib4 #de4 #agjg ,ib4 #cj4 #agjh ,ib4 #eg4 #agji ,ib4 #ff4 ,cp4 #fg-fi4 #agaj ,id4 ,pensieri sulla natura4 #hj-hf4 #agaa ,shortly after ,leonardo we find ,girolamo ,fracastorio 7#adhc-aeec7 developing the criticism further1 and in particular disposing of the futile formula1 resorted to by the scientific apriorists of the time1 that the plastic force of nature created fossils like other things4 #agab ,id4 ,pensieri sulla morale1 passim4 #agac ,ib4 #g4 #agad ,ib4 #dd1 #de4 #agae ,ib4 #df1 #dg4 #agaf ,cp4 ,burckhardt1 pp4 #ebd1 #eda1 notes2 ,villari1 ,life of ,machiavelli1 i1 #abd4 ,it was easy to see by his words that he hoped for the restoration of the pagan religion 7,id4 ,life of ,savonarola1 ,eng4 tr4 p4 #ea74 #agag ,only a few fragments of it survive4 ,villari1 ,life of ,savonarola1 p4 #ea4 #agah ,carriere1 ,philos4 ,weltanschauung der ,reformationszeit1 #ahdg1 p4 #ac4 #agai ,cp4 ,villari1 ,life of ,machiavelli1 i1 #abh-cd4 #agbj ,cp4 ,perrens1 ,hist4 de ,florence 7#adcd-aeca71 i1 #beh4 #agba ,id4 p4 #beg4 ,cp4 ,villari1 ,machiavelli1 i1 #acb2 ,savonarola1 p4 #fj4 #agbb ,of the majority of the twenty-two languages he was supposed to have studied1 he knew little more than the alphabet and the elements of grammar 7,villari1 ,machiavelli1 i1 #ace74 ,as to ,pico's character1 which was not saintly1 see ,perrens1 ,histoire1 as cited1 i1 #efa-fb4 #agbc ,cp4 ,greswell1 ,memoirs of ,politianus1 ,picus1 etc4 #bnd ed4 #ahje1 #bce2 ,mc,crie1 ,the ,reformation in ,italy1 ed4 #ahef1 p4 #cc1 note4 #agbd ,greswell1 pp4 #ccj-ca4 #agbe ,cp4 ,k4 ,m4 ,sauer1 ,gesch4 der italien4 ,litteratur1 #ahhc1 p4 #aji2 ,villari1 ,machiavelli1 i1 #ach4 #agbf ,villari1 ,machiavelli1 i1 #acc4 #agbg ,greswell1 pp4 #cca-cb4 #agbh ,discorsi sopra ,tito ,livio1 i1 #ab4 #agbi ,istorie fiorentine1 liv4 i2 ,discorsi1 i1 #ab4 #agcj ,discorsi1 ii1 #b4 #agca ,for another point of view see ,owen1 as cited1 p4 #afg4 #agcb ,in the ,italian translation of ,bacon's essays1 made for ,bacon in #afah by an ,english hand1 ,machiavelli is branded in one passage as an impio1 and in another his name is dropped4 ,see ,routledge ed4 of ,bacon's ,works1 pp4 #gdi1 #gea4 ,the admiring ,paolo ,giovio called him irrisor et atheos2 and ,cardinal ,pole said the ,prince was so full of every kind of irreligion that it might have been written by the hand of ,satan 7,nourrisson1 ,machiavel1 #ahge1 p4 #d74 #agcc ,burckhardt1 pp4 #dii-ejj4 ,cp4 ,owen1 pp4 #afe-fh4 ,it is thus impossible to be sure of the truth of the statement of ,gregorovius 7,lucrezia ,borgia1 ,eng4 tr4 #aijd1 p4 #be7 that ,there were no women skeptics or freethinkers2 they would have been impossible in the society of that day4 ,where dissimulation of unbelief was necessarily habitual1 there may have been some women unbelievers as well as many men4 #agcd ,owen's characterization of ,machiavelli's ,asino d'oro as a satire on the freethought of his age 7p4 #agg7 will not stand investigation4 ,see his own note1 p4 #agh4 #agce ,discorsi1 i1 #ef4 #agcf ,as we saw1 ,polybius in his day took a similar view1 coming as he did from ,greece1 where military failure had followed on a certain growth of unbelief4 ,machiavelli was much influenced by ,polybius4 ,villari1 ii1 #i4 #agcg ,cp4 ,tullo ,massarani1 ,studii di letteratura e d'arte1 #ahji1 p4 #if4 #agch ,discorsi1 i1 #ae4 #agci ,id4 i1 #aa1 end4 #agdj ,villari1 ii1 #ic-id4 #agda ,burckhardt1 p4 #dfd2 ,owen1 p4 #ahj1 and refs4 #agdb ,owen1 p4 #aha4 ,see the whole account of ,guicciardini's rather confused opinions4 #agdc ,though ,italy had most of what scientific knowledge existed4 ,burckhardt1 p4 #bib4 #agdd ,a man might at the same time be condemned as a heretic in ,spain for affirming1 and in ,italy for denying1 the reality of the witches' nightly rides 7,the ,pope and the ,council1 p4 #beh74 #agde ,the ,pope and the ,council1 pp4 #bdi-fa4 ,it was another ,spina who wrote on the other side4 #agdf ,f4 ,fiorentino1 ,pietro ,pomponazzi1 #ahfh1 p4 #cj4 #agdg ,owen1 pp4 #aig-ih2 ,renan1 ,averros1 pp4 #cec-fb2 ,christie1 as cited1 p4 #acc4 #agdh ,cp4 ,owen1 pp4 #bja1 #bah2 ,lange1 i1 #ahc-hg 7tr4 i1 #bbj-be74 ,he1 however1 granted that the mass of mankind1 brutish and materialized1 needed the belief in heaven and hell to moralize them 7,christie1 pp4 #adj-da74 #agdi ,this principle1 though deriving from ,averrosm1 and condemned1 as we have seen1 by ,pope ,john ,,xxi1 had been affirmed by so high an orthodox authority as ,albertus ,magnus4 ,cp4 ,owen1 pp4 #baa-ab1 note4 ,while thus officially recognized1 it was of course denounced by the devout when they saw how it availed to save heretics from harm4 ,mr4 ,owen has well pointed out 7p4 #bch7 the inconsistency of the believers who maintain that faith is independent of reason1 and yet denounce as blasphemous the profession to believe by faith what is not intelligible by philosophy4 #agej ,owen1 pp4 #bji1 note4 ,son cole est une cole de laques4 de mdecins1 d'esprits forts1 de libres penseurs 7,bouillier1 ,hist4 de la philos4 cartsienne1 #ahed1 i1 #c74 #agea ,owen4 p4 #baj2 ,christie1 p4 #aea4 #ageb ,christie1 pp4 #ada-dg4 #agec ,id4 p4 #adi4 #aged ,burckhardt1 p4 #bia4 #agee ,gebhart1 pp4 #ei-fc2 ,burckhardt1 p4 #baa4 #agef ,cp4 ,burckhardt1 p4 #bia4 #ageg ,burckhardt1 pp4 #bgi-hj2 ,villari1 ,life of ,machiavelli1 pp4 #ajf-ajg4 #ageh ,burckhardt1 pt4 iii1 ch4 xi4 #agei ,dr4 ,rashdall1 ,the ,universities of ,europe in the ,middle ,ages1 #ahie1 i1 #bfe4 ,cp4 ,renan1 ,averros1 ,avert4 #agfj ,schechter1 ,studies in ,judaism1 pp4 #bac1 #dbj-ba4 #agfa ,notice of ,bonaventure ,desperiers1 by ,bibliophile ,jacob i4e4 ,lacroix1 in #ahda ed4 of ,cymbalum ,mundi1 etc4 #agfb ,for a solution of the enigma of the title see the ,clef of ,eloi ,johanneau in ed4 cited1 p4 #hc4 ,cymbalum mundi was a nickname given in antiquity to 7among others7 an ,alexandrian grammarian called ,didymus--the name of doubting ,thomas in the gospel4 ,the book is dedicated by ,thomas ,du ,clevier son ami ,pierre ,tyrocan1 which is found to be1 with one letter altered 7perhaps by a printer's error71 an anagram for ,thomas ,incrdule son ami ,pierre ,croyant1 ,unbelieving ,thomas to his friend ,believing ,peter4 ,clef cited1 pp4 #hj-he4 #agfc ,origen1 ,against ,celsus1 vi1 #gh4 #agfd ,the readiness of piety in all ages to invent frightful deaths for unbelievers must be remembered in connection with this and other records4 ,cp4 ,notice cited1 p4 xx1 and note4 ,the authority for this is ,henri ,estienne1 ,apologie pour ,hrodote1 liv4 i1 chs4 #ah1 end1 and #bf4 #agfe ,so ,charles ,nodier1 cited in the ,notice by ,bibliophile ,jacob1 pp4 xxiii-xxiv4 ,the ,english translator of #agbc professed to see no unbelief in the book4 #agff ,perrens1 ,les ,libertins en ,france au ,x,v,i,ie sicle1 #ahif1 p4 #da4 #agfg ,notice historique in ,bibliophile ,jacob's ed4 of ,rabelais1 #ahda2 ,stapfer1 ,rabelais1 pp4 #f1 #aj2 ,w4 ,f4 ,smith1 biog4 not4 to his trans4 of ,rabelais1 #ahic1 i1 p4 xxii4 #agfh ,rathery1 notice biog4 to ed4 of ,burgaud des ,marets1 i1 #ab4 ,jacob's account of his relations with his friends ,bud and ,amy at this stage is erroneous4 ,see ,rathery1 p4 #ad4 #agfi ,le ,double1 ,rabelais anatomiste et physiologiste1 #ahhi1 pp4 #ab1 #dbe2 and pref4 by ,professor ,duval1 p4 xiii2 ,stapfer1 p4 #db2 ,a4 ,tilley1 ,franois ,rabelais1 #aijg1 pp4 #gd-gf4 #aggj ,in the same year he was induced to publish what turned out to be two spurious documents purporting to be ancient ,roman remains4 ,see ,heulhard1 ,rabelais lgiste1 and ,jacob1 ,notice1 p4 xviii4 #agga ,rathery1 p4 #bc4 #aggb ,jacob1 p4 xix4 #aggc ,as to this see ,tilley1 p4 #ec4 #aggd ,see it at the end of the ed4 of ,bibliophile ,jacob4 #agge ,cp4 ,stapfer1 pp4 #bd-be2 ,rathery1 p4 #bf4 #aggf ,rathery1 p4 #cj4 #aggg ,cp4 ,jacob1 ,notice1 p4 xxxviii2 ,smith1 ii1 #ebd4 #aggh ,rathery1 p4 #ga2 ,stapfer1 pp4 #db-dc4 #aggi ,stapfer1 p4 #ec4 #aghj ,jacob1 p4 xxxix4 #agha ,rathery1 pp4 #dd-di4 ,the notion of ,lacroix1 that ,rabelais visited ,england1 has no evidence to support it4 ,cp4 ,rathery1 p4 #di1 and ,smith1 p4 xxiii4 #aghb ,cp4 ,jacob1 p4 lx4 ,ramus himself1 for his attacks on the authority of ,aristotle1 was called an atheist4 ,cp4 ,waddington1 ,ramus1 sa vie1 etc41 #ahee1 p4 #abf4 #aghc ,see the list in the avertissement of ,m4 ,burgaud des ,marets to d4 ,firmin ,didot4 ,cp4 ,stapfer1 pp4 #fc1 #fd4 ,for example1 the theologian who makes the ludicrous speech in ,liv4 i1 ch4 xix1 becomes 7chs4 #ah and #bj7 a sophist2 and the sorbonistes1 sorbonicoles1 and sorbonagres of chs4 #bj and #ba become mere maistres1 magistres1 and sophistes likewise4 #aghd ,it is doubtful whether ,rabelais wrote the whole of the notice prefixed to the next edition1 in which this attack was made2 but it seems clear that he had a hand in it 7,tilley1 ,franois ,rabelais1 p4 #hg74 #aghe ,r4 ,christie1 tienne ,dolet1 pp4 #cfi-gb4 ,christie1 in his vacillating way1 severely blames ,dolet1 and then admits that the book may have been printed while ,dolet was in prison1 and that in any case there was no malice in the matter4 ,this point1 and the persistent ,catholic calumnies against ,dolet1 are examined by the author in art4 ,the ,truth about tienne ,dolet1 in ,national ,reformer1 ,june #b and #i1 #ahhi4 #aghf ,epistre1 pref4 to ,liv4 iv4 ,ed4 ,jacob1 p4 #cah4 #aghg ,cp4 ,w4 ,f4 ,smith's trans4 of ,rabelais1 #ahic1 ii1 p4 x4 ,in this book1 however1 other hands have certainly been at work4 ,rabelais left it unfinished4 #aghh ,jacob1 ,notice1 p4 lxiii2 ,stapfer1 p4 #gf4 #aghi ,so ,rathery1 p4 #fj2 and ,stapfer1 p4 #gh4 ,jacob1 p4 lxii1 says he resigned only one4 ,rathery makes the point clear by giving a copy of the act of resignation as to ,meudon4 #agij ,a ,discourse 444 against ,nicholas ,machiavel1 ,eng4 tr4 7#aegg71 ed4 #afjh1 ,epist4 ded4 p4 #b4 #agia ,liv4 iv1 ch4 xliii4 #agib ,liv4 iii1 ch4 xxiii4 #agic ,liv4 iv1 ch4 xlv-xlviii4 #agid ,liv4 iv1 ch4 xlix sq4 #agie ,liv4 iv1 ch4 xxxii4 #agif ,prof4 ,stapfer1 ,rabelais1 sa personne1 son gnie1 son oeuvre1 #ahhi1 pp4 #cfe-fh4 ,cp4 the ,notice of ,bibliophile ,jacob1 ed4 #ahda of ,rabelais1 pp4 lvii-lviii2 and ,perrens1 ,les ,libertins1 p4 #ci4 ,in his youth he affirmed the doctrine4 ,stapfer1 p4 #bc4 #agig ,cp4 ,ren ,millet1 ,rabelais1 #ahib1 pp4 #agb-hj4 #agih ,liv4 iii1 ch4 xxxvi4 #agii ,the description of him by one ,french biographer1 ,m4 ,boulmier 7,estienne ,dolet1 #aheg71 as le ,christ de la pense libre is a gross extravagance4 ,dolet was substantially orthodox1 and even anti-,protestant1 though he denounced the cruel usage of ,protestants4 #ahjj ,wallace 7,antitrinitarian ,biography1 #ahej1 ii4 #b7 asserts that ,dolet not only became a convert to the opinions of ,servetus1 but a zealous propagator of them4 ,for this there is not a shadow of evidence4 #ahja ,cp4 ,voltaire1 ,lettres sur ,rabelais1 etc4 i4 #ahjb ,cp4 author's art4 above cited2 ,r4 ,c4 ,christie1 tienne ,dolet1 #bnd ed4 #ahij1 p4 #ajj2 ,octave ,galtier1 tienne ,dolet 7,n4,d471 pp4 #ff1 #id1 etc4 #ahjc ,christie1 as cited1 pp4 #ej-eh1 #aje-ajf2 ,galtier1 p4 #bf sq4 #ahjd ,it is to this that ,rabelais alludes 7ii1 #e7 when he tells how at ,toulouse they stuck not to burn their regents alive like red herrings4 #ahje ,christie1 p4 #hj4 #ahjf ,liv4 iii1 ch4 xxix4 #ahjg ,christie1 p4 #hf4 #ahjh ,one of his enemies wrote of him that prison was his country--patria ,doleti4 #ahji ,procs d',estienne ,dolet1 ,paris1 #ahcf1 p4 #aa2 ,galtier1 pp4 #fe-gj2 ,christie1 pp4 #chi-ij4 #ahaj ,procs1 p4 viii42 ,galtier1 p4 #gh4 #ahaa ,galtier1 p4 #aja sq42 ,christie1 p4 #dfa4 #ahab ,a modern ,french judge1 the ,president ,baudrier1 was found to affirm that the laws1 though unduly severe1 were neither unduly nor unfairly pressed against ,dolet6 ,christie1 p4 #dga4 #ahac ,concerning whom see ,christie1 as cited1 pp4 #bi #ja4 #ahad ,tilley1 as last cited1 p4 #fi4 #ahae ,christie1 p4 #cag4 #ahaf ,christie1 as cited1 pp4 #dfe-fg2 ,lutteroth1 ,la ,reformation en ,france pendant sa premire priode1 #ahej1 pp4 #ci-dj2 ,prof4 ,h4 ,m4 ,baird1 ,rise of the ,huguenots1 #ahhj1 i1 #bdj sq4 #ahag ,perrens1 ,les ,libertins1 p4 #dc2 ,patin1 ,lettres1 ed4 ,reveill-,parise1 #ahdf1 i1 #baj4 #ahah ,wriothesley's ,chronicle 7,camden ,society1 #ahge71 pp4 #ajg-ajh4 #ahai ,nodier1 quoted by ,bibliophile ,jacob in ed4 of ,cymbalum ,mundi1 as cited1 p4 xviii4 #ahbj ,cp4 ,brantome1 ,des dames illustres1 ,o,euvres1 ed4 #ahch1 ii1 #ahf4 #ahba ,bayle1 ,dictionnaire1 art4 ,marguerite de ,navarre 7the ,first71 notes ,f and ,g4 #ahbb ,bayle1 note ,n4 ,cp4 ,nodier1 as cited1 p4 xix1 as to the collaboration of ,desperiers and others4 #ahbc ,bayle1 art4 ,ronsard1 note ,d4 #ahbd ,garasse1 ,la ,doctrine ,curieuse des ,beaux ,esprits de ce ,temps1 #afbc1 pp4 #abf-bg4 ,ronsard replied to the charge in his poem1 ,des misres du temps4 #ahbe ,bayle1 art4 ,ronsard1 note ,o4 ,cp4 ,perrens1 ,les ,libertins1 p4 #dc4 #ahbf ,,ms4 #aehh4 ,first printed in #ahda by ,guhrauer1 again in #aheg by ,l4 ,noack4 #ahbg ,as before noted1 he was one of the first to use the word4 ,cp4 ,lechler1 ,geschichte des englischen ,deismus1 pp4 #ca1 #dee1 notes4 #ahbh ,bayle1 art4 ,bodin1 note ,o4 ,cp4 ,renan1 ,averros1 #c;e dit4 p4 #dbd2 and the ,lettres de ,gui ,patin1 iii1 #fgi 7letter of #bg juillet1 #affh71 cited by ,perrens1 ,les ,libertins1 p4 #dc4 ,leibnitz1 in an early letter to ,jac4 ,thomasius1 speaks of the ,,ms4 of the ,colloquium1 then in circulation1 as proving its writer to be the professed enemy of the ,christian religion1 adding3 ,vanini's dialogues are a trifle in comparison4 7,philosophische ,schriften1 ed4 ,gerhardt1 i1 #bf2 ,martineau1 ,study of ,spinoza1 p4 #gg47 ,carriere1 however1 notes 7,weltanschauung1 p4 #cag7 that in later years ,leibnitz learned to prize ,bodin's treatise highly4 #ahbi ,cp4 ,lecky1 ,rationalism in ,europe1 i1 #ff1 #hg-ia4 ,in the ,rpublique too he has a chapter on astrology1 to which he leans somewhat4 #ahcj ,rpublique1 ,liv4 iv1 ch4 ii4 #ahca ,id4 ,liv4 iv1 ch4 vii4 ,bodin in this sophistry was undoubtedly insincere 7,hallam1 ,lit4 of ,europe1 ii1 #aei74 #ahcb ,cp4 ,perrens1 ,les ,libertins4 p4 #dc4 #ahcc ,cp4 ,villemain1 ,vie de ,l',hopital1 in tudes de l'hist4 moderne1 #ahdf4 pp4 #cfc-fh1 #dbh4 #ahcd ,buckle 7#c-vol4 ed4 ii1 #aj2 #a-vol4 ed4 p4 #bia7 errs in representing ,l',hopital as the only statesman of the time who dreamt of toleration4 ,it is to be noted1 on the other hand1 that the ,huguenots themselves protested against any toleration of atheists or ,anabaptists2 and even the reputed freethinker ,gabriel ,naud1 writing his ,science des ,princes1 ou ,considrations politiques sur les ,coups d'tat1 in #afci1 defended the massacre on political grounds 7,owen1 ,skeptics of the ,french ,renaissance1 p4 #dgj1 note74 ,bodin implicitly execrated it4 ,cp4 ,hallam1 ,lit4 of ,europe1 ii1 #afb4 #ahce ,villemain1 p4 #dbi4 #ahcf ,garasse1 ,doctrine ,curieuse1 pp4 #abebf2 ,mmoires de ,garasse1 ed4 ,ch4 ,nisard1 #ahfj1 pp4 #gg-gh2 ,perrens1 p4 #dc4 #ahcg ,bibliophile ,jacob1 ,introd4 to ,beroalde de ,verville4 #ahch ,estienne's full title is3 ,l',introduction au trait de la conformit des merveilles1 anciennes avec les modernes3 ou1 ,trait prparatif l',apologie pour ,hrodote4 #ahci ,apologie pour ,hrodote1 ed4 #afjg1 pp4 #ig1 #bdi 7liv4 i1 chs4 xiv1 xviii47 ,cymbalum ,mundi1 ed4 ,bibliophile ,jacob1 pp4 xx1 #ac4 #ahdj ,the index was specially framed to call attention to these items4 ,the entry1 ,fables des dieux des