file which includes the original illustrations4 ,see #eagdh-;h4htm or #eagdh-;h4zip3 7https3_/_/www4gutenberg4org_/cache_/epu b_/#eagdh_/pg#eagdh-;images4html7 or 7https3_/_/www4gutenberg4org_/files_/#ea gdh_/eagdh-;h4zip7 ,images of the original pages are available through ,internet ,archive_/,american ,libraries4 ,see https3_/_/archive4org_/details_/torpedow arsub#jj;fultrich ,,torpedo ,,war1 ,,and ,,submarine ,,explosions4 by ,,robert ,,fulton ,fellow of the ,american ,philosophical ,society1 and of the ,united ,states ,military and ,philosophical ,society4 ,the ,liberty of the ,sea will be the ,happiness of the ,earth4 ,new-,york3 ,printed by ,william ,elliot1 #aad ,water-,street4 #ahaj ,new ,york ,reprinted ,william ,abbatt #aiad ,being ,extra ,no4 #ce of ,the ,magazine of ,history with ,notes and ,queries ,,contents ,page ,,torpedo ,,war1 c4 #e ,,plate ,i #g ,,plate ,,ii #aj ,,plate ,,iii #ac ,,plate ,,iv1 ,fig4 #a #ae ,fig4 #b #ag ,,plate ,v1 ,fig4 #a #b #ag ,fig4 #c #bj ,,thoughts -- ,on the probable effect of this invention #bj ,estimate of the ,force to ,attack so ,formidable a ,blockade ,fleet #cb ,manner of ,arranging the ,boats ,until ,wanted #cc ,first ,mode of ,attack #ce ,second ,mode of ,attack #cf ,,on -- the imaginary inhumanity of ,torpedo war #dj ,a ,,view -- of the political economy of this invention #dc ,,editor',s ,,preface ,in view of the prominent part played in the present ,world ,war by torpedoes and submarines1 the subject of our ,extra ,no4 #ce is peculiarly timely4 ,the original of #ahaj is very scarce1 only one copy having been sold at auction in many years3 nor are copies to be found in any but a few of our libraries4 ,fulton's claims for his invention have been fully substantiated and some of his predictions1 made more than a century ago1 are remarkably interesting1 in view of the events of the past five months4 ,his estimate of our population in #aibj has already been exceeded in fact1 and only his plan of affixing torpedoes to their prey by means of harpoons seems--for it was made in the days of wooden ships--fantastic1 in these days of iron clads4 ,he could not foresee that almost exactly a century would elapse before his invention would be extensively used--though he cautiously says it is impossible to foresee to what degree torpedoes may be improved and rendered useful4 ,in the ,joline collection of autograph letters1 sold this month1 was an extremely interesting letter of ,fulton's1 addressed to ,gen4 ,william ,duane4 ,a part reads3 ,new ,york1 ,march #a1 #ahac ,i am happy to find you continue the firm friend to torpedoes2 an infant art which requires only support and practice to produce a change in ,maritime affairs of immence 7sic7 importance to this country4 ,expecting the enemy here1 ,i have not been idle1 ,i have prepared #i torpedoes with locks that strike fire by concussion1 and four with clockwork locks4 ,the letter is of great interest throughout1 and tells of his plans for blowing up the enemy or driving them from ,new ,york waters1 his regret that he had not enough torpedoes for the ,chesapeake2 and contains a list of the cost of various sorts1 c4 ,we regret that we could not secure permission to copy the whole of it4 ,,torpedo ,,war1 c4 ,to ,,james ,,madison1 ,esq4 ,president of the ,united ,states1 and to the ,members of both ,houses of ,congress4 ,gentlemen1 ,in ,january last1 at ,kalorama1 the residence of my friend ,joel ,barlow1 ,i had the pleasure of exhibiting to ,mr4 ,jefferson1 ,mr4 ,madison1 and a party of gentlemen from the senate and house of representatives1 some experiments and details on ,torpedo defence and attack2 the favourable impression which the experiments appeared to make on the minds of the gentlemen then present2 and my conviction that this invention1 improved and practised to the perfection which it is capable of receiving1 will be of the first importance to our country1 has induced me to present you in the form of a pamphlet a description of my system1 with five engravings1 and such demonstrations as will give each of you an opportunity to contemplate its efficacy and utility at your leisure2 and enable you to form a correct judgment on the propriety of adopting it as a part of our means of national defence4 ,it being my intention to publish hereafter a detailed account of the origin and progress of this invention1 and the embarrassments under which ,i have laboured to bring it to its present state of certain utility2 ,i will now state only such experiments and facts as are most important to be known1 and which1 proving the practicability of destroying ships of war by this means1 will lead the mind to all the advantages which we may derive from it4 ,i believe it is generally known that ,i endeavoured for many years to get torpedoes introduced into practice in ,france1 and in ,england2 which1 though unsuccessful1 gave me the opportunity of making numerous very interesting experiments on a large scale2 by which ,i discovered errors in the combinations of the machinery and method of fixing the torpedoes to a ship2 which errors in the machinery have been corrected3 and ,i believe ,i have found means of attaching the torpedoes to a vessel which will seldom fail of success4 ,it is the result of my experience which ,i now submit to your consideration2 and hoping that you will feel an interest in the success of my invention1 ,i beg for your deliberate perusal and reflection on the following few pages4 ,gentlemen who have traced the progress of the useful arts1 know the years of toil and experiment1 and difficulties which frequently pass1 before the utility and certain operation of new discoveries have been established2 hence it could not be expected1 that torpedoes should be rendered useful without encountering many difficulties2 and ,i am aware1 that in the course of farther essays other difficulties will appear2 but from my past experience ,i feel confident1 that any obstacle which may arise can be surmounted by attention and perseverance3 of this gentlemen will be better able to judge1 after examining the following facts and details3 ,note on vessels of war of the ,united ,states ,from which a comparative estimate may be made of their expence1 and the expence of armed ,torpedo boats2 also the degree of protection which a given sum would effect1 expended in either way4 ,the ,ship ,constitution ,guns #ed ,first cost1 dollars #cjb1gah ,annual expence when in commission1 dollars #ajj1jjj ,draft of water1 feet #bc ,the ,wasp ,guns #ah ,first cost1 dollars #fj1jjj ,annual expence in commission1 dollars #ch1jjj ,draft of water1 feet #ae ,a ,gun ,boat ,first cost1 fitted for sea1 dollars #ab1jjj ,annual expence in commission1 dollars #aa1jjj ,men #cf ,number of gun boats of the ,united ,states #afg ,this ,work having been published in haste1 the errors of the press1 and those of diction1 shall be corrected in the second edition4 7,for tables1 see pages #ed-ee7 ,illustration3 ,,plate ,i4 ,,plate ,i ,is a view of the brig ,dorothea1 as she was blown up on the #aeth of ,oct4 #ahje4 ,to convince ,mr4 ,pitt and lord ,melville that a vessel could be destroyed by the explosion of a ,torpedo under her bottom1 a strong built ,danish brig1 the ,dorothea1 burthen #bjj tons1 was anchored in ,walmer road1 near ,deal1 and within a mile of ,walmer ,castle1 the then residence of ,mr4 ,pitt4 ,two boats1 each with eight men1 commanded by lieutenant ,robinson1 were put under my direction4 ,i prepared two empty ,torpedoes in such a manner1 that each was only from two to three pounds specifically heavier than salt water2 and ,i so suspended them1 that they hung fifteen feet under water4 ,they were then tied one to each end of a small rope eighty feet long3 thus arranged1 and the brig drawing twelve feet of water1 the #adth day of ,october was spent in practice4 ,each boat having a ,torpedo in the stern1 they started from the shore about a mile above the brig1 and rowed down towards her2 the uniting line of the ,torpedoes being stretched to its full extent1 the two boats were distant from each other seventy feet2 thus they approached in such a manner1 that one boat kept the larboard the other the starboard side of the brig in view4 ,so soon as the connecting line of the ,torpedoes passed the buoy of the brig1 they were thrown into the water1 and carried on by the tide1 until the connecting line touched the brig's cable2 the tide then drove them under her bottom4 ,the experiment being repeated several times1 taught the men how to act1 and proved to my satisfaction that1 when properly placed on the tide1 the ,torpedoes would invariably go under the bottom of the vessel4 ,i then filled one of the ,torpedoes with one hundred and eighty pounds of powder1 and set its clockwork to eighteen minutes4 ,every thing being ready1 the experiment was announced for the next day1 the #aeth1 at five o'clock in the afternoon4 ,urgent business had called ,mr4 ,pitt and lord ,melville to ,london4 ,admiral ,holloway1 ,sir ,sidney ,smith1 ,captain ,owen1 ,captain ,kingston1 ,colonel ,congreve1 and the major part of the officers of the fleet under command of ,lord ,keath were present2 at forty minutes past four the boats rowed towards the brig1 and the ,torpedoes were thrown into the water2 the tide carried them1 as before described1 under the bottom of the brig1 where1 at the expiration of eighteen minutes1 the explosion appeared to raise her bodily about six feet2 she separated in the middle1 and the two ends went down2 in twenty seconds1 nothing was to be seen of her except floating fragments2 the pumps and foremast were blown out of her2 the fore-topsail-yard was thrown up to the cross-trees2 the fore-chain plates with their bolts1 were torn from her sides2 the mizen-chain-plates and shrouds1 being stronger than those of the foremast1 or the shock being more forward than aft1 the mizenmast was broke off in two places2 these discoveries were made by means of the pieces which were found afloat4 ,the experiment was of the most satisfactory kind1 for it proved a fact much debated and denied1 that the explosion of a sufficient quantity of powder under the bottom of a vessel would destroy her4,a ,there is now no doubt left on any intelligent mind as to this most important of all facts connected with the invention of ,torpedoes2 and the establishment of this fact alone1 merits the expenditure of millions of dollars and years of experiment1 were it yet necessary1 to arrive at a system of practice which shall insure success to attacks1 with such formidable engines4 ,for ,america1 ,i consider it a fortunate circumstance that this experiment was made in ,england1 and witnessed by more than a hundred respectable and brave officers of the ,royal navy2 for1 should ,congress adopt ,torpedoes as a part of our means of defence1 lords ,melville1 ,castlereagh1 and ,mulgrave1 have a good knowledge of their combination and effect4 ,lord ,grenville1 ,earls ,gray and ,st4 ,vincent,b1 have on their minds a strong impression of their probable consequences4 ,sir ,home ,popham1 ,sir ,sidney ,smith1 and ,colonel ,congreve1 the latter now celebrated for his ingenious invention of ,pyrotecnic arrows or rockets1 were my friends and companions in the experiments2 they are excellent and brave men1 and from my knowledge of those noblemen and gentlemen1 and their sentiments on this subject1 ,i can predict that they would feel much disposed to respect the rights1 nor enter the waters of a nation who should use such engines with energy and effect4 ,footnote ,a3 ,twenty minutes before the ,dorothea was blown up1 ,capt4 ,kingston asserted1 that if a ,torpedo were placed under his cabin while he was at dinner1 he should feel no concern for the consequence4 ,occular demonstration is the best proof for all men4 ,footnote ,b3 ,the morning of my first interview with ,earl ,st4 ,vincent he was very communicative4 ,i explained to him a ,torpedo and the ,dorothea experiment4 ,he reflected for some time1 and then said1 ,pitt was the greatest fool that ever existed1 to encourage a mode of war which they who commanded the seas did not want1 and which1 if successful1 would deprive them of it4 ,this fortunate experiment left not the least doubt on my mind that the one which ,i made in the harbour of ,new-,york in ,august #ahjg1 would be equally successful4 ,the brig was anchored1 the ,torpedoes prepared and put into the water in the manner before described2 the tide drove them under the brig near her keel1 but in consequence of the locks turning downwards1 the powder fell out of the pans and they both missed