,,transcriber',s ,,note 99 ,italics are denoted by underscores as in italics4 99 ,bold text is denoted by equals as in bold4 99 ,small caps are represented in upper case as in ,,small ,,caps4 99 ,original spelling was kept1 but variant spellings were made consistent when a predominant usage was found4 99 ,obvious printer errors have been silently corrected4 ,,perpetual ,,peace ,illustration 8,for ,i dipt into the future1 far as human eye could see1 ,saw the ,vision of the world1 and all the wonder that would be2 ,saw the heavens fill with commerce1 argosies of magic sails1 ,pilots of the purple twilight1 dropping down with costly bales2 ,heard the heavens fill with shouting1 and there rain'd a ghastly dew ,from the nations' airy navies grappling in the central blue2 ,far along the world-wide whisper of the south-wind rushing warm1 ,with the standards of the peoples plunging thro' the thunder-storm2 ,till the war-drum throbb'd no longer1 and the battle-flags were furl'd ,in the ,parliament of man1 the ,federation of the world4 ,there the common sense of most shall hold a fretful realm in awe1 ,and the kindly earth shall slumber1 lapt in universal law40 ,,tennyson3 ,locksley ,hall4 ,,perpetual ,,peace ,a ,,philosophical ,,essay ,,by ,,immanuel ,,kant #agie ,,translated ,,with ,,introduction ,,and ,,notes ,,by ,m4 ,,campbell ,,smith1 ,m4,a4 ,,with ,a ,,preface ,,by ,,professor ,,latta ,,london3 ,,george ,,allen ,,unwin ,,ltd4 ,,ruskin ,,house #dj ,,museum ,,street1 ,w4,c4 ,,new ,,york3 ,,the ,,macmillan ,,company ,first ,edition1 #aijc ,second ,impression1 ,february #aiae ,third 0 ,february #aiag ,,preface ,this translation of ,kant's essay on ,perpetual ,peace was undertaken by ,miss ,mary ,campbell ,smith at the suggestion of the late ,professor ,ritchie of ,st4 ,andrews1 who had promised to write for it a preface1 indicating the value of ,kant's work in relation to recent discussions regarding the possibility of 8making wars to cease40 ,in view of the general interest which these discussions have aroused and of the vague thinking and aspiration which have too often characterised them1 it seemed to ,professor ,ritchie that a translation of this wise and sagacious essay would be both opportune and valuable4#a ,his untimely death has prevented the fulfilment of his promise1 and ,i have been asked1 in his stead1 to introduce the translator's work4 #a ,cf4 his ,studies in ,political and ,social ,ethics1 pp4 #afi1 #agj4 ,this is1 ,i think1 the only complete translation into ,english of ,kant's essay1 including all the notes as well as the text1 and the translator has added a full historical ,introduction1 along with numerous notes of her own1 so as 7in ,professor ,ritchie's words7 8to meet the needs 7#a7 of the student of ,political ,science who wishes to understand the relation of ,kant's theories to those of ,grotius1 ,hobbes1 ,locke1 ,rousseau etc41 and 7#b7 of the general reader who wishes to understand the significance of ,kant's proposals in connection with the ideals of ,peace ,congresses1 and with the development of ,international ,law from the end of the ,middle ,ages to the ,hague ,conference40 ,although it is more than #ajj years since ,kant's essay was written1 its substantial value is practically unimpaired4 ,anyone who is acquainted with the general character of the mind of ,kant will expect to find in him sound common-sense1 clear recognition of the essential facts of the case and a remarkable power of analytically exhibiting the conditions on which the facts necessarily depend4 ,these characteristics are manifest in the essay on ,perpetual ,peace4 ,kant is not pessimist enough to believe that a perpetual peace is an unrealisable dream or a consummation devoutly to be feared1 nor is he optimist enough to fancy that it is an ideal which could easily be realised if men would but turn their hearts to one another4 ,for ,kant perpetual peace is an ideal1 not merely as a speculative ,utopian idea1 with which in fancy we may play1 but as a moral principle1 which ought to be1 and therefore can be1 realised4 ,yet he makes it perfectly clear that we cannot hope to approach the realisation of it unless we honestly face political facts and get a firm grasp of the indispensable conditions of a lasting peace4 ,to strive after the ideal in contempt or in ignorance of these conditions is a labour that must inevitably be either fruitless or destructive of its own ends4 ,thus ,kant demonstrates the hopelessness of any attempt to secure perpetual peace between independent nations4 ,such nations may make treaties2 but these are binding only for so long as it is not to the interest of either party to denounce them4 ,to enforce them is impossible while the nations remain independent4 8,there is10 as ,professor ,ritchie put it 7,studies in ,political and ,social ,ethics1 p4 #afi71 8only one way in which war between independent nations can be prevented2 and that is by the nations ceasing to be independent40 ,but this does not necessarily mean the establishment of a despotism1 whether autocratic or democratic4 ,on the other hand1 ,kant maintains that just as peace between individuals within a state can only be permanently secured by the institution of a 8republican0 7that is to say1 a representative7 government1 so the only real guarantee of a permanent peace between nations is the establishment of a federation of free 8republican0 states4 ,such a federation he regards as practically possible4 8,for if ,fortune ordains that a powerful and enlightened people should form a republic--which by its very nature is inclined to perpetual peace--this would serve as a centre of federal union for other states wishing to join1 and thus secure conditions of freedom among the states in accordance with the idea of the law of nations4 ,gradually1 through different unions of this kind1 the federation would extend further and further40 ,readers who are acquainted with the general philosophy of ,kant will find many traces of its influence in the essay on ,perpetual ,peace4 ,those who have no knowledge of his philosophy may find some of his forms of statement rather difficult to understand1 and it may therefore not be out of place for me to indicate very briefly the meaning of some terms which he frequently uses1 especially in the ,supplements and ,appendices4 ,thus at the beginning of the ,first ,supplement1 ,kant draws a distinction between the mechanical and the teleological view of things1 between 8nature0 and 8,providence01 which depends upon his main philosophical position4 ,according to ,kant1 pure reason has two aspects1 theoretical and practical4 ,as concerning knowledge1 strictly so called1 the a priori principles of reason 7e4g4 substance and attribute1 cause and effect etc47 are valid only within the realm of possible sense-experience4 ,such ideas1 for instance1 cannot be extended to ,god1 since ,he is not a possible object of sense-experience4 ,they are limited to the world of phenomena4 ,this world of phenomena 78nature0 or the world of sense-experience7 is a purely mechanical system4 ,but in order to understand fully the phenomenal world1 the pure theoretical reason must postulate certain ideas 7the ideas of the soul1 the world and ,god71 the objects of which transcend sense-experience4 ,these ideas are not theoretically valid1 but their validity is practically established by the pure practical reason1 which does not yield speculative truth1 but prescribes its principles 8dogmatically0 in the form of imperatives to the will4 ,the will is itself practical reason1 and thus it imposes its imperatives upon itself4 ,the fundamental imperative of the practical reason is stated by ,kant in ,appendix ,i4 7p4 #age73--8;,act so that thou canst will that thy maxim should be a universal law1 be the end of thy action what it will40 ,if the end of perpetual peace is a duty1 it must be necessarily deduced from this general law4 ,and ,kant does regard it as a duty4 8,we must desire perpetual peace not only as a material good1 but also as a state of things resulting from our recognition of the precepts of duty0 7loc4 cit474 ,this is further expressed in the maxim 7p4 #agg73--8,seek ye first the kingdom of pure practical reason and its righteousness1 and the object of your endeavour1 the blessing of perpetual peace1 will be added unto you40 ,the distinction between the moral politician and the political moralist1 which is developed in ,appendix ,i41 is an application of the general distinction between duty and expediency1 which is a prominent feature of the ,kantian ethics4 ,methods of expediency1 omitting all reference to the pure practical reason1 can only bring about re-arrangements of circumstances in the mechanical course of nature4 ,they can never guarantee the attainment of their end3 they can never make it more than a speculative ideal1 which may or may not be practicable4 ,but if the end can be shown to be a duty1 we have1 from ,kant's point of view1 the only reasonable ground for a conviction that it is realisable4 ,we cannot1 indeed1 theoretically know that it is realisable4 8,reason is not sufficiently enlightened to survey the series of predetermining causes which would make it possible for us to predict with certainty the good or bad results of human action1 as they follow from the mechanical laws of nature2 although we may hope that things will turn out as we should desire0 7p4 #afc74 ,on the other hand1 since the idea of perpetual peace is a moral ideal1 an 8idea of duty01 we are entitled to believe that it is practicable4 8,nature guarantees the coming of perpetual peace1 through the natural course of human propensities2 not indeed with sufficient certainty to enable us to prophesy the future of this ideal theoretically1 but yet clearly enough for practical purposes0 7p4 #aeg74 ,one might extend this discussion indefinitely2 but what has been said may suffice for general guidance4 ,the 8wise and sagacious0 thought of ,kant is not expressed in a simple style1 and the translation has consequently been a very difficult piece of work4 ,but the translator has shown great skill in manipulating the involutions1 parentheses and prodigious sentences of the original4 ,in this she has had the valuable help of ,mr4 ,david ,morrison1 ,m4,a41 who revised the whole translation with the greatest care and to whom she owes the solution of a number of difficulties4 ,her work will have its fitting reward if it succeeds in familiarising the ,english-speaking student of politics with a political essay of enduring value1 written by one of the master thinkers of modern times4 ,r4 ,,latta4 ,university of ,glasgow1 ,may #aijc4 ,,contents ,,page ,,preface ,,by ,,professor ,,latta v ,,translator',s ,,introduction #a ,,perpetual ,,peace #ajf ,,first ,,section ,,containing ,,the ,,preliminary ,,articles ,,of ,,perpetual ,,peace ,,between ,,states #ajg ,,second ,,section ,,containing ,,the ,,definitive ,,articles ,,of ,,perpetual ,,peace ,,between ,,states #aag ,,first ,,supplement ,,concerning ,,the ,,guarantee ,,of ,,perpetual ,,peace #adc ,,second ,,supplement--,a ,,secret ,,article ,,for ,,perpetual ,,peace #aeh ,,appendix ,i4--,,on ,,the ,,disagreement ,,between ,,morals ,,and ,,politics ,,with ,,reference ,,to ,,perpetual ,,peace #afa ,,appendix ,,ii4--,,concerning ,,the ,,harmony ,,of ,,politics ,,with ,,morals ,,according ,,to ,,the ,,transcendental ,,idea ,,of ,,public ,,right #ahd ,,index #aig ,,translator',s ,,introduction ,this is an age of unions4 ,not merely in the economic sphere1 in the working world of unworthy ends and few ideals do we find great practical organizations2 but law1 medicine1 science1 art1 trade1 commerce1 politics and political economy--we might add philanthropy--standing institutions1 mighty forces in our social and intellectual life1 all have helped to swell the number of our nineteenth century ,conferences and ,congresses4 ,it is an age of ,peace ,movements and ,peace ,societies1 of peace-loving monarchs and peace-seeking diplomats4 ,this is not to say that we are preparing for the millennium4 ,men are working together1 there is a newborn solidarity of interest1 but rivalries between nation and nation1 the bitternesses and hatreds inseparable from competition are not less keen2 prejudice and misunderstanding not less frequent2 subordinate conflicting interests are not fewer1 are perhaps1 in view of changing political conditions and an ever-growing international commerce1 multiplying with every year4 ,the talisman is1 perhaps1 self-interest1 but1 none the less1 the spirit of union is there2 it is impossible to ignore a clearly marked tendency towards international federation1 towards political peace4 ,this slow movement was not born with ,peace ,societies2 its consummation lies perhaps far off in the ages to come4 ,history at best moves slowly4 ,but something of its past progress we shall do well to know4 ,no political idea seems to have so great a future before it as this idea of a federation of the world4 ,it is bound to realise itself some day2 let us consider what are the chances that this day come quickly1 what that it be long delayed4 ,what obstacles lie in the way1 and how may they be removed8 ,what historical grounds have we for hoping that they may ever be removed8 ,what1 in a word1 is the origin and history of the idea of a perpetual peace between nations1 and what would be the advantage1 what is the prospect of realising it8 ,the international relations of states find their expression1 we are told1 in war and peace4 ,what has been the part played by these great counteracting forces in the history of nations8 ,what has it been in prehistoric times1 in the life of man in what is called the 8state of nature08 8,it is no easy enterprise10 says ,rousseau1 in more than usually careful language1 8to disentangle that which is original from that which is artificial in the actual state of man1 and to make ourselves well acquainted with a state which no longer exists1 which perhaps never has existed and which probably never will exist in the future40 7,preface to the ,discourse on the ,causes of ,inequality1 #agec1 publ4 #aged47 ,this is a difficulty which ,rousseau surmounts only too easily4 ,a knowledge of history1 a scientific spirit may fail him3 an imagination ever ready to pour forth detail never does4 ,man lived1 says he1 8without industry1 without speech1 without habitation1 without war1 without connection of any kind1 without any need of his fellows or without any desire to harm them 444 sufficing to himself40#b 7,discourse on the ,sciences and ,arts1 #agej47 ,nothing1 we are now certain1 is less probable4 ,we cannot paint the life of man at this stage of his development with any definiteness1 but the conclusion is forced upon us that our race had no golden age1#c no peaceful beginning1 that this early state was indeed1 as ,hobbes held1 a state of war1 of incessant war between individuals1 families and1 finally1 tribes4 #b ,for the inconsistency between the views expressed by ,rousseau on this subject in the ,discourses and in the ,contrat ,social 7,cf4 ,i4 ,chs4 ,,vi41 ,,viii47 see ,ritchie's ,natural ,right1 ,ch4 ,,iii41 pp4 #dh1 #di2 ,caird's essay on ,rousseau in his ,essays on ,literature and ,philosophy1 ,vol4 ,i42 and ,morley's ,rousseau1 ,vol4 ,i41 ,ch4 ,v42 ,vol4 ,,ii41 ,ch4 ,,xii4 #c ,the theory that the golden age was identical with the state of nature1 ,professor ,d4 ,g4 ,ritchie ascribes to ,locke 7see ,natural ,right1 ,ch4 ,,ii41 p4 #db74 ,locke1 he says1 8has an idea of a golden age0 existing even after government has come into existence--a time when people did not need 8to examine the original and rights of government40 ,civil ,government1 ,,ii41 #aaa4 ,a little confusion on the part of his readers 7perhaps in his own mind7 makes it possible to regard the state of nature as itself the golden age1 and the way is prepared for the favourite theory of the eighteenth century3-- 8,nor think in nature's state they blindly trod2 ,the state of nature was the reign of ,god3 ,self-love and social at her birth began1 ,union the bond of all things and of man4 ,pride then was not1 nor arts that pride to aid2 ,man walk'd with beast1 joint tenant of the shade2 ,the same his table1 and the same his bed2 ,no murder cloath'd him1 and no murder fed40 ,essay on ,man1 ,,iii41 #adg seq4 ,in these lines of ,pope's the state of nature is identified with the golden age of the ,greek and ,latin poets2 and 8the reign of ,god0 is an equivalent for ,locke's words1 8has a law of nature to govern it40 ,the ,early ,conditions of ,society4 ,for the barbarian1 war is the rule2 peace the exception4 ,his gods1 like those of ,greece1 are warlike gods2 his spirit1 at death1 flees to some ,valhalla4 ,for him life is one long battle2 his arms go with him even to the grave4 ,food and the means of existence he seeks through plunder and violence4 ,here right is with might2 the battle is to the strong4 ,nature has given all an equal claim to all things1 but not everyone can have them4 ,this state of fearful insecurity is bound to come to an end4 8,government10 says ,locke1 7,on ,civil ,government1 ,chap4 ,,viii41 #aje7 8is hardly to be avoided amongst men that live together40#d ,a constant dread of attack and a growing consciousness of the necessity of presenting a united front against it result in the choice of some leader--the head of a family perhaps--who acts1 it may be1 only as captain of the hosts1 as did ,joshua in ,israel1 or who may discharge the simple duties of a primitive governor or king4#e ,peace within is found to be strength without4 ,the civil state is established1 so that 8if there needs must be war1 it may not yet be against all men1 nor yet without some helps40 7,hobbes3 ,on ,liberty1 ,chap4 ,i41 #ac47 ,this foundation of the state is the first establishment in history of a peace institution4 ,it changes the character of warfare1 it gives it method and system2 but it does not bring peace in its train4 ,we have now1 indeed1 no longer a wholesale war of all against all1 a constant irregular raid and plunder of one individual by another2 but we have the systematic1 deliberate war of community against community1 of nation against nation4#f #d ,cf4 ,republic1 ,,ii4 #cfi4 8,a state10 says ,socrates1 8arises out of the needs of mankind3 no one is self-sufficing1 but all of us have many wants40 #e ,see ,hume's account of the origin of government 7,treatise1 ,,iii41 ,part ,,ii41 ,sect4 ,,viii474 ,there are1 he says1 ,american tribes 8where men live in concord and amity among themselves without any established government2 and never pay submission to any of their fellows1 except in time of war1 when their captain enjoys a shadow of authority1 which he loses after their return from the field1 and the establishment of peace with the neighbouring tribes4 ,this authority1 however1 instructs them in the advantages of government1 and teaches them to have recourse to it1 when either by the pillage of war1 by commerce1 or by any fortuitous inventions1 their riches and possessions have become so considerable as to make them forget1 on every emergence1 the interest they have in the preservation of peace and justice4444 ,camps are the true mothers of cities2 and as war cannot be administered1 by reason of the suddenness of every exigency1 without some authority in a single person1 the same kind of authority naturally takes place in that civil government1 which succeeds the military40 ,cf4 ,cowper3 ,the ,winter ,morning ,walk3-- 84 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 and ere long1 ,when man was multiplied and spread abroad ,in tribes and clans1 and had begun to call ,these meadows and that range of hills his own1 ,the tasted sweets of property begat ,desire of more2 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 ,thus wars began on earth4 ,these fought for spoil1 ,and those in self-defence4 ,savage at first ,the onset1 and irregular4 ,at length ,one eminent above the rest1 for strength1 ,for stratagem1 or courage1 or for all1 ,was chosen leader4 ,him they served in war1 ,and him in peace for sake of warlike deeds ,rev'renced no less4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 ,thus kings were first invented40 #f 8,among uncivilised nations1 there is but one profession