payens cousines germaines des legendes des saints1 is typical4 #ahda ,bayle1 ,dictionnaire1 art4 ,castalion2 ,hallam1 ,lit4 of ,europe1 ii1 #ha2 ,lecky1 ,rationalism in ,europe1 ii1 #df-di4 ,hallam finds ,castalio's letter to the ,duke of ,wirtemberg cautious2 but ,lecky quotes some strong expressions from what he describes as the preface of ,martin ,bellius 7,castalio's pseudonym7 to ,cluten's ,de ,haereticis persequendis1 ed4 #afaj4 ,castalio died in #aefc4 ,as to his translations from the ,bible1 see ,bayle's note4 #ahdb ,hallam1 ii1 #hc2 ,mc,crie1 ,reformation in ,italy1 ed4 #ahef1 p4 #bca4 #ahdc ,even ,sthelin 7,johannes ,calvin1 ii1 #cjc7 condemns ,calvin's action and tone towards ,castalio1 though he makes the significant remark that the latter treated the ,bible pretty much as any other book4 #ahdd ,hatch1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 p4 #afi4 #ahde ,burckhardt1 p4 #aie4 #ahdf ,prof4 ,fortunat ,strowski1 ,histoire du sentiment religieux en ,france au #ag;e sicle1 ,ptie i1 ,de ,montaigne ,pascal1 #aijg1 pp4 #ai-bc4 #ahdg ,du ,vair ne songe pas au ,mdiateur2 s'il y a dans son trait des allusions ,notre ,seigneur1 le nom de ,jsus-,christ ne s'y trouve1 je crois bien1 pas une fois4 ,il songe encore moins aux pieux adjuvants qui excitent l'imagination2 pas un mot de l'invocation des saints1 pas un mot des sacrements 7,strowski1 as cited1 p4 #gh74 #ahdh ,cp4 ,prof4 ,thorold ,rogers1 ,economic ,interpretation of ,history1 p4 #hc4 #ahdi ,in #achg the ,lollards were denounced under that name by the ,bishop of ,worcester as eternally damned sons of ,antichrist4 #ahej ,see the ,repressor1 ,babington's ed4 in the ,rolls ,series1 #ahfj1 ,part ii4 #ahea ,hook1 ,lives of the ,archbishops 7,life of ,bourchier71 #ahfg1 v1 #bid-cjf4 #aheb ,he repels1 e4g41 ,wiclif's argument that a priest's misconduct sufficed to destroy his right to his endowments4 ,repressor1 ,babington's ed4 as cited1 ii1 #dac4 #ahec ,hook1 as cited1 v1 #cji4 #ahed ,gardiner1 ,student's ,history1 p4 #ccj4 ,cp4 ,green1 ch4 vi1 i1 #b1 pp4 #bfg1 #bge2 ,stubbs ,const4 ,hist41 iii1 #fca-cc4 #ahee ,cp4 ,pauli1 ,pictures of ,old ,england1 ,eng4 tr4 ,routledge's rep4 pp4 #ccb-cf4 #ahef ,pauli1 p4 #ccb4 #aheg ,see ,arber's reprint4 #aheh ,cp4 ,souchay1 ,gesch4 der deutschen ,monarchie1 #ahfa-fb1 iii1 #bcj-ca4 #ahei ,on this cp4 ,souchay1 pp4 #bcd-ci4 #ahfj ,see a good synopsis in ,pnjer's ,history of the ,christian ,philosophy of ,religion1 ,eng4 tr4 pp4 #fh-hi2 and another in ,moritz ,carriere's ,die philosophische ,weltanschauung der ,reformationszeit1 #ahdg1 pp4 #af-be1 which1 however1 is open to ,pnjer's criticism that it is coloured by modern ,hegelianism4 #ahfa ,dr4 ,paul ,frdricq1 ,geschiedenis der ,inquisitie in de ,nederlanden1 #ajbe-aebj1 ,gent1 #ahib-ahig1 ii1 #d-i4 #ahfb ,michelet1 ,hist4 de ,france1 vii--d4 #aheg1 pp4 #abe1 #agb4 #ahfc ,this name has many forms2 and it is contended that ,sabieude is the correct one4 ,see ,owen1 ,evenings with the ,skeptics1 #ahha1 ii1 #dbc4 #ahfd ,cp4 ,hallam1 ,introd4 to ,lit4 of ,europe1 ed4 #ahgb1 i1 #adb-dd1 and the analysis in ,prof4 ,dowden's ,montaigne1 #aije1 p4 #abg sq4 #ahfe ,van ,hoogstraten1 in ,frdricq1 as cited below4 #ahff ,dr4 ,frazer's assumption 7,golden ,bough1 #crd ed4 pt4 i1 i1 #bbd7 that magic assumes an invariable order of nature1 is unsubstantiated even by his vast anthropological erudition4 ,magic varies arbitrarily1 and the idea of a fixed order does not belong to the magician's plane of thought4 #ahfg ,maury1 ,la ,magie et l',astrologie1 #d;e d4 pp4 #bad-af4 #ahfh ,judicial astrology 444 which supplanted and degraded the art of medicine 7,prof4 ,clifford ,allbutt1 ,harveian ,oration on ,science and ,medieval ,thought1 #aija1 ,app4 p4 #aac74 ,there is a startling survival of it in the physiology of ,harvey4 ,id4 p4 #de4 #ahfi ,heinrich ,cornelius ,agrippa von ,nettesheim4 #ahgj ,above1 p4 #che4 #ahga ,who1 however1 was no rationalist1 but an orientalizing mystic4 ,cp4 ,carriere1 ,die philos4 ,weltanschauung der ,reformationszeit1 #ahdf1 pp4 #cf-ch4 #ahgb ,cp4 ,ranke1 ,hist4 of the ,ref4 in ,germany1 bk4 ii1 ch4 i 7,eng4 tr4 ,routledge's #a-vol4 ed4 #aije1 p4 #abi74 ,the point is fairly put by ,audin in the introduction to his ,histoire de ,luther4 ,compare ,green3 ,the awakening of a rational ,christianity1 whether in ,england or in the ,teutonic world at large1 begins with the ,florentine studies of ,sir ,john ,colet 7,short ,hist4 ch4 vi1 iv74 ,colet1 however1 was strictly orthodox4 ,ulrich von ,hutten spent five of the formative years of his life in ,italy4 #ahgc ,hamilton1 ,discussions on ,philosophy and ,literature1 #aheb1 p4 #bje4 #ahgd ,as to the general resentment of the money drain cp4 ,strauss1 ,gesprche von ,ulrich von ,hutten1 #ahfj1 ,vorrede1 p4 xiv1 and the dialogues1 pp4 #aei4 #cfc4 ,cp4 ,ranke1 bk4 ii1 ch4 i 7,eng4 tr4 as cited1 pp4 #abc-bf74 #ahge ,see ,ullmann1 ,reformers before the ,reformation1 passim4 ,even the ,peasants' ,rising was adumbrated in the movement of ,hans ,bheim of ,nikleshausen 7fl4 #adgf71 whose doctrine was both democratic and anti-clerical4 7,work cited1 ii1 #chj-ha2 cp4 ,bezold1 ,gesch4 der deutschen ,reform4 #ahij1 ch4 vii47 #ahgf ,see ,guicciardini's analysis of the parties1 cited by ,e4 ,armstrong in the ,cambridge ,modern ,history1 vol4 i1 ,the ,renaissance1 p4 #agj4 #ahgg ,burckhardt1 ,civilization of the ,renaissance in ,italy1 ,eng4 tr4 pp4 #dgf-gg4 #ahgh ,see the sympathetic analysis of the book by ,villari1 ,life of ,savonarola1 ,eng4 tr4 pp4 #ehb-id1 where it is much overrated4 #ahgi ,as to the education of the ,florentine common people in the fourteenth century cp4 ,burckhardt1 pp4 #bjc-bjd2 ,symonds1 ,age of the ,despots1 p4 #bjb4 #ahhj ,cp4 ,armstrong1 as cited1 pp4 #aej-ea4 #ahha ,mc,crie1 ,reformation in ,italy1 ed4 #ahef1 pp4 #bh-cj1 #da4 #ahhb ,id4 pp4 #ed1 #fh4 #ahhc ,id4 p4 #de1 citing ,reynald's ,annales1 ad4 ann4 #aecj2 ,trechsel1 ,lelio ,sozzini und die ,anti-trinitarier seiner ,zeit1 #ahdd1 pp4 #ai-ce4 #ahhd ,mc,crie reasons otherwise1 from the fact that the sack of ,rome was by many ,catholics regarded as a divine judgment on the papacy2 but he omits to mention the pestilence which followed and destroyed the bulk of the conquering army 7,menzel1 ,gesch4 der ,deutschen1 ,cap4 #cij74 #ahhe ,mc,crie1 pp4 #ei-fj4 #ahhf ,id4 p4 #ff4 #ahhg ,id4 pp4 #aab1 #aae4 #ahhh ,id4 pp4 #hi1 #ih1 #bae4 ,mc,crie thinks it useful to suggest 7p4 #ie7 that anti-trinitarianism seems to have begun at ,siena1 whose inhabitants were proverbial among their countrymen for levity and inconstancy of mind--citing ,dante1 ,inferno1 canto xxix1 #aba-bc4 ,thus does theology illumine sociology4 ,in a note on the same page the historian cites the testimony of ,melanchthon 7,epist4 coll4 #heb1 #ida7 as to the commonness of ,platonic and skeptical theories among his ,italian correspondents in general2 and quotes further the words of ,calvin1 who for once rises above invective to explain as to heresy 7,opera1 viii1 #eaj7 that ,in ,italis1 propter rarum acumen1 magis eminet4 ,the historian omits1 further1 to trace ,german ,unitarianism to the levity of a particular community in ,germany4 #ahhi ,a4 von ,reumont1 ,the ,carafas of ,maddaloni1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahed1 pp4 #cc-cg2 ,mc,crie1 p4 #abb4 ,it was not ,protestantism that made the revolt4 ,the contemporary historian ,porzios states that the ,lutherans were so few that they could easily be counted4 ,von ,reumont1 as cited1 p4 #cc4 ,it was not heresy that moved the ,neapolitans1 but the knowledge that perjurers could be found in ,naples to swear to anything1 and that the machine would thus be made one of pecuniary extortion4 #ahij ,mc,crie1 ,reformation in ,italy1 p4 #aca4 #ahia ,mc,crie1 pp4 #adc-dd4 #ahib ,id4 pp4 #aeh-fa4 #ahic ,id4 pp4 #afa-fc4 ,this seems to have been one of the latest instances of enslavement in ,italy4 ,as to the selling of many ,capuan women in ,rome after the capture of ,capua in #aeja1 see ,burckhardt1 p4 #bgi1 note4 #ahid ,mc,crie1 pp4 #adj-dc4 #ahie ,domenico ,orano1 ,liberi ,pensatori bruciati in ,roma dal ,,xvi al ,,xviii ,secolo1 ,roma1 #aijd4 ,giordano ,bruno is #ggth in the list2 and there are only eight more4 ,the #heth case was in #afdb2 and the last--the burning of a dead body--in #agfa4 #ahif ,orano1 p4 #ac4 #ahig ,signor ,orano gives the name as ,buzio1 citing the #ahce ,italian translation of ,mc,crie1 and pronouncing ,cant 7ii1 #cch7 wrong in making it ,mollio4 ,but in the #ahef ed4 of ,mc,crie's work the name is given 7pp4 #eg-eh1 #afh-fi7 as ,john ,mollio4 ,cant then appears to have been right2 but the date he gives1 #aecc1 seems to be a blunder4 #ahih ,mc,crie gives this name as ,tisserano4 #ahii ,orano1 p4 #f2 ,mc,crie1 pp4 #afi-gj4 #aijj ,mc,crie1 p4 #bab2 ,orano1 p4 #cc4 #aija ,orano1 pp4 #ae-af4 ,mc,crie1 p4 #afe1 says he was strangled2 but the official record is fu mozza la testa4 #aijb ,orano1 p4 #bb4 ,as to ,carnesecchi's career see ,mc,crie1 pp4 #agc-gi2 and ,babington's ed4 of ,paleario1 #ahee1 ,introd4 pp4 lxv-lxvi4 #aijc ,mc,crie1 p4 #afd4 ,see ,trechsel1 ,lelio ,sozzini1 p4 #ce1 as to ,baldo ,lupetino4 #aijd ,as to whom see ,mc,crie1 pp4 #ha-hd1 #agi-hb1 and the copious ,life and ,times of ,aonio ,paleario1 by ,m4 ,young4 #b vols4 #ahfj4 #aije ,marini1 ,galileo e l',inquisizione1 ,roma1 #ahej1 p4 #cg1 note4 #aijf ,babington's ed4 p4 #df sq4 #aijg ,it was afterwards unearthed1 however2 and ,babington's ed4 7#ahee7 is an almost facsimile reprint1 with old ,french and ,english versions4 #aijh ,cp4 ,mc,crie1 pp4 #aad-ag4 #aiji ,cp4 ,mc,crie1 ,ref4 in ,italy1 ch4 v2 ,ref4 in ,spain1 ch4 viii2 ,green1 ,short ,hist4 pp4 #ceh1 #cfb4 #aiaj ,huss1 in his youth1 at first turned from ,wiclif's writings with horror4 ,bonnechose1 ,the ,reformers before the ,reformation1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahdd1 i1 #gb4 #aiaa ,cp4 ,krasinski1 ,histor4 ,sketch of the ,reformation in ,poland1 #ahch1 i1 #eh4 #aiab ,krasinski1 ,sketch of ,relig4 ,hist4 of ,slav4 ,nations1 ed4 #ahea1 pp4 #bf-bg4 #aiac ,neander1 ix1 #bdb sq42 ,hardwick1 pp4 #dbf-bg4 ,militz effected a remarkable reformation of life in ,prague4 ,neander1 p4 #bda4 #aiad ,see the very intelligent survey of the situation in ,kautsky's ,communism in ,central ,europe in the ,time of the ,reformation1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahig1 p4 #ce sq4 #aiae ,kautsky1 p4 #db4 #aiaf ,k4 ,raumer1 ,contrib4 to the ,hist4 of the ,german ,universities1 ,new ,york1 #ahei1 p4 #ai2 ,dr4 ,rashdall1 ,universities of ,europe in the ,middle ,ages1 vol4 ii1 pt4 i1 #bbc-bf2 ,bonnechose1 i1 #gh2 ,mosheim1 #ae ,cent4 pt4 ii1 ch4 ii1 #f2 ,gieseler1 ,per4 iii1 ,div4 v1 #aej2 ,krasinski1 as cited1 pp4 #ca-cc4 #aiag ,krasinski1 ,sketch1 p4 #cc2 ,kautsky1 p4 #dc2 ,maclaine's note to ,mosheim1 as last cited2 ,rashdall1 pp4 #bbe-bf1 #bed4 ,the exodus has been much exaggerated4 ,only #fjb were enrolled at ,leipzig4 #aiah ,many of these were of great beauty and value1 and must have been owned by rich men4 ,krasinski1 ,sketch1 p4 #cd4 #aiai ,hardwick4 p4 #dcc4 ,jerome caused the bull to be fastened to an immodest woman1 and so paraded through the town before being burnt4 ,gieseler1 iv1 #aad1 note #ae4 #aibj ,bonnechose1 ii1 #abb2 ,gieseler1 as cited4 #aiba ,see ,mosheim's very interesting note2 and ,gieseler1 iv1 #ajd-aje4 #aibb ,krasinski1 p4 #ea4 #aibc ,for an account of the devices of ,catholic historians to explain away the ,council's treachery see ,bonnechose1 note ,e4 to vol4 i1 p4 #bgj4 ,the ,council itself simply declared that faith was not to be kept with a heretic4 ,id4 p4 #bga2 ,gieseler1 p4 #aba4 #aibd ,bonnechose1 ii1 #aah-bj4 ,cp4 ,krasinski1 p4 #cg4 #aibe ,kautsky1 pp4 #dh-di4 #aibf ,id4 p4 #ea4 #aibg ,id4 p4 #eb4 #aibh ,krasinski1 p4 #fe4 #aibi ,see their principles stated in ,kautsky1 p4 #ei4 #aicj neas ,sylvius1 who detested the ,taborites1 declared them to have only one good quality1 the love of letters4 ,letter to ,carvajal1 cited by ,krasinski1 p4 #ic1 note4 #aica ,kautsky1 pp4 #ei-fg4 #aicb ,id4 p4 #gf4 #aicc ,kautsky1 pp4 #gh-hb4 ,see further the account of ,helchitsky's book in ,tolstoy's ,the ,kingdom of ,god is ,within ,you1 ch4 i4 #aicd ,hist4 of the ,prot4 ,church in ,hungary 7anon471 ,eng4 tr4 #ahed1 p4 #ag4 #aice ,id4 p4 #ai4 #aicf ,id4 pp4 #bc1 #bh4 #aicg ,id4 pp4 #bd1 #cb1 citing the chronicler ,thurnschwamm4 #aich ,id4 pp4 #bi-ca4 #aici ,hist4 of the ,prot4 ,church in ,hungary1 p4 #cd4 #aidj ,id4 p4 #cg4 #aida ,id4 p4 #eh4 #aidb ,id4 pp4 #fi-gj4 #aidc ,id4 pp4 #de1 #gc4 #aidd ,id4 p4 #de4 #aide ,called ,blandvater in the ,history above cited1 which is copied in this error by ,hardwick4 #aidf ,schlegel's note to ,mosheim1 ,reid's ed4 p4 #gjh4 #aidg ,cp4 ,mosheim1 last cit4 #aidh ,hist4 of the ,prot4 ,church in ,hungary1 p4 #hf4 #aidi ,wallace1 ,antitrinitarian ,biog4 ii1 #beg-fj4 ,schlegel1 as cited4 ,biandrata later gave up his ,unitarianism1 turning either ,jesuit or ,protestant4 ,he was murdered by his nephew for his money4 ,wallace1 ii1 #add4 #aiej ,history cited1 p4 #aji4 ,as to the persecutions see pp4 #ajh-ae4 #aiea ,id4 pp4 #abh-bi1 #acb4 #aieb ,id4 p4 #acd4 #aiec ,krasinski1 ,hist4 of the ,reformation in ,poland1 #ahch1 i1 #bi-cj4 #aied ,id4 pp4 #cj-cd4 #aiee ,hist4 of the ,reformation in ,poland1 p4 #ch4 #aief ,id4 i4 #dj-db4 #aieg ,id4 p4 #de4 #aieh ,id4 pp4 #ee-ef4 #aiei ,id4 pp4 #dg-ej4 #aifj ,id4 pp4 #fe-ff4 #aifa ,id4 p4 #fg4 #aifb ,hist4 of the ,reformation in ,poland1 i1 #ia-ih4 #aifc ,id4 pp4 #aaa-af4 #aifd ,id4 p4 #acd4 #aife ,id4 pp4 #aci1 #cde1 following ,wengierski2 ,wallace1 ,antitrin4 ,biog4 ii1 ,art4 #da4 #aiff ,krasinski1 pp4 #adc1 #cdd1 note4 #aifg ,id4 i1 #afc4 #aifh ,id4 p4 #agc1 note4 #aifi ,id4 pp4 #agf-gg4 #aigj ,i4e41 ,peter of ,goniond1 a small town in ,podlachia4 #aiga ,krasinski1 i1 #cdf-dh2 ,mosheim4 #af ,cent4 sect4 ,,iii1 pt4 ii1 ch4 iv1 #g2 and ,schlegel's and ,reid's notes4 #aigb ,cp4 ,mosheim1 chapter last cited1 #ae sq4 #aigc ,krasinski1 i1 #ceg4 #aigd ,wallace1 ,antitrin4 ,biog4 ii1 #aha-hb4 #aige ,krasinski1 pp4 #ceg-fj4 #aigf ,id4 p4 #cfc4 #aigg ,krasinski1 ,ref4 in ,poland1 ii1 #ic-id2 ,rel4 ,hist4 of ,slav4 ,nations1 p4 #ahh4 #aigh ,lutteroth1 ,la ,reformation en ,france pendant sa premire priode1 p4 #b4 #aigi ,a4 ,a4 ,tilley1 in vol4 ii of ,camb4 ,mod4 ,hist4 ,the ,reformation1 ch4 ix4 p4 #bha4 #aihj ,prof4 ,h4 ,m4 ,baird1 ,hist4 of the ,rise of the ,huguenots1 #ahhj1 i1 #cc4 #aiha ,id4 i1 #ce4 #aihb ,tilley1 as cited1 p4 #bha4 #aihc ,lutteroth1 pp4 #ad-af4 #aihd ,tilley1 p4 #bhb4 ,the translation was notable as a revision of the ,vulgate version1 which was printed side by side with it4 #aihe ,lutteroth1 pp4 #c-d2 ,baird1 i1 #gi4 #aihf ,michelet1 ,hist4 de ,france1 tom4 x1 ,la ,rforme1 ch4 viii4 #aihg ,lutteroth1 p4 #i4 #aihh ,michelet4 d4 #ahhd1 x1 #cjh2 ,baird1 i1 #hj1 note4 #aihi ,see ,baird1 i1 #ia1 note1 as to the dates1 which are usually put a year too early4 #aiij ,baird1 i1 #ie-if1 and note4 #aiia ,id4 p4 #acb4 #aiib ,michelet1 x1 #cad2 ,baird1 i1 #acc-cg4 #aiic ,lutteroth1 p4 #ae2 ,michelet4 x1 #ccg4 #aiid ,other such outrages followed1 and did much to intensify persecution4 #aiie ,erasmus had said that one pamphlet of ,bda's contained eighty lies1 three hundred calumnies1 and forty-seven blasphemies 7,michelet1 x1 #cbj74 #aiif ,baird1 i1 #adc-dd2 ,michelet1 x1 #cba-bf4 #aiig ,michelet1 x1 #cch-ci4 #aiih ,baird1 i1 #adi4 #aiii ,cp4 ,tilley1 p4 #bhe4 #bjjj ,lutteroth1 p4 #ag2 ,michelet1 x1 #cdj 7giving the text of a contemporary record72 ,baird1 i1 #agc-gh--;a very full account4 #bjja ,see ,baird1 i1 #agf1 note1 as to the authenticity of the utterance1 which was doubted by ,voltaire4 #bjjb ,michelet1 x1 #cdb2 ,baird1 i1 #afi4 #bjjc ,cit4 by ,baird1 i1 #bd1 note4 #bjjd ,baird1 i1 #bba-bb4 #bjje ,it is endorsed by ,professor ,clifford1 ,lectures and ,essays1 #bnd ed4 p4 #cce4 #bjjf ,hist4 de la ,civ4 en ,france1 #ac;e dit4 i1 #ah4 #bjjg ,see the case well made out by ,buckle1 ch4 viii--#a-vol4 ed4 pp4 #caa-ac4 #bjjh ,see above1 p4 #cdh4 #bjji ,stubbs1 ,const4 ,hist41 #crd ed4 ii1 #dfi1 #dga1 #eaj4 #bjaj ,cp4 ,froude1 ,hist4 of ,england1 ed4 #ahgb1 i1 #agc2 ,burnet1 ,hist4 of the ,reformation1 ,nares' ed4 i1 #ag-ah4 ,henry1 says ,burnet1 cherished ,churchmen more than any king in ,england had ever done4 ,compare further ,shaftesbury1 ,miscellaneous ,reflections1 in the ,characteristics1 ,misc4 iii1 ch4 i1 ed4 #agcc1 vol4 iii1 p4 #aea2 ,lea1 ,hist4 of the ,inquisition1 as cited above1 p4 #caf4 #bjaa ,rev4 ,dr4 ,j4 ,h4 ,blunt1 ,the ,reformation of the ,church of ,england1 ed4 #ahib1 i1 #gb-ajj4 ,wolsey was more patient with ,protestant heresy than ,henry ever was1 though on his death-bed he counselled the king to put down the ,lutherans4 #bjab ,cp4 ,burnet1 as cited1 pref4 p4 xl1 and p4 #c2 ,heylyn1 ,hist4 of the ,ref4 pref42 ,blunt1 i1 #bic-id4 ,in #aecj the king had actually repudiated his debts1 cancelling borrowings made under the ,privy ,seal1 and thus setting an example to the ,catholic ,king ,philip ,,ii in a later generation4 #bjac ,heylyn1 as cited1 and i1 #abc-bg1 ed4 #ahdi2 ,a4 ,f4 ,leach1 ,english ,schools at the ,reformation1 #ahif1 pp4 #e-f2 ,j4 ,e4 ,g4 ,de ,montmorency1 ,state ,intervention in ,english ,education1 #aijb1 pp4 #fb-fe4 #bjad ,the subject is treated at some length in ,the ,dynamics of ,religion1 by ,m4 ,w4 ,wiseman 7,j4 ,m4 ,r471 #ahig1 pp4 #c-df2 and in ,the ,saxon and the ,celt1 pp4 #ib-ig4 #bjae ,bishop ,stubbs1 ,const4 ,hist4 of ,england1 #crd ed4 iii1 #fch4 ,cp4 ,bishop ,creighton1 ,the ,age of ,elizabeth1 p4 #f2 ,hallam1 ,lit4 of ,europe1 i1 #cff4 #bjaf ,ranke1 ,history of the ,popes1 ,bohn tr4 #aijh1 p4 #fj2 ,hardwick1 ,church ,history3 ,reformation1 ed4 #ahhf1 p4 #bej4 #bjag ,much of this has never been published4 ,most of it is in a ,,ms4 ,codex of the ,city ,library at ,frankfurt4 ,extracts in ,tentzel's ,supplementum ,histori ,gothan1 #agja1 in the ,narratio de ,eobano ,hesso of ,j4 ,camerarius1 #aeec1 etc4 ,see ,strauss's ,ulrich von ,hutten1 #bte ,aufl4 #ahga1 p4 #cb1 n4 7ed4 #aheh1 i1 #dd7 et seq4 #bjah ,eccles4 ,hist41 bk4 i1 ch4 iv4 #bjai ,strauss1 ,ulrich von ,hutten1 as cited1 pp4 #cc-ce2 ,bezold1 ,gesch4 der deutschen ,reformation1 #ahij1 p4 #bbf4 ,bezold describes ,mutianus as der freigeistige ,kanonikus zu ,gotha1 and points out1 concerning his universalism1 that the historic ,christ thus slips through his fingers4 #bjbj ,bezold1 as last cited4 ,here is the skepticism kept in the background by ,mutianus and ,celtis1 popularized in the rudest way4 #bjba ,briefe1 ed4 ,de ,wette1 iii1 #fj4 #bjbb ,karl ,hagen1 ,deutschlands lit4 u4 relig4 ,verhltnisse im ,reformations-zeitalter1 #ahfh1 ii1 #aaj2 letter of ,capito to ,zwingli1 ,ep4 ,zwinglii i1 #dg2 ,f4 ,c4 ,baur1 ,kirchengeschichte1 iv1 #dej2 ,trechsel1 ,die protestantischen ,antitrinitarier vor ,faustus ,socinus1 #ahci-dd1 i1 #ac-af1 #cc2 ,wallace1 ,antitrinitarian ,biography1 #ahej1 i1 art4 #c1 #d1 #e4 #bjbc ,schlegel's note to ,mosheim1 ,reid's ed4 p4 #fhi2 ,baur1 iv1 #dej2 ,trechsel1 i1 #ac-af4 #bjbd ,see a good account of him by ,beard1 ,hibbert ,lectures on ,the ,reformation1 p4 #bjd sq4 #bjbe ,for an impartial criticism of their language see ,henderson's ,short ,hist4 of ,germany1 i1 #cba-bc4 ,cp4 ,baur1 ,kirchengeschichte1 iv1 #gc-gf2 ,a4 ,f4 ,pollard in ,camb4 ,mod4 ,hist4 ii1 #aib-ie2 ,beard1 ,hibbert ,lect4 on ,the ,reformation1 p4 #bjj2 and ,kautsky1 ,communism in ,central ,europe in the ,time of the ,reformation1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahig1 pp4 #aag-bh4 #bjbf ,kohlrausch1 ,hist4 of ,germany1 ,eng4 tr4 p4 #cig4 #bjbg ,to the same effect ,menzel1 ,gesch4 der ,deutschen1 ,capp4 #cia1 #dib4 #bjbh ,pollard1 as cited1 p4 #age4 #bjbi ,id4 p4 #agh4 #bjcj ,id4 pp4 #agi1 #aic4 #bjca ,id4 p4 #aic4 #bjcb ,id4 p4 #aib4 #bjcc ,ranke1 as cited1 pp4 #dei-fd4 #bjcd ,id4 p4 #dfa4 #bjce ,cp4 ,michelet1 ,hist4 de ,france1 x1 ,la ,rforme1 ed4 #ahhb1 pp4 #ajd1 #ccb4 #bjcf ,cp4 ,burckhard1 ,de ,ulrichi ,hutteni ,vita ,commentarius1 #agag1 i1 #fe4 ,for a general view see ,ranke1 pp4 #abf-ci4 #bjcg ,jakob ,marx1 ,die ,ursachen der schnellen ,verbreitung der ,reformation1 #ahdg1 #ab4 #bjch ,prof4 ,j4 ,m4 ,vincent1 in ,prof4 ,s4 ,m4 ,jackson's ,huldreich ,zwingli1 #aija1 p4 #cg4 #bjci ,cp4 ,ullmann1 ,reformers before the ,reformation1 i1 #ai2 ii1 passim2 ,mosheim1 #ae ,cent4 ,pt4 ii1 ch4 ii1 #bb2 and ,bonet-,maury's thesis1 ,de ,opera ,scholastica ,fratrum ,vit ,communis1 #ahhi4 #bjdj ,burton1 ,history of ,scotland1 iii1 #cii-dja4 ,but the end in view was probably1 as ,burton half admits1 the recruiting of the ,church4 ,cp4 ,cosmo ,innes1 ,sketches of ,early ,scotch ,history1 p4 #acd sq41 and ,scottish ,legal ,antiquities1 pp4 #abi-cj4 #bjda ,menzel1 ,cap4 #dib4 #bjdb ,menzel1 ,cap4 #dib 7ed4 #ahcg1 p4 #gfb74 #bjdc ,ranke 7p4 #dff7 becomes positively lyrical over the happy lot of the peasant who received ,luther's ,catechism 7#aebi74 ,it contains enduring comfort in every affliction1 and1 under a slight husk1 the kernel of truths able to satisfy the wisest of the wise4 ,such declamation holds the place that ought to have been filled by an account of economic conditions4 #bjdd ,bishop ,stubbs1 ,const4 ,hist4 of ,england1 iii4 #fbg4 ,the bishop1 however1 holds that in the time of ,lollard prosperity the ability to read was widely diffused in ,england 7p4 #fbh72 and it seems certain that in the first half of the sixteenth century printing multiplied enormously4 ,cp4 ,michelet4 ,hist4 de ,france1 x1 ed4 #ahhd4 p4 #ajc sq4 #bjde ,cp4 ,willis1 ,servetus and ,calvin1 #ahgg1 bk4 ii4 ch4 i2 ,audin1 ,histoire de ,calvin1 d4 abrg4 ch4 xxiv-xxvii2 and essay on ,machiavelli and ,calvin in the present writer's ,essays in ,sociology1 #aijc4 vol4 i4 #bjdf ,werke41 ed4 ,walch4 viii4 #bjdc 7,on ,ep4 to ,galat471 cited by ,beard4 #bjdg ,id4 viii1 #aaha 7,on #a ,cor4 xv74 ,cp4 other citations in ,beard1 pp4 #afa-fe4 #bjdh ,green1 ,short ,history1 ch4 vi1 v1 p4 #cae4 #bjdi ,cp4 ,stbelin1 ,johannes ,calvin1 #ahfc4 ii1 #bhb-hc4 #bjej ,he was educated at ,basel and ,berne and at ,vienna ,university1 and of all the leading reformers he seems to have had most knowledge of classical literature4 ,hess1 ,life of ,zwingle1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahab1 pp4 #b-g1 following ,myconius and ,hottinger4 #bjea ,chr4 ,sigwart1 ,ulrich ,zwingli1 der ,charakter seiner ,theologie1 mit besonderer ,rcksicht auf ,pico von ,mirandula1 #ahee1 pp4 #ad-bf4 ,prof4 ,jackson1 ,huldreich ,zwingli1 p4 #he1 note1 states that ,sigwart later modified his views4 #bjeb ,so states ,melanchthon1 cited by ,jackson1 p4 #he1 note4 ,cp4 pp4 #bja1 #cij-ib4 #bjec ,cited by ,jackson1 p4 #caf4 #bjed ,id4 p4 #bie4 #bjee ,id4 p4 #cfa4 #bjef ,id4 p4 #cfa1 note4 #bjeg ,id4 ,according to ,heylyn1 the ,earl of ,warwick countenanced the ,zwinglians in his intrigues against the ,protector ,somerset2 and their views were further welcomed by other nobles as making for the plundering of rich altars4 ,hist4 of the ,reform4 of the ,ch4 of ,eng41 ed4 #ahdi4 pref4 p4 vii4 ,but ,heylyn appears to identify the ,zwinglians at