fire4 ,this discovery of an error in the manner of fixing the locks to a ,torpedo1 has been corrected4 ,on the second attempt1 the ,torpedo missed the brig2 the explosion took place about one hundred yards from her1 and threw up a column of water ten feet diameter sixty or seventy feet high4 ,on the third attempt she was blown up3 the effect and result much the same as that of the ,dorothea before described4 ,about two thousand persons were witnesses to this experiment4 ,thus1 in the course of my essays1 two brigs1 each of two hundred tons1 have been blown up4 ,the practicability of destroying vessels by this means1 has been fully proved4 ,it is also proved1 that the mechanism will ignite powder at any required depth under water within a given time4 ,it now remains to point out means by which ,torpedoes may be used to advantage with the least possible risque to the assailants4 ,,plate ,,ii ,represents the anchored ,torpedo1 so arranged as to blow up a vessel which should run against it2 ,b is a copper case two feet long1 twelve inches diameter1 capable of containing one hundred pounds of powder4 ,a is a brass box1 in which there is a lock similar to a common gun-lock1 with a barrel two inches long1 to contain a musket charge of powder3 the box1 with the lock cocked and barrel charged1 is screwed to the copper case ,b4 ,h is a lever which has a communication to the lock inside of the box1 and in its present state holds the lock cocked and ready to fire4 ,c is a deal box filled with cork1 and tied to the case ,b4 ,the object of the cork is to render the ,torpedo about fifteen or twenty pounds specifically lighter than water1 and give it a tendency to rise to the surface4 ,it is held down to any given depth under water by a weight of fifty or sixty pounds as at ,f3 there is also a small anchor ,g1 to prevent a strong tide moving it from its position4 ,with ,torpedoes prepared1 and knowing the depth of water in all our bays and harbours1 it is only necessary to fix the weight ,f at such a distance from the ,torpedo1 as when thrown into the water1 ,f will hold it ten1 twelve1 or fifteen feet below the surface at low water1 it will then be more or less below the surface at high water1 or at different times of the tide2 but it should never be so deep as the usual draught of a frigate or ship of the line4 ,when anchored1 it will1 during the flood tide1 stand in its present position2 at slack water it will stand perpendicular to the weight ,f1 as at ,d2 during the ebb it will be at ,e4 ,at ten feet under water the waves1 in boisterous weather1 would have little or no tendency to disturb the ,torpedo2 for that if the hollow of a wave should sink ten feet below what would be the calm surface1 the wave would run twenty feet high1 which ,i believe is never the case in any of our bays or harbours4 ,all the experience which ,i have on this kind of ,torpedo is1 that in the month of ,october #ahje1 ,i had one of them anchored nine feet under water1 in the ,british ,channel near ,dover2 the weather was severe1 the waves ran high1 it kept its position for twenty-four hours1 and1 when taken up1 the powder was dry and the lock in good order4 ,the ,torpedo thus anchored1 it is obvious1 that if a ship in sailing should strike the lever ,h1 the explosion would be instantaneous1 and she be immediately destroyed2 hence1 to defend our bays or harbours1 let a hundred1 or more if necessary1 of these engines be anchored in the channel1 as for example1 the ,narrows1 to defend ,new-,york4 ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,ii4 ,the figure to the right of the plate is an end view of the ,torpedo ,h4 ,h shews its lever forked1 to give the better chance of being struck4 ,having described this instrument in a way which ,i hope will be understood1 ,i may be permitted to put the following question to my readers1 which is1 knowing that the explosion of one hundred pounds of powder1 or more if required1 under the bottom of a ship of the line1 would destroy her1 and seeing1 that if a ship in sailing should strike the lever of an anchored torpedo1 she would be blown up1 would he have the courage1 or1 shall ,i say1 temerity1 to sail into a channel where one or more hundred of such engines were anchored8 ,i rely on each gentleman's sense of prudence and self-preservation1 to answer this question to my satisfaction4 ,should the apprehension of danger become as strong on the minds of those who investigate this subject as it is on mine1 we may reasonably conclude that the same regard to self-preservation1 will make an enemy cautious in approaching waters where such engines are placed2 for1 however brave sailors may be1 there is no danger so distressing to the mind of a seaman1 or so calculated to destroy his confidence1 as that which is invisible and instantaneous destruction4 ,the consideration which will now present itself1 is1 that the enemy might send out boats to sweep for and destroy the ,torpedoes4 ,it is therefore proper to examine the nature of such an operation1 and its chance of success4 ,suppose two hundred ,torpedoes to be placed in three miles of channel1 the enemy's boats1 in attempting to sweep for them1 would be exposed to the fire of our land batteries1 or necessitated to fight our boats1 for whenever they leave their ships and take to boats1 we can be as well armed and active at boat fighting as they2 and thus opposed by batteries and boats1 they would have three or more square miles of channel to sweep1 which1 even if successful1 would be a work of time1 and were they to get up some of the ,torpedoes1 they could not ascertain if all were destroyed1 for they could not know whether five or five hundred had been put down2 nor could they prevent our boats throwing in additional numbers each day and night4 ,it therefore amounts to an impossibility for an enemy to clear a channel of ,torpedoes1 provided it were reasonably guarded by land batteries and row boats4 ,added to the opposition which might be made to the enemy1 there is a great difficulty in clearing a channel of ,torpedoes with any kind of sweep or drag1 so as to establish full confidence in sailing through it4 ,it is only they who put them down and know the number1 that could tell when all were taken up4 ,to facilitate the taking of them up1 ,i have1 since ,plate ,,ii was engraved1 thought of a very useful and simple piece of mechanism which1 being screwed to the box ,c1 will hold the ,torpedo under water at any given depth1 and for any number of days4 ,they may be set to stay under water a day1 week1 month1 or year1 and on the day which shall be previously determined1 they will rise to the surface2 at the same instant each will lock its lever ,h so that it cannot strike fire1 and the ,torpedo may be handled with perfect safety4 ,not having time to engrave this improvement1 it shall be exhibited to ,congress in a working model1 by which it will also be better understood4 ,i will now suppose the enemy to be approaching a port2 a signal announces them2 our boats run out and throw into the channel two hundred ,torpedoes1 set each to #ae days4 ,should the enemy sail among them1 the consequence will teach future caution2 should they cruise or anchor at a distance1 what could they do8 ,they not knowing the number of ,torpedoes which were put down1 nor the day on which they were to rise to the surface1 could not have their boats out exposed to our fire1 and waiting from day to day for a time uncertain4 ,whereas1 our officers1 knowing the number which were put down1 and the day they were to rise to the surface1 would have their boats ready to take them in1 and at the same time replace them with others set for ten1 fifteen1 twenty1 or more days4 ,viewing this subject in all its bearings1 the impression on my mind is1 that it would be impossible for an enemy to enter a port where anchored ,torpedoes were thus used1 without their incurring danger of such a kind1 that courage could not guard them from its consequences4 ,prudence and justice would warrant their abandoning such an enterprise2 and the probability is1 that knowing us to be thus prepared1 they never would attempt it1 or should they1 and only one vessel were to be destroyed1 we might calculate on its good effect to protect us from future hostile enterprises4 ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,iii4 ,,plate ,,iii ,represents a clockwork ,torpedo1 as prepared for the attack of a vessel while at anchor or under sail1 by harpooning her in the larboard and starboard bow4 ,b is a copper case to contain one hundred or more pounds of powder2 ,c a cork cushion to give the whole ,torpedo such a buoyancy1 that it will be only from two to three pounds heavier than salt water4 ,to ascertain such weight1 when it is charged with powder and the lock screwed on1 it is put into a large tub of sea water4 ,c is to have fifteen or twenty inch-holes bored in its sides and top1 to let the water rush in and the air out1 otherwise1 the air would prevent its immediately sinking4 ,a is a cylindric brass box1 about seven inches diameter and two inches deep1 in which there is a gun-lock with a barrel two inches long1 to receive a charge of powder and a wad1 which charge is fired into the powder of the case ,b4 ,in the brass box ,a there is also a piece of clockwork moved by a spring1 which being wound up and set1 will let the lock strike fire in any number of minutes which may be determined within one hour4 ,k is a small line fixed to a pin1 which pin holds the clockwork inactive2 the instant the pin is withdrawn the clockwork begins to move1 and the explosion will take place in one1 two1 three1 or any number of minutes for which it has been set2 the whole is so made as to be perfectly tight and keep out the water1 although under a pressure of twenty-five or thirty perpendicular feet4 ,d is a pine box two feet long1 six or eight inches square1 filled with cork2 it is ten or fifteen pounds lighter than water1 and floats on the surface2 the line from it to the ,torpedo is the suspending line1 which must be of a length in proportion to the estimated draft of water of the vessel to be attacked2 vessels of a certain number of guns usually draw within a few feet of the same draft of water2 the suspending line should be from four to eight feet longer than the greatest draft of the vessel1 that it may bend round the curve of her side1 and lay the ,torpedo near her keel4 ,from the ,torpedo and the float ,d1 two lines1 each twenty feet long1 are united at ,e1 from thence one line goes to the harpoon1 the total length of the line from the ,torpedo to the harpoon being about fifty feet1 according to the length of the vessel to be attacked1 will1 when the ship is harpooned in the bow1 bring the ,torpedo under her bottom near midship4 ,see the harpoon4 ,it is a round piece of iron1 half an inch diameter and two feet long1 the butt one inch diameter1 the exact calibre of the harpoon-gun2 in the head of the harpoon there is an eye1 the point six inches long is barbed1 the line of the ,torpedo is spliced into the eye of the harpoon1 a small iron or tough copper link runs on the shaft of the harpoon1 to the link the ,torpedo-line is also tied1 and at such a distance1 that when the harpoon is in the gun it will form a loop as at ,h1 but when fired1 the link will slide along to the butt of the harpoon1 and1 holding the rope and harpoon parallel to each other1 the rope will act like a tail or rod to a rocket1 and guide it straight2 without this precaution1 the butt of the harpoon would turn foremost1 and make a very uncertain shot4 ,f is the harpoon-gun1 made strong1 and to work on a swivel in a stanchion fixed in the stern-sheets of a boat4 ,my experience with this kind of harpoon and gun1 is1 that ,i have harpooned a target of six feet square fifteen or twenty times1 at the distance of from thirty to fifty feet1 never missing1 and always driving the barbed point through three inch boards up to the eye1 which practice was so satisfactory1 that ,i did not consider it necessary to repeat it4 ,the object of harpooning a vessel on the larboard and starboard bow1 is1 to fix one end of the ,torpedo-line1 then1 if the ship be under sail1 her action through the water will draw the ,torpedo under her2 if she be at anchor1 the tide will drive it under her1 where1 at the expiration of the time for which the clockwork was set1 the explosion will destroy her4 ,this being the kind of ,torpedo and clockwork by which the ,dorothea in ,walmer roads1 and the brig in ,new-,york harbour were blown up1 and the harpoon having succeeded