honourable1 that of arms4 ,all the ingenuity and vigour of the human mind are exerted in acquiring military skill or address40 ,cf4 ,robertson's ,history of ,charles ,v41 7,works1 #ahac1 vol4 ,v47 ,sect4 ,i4 vii4 ,war in ,classical ,times4 ,in early times1 there were no friendly neighbouring nations3 beyond the boundaries of every nation's territory1 lay the land of a deadly foe4 ,this was the way of thinking1 even of so highly cultured a people as the ,greeks1 who believed that a law of nature had made every outsider1 every barbarian their inferior and their enemy4#g ,their treaties of peace1 at the time of the ,persian ,war1 were frankly of the kind denounced by ,kant1 mere armistices concluded for the purpose of renewing their fighting strength4 ,the ancient world is a world of perpetual war in which defeat meant annihilation4 ,in the ,east no right was recognised in the enemy2 and even in ,greece and ,rome the fate of the unarmed was death or slavery4#h ,the barbaric or non-,grecian states had1 according to ,plato and ,aristotle1 no claim upon humanity1 no rights in fact of any kind4 ,among the ,romans things were little better4 ,according to ,mr4 ,t4 ,j4 ,lawrence--see his ,principles of ,international ,law1 ,,iii41 #ba1 #bb--they were worse4 ,for ,rome stood alone in the world3 she was bound by ties of kinship to no other state4 ,she was1 in other words1 free from a sense of obligation to other races4 ,war1 according to ,roman ideas1 was made by the gods1 apart altogether from the quarrels of rulers or races4 ,to disobey the sacred command1 expressed in signs and auguries would have been to hold in disrespect the law and religion of the land4 ,when1 in the hour of victory1 the ,romans refrained from pressing their rights against the conquered--rights recognised by all ,roman jurists--it was from no spirit of leniency1 but in the pursuit of a prudent and far-sighted policy1 aiming at the growth of ,roman supremacy and the establishment of a world-embracing empire1 shutting out all war as it blotted out natural boundaries1 reducing all rights to the one right of imperial citizenship4 ,there was no real jus belli1 even here in the cradle of international law2 the only limits to the fury of war were of a religious character4 #g ,similarly we find that the original meaning of the ,latin word 8hostis0 was 8a stranger40 #h ,in ,aristotle we find the high-water mark of ,greek thinking on this subject4 8,the object of military training10 says he1 7,politics1 ,bk4 ,,iv4 ,ch4 ,,xiv41 ,welldon's translation--in older editions ,bk4 ,,vii47 8should be not to enslave persons who do not deserve slavery1 but firstly to secure ourselves against becoming the slaves of others2 secondly1 to seek imperial power not with a view to a universal despotic authority1 but for the benefit of the subjects whom we rule1 and thirdly1 to exercise despotic power over those who are deserving to be slaves4 ,that the legislator should rather make it his object so to order his legislation upon military and other matters as to promote leisure and peace is a theory borne out by the facts of history40 444 7loc4 cit4 ,ch4 ,,xv474 8,war1 as we have remarked several times1 has its end in peace40 ,aristotle strongly condemns the ,lacedmonians and ,cretans for regarding war and conquest as the sole ends to which all law and education should be directed4 ,also in non-,greek tribes like the ,scythians1 ,persians1 ,thracians and ,celts he says1 only military power is admired by the people and encouraged by the state4 8,there was formerly too a law in ,macedonia that any one who had never slain an enemy should wear the halter about his neck40 ,among the ,iberians too1 a military people1 8it is the custom to set around the tomb of a deceased warrior a number of obelisks corresponding to the number of enemies he has killed4444 ,yet 444 it may well appear to be a startling paradox that it should be the function of a ,statesman to succeed in devising the means of rule and mastery over neighbouring peoples whether with or against their own will4 ,how can such action be worthy of a statesman or legislator1 when it has not even the sanction of law80 7op4 cit41 ,,iv4 ,ch4 #b47 ,we see that ,aristotle disapproves of a glorification of war for its own sake1 and regards it as justifiable only in certain circumstances4 ,methods of warfare adopted and proved in the ,east would not have been possible in ,greece4 ,an act of treachery1 for example1 such as that of ,jael1 7,judges ,,iv4 #ag7 which was extolled in songs of praise by the ,jews1 7loc4 cit4 ,v4 #bd7 the ,greek people would have been inclined to repudiate4 ,the stories of ,roman history1 the behaviour of ,fabricius1 for instance1 or ,regulus and the honourable conduct of prisoners on various occasions released on parole1 show that this consciousness of certain principles of honour in warfare was still more highly developed in ,rome4 ,socrates in the ,republic 7,v4 #dfi1 #dgj7 gives expression to a feeling which was gradually gaining ground in ,greece1 that war between ,hellenic tribes was much more serious than war between ,greeks and barbarians4 ,in such civil warfare1 he considered1 the defeated ought not to be reduced to slavery1 nor the slain despoiled1 nor ,hellenic territory devastated4 ,for any difference between ,greek and ,greek is to 8be regarded by them as discord only--a quarrel among friends1 which is not to be called war04444 8,our citizens i4e4 in the ideal republic should thus deal with their ,hellenic enemies2 and with barbarians as the ,hellenes now deal with one another40 7,v4 #dga47 ,the views of ,plato and ,aristotle on this and other questions were in advance of the custom and practice of their time4 ,the treatment of a defeated enemy among the ,jews rested upon a similar religious foundation4 ,in the ,east1 we find a special cruelty in the conduct of war4 ,the wars of the ,jews and ,assyrians were wars of extermination4 ,the whole of the ,old ,testament1 it has been said1 resounds with the clash of arms4#i 8,an eye for an eye1 a tooth for a tooth60 was the command of ,jehovah to his chosen people4 ,vengeance was bound up in their very idea of the ,creator4 ,the ,jews1 unlike the followers of ,mahomet1 attempted1 and were commanded to attempt no violent conversion#aj2 they were then too weak a nation2 but they fought1 and fought with success against the heathen of neighbouring lands1 the ,lord of ,hosts leading them forth to battle4 ,the ,god of ,israel stood to his chosen people in a unique and peculiarly logical relation4 ,he had made a covenant with them2 and1 in return for their obedience and allegiance1 cared for their interests and advanced their national prosperity4 ,the blood of this elect people could not be suffered to intermix with that of idolaters4 ,canaan must be cleared of the heathen1 on the coming of the children of ,israel to their promised land2 and mercy to the conquered enemy1 even to women1 children or animals was held by the ,hebrew prophets to be treachery to ,jehovah4 7,sam4 ,,xv42 ,josh4 ,,vi4 #ba47 #i 8,the ,lord is a man of war10 said ,moses 7,exodus ,,xv4 #c74 ,cf4 ,psalms ,,xxiv4 #h4 ,he is 8mighty in battle40 #aj ,this was bound up with the very essence of ,islam2 the devout ,mussulman could suffer the existence of no unbeliever4 ,tolerance or indifference was an attitude which his faith made impossible4 8,when ye encounter the unbelievers10 quoth the prophet 7,koran1 ch4 #dg71 8strike off their heads1 until ye have made a great slaughter among them4444 ,verily if ,god pleased he could take vengeance on them without your assistance2 but he commandeth you to fight his battles40 ,the propagation of the faith by the sword was not only commanded by the ,mohammedan religion3 it was that religion itself4 ,hence the attitude of the ,jews to neighbouring nations#aa was still more hostile than that of the ,greeks4 ,the cause of this difference is bound up with the transition from polytheism to monotheism4 ,the most devout worshipper of the national gods of ancient times could endure to see other gods than his worshipped in the next town or by a neighbouring nation4 ,there was no reason why all should not exist side by side4 ,religious conflicts in polytheistic countries1 when they arose1 were due not to the rivalry of conflicting faiths1 but to an occasional attempt to put one god above the others in importance4 ,there could be no interest here in the propagation of belief through the sword4 ,but1 under the ,jews1 these relations were entirely altered4 ,jehovah1 their ,creator1 became the one invisible ,god4 ,such an one can suffer no others near him2 their existence is a continual insult to him4 ,monotheism is1 in its very nature1 a religion of intolerance4 ,its spirit among the ,jews was warlike3 it commanded the subjugation of other nations1 but its instrument was rather extermination than conversion4 #aa ,see ,acts ,x4 #bh3--8,ye know that it is an unlawful thing for a man that is a ,jew to keep company1 or come unto one of another nation40 ,the ,attitude of ,christianity and the ,early ,church to ,war4 ,from the standpoint of the peace of nations1 we may say that the ,christian faith1 compared with other prominent monotheistic religious systems1 occupies an intermediate position between two extremes--the fanaticism of ,islam1 and to a less extent of ,judaism1 and the relatively passive attitude of the ,buddhist who thought himself bound to propagate his religion1 but held himself justified only in the employment of peaceful means4 ,christianity1 on the other hand1 contains no warlike principles3 it can in no sense be called a religion of the sword1 but circumstances gave the history of the ,church1 after the first few centuries of its existence1 a character which cannot be called peace-loving4 ,this apparent contradiction between the spirit of the new religion and its practical attitude to war has led to some difference of opinion as to the actual teaching of ,christ4 ,the ,new ,testament seems1 at a superficial glance1 to furnish support as readily to the champions of war as to its denouncers4 ,the ,messiah is the ,prince of ,peace 7,is4 ,,ix4 #f1 #g2 ,heb4 ,,vi471 and here lies the way of righteousness 7,rom4 ,,iii4 #ai73 but ,christ came not to bring peace1 but a sword 7,matth4 ,x4 #cd74 ,such statements may be given the meaning which we wish them to bear--the quoting of ,scripture is ever an unsatisfactory form of evidence2 but there is no direct statement in the ,new ,testament in favour of war1 no saying of ,christ which1 fairly interpreted1 could be understood too regard this proof of human imperfection as less condemnable than any other4#ab ,when men shall be without sin1 nation shall rise up against nation no more4 ,but man the individual can attain peace only when he has overcome the world1 when1 in the struggle with his lower self1 he has come forth victorious4 ,this is the spiritual sword which ,christ brought into the world--strife1 not with the unbeliever1 but with the lower self3 meekness and the spirit of the ,word of ,god are the weapons with which man must fight for the ,faith4 #ab ,neither1 however1 is there any which regards the soldier as a murderer4 ,an elect people there was no longer3 ,israel had rejected its ,messiah4 ,instead there was a complete brotherhood of all men1 the bond and the free1 as children of one ,god4 ,the aim of the ,church was a world-empire1 bound together by a universal religion4 ,in this sense1 as sowing the first seeds of a universal peace1 we may speak of ,christianity as a re-establishment of peace among mankind4 ,the later attitude of ,christians to war1 however1 by no means corresponds to the earliest tenets of the ,church4 ,without doubt1 certain sects1 from the beginning of our era and through the ages up to the present time1 held1 like the ,mennonites and ,quakers in our day1 that the divine command1 8,love your enemies10 could not be reconciled with the profession of a soldier4 ,the early ,christians were reproached under the ,roman ,emperors1 before the time of ,constantine1 with avoiding the citizen's duty of military service4#ac 8,to those enemies of our faith10 wrote ,origen 7,contra ,celsum1 ,,viii41 ,ch4 ,,lxxiii41 ,anti-,nicene ,christian ,library71 8who require us to bear arms for the commonwealth1 and to slay men1 we can reply3 #8,do not those who are priests at certain shrines1 and those who attend on certain gods1 as you account them1 keep their hands free from blood1 that they may with hands unstained and free from human blood offer the appointed sacrifices to your gods2 and even when war is upon you1 you never enlist the priests in the army4 ,if that1 then1 is a laudable custom1 how much more so1 that while others are engaged in battle1 these too should engage as the priests and ministers of ,god1 keeping their hands pure1 and wrestling in prayers to ,god on behalf of those who are fighting in a righteous cause1 and for the king who reigns righteously1 that whatever is opposed to those who act righteously may be destroyed6' 444 ,and we do take our part in public affairs1 when along with righteous prayers we join self-denying exercises and meditations1 which teach us to despise pleasures1 and not to be led away by them4 ,and none fight better for the king than we do4 ,we do not indeed fight under him1 although he require it2 but we fight on his behalf1 forming a special army--an army of piety--by offering our prayers to ,god40 ,the ,fathers of the ,church1 ,justin ,martyr1 ,clement of ,alexandria1 ,tertullian1 ,ambrose and the rest gave the same testimony against war4 ,the pagan rites connected with the taking of the military oath had no doubt some influence in determining the feeling of the pious with regard to this life of bloodshed2 but the reasons lay deeper4 8,shall it be held lawful10 asked ,tertullian1 7,de ,corona1 p4 #cdg7 8to make an occupation of the sword1 when the ,lord proclaims that he who uses the sword shall perish by the sword8 ,and shall the son of peace take part in the battle when it does not become him even to sue at law8 ,and shall he apply the chain1 and the prison1 and the torture1 and the punishment1 who is not the avenger even of his own wrongs80 #ac ,in the early centuries of our era ,christians seem to have occasionally refused to serve in the army from religious scruples4 ,but soldiers were not always required to change their profession after baptism4 ,and in ,acts ,x41 for example1 nothing is said to indicate that the centurion1 ,cornelius1 would have to leave the ,roman army4 ,see ,tertullian3 ,de ,corona 7,anti-,nicene ,christian ,library71 p4 #cdh4 ,the doctrine of the ,church developed early in the opposite direction4 ,it was its fighting spirit and not a love of peace that made ,christianity a state religion under ,constantine4 ,nor was ,augustine the first of the ,church ,fathers to regard military service as permissible4 ,to come to a later time1 this change of attitude has been ascribed partly to the rise of ,mahometan power and the wave of fanaticism which broke over ,europe4 ,to destroy these unbelievers with fire and sword was regarded as a deed of piety pleasing to ,god4 ,hence the wars of the ,crusades against the infidel were holy wars1 and appear as a new element in the history of civilisation4 ,the nations of ancient times had known only civil and foreign war4#ad ,they had rebelled at home1 and they had fought mainly for material interests abroad4 ,in the ,middle ,ages there were1 besides1 religious wars and1 with the rise of ,feudalism1 private war3#ae among all the powers of the ,dark ,ages and for centuries later1 none was more aggressive than the ,catholic ,church1 nor a more active and untiring defender of its rights and claims1 spiritual or temporal4 ,it was in some respects a more warlike institution than the states of ,greece and ,rome4 ,it struggled through centuries with the ,emperor3#af it pronounced its ban against disobedient states and disloyal cities3 it pursued with its vengeance each heretical or rebellious prince3 unmindful of its early traditions about peace1 it showed in every crisis a fiercely military spirit4#ag #ad ,there were so-called 8,sacred ,wars0 in ,greece1 but these were due mainly to disputes caused by the ,amphictyonic ,league4 ,they were not religious1 in the sense in which we apply the epithet to the ,thirty ,years' war4 #ae 8,the administration of justice among rude illiterate people1 was not so accurate1 or decisive1 or uniform1 as to induce men to submit implicitly to its determinations4 ,every offended baron buckled on his armour1 and sought redress at the head of his vassals4 ,his adversary met him in like hostile array4 ,neither of them appealed to impotent laws which could afford them no protection4 ,neither of them would submit points1 in which their honour and their passions were warmly interested1 to the slow determination of a judicial inquiry4 ,both trusted to their swords for the decision of the contest40 ,robertson's ,history of ,charles ,v41 7,works1 vol4 ,v47 ,sect4 ,i41 p4 #ch4 #af ,erasmus in the 80 7,colloquies1 ,bailey's ed41 ,vol4 ,,ii41 pp4 #ee1 #ef7 puts forward the suggestion that a general peace might be obtained in the ,christian world1 if the ,emperor would remit something of his right and the ,pope some part of his4 #ag ,cf4 ,robertson1 op4 cit41 ,sect4 ,,iii41 p4 #ajf1 seq4 ,for more than a thousand years the ,church counted fighting clergy#ah among its most active supporters4 ,this strange anomaly was1 it must be said1 at first rather suffered in deference to public opinion than encouraged by ecclesiastical canons and councils1 but it gave rise to great discontent at the time of the ,reformation4#ai ,the whole question of the lawfulness of military service for ,christians was then raised again4 8,if there be anything in the affairs of mortals10 wrote ,erasmus at this time 7,opera1 ,,ii41 ,prov41 #iea ,c7 8which it becomes us deliberately to attack1 which we ought indeed to shun by every possible means1 to avert and to abolish1 it is certainly war1 than which there is nothing more wicked1 more mischievous or more widely destructive in its effects1 nothing harder to be rid of1 or more horrible and1 in a word1 more unworthy of a man1 not to say of a ,christian40#bj ,the medival ,church indeed succeeded1 by the establishment of such institutions as the ,truce of ,god1 in setting some limits to the fury of the soldier3 but its endeavours 7and it made several to promote peace7#ba were only to a trifling extent successful4 ,perhaps custom and public opinion in feudal ,europe were too strong1 perhaps the ,church showed a certain apathy in denouncing the evils of a military society3 no doubt the theoretical tenets of its doctrine did less to hinder war than its own strongly military tendency1 its lust for power and the force of its example did to encourage it4 #ah ,robertson 7op4 cit41 ,note ,,xxi41 p4 #dhc7 quotes the following statement3 8flamma1 ferro1 caede1 possessiones ecclesiarum praelati defendebant40 7,guido ,abbas ap4 ,du ,cange1 p4 #agi47 #ai ,j4 ,a4 ,farrar1 in a pamphlet1 7reprinted from the ,gentleman's ,magazine1 vol4 #beg1 #ahhd7 on ,war and ,christianity1 quotes the following passage from ,wycliffe in which he protests against this blot upon the ,church and ,christian professions4--8,friars now say that bishops can fight best of all men1 and that it falleth most properly to them1 since they are lords of all this world4 ,they say ,christ bade ,his disciples sell their coats1 and buy them swords2 but whereto1 if not to fight8 ,thus friars make a great array1 and stir up many men to fight4 ,but ,christ taught not ,his apostles to fight with a sword of iron1 but with the sword of ,god's ,word1 and which standeth in meekness of heart and in the prudence of man's tongue4444 ,if man-slaying in others be odious to ,god1 much more in priests1 who should be vicars of ,christ40 ,see also the passage where ,erasmus points out that ,king ,david was not permitted to build a temple to ,god1 because he was a man of blood4 8,nolo clericos ullo sanguine contaminari4 ,gravis impietas60 7,opera1 ,,ix41 #cgj ,b47 ,this question had already been considered by ,thomas ,aquinas1 who decided that the clergy ought not to be allowed to fight1 because the practices of