this stage with the ,calvinists4 ,cp4 p4 x4 #bjeh ,henry1 ,das ,leben ,calvins1 ii1 ,kap4 #ac1 and ,beilage #af 7,appendix not given in the ,english translation72 ,sthelin1 ,johannes ,calvin1 #ahfc1 i1 #cii-djj4 #bjei ,cp4 ,calvin's letter to ,viret1 ,july #b1 #aedg 7,letters of ,calvin1 ed4 ,bonnet1 ,eng4 tr4 #aheg1 ii1 #aji71 where it is alleged that in the two pages the whole of ,scripture is laughed at1 ,christ aspersed1 the immortality of the soul called a dream and a fable1 and finally the whole of religion torn in pieces4 ,i do not think he is the author of it1 adds ,calvin2 but as it is in his handwriting he will be compelled to appear in his defence4 #bjfj ,sthelin1 i1 #djj4 ,henry avows that ,gruet was subjected to the torture morning and evening during a whole month 7,eng4 tr4 ii4 #ff74 ,other biographers dishonestly exclude the fact from their narratives4 #bjfa ,cp4 ,calvin's letter to the ,seigneury of ,geneva1 in ,letters1 ii4 #bed-ef4 #bjfb ,henry1 ,life of ,calvin1 ,eng4 tr4 ii1 #dg-dh4 ,gruet's fragment can hardly have been the ,de ,tribus ,impostoribus1 inasmuch as ,calvin makes no mention of any reference to ,mohammed in his fragment1 whereas the title of the other book proceeded on the specification of ,mohammed as well as ,jesus and ,moses4 ,the existing treatise of that name1 in any case1 is of later date4 ,of the famous treatise in question1 which was not published till long afterwards1 ,henry admits that it professes to show tranquilly1 and with regret1 but without abuse1 the fraudulent character of the three revealed religions4 ,concerning ,gruet's essay he asks3 ,what are all the anti-,christian writings of the ,french ,revolution compared with the hellish laughter which seemed to peal from its pages8 ,for this description he has not a line to cite4 #bjfc ,for instance1 one man was accused of having blasphemed against a storm which terrified the pious4 #bjfd ,dndliker1 ,geschichte der ,schweiz1 #ahhd-hg1 ii1 #eei2 above1 p4 #b4 #bjfe ,mark ,pattison1 ,essays1 #ahhi1 ii1 #cg4 #bjff ,dndliker1 as cited1 endorsing ,roget4 ,cp4 ,hallam1 ,lit4 of ,europe1 i1 #cjf1 and ,hamilton1 ,discus4 on ,philos4 and ,lit41 #bnd ed4 p4 #dig1 as to the dissolution of morals in the ,lutheran world4 #bjfg ,mosheim1 #ad ,cent4 sec4 iii1 ,pt4 ii1 ch4 ii1 #ch-da2 ,audin1 ,histoire de ,calvin1 chs4 xxix1 xxx4 #bjfh ,histoire de la vie1 moeurs1 actes1 doctrine1 constance et mort de ,iean ,calvin1 jadis ministre de ,geneue1 receuilly par ,m4 ,hierosme ,hermes ,bolsec1 docteur mdecin ,lyon4 ,lyon1 #aegg4 #bjfi ,the reprint of ,bolsec's book prepared by ,m4 ,l4 ,f4 ,chastel 7,lyon1 #ahge7 appears to be faithful2 but the ,catholic animus shown deprives the annotations of critical value4 #bjgj ,sthelin1 ii1 #bic-cja4 #bjga ,sthelin1 ii1 #bic4 ,arminius pointed to this letter as a proof that ,melanchthon had abandoned his early predestinarianism 7,declaratio of #afjh1 xx4 #b2 ,works of ,arminius1 ed4 ,nichols1 i4 #egh74 ,but of course ,melanchthon had previously guarded himself in his ,loci ,communes 7#aede7 and elsewhere4 7,id4 pp4 #eig-ih47 #bjgb ,sthelin1 ii4 #cjd4 #bjgc ,latinized name of ,miguel ,servedo1 alias ,reves1 born at ,tudela in ,navarre in #aeaa1 son of ,hernando ,villanueva1 a notary of an ,aragonese family1 of which ,villanueva had been the seat4 ,the statement of ,de la ,roche that ,servetus was born in ,aragon1 though long current1 is now exploded4 #bjgd ,de la ,roche1 ,mmoires de ,littrature1 cited in ,an ,impartial ,history of ,servetus1 #agbd1 p4 #bg4 #bjge ,christianismi ,restitutio1 h4e4 ,totius ecclesi apostolic ad sua limina vocatio in integrum1 restituta cognitione ,dei1 fidei christian1 justificationis nostr1 regenerationis1 baptismi1 ,coen ,domini manducationis4 ,restituto denique nobis regno coelesti1 ,babylonis impia captivitate solut1 et antichristo cum suis penitus destructo1 #aeec4 ,of this book ,de la ,roche 7#agaa7 knew of no printed copy1 having read it solely in ,,ms4 ,perfect copies1 however1 are preserved in ,vienna and ,paris2 and an imperfect one in ,edinburgh ,university ,library has been completed from the original draft1 which has matter not in the printed copy4 ,it has been pointed out that the book is not absolutely anonymous1 inasmuch as it has at the end the initials ,m4 ,s4 ,v4--the ,v4 standing for the name ,villanova or ,villanovanus1 which he bore as a student at ,louvain and put on the title-pages of his scientific works2 and ,servetus is actually introduced as an interlocutor in one of the dialogues4 #bjgf ,it is to be remembered1 however1 that he pronounced all ,trinitarians to be veros ,atheos4 ,history of ,servetus1 p4 #aca4 #bjgg ,mihi ob eam rem moriendum esse certo scio4 #bjgh ,melanchthon1 ,epist41 lib4 i1 ep4 #c2 ,mc,crie1 ,reformation in ,italy1 p4 #if2 ,trechsel1 ,lelio ,sozini1 #ahdd1 pp4 #ch-da4 #bjgi ,willis1 ,servetus and ,calvin1 #ahgg1 p4 #aag4 #bjhj ,see the careful account of ,dr4 ,austin ,flint1 of ,now ,york1 in his pamphlet1 ,rabelais as a ,physiologist1 rep4 from ,new ,york ,medical ,journal of ,june #bi1 #aija4 #bjha ,willis1 p4 #ec4 #bjhb ,letter to ,farel1 ,aug4 #bj4 #aeec 7,letters1 ,eng4 tr4 ii1 #cii74 ,cp4 ,henry1 ii1 #aie-if4 #bjhc ,id4 ch4 xix4 ,see the letter of ,trie1 given in ,henry's ,life of ,calvin 7,eng4 tr4 ii1 #aha-he71 with the admission that ,trie was in ,calvin's counsels4 ,henry vainly endeavours to make light 7pp4 #aha-hb7 of ,calvin's written words to ,farel concerning ,servetus3 ,si venerit1 modo valeat mea autoritas1 vivum exire nunquam patiar4 ,still1 it must in fairness be remembered that ,trie1 by his own account1 persuaded ,calvin1 who was reluctant1 to his act of complicity with the inquisitors of ,lyons4 ,cp4 ,bossert1 ,calvin1 pp4 #afj-fd4 #bjhd ,willis1 ch4 xx4 ,cp4 pp4 #deg1 #ejc4 ,the defence of ,calvin in ,mackenzie's ,life 7#ahji1 p4 #gi7 on the score that he was not likely to communicate with ,catholic officials does not meet the case as to ,trie4 ,and cp4 p4 #hc4 #bjhe ,ten years after the death of ,servetus1 ,calvin calls him a dog and wicked scoundrel 7,willis1 p4 #ecj2 cp4 ,hist4 of ,servetus1 p4 #bad1 citing ,calvin's ,comm4 on ,acts xx72 and in his ,commentary on ,genesis 7i1 #c1 ed4 #ahch1 p4 #i7 he says of him3 ,latrat hic obscoenus canis4 ,and ,servetus had asked his pardon at the end4 #bjhf ,white1 ,warfare of ,science with ,theology1 #ahif1 i1 #aac2 ,history of ,servetus1 #agbd1 p4 #ic sq43 ,willis1 ,servetus and ,calvin1 p4 #cbe4 #bjhg ,wallace1 ,antitrinitarian ,biography1 i1 #dcj4 #bjhh ,see ,sthelin1 ,johannes ,calvin1 ii1 #cjj-cjh4 #bjhi ,f4 ,a4 ,cox4 ,life of ,melanchthon1 #ahae1 pp4 #ebc-bd2 ,willis1 pp4 #dg1 #eaa4 #bjij ,table ,talk1 ch4 #dc4 ,cp4 ,michelet's ,life of ,luther1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahdf1 pp4 #aie-if2 and ,hallam1 ,lit4 of ,europe1 i1 #cfj-fe4 ,michelet's later enthusiasm for ,luther 7,hist4 de ,france1 x1 ch4 v1 ed4 #ahhd1 pp4 #if-ig7 is oblivious of many of the facts noted in his earlier studies4 #bjia ,bayle1 ,art4 ,gribaud2 ,christie1 tienne ,dolet1 #bnd ed4 pp4 #cjc-cje4 ,wallace1 ,antitrinitarian ,biography1 ii1 ,art4 #ah4 #bjib ,benrath1 ,bernardino ,ochino of ,siena1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahgf4 pp4 #bfh-gb1 #bhg-ib4 #bjic ,mc,crie1 p4 #bcj2 ,audin1 ch4 xxxv2 ,benrath1 ,bernardino ,ochino1 p4 #big4 #bjid ,cp4 ,pusey1 ,histor4 ,enquiry into ,ger4 ,rationalism1 #ahbh1 p4 #ad sq42 ,beard1 p4 #ahc4 #bjie ,sthelin1 ii4 #ccg4 ,biandrata went to ,hungary1 where1 as we saw 7p4 #dba71 he turned persecutor1 and then ,protestant4 #bjif ,mosheim1 #af ,cent4 sec4 iii1 pt4 ii1 ch4 iv1 #f2 ,audin1 pp4 #cid-ii2 ,aretius1 ,short ,hist4 of ,valentinus ,gentilis1 ,eng4 tr4 #afif2 ,sthelin1 