to fix the line to the target1 these two experiments shall be combined1 and the mode of practice1 with the prospect of success and risque to the assailants1 examined4 ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,iv4 ,fig4 #a4 ,fig4 #b4 ,,plate ,,iv1 ,fig4 #a ,represents the stern of a row-boat2 a platform about four feet long1 three feet wide1 is made on her stern on a level with the gunwale1 and projecting over the stern fifteen or eighteen inches1 so that the ,torpedo1 in falling into the water1 may clear the rudder4 ,on the platform1 the ,torpedo and its suspending line of cork are to be laid1 and the harpoon-line carefully coiled as at ,f1 so that when the harpoon is fired1 the line may develope with ease3 very pliable well greased1 or white line would be best for this purpose4 ,the harpoon and gun are so well engraved as require no explanation4 ,b is the copper case to hold one hundred or one hundred and fifty pounds of powder4 ,c1 the box of cork to diminish its tendency to sink and bring it to a specific gravity of only two or three pounds more than sea-water4 ,its suspending box of cork explained in ,plate ,,iii is not seen in this figure1 lest the drawing should be confused2 it can be imagined in its proper place4 ,a1 is the brass box with the clockwork lock2 ,d1 the pin which prevents the clockwork moving2 the line from the pin is tied to a bolt1 or otherwise fixed to the boat as at ,e4 ,thus fastened1 when the ,torpedo is pulled into the water1 the pin ,d will remain in the boat1 and the clockwork will begin to act4 ,the man who shall be stationed at the gun1 and who may be called the harpooner1 is to steer the boat and fire when sufficiently near4 ,if he fixes his harpoon in the bow of the enemy1 it will then only be necessary to row away2 the harpoon and line being fixed to the ship1 will pull the ,torpedo out of the boat1 and at the same instant set the clockwork in motion4 ,this reduces the attack of each boat to one simple operation1 that only of firing with reasonable attention4 ,should the harpooner miss the ship1 he can save his ,torpedo and return to the attack4 ,while ,i was with the ,british blockading fleet off the coast of ,boulogne in #ahjd and #ahje1 ,i acquired some experience on the kind of row-boat best calculated for active movements1 and which ,i now believe well adapted to a harpooning and ,torpedo attack2 hence ,i propose clinker-built boats1 each twenty-seven feet long1 six feet extreme breadth of beam1 single banked1 and six long oars2 one blunderbuss1 on a swivel1 on the larboard and one on the starboard bow2 one ditto on the larboard and one on the starboard quarter1 total four1 for which cartridges should be prepared1 each containing twelve half-ounce balls4 ,to work the blunderbusses1 in case of need1 two mariners should be placed in the bow1 two in the stern2 each of those men to be provided with a horse-pistol and cutlass1 and each oarsman a cutlass1 in case of coming to close quarters with a boat of the enemy4 ,total of boat's crew #a ,harpooner4 #a ,bowman4 #d ,marines4 #f ,oarsmen4 ,total #ab ,men4 ,such boats would be active well armed1 and1 if good men1 may be said to be strong handed1 and well prepared to make good a retreat1 or act on the defensive1 in case of encountering the enemy's boats4 ,fig4 #b ,a1 is a bird's eye view of a vessel at anchor2 ,b1 her cable2 ,,ee1 two ,torpedoes2 ,,cd1 is their coupling line1 about #abj feet long2 it is here represented touching the cable collapsing1 and the ,torpedoes driving by the tide under the vessel4 ,this is the manner in which the ,dorothea in ,walmer roads1 and the brig in ,new-,york harbour1 were blown up4 ,illustration3 ,,plate ,v4 ,fig4 #a4 ,fig4 #b4 ,fig4 #c4 ,,plate ,v4 ,fig4 #a ,a1 shews a ,torpedo1 with the harpoon-line fixed to the centre of its end2 when the line is thus fixed1 the tide cannot drive the ,torpedo under a vessel1 for the pressure of the current being equal on both sides1 it will hang perpendicular to its suspending box of cork ,c1 ,fig4 #b1 and remain as at ,b1 where1 exploding1 it would blow the water perpendicular to ,c1 and up the side of the ship2 the lateral movement of the water from ,b to ,e would give her a sudden cant to one side1 but do her no injury4 ,this has been proved by the following practice4 ,on the first of ,october1 #ahje1 captain ,siccombe1 in a galley with eight men and his coxswain1 placed two ,torpedoes in the manner described1 ,plate ,,iv1 ,fig4 #b1 between the buoy and cable of a ,french gun-brig1 in ,boulogne roads4 ,the tide drove them until they both lay perpendicular to her sides4 ,when the ,french saw captain ,siccombe advancing without answering the countersign1 they exclaimed that the infernal machines were coming1 and fired a volley of musketry at his boat1 but without touching a man4,c ,the moment the ,french fired1 fearing the effect of the explosions1 they all ran aft and were in the greatest confusion4 ,the tide drove captain ,siccombe's boat so far down1 that he was obliged to cross under the brig's stern1 where1 seeing her men collected1 and expecting another volley1 he discharged at them two blunderbusses1 each containing fifteen half-ounce balls,d1 and was rowing away1 when both ,torpedoes exploded1 but1 to his astonishment1 the brig was not destroyed4 ,on the same night1 lieutenant ,payne1 of captain ,owen's ship l',immortality1 placed two ,torpedoes across the bow of another ,french gun-brig2 he received their fire1 had one man wounded1 rowed to some distance1 and waited till he saw the explosion of the ,torpedoes1 which did not appear to do any injury to the vessel4 ,when captain ,siccombe called on me in the morning and reported these circumstances1 ,i was much at a loss to account for the brig not being blown up4 ,defective in the experience which this failure gave me1 ,i had not reflected1 that if the copper case1 with the clockwork and powder1 weighed specifically fifteen or twenty pounds more than water1 it would hang like a heavy pendulum to its suspending cork-box ,c1 and if the coupling line were fixed in the centre of the end1 as at ,a1 ,fig4 #a1 the action of the tide being equal on both sides1 would have no tendency to sheer or drive it from its perpendicular position4 ,after about half an hour's consideration1 ,i was forcibly impressed with this error in arrangement1 as the real cause of captain ,siccombe's and lieutenant ,payne's failure4 ,footnote ,c3 ,they had got some idea of these machines1 from an attempt which had been made with them against the ,boulogne flotilla1 in ,oct4 #ahjd1 called the ,catamaran expedition4 ,footnote ,d3 ,the report on this attack in the ,french papers1 acknowledged that the brig had five men killed and eight wounded3 this from two blunderbusses shews that the persons in the vessel attacked have to fear the small arms of the ,torpedo boats4 ,i immediately had a large tub made1 then filling a copper case with powder1 ,i screwed on to it the clockwork lock1 and tied to it the pine box ,c1 then suspending the whole ,torpedo by a line in the tub of seawater2 the end of the suspending line was tied to one end of a scale-beam4 ,i then filled the pine box ,c with cork1 until the whole volume of the ,torpedo and box of cork would1 when just covered with water1 hold three pounds in equilibrio in the scale on the other end of the beam4 ,the ,torpedo being then three pounds heavier than water1 had a sufficient tendency to sink2 and being so balanced1 would1 while under water1 be easy moved by a slight pressure to either side4 ,then1 instead of tying the coupling line to the end of the ,torpedo1 as at ,a1 ,i tied it to a bridle1 as at ,b1 which presenting the side on an angle to the tide1 the pressure of the current in the direction of the arrow1 would cause the ,torpedo to sheer from ,b to ,g4 ,this arrangement perfectly succeeded to sheer the ,torpedo from its perpendicular ,c1 and the side of the vessel to ,e1 near the keel1 a position1 near which it should be to do execution4 ,in this situation1 the explosion being under the vessel1 would have a great body of water to remove laterally1 before it could get out by a line curving round her side4 ,the water1 when acted on in so instantaneous a manner as by the explosion of one hundred or one hundred and fifty pounds of powder1 does1 for the instant1 operate like a solid body2 hence the explosion raises the vessel up with a great force1 acting on a small portion of her bottom1 which portion giving way1 is the same in effect1 as though a high sea had lifted her fifteen or twenty feet1 and let her down on the point of a rock of three or four feet diameter4 ,this1 ,i believe1 accounts for the certain destruction which will follow all explosions that take place near the keel4 ,in all cases when the explosion is under water1 the action will be perpendicular to the surface1 as from ,b to ,c1 for in the perpendicular1 there are less particles to remove1 and less resistance than in any diagonal1 as for example1 from ,b to ,d4 ,the ,french papers1 giving an account of the attack of captain ,siccombe and lieutenant ,payne1 acknowledged that the ,torpedoes blew up along side of the gun-brigs1 but gave them only a violent shock and cant to one side2 they spoke of the engines as things of little consequence and not to be feared4 ,it is now1 however1 evident1 that they owed the safety of the two brigs to the trifling circumstance of the ,torpedoes not being properly balanced in water1 and the coupling lines not being tied to a bridle1 so as to make the ,torpedoes sheer under the bottoms of the brigs4 ,fig4 #c ,is a bird's eye view of a ship of the line1 either at anchor or under sail1 and the ,torpedo boats rowing on to the attack4 ,i am sensible that there are strong prejudices against the possibility of row-boats attacking a ship or ships of the line1 with any reasonable hope of success2 ,i will1 therefore1 commence my reasoning and demonstrations by the following questions4 ,what is the basis of the aggression and injustice of one nation towards another8 ,is it not a calculation on their power to enforce their will8 ,what is the basis of all courage and obstinate perseverance in battle8 ,is it not a calculation on some real or presumed advantage8 ,a frigate of #cj guns is not expected to engage a ship of eighty guns1 for every rational calculation is against her1 and to strike her colours would be no dishonour4 ,if ,i now prove that all the calculations are in favour of the ,torpedo boats1 it shall hereafter be no dishonour for a ship of the line to strike her colours1 and tamely submit to superior science and tactics4 ,i will run my calculations against a third rate1 an #hj gun ship1 she being the medium between first rates of #aaj guns and fifth rates of #dd guns4 ,i will suppose her to enter one of our ports or harbours in a hostile manner2 her draft of water1 when loaded1 is twenty-two feet2 her full complement of men six hundred4 ,were we to oppose to the enemy an #hj gun ship1 she would cost four hundred thousand dollars2 we would also have to give her a full complement of six hundred men4 ,if she engaged the enemy1 the chances are equal that she would be beaten2 if an obstinate engagement1 she might have from one to two hundred men killed and wounded1 and be so shattered as to require repairs to the amount of forty or fifty thousand dollars2 she might be taken and lost to the nation1 and add to the strength of the enemy4 ,it is now to be seen if six hundred men and a capital of four hundred thousand dollars1 the value of an eighty gun ship1 cannot be used to better advantage in a ,torpedo attack or defence4 #fjj men at #ab to a boat1 would man #ej boats1 #ej boats at one hundred dollars each #e1jjj #ej ,torpedoes complete1 one hundred and fifty dollars each1 powder included #g1ejj #ej harpoon-guns1 thirty dollars each #a1ejj #bjj blunderbusses1 twenty dollars each #d1jjj #ajj pair of pistols1 fifteen dollars a pair #a1ejj #fjj cutlasses1 three dollars each #a1hjj ,contingencies #c1jjj ------ ,total #bd1cjj ,the pay and provisions for six hundred men1 whether in an #hj gun ship or in ,torpedo boats1 may be estimated1 for the present1 to amount to the same sum annually4 ,here is an establishment of fifty boats with their ,torpedoes1 and armed complete1 for #bd1cjj dollars2 the economy #cge1gjj dollars4,e ,it is evident the ship could not put out fifty boats to contend with our fifty2 she could not1 in fact1 put out twenty2 therefore1 as to boat fighting1 the enemy could have no chance of success1 and would have to depend for protection