warfare1 although right and meritorious in themselves1 were not in accordance with a holy calling4 7,summa1 ,,ii4 #b3 ,qu4 #dj47 ,aquinas held that war--excluding private war--is justifiable in a just cause4 ,so too did ,luther1 7cf4 his pamphlet3 ,ob ,kriegsleute auch in seligem ,stande sein knnen87 ,calvin and ,zwingli1 the last of whom died sword in hand4 ,with regard to the question of a fighting clergy1 the passage quoted from ,origen 7pp4 #ad1 #ae1 above7 has considerable interest1 ,origen looks upon the active participation of priests in warfare as something which everyone would admit to be impossible4 #bj ,see also the ,querela ,pacis1 #fcj ,b41 7,opera1 ,,iv473--8,whosoever preaches ,christ1 preaches peace40 ,erasmus even goes the length of saying that the most iniquitous peace is better than the most just war 7op4 cit41 #fcf ,c74 #ba ,cf4 ,robertson1 op4 cit41 ,note ,,xxi4 p4 #dhc and ,sect4 ,i41 p4 #ci4 ,hence1 in spite of ,christianity and its early vision of a brotherhood of men1 the history of the ,middle ,ages came nearer to a realization of the idea of perpetual war than was possible in ancient times4 ,the tendency of the growth of ,roman supremacy was to diminish the number of wars1 along with the number of possible causes of racial friction4 ,it united many nations in one great whole1 and gave them1 to a certain extent1 a common culture and common interests2 even1 when this seemed prudent1 a common right of citizenship4 ,the fewer the number of boundaries1 the less the likelihood of war4 ,the establishment of great empires is of necessity a force1 and a great and permanent force working on the side of peace4 ,with the fall of ,rome this guarantee was removed4 ,the ,development of the ,new ,science of ,international ,law4 ,out of the ruins of the old feudal system arose the modern state as a free independent unity4 ,private war between individuals or classes of society was now branded as a breach of the peace3 it became the exclusive right of kings to appeal to force4 ,war1 wrote ,gentilis#bb towards the end of sixteenth century1 is the just or unjust conflict between states4 ,peace was now regarded as the normal condition of society4 ,as a result of these great developments in which the name 8state0 acquired new meaning1 jurisprudence freed itself from the trammelling conditions of medival ,scholasticism4 ,men began to consider the problem of the rightfulness or wrongfulness of war1 to question even the possibility of a war on rightful grounds4 ,out of theses new ideas--partly too as one of the fruits of the ,reformation1#bc--;arose the first consciously formulated principles of the science of international law1 whose fuller1 but not yet complete1 development belongs to modern times4 #bb ,it is uncertain in what year the ,de ,jure ,belli of ,gentilis was published--a work to which ,grotius acknowledges considerable indebtedness4 ,whewell1 in the preface to his translation of ,grotius1 gives the date #aeih1 but some writers suppose it to have been ten years earlier4 #bc ,this came about in two ways4 ,the ,church of ,rome discouraged the growth of national sentiment4 ,at the ,reformation the independence and unity of the different nations were for the first time recognised4 ,that is to say1 the ,reformation laid the foundation for a science of international law4 ,but1 from another point of view1 it not only made such a code of rules possible1 it made it necessary4 ,the effect of the ,reformation was not to diminish the number of wars in which religious belief could play a part4 ,moreover1 it displaced the ,pope from his former position as arbiter in ,europe without setting up any judicial tribunal in his stead4 ,from the beginning of history every age1 every people has something to show here1 be it only a rudimentary sense of justice in their dealings with one another4 ,we may instance the ,amphictyonic ,league in ,greece which1 while it had a merely ,hellenic basis and was mainly a religious survival1 shows the germ of some attempt at arbitration between ,greek states4 ,among the ,romans we have the jus feciale#bd and the jus gentium1 as distinguished from the civil law of ,rome1 and certain military regulations about the taking of booty in war4 ,ambassadors were held inviolate in both countries2 the formal declaration of war was never omitted4 ,many ,roman writers held the necessity of a just cause for war4 ,but nowhere do these considerations form the subject matter of a special science4 #bd ,cf4 ,cicero3 ,de ,officiis1 ,i4 xi4 8,belli quidem aequitas sanctissime feciali populi ,romani jure perscripta est40 7,see the reference to ,lawrence's comments on this subject1 p4 #i above47 8,wars10 says ,cicero1 8are to be undertaken for this end1 that we may live in peace without being injured2 but when we obtain the victory1 we must preserve those enemies who behaved without cruelty or inhumanity during the war3 for example1 our forefathers received1 even as members of their state1 the ,tuscans1 the qui1 the ,volscians1 the ,sabines and the ,hernici1 but utterly destroyed ,carthage and ,numantia4444 ,and1 while we are bound to exercise consideration toward those whom we have conquered by force1 so those should be received into our protection who throw themselves upon the honour of our general1 and lay down their arms10 7op4 cit41 ,i4 xi41 ,bohn's ,translation74444 8,in engaging in war we ought to make it appear that we have no other view but peace40 7op4 cit41 ,i4 xxiii47 ,in fulfilling a treaty we must not sacrifice the spirit to the letter 7,de ,officiis1 ,i4 x74 8,there are also rights of war1 and the faith of an oath is often to be kept with an enemy40 7op4 cit41 ,,iii4 xxix47 ,this is the first statement by a classical writer in which the idea of justice being due to an enemy appears4 ,cicero goes further4 ,particular states1 he says1 7,de ,legibus1 ,i4 i47 are only members of a whole governed by reason4 ,in the ,middle ,ages the development of these ideas received little encouragement4 ,all laws are silent in the time of war1#be and this was a period of war1 both bloody and constant4 ,there was no time to think of the right or wrong of anything4 ,moreover1 the ,church emphasised the lack of rights in unbelievers1 and gave her blessing on their annihilation4#bf ,the whole ,christian world was filled with the idea of a spiritual universal monarchy4 ,not such as that in the minds of ,greek and ,jew and ,roman who had been able to picture international peace only under the form of a great national and exclusive empire4 ,in this great ,christian state there were to be no distinctions between nations2 its sphere was bounded by the universe4 ,but1 here1 there was no room or recognition for independent national states with equal and personal rights4 ,this recognition1 opposed by the ,roman ,church1 is the real basis of international law4 ,the ,reformation was the means by which the personality of the peoples1 the unity and independence of the state were first openly admitted4 ,on this foundation1 mainly at first in ,protestant countries1 the new science developed rapidly4 ,like the civil state and the ,christian religion1 international law may be called a peace institution4 #be ,the saying is attributed to ,pompey3--8,shall ,i1 when ,i am preparing for war1 think of the laws80 #bf ,this implied1 however1 the idea of a united ,christendom as against the infidel1 with which we may compare the idea of a united ,hellas against ,persia4 ,in such things we have the germ not only of international law1 but of the ideal of federation4 ,grotius1 ,puffendorf and ,vattel4 ,in the beginning of the seventeenth century1 ,grotius laid the foundations of a code of universal law 7,de ,jure ,belli et ,pacis1 #afbe7 independent of differences of religion1 in the hope that its recognition might simplify the intercourse between the newly formed nations4 ,the primary object of this great work1 written during the misery and horrors of the ,thirty ,years' war1 was expressly to draw attention to these evils and suggest some methods by which the severity of warfare might be mitigated4 ,grotius originally meant to explain only one chapter of the law of nations3#bg his book was to be called ,de ,jure ,belli1 but there is scarcely any subject of international law which he leaves untouched4 ,he obtained1 moreover1 a general recognition for the doctrine of the ,law of ,nature which exerted so strong an influence upon succeeding centuries2 indeed1 between these two sciences1 as between international law and ethics1 he draws no very sharp line of demarcation1 although1 on the whole1 in spite of an unscientific1 scholastic use of quotation from authorities1 his treatment of the new field is clear and comprehensive4 ,grotius made the attempt to set up an ethical principle of right1 in the stead of such doctrines of self-interest as had been held by many of the ancient writers4 ,there was a law1 he held1 established in each state purely with a view to the interests of that state1 but1 besides this1 there was another higher law in the interest of the whole society of nations4 ,its origin was divine2 the reason of man commanded his obedience4 ,this was what we call international law4#bh #bg ,see ,maine's ,ancient ,law1 pp4 #ej-ec3 pp4 #if-aja4 ,grotius wrongly understood 8,jus ,gentium10 78a collection of rules and principles1 determined by observation to be common to the institutions which prevailed among the various ,italian tribes07 to mean 8,jus inter gentes40 ,the ,roman expression for ,international ,law was not 8,jus ,gentium10 but 8,jus ,feciale40 8,having adopted from the ,antonine jurisconsults10 says ,maine1 8the position that the ,jus ,gentium and the ,jus ,natur were identical1 ,grotius1 with his immediate predecessors and his immediate successors1 attributed to the ,law of ,nature an authority which would never perhaps have been claimed for it1 if 8,law of ,nations0 had not in that age been an ambiguous expression4 ,they laid down unreservedly that ,natural ,law is the code of states1 and thus put in operation a process which has continued almost down to our own day1 the process of engrafting on the international system rules which are supposed to have been evolved from the unassisted contemplation of the conception of ,nature4 ,there is1 too1 one consequence of immense practical importance to mankind which1 though not unknown during the early modern history of ,europe1 was never clearly or universally acknowledged till the doctrines of the ,grotian school had prevailed4 ,if the society of nations is governed by ,natural ,law1 the atoms which compose it must be absolutely equal4 ,men under the sceptre of ,nature are all equal1 and accordingly commonwealths are equal if the international state be one of nature4 ,the proposition that independent communities1 however different in size and power1 are all equal in the view of the ,law of ,nations1 has largely contributed to the happiness of mankind1 though it is constantly threatened by the political tendencies of each successive age4 ,it is a doctrine which probably would never have obtained a secure footing at all if ,international ,law had not been entirely derived from the majestic claims of ,nature by the ,publicists who wrote after the revival of letters40 7,op4 cit41 p4 #ajj47 #bh ,the name 8,international ,law0 was first given to the law of nations by ,bentham4 7,principles of ,morals and ,legislation1 ,,xix4 xxv47 ,grotius distinctly holds1 like ,kant and ,rousseau1 and unlike ,hobbes1 that the state can never be regarded as a unity or institution separable from the people2 the terms civitas1 communitas1 coetus1 populus1 he uses indiscriminately4 ,but these nations1 these independent units of society cannot live together side by side just as they like2 they must recognise one another as members of a ,european society of states4#bi ,law1 he said1 stands above force even in war1 8which may only be begun to pursue the right20 and the beginning and manner of conduct of war rests on fixed laws and can be justified only in certain cases4 ,war is not to be done away with3 ,grotius accepts it as fact1#cj 7as ,hobbes did later7 as the natural method for settling the disputes which were bound constantly to arise between so many independent and sovereign nations4 ,a terrible scourge it must ever remain1 but as the only available form of legal procedure1 it is sanctioned by the practice of states and not less by the law of nature and of nations4 ,grotius did not advance beyond this position4 ,every violation of the law of nations can be settled but in one way--by war1 the force of the stronger4 #bi ,in the ,peace of ,westphalia1 #afdh1 the balance of power in ,europe was recognised on the basis of terms such as these4 #cj ,grotius1 however1 is a painstaking student of ,scripture1 and is willing to say something in favour of peace--not a permanent peace1 that is to say1 the idea of which would scarcely be likely to occur to anyone in the early years of the seventeenth century--but a plea for fewer1 shorter wars4 8,if therefore10 he says1 8a peace sufficiently safe can be had1 it is not ill secured by the condonation of offenses1 and damages1 and expenses3 especially among ,christians1 to whom the ,lord has given his peace as his legacy4 ,and so ,st4 ,paul1 his best interpreter1 exhorts us to live at peace with all men4444 ,may ,god write these lessons--,he who alone can--on the hearts of all those who have the affairs of ,christendom in their hands40 7,de ,jure ,belli et ,pacis1 ,,iii4 ,ch4 ,,xxv41 ,whewell's translation47 ,see also op4 cit41 ,,ii41 ,ch4 ,,xxiii41 ,sect4 ,,viii41 where ,grotius recommends that ,congresses of ,christian ,powers should be held with a view to the peaceful settlement of international differences4 ,the necessary distinction between law and ethics was drawn by ,puffendorf1#ca a successor of ,grotius who gave an outwardly systematic form to the doctrine of the great jurist1 without adding to it either strength or completeness4 ,his views1 when they were not based upon the system of ,grotius1 were strongly influenced by the speculation of ,hobbes1 his chronological predecessor1 to whom we shall have later occasion to refer4 ,in the works of ,vattel1#cb who was1 next to ,rousseau1 the most celebrated of ,swiss publicists1 we find the theory of the customs and practice in war widely developed1 and the necessity for humanising its methods and limiting its destructive effects upon neutral countries strongly emphasised4 ,grotius and ,puffendorf1 while they recommend acts of mercy1 hold that there is legally no right which requires that a conquered enemy shall be spared4 ,this is a matter of humanity alone4 ,it is to the praise of ,vattel that he did much to popularise among the highest and most powerful classes of society1 ideas of humanity in warfare1 and of the rights and obligations of nations4 ,he is1 moreover1 the first to make a clear separation between this science and the ,law of ,nature4 ,what1 he asks1 is international law as distinguished from the ,law of ,nature8 ,what are the powers of a state and the duties of nations to one another8 ,what are the causes of quarrel among nations1 and what the means by which they can be settled without any sacrifice of dignity8 #ca ,puffendorf's best known work1 ,de ,jure ,natur et ,gentium1 was published in #afgb4 #cb ,le ,droit des ,gens was published in #ageh and translated into ,english by ,joseph ,chitty in #agig1 7#bnd ed41 #ahcd74 ,they are1 in the first place1 a friendly conciliatory attitude2 and secondly1 such means of settlement as mediation1 arbitration and ,peace ,congresses4 ,these are the refuges of a peace-loving nation1 in cases where vital interests are not at stake4 8,nature gives us no right to use force1 except where mild and conciliatory measures are useless40 7,law of ,nations1 ,,ii4 ,ch4 xviii4 #cca47 8,every power owes it in this matter to the happiness of human society to show itself ready for every means of reconciliation1 in cases where the interests at stake are neither vital nor important40 7ibid4 #ccb47 ,at the same time1 it is never advisable that a nation should forgive an insult which it has not the power to resent4 ,the ,dream of a ,perpetual ,peace4 ,but side by side with this development and gradual popularisation of the new science of ,international ,law1 ideas of a less practical1 but not less fruitful kind had been steadily making their way and obtaining a strong hold upon the popular mind4 ,the ,decree of ,eternal ,pacification of #adie had abolished private war1 one of the heavy curses of the ,middle ,ages4 ,why should it not be extended to banish warfare between states as well8 ,gradually one proposal after another was made to attain this end1 or1 at least1 to smooth the way for its future realisation4 ,the first of these in point of time is to be found in a somewhat bare1 vague form in ,sully's ,memoirs1#cc said to have been published in #afcd4 ,half a century later the ,quaker ,william ,penn suggested an international tribunal of arbitration in the interests of peace4#cd ,but it was by the ,french ,abb ,st4 ,pierre that the problem of perpetual peace was fairly introduced into political literature3 and this1 in an age of cabinet and dynastic wars1 while the dreary cost of the war of the ,spanish succession was yet unpaid4 ,st4 ,pierre was the first who really clearly realised and endeavoured to prove that the establishment of a permanent state of peace is not only in the interest of the weaker1 but is required by the ,european society of nations and by the reason of man4 ,from the beginning of the history of humanity1 poets and prophets had cherished the 8sweet dream0 of a peaceful civilisation3 it is in the form of a practical project that this idea is new4 #cc ,mmoires ou conomies ,royales ,d',estat1 ,domestiques1 ,politiques et ,militaires de ,henri le ,grand1 par ,maximilian de ,bethune1 ,duc de ,sully4 #cd ,see ,international ,tribunals 7#ahii71 p4 #bj seq4 ,penn's ,essay towards the ,present and ,future ,peace of ,europe was written about #afic1 but is not included in all editions of his works4 ,the ancient world actually represented a state of what was almost perpetual war4 ,this was the reality which confronted man1 his inevitable doom1 it seemed1 as it had been pronounced to the fallen sinners of ,eden4 ,peace was something which man had enjoyed once1 but forfeited4 ,the myth- and poetry-loving ,greeks1 and1 later1 the poets of ,rome delighted to paint a state of eternal peace1 not as something to whose coming they could look forward in the future1 but as a golden age of purity whose records lay buried in the past1 a paradise which had been1 but which was no more4 ,voices1 more scientific1 were raised even in ,greece in attempts1 such as ,aristotle's1 to show that the evolution of man had been not a course of degeneration from perfection1 but of continual progress upwards from barbarism to civilisation and culture4 ,but the change in popular thinking on this matter was due less to the arguments of philosophy than to a practical experience of the causes which operate in the interests of peace4 ,the foundation of a universal empire under ,alexander the ,great gave temporary rest to nations heretofore incessantly at war4 ,here was a proof that the ,divine ,will had not decreed that man was to work out his punishment under unchanging conditions of perpetual warfare4 ,this idea of a universal empire became the ,greek ideal of a perpetual peace4 ,such an empire was1 in the language of the ,stoics1 a world-state in which all men had rights of citizenship1 in which all other nations were absorbed4 ,parallel to this ideal among the ,greeks1 we find the hope in ,israel of a ,messiah whose coming was to bring peace1 not only to the ,jewish race1 but to all the nations of the earth4 ,this idea stands out in the sharpest contrast to the early nationalism of the ,hebrew people1 who regarded every stranger as an idolater and an enemy4 ,the prophecies of ,judaism1 combined with the cosmopolitan ideas of ,greece1 were the source of the idea1 which is expressed in the teaching of ,christ1 of a spiritual world-empire1 an empire held together solely by the tie of a common religion4 ,this hope of peace did not actually die during the first