ii1 #cch-de2 ,wallace1 ,antitrinitarian ,biography1 ii1 ,art4 #bj4 #bjig ,see the ,historical ,account of his life and trial in the ,harleian ,miscellany1 iv1 #afh sq4 #bjih ,see ,sthelin1 ii1 #bic1 #cjd1 etc4 #bjii ,cp4 ,menzel1 ,geschichte der ,deutschen1 #cte ,aufl4 ,cap4 #dag2 ,a4 ,f4 ,pollard1 in ,cam4 ,mod4 ,hist41 vol4 ii1 ch4 vii1 p4 #bbc2 ,the ,dynamics of ,religion1 pp4 #f-h4 #bajj ,see ,beard1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 pp4 #ahi-ij1 #aif4 ,the same avowal was made in the eighteenth century by ,mosheim 7#af ,cent4 sec4 iii1 pt4 ii1 #e74 #baja ,f4 ,a4 ,cox1 ,life of ,melanchthon1 #ahae1 p4 #edd1 citing ,adam1 ,vit philosophorum 7p4 #icd74 ,cp4 pp4 #ebh-bi4 #bajb ,k4 von ,raumer1 as cited1 pp4 #cb-cg4 #bajc ,id4 pp4 #db-eb2 ,pusey1 as cited1 p4 #aab4 #bajd ,dndliker1 ,geschichte der ,schweiz1 ii1 #eef-ei1 #fbb sq41 #gbh-bi4 #baje ,see the extracts in ,beard's ,hibbert ,lectures1 pp4 #cdj-da4 #bajf ,menzel1 ,geschichte der ,deutschen1 ,cap4 #dag4 #bajg ,cp4 ,hamilton1 ,discussions in ,philosophy and ,literature1 #aheb1 pp4 #dic-id1 note4 #bajh ,mosheim1 ,reid's ed4 pp4 #fbe-bf4 ,such solutions were common in papal polity4 ,id4 p4 #gfg4 #baji ,bishop ,schuster1 ,johann ,kepler und die grossen kirchlichen ,streitfragen seiner ,zeit1 #ahhh1 p4 #agh sq4 ,it is noteworthy that ,kepler's mother was sentenced for witchcraft1 and saved by the influence of her son4 ,johann ,keppler's ,leben und ,werken nach neuerlich aufgefundenen ,,mss41 von ,g4 ,l4 ,c4 ,freiherrn von ,breitschwert1 #ahca1 p4 #ig sq4 #baaj ,there is much reason to believe that the fetters upon scientific thought were closer under the strict interpretation of ,scripture by the early ,protestants than they had been under the older church 7,white1 ,warfare of ,science with ,theology1 i1 #bab74 ,concerning the ,protestant hostility to the ,copernican system and to ,kepler1 see ,schuster1 as cited1 pp4 #hg sq41 #aia sq4 #baaa ,white1 as cited1 i1 #abi4 #baab ,id4 i1 #bac4 #baac ,id4 p4 #adg4 #baad ,menzel1 ,cap4 #dca2 ,dndliker1 ,geschichte der ,schweiz1 #ahhd1 ii1 #gdc4 ,the cantons of ,glarus1 ,outer ,appenzell1 ,st4 ,gall1 and the ,grisons formally rejected the ,gregorian ,calendar4 ,id4 ib4 ,zschokke 7,des ,schweizerlands ,geschichte1 #ite ,ausg4 #ahec1 p4 #agi7 implies that the ,protestants in general ignored it4 ,ranke 7,hist4 of the ,popes1 ,bohn tr4 #aijh1 i1 #ccg7 mentions that all ,catholic nations took part in this reform4 #baae ,blunt1 ,ref4 of the ,church of ,england1 ed4 #ahib1 ii1 #gf4 ,of the twenty-six cathedrals in the reign of ,henry ,,viii1 thirteen had been monastic churches1 and these were razed to the smallest possible dimensions as to number and endowments4 ,id4 p4 #gg4 #baaf ,strype's ,memorials of ,cranmer1 ed4 #ahdh1 ii1 #hi4 #baag ,blunt1 i1 #afj-fa4 #baah ,original ,letters relative to the ,english ,reformation1 ,parker ,society1 #ahaf1 i1 #ff4 #baai ,bishop ,burnet 7,exposition of the ,thirty-nine ,articles1 ,art4 #ah7 has given currency to the pretence that the words saved by the law are meant to exclude the sense saved in the law1 the latter salvation being allowed as possible4 ,that there was no such thought on the part of the framers of the ,article is shown by the ,latin version1 where the expression is precisely in lege4 ,burnet prints the ,latin1 yet utterly ignores its significance4 #babj ,book ,,ii of the ,utopia was written at ,antwerp1 during his six months' stay there on an embassy4 #baba ,bk4 ii1 sec4 ,of the ,religions 7,arber's ed4 pp4 #adc-dg2 ,morley's ed4 pp4 #aea-ec74 #babb ,green1 ,short ,history1 ch4 vi1 #d2 #ahha ed4 p4 #caa4 ,compare ,green's whole estimate4 ,michelet's hostile criticism 7x1 #cef7 is surprisingly inept4 ,for the elements of naturalism in the ,utopia see bk4 ii1 sections ,of their ,journeying and ,of the ,religions4 #babc ,cp4 ,t4 ,c4 ,grattan1 ,the ,netherlands1 #ahcj1 pp4 #bca-dc4 #babd ,who1 as it happened1 avowed that religion was almost extinct in ,europe at the time of the rise of the ,lutheran and ,calvinistic heresies4 ,concio xxviii4 ,opera1 vi1 #bif1 ed4 #afag1 cited by ,blunt1 ,ref4 of ,church of ,england1 ed4 #ahib1 i1 #d1 note4 #babe ,cp4 ,the ,works of ,arminius1 ed4 by ,james ,nichols1 #ahbe1 i1 #ehj1 note4 #babf ,id4 p4 #eha note4 #babg ,cp4 ,schuster1 as cited1 pp4 #aia sq41 #bjb sq4 #babh ,nichols's ,arminius1 i1 p4 #bcc4 #babi ,hallam1 ,lit4 of ,europe1 ii1 #djf-daf2 ,pattison1 ,isaac ,casaubon1 #bnd ed4 pp4 #ddg-dh4 ,as to ,casaubon's own intolerance1 however1 see p4 #ddf4 #bacj ,hallam1 ii1 #daa1 #daf4 #baca ,beard1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 p4 #bih4 #bacb ,bayle1 ,dictionnaire1 art4 ,viret1 note ,d4 #bacc ,calvin1 scenting his heresy1 warned him in #aeeb 7,bayle1 art4 ,marianus ,socin1 the first1 note ,b72 but they remained on surprisingly good terms till ,lelio's death in #aefb4 ,cp4 ,sthelin1 ,johannes ,calvin1 ii4 #cba-bh4 #bacd ,cp4 the ,english ,history of ,servetus1 #agbd1 p4 #ci1 and ,trechsel1 ,lelio ,sozzini und die ,antitrinitarier seiner ,zeit 7,bd4 ii4 of ,die protestantischen ,antitrinitarier71 #ahdd1 pp4 #ch-da4 #bace ,cited by ,trechsel1 p4 #db1 note4 #bacf ,cp4 ,bayle1 art4 ,ochin2 ,miss ,lowndes1 ,michel de ,montaigne1 p4 #bff2 ,owen1 ,french ,skeptics1 p4 #ehh2 ,benrath1 ,bernardino ,ochino of ,siena1 ,eng4 tr4 #ahgf1 pp4 #bfh-gb4 ,mc,crie mentions 7,ref4 in ,italy1 p4 #bbh1 note7 that ,ochino's dialogue on polygamy has been translated and published in ,england by the friends of that practice4 7,in #afeg4 ,rep4 #agcb47 #bacg ,above1 pp4 #deh-ei1 ,sermons 7orthodox7 by ,ochino were published in ,english in #aedh1 and often reprinted4 #bach ,d',ewes1 ,journals of ,parliament in the ,reign of ,elizabeth1 #afhb1 p4 #fe4 #baci ,see above1 p4 #dei4 #badj ,the ,scholemaster1 ,arber's rep4 p4 #hb4 #bada ,e4g41 work cited1 pt4 ii1 ,max4 #a1 and ,max4 #f1 end4 ,eng4 tr4 #afjh1 pp4 #ic1 #abh4 #badb ,mark ,pattison1 ,essay on ,joseph ,scaliger1 in ,essays1 ,routledge's ed4 i1 #aad4 #badc ,when ,pattison declares that ,italian curiosity had bred not secret unbelief but callous acquiescence he sets up a spurious antithesis2 and when he generalizes that in ,italy men did not disbelieve the truths of the ,christian religion1 he understates the case4 ,he errs equally in the opposite direction when he alleges 7ib4 p4 #ada7 that in the ,france of ,montaigne a philosophical skepticism had become the creed of all thinking men4 ,such a difference between ,france and ,italy was impossible4 #badd ,see ,mc,crie1 ,reformation in ,italy1 ed4 #ahef1 pp4 #if-ii4 #bade ,trechsel1 ,die protestantischen ,antitrinitarier vor ,faustus ,socinus1 i 7#ahci71 #ef2 ,mosheim1 #af ,cent4 #crd sec4 pt4 ii1 ch4 iv1 #c4 #badf ,hallam1 ,lit4 of ,europe1 ii1 #hb4 #badg ,art4 ,acontius1 in ,dict4 of ,national ,biog4 ,cp4 ,j4 ,j4 ,tayler4 ,retrospect of the ,religious ,life of ,england1 #bnd ed4 pp4 #bje-bjf4 ,as to the attack on latitudinarianism in the ,thirty-nine ,articles1 see above1 p4 #dfj4 #badh ,bacon1 ,adv4 of ,learning1 bk4 i2 ,filum ,labyrinthi1 #g 7,routledge ed4 pp4 #ej1 #fc1 #bjj74 #badi ,cp4 ,zeller1 ,hist4 de l',italie1 pp4 #djj-ab2 ,green1 ,short ,hist4 ch4 viii1 #b4 #baej ,mc,crie1 p4 #afd4 ,it was said by ,scaliger that in the time of ,pius ,,iv between ,paul ,,iv and ,pius ,v people talked very freely in ,rome4 ,id4 ib4 note4 ,it was even considered characteristic of good society in ,rome to call the principles of ,christianity in question4 ',one passes1' says ,p4 ,ant4 ,bandino1 'no longer for a man of cultivation unless one put forth heterodox opinions concerning the ,christian faith4' ,ranke1 ,hist4 of the ,popes1 ,bohn1 tr4 ed4 #aijh1 i1 #eh1 citing ,caracciolo's ,,ms4 ,life