on her guns and small arms4 ,unless in a case of great emergency1 the attack should be in the night1 for if an enemy came into one of our harbours to do execution1 the chances would be much against her getting out and to any great distance before night4 ,in a night usually dark1 rowboats1 if painted white1 and the men dressed in white1 cannot be seen at the distance of three hundred yards2 and there are nights so dark1 that they cannot be seen if close under the bow4 ,i might here draw into my calculations on chances that an enemy1 who understood the tremendous consequences of a successful attack with ,torpedoes1 would not like to run the risk of the night being dark4 ,but in any night1 the fifty boats closing on the vessel in all direction1 would spread or divide her fire1 and prevent it becoming concentered on any one or more boats4 ,boats which row five miles an hour1 and which all good boats can do for a short time1 run at the rate of one hundred and forty yards a minute4 ,at the distance of three hundred yards from the ship1 they take the risque of cannon shot1 which must1 from necessity1 be random and without aim1 on so small a body as a boat1 running with a velocity of one hundred and forty yards a minute4 ,at two hundred yards from the ship1 the boats must take the chance of random discharges of grape and cannister shot2 and at one hundred yards from the ship1 they must run the risque of random musket2 each boat will1 therefore1 be two minutes within the line of the enemy's fire before she harpoons1 and two minutes after she has harpooned before she gets out of the line of fire1 total1 four minutes in danger,f3 the danger1 however1 is not of a very serious kind1 for1 as before observed1 no aim can be taken in the night at such quick moving bodies as row-boats2 yet some men might be killed1 and some boats crippled,g2 in such an event1 the great number of boats which we should have in motion1 could always help the unfortunate4 ,but what would be the situation of the enemy1 who had their six hundred men in one vessel8 ,the ,torpedo boats closing upon her1 twenty-five on the larboard and twenty-five on the starboard bow1 some of them would certainly succeed to harpoon her between the stem and main chains1 and if so1 the explosion of only one ,torpedo under her would sink her1 killing the greatest part of the people who were between decks1 and leave those who might escape to the mercy of our boats to save them4 ,footnote ,e3 ,as each boat with a ,torpedo1 and armed complete1 costs four hundred and eighty-six dollars1 this economy would pay for seven hundred and eighty-nine boats2 hence1 eight hundred and thirty-nine ,torpedo boats1 with ,torpedoes and arms1 could be fitted out for the sum which one #hj gun ship would cost4 ,footnote ,f3 ,a deduction may be made from this time2 after harpooning1 if the ship were anchored in a current which ran one mile and a half an hour1 that would be two feet three lines a second2 hence1 if the distance from the harpoon to the ,torpedo were sixty feet1 thirty seconds would be sufficient for the tide to push it under the keel2 its clockwork might be set to explode in one minute from the time the ,torpedo fell out of the boat4 ,if a vessel were under sail1 running more than two miles an hour1 one minute would be sufficient time for the clockwork to act before explosion4 ,after explosion there would1 of course1 be no resistance1 and the probability is1 that all hands would be too much occupied in attempting to save themselves1 to keep them under any discipline4 ,thus each ,torpedo boat would not be more than three minutes within the line of the enemy's fire4 ,footnote ,g3 ,it is very easy to make the boats so that they cannot be sunk4 ,i now beg of my reader to meditate on this kind of attack1 and make up his mind on which are in the greatest danger1 the six hundred men in the ship or the six hundred men in the boats8 ,are not the chances fifty to one against the ship1 that she would be blown up before she could kill two hundred men in the boats8 ,should this appear evident1 or be proved by future practice1 no commander would be rash enough to expose his ship to such an attack4 ,to give a fair comparative view of the two modes of fighting1 ,i have1 in these calculations1 made the number of men on each side equal2 by the same rule1 if twenty ships of #hj guns were to come into one of our ports1 we should be necessitated to have one thousand boats and twelve thousand men2 but such a preparation would not be necessary4 ,it can never be necessary for us to have more boats than are sufficient to meet the boats which the enemy could put out to oppose us2 an #hj gun ship1 which is to work her guns1 cannot be encumbered with many boats2 they usually have3 #a launch1 which is a bad rowing boat1 #a long-boat1 which may row well1 #a the captain's barge1 a good row-boat1 #a yawl or galley1 a good row-boat4 ,they may1 in some cases1 have two more boats1 total number1 six2 therefore1 twelve boats on our part would be sufficient to attack an #hj gun ship,h2 particularly as all our boats would be built expressly for running1 and our business is to run to harpoon and not to fight2 for this purpose our six oarsmen1 in each boat1 never quit their oars1 while our four marines keep up a running fire4 ,the six or eight boats1 if the enemy could put out so many1 could not prevent our twelve boats closing on the ship4 ,if our boats came into contact with the boats of the enemy1 the contest would be reduced to boat fighting2 the ship could not use her cannon or small arms against us without firing on her own boats4 ,if we succeeded to drive the boats under the guns of the ship1 we should follow so close1 that her guns and small arms could not be used1 for in the night and amidst a number of boats in confusion1 they could not discriminate between friends and enemies4 ,on this theory1 if twenty ships of #hj guns1 or a force to that amount1 were to enter one of our ports1 two hundred and forty boats1 with two thousand1 eight hundred and eighty men would be sufficient1 and perhaps more than sufficient1 for the attack2 and the following view of chances exhibits a strong probability1 that such a force of ,torpedo boats and men would destroy the twenty ships of the line within one hour4 ,footnote ,h3 ,while organizing a system of ,torpedo attack against the ,boulogne flotilla1 during the administration of ,mr4 ,pitt1 it was determined that men should be taken from ,lord ,keath's blockading fleet to man the boats2 but a difficulty occurred how to carry a sufficient number of good active boats4 ,finding that the ships of war could not take on board more than their usual number1 without being encumbered1 four ordnance vessels were to be prepared1 with large hatchways1 to receive a number of boats in the hole1 and to carry ,torpedoes4 ,lord ,melville was impeached1 ,mr4 ,pitt died1 and my system was opposed by ,lords ,grenville and ,howic1 and the new administration4 ,i mention this1 my experience1 to shew that ships of war cannot carry a sufficient number of boats to contend with the boats which we could bring into action2 they may1 indeed1 bring with them ordnance ships to carry boats2 but1 if they unman the ships to man the boats1 the ship will be less formidable in her fire2 and ,i believe it is self-evident1 that they who have to cross three thousand miles of sea1 cannot be so well furnished with boats as we who command the land4 ,let the attack be in the night4 ,the enemy must be at anchor2 twenty vessels could not keep under way in narrow waters which could not be well known to their pilots4 ,if they put out their boats1 they could not bring into action more than six good boats from each ship1 total1 one hundred and twenty boats4 ,each ship would be a point from which their boats could depart1 or to which they could retreat1 total1 twenty positions2 in these twenty positions1 twelve thousand men would be exposed to ,torpedo explosion1 which is the same1 in effect1 as a mine under a fortification4 ,we1 with two hundred and forty boats1 exposing only two thousand1 eight hundred and eighty men1 would have the whole of our shores to depart from or retreat to2 being the assailants1 and having it in our power to approach in every direction1 the enemy could not know a feint from a real attack1 nor could they tell which ship we would attack first2 they1 consequently1 could not concentrate their boats2 each vessel would be necessitated to keep her own boats on the look-out1 and to aid in protecting her2 while we should have the power to divide our force1 or concentre one hundred boats on one vessel1 as circumstances might require2 hence1 every thing is in favour of the success of the ,torpedo attack1 while the greatest danger is to be apprehended for the ships4 ,having given my experience and theory on anchored and harpoon ,torpedoes3 a system1 which ,i hope will1 by every friend to ,america and humanity1 be considered of some interest to the ,united ,states4 ,i am aware of the doubts which may arise1 as to the success of harpooning1 in the minds of men in general1 and particularly of those who have no experience1 who are so impressed with the imaginary tremendous fire of an #hj gun ship1 or a ship of war1 that the question has often been put to me1 where will you find men who have courage to approach in boats within twenty feet of an #hj gun ship1 to harpoon her8 ,i answer1 that the men in the boats1 who are not more than three minutes within the line of the enemy's fire1 are not so much in danger1 nor does it require so much courage1 as to lie yard-arm and yard-arm1 as is usual in naval engagements1 and receive broadsides1 together with grape-shot and volleys of small arms1 for forty or sixty minutes4 ,it is not so great a risque1 nor does it require so much courage1 as to approach a vessel in boats1 climb her sides1 and take her by boarding1 yet this has frequently been done4 ,this risque is not so great1 nor does it require so much courage1 as to enter a breach which is defended by interior works and close ranges of cannon1 flanked by howitzers or carronades loaded with cannister or grape-shot1 and the parapet crowded with infantry2 yet such breaches have been forced1 and cities taken by assault1 with numerous examples of this kind4 ,i hope there can be no doubt of sufficient courage to make a ,torpedo attack4 ,in the instances of captain ,siccombe and lieutenant ,payne1 before mentioned1 they considered the risque of so little importance1 that they went to the attack without any apparent concern2 and the sailors1 who were offered a few guineas for each gun of a vessel which they should destroy1 used all their influence with the officers to be permitted to be of the party4 ,but ,i will not propose a project so novel1 and look to others to execute it4 ,if ,torpedoes be adopted as a part of our means of defence1 with a reasonable number of men organized and practised to the use of them1 if it be thought proper to put such men under my command1 and an enemy should then enter our ports1 ,i will be responsible to my fellow-citizens for the courage which should secure success4 ,while ,i propose this1 ,i wish it to be understood1 that ,i do not desire any command or public employment4 ,my private pursuits are the guarantee of an independence and freedom of action1 which is always grateful to my feelings2 they are useful and honourable amusements1 and the most rational source of my happiness4 ,estimate for an anchored ,torpedo ,thirty-two pounds of copper1 at seventy-five cents a pound #bd4jj ,a lock in a brass box1 water-tight #bj4jj ,one hundred pounds of powder1 twenty cents a pound #bj4jj ,machinery to let it rise to the surface in a given time1 rope1 cork-box1 anchor1 and weights #bj4jj ------ ,total #hd4jj ,in page #bb1 ,i have given an estimate for a clockwork and harpooning ,torpedo4 ,the ,torpedo will cost #aej4jj ,each boat1 armed complete #ccf4jj ,estimate for an ,establishment in our most important and vulnerable ,ports4 ,anchored ,clockwork ,boats ,torpedoes ,torpedoes ---------------------------- ,boston1 #aej #cjj #cjj ,new-,york1 #aej #cjj #cjj ,in the ,delaware1 #ej #bjj #ajj ,chesapeake1 #ajj #bjj #bjj ,charleston1 #ajj #bjj #bjj ,new-,orleans1 #ajj #bjj #bjj ---------------------------- ,total1 #fej #adjj #acjj #fej boats1 at three hundred and thirty-six dollars each #bah1djj dolls4 #adjj anchoring ,torpedoes1 eighty-four dollars each #aag1fjj #acjj clockwork ,torpedoes1 one hundred and fifty dollars each #aie1jjj -------------- ,total #eca1jjj dolls4 ,having mentioned