thousand years of our era1 nor even under the morally stagnating influences of the ,middle ,ages4 ,when feudalism and private war were abolished in ,europe1 it wakened to a new life4 ,not merely in the mouths of poets and religious enthusiasts was the cry raised against war1 but by scholars like ,thomas ,more and ,erasmus1 jurists like ,gentilis and ,grotius1 men high in the state and in the eyes of ,europe like ,henry ,,iv4 of ,france and the ,duc de ,sully or the ,abb de ,st4 ,pierre whose ,projet de ,paix ,perptuelle 7#agac7ce obtained immediate popularity and wide-spread fame4 ,the first half of the eighteenth century was already prepared to receive and mature a plan of this kind4 #ce ,projet de trait pour rendre la paix perptuelle entre les souverains chrtiens4 ,the first two volumes of this work were published in #agac 7trans4 ,london1 #agad72 a third volume followed in #agag4 ,henry ,,iv4 and ,st4 ,pierre4 ,the ,grand ,dessein of ,henry ,,iv4 is supposed to have been formed by that monarch and reproduced in ,sully's ,memoirs1 written in #afcd and discovered nearly a century later by ,st4 ,pierre4 ,the story goes that the ,abb found the book buried in an old garden4 ,it has been shewn1 however1 that there is little likelihood that this project actually originated with the king1 who probably corresponded fairly well to ,voltaire's picture of him as war hero of the ,henriade4 ,the plan was more likely conceived by ,sully1 and ascribed to the popular king for the sake of the better hearing and greater influence it might in this way be likely to have1 and also because1 thereby1 it might be less likely to create offence in political circles4 ,st4 ,pierre himself may or may not have been acquainted with the facts4 ,the so-called ,grand ,dessein of ,henry ,,iv4 was1 shortly1 as follows4#cf ,it proposed to divide ,europe between fifteen ,powers1#cg in such a manner that the balance of power should be established and preserved4 ,these were to form a ,christian republic on the basis of the freedom and equality of its members1 the armed forces of the federation being supported by fixed contribution4 ,a general council1 consisting of representatives from the fifteen states1 was to make all laws necessary for cementing the union thus formed and for maintaining the order once established4 ,it would also be the business of this senate to 8deliberate on questions that might arise1 to occupy themselves with discussing different interests1 to settle quarrels amicably1 to throw light upon and arrange all the civil1 political and religious affairs of ,europe1 whether internal or foreign40 7,mmoires1 vol4 ,,vi41 p4 #abi seq47 #cf ,the main articles of this and other peace projects are to be found in ,international ,tribunals1 published by the ,peace ,society4 #cg ,professor ,lorimer points out that ,prussia1 then the ,duchy of ,brandenburg1 is not mentioned4 7,institutes of the ,law of ,nations1 ,,ii4 ,ch4 ,,vii41 p4 #bai47 ,this scheme of the king or his minister was expanded with great thoroughness and clear-sightedness by the ,abb ,st4 ,pierre3 none of the many later plans for a perpetual peace has been so perfect in details4 ,he proposes that there should be a permanent and perpetual union between1 if possible1 all ,christian sovereigns--of whom he suggests nineteen1 excluding the ,czar--8to preserve unbroken peace in ,europe10 and that a permanent ,congress or senate should be formed by deputies of the federated states4 ,the union should protect weak sovereigns1 minors during a regency1 and so on1 and should banish civil as well as international war--it should 8render prompt and adequate assistance to rulers and chief magistrates against seditious persons and rebels40 ,all warfare henceforth is to be waged between the troops of the federation--each nation contributing an equal number--and the enemies of ,european security1 whether outsiders or rebellious members of the union4 ,otherwise1 where it is possible1 all disputes occurring within the union are to be settled by the arbitration of the senate1 and the combined military force of the federation is to be applied to drive the ,turks out of ,europe4 ,there is to be a rational rearrangement of boundaries1 but after this no change is to be permitted in the map of ,europe4 ,the union should bind itself to tolerate the different forms of faith4 ,the objections to ,st4 ,pierre's scheme are1 many of them1 obvious4 ,he himself produces sixty-two arguments likely to be raised against his plan1 and he examines these in turn with acuteness and eloquence4 ,but there are other criticisms which he was less likely to be able to forestall4 ,of the nineteen states he names as a basis of the federation1 some have disappeared and the governments of others have completely changed4 ,indeed ,st4 ,pierre's scheme did not look far beyond the present4 ,but it has besides a too strongly political character4#ch ,from this point of view1 the ,abb's plan amounts practically to a ,european coalition against the ,ottoman ,empire4 ,moreover1 we notice with a smile that the ,french statesman and patriot is not lost in the cosmopolitan political reformer4 8,the kingdom of ,spain shall not go out of the ,house of ,bourbon60#ci ,france is to enjoy more than the privileges of honour2 she is to reap distinct material and political advantages from the union4 ,humanity is to be a brotherhood1 but1 in the federation of nations1 ,france is to stand first4#dj ,we see that these 8rves d'un homme de bien10 as ,cardinal ,dubois called them1 are not without their practical element4 ,but the great mistake of ,st4 ,pierre is this3 he actually thought that his plan could be put into execution in the near future1 that an ideal of this kind was realisable at once4#da 8,i1 myself1 form'd it10 he says in the preface1 8in full expectation to see it one ,day executed40 ,as ,hobbes1 says1 8there can be nothing so absurd1 but may be found in the books of philosophers40#db ,st4 ,pierre was not content to make his influence felt on the statesmen of his time and prepare the way for the abolition of all arbitrary forms of government4 ,this was the flaw which drew down upon the good ,abb ,voltaire's sneering epigram#dc and the irony of ,leibniz4#dd ,here1 above all1 in this unpractical enthusiasm his scheme differs from that of ,kant4 #ch ,the same objection was raised by ,leibniz 7see his ,observations on ,st4 ,pierre's ,projet7 to the scheme of ,henry ,,iv41 who1 says ,leibniz1 thought more of overthrowing the house of ,austria than of establishing a society of sovereigns4 #ci ,project1 ,art4 ,,vi41 ,eng4 trans4 7#agad71 p4 #aai4 #dj ,st4 ,pierre was not blind to this aspect of the question4 ,among the critical objections which he anticipates to his plan is this1--that it promises too great an increase of strength to the house of ,france1 and that therefore the author would have been wiser to conceal his nationality4 #da ,st4 ,pierre1 in what may be called an apology for the wording of the title of his book 7above1 p4 #cb1 note71 justifies his confidence in these words3--8,the ,pilot who himself seems uncertain of the ,success of his ,voyage is not likely to persuade the ,passenger to embark4444 ,i am persuaded1 that it is not impossible to find out ,means sufficient and practicable to settle an ,everlasting ,peace among ,christians2 and even believe1 that the ,means which ,i have thought of are of that ,nature40 7,preface to ,project1 ,eng4 trans41 #agad47 #db ,leviathan1 ,i4 ,ch4 ,v4 #dc ,see too ,voltaire's allusion to ,st4 ,pierre in his ,dictionary1 under 8,religion40 #dd ,leibniz regarded the project of ,st4 ,pierre with an indifference1 somewhat tinged with contempt4 ,in a letter to ,grimarest1 7,leibnit4 ,opera1 ,dutens' ed41 #agfh1 ,vol4 ,v41 pp4 #fe1 #ff3 in ,epist41 ed4 ,kortholt41 ,vol4 ,,iii41 p4 #cbg7 he writes3--8,i have seen something of ,m4 de ,st4 ,pierre's plan for maintaining perpetual peace in ,europe4 ,it reminds me of an inscription outside of a churchyard which ran1 #8,pax ,perpetua4 ,for the dead1 it is true1 fight no more4 ,but the living1 are of another mind1 and the mightiest among them have little respect for tribunals4'0 ,this is followed by the ironical suggestion that a court of arbitration should be established at ,rome of which the ,pope should be made president2 while at the same time the old spiritual authority should be restored to the ,church1 and excommunication be the punishment of non-compliance with the arbitral decree4 8,such plans10 he adds1 8are as likely to succeed as that of ,m4 de ,st4 ,pierre4 ,but as we are allowed to write novels1 why should we find fault with fiction which would bring back the golden age80 ,but see also ,observations sur le ,projet d'une ,paix ,perptuelle de ,m4 l',abb de ,st4 ,pierre 7,dutens1 ,v41 esp4 p4 #ef7 and the letter to ,remond de ,montmort 7ibid4 pp4 #bj1 #ba7 where ,leibniz considers this project rather more seriously4 ,rousseau's ,criticism of ,st4 ,pierre4 ,rousseau took ,st4 ,pierre's project#de much more seriously than either ,leibniz or ,voltaire4 ,but sovereigns1 he thought1 are deaf to the voice of justice2 the absolutism of princely power would never allow a king to submit to a tribunal of nations4 ,moreover war was1 according to ,rousseau's experience1 a matter not between nations1 but between princes and cabinets4 ,it was one of the ordinary pleasures of royal existence and one not likely to be voluntarily given up4#df ,we know that history has not supported ,rousseau's contention4 ,dynastic wars are now no more4 ,the ,great ,powers have shown themselves able to impose their own conditions1 where the welfare and security of ,europe have seemed to demand it4 ,such a development seemed impossible enough in the eighteenth century4 ,in the military organisation of the nations of ,europe and in the necessity of making their internal development subordinate to the care for their external security1 ,rousseau saw the cause of all the defects in their administration4#dg ,the formation of unions on the model of the ,swiss ,confederation or the ,german ,bund would1 he thought1 be in the interest of all rulers4 ,but great obstacles seemed to him to lie in the way of the realisation of such a project as that of ,st4 ,pierre4 8,without doubt10 says ,rousseau in conclusion1 8the proposal of a perpetual peace is at present an absurd one4444 ,it can only be put into effect by methods which are violent in themselves and dangerous to humanity4 ,one cannot conceive of the possibility of a federative union being established1 except by a revolution4 ,and1 that granted1 who among us would venture to say whether this ,european federation is to be desired or to be feared8 ,it would work1 perhaps1 more harm in a moment than it would prevent in the course of centuries40 7,jugement sur la ,paix ,perptuelle47 #de 8,c'est un livre solide et sens10 says ,rousseau 7,jugement sur la ,paix ,perptuelle71 8et il est trs important qu'il existe40 ,this ,jugement is appended to ,rousseau's ,extrait du ,projet de ,paix ,perptuelle de ,monsieur l',abb de ,saint-,pierre1 #agfa4 #df ,cf4 ,cowper3 ,the ,winter ,morning ,walk3-- 8,great princes have great playthings4 ,some have play'd ,at hewing mountains into men1 and some ,at building human wonders mountain high4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 ,some seek diversion in the tented field1 ,and make the sorrows of mankind their sport4 ,but war's a game1 which1 were their subjects wise1 ,kings should not play at4 ,nations would do well ,t'extort their truncheons from the puny hands ,of heroes1 whose infirm and baby minds ,are gratified with mischief1 and who spoil1 ,because men suffer it1 their toy the world40 #dg 8,les troupes rgles1 peste et dpopulation de l',europe1 ne sont bonnes qu'a deux fins3 ou pour attaquer et conqurir les voisins1 ou pour enchiner et asservir les citoyens40 7,gouvernement de ,pologne1 ,ch4 ,,xii47 ,the ,position of ,hobbes4 ,the most profound and searching analysis of this problem comes from ,immanuel ,kant1 whose indebtedness in the sphere of politics to ,hobbes1 ,locke1 ,montesquieu and ,rousseau it is difficult to overestimate4 ,kant's doctrine of the sovereignty of the people comes to him from ,locke through ,rousseau4 ,his explanation of the origin of society is practically that of ,hobbes4 ,the direct influence on politics of this philosopher1 apart from his share in moulding the ,kantian theory of the state1 is one we cannot afford to neglect4 ,his was a great influence on the new science just thrown on the world by ,grotius1 and his the first clear and systematic statement we have of the nature of society and the establishment of the state4 ,the natural state of man1 says ,hobbes1 is a state of war1#dh a bellum omnium contra omnes1 where all struggle for honour and for preferment and the prizes to which every individual is by natural right equally entitled1 but which can of necessity fall only to the few1 the foremost in the race4 ,men hate and fear the society of their kind1 but through this desire to excel are forced to seek it3 only where there are many can there be a first4 ,this state of things1 this apparent sociability which is brought about by and coupled with the least sociable of instincts1 becomes unendurable4 8,it is necessary to peace10 writes ,hobbes 7,on ,dominion1 ,ch4 ,,vi4 #c7 8that a man be so far forth protected against the violence of others1 that he may live securely2 that is1 that he may have no just cause to fear others1 so long as he doth them no injury4 ,indeed1 to make men altogether safe from mutual harms1 so as they cannot be hurt or injuriously killed1 is impossible2 and1 therefore1 comes not within deliberation40 ,but to protect them so far as is possible the state is formed4 ,hobbes has no great faith in human contracts or promises4 ,man's nature is malicious and untrustworthy4 ,a coercive power is necessary to guarantee this long-desired security within the community4 8,we must therefore10 he adds1 8provide for our security1 not by compacts1 but by punishments2 and there is then sufficient provision made1 when there are so great punishments appointed for every injury1 as apparently it prove a greater evil to have done it1 than not to have done it4 ,for all men1 by a necessity of nature1 choose that which to them appears to be the less evil40 7,op4 cit41 ,ch4 ,,vi4 #d47 #dh ,hobbes realises clearly that there probably never was such a state of war all over the world nor a state of nature conforming to a common type4 ,the case is parallel to the use of the term 8original contract0 as an explanation of the manner in which the civil state came to be formed4 7,cf4 p4 #eb1 note47 ,see also ,hume 7,inquiry concerning the ,principles of ,morals1 ,sect4 ,,iii4 ,part ,i474 8,this poetical fiction of the golden age is1 in some respects1 of a piece with the philosophical fiction of the state of nature2 only that the former is represented as the most charming and most peaceable condition1 which can possibly be imagined2 whereas the latter is painted out as a state of mutual war and violence1 attended with the most extreme necessity40 ,this fiction of a state of nature as a state of war1 says ,hume1 7in a note to this passage7 is not the invention of ,hobbes4 ,plato 7,republic1 ,,ii4 ,,iii4 ,,iv47 refutes a hypothesis very like it1 and ,cicero 7,pro ,sext4 l4 #db7 regards it as a fact universally acknowledged4 ,cf4 also ,spinoza 7,tract4 ,pol4 c4 ii4 #ad73 8,homines ex natura hostes40 ,and 7c4 v4 #b73 8,homines civiles non nascuntur sed fiunt40 ,these expressions are to be understood1 says ,bluntschli 7,theory of the ,state1 ,,iv4 ,ch4 vi41 p4 #bhd1 note a71 8rather as a logical statement of what would be the condition of man apart from civil society1 than as distinctly implying a historical theory40 ,while starting from the same premises1 ,spinoza carries ,hobbes' political theories to their logical conclusion4 ,if we admit that right lies with might1 then right is with the people in any revolution successfully carried out4 7,but see ,hobbes' ,preface to the ,philosophical ,rudiments and ,kant's ,perpetual ,peace1 p4 #ahh1 note47 ,spinoza1 in a letter1 thus alludes to this point of difference3--8,as regards political theories1 the difference which you inquire about between ,hobbes and myself1 consists in this1 that ,i always preserve natural right intact1 and only allot to the chief magistrates in every state a right over their subjects commensurate with the excess of their power over the power of the subjects4 ,this is what always takes place in the state of nature40 7,epistle #ej1 ,works1 ,bohn's ed41 ,vol4 ,,ii47 ,these precautions secure that relative peace within the state which is one of the conditions of the safety of the people4 ,but it is1 besides1 the duty of a sovereign to guarantee an adequate protection to his subjects against foreign enemies4 ,a state of defence as complete and perfect as possible is not only a national duty1 but an absolute necessity4 ,the following statement of the relation of the state to other states shows how closely ,hobbes has been followed by ,kant4 8,there are two things necessary10 says ,hobbes1 7,on ,dominion1 ,ch4 ,,xiii4 #g7 8for the people's defence2 to be warned and to be forearmed4 ,for the state of commonwealths considered in themselves1 is natural1 that is to say1 hostile4#di ,neither1 if they cease from fighting1 is it therefore to be called peace2 but rather a breathing time1 in which one enemy observing the motion and countenance of the other1 values his security not according to pacts1 but the forces and counsels of his adversary40 #di ,the italics are mine4--,tr4 ,hobbes is a practical philosopher3 no man was less a dreamer1 a follower after ideals than he4 ,he is1 moreover1 a pessimist1 and his doctrine of the state is a political absolutism1#ej the form of government which above all has been1 and is1 favourable to war4 ,he would no doubt have ridiculed the idea of a perpetual peace between nations1 had such a project as that of ,st4 ,pierre--a practical project1 counting upon a realisation in the near future--been brought before him4 ,he might not even have accepted it in the very much modified form which ,kant adopts1 that of an ideal--an unattainable ideal--towards which humanity could not do better than work4 ,he expected the worst possible from man the individual4 ,homo homini lupus4 ,the strictest absolutism1 amounting almost to despotism1 was required to keep the vicious propensities of the human animal in check4 ,states he looked upon as units of the same kind1 members also of a society4 ,they had1 and openly exhibited1 the same faults as individual men4 ,they too might be driven with a strong enough coercive force behind them1 but not without it2 and such a coercive force as this did not exist in a society of nations4 ,federation and federal troops are terms which represent ideas of comparatively recent origin4 ,without something of this kind1 any enduring peace was not to be counted upon4 ,international relations were and must remain at least potentially warlike in character4 ,under no circumstances could ideal conditions be possible either between the members of a state or between the states themselves4 ,human nature could form no satisfactory basis for a counsel of perfection4 #ej ,professor ,paulsen 7,immanuel ,kant1 #bnd ed41 #ahii1 p4 #cei--;,eng4 trans41 p4 #cec7 points out that pessimism and absolutism usually go together in the doctrines of philosophers4 ,he gives as instances ,hobbes1 ,kant and ,schopenhauer4 ,hobbes 7,on ,dominion1 ,ch4 ,x4 #c1 seq47 regarded an absolute monarchy as the only proper form of government1 while in the opinion of ,locke1 7,on ,civil ,government1 ,,ii4 ,ch4 ,,vii4 #ij1 #ia7 it was no better than a state of nature4 ,kant would not have gone quite so far4 ,as a philosopher1 he upheld the sovereignty of the people and rejected a monarchy which was not governed in accordance with republican principles2 as a citizen1 he denied the right of resistance to authority4 7,cf4 ,perpetual ,peace1 pp4 #abf1 #ahh1 note47 ,hence ,hobbes never thought of questioning the necessity of war4 ,it was in his eyes the natural condition of ,european society2 but certain rules were necessary both for its conduct and1 where this was compatible