of ,paul ,,iv4 #baea ,hallam1 ii1 #aaf4 #baeb ,under the alternative titles of ,the ,examination of ,men's ,wits and ,a ,trial of ,wits4 ,rep4 #aeif1 #afjd1 #afaf4 #baec ,carew's tr4 ed4 #aeif1 p4 #ae4 #baed ,id4 p4 #ag4 #baee ,id4 p4 #ai4 #baef ,according to ,henri ,estienne1 ,postell himself vended strange heresies1 one being to the effect that to make a good religion there were needed three--the ,christian1 the ,jewish1 and the ,turkish4 ,apologie pour ,hrodote1 liv4 i1 ed4 #afjg1 pp4 #ih-ajj4 #baeg ,published at ,antwerp4 ,it was reprinted in #aehb1 #aehc1 and #aeij2 translated into ,latin in #aehc1 and frequently reprinted in that form2 translated into ,english 7begun by ,sir ,philip ,sidney and completed by ,arthur ,golding7 in #aehg1 and in that form at least thrice reprinted in blackletter4 #baeh ,ed4 #aehb1 p4 #ah4 ,eng4 tr4 #afja1 p4 #aj4 #baei ,or even in modifying philosophic doctrine1 save perhaps as regards ,descartes1 later4 ,cp4 ,bartholmess1 ,hist4 crit4 des doctr4 relig4 de la philos4 moderne1 #ahee1 i1 #ba-bb4 #bafj ,see ,owen1 ,skeptics of the ,french ,renaissance1 pp4 #fca-cf--;a fairer and more careful estimate1 than that of ,hallam1 ,lit4 of ,europe1 ii1 #aaa-ac4 #bafa ,essais1 bk4 ii1 ch4 xiii1 ed4 ,firmin-,didot1 vol4 ii1 #b-c2 ,king ,lear1 i1 #b1 near end2 ,les ,amants ,magnifiques1 i1 #b2 iii1 #a4 ,montaigne echoes ,pliny 7,hist4 ,nat4 ii1 #h71 as ,molire does ,cicero1 ,de ,divinatione1 ii1 #dc4 #bafb ,our religion1 he writes1 is made to extirpate vices2 it protects1 nourishes1 and incites them 7,essais1 liv4 ii1 ch4 xii2 d4 ,firmin-,didot1 ii1 #dfd74 ,there is no enmity so extreme as the ,christian4 7,i quote in general ,florio's translation for the flavour's sake2 but it should be noted that he makes many small slips47 #bafc ,owen was mistaken 7,skeptics of the ,french ,renaissance1 p4 #dad7 in supposing that ,montaigne spent several years over this translation4 ,by ,montaigne's own account at the beginning of the ,apologie1 it was done in a few days4 ,cp4 ,miss ,lowndes's excellent monograph1 ,michel de ,montaigne1 pp4 #ajc1 #ajf4 #bafd d4 ,firmin-,didot1 ii1 #dfi4 #bafe ,miss ,lowndes1 p4 #ade4 ,cp4 ,champion1 ,introd4 aux ,essais de ,montaigne1 #aijj4 #baff ,essais1 liv4 ii1 ch4 xii2 liv4 iii1 ch4 v4 ,ed4 cited1 i1 #fe2 ii1 #cji4 #bafg ,for a view of ,montaigne's development see ,m4 ,champion's excellent ,introduction--a work indispensable to a full understanding of the ,essais4 #bafh ,liv4 ii1 ch4 xi4 #bafi ,cp4 the ,essais1 liv4 iii1 ch4 i 7ed4 cited1 ii1 #bjh74 ,owen gives a somewhat misleading idea of the passage 7,french ,skeptics1 p4 #dhf74 #bagj ,miss ,lowndes1 ,michel de ,montaigne1 p4 #aca4 ,cp4 ,owen1 p4 #dad4 #baga ,he was consistent enough to doubt the new cosmology of ,copernicus 7,essais1 as cited1 i1 #fae72 and he even made a rather childish attack on the reform of the ,calendar 7liv4 iii1 chs4 x1 xi72 but he was a keen and convinced critic of the prevailing abuses in law and education4 ,owen's discussion of his opinions is illuminating2 but that of ,champion makes a still more searching analysis as regards the conflicting tendencies in ,montaigne4 #bagb ,liv4 i1 ch4 liv4 #bagc ,liv4 i1 ch4 xx1 end4 #bagd ,liv4 i1 ch4 xxii4 #bage ,liv4 ii1 ch4 ix4 #bagf ,liv4 ii1 ch4 xvii4 ,ed4 cited1 ii1 #eh4 #bagg ,id4 p4 #ei4 #bagh ,liv4 iii1 ch4 xiii4 ,ed4 cited1 ii1 #egb4 #bagi ,cp4 the clerical protests of ,sterling 7,lond4 and ,westm4 ,rev4 ,july1 #ahch1 p4 #cdf7 and ,dean ,church 7,oxford ,essays1 p4 #bgi7 with the judgment of ,champion1 pp4 #aei-gc4 ,sterling piously declares that ,all that we find in him ,montaigne of ,christianity would be suitable to apes and dogs4444 #bahj ,liv4 i1 ch4 xxii4 ,cp4 liv4 iii1 ch4 xi4 #baha ,below1 #e4 #bahb ,liv4 iii1 ch4 xi4 #bahc ,liv4 iii1 ch4 xi4 #bahd ,cp4 citations in ,buckle1 #c-vol4 ed4 ii1 #ah1 note #db 7#a-vol4 ed4 p4 #bif72 ,locky4 ,rationalism1 i1 #ib-ie2 and ,perrens1 ,les ,libertins1 p4 #dd4 #bahe ,as to ,henri ,,iv see ,perrens1 p4 #ec4 #bahf ,not1 as ,owen states 7,french ,skeptics1 p4 #efi71 the sister of ,francis ,i1 who died when ,charron was eight years old1 but the daughter of ,henri ,,ii1 and first wife of ,henri of ,navarre1 afterwards ,henri ,,iv4 #bahg ,cp4 ,prof4 ,strowski1 ,de ,montaigne ,pascal1 as cited1 p4 #agj sq41 and the ,discours ,chrtien of ,charron--an extract from a letter of #aehi--published with the #afji ed4 of the ,sagesse4 #bahh ,cp4 ,sainte-,beuve1 as cited by ,owen1 p4 #ega1 note1 and ,owen's own words1 p4 #egb4 #bahi ,owen1 p4 #ega4 ,cp4 pp4 #egc1 #egd4 #baij ,bayle1 art4 ,charron4 ,a brutal atheism is the account of ,charron's doctrine given by the ,jesuit ,garasse4 ,cp4 ,perrens1 p4 #eg4 #baia ,owen 7p4 #egj7 comes to this conclusion after carefully collating the editions4 ,cp4 p4 #ehg1 note4 ,the whole of the alterations1 including those proposed by ,president ,jeannin1 will be found set forth in the edition of #afjg1 and the reprints of that4 ,one of the modified passages 7first ed4 p4 #beg2 ed4 #afji1 p4 #ghe7 is the ,montaignesque comment 7noted by ,prof4 ,strowski1 p4 #aie7 on the fashion in which men's religion is determined by their place of birth4 ,c'est du ,montaigne aggrav1 complains ,m4 ,strowski4 ,and it is left unchanged in substance4 #baib ,the first 444 attempt made in a modern language to construct a system of morals without the aid of theology 7#c-vol4 ed4 ii1 #ai2 #a-vol4 ed4 p4 #bif74 #baic ,cp4 ,owen1 pp4 #ehj-he4 #baid ,buckle1 #c-vol4 ed4 ii1 #ba2 #a-vol4 ed4 p4 #big4 #baie ,e4g41 the preface to the first edition1 ad init4 #baif ,e4g41 liv4 ii1 ch4 xxviii of revised ed4 7ed4 #afji1 p4 #cii74 #baig ,see the biog4 pref4 of ,labitte to the ,charpentier edition1 p4 xxv4 ,the ,satyre in its own turn freely charges atheism and incest on ,leaguers2 e4g41 the ,harangue de ,m4 de ,lyon1 ed4 cited1 pp4 #gi1 #hf4 ,this was by ,rapin1 whom ,garasse particularly accuses of libertinage4 ,see the ,doctrine ,curieuse1 as cited1 p4 #abd4 #baih ,it had to be four times reprinted in a few weeks2 and the subsequent editions are innumerable4 ,ever since its issue it has been an anti-fanatical force in ,france4 #baii ,cp4 ,ch4 ,read's introd4 to ed4 #ahhf of the ,satyre1 p4 iii4 7,an exact reprint47 ,the ,satyre anticipates 7ed4 ,read1 p4 #bha2 ed4 ,labitte1 p4 #bbg7 the modern saying that the worst peace is better than the best war4 #bbjj ,de ,thou1 ,t4 v1 liv4 #ih1 p4 #fc1 cited in ed4 #afii of the ,satyre1 p4 #dhi4 ,de ,thou was one of the ,catholics who loathed the savagery of the ,church2 and was accordingly branded by the pope as a heretic4 ,buckle1 #a-vol4 ed4 pp4 #bia1 #cjj1 notes4 #bbja ,m4 ,labitte1 himself a ,catholic1 speaks of ,garasse's forfanterie habituelle and ton d'insolence sincre qui dguise tant de mensonges 7,pref4 cited1 p4 xxxi474 ,prof4 ,strowski 7p4 #acj7 admits too that ,il ne faut pas trop s'attacher aux rvlations sensationelles du pre ,garasse3 les maximes qu'il prte aux beaux esprits1 il les leur prte en effet1 elles ne leur appartient pas toutes4 ,la socit secrte1 la ,confrrie des ,bouteilles1 ou il les dit engags1 est un invention de sa verve bouffonne4 ,but the ,professor1 with a ,n'importe61 forgives him1 and trades on his matter4 #bbjb ,owen1 ,french ,skeptics1 p4 #fei4 ,cp4 ,lecky1 ,rationalism1 i1 #ig1 citing ,maury1 as to the resistance of libertins to the superstition about witchcraft4 #bbjc ,doctrine ,curieuse des ,beaux ,esprits1 as cited1 p4 #bjh4 ,this is one of the passages which fully explain the opinion of the orthodox of that age that ,garasse helped rather than hindered atheism 7,reimmann1 ,hist4 ,atheismi1 #agbe1 p4 #djh74 #bbjd ,mersenne ascribed the quatrains to a skilled controversialist4 ,qustiones1 pref4