the ports in which it is most probable the enemy would attempt to make an impression1 calculations can be made for a like mode of defending other situations--a minutiae1 which ,i am not prepared to enter into1 nor is it necessary in the present state of this disquisition4 ,i have shewn a strong power1 in boats and ,torpedoes1 to defend six of our principal ports4 ,gentlemen will please to look to the numbers allotted to each port1 and reflect1 whether an enemy would not be inclined to respect a force so active and tremendous in its consequences2 a force1 which under the cover of the night1 could follow them into every position within our waters1 and pursue them for some leagues from our shores into the open sea2 yet those establishments would not require an expenditure of four hundred thousand dollars2 for the cutlasses and fire-arms to arm the boats1 and the powder for the ,torpedoes1 are already in our arsenals and magazines4 ,and what is four hundred thousand dollars in a national point of view8 ,a sum1 which would little more than build and fit out for sea two ships of #cj guns4 ,after reflecting on these experiments and demonstrations1 ,i hope no one will1 for a moment1 hesitate in deciding1 that the two thousand1 seven hundred ,torpedoes and six hundred and fifty boats1 before estimated1 will be a better protection for six of our sea-ports1 than two ships of thirty or any other number of guns4 ,to man the boats in the different ports1 nothing more will be necessary than a marine militia2 they can be as numerous as any possible necessity could require2 and should be exercised to row and use the ,torpedoes until the practice became familiar2 after which practice1 once a month would be sufficient4 ,corps thus formed1 would be no expence to the national government2 ,torpedoes would require no repairs1 and the boats1 carefully laid up in houses built for the purpose1 would last many years4 ,to compare ,torpedoes with the usual marine establishments1 and the superior protection which they give1 for any specific sum expended1 ,i have stated this prospect of economy2 but ,i do not consider economy1 in the commencement of such a system1 as an object of primary importance4 ,let our fellow-citizens be convinced4 ,convince the people of ,europe of the power and simple practice of these engines1 and it will open to us a sublime view of immense economy in blood and treasure4 ,as we are not in actual hostility1 and have no opportunity to try experiments on an enemy1 my opinion is1 that we should immediately prepare for such an event2 and to satisfy the public1 we should1 without loss of time1 make the following experiment3 ,purchase a strong ship2 make six ,torpedoes2 build two good row-boats1 and prepare them as for action1 with twelve men each4 ,let the ship be anchored1 and the men practised in harpooning1 throwing the ,torpedoes1 and observing the action of the tide in driving them under her bottom4 ,after practising on her while at anchor1 the ship to be got under way in moderate and stiff breezes1 and while under way1 the men to row at and harpoon her1 letting the ,torpedoes fall into the water1 and observing the action of the current in driving them under her bottom4 ,when the men have been so exercised as to be certain of harpooning the ship1 the ,torpedoes to be charged1 a committee appointed1 or the whole of congress witness the effect1 the ship to be put under way1 the helm lashed1 her men take to the boat1 the ,torpedo boats advance1 harpoon her1 and blow her up4 ,the success of such an experiment will shew the value of the system2 to which courage must be added in case of an actual engagement4 ,probable expence of such an experiment ,a strong though old ship2 #ajjj dolls4 ,six ,torpedoes1 one hundred and fifty dollars each #ijj ,two boats1 one hundred dollars each #bjj ,two harpoon-guns #fj ---- ,total1 #bafj dolls4 ,twenty-four men can be chosen from the sailors in government employ4 ,,thoughts ,on the probable effect of this invention ,at the time a new discovery is made in physics or mathematical science1 the whole of its consequences cannot be foreseen4 ,in the year #accj1 ,bartholomew ,schwartz is said to have invented gun-powder2 twenty-five years after1 a very imperfect kind of cannon was constructed of welded bars of iron1 others of sheet-iron1 rolled in the form of a cylinder and hooped with iron rings2 in some cases1 they were made of leather1 strengthened with plates of iron or copper2 balls of stone were used2 and it was not until the beginning of the fifteenth century1 that is1 one hundred and seventy years after the invention of powder1 that iron balls were introduced into practice4 ,muskets were not used until the year #aeba1 or one hundred and ninety-one years after the invention of gun-powder4 ,the ,spaniards were the first who armed their foot-soldiers in this manner--they had matchlocks2 but firelocks1 that is1 locks with flints1 were not used until the beginning of the eighteenth century1 one hundred and eighty years after the invention of muskets1 and three hundred and eighty years after the invention of powder4 ,when firelocks were first invented1 ,marshal ,sax had so little confidence in a flint1 that he ordered a match to be added to the lock with a flint1 lest the flint should miss fire,i3 such is the force of habit and want of faith in new inventions4 ,footnote ,i3 ,i have seen one of these firelocks in the collection of ancient arms1 ,rue de ,bacq4 ,paris4 ,although cannon1 fire-arms1 and the whole detail of ammunition1 now appear extremely simple1 yet we here see the very slow advances to their present state of perfection2 and they are still improving3 hence ,i conclude1 that it is now impossible to foresee to what degree ,torpedoes may be improved and rendered useful4 ,when ,schwartz invented powder1 it may be presumed that his mind did not embrace all its consequences1 or perceive that his discovery would supercede the use of catapultas1 armour1 bows and arrows1 and totally change the whole art of war4 ,he certainly could have no conception of such a combination of art as we now see in ships of the line2 those movable fortifications1 armed with thirty-two pounders1 and furnished with wings1 to spread oppression over every part of the ocean1 and carry destruction to every harbour of the earth4 ,in consequence of the invention of gun-powder1 ships of war have been contrived1 and increased to their present enormous size and number,j2 then may not science1 in her progress1 point out a means by which the application of the violent explosive force of gun-powder shall destroy ships of war1 and give to the seas the liberty which shall secure perpetual peace between nations that are separated by the ocean8 ,my conviction is1 that the means are here developed1 and require only to be organized and practised1 to produce that liberty so dear to every rational and reflecting man2 and there is a grandeur in persevering to success in so immense an enterprise--so well calculated to excite the most vigorous exertions of the highest order of intellect1 that ,i hope to interest the patriotic feelings of every friend to ,america1 to justice1 and to humanity1 in so good a cause4 ,footnote ,j3 ,compared with existing military marines1 ,i consider all galleys and vessels of war1 which were in use previous to the invention of powder1 as very insignificant4 ,it is probable that four #gd gun ships in open sea would destroy all that ever existed at any one time4 ,i have shewn that a ship of #hj guns and six hundred men1 could have little chance of resisting fifty ,torpedo boats of twelve men each1 equal six hundred men4 ,if it can be admitted possible that an #hj gun ship will be necessitated to retreat before fifty boats1 she must run so far that the boats cannot follow her1 that is1 more than eight or ten leagues2 therefore1 boats could follow a ship over the narrow parts of the ,baltic or ,british channel2 but ,i will confine my remarks to the ,british channel1 between ,boulogne and ,romney1 from ,calais to ,dover1 and from ,ostend to the mouth of the ,thames4 ,if ,i can shew that in those waters the ,british fleets would be compelled to retreat before ,torpedo boats or perish1 it follows1 that they must yield to a like system of attack in every other sea2 and the like combination of power which can force them to yield1 will act on all ships of war to their total annihilation4 ,let the coast of ,boulogne be the scene for action2 suppose the ,british to have one hundred ships of #hj guns1 or a force to that amount1 equal eight thousand guns and sixty thousand men2 this is a greater power than ever has been engaged in one action4 ,i have mentioned large ships1 because the strength of a fleet depends more on the size of the ships and weight of metal1 than on their number2 in such case1 the line will not be so much extended as if the vessels were smaller and more numerous2 the signals can be seen and answered from the extremities of the line with more certainty1 and the order of battle can be better kept4 ,the length of a ship1 from the point of the bowsprit to the stern1 may be estimated at forty fathoms1 and the distance between two ships one hundred fathoms1 consequently1 the one hundred ships would form one line of fourteen thousand fathoms1 or twenty-eight thousand yards1 equal to near sixteen miles4 ,such a line could not see and answer signals from the van and rear to the centre4 ,it could1 however1 be formed into four divisions of twenty-five ships each1 and they again could be subdivided2 but the tactics which must be adhered to when two fleets of near equal force engage1 will be of little utility when the attack is made by a sufficient number of ,torpedo boats4 ,,estimate ,,of ,,the ,,force ,,to ,,attack ,,so ,,formidable ,a ,,blockading ,,fleet ,men1 sixty thousand1 a number equal to the ,british2 they cannot all be sailors1 nor is it necessary they should1 but men1 who with six weeks exercise can learn to row well1 for to row with tolerable dexterity1 is all the nautical knowledge required4 ,to divide the sixty thousand men1 twelve in a boat1 will require five thousand boats1 each of which will be so light1 that its twelve men can draw it on the beach above high water mark1 or on the sands or plane1 in a few minutes1 or launch it into the water with equal facility4 ,,manner ,,of ,,arranging ,,the ,,boats ,,until ,,wanted ,a boat being six feet wide and twenty-seven feet long1 if a space of twelve feet wide and thirty-nine feet long be allowed for each boat1 four hundred and forty of them would range side by side in the distance of one mile1 then leaving twelve feet from the stems of the first row to the sterns of the second1 and a like space between each line1 the five thousand boats could be laid up on a beach or plane one mile long1 one hundred and fifty yards wide1 and give sufficient room for the men to get at the boats without confusion2 this plan would not require the expence of forming a bason or harbour4 ,thus arranged1 each boat with its ,torpedo1 harpoon-guns1 arms1 and oars1 in their places1 and the twelve men in their stations1 six on each side of the boat1 the whole could be run into the water and manned in an hour1 which facility of embarking is of the first importance for rapid movements1 and to take advantage of the weather4,k ,footnote ,k3 ,when the ,british fleet is becalmed before ,boulogne1 the ,french flotilla is becalmed also1 and cannot make any advantageous movements4 ,the calms which lay the ,british fleet under great disadvantage1 will give every possible advantage to the ,torpedo boats1 and will be the most favourable time for the attack4 ,,estimate ,,for ,,the ,,preparations #ejjj boats1 one hundred dollars each #ejj1jjj dolls4 #ejjj ,torpedoes1 one hundred and fifty dollars each #gej1jjj #ejjj harpoon-guns1 thirty dollars each #aej1jjj --------- ,total #a1djj1jjj dolls4 ,this is equal to #cae1jjjl4 sterling or about the value of three ships of #hj guns2 it is equal to #g1efj1jjj livres1 a sum of little importance to ,france1 it being not equal to the expences of her government for one day2 the men she has1 and three times the number if required2 the powder for the ,torpedoes and arms for the men1 are in her magazines4 ,suppose the boats and ,torpedoes prepared1 the harpooners exercised1 and the men practised to the oars4 ,the intrepidity of the ,french1 in an assault1 has been so often proved1 that there can be no question as to their courage to rush on to the attack in any case where there is a reasonable hope of success4 ,it is obvious1 