with a nation's dignity and prosperity1 for its prevention4 ,he held that international law was only a part of the ,law of ,nature1 and that this ,law of ,nature laid certain obligations upon nations and their kings4 ,mediation must be employed between disputants as much as possible1 the person of the mediators of peace being held inviolate2 an umpire ought to be chosen to decide a controversy1 to whose judgment the parties in dispute agree to submit themselves2 such an arbiter must be impartial4 ,these are all what ,hobbes calls precepts of the ,law of ,nature4 ,and he appeals to the ,scriptures in confirmation of his assertion that peace is the way of righteousness and that the laws of nature of which these are a few are also laws of the heavenly kingdom4 ,but peace is like the straight path of ,christian endeavour1 difficult to find and difficult to keep4 ,we must seek after it where it may be found2 but1 having done this and sought in vain1 we have no alternative but to fall back upon war4 ,reason requires 8that every man ought to endeavour peace10 7,lev4 ,i4 ,ch4 ,,xiv47 8as far as he has hope of obtaining it2 and when he cannot obtain it1 that he may seek1 and use1 all helps1 and advantages of war40#ea ,this1 says ,hobbes elsewhere1 7,on ,liberty1 ,ch4 ,i4 #ae7 is the dictate of right reason1 the first and fundamental law of nature4 #ea ,we find the same rule laid down as early as the time of ,dante4 ,cf4 ,de ,monarchia1 ,bk4 ,,ii4 #i3--8,when two nations quarrel they are bound to try in every possible way to arrange the quarrel by means of discussion3 it is only when this is hopeless that they may declare war40 ,kant's ,idea of a ,perpetual ,peace4 ,with regard to the problems of international law1 ,kant is of course a hundred and fifty years ahead of ,hobbes4 ,but he starts from the same point3 his theory of the beginning of society is practically identical with that of the older philosopher4 ,men are by nature imperfect creatures1 unsociable and untrustworthy1 cursed by a love of glory1 of possession1 and of power1 passions which make happiness something for ever unattainable by them4 ,hobbes is content to leave them here with their imperfections1 and let a strong government help them out as it may4 ,but not so ,kant4 ,he looks beyond man the individual1 developing slowly by stages scarcely measurable1 progressing at one moment1 and the next1 as it seems1 falling behind3 he looks beyond the individual1 struggling and never attaining1 to the race4 ,here ,kant is no pessimist4 ,the capacities implanted in man by nature are not all for evil3 they are1 he says1 8destined to unfold themselves completely in the course of time1 and in accordance with the end to which they are adapted40 7,idea of a ,universal ,history from a ,cosmopolitan ,point of ,view1 #aghd4 ,prop4 #a47 ,this end of humanity is the evolution of man from the stage of mere self-satisfied animalism to a high state of civilisation4 ,through his own reason man is to attain a perfect culture1 intellectual and moral4 ,in this long period of struggle1 the potential faculties which nature or ,providence has bestowed upon him reach their full development4 ,the process in which this evolution takes place is what we call history4 ,to man nature has given none of the perfect animal equipments for self-preservation and self-defence which she has bestowed on others of her creatures4 ,but she has given to him reason and freedom of will1 and has determined that through these faculties and without the aid of instinct he shall win for himself a complete development of his capacities and natural endowments4 ,it is1 says ,kant1 no happy life that nature has marked out for man4 ,he is filled with desires which he can never satisfy4 ,his life is one of endeavour and not of attainment3 not even the consciousness of the well-fought battle is his1 for the struggle is more or less an unconscious one1 the end unseen4 ,only in the race1 and not in the individual1 can the natural capacities of the human species reach full development4 ,reason1 says ,kant1 7,prop4 #b1 op4 cit47 8does not itself work by instinct1 but requires experiments1 exercise and instruction in order to advance gradually from one stage of insight to another4 ,hence each individual man would necessarily have to live an enormous length of time1 in order to learn by himself how to make a complete use of all his natural endowments4 ,or1 if nature should have given him but a short lease of life1 as is actually the case1 reason would then require an almost interminable series of generations1 the one handing down its enlightenment to the other1 in order that the seeds she has sown in our species may be brought at last to a stage of development which is in perfect accordance with her design40 ,man the individual shall travel towards the land of promise and fight for its possession1 but not he1 nor his children1 nor his children's children shall inherit the land4 8,only the latest comers can have the good fortune of inhabiting the dwelling which the long series of their predecessors have toiled--though10 adds ,kant1 8without any conscious intent--to build up without even the possibility of participating in the happiness which they were preparing40 7,proposition #c47 ,the means which nature employs to bring about this development of all the capacities implanted in men is their mutual antagonism in society--what ,kant calls the 8unsocial sociableness of men1 that is to say1 their inclination to enter into society1 an inclination which yet is bound up at every point with a resistance which threatens continually to break up the society so formed40 7,proposition #d47 ,man hates society1 and yet there alone he can develop his capacities2 he cannot live there peaceably1 and yet cannot live without it4 ,it is the resistance which others offer to his inclinations and will--which he1 on his part1 shows likewise to the desires of others--that awakens all the latent powers of his nature and the determination to conquer his natural propensity to indolence and love of material comfort and to struggle for the first place among his fellow-creatures1 to satisfy1 in outstripping them1 his love of glory and possession and power4 8,without those1 in themselves by no means lovely1 qualities which set man in social opposition to man1 so that each finds his selfish claims resisted by the selfishness of all the others1 men would have lived on in an ,arcadian shepherd life1 in perfect harmony1 contentment1 and mutual love2 but all their talents would forever have remained hidden and undeveloped4 ,thus1 kindly as the sheep they tended1 they would scarcely have given to their existence a greater value than that of their cattle4 ,and the place among the ends of creation which was left for the development of rational beings would not have been filled4 ,thanks be to nature for the unsociableness1 for the spiteful competition of vanity1 for the insatiate desires of gain and power6 ,without these1 all the excellent natural capacities of humanity would have slumbered undeveloped4 ,man's will is for harmony2 but nature knows better what is good for his species3 her will is for dissension4 ,he would like a life of comfort and satisfaction1 but nature wills that he should be dragged out of idleness and inactive content and plunged into labour and trouble1 in order that he may be made to seek in his own prudence for the means of again delivering himself from them4 ,the natural impulses which prompt this effort1--the causes of unsociableness and mutual conflict1 out of which so many evils spring1--are also in turn the spurs which drive him to the development of his powers4 ,thus1 they really betray the providence of a wise ,creator1 and not the interference of some evil spirit which has meddled with the world which ,god has nobly planned1 and enviously overturned its order40 7,proposition #d3 ,caird's translation in ,the ,critical ,philosophy of ,kant1 ,vol4 ,,ii41 pp4 #eej1 #eea47 ,the problem now arises1 ,how shall men live together1 each free to work out his own development1 without at the same time interfering with a like liberty on the part of his neighbour8 ,the solution of this problem is the state4 ,here the liberty of each member is guaranteed and its limits strictly defined4 ,a perfectly just civil constitution1 administered according to the principles of right1 would be that under which the greatest possible amount of liberty was left to each citizen within these limits4 ,this is the ideal of ,kant1 and here lies the greatest practical problem which has presented itself to humanity4 ,an ideal of this kind is difficult of realisation4 ,but nature imposes no such duty upon us4 8,out of such crooked material as man is made10 says ,kant1 8nothing can be hammered quite straight40 7,proposition #f47 ,we must make our constitution as good as we can and1 with that1 rest content4 ,the direct cause of this transition from a state of nature and conditions of unlimited freedom to civil society with its coercive and restraining forces is found in the evils of that state of nature as they are painted by ,hobbes4 ,a wild lawless freedom becomes impossible for man3 he is compelled to seek the protection of a civil society4 ,he lives in uncertainty and insecurity3 his liberty is so far worthless that he cannot peacefully enjoy it4 ,for this peace he voluntarily yields up some part of his independence4 ,the establishment of the state is in the interest of his development to a higher civilisation4 ,it is more--the guarantee of his existence and self-preservation4 ,this is the sense1 says ,professor ,paulsen1 in which ,kant like ,hobbes regards the state as 8resting on a contract10#eb that is to say1 on the free will of all4#ec ,volenti non fit injuria4 ,only1 adds ,paulsen1 we must remember that this contract is not a historical fact1 as it seemed to some writers of the eighteenth century1 but an 8idea of reason03 we are speaking here not of the history of the establishment of the state1 but of the reason of its existence4 7,paulsen's ,kant1 p4 #ced47ed #eb ,rousseau 7,contrat ,social3 ,i4 vi47 regards the social contract as tacitly implied in every actual society3 its articles 8are the same everywhere1 and are everywhere tacitly admitted and recognised1 even though they may never have found formal expression0 in any constitution4 ,in the same way he speaks of a state of nature 8which no longer exists1 which perhaps never has existed40 7,preface to the ,discourse on the ,causes of ,inequality47 ,but ,rousseau's interpretation of these terms is1 on the whole1 literal in spite of these single passages4 ,he speaks throughout the ,contrat ,social1 as if history could actually record the signing and drawing up of such documents4 ,hobbes1 ,hooker1 7,ecclesiastical ,polity1 ,i4 sect4 #aj--see also ,ritchie3 ,darwin and ,hegel1 p4 #baj seq47 ,hume and ,kant use more careful language4 8,it cannot be denied10 writes ,hume1 7,of the ,original ,contract7 8that all government is1 at first1 founded on a contract and that the most ancient rude combinations of mankind were formed chiefly by that principle4 ,in vain are we asked in what records this charter of our liberties is registered4 ,it was not written on parchment1 nor yet on leaves or barks of trees4 ,it preceded the use of writing and all the other civilised arts of life4 ,but we trace it plainly in the nature of man1 and in the equality1 or something approaching equality1 which we find in all the individuals of that species40 ,this fine passage expresses admirably the views of ,kant on this point4 ,cf4 ,werke1 7,rosenkranz7 ,,ix4 #afj4 ,the original contract is merely an idea of reason1 one of those ideas which we think into things in order to explain them4 ,hobbes does not professedly make the contract historical1 but in ,locke's ,civil ,government 7,,ii4 ,ch4 ,,viii4 #ajb7 there is some attempt made to give it a historical basis4--,by consent all were equal1 8till by the same consent they set rulers over themselves4 ,so that their politic societies all began from a voluntary union1 and the mutual agreement of men freely acting in the choice of their governors1 and forms of government40 ,bluntschli points out 7,theory of the ,state1 ,,iv4 ix41 p4 #bid and note7 that the same theory of contract on which ,hobbes' doctrine of an absolute government was based was made the justification of violent resistance to the government at the time of the ,french ,revolution4 ,the theory was differently applied by ,hobbes1 ,locke and ,rousseau4 ,according to the first1 men leave the 8state of nature0 when they surrender their rights to a sovereign1 and return to that state during revolution4 ,but1 for ,rousseau1 this sovereign authority is the people3 a revolution would be only a change of ministry4 7,see ,cont4 ,soc41 ,,iii4 ,ch4 xviii47 ,again ,locke holds revolution to be justifiable in all cases where the governments have not fulfilled the trust reposed by the people in them4 7,cf4 ,kant's ,perpetual ,peace1 p4 #ahh1 note74 #ec 8,if you unite many men10 writes ,rousseau1 7,cont4 ,soc41 ,,iv4 ,i47 8and consider them as one body1 they will have but one will2 and that will must be to promote the common safety and general well-being of all40 ,this volont gnrale1 the common element of all particular wills1 cannot be in conflict with any of them4 7,op4 cit41 ,,ii4 iii47 #ed ,in ,eng4 trans41 see p4 #cdh4 ,in this civil union1 self-sought1 yet sought reluctantly1 man is able to turn his most unlovable qualities to a profitable use4 ,they bind this society together4 ,they are the instrument by which he wins for himself self-culture4 ,it is here with men1 says ,kant1 as it is with the trees in a forest3 8just because each one strives to deprive the other of air and sun1 they compel each other to seek both above1 and thus they grow beautiful and straight4 ,whereas those that1 in freedom and isolation from one another1 shoot out their branches at will1 grow stunted and crooked and awry40 7,proposition #e1 op4 cit47 ,culture1 art1 and all that is best in the social order are the fruits of that self-loving unsociableness in man4 ,the problem of the establishment of a perfect civil constitution cannot be solved1 says this treatise 7,idea for a ,universal ,history71 until the external relations of states are regulated in accordance with principles of right4 ,for1 even if the ideal internal constitution were attained1 what end would it serve in the evolution of humanity1 if commonwealths themselves were to remain like individuals in a state of nature1 each existing in uncontrolled freedom1 a law unto himself8 ,this condition of things again cannot be permanent4 ,nature uses the same means as before to bring about a state of law and order4 ,war1 present or near at hand1 the strain of constant preparation for a possible future campaign or the heavy burden of debt and devastation left by the last1--these are the evils which must drive states to leave a lawless1 savage state of nature1 hostile to man's inward development1 and seek in union the end of nature1 peace4 ,all wars are the attempts nature makes to bring about new political relations between nations1 relations which1 in their very nature1 cannot be1 and are not desired to be1 permanent4 ,these combinations will go on succeeding each other1 until at last a federation of all powers is formed for the establishment of perpetual peace4 ,this is the end of humanity1 demanded by reason4 ,justice will reign1 not only in the state1 but in the whole human race when perpetual peace exists between the nations of the world4 ,this is the point of view of the ,idea for a ,universal ,history4 ,but equally1 we may say1 law and justice will reign between nations1 when a legally and morally perfect constitution adorns the state4 ,external perpetual peace presupposes internal peace--peace civil1 social1 economic1 religious4 ,now1 when men are perfect--and what would this be but perfection--how can there be war8 ,cardinal ,fleury's only objection--no light one--to ,st4 ,pierre's project was that1 as even the most peace-loving could not avoid war1 all men must first be men of noble character4 ,this seems to be what is required in the treatise on ,perpetual ,peace4 ,kant demands1 to a certain extent1 the moral regeneration of man4 ,there must be perfect honesty in international dealings1 good faith in the interpretation and fulfilment of treaties and so on 7,art4 #a7ee3 and again1 every state must have a republican constitution--a term by which ,kant understands a constitution as nearly as possible in accordance with the spirit of right4 7,art4 #a47ef ,this is to say that we have to start with our reformation at home1 look first to the culture and education and morals of our citizens1 then to our foreign relations4 ,this is a question of self-interest as well as of ethics4 ,on the civil and religious liberty of a state depends its commercial success4 ,kant saw the day coming1 when industrial superiority was to be identified with political pre-eminence4 ,the state which does not look to the enlightenment and liberty of its subjects must fail in the race4 ,but the advantages of a high state of civilisation are not all negative4 ,the more highly developed the individuals who form a state1 the more highly developed is its consciousness of its obligations to other nations4 ,in the ignorance and barbarism of races lies the great obstacle to a reign of law among states4 ,uncivilised states cannot be conceived as members of a federation of ,europe4 ,first1 the perfect civil constitution according to right3 then the federation of these law-abiding ,powers4 ,this is the path which reason marks out4 ,the treatise on ,perpetual ,peace seems to be in this respect more practical than the ,idea for a ,universal ,history4 ,but it matters little which way we take it4 ,the point of view is the same in both cases3 the end remains the development of man towards good1 the order of his steps in this direction is indifferent4 #ee ,see p4 #ajg4 #ef ,see p4 #abj4 ,the ,political and ,social ,conditions of ,kant's ,time4 ,the history of the human race1 viewed as a whole1 ,kant regards as the realisation of a hidden plan of nature to bring about a political constitution internally and externally perfect--the only condition under which the faculties of man can be fully developed4 ,does experience support this theory8 ,kant thought that1 to a certain degree1 it did4 ,this conviction was not1 however1 a fruit of his experience of citizenship in ,prussia1 an absolute dynastic state1 a military monarchy waging perpetual dynastic wars of the kind he most hotly condemned4 ,kant had no feeling of love to ,prussia1#eg and little of a citizen's patriotic pride1 or even interest1 in its political achievements4 ,this was partly because of his sympathy with republican doctrines3 partly due to his love of justice and peculiar hatred of war1#eh a hatred based1 no doubt1 not less on principle than on a close personal experience of the wretchedness it brings with it4 ,it was not the political and social conditions in which he lived which fostered ,kant's love of liberty and gave him inspiration1 unless in the sense in which the mind reacts upon surrounding influences4 ,looking beyond ,prussia to ,america1 in whose struggle for independence he took a keen interest1 and looking to ,france where the old dynastic monarchy had been succeeded by a republican state1 ,kant seemed to see the signs of a coming democratisation of the old monarchical society of ,europe4 ,in this growing influence on the state of the mass of the people who had everything to lose in war and little to gain by victory1 he saw the guarantee of a future perpetual peace4 ,other forces too were at work to bring about this consummation4 ,there was a growing consciousness that war1 this costly means of settling a dispute1 is not even a satisfactory method of settlement4 ,hazardous and destructive in its effect1 it is also uncertain in its results4 ,victory is not always gain2 it no longer signifies a land to be plundered1 a people to be sold to slavery4 ,it brings fresh responsibilities to a nation1 at a time when it is not always strong enough to bear them4 ,but1 above all1 ,kant saw1 even at the end of the eighteenth century1 the nations of ,europe so closely bound together by commercial interests that a war--and especially a maritime war where the scene of conflict cannot be to the same extent localised as on land--between any two of them could not but seriously affect the prosperity of the others4#ei ,he clearly realised that the spirit of commerce was the strongest force in the service of the maintenance of peace1 and that in it lay a guarantee of future union4 #eg ,unlike ,hegel whose ideal was the ,prussian state1 as it was under ,frederick the ,great4 ,an enthusiastic supporter of the power of monarchy1 he showed himself comparatively indifferent to the progress of constitutional liberty4 #eh ,isolated passages are sometimes quoted from ,kant in support of a theory that the present treatise is at least half ironical,a and that his views on the question of perpetual peace did not essentially differ from those of ,leibniz4 8,even war10 he says1 7,kritik d4 ,urteilskraft1 ,i4 ,book ii4 #bh47 8when conducted in an orderly way and with reverence for the rights of citizens has something of the sublime about it1 and the more dangers a nation which wages war in this manner is exposed to and can courageously overcome1 the nobler does its character grow4 ,while1 on the other hand1 a prolonged peace usually has the effect of giving free play to a purely commercial spirit1 and side by side with this1 to an ignoble self-seeking1 to cowardice and effeminacy2 and the result of this is generally a degradation of national character40 ,a ,cf4 ,k4 v4 ,stengel3 ,der ,ewige ,friede1 ,munich1 #ahii2 also ,vaihinger3 ,kantstudien1 ,vol4 ,,iv41 p4 #eh4 ,this is certainly an admission that war which does not violate the ,law of ,nations has a good side as well as a bad4 ,we could look for no less in so clear-sighted and unprejudiced a thinker4 ,kant would have been the first to admit that under certain conditions a nation can have no higher duty than to wage war4 ,war is necessary1 but it is in contradiction to reason and the spirit of right4 ,the 8scourge of mankind10 8making more bad men than it takes away10 the 8destroyer of every good10 ,kant calls it elsewhere4 7,theory of ,ethics1 ,abbott's trans41 #dth ed41 p4 #cda1 note47 #ei ,cf4 ,idea for a ,universal ,history1 ,prop4 #h2 ,perpetual ,peace1 pp4 #adb1 #aeg4 ,this scheme of a federation of the nations of the world1 in accordance with principles which would put an end to war between them1 was one whose interest for ,kant seemed to increase during the last twenty years of his life4#fj ,it was according to him an idea of reason1 and1 in his first essay on the subject--that of #aghd--we see the place this ideal of a perpetual peace held in the ,kantian system of philosophy4 ,its realisation is the realisation of the highest good--the ethical and political summum bonum1 for here the aims of morals and politics coincide3 only in a perfect development of his faculties in culture and in morals can man at last find true happiness4 ,history is working towards the consummation of this end4 ,a moral obligation lies on man to strive to establish conditions which bring its realisation nearer4 ,it is the duty of statesmen to form a federative union as it was formerly the duty of individuals to enter the state4 ,the moral law points the way here as clearly as in the sphere of pure ethics3--8,thou can'st1 therefore thou ought'st40 #fj ,the immediate stimulus to ,kant's active interest in this subject as a practical question was the ,peace of ,basle 7#agie7 which ended the first stage in the series of wars which followed the ,french ,revolution4 ,let us be under no misapprehension as to ,kant's attitude to the problem of perpetual peace4 ,it is an ideal4 ,he states plainly that he so regards it#fa and that as such it is unattainable4 ,but this is the essence of all ideals3 they have not the less value in shaping the life and character of men and nations on that account4 ,they are not ends to be realised but ideas according to which we must live1 regulative principles4 ,we cannot1 says ,kant1 shape our life better than in acting as if such ideas of reason have objective validity and there be an immortal life in which man shall live according to the laws of reason1 in peace with his neighbour and in freedom from the trammels of sense4 #fa ,it is eine unausfhrbare ,idee4 ,see the passage quoted from the ,rechtslehre1 p4 #abi1 note4 ,hence we are concerned here1 not with an end1 but with the means by which we might best set about attaining it1 if it were attainable4 ,this is the subject matter of the ,treatise on ,perpetual ,peace 7#agie71 a less eloquent and less purely philosophical essay than that of #aghd1 but throughout more systematic and practical4 ,we have to do1 not with the favourite dream of philanthropists like ,st4 ,pierre and ,rousseau1 but with a statement of the conditions on the fulfilment of which the transition to a reign of peace and law depends4 ,the ,conditions of the ,realisation of the ,kantian ,ideal4 ,these means are of two kinds4 ,in the first place1 what evils must we set about removing8 ,what are the negative conditions8 ,and1 secondly1 what are the general positive conditions which will make the realisation of this idea possible and guarantee the permanence of an international peace once attained8 ,these negative and positive conditions ,kant calls ,preliminary and ,definitive ,articles respectively1 the whole essay being carefully thrown into the form of a treaty4 ,the ,preliminary ,articles of a treaty for perpetual peace are based on the principle that anything that hinders or threatens the peaceful co-existence of nations must be abolished4 ,these conditions have been classified by ,kuno ,fischer4 ,kant1 he points out1#fb examines the principles of right governing the different sets of circumstances in which nations find themselves--namely1 7a7 while they are actually at war2 7b7 when the time comes to conclude a treaty of peace2 7c7 when they are living in a state of peace4 ,the six ,preliminary ,articles fall naturally into these groups4 ,war must not be conducted in such a manner as to increase national hatred and embitter a future peace4 7,art4 #f47fc ,the treaty which brings hostilities to an end must be concluded in an honest desire for peace4 7,art4 #a47fd ,again a nation1 when in a state of peace1 must do nothing to threaten the political independence of another nation or endanger its existence1 thereby giving the strongest of all motives for a fresh war4 ,a nation may commit this injury in two ways3 7#a7 indirectly1 by causing danger to others through the growth of its standing army 7,art4 #c7fe--;always a menace to the state of peace--or by any unusual war preparations3 and 7#b7 through too great a supremacy of another kind1 by amassing money1 the most powerful of all weapons in warfare4 ,the ,national ,debt 7,art4 #d7ff is another standing danger to the peaceful co-existence of nations4 ,but1 besides1 we have the danger of actual attack4 ,there is no right of intervention between nations4 7,art4 #e47fg ,nor can states be inherited or conquered 7,art4 #b71fh or in any way treated in a manner subversive of their independence and sovereignty as individuals4 ,for a similar reason1 armed troops cannot be hired and sold as things4 #fb ,geschichte der neueren ,philosophie1 7#dth ed41 #ahii71 ,vol4 ,v41 ,i4 ,ch4 #ab1 p4 #afh seq4 #fc ,see p4 #aad4 #fd ,see p4 #ajg4 #fe ,see p4 #aaj4 #ff ,see p4 #aaa4 #fg ,see p4 #aab4 #fh ,see p4 #ajh4 ,these then are the negative conditions of peace4#fi ,there are1 besides1 three positive conditions3 #fi ,a large part of ,kant's requirements as they are expressed in these ,preliminary ,articles has already been fulfilled4 ,the first 7,art4 #a7 is recognised in theory at least by modern international law4 ,more cannot be said4 ,a treaty of this kind is of necessity more or less forced by the stronger on the weaker4 ,the formal ratification of peace in #ahga did not prevent ,france from longing for the day when she might win back ,alsace-,lorraine and be revenged on ,prussia4 ,not the treaty nor a consciousness of defeat has kept the peace west of the ,rhine1 but a reluctant respect for the fortress of ,metz and the mighty army of united ,germany4 ,articles #b and #f are already commonplaces of international law4 ,article #b refers to practices which have not survived the gradual disappearance of dynastic war4 ,art4 #f is the basis of our modern law of war4 ,art4 #c has been fulfilled in the literal sense that the standing armies composed of mercenary troops to which ,kant alludes exist no longer4 ,but it is to be feared that ,kant would not think that we have made things much better1 nor regard our present system of progressive armaments as a step in the direction of perpetual peace4 ,art4 #d is not likely to be fulfilled in the near future4 ,it is long since ,cobden denounced the institution of ,national ,debts--an institution which1 as ,kant points out1 owes its origin to the ,english1 the 8commercial people0 referred to in the text4 ,art4 #e no doubt came to ,kant through ,vattel4 8,no nation10 says the ,swiss publicist1 7,law of ,nations1 ,,ii4 ,ch4 iv4 #ed7 8has the least right to interfere with the government of another10 unless1 he adds1 7,ch4 v4 #gj7 in a case of anarchy or where the well-being of the human race demands it4 ,this is a recognised principle of modern international law4 ,intervention is held to be justifiable only where the obligation to respect another's freedom of action comes into conflict with the duty of self-preservation4 ,puffendorf leaves much more room for the exercise of benevolence4 ,the natural affinity and kinship between men is1 says he1 7,les ,devoirs de l'homme et du citoien1 ,,ii4 ,ch4 xvi4 xi47 8a sufficient reason to authorise us to take up defence of every person whom one sees unjustly oppressed1 when he implores our aid and when we can do it conveniently40 7,the italics are mine4--,tr47 7a7 ,the intercourse of nations is to be confined to a right of hospitality4 7,art4 #c47gj ,there is nothing new to us in this assertion of a right of way4 ,the right to free means of international communication has in the last hundred years become a commonplace of law4 ,and the change has been brought about1 as ,kant anticipated1 not through an abstract respect for the idea of right1 but through the pressure of purely commercial interests4 ,since ,kant's time the nations of ,europe have all been more or less transformed from agricultural to commercial states whose interests run mainly in the same direction1 whose existence and development depend necessarily upon 8conditions of universal hospitality40 ,commerce depends upon this freedom of international intercourse1 and on commerce mainly depends our hope of peace4 #gj ,see p4 #acg4 ,the main principle involved in this passage comes from ,vattel 7op4 cit41 ,,ii4 ,ch4 viii4 #ajd1 #aje3 ,ch4 ix4 #abc1 #abe74 ,a sovereign1 he says1 cannot object to a stranger entering his state who at the same time respects its laws4 ,no one can be quite deprived of the right of way which has been handed down from the time when the whole earth was common to all men4 7b7 ,the first ,definitive ,article#ga requires that the constitution of every state should be republican4 ,what ,kant understands by this term is that1 in the state1 law should rule above force and that its constitution should be a representative one1 guaranteeing public justice and based on the freedom and equality of its members and their mutual dependence on a common legislature4 ,kant's demand is independent of the form of the government4 ,a constitutional monarchy like that of ,prussia in the time of ,frederick the ,great1 who regarded himself as the first servant of the state and ruled with the wisdom and forethought which the nation would have had the right to demand from such an one--such a monarchy is not in contradiction to the idea of a true republic4 ,that the state should have a constitution in accordance with the principles of right is the essential point4#gb ,to make this possible1 the law-giving power must lie with the representatives of the people3 there must be a complete separation1 such as ,locke and ,rousseau demand1 between the legislature and executive4 ,otherwise we have despotism4 ,hence1 while ,kant admitted absolutism under certain conditions1 he rejected democracy where1 in his opinion1 the mass of the people was despot4 #ga ,see p4 #abj4 #gb ,kant believed that1 in the newly formed constitution of the ,united ,states1 his ideal with regard to the external forms of the state as conforming to the spirit of justice was most nearly realised4 ,professor ,paulsen draws attention1 in the following passage1 to the fact that ,kant held the ,english government of the eighteenth century in very low esteem4 7,kant1 p4 #ceg1 note4 ,see ,eng4 trans41 p4 #ceb1 note47 ,it was not the ,english state1 he says1 which furnished ,kant with an illustration of his theory3--8,rather in it he sees a form of despotism only slightly veiled1 not ,parliamentary despotism1 as some people have thought1 but monarchical despotism4 ,through bribery of the ,commons and the ,press1 the ,king had actually absolute power1 as was evident1 above all1 from the fact that he had often waged war without1 and in defiance of1 the will of the people4 ,kant has a very unfavourable opinion of the ,english state in every way4 ,among the collected notes written by him in the last ten years of the century and published by ,reicke 7,lose ,bltter1 ,i4 #abi7 the following appears3--#8,the ,english nation 7gens7 regarded as a people 7populus7 and looked upon side by side with other races is1 as a collection of individuals1 of all mankind the most highly to be esteemed4 ,but as a state1 compared with other states1 it is the most destructive1 high-handed and tyrannical1 and the most provocative of war among them all4'0 ,kuno ,fischer 7op4 cit41 ,vol4 ,v41 ,i4 ,ch4 #aa1 pp4 #aej1 #aea7 to whom ,professor ,paulsen's reference may here perhaps allude1 states that ,kant's objection to the ,english constitution is that it was an oligarchy1 ,parliament being not only a legislative body1 but through its ministers also executive in the interests of the ruling party or even of private individuals in that party4 ,it seems more likely that what most offended a keen observer of the course of the ,american ,war of ,independence was the arbitrary and ill-directed power of the king4 ,but see the passage quoted by ,fischer 7pp4 #aeb1 #aec7 from the ,rechtslehre 7,part ,,ii4 ,sect4 ,i47 which is1 he says1 unmistakeably directed against the ,english constitution and certain temporary conditions in the political history of the country4 ,an internal constitution1 firmly established on the principles of right1 would not only serve to kill the seeds of national hatred and diminish the likelihood of foreign war4 ,it would do more3 it would destroy sources of revolution and discontent within the state4 ,kant1 like many writers on this subject1 does not directly allude to civil war#gc and the means by which it may be prevented or abolished4 ,actually to achieve this would be impossible3 it is beyond the power of either arbitration or disarmament4 ,but in a representative government and the liberty of a people lie the greatest safeguards against internal discontent4 ,civil peace and international peace must to a certain extent go hand in hand4 #gc ,st4 ,pierre actually thought that his federation would prevent civil war4 ,see ,project 7#agad71 p4 #af4 ,we come now to the central idea of the treatise3 7c7 the law of nations must be based upon a federation of free states4 7,art4 #b47gd ,this must be regarded as the end to which mankind is advancing4 ,the problem here is not out of many nations to make one4 ,this would be perhaps the surest way to attain peace1 but it is scarcely practicable1 and1 in certain forms1 it is undesirable4 ,kant is inclined to approve of the separation of nations by language and religion1 by historical and social tradition and physical boundaries3 nature seems to condemn the idea of a universal monarchy4#ge ,the only footing on which a thorough-going1 indubitable system of international law is in practice possible is that of the society of nations3 not the world-republic#gf the ,greeks dreamt of1 but a federation of states4 ,such a union in the interests of perpetual peace between nations would be the 8highest political good40 ,the relation of the federated states to one another and to the whole would be fixed by cosmopolitan law3 the link of self-interest which would bind them would again be the spirit of commerce4 #gd ,see p4 #abh4 #ge ,this was the ideal of ,dante4 ,cf4 ,de ,monarchia1 ,bk4 ,i4 #ed3--8,we shall not find at any time except under the divine monarch ,augustus1 when a perfect monarchy existed1 that the world was everywhere quiet40 ,bluntschli 7,theory of the ,state1 ,i4 ,ch4 ii41 p4 #bf seq47 gives an admirable account of the different attempts made to realise a universal empire in the past--the ,empire of ,alexander the ,great1 based upon a plan of uniting the races of east and west2 the ,roman ,empire which sought vainly to stamp its national character upon mankind2 the ,frankish ,monarchy2 the ,holy ,roman ,empire which fell to pieces through the want of a central power strong enough to overcome the tendency to separation and nationalisation2 and finally the attempt of ,napoleon ,i41 whose mistake was the same as that which wrecked the ,roman ,empire--a neglect of the strength of foreign national sentiment4 #gf ,reason requires a ,state of nations4 ,this is the ideal1 and ,kant's proposal of a federation of states is a practical substitute from which we may work to higher things4 ,kant1 like ,fichte1 7,werke1 ,,vii4 #dfg7 strongly disapproves of a universal monarchy such as that of which ,dante dreamed--a modern ,roman ,empire4 ,the force of necessity1 he says1 will bring nations at last to become members of a cosmopolitan state1 8or if such a state of universal peace proves 7as has often been the case with too great states7 a greater danger to freedom from another point of view1 in that it introduces despotism of the most terrible kind1 then this same necessity must compel the nations to enter a state which indeed has the form not of a cosmopolitan commonwealth under one sovereign1 but of a federation regulated by legal principles determined by a common code of international law40 7,das mag in d4 ,theorie richtig sein1 ,werke1 7,rosenkranz7 ,,vii41 p4 #bbe74 ,cf4 also ,theory of ,ethics1 7,abbott71 p4 #cda1 note2 ,perpetual ,peace1 pp4 #aee1 #aef4 ,this scheme of a perpetual peace had not escaped ridicule in the eighteenth century3 the name of ,kant protected it henceforth4 ,the facts of history1 even more conclusively than the voices of philosophers1 soldiers and princes1 show how great has been the progress of this idea in recent years4 ,but it has not gained its present hold upon the popular mind without great and lasting opposition4 ,indeed we have here what must still be regarded as a controversial question4 ,there have been1 and are still1 men who regard perpetual peace as a state of things as undesirable as it is unattainable4 ,for such persons1 war is a necessity of our civilisation3 it is impossible that it should ever cease to exist4 ,all that we can do1 and there is no harm1 nor any contradiction in the attempt1 is to make wars shorter1 fewer and more humane3 the whole question1 beyond this1 is without practical significance4 ,others1 on the other hand1--and these perhaps more thoughtful--regard war as hostile to culture1 an evil of the worst kind1 although a necessary evil4 ,in peace1 for them1 lies the true ideal of humanity1 although in any perfect form this cannot be realised in the near future4 ,the extreme forms of these views are to be sought in what has been called in ,germany 8the philosophy of the barracks0 which comes forward with a glorification of war for its own sake1 and in the attitude of modern ,peace ,societies which denounce all war wholesale1 without respect of causes or conditions4 ,hegel1 ,schiller and ,moltke4 ,hegel1 the greatest of the champions of war1 would have nothing to do with ,kant's federation of nations formed in the interests of peace4 ,the welfare of a state1 he held1 is its own highest law2 and he refused to admit that this welfare was to be sought in an international peace4 ,hegel lived in an age when all power and order seemed to lie with the sword4 ,something of the charm of ,napoleonism seems to hang over him4 ,he does not go the length of writers like ,joseph de ,maistre1 who see in war the finger of ,god or an arrangement for the survival of the fittest--a theory1 as far as regards individuals1 quite in contradiction with the real facts1 which show that it is precisely the physically unfit whom war1 as a method of extermination1 cannot reach4 ,but1 like ,schiller and ,moltke1 ,hegel sees in war an educative instrument1 developing virtues in a nation which could not be fully developed otherwise1 7much as pain and suffering bring patience and resignation and other such qualities into play in the individual71 and drawing the nation together1 making each citizen conscious of his citizenship1 as no other influence can4 ,war1 he holds1 leaves a nation always stronger than it was before2 it buries causes of inner dissension1 and consolidates the internal power of the state4#gg ,no other trial can1 in the same way1 show what is the real strength and weakness of a nation1 what it is1 not merely materially1 but physically1 intellectually and morally4 #gg ,see the ,philosophie d4 ,rechts1 7,werke1 ,vol4 ,,viii47 ,part iii4 #cbd and appendix4 ,with this last statement most people will be inclined to agree4 ,there is only a part of the truth in ,napoleon's dictum that 8,god is on the side of the biggest battalions02 or in the old saying that war requires three necessaries--in the first place1 money2 in the second place1 money2 and in the third1 money4 ,money is a great deal3 it is a necessity2 but what we call national back-bone and character is more4 ,so far we are with ,hegel4 ,but he goes further4 ,in peace1 says he1 mankind would grow effeminate and degenerate in luxury4 ,this opinion was expressed in forcible language in his own time by ,schiller1#gh and in more recent years by ,count ,moltke4 8,perpetual peace10 says a letter of the great general1#gi 8is a dream and not a beautiful dream either3 war is part of the divine order of the world4 ,during war are developed the noblest virtues which belong to man--courage and self-denial1 fidelity to duty and the spirit of self-sacrifice3 the soldier is called upon to risk his life4 ,without war the world would sink in materialism40#hj 8,want and misery1 disease1 suffering and war10 he says elsewhere1 8are all given elements in the ,divine order of the universe40 ,moltke's eulogy of war1 however1 is somewhat modified by his additional statement that 8the greatest kindness in war lies in its being quickly ended40 7,letter to ,bluntschli1 #aath ,dec41 #ahhj47ha ,the great forces which we recognise as factors in the moral regeneration of mankind are always slow of action as they are sure4 ,war1 if too quickly over1 could not have the great moral influence which has been attributed to it4 ,the explanation may be that it is not all that it naturally appears to a great and successful general4 ,hegel1 ,moltke1 ,trendelenburg1 ,treitschke#hb and the others--not ,schiller#hc who was able to sing the blessings of peace as eloquently as of war--were apt to forget that war is as efficient a school for forming vices as virtues2 and that1 moreover1 those virtues which military life is said to cultivate--courage1 self-sacrifice and the rest--can be at least as perfectly developed in other trials4 ,there are in human life dangers every day bravely met and overcome which are not less terrible than those which face the soldier1 in whom patriotism may be less a sentiment than a duty1 and whose cowardice must be dearly paid4 #gh ,cf4 ,die ,braut von ,messina3-- 8,denn der ,mensch verkmmert im ,frieden1 ,mssige ,ruh' ist das ,grab des ,muths4 ,das ,gesetz ist der ,freund des ,schwachen1 ,alles will es nur eben machen1 ,mchte gerne die ,welt verflachen2 ,aber der ,krieg lsst die ,kraft erscheinen1 ,alles erhebt er zum ,ungemeinen1 ,selber dem ,feigen erzeugt er den ,muth40 ,this passage perhaps scarcely gives a fair representation of ,schiller's views on the question1 which1 if we judge from ,wilhelm ,tell1 must have been very moderate4 ,war1 he says1 in this oft-quoted passage1 is sometimes a necessity4 ,there is a limit to the power of tyranny and1 when the burden becomes unbearable1 an appeal to ,heaven and the sword4 ,wilhelm ,tell3 ,act4 ,,ii4 ,sc4 #b4 8,nein1 eine ,grenze hat ,tyrannenmacht4 ,wenn der ,gedrckte nirgends ,recht kann finden1 ,wenn unertrglich wird die ,last greift er ,hinauf getrosten ,muthes in den ,himmel ,und holt herunter seine ew'gen ,rechte1 ,die droben hangen unverusserlich ,und unzerbrechlich1 wie die ,sterne selbst-- ,der alte ,urstand der ,natur kehrt wieder1 ,wo ,mensch dem ,menschen gegenber steht-- ,zum letzten ,mittel1 wenn kein andres mehr ,verfangen will1 ist ihm das ,schwert gegeben40 #gi ,letter to ,bluntschli1 dated ,berlin1 #aath ,dec41 #ahhj 7published in ,bluntschli's ,gesammelte ,kleine ,schriften1 ,vol4 ,,ii41 p4 #bga74 #hj ,cf4 ,tennyson's ,maud3 ,part ,i41 vi4 and xiii4 8,why do they prate of the blessings of ,peace8 we have made them a curse1 ,pickpockets1 each hand lusting for all that is not its own2 ,and lust of gain1 in the spirit of ,cain1 is it better or worse ,than the heart of the citizen hissing in war on his own hearthstone8 ,for ,i trust if an enemy's fleet came yonder round by the hill1 ,and the rushing battle-bolt sang from the three-decker out of the foam1 ,that the smooth-faced snub-nosed rogue would leap from his counter and till1 ,and strike1 if he could1 were it but with his cheating yardwand1 home40 ,see too ,part ,,iii41 ii4 and iv4 8,and it was but a dream1 yet it lighten'd my despair ,when ,i thought that a war would arise in defence of the right1 ,that an iron tyranny now should bend or cease1 ,the glory of manhood stand on his ancient height1 ,nor ,britain's one sole ,god be the millionaire3 ,no more shall commerce be all in all1 and ,peace ,pipe on her pastoral hillock a languid note1 ,and watch her harvest ripen1 her herd increase1 ,nor the cannon-bullet rest on a slothful shore1 ,and the cobweb woven across the cannon's throat ,shall shake its threaded tears in the wind no more4 ,let it go or stay1 so ,i wake to the higher aims ,of a land that has lost for a little her lust of gold1 ,and love of a peace that was full of wrongs and shames1 ,horrible1 hateful1 monstrous1 not to be told2 ,and hail once more to the banner of battle unroll'd6 ,tho' many a light shall darken1 and many shall weep ,for those that are crush'd in the clash of jarring claims1 ,for ,god's just wrath shall be wreak'd on a giant liar2 ,and many a darkness into the light shall leap1 ,and shine in the sudden making of splendid names1 ,and noble thought be freer under the sun1 ,and the heart of a people beat with one desire40 #ha ,moltke strangely enough was1 at an earlier period1 of the opinion that war1 even when it is successful1 is a national misfortune4 ,cf4 ,kehrbach's preface to ,kant's essay1 ,zum ,ewigen ,frieden1 p4 ,,xvii4 #hb ,see his discussion on constitutional monarchy in ,germany4 7,hist4 u4 ,pol4 ,aufstze1 ,bd4 ,,iii41 p4 #ecc seq47 #hc ,see ,die ,piccolomini3 ,act4 ,i4 ,sc4 #d4 ,war under ,altered ,conditions4 ,the ,peace ,societies of our century1 untiring supporters of a point of view diametrically opposite to that of ,hegel1 owe their existence in the first place to new ideas on the subject of the relative advantages and disadvantages of war1 which again were partly due to changes in the character of war itself1 partly to a new theory that the warfare of the future should be a war of free competition for industrial interests1 or1 in ,herbert ,spencer's language1 that the warlike type of mankind should make room for an industrial type4 ,this theory1 amounting in the minds of some thinkers to a fervid conviction1 and itself1 in a sense1 the source of what has been contemptuously styled our ,british 8shopkeeper's policy0 in ,europe1 was based on something more solid than mere enthusiasm4 ,the years of peace which followed the downfall of ,napoleon had brought immense increase in material wealth to countries like ,france and ,britain4 ,something of the glamour had fallen away from the sword of the great ,emperor4 ,the illusive excitement of a desire for conquest had died3 the glory of war had faded with it1 but the burden still remained3 its cost was still there1 something to be calmly reckoned up and not soon to be forgotten4 ,europe was seen to be actually moving towards ruin4 8,we shall have to get rid of war in all civilised countries10 said ,louis ,philippe in #ahdc4 8,soon no nation will be able to afford it40 ,war was not only becoming more costly4 ,new conditions had altered it in other directions4 ,with the development of technical science and its application to the perfecting of methods and instruments of destruction every new war was found to be bloodier than the last2 and the day seemed to be in sight1 when this very development would make war 7with instruments of extermination7 impossible altogether4 ,the romance and picturesqueness with which it was invested in the days of hand-to-hand combat was gone4 ,but1 above all1 war was now waged for questions fewer and more important than in the time of ,kant4 ,napoleon's successful appeal to the masses had suggested to ,prussia the idea of consciously nationalising the army4 ,our modern national wars exact a sacrifice1 necessarily much more heavy1 much more reluctantly made than those of the past which were fought with mercenary troops4 ,such wars have not only greater dignity3 they are more earnest1 and their issue1 as in a sense the issue of conflict between higher and lower types of civilisation1 is speedier and more decisive4 ,in the hundred years since ,kant's death1 much that he prophesied has come to pass1 although sometimes by different paths than he anticipated4 ,the strides made in recent years by commerce and the growing power of the people in every state have had much of the influence which he foretold4 ,there is a greater reluctance to wage war4#hd ,but1 unfortunately1 as ,professor ,paulsen points out1 the progress of democracy and the nationalisation of war have not worked merely in the direction of progress towards peace4 ,war has now become popular for the first time4 8,the progress of democracy in states10 he says1 7,kant1 p4 #cfdhe7 8has not only not done away with war1 but has very greatly changed the feeling of people towards it4 ,with the universal military service1 introduced by the ,revolution1 war has become the people's affair and popular1 as it could not be in the case of dynastic wars carried on with mercenary troops40 ,in the people the love of peace is strong1 but so too is the love of a fight1 the love of victory4 #hd ,an admirable short account of popular feeling on this matter is to be found in ,lawrence's ,principles of ,international ,law1 #bdj4 #he ,the first ,peace ,society was founded in ,london in #ahaf1 and the first ,international ,peace ,congress held in #ahdc4 ,it is in the contemplation of facts and conflicting tendencies like these that ,peace ,societies#hf have been formed4 ,the peace party is1 we may say1 an eclectic body3 it embraces many different sections of political opinion4 ,there are those who hold1 for instance1 that peace is to be established on a basis of communism of property4 ,there are others who insist on the establishment throughout ,europe of a republican form of government1 or again1 on a redistribution of ,european territory in which ,alsace-,lorraine is restored to ,france--changes of which at least the last two would be difficult to carry out1 unless through international warfare4 ,but these are not the fundamental general principles of peace workers4 ,the members of this party agree in rejecting the principle of intervention1 in demanding a complete or partial disarmament of the nations of ,europe1 and in requiring that all disputes between nations--and they admit the prospects of dispute--should be settled by means of arbitration4 ,in how far are these principles useful or practicable8 #hf ,in ,eng4 trans4 see p4 #ceh4 ,the ,value of ,arbitration4 ,there is a strong feeling in favour of arbitration on the part of all classes of society4 ,it is cheaper under all circumstances than war4 ,it is a judgment at once more certain and more complete1 excluding as far as possible the element of chance1 leaving irritation perhaps behind it1 but none of the lasting bitterness which is the legacy of every war4 ,arbitration has an important place in all peace projects except that of ,kant1 whose federal union would naturally fulfil the function of a tribunal of arbitration4 ,st4 ,pierre1 ,jeremy ,bentham1#hg ,bluntschli#hh the ,german publicist1 ,professor ,lorimer#hi and others among political writers1#ij and among rulers1 ,louis ,napoleon and the ,emperor ,alexander ,i4 of ,russia1 have all made proposals more or less ineffectual for the peaceful settlement of international disputes4 ,a number of cases have already been decided by this means4 ,but let us examine the questions which have been at issue4 ,of a hundred and thirty matters of dispute settled by arbitration since #ahae 7cf4 ,international ,tribunals1 published by the ,peace ,society1 #ahii7 it will be seen that all1 with the exception of one or two trifling cases of doubt as to the succession to certain titles or principalities1 can be classified roughly under two heads--disputes as to the determination of boundaries or the possession of certain territory1 and questions of claims for compensation and indemnities due either to individuals or states1 arising from the seizure of fleets or merchant vessels1 the insult or injury to private persons and so on--briefly1 questions of money or of territory4 ,these may fairly be said to be trifling causes1 not touching national honour or great political questions4 ,that they should have been settled in this way1 however1 shows a great advance4 ,smaller causes than these have made some of the bloodiest wars in history4 ,that arbitration should have been the means of preventing even one war which would otherwise have been waged is a strong reason why we should fully examine its claims4 8,quand l'institution d'une haute cour10 writes ,laveleye1 7,des causes actuelles de guerre en ,europe et de l'arbitrage7 8n'viterait qu'une guerre sur vingt1 il vaudrait encore la peine de l'tablir40 ,but history shows us that there is no single instance of a supreme conflict having been settled otherwise than by war4 ,arbitration is a method admirably adapted to certain cases3 to those we have named1 where it has been successfully applied1 to the interpretation of contracts1 to offences against the ,law of ,nations--some writers say to trivial questions of honour--in all cases where the use of armed force would be impossible1 as1 for instance1 in any quarrel in which neutralised countries#ia like ,belgium or ,luxembourg should take a principal part1 or in a difference between two nations1 such as 7to take an extreme case7 the ,united ,states and ,switzerland1 which could not easily engage in actual combat4 ,these cases1 which we cannot too carefully examine1 show that what is here essential is that it should be possible to formulate a juridical statement of the conflicting claims4 ,in ,germany the ,bundestag had only power to decide questions of law4 ,other disputes were left to be fought out4 ,questions on which the existence and vital honour of a state depend--any question which nearly concerns the disputants--cannot be reduced to any cut and dry legal formula of right and wrong4 ,we may pass over the consideration that in some cases 7as in the ,franco-,prussian ,war7 the delay caused by seeking mediation of any kind would deprive a nation of the advantage its state of military preparation deserved4 ,and we may neglect the problem of finding an impartial judge on some questions of dispute1 although its solution might be a matter of extreme difficulty1 so closely are the interests of modern nations bound up in one another4 ,how could the ,eastern ,question1 for example1 be settled by arbitration8 ,it is impossible that such a means should be sufficient for every case4 ,arbitration in other words may prevent war1 but can never be a substitute for war4 ,we cannot wonder that this is so4 ,so numerous and conflicting are the interests of states1 so various are the grades of civilisation to which they have attained and the directions along which they are developing1 that differences of the most vital kind are bound to occur and these can never be settled by any peaceful means at present known to ,europe4 ,this is above all true where the self-preservation#ib or independence of a people are concerned4 ,here the 8good-will0 of the nations who disagree would necessarily be wanting3 there could be no question of the arbitration of an outsider4 #hg ,see 8,a ,plan for a ,universal and ,perpetual ,peace0 in the ,principles of ,international ,law 7,works1 ,vol4 ,,ii74 ,one of the main principles advocated by ,bentham in this essay 7written between #aghg and #aghi7 is that every state should give up its colonies4 #hh ,see his ,kleine ,schriften4 #hi ,institutes of the ,law of ,nations 7#ahhd71 ,vol4 ,,ii41 ,ch4 ,,xiv4 #ij ,john ,stuart ,mill holds that the multiplication of federal unions would be a benefit to the world4 ,see his ,considerations on ,representative ,government 7#ahfe71 ,ch4 ,,xvii41 where he discusses the conditions necessary to render such unions successful4 ,but the ,peace ,society is scarcely justified1 on the strength of what is here1 in including ,mill among writers who have made definite proposals of peace or federation4 7,see ,inter4 ,trib47 #ia ,see what ,lawrence says 7op4 cit41 #bda7 of neutralisation and the limits of its usefulness as a remedy for war4 #ib ,montesquieu3 ,esprit des ,lois1 ,x4 ,ch4 #b4 8,the life of governments is like that of man4 ,the latter has a right to kill in case of natural defence3 the former have a right to wage war for their own preservation40 ,see also ,vattel 7,law of ,nations1 ,,ii4 ,ch4 ,,xviii4 #ccb73--8;,but if anyone would rob a nation of one of her essential rights1 or a right without which she could not hope to support her national existence1--if an ambitious neighbour threatens the liberty of a republic1 if he attempts to subjugate and enslave her1--she will take counsel only from her own courage4 ,she will not even attempt the method of conferences1 in the case of a contention so odious as this4 ,she will1 in such a quarrel1 exert her utmost efforts1 exhaust every resource and lavish her blood to the last drop if necessary4 ,to listen to the slightest proposal in a matter of this kind is to risk everything40 ,but1 indeed1 looking away from questions so vital and on which there can be little difference of opinion1 we are apt to forget1 when we allow ourselves to talk extravagantly of the future of arbitration1 that every nation thinks1 or at least pretends to think1 that it is in the right in every dispute in which it appears 7cf4 ,kant3 ,perpetual ,peace1 p4 #abj473 and1 as a matter of history1 there has never been a conflict between civilised states in which an appeal to this 8right0 on the part of each has not been made4 ,we talk glibly of the right and wrong of this question or of that1 of the justice of this war1 the iniquity of that4 ,but what do these terms really mean8 ,do we know1 in spite of the labour which has been spent on this question by the older publicists1 which are the causes that justify a war8 ,is it not true that the same war might be just in one set of circumstances and unjust in another8 ,practically all writers on this subject1 exclusive of those who apply the biblical doctrine of non-resistance1 agree in admitting that a nation is justified in defending its own existence or independence1 that this is even a moral duty as it is a fundamental right of a state4 ,many1 especially the older writers1 make the confident assertion that all wars of defence are just4 ,but will this serve as a standard8 ,gibbon tells us somewhere1 that ,livy asserts that the ,romans conquered the world in