that the ,british ships could not put out a sufficient number of boats to oppose five thousand ,torpedo boats2 consequently1 they have not other means of resistance than to manoeuvre and defend themselves from their ports and decks1 in the best manner they can devise4 ,it is now necessary1 in calculating the chances of success1 to examine various modes of attack and defence2 ,i therefore beg of the reader1 never to lose sight of the facility with which the whole of the ,french boats can be run into the water1 manned1 and ready for action1 or again drawn up on the shore1 and with how much ease every advantage may be taken of calms and favourable circumstances2 he must also separate from his mind the idea of boats attempting to fight ships2 such an attempt would be absurd2 it is ,torpedoes1 those instruments of instantaneous destruction1 which are to decide the contest2 the boats are but the means of harpooning and attaching the ,torpedoes to the ships3 this is the whole object of the attack4 ,in defence1 it is to be considered by what means a ship or ships could prevent the boats approaching so near as to harpoon them in the larboard and starboard bow1 and make good their retreat8 ,i will name the calm months of ,june1 ,july1 and ,august1 as most favourable for the enterprise4 ,let it be recollected1 that in all attacks of this kind1 the boats row at the rate of five miles an hour1 or one hundred and forty-six yards a minute2 at the distance of four hundred and thirty-eight yards or three minutes from the ship1 they will risk random round shot,l2 at two hundred and nineteen yards or one and a half minutes from the ship1 they risk one discharge of grape2 at one hundred yards or forty seconds from the ship1 they risk one volley of small arms1 before they harpoon4 ,after harpooning1 it is probable the ship's crew would be more occupied about their own safety1 than in standing deliberately to fire at the boats4 ,and thus1 each boat will not be more than four minutes within the line of the ship's random shot3 such rapidity and decision in attack1 gives incalculable advantages to the boats4 ,footnote ,l3 ,all shot from cannon1 carronades1 or howitzers1 against boats1 must be random3 a boat is too small and moves too quick to admit of taking aim2 and in the night1 musket shot will be random also4 ,,first ,,mode ,,of ,,attack ,in a calm and usually dark night1 the ships at anchor1 either in one line or parallel lines1 or promiscuously4 ,the ,torpedo boats to be formed into divisions1 each division to consist of fifty boats1 and to attack one ship4 ,suppose the ships first attacked to be those nearest the land2 in a calm they could not get under way1 nor could they change their positions2 a ship1 by having a spring on her cable1 might possibly bring her broadside to bear on the boats2 but as the fire of the broadside could do little injury until the boats were within four hundred and thirty-eight yards1 or three minutes1 of her bow1 and1 as three minutes after coming within the line of fire is to decide the contest1 ,i conceive that her broadside could not protect her2 if the boats1 at six hundred yards distance1 run for her bow1 it would be impossible for her to change her position so quick by a spring on her cable1 as the boats could change their direction to keep under her bow4 ,if the ships were in one line1 and the headmost first attacked1 she could receive no assistance from the vessel astern1 for she would lie between the stern ship and the boats1 and receive the fire which might be directed for them4 ,if the ships lay in several parallel lines1 or promiscuously1 and the next line were on her larboard1 the larboard ship would be distant at least one hundred fathoms1 and while the boats were bearing down1 might fire broadsides on them when they were at the distance of two hundred yards2 but the moment they closed in with the ship she must cease her fire1 otherwise she would do more injury to the ship than to the boats2 the larboard ship would1 therefore1 only have an opportunity to fire two minutes at the boats1 in which time1 she might possibly discharge two broadsides2 but as the boats could keep in a line with the bow of the vessel attacked1 and there is more danger from the larboard or starboard ship than the one attacked1 a better mode would be to attack the headmost ship of each line at the same time2 in such case1 each ship would be necessitated to reserve her whole fire for her own defence2 she could not assist the next ship1 and thus each vessel would be as much exposed and left to her own resources1 as though there were not another ship within three leagues of her4 ,the succeeding ships of the line1 or lines1 could be attacked in like manner3 hence1 this mode of attacking any number of vessels with an equal number of divisions of boats1 amounts to nothing more than a repetition of an attack with fifty boats on one ship1 and it does not appear to me possible1 that her fire could repel fifty boats1 or prevent them lodging ten1 fifteen1 or twenty harpoons1 if necessary1 in her larboard and starboard bow4 ,i leave to nautical men and experienced commanders1 to shew to the public how a ship or ships of war1 anchored in a calm as before stated1 could resist such an attack1 and their total destruction in a few hours4 ,but commanders1 seeing the danger of being becalmed while at anchor1 may keep the fleet under way4 ,,second ,,mode ,,of ,,attack ,in the night1 the ships under way1 calm1 or light breezes of not more than four knots an hour4 ,ships of the line1 that are under way1 seldom approach nearer each other than a cable's length2 this precaution1 is to prevent their running foul and causing confusion2 when expecting an enemy of equal force1 the custom is to form one line2 admitting1 that to oppose the ,torpedo boats1 they preserved this usual order of battle1 close hauled and under easy sail1 to let the boats come up1 here1 as in the case of being at anchor1 each ship must apply her whole fire against the division of boats which attack her2 she cannot aid the ship next to her4 ,as the boats1 advancing under cover of the night1 each division will1 in three minutes from the time they arrive within danger of cannon shot1 be in with the bow of the destined ship1 and fire their harpoons into her4 ,therefore it appears1 that her chance while under way is very little better than when at anchor4 ,if1 as the boats advance1 a ship turns her bow to meet them1 she facilitates their harpooning her4 ,will any other order of battle than one right line1 give more security8 ,would two1 three1 or four parallel lines1 give better protection8 ,in such case1 the line nearest the boats would be attacked first1 and the other lines taken in succession4 ,were the ships to form a crescent1 the headmost vessels would be first attacked1 in this form1 they might surround a number of boats and get them between two fires2 but whatever situation the boats may be in1 after they arrive within the range of grape-shot they can1 in a few minutes1 be under the bow of the ship1 where they will be safe from all fire except small arms2 but to arrive under her bow1 amounts to a moral certainty of effecting her destruction4 ,therefore1 with the immense advantage which ,torpedoes give to an attack with boats1 it is of little consequence whether it be made in the night or day1 in a calm or a breeze of from four to six knots4 ,if the ships engage with the boats1 their case will be desperate4 ,in all my reflections on this kind of war1 ,i see no chance for their escape other than by retreat2 and the moment ,english ships of war retreat before ,torpedo boats1 that moment the power of the ,british marine is for ever lost1 and with it the political influence of the nation4 ,in this view of chances1 ,i have calculated the number of men in the boats equal to the number in the ships1 and estimated five thousand boats to be brought into action2 but in all cases when there are sufficient ,torpedo boats to drive in the boats of the ships1 there will be sufficient to attack the fleet2 the one hundred ships could not put six hundred good boats in motion1 therefore1 one thousand ,torpedo boats would suffice for the attack2 they could be formed into fifty divisions of twenty boats each2 they would have every advantage1 in a calm1 of directing fifty or one hundred boats against one vessel1 while the ships would not have the power to concentrate their fire on the boats2 the ships could not be defended1 unless there were transports or ordinance vessels expressly for carrying good row-boats1 the number of which should be sufficient to repel the ,torpedo boats2 but if ships can only be protected by boats1 it follows1 that they will cease to be of use1 and the contest for the command of the channel must be decided by boat fighting4 ,in such case1 the nation which could put in action the greatest number of boats1 and was least dependent on commerce1 would have a decided advantage4 ,england is more dependent on commerce than ,france2 her merchant vessels could be attacked1 destroyed1 and her trade ruined2 yet the commerce of ,france could not be more1 nor so much1 injured as it is at present4 ,in such an event1 ,england1 who has usurped the dominion of the ocean and laid all nations under contribution1 would be the most humble supplicant for the liberty of the seas4 ,and then the ,emperor of ,france would have a noble opportunity to display a magnanimity of soul1 a goodness of heart1 which would add lustre to his great actions1 and secure to him the admiration of the civilized world1 by granting to so ingenious1 industrious1 enterprising1 and estimable a people1 a perfect liberty of commerce4,m ,footnote ,m3 ,a government1 and particularly a monarchy or aristocracy1 may be in the habitual practice of vice1 while the people are in the habitual practice of virtue4 ,in an aristocracy1 where the army1 navy1 places1 and pensions1 are in the power of the few1 the voice of the people has little or no influence4 ,the genius1 industry1 and enterprise of the ,english1 have converted a barren island into the most fruitful and beautiful spot on earth2 their improvements in the useful arts1 have made them the greatest and most useful manufacturing people that ever existed4 ,in proportion as the people1 by their industry1 increased the riches of the nation1 the government found a facility in raising revenue1 and have loaded the virtuous people with taxes to the amount of twenty-five or more millions a year1 to pay for ruinous wars1 the conquest of ,america1 the establishment of the ,bourbons1 and the balance of ,europe4 ,i have now run this subject to a conclusion1 in which ,i do not hesitate to say1 that two thousand ,torpedo boats and twenty-four thousand men1 would take the command of the ,british channel from ,boulogne to ,romney1 from ,calais1 ,gravelines1 ,dunkirk and ,ostend1 to the mouth of the ,thames1 and that the command of the commerce of those narrow seas1 would command the ,british nation2 but there the power of ,torpedo boats must cease--a nation cannot send such boats to sea to depredate on commerce1 nor to foreign countries on expeditions of conquest1 and therefore the seas must be free4 ,,on the imaginary inhumanity of ,torpedo war ,in numerous discussions which ,i have had on this subject and its consequences1 it has been stated1 that instead of giving liberty to the seas1 its tendency would be to encourage piracy and buccaneering1 by enabling a few men in a boat to intimidate and plunder merchant vessels1 thereby producing greater evil than the existing military marines4 ,this idea1 is similar to one which might have arisen on the invention of muskets1 which1 giving to an individual the power of certain death at the distance of fifty or a hundred yards1 robbers might infest the highways1 and from an ambush1 shoot the traveller and take his property2 yet there is not so much robbery now as before the invention of gun-powder2 society is more civilized2 it is not so much divided into feuds1 or clans1 to secrete and protect villainy2 and all civilized society will1 in their own defence1 combine against the robber1 who has little chance to escape4 ,in like manner1 as an individual1 instigated by revenge1 might with an air-gun shoot his neighbour1 or by means of gun-powder blow up his barn or buildings2 but society combine against such atrocious acts1 and he who would commit them1 could have little other prospect before him than the gibbet4 ,in the case of pirates or buccaneers1 they could not make a ,torpedo without some intelligent workmen1 who would be a means of discovery4 ,were they to take a prize1 they must have some port to carry it to1 or it could be of no use to them2 were they to plunder a ship1 they could not carry much in a ,torpedo boat1 and the boat must have a port to go to1 where neighbours or spectators1 observing her suspicious character1 would lead to investigation2 added to which1 pirates are seldom constant in their attachment to each other1 and each would suspect the other turning informer4 ,it would be difficult for a ,torpedo boat to depart from any port of ,america1 and return without being detected4 ,it is certainly much more easy and secure for an individual to go on the highway and rob1 yet how seldom is that done4 ,when nations combine against pirates1 there is no reason to fear that individuals can make a bad use of this invention4 ,but men1 without reflecting1 or from attachment to established and familiar tyranny1 exclaim1 that it is barbarous to blow up a ship with all her crew4 ,this ,i admit1 and lament that it should be necessary2 but all wars are barbarous1 and particularly wars of offence4 ,it is barbarous for a ship of war to fire into a peaceable merchant vessel1 kill part of her people1 take her and the property1 and reduce the proprietor with his family from affluence to penury4 ,it was barbarous to bombard ,copenhagen1 set fire to the city1 and destroy innocent women and children4 ,it would be barbarous for ships of war to enter the harbour of ,new-,york1 fire on the city1 destroy property1 and murder many of the peaceable inhabitants2 yet we have great reason to expect such a scene of barbarism and distress1 unless means are taken to prevent it2 therefore1 if ,torpedoes should prevent such acts of violence1 the invention must be humane4 ,when a fortress is besieged1 and a mine driven under the citadel1 the powder laid1 and the train ready to light1 it is the custom for the besiegers to send to the commander of the besieged1 to inform him of the preparations1 and leave it to his judgment to surrender or risque the explosion2 if he will not surrender after such warning1 and he1 with his men1 should be blown up1 he is to be charged with the inhumanity1 and not the besiegers4 ,should government adopt ,torpedoes as a part of our means of defence1 the ,europeans will be informed of it1 after which1 should they send hostile ships into our ports among anchored ,torpedoes or ,torpedo boats1 and such ships should be blown up1 the inhumanity must be charged to them1 and not to the ,american government or to this invention4 ,having1 in the preceding chapter1 given details for a system of ,french ,torpedo boats1 which could command the narrow parts of the ,british channel1 ,i may be accused of enmity to ,england and partiality to ,france2 yet ,i have neither hatred nor particular attachment to any foreign country4 ,i admire the ingenuity1 industry1 and good faith of the ,english people2 ,i respect the arts1 sciences1 and amiable manners of the people of ,france4 ,there is much in each of those countries which we may copy to great advantage4 ,but my feelings are wholly attached to my country1 and while ,i labour for her interest in this enterprise1 ,i am happy that the liberty of the seas1 which ,i believe can be effected1 will not only benefit ,america2 it will be an immense advantage to ,england1 to ,france1 and to every other nation4 ,convinced of this1 ,i have viewed military marines as remains of ancient warlike habits1 and an existing political disease1 for which there has hitherto been no specific remedy4 ,satisfied in my own mind1 that the ,torpedoes now discovered1 will be an effectual cure for so great an evil4 ,to introduce them into practice1 and prove their utility1 ,i am of opinion1 that blowing up ,english ships of war1 or ,french1 or ,american1 were there no other1 and the men on shore1 would be humane experiments of the first importance to the ,united ,states and to mankind4 ,a ,,view of the political economy of this invention ,at the death of ,queen ,elizabeth1 in #afjb1 the royal navy consisted of the following vessels4 #d ships of #dj guns4 #d of #cb #aj of #cj #b of #bj #c of #af #b of #ab #e of #aj #c of #h #a of #f #d of #d #d of #b -- --- ,total #db #ahj guns1 with #c hoys4 ,when equipped for sea1 it carried #hcgf men4 ,at the death of ,king ,james ,i4 in #affe1 the royal navy amounted to sixty-two sail2 the money expended per annum was fifty thousand pounds sterling1 equal to #bbb1bbb dollars1 #bj cents4 ,at the death of ,king ,william1 in #agja-b1 the navy consisted of ,ships of the line1 including fourth rates2 #abc ,frigates #df ,fire ,ships #hg --- ,total #bef ,the whole navy mounting about #icjj guns1 and to completely man the ships1 it would take #eb1jjj men2 the sum allowed per annum for the navy1 was #a1jdf1cig pounds sterling1 equal to #d1fej1fec dollars1 #cj cents4 ,thus in one century1 it increased in vessels and men six fold1 and in expence twenty fold4 ,in #ahja1 the royal navy consisted of #aib ships of the line #bh ships of #ej guns #bbg frigates #aha sloops ,principal force for combat1 #gfj #if gun vessels #aa gun barges #ae bombs #aj fire ships #aa store ships #h yachts #i tenders #b advice boats #e armed transports #ac ,dutch hoys #f river barges #a convalescent ship #acj hired ships and cutters4 --- ,total #ide ,annual expence1 #ac1fed1jac pounds sterling1 equal #fj1fhd1ejb dollars1 #dj cents2 at present1 ,i have not time to ascertain the exact number of men1 which however amount to more than one hundred thousand4 ,from #agja to #ahja1 the number of vessels have been increased four fold1 and the expence twelve fold2 the expence is now two hundred and seventy times greater than at the death of ,king ,james ,i1 one hundred and eighty-five years ago4 ,,state ,,of ,,the ,,maritime ,,power ,,of ,,nations ,,about ,,the ,,year #agij ,taken from ,arnauld ---------------------------------------- --------------------------- ,ships of ,total ,total ,total ,nations the ,line ,frigates ,sloops ,vessels,cannon ,seamen ---------------------------------------- --------------------------- ships guns guns from to from to ,spain #gb #aab - #eh #da #aji #bbb #aj1jjj #ej1jjj ,portugal #aj #hj - #eh #ad #dd - #cj #bi #ec #a1ejj #a1jjj ,naples #aj #gd - #ej #aj #ab #cb #a1jjj #e1jjj ,venice #bj #hh - #af #aj #eh #hh #a1jjj #ad1jjj ,ottoman ,empire #cj #gd - #ej #ej #ej - #ajajj galliots #ahj #c1jjj #ej1jjj ,holland #dd #gd - #ef #dc #dj - #bdajj #ahg #b1cjj #ae1jjj ,denmark #ch #ij - #ej #bj #db - #bj #fj chebecks #aah #c1jjj #ab1jjj ,sweden #bg #gd - #ej #ab #ch - #bj #dj gallies #gi #c1jjj #ac1jjj ,russia #fg #aaj - #ff #cf #dd - #bhgjj various #hjc #i1jjj #ba1jjj ,france #ha #aah - #fd #fi #dj - #cjada various #bia #ad1jjj #gh1jjj ,england #aie #ajj - #ejbaj #bef #ffa #ab1jjjajj1jjj ---------------------------------------- --------------------------- #bgad #ei1hjj #cei1jjj ,taking the whole of these fleets1 and estimating their expence by that of the ,british marine1 it must amount to about twenty-six millions of pounds sterling per annum1 equal to #aae1eee1eee dollars1 #ej cents4 ,can we reflect on this table and not feel1 in the most sensible manner1 the folly of the eleven ,european nations1 who support such establishments for their mutual oppression8 ,is there an ,american who1 after viewing these horrid consequences of divided ,europe and her barbarous policy1 that can for a moment harbour a wish1 that these happy ,states should be divided1 and each petty government1 in proportion to its resources1 augment its fleets and armies either for defence or to gratify a mad ambition1 by depredating on its neighbours8 ,if there be such men1 they are in a state of political insanity1 and the worst enemies to the ,american people4 ,the humane and excellent ,dean ,tucker1 in his work on political economy1 published during the ,american revolution1 has observed1 ,that the wars of ,europe1 for the last two hundred years1 have1 by the confession of all parties1 really ended in the advantage of none1 but to the manifest detriment of all4 ,suffice it to remark1 that had each of the contending powers employed their subjects in cultivating and improving such lands as were clear of all disputed titles1 instead of aiming at more extended possessions1 they had consulted both their own and their people's greatness much more efficaciously1 than all the victories of a ,cesar or an ,alexander4 ,this important truth should be deeply impressed on the mind of every ,american4 ,but ,i will return to the fleets of ,europe1 and endeavour to point out the principal causes of the great increase of those engines of oppression1 and from whence the wealth has arisen to support such expences4 ,i will also shew the increasing resources which will1 if science does not check it1 enable ,england hereafter to support a marine of fifteen hundred armed ships1 with as much ease as she now does seven hundred and sixty4 ,in #afjb1 the ,british nation could not possibly have paid for the expence of such a navy as it possessed in #agja1 and in #agja1 the resources of the nation were not equal to the expence of the navy of #ahja4 ,the reason is1 that since #afjb1 the sciences have developed immense resources4 ,chemistry and mechanics have multiplied the produce of productive labour1 and increased the riches of every nation in ,europe2 the commerce of ,china and the ,east-,indies has been opened2 ,russia and ,sweden have become civilized and commercial2 ,south ,america1 the ,west ,india islands1 and ,north ,america1 have1 from a few hundred persons1 grown to a population of at least twenty-five millions2 who have created a vast and productive commerce1 of which there was no conception two centuries ago4 ,agriculture has every where been improved2 the earth produces more for a given labour2 manufactures are carried on1 in various degrees of perfection1 in every country and district of country1 which1 creating surplus wealth to pay for luxuries1 returns millions of riches on so enterprising and commercial a people as the ,english1 which1 added to their own improvements in mechanism1 manufactures1 and agriculture1 enables the government1 at this day1 to expend thirteen millions of pounds sterling1 annually1 on their marine4 ,yet the people in general live better1 have more enjoyments1 and because they have more enjoyments1 they are in reality not more oppressed than the people of #afbe1 who paid only fifty thousand pounds to the marine4 ,such is the natural consequence of a general cultivation of the useful arts2 but a just government and a wise people1 should take care that the wealth which the useful arts give to them1 should not be uselessly expended4 ,as imports and exports are the consequence of increased population and industry1 the following will shew how the expences of the ,british marine have not only kept pace1 but gained on her sources of wealth4 ,table of ,british ,imports1 ,exports1 and ,expence of the ,marine1 in pounds sterling4 ,in #agja ,imports #e1hfi1fjil4 ,exports #g1fba1jecl4 -------------- ,total #ac1dij1ffbl4 ,expence of the ,marine #a1jdf1cigl4 or one thirteenth of the whole imports and exports4 ,in #agih ,imports #df1ifc1jjjl4 ,export of ,british manufactures #cc1fjb1jjjl4 ,export of foreign goods #ad1chg1jjjl4 -------------- ,total #id1ieb1jjjl4 ,expence of the ,navy #ac1fed1jacl4 or about one seventh of the total imports and exports4 ,in #ahjj1 the population of the ,united ,states was estimated at #e1bad1hja2 with this population1 we import from ,england to the amount of seven millions sterling per annum1 for which we pay1 in direct and circuitous trade1 equal seven millions1 making our imports from ,england1 and exports to pay for them fourteen millions1 or equal to one seventh of the imports and exports of ,england4 ,therefore1 as it is the profits of trade which support the ,british marine1 we pay one seventh of its whole expence1 or about two millions sterling1 and1 in fact1 support one seventh of seven hundred and sixty armed ships1 equal #ajh4 ,thus we cherish an evil of which we complain1 and unless we can destroy it1 we must continue to nourish it4 ,in #agjj1 the population of ,england and ,wales amounted to #e1dge1edd2 in #ahjj1 to #i1cdc1egh2 it did not double in the last century notwithstanding the great increase of trade4 ,as her population is now equal to one person for every six acres1 there is a powerful check on its increase1 and the rational calculation is1 that it will not double1 or rise to eighteen millions in the next two centuries4 ,but the ,united ,states is doubling its population in about twenty-five years1 or1 for probable correctness1 say in thirty years2 consequently1 in #ahcj we shall have2 #aj1dbi1fjb #ahfj #bj1hei1bjd #ahij #dj1gah1djh #aibj #ha1dcf1haf ,even then1 the acres of the ,united ,states will be more than ten to an individual4 ,as our habits and customs are ,english1 it is a reasonable calculation1 that ,in #cj years1 we shall take from them to the amount of #ad1jjj1jjj #fj #bh1jjj1jjj #ij #ef1jjj1jjj ,this is more than they now send to all the world1 which wealth resulting from ,american labour1 being turned into ,england1 will increase her resources equal to the maintenance of her present marine3 for1 as ,i before stated1 if of seven millions which we now import1 we furnish funds for the seventh part of her naval expences1 or say two millions4 ,seven is into fifty-six1 the imports of ninety years hence1 eight times2 the ,united ,states will1 therefore1 furnish sixteen millions sterling per annum1 to support the ,british marine1 and enable ,england to double her present naval establishment4 ,thus we are continually aiding and supporting1 the only tyranny which can oppress us1 or disturb our tranquility4 ,i am aware that1 opposed to this statement1 it will be said that we shall become manufacturers1 and hereafter import1 in proportion to our population1 less from ,england2 but1 in a vast country like the ,united ,states1 where lands are cheap1 and men can easy be provided for in agricultural pursuits2 it will be difficult for the manufactures to keep pace with the population4 ,we are now much greater manufacturers than we were twenty-five years ago2 yet our imports increase2 the manufactures of ,england have augmented ten fold in the last century4 ,although her population has not doubled1 yet her exports and imports have kept near even pace with each other4 ,the consequence of manufactures1 is to create abundance and give the means of purchasing luxuries2 therefore1 more persons enjoy the luxuries of fine articles4 ,england has her manufactures established and her people taught2 she has the start of all the world1 which she will keep for very many years2 nor can such superiority be an injury to ,america1 or to ,france1 or any other nation1 provided the profits are not expended on a military marine to oppress them4,n ,then what is to be done to arrest this enormous evil1 this organizing system of oppression8 ,one of three things must be done3 we must have a marine of a force to be respected1 or we must suffer our commerce to be as limited as the ,british government may think proper1 and be laid under contribution2 or1 military marines must be destroyed1 and liberty given to the seas4 ,footnote ,n3 ,many appear to be of opinion1 that if ,bonaparte could get the command of the seas1 or had it in his power1 he would reduce ,london to ashes1 and destroy the arts and manufactures of ,england4 ,carthage is always cited as an example of a conqueror's vengeance4 ,this1 however1 has never been my opinion1 because it is not justified by any act of his life4 ,in all the countries he has conquered1 he has ever respected the sciences and useful arts2 he has not burned ,vienna1 ,berlin1 or ,madrid4 ,had he no other motive1 his own fame1 in a great measure1 depends on the protection which he may give to the sciences4 ,but1 independent of this1 ,i believe he well understands the benefit which ,europe receives from ,english arts and industry2 and his war is not against them1 but against the manner in which their profits are applied2 that is1 against the marine1 and interference of the ,british government in all the concerns of the continent4 ,what kind of a marine would obtain for us that consideration and respect which would give to our merchant ships unmolested admittance into the ports of ,europe8 ,fifty ships of #hj guns each1 and thirty thousand men1 certainly could not guarantee to us such respect4 ,russia has a greater naval force1 and dare not show a ship out of the ,baltic4 ,yet fifty such ships would cost the ,united ,states twenty-five millions of dollars1 and seven millions of dollars a year2 which1 added to repairs1 dock-yards1 arsenals1 navy-boards1 and agents1 may be estimated at ten millions a year4 ,but even could such a marine secure to us a reasonable liberty of commerce1 ,america could not now bear such an expenditure2 and where is the additional commerce to pay for ten millions a year1 expended to protect it8 ,should our resources1 in twenty years1 enable us to support such a marine1 ,i have shewn1 that the ,british can augment their fleets also1 and spare a force to meet us at sea4 ,but were ,america to try her finances to the utmost1 and establish a marine equal to fifty ships of #hj guns1 it would be to us the greatest of misfortunes2 for so many persons would become interested in obtaining a support from it1 that1 like ,england1 we should continue adding1 until our successors would find it a power superior to their liberty--one which would load them with taxes1 press their children into senseless wars1 nor leave them permission to complain4 ,should we ever be necessitated to have a marine of a force to be respected1 such are the accumulated evils under which our posterity must suffer4 ,but if science and energy should sweep military marines from the ocean1 ,america will be the garden of the world--an example for ,europe to imitate4 ,when we contemplate the immense sums which are expended in ,european marine establishments1 and calculate the infinite good which might have been done with the capital1 we have to lament that man1 instead of gratifying his ambition in wars and devastation1 has not sought a more noble and lasting fame in promoting the arts1 the sciences1 and civilization4 ,the annual expence of the navy of ,great ,britain amounts to upwards of thirteen millions a year2 as long as war continues1 the expence will not be diminished2 but taking the chance of war and peace for the succeeding twenty-five years1 and estimate that the marine will cost ten millions a year1 the expenditure in twenty-five years will be two hundred and fifty millions of pounds sterling4 ,if driven to have a marine1 such might be the expenditure of our successors2 if we can avoid it1 the capital might be expended in useful work4 ,i will now give a short sketch of the improvements which might be made in ,america for such a sum3 ,first1 twelve canals1 running from the eastern and northern parts of the ,united ,states to the south1 each fifteen hundred miles long1 and fifty miles distant from each other1 equal to eighteen thousand miles2 thirty canals1 running from the sea coast to the interior1 each six hundred miles long and fifty miles apart1 or eighteen thousand miles--total1 thirty-six thousand miles1 at three thousand pounds sterling a mile1 amounting to one hundred and eight millions4 ,canals to this extent1 would intersect a country fifteen hundred miles long six hundred miles wide1 equal nine hundred thousand square miles1 or seven hundred and fifty-six millions of acres1 not an acre of which would be more than twenty-five miles from canal carriage2 and which acres1 allowing six to an individual which is equal to the density of ,english population1 or say seven1 allowing for rivers1 roads1 and canals1 would be ample space in a country which1 by its improvements1 must be fertile for one hundred and eight millions of inhabitants4 #b;d1 ,two thousand bridges1 at thirty thousand pounds sterling each1 equal2 #fj1jjj1jjj ,two thousand and fifty public establishments for education1 at forty thousand pounds sterling each #hb1jjj1jjj ,the canals2 #ajh1jjj1jjj ----------- ,total #bej1jjj1jjj ,the two hundred and fifty millions1 raised by loan and funded at five per cent4 would1 if expended on a marine1 lay a tax on the people of #ab1ejj1jjjl4 sterling a year1 equal to #ee1eee1eee dollars a year1 with a horde of excise-men and tax-gatherers1 to torment honest industry4 ,but if expended on canals1 the profits to transport would pay the interest1 and give inconceivable advantages to the people4 ,such communications would facilitate every species of industry4 ,canals bending round the hills1 would irrigate the grounds beneath1 and convert them into luxuriant pasturage4 ,they would bind a hundred millions of people in one inseparable compact--alike in habits1 in language1 and in interest2 one homogeneous brotherhood1 the most invulnerable1 powerful1 and respectable on earth4 ,say1 legislators1 you who direct the destinies of this great nation1 shall ,americans1 like servile creatures of established habits1 imitate ,european vices1 or copy them because they are familiar8 ,shall they nourish a useless marine1 lay the basis for its increase1 and send it down the current of time to futurity with all its complicated evils8 ,shall such a system consume our resources1 deprive the earth of improvements1 draw into its vortex ambitious men1 divert the best talents of our country from useful works1 and interest them in its support--creating non-productive labourers1 who must be the consumers of the produce of the productive class1 and diminish their enjoyments8 ,or will you search into the most hidden recesses of science1 to find a means for preventing such incalculable evils8 ,and direct the genius and resources of our country to useful improvements1 to the sciences1 the arts1 education1 the amendment of the public mind and morals4 ,in such pursuits1 lie real honour and the nation's glory2 such are the labours of enlightened republicans--those who labour for the public good4 ,every order of things1 which has a tendency to remove oppression and meliorate the condition of man1 by directing his ambition to useful industry is1 in effect1 republican4 ,every system1 which nourishes war and its consequent thousands of idlers and oppressors1 is aristocratic in its effects1 whatever may be its name4 ,these sentiments exhibit my political creed1 the object of all my exertions2 and these principles1 practised by ,americans1 will create for them a real grandeur of character1 which will secure to them the respect and admiration of the civilized world4 ,,finis ,number and ,nature of ,ordnance for each of the ,ships in the ,british ,navy ---------------------------------------- --------------------------- ,number ,number of guns of each nature ,carronades ,rates of ---------------------------------------- ----- guns #db #cb #bd #ah #ab #i #f #cb #bd #ah #ab ---------------------------------------- ------------------ #ast -- #ajj #bh - #bh - #cj - #ah #b #f - - #b;d -- #ih - #bh - #cj #dj - - #b - #f - #hj - #bf - #bf - #bd #a - #gd - #bh - #bh - #ah - #b - #f - #c;d #gj - #bh - #bh - #ad - - #fd - - #bf #bf - #ab - - #b #f - #dth #fj - - #bd - #bf - #aj - - - - #ej - - #bb - #bb - #f - #f - #f #dd - - - #bj #bb - #f - - #h - #eth #cf - - - #bf #b #h - #h - - - #cb - - - - #bf - #f - #f - - #bh - - #h - - #bd #d - #f - - #fth #bd - - - - - #bb #b - #b #f - #bj - - - - - #bj - - - - #h ,sloops #ah - - - - - - #ah - - - #h ---------------------------------------- ------------------ ,for ,notes on ,vessels of ,war of the ,united ,states see pages #f and #g4 ,dimensions of ,ships1 ,number of ,men1 and ,draught of ,water ---------------------------------------- ----------------------------- ,number ,length on ,extreme ,compliment of ,depth of water of ,gunsthe ,gun-deck ,breadth ,sailors ,marines required for each ---------------------------------------- ---------------------------- ,ft4 ,in4 ,ft4 ,in4 ,num4 ,officers ,feet #aaj #aij #j #ec #j #hge #a ,cap4 #c ,subs4 #bd #ajj #ahf #j #eb #j #hge ,do4 #bd #ih #ahj #j #ej #j #gej ,do4 #bc #ij #agg #f #di #j #gej ,do4 #bc #hj #ahb #j #di #f #fej ,do4 #ah #gd #ahb #j #dh #g #fej ,do4 #ah #gd #afi #j #df #aa #fej ,do4 #ah #fd #afj #j #dd #f #fej #a ,cap4 #b ,subs4 #ah #ej #adf #j #dj #f #dbj #b ,lieutenants4 #af #dd #adj #i #ch #h #cjj #a ,subaltern4 #af #ch #add #j #ci #j #cjj ,do4 #af #cf #adb #j #ch #j #cjj ,do4 #af #cb #abf #j #ce #d #cjj ,do4 #ae #bh #abj #j #cc #f #bjj ,do4 #ae #bd #aad #g #cb #c #bjj ,do4 #ae #bj #ajh #j #cj #j #bjj ,do4 #ae #ah #aaj #j #bi #f #abe ,sergeant4 #ac #af #ajf #j #bh #j #abe ,do4 #ac ---------------------------------------- --------------------------- ,n4 ,b4 ,the usual ,complement of ,marines is one for every gun in the ship ,for ,notes on ,vessels of ,war of the ,united ,states see pages #f and #g4 99 99 99 99 99 99 ,transcriber's note3 ,the ,plates were moved to the start of the section describing them4 ,hyphenation was standardized4 ,the ,table of ,contents was added by the transcriber4