self-defence4 ,the distinction between wars of aggression and defence is one very difficult to draw4 ,the cause of a nation which waits to be actually attacked is often lost3 the critical moment in its defence may be past4 ,the essence of a state's defensive power may lie in a readiness to strike the first blow1 or its whole interests may be bound up in the necessity of fighting the matter out in its enemy's country1 rather than at home4 ,it is not in the strictly military interpretation of the term 8defensive01 but in its wider ethical and political sense that we can speak of wars of defence as just4 ,but1 indeed1 we cannot judge these questions abstractly4 ,where a war is necessary1 it matters very little whether it is just or not4 ,only the judgment of history can finally decide2 and generally it seems at the time that both parties have something of right on their side1 something perhaps too of wrong4#ic #ic ,the difficulties in the way of hard and fast judgments on a complicated problem of this kind are convincingly demonstrated in a recent essay by ,professor ,d4 ,g4 ,ritchie 7,studies in ,political and ,social ,ethics1 ,sonnenschein1 #aijb74 ,professor ,ritchie considers in detail a number of concrete cases which occurred in the century between #aggj and #ahgj4 8,let any one take the judgments he would pass on these or any similarly varied cases1 and ,i think he will find that we do not restrict our approval to wars of self-defence1 that we do not approve self-defence under all circumstances1 that there are some cases in which we approve of absorption of smaller states by larger1 that there are cases in which we excuse intervention of third parties in quarrels with which at first they had nothing to do1 and that we sometimes approve war even when begun without the authority of any already existing sovereign4 ,can any principles be found underlying such judgments8 ,in the first place we ought not to disguise from ourselves the fact that our judgments after the result are based largely on success4 444 ,i think it will be found that our judgments on the wars of the century from #aggj to #ahgj turn very largely on the question1 ,which of the conflicting forces was making for constitutional government and for social progress8 or1 to put it in wider terms1 ,which represented the higher civilisation8 ,and thus it is that we may sometimes approve the rise of a new state and sometimes the absorption of an old40 7,op4 cit41 pp4 #aeb1 #aee47 ,a consideration of difficulties like these brings us to a realisation of the fact that the chances are small that a nation1 in the heat of a dispute1 will admit the likelihood of its being in the wrong4 ,to refuse to admit this is generally tantamount to a refusal to submit the difficulty to arbitration4 ,and neither international law1 nor the moral force of public opinion can induce a state to act contrary to what it believes to be its own interest4 ,moreover1 as international law now stands1 it is not a duty to have recourse to arbitration4 ,this was made quite clear in the proceedings of the ,peace ,conference at the ,hague in #ahii4id ,it was strongly recommended that arbitration should be sought wherever it was possible1 but1 at the same time definitely stated1 that this course could in no case be compulsory4 ,in this respect things have not advanced beyond the position of the ,paris ,congress of #ahef4ie ,the wars waged in ,europe subsequent to that date1 have all been begun without previous attempt at mediation4 #id ,see ,fred4 ,w4 ,holls3 ,the ,peace ,conference at the ,hague1 ,macmillan1 #aijj4 #ie ,the feeling of the ,congress expressed itself thus cautiously3--8,messieurs les plnipotentiaires n'hsitent pas exprimer1 au nom de leur gouvernements1 le voeu1 que les ,etats entre lesquels s'lverait un dissentiment srieux1 avant d'en appeler aux armes1 eussent recours1 en tant que les circonstances l'admettraient1 aux bons offices d'une puissance amie40 ,but the work of the peace party regarding the humaner methods of settlement is not to be neglected4 ,the popular feeling which they have been partly the means of stimulating has no doubt done something to influence the action of statesmen towards extreme caution in the treatment of questions likely to arouse national passions and prejudices4 ,arbitration has undoubtedly made headway in recent years4 ,britain and ,america1 the two nations whose names naturally suggest themselves to us as future centres of federative union1 both countries whose industrial interests are numerous and complicated1 have most readily1 as they have most frequently1 settled disputes in this practical manner4 ,it has shown itself to be a policy as economical as it is business-like4 ,its value1 in its proper place1 cannot be overrated by any ,peace ,congress or by any peace pamphlet2 but we have endeavoured to make it clear that this sphere is but a limited one4 ,the 8good-will0 may not be there when it ought perhaps to appear3 it will certainly not be there when any vital interest is at stake4 ,but1 even if this were not so and arbitration were the natural sequence of every dispute1 no coercive force exists to enforce the decree of the court4 ,the moral restraint of public opinion is here a poor substitute4 ,treaties1 it is often said1 are in the same position2 but treaties have been broken1 and will no doubt be broken again4 ,we are moved to the conclusion that a thoroughly logical peace programme cannot stop short of the principle of federation4 ,federal troops are necessary to carry out the decrees of a tribunal of arbitration1 if that court is not to run a risk of being held feeble and ineffectual4 ,except on some such basis1 arbitration1 as a substitute for war1 stands on but a weak footing4 ,disarmament4 ,the efforts of the ,peace ,society are directed with even less hope of complete success against another evil of our time1 the crushing burden of modern armaments4 ,we have peace at this moment1 but at a daily increasing cost4 ,the ,peace ,society is rightly concerned in pressing this point4 ,it is not enough to keep off actual war3 there is a limit to the price we can afford to pay even for peace4 ,probably no principle has cost ,europe so much in the last century as that handed down from ,rome3--8,si vis pacem1 para bellum40 ,it is now a hundred and fifty years since ,montesquieu#if protested against this 8new distemper0 which was spreading itself over ,europe2 but never1 in time of peace1 has complaint been so loud or so general as now3 and this1 not only against the universal burden of taxation which weighs upon all nations alike1 but1 in continental countries1 against the waste of productive force due to compulsory military service1 a discontent which seems to strike at the very foundations of society4 ,vattel relates that in early times a treaty of peace generally stipulated that both parties should afterwards disarm4 ,and there is no doubt that ,kant was right in regarding standing armies as a danger to peace1 not only as openly expressing the rivalry and distrust between nation and nation which ,hobbes regards as the basis of international relations1 but also as putting a power into the hand of a nation which it may some day have the temptation to abuse4 ,a war-loving1 overbearing spirit in a people thrives none the worse for a consciousness that its army or navy can hold its own with any other in ,europe4 ,were it not the case that the essence of armed peace is that a high state of efficiency should be general1 the danger to peace would be very great indeed4 ,no doubt it is due to this fact that ,france has kept quietly to her side of the ,rhine during the last thirty years4 ,the annexation of ,alsace-,lorraine was an immediate stimulus to the increase of armaments2 but otherwise1 just because of this greater efficiency and the slightly stronger military position of ,germany1 it has been an influence on the side of peace4 #if ,esprit des ,lois1 ,,xiii4 ,chap4 #ag4 8,a new distemper has spread itself over ,europe3 it has infected our princes1 and induces them to keep up an exorbitant number of troops4 ,it has its redoublings1 and of necessity becomes contagious4 ,for as soon as one prince augments what he calls his troops1 the rest of course do the same3 so that nothing is gained thereby but the public ruin4 ,each monarch keeps as many armies on foot as if his people were in danger of being exterminated3 and they give the name of ,peace to this general effort of all against all40 ,montesquieu is of course writing in the days of mercenary troops2 but the cost to the nation of our modern armies1 both in time of peace and of war1 is incomparably greater4 ,the ,czar's ,rescript of #ahih gave a new stimulus to an interest in this question which the subsequent conference at the ,hague was unable fully to satisfy4 ,we are compelled to consider carefully how a process of simultaneous disarmament can actually be carried out1 and what results might be anticipated from this step1 with a view not only to the present but the future4 ,can this be done in accordance with the principles of justice8 ,organisations like a great navy or a highly disciplined army have been built up1 in the course of centuries1 at great cost and at much sacrifice to the nation4 ,they are the fruit of years of wise government and a high record of national industry4 ,are such visible tokens of the culture and character and worth of a people to be swept away and ,britain1 ,france1 ,germany1 ,italy1 ,spain1 ,turkey to stand on the same level8 ,and1 even if no such ethical considerations should arise1 on what method are we to proceed8 ,the standard as well as the nature of armament depends in every state on its geographical conditions and its historical position4 ,an ocean-bound empire like ,britain is comparatively immune from the danger of invasion3 her army can be safely despatched to the colonies1 her fleet protects her at home1 her position is one of natural defence4 ,but ,germany and ,austria find themselves in exactly opposite circumstances1 with the hard necessity imposed upon them of guarding their frontiers on every side4 ,the safety of a nation like ,germany is in the hands of its army3 its military strength lies in an almost perfect mastery of the science of attack4 ,the ,peace ,society has hitherto made no attempt to face the difficulties inseparable from any attempt to apply a uniform method of treatment to peculiarities and conditions so conflicting and various as these4 ,those who have been more conscientious have not been very successful in solving them4 ,indeed1 so constantly is military technique changing that it is difficult to prophesy wherein will lie1 a few years hence1 the essence of a state's defensive power or what part the modern navy will play in this defence4 ,no careful thinker would suggest1 in the face of dangers threatening from the ,east1#ig a complete disarmament4 ,the simplest of many suggestions made--but this on the basis of universal conscription--seems to be that the number of years or months of compulsory military service should be reduced to some fixed period4 ,but this does not touch the difficulty of colonial empires#ih like ,britain which might to a certain extent disarm1 like their neighbours1 in ,europe1 but would be compelled to keep an army for the defence of their colonies elsewhere4 ,it is1 in the meantime1 inevitable that ,europe should keep up a high standard of armament--this is1 7and even if we had ,european federation1 would remain7 an absolute necessity as a protection against the yellow races1 and in ,europe itself there are at present elements hostile to the cause of peace4 ,alsace-,lorraine1 ,polish ,prussia1 ,russian ,poland and ,finland are still1 to a considerable degree1 sources of discontent and dissatisfaction4 ,but in ,russia itself lies the great obstacle to a future ,european peace or ,european federation3 we can scarcely picture ,russia as a reliable member of such a union4 ,that ,russia should disarm is scarcely feasible1 in view of its own interest3 it has always to face the danger of rebellion in ,poland and anarchy at home4 ,but that ,europe should disarm1 before ,russia has attained a higher civilisation1 a consciousness of its great future as a north-eastern1 inter-oceanic empire1 and a government more favourable to the diffusion of liberty1 is still less practicable4#ii ,we have here to fall back upon federation again4 ,it is not impossible that1 in the course of time1 this problem may be solved and that the contribution to the federal troops of a ,european union may be regulated upon some equitable basis the form of which we cannot now well prophesy4 #ig ,even ,st4 ,pierre was alive to this danger 7,projet1 ,art4 ,,viii3 in the ,english translation of #agad1 p4 #afj73--8,the ,european ,union shall endeavour to obtain in ,asia1 a permanent society like that of ,europe1 that ,peace may be maintain'd ,there also2 and especially that it may have no cause to fear any ,asiatic ,sovereign1 either as to its tranquillity1 or its ,commerce in ,asia40 #ih ,bentham's suggestion would be useful here6 ,see above1 p4 #gi1 note4 #ii ,the best thing for ,europe might be that ,russia 7perhaps including ,china7 should be regarded as a serious danger by all the civilised powers of the ,west4 ,that would bring us nearer to the ,united ,states of ,europe and ,america 7for the ,united ,states1 ,america1 is ,russia's neighbour on the ,east7 than anything else4 ,european federation would likewise meet all difficulties where a risk might be likely to occur of one nation intervening to protect another4 ,as we have said 7above1 p4 #fd1 note7 nations are now-a-days slow to intervene in the interests of humanity3 they are in general constrained to do so only by strong motives of self-interest1 and when these are not at hand they are said to refrain from respect for another's right of independent action4 ,actually a state which is actuated by less selfish impulses is apt to lose considerably more than it gains1 and the feeling of the people expresses itself strongly against any quixotic or sentimental policy4 ,it is not impossible that the ,powers may have yet to intervene to protect ,turkey against ,russia4 ,such a step might well be dictated purely by a proper care for the security of ,europe2 but wars of this kind seem not likely to play an important part in the near future4 ,we have said that the causes of difference which may be expected to disturb the peace of ,europe are now fewer4 ,a modern sovereign no longer spends his leisure time in the excitement of slaying or seeing slain4 ,he could not1 if he would4 ,his honour and his vanity are protected by other means3 they play no longer an important part in the affairs of nations4 ,the causes of war can no more be either trifling or personal4 ,some crises there are1 which are ever likely to be fatal to peace4 ,there present themselves1 in the lives of nations1 ideal ends for which everything must be sacrificed3 there are rights which must at all cost be defended4 ,the question of civil war we may neglect3 liberty and wise government are the only medicine for social discontent1 and much may be hoped from that in the future4 ,but now1 looking beyond the state to the great family of civilised nations1 we may say that the one certain cause of war between them or of rebellion within a future federated union will be a menace to the sovereign rights1 the independence and existence of any member of that federation4 ,other causes of quarrel offer a more hopeful prospect4 ,some questions have been seen to be specially fitted for the legal procedure of a tribunal of arbitration1 others to be such as a federal court would quickly settle4 ,the preservation of the balance of power which ,frederick the ,great regarded as the talisman of peace in ,europe--a judgment surely not borne out by experience--is happily one of the causes of war which are of the past4 ,wars of colonisation1 such as would be an attempt on the part of ,russia to conquer ,india1 seem scarcely likely to recur except between higher and lower races4 ,the cost is now-a-days too great4 ,political wars1 wars for national union and unity1 of which there were so many during the past century1 seem at present not to be near at hand2 and the integration of ,european nations--what may be called the great mission of war--is1 for the moment1 practically complete2 for it is highly improbable that either ,alsace-,lorraine or ,poland--still less ,finland--will be the cause of a war of this kind4 ,our hope lies in a federated ,europe4 ,its troops would serve to preserve law and order in the country from which they were drawn and to protect its colonies abroad2 but their higher function would be to keep peace in ,europe1 to protect the weaker members of the ,federation and to enforce the decision of the majority1 either1 if necessary1 by actual war1 or by the mere threatening demonstrations of fleets1 such as have before proved effectual4 ,we have carefully considered what has been attempted by peace workers1 and we have now to take note that all the results of the last fifty years are not to be attributed to their conscientious but often ill-directed labour4 ,the diminution of the causes of war is to be traced less to the efforts of the ,peace ,society1 7except indirectly1 in so far as they have influenced the minds of the masses7 than to the increasing power of the people themselves4 ,the various classes of society are opposed to violent methods of settlement1 not in the main from a conviction as to the wrongfulness of war or from any fanatical enthusiasm for a brotherhood of nations1 but from self-interest4 ,war is death to the industrial interests of a nation4 ,it is vain to talk1 in the language of past centuries1 of trade between civilised countries being advanced and markets opened up or enlarged by this means4#ajj ,kings give up the dream of military glory and accept instead the certainty of peaceful labour and industrial progress1 and all this 7for we may believe that to some monarchs it is much7 from no enthusiastic appreciation of the efforts of ,peace ,societies1 from no careful examination of the ,new ,testament nor inspired interpretation of its teaching4 ,it is self-interest1 the prosperity of the country--patriotism1 if you will--that seems better than war4 #ajj ,trade in barbarous or savage countries is still increased by war1 especially on the ,french and ,german plan which leaves no open door to other nations4 ,here the trade follows the flag4 ,and war1 of course1 among civilised races causes small nations to disappear and their tariffs with them4 ,this is beneficial to trade1 but to a degree so trifling that it may here be neglected4 ,what may be expected from ,federation4 ,federation and federation alone can help out the programme of the ,peace ,society4 ,it cannot be pretended that it will do everything4 ,to state the worst at once1 it will not prevent war4 ,even the federations of the states of ,germany and ,america1 bound together by ties of blood and language and1 in the latter case1 of sentiment1 were not strong enough within to keep out dissension and disunion4#aja ,wars would not cease1 but they would become much less frequent4 8,why is there no longer war between ,england and ,scotland8 ,why did ,prussian and ,hanoverian fight side by side in #ahgj1 though they had fought against each other only four years before8444 ,if we wish to know how war is to cease1 we should ask ourselves how it has ceased0 7,professor ,d4 ,g4 ,ritchie1 op4 cit41 p4 #afi74 ,wars between different grades of civilisation are bound to exist as long as civilisation itself exists4 ,the history of culture and of progress has been more or less a history of war4 ,a calm acceptance of this position may mean to certain short-sighted1 enthusiastic theorists an impossible sacrifice of the ideal2 but1 the sacrifice once made1 we stand on a better footing with regard to at least one class of arguments against a federation of the world4 ,such a union will lead1 it is said1 to an equality in culture1 a sameness of interests fatal to progress2 all struggle and conflict will be cast out of the state itself2 national characteristics and individuality will be obliterated2 the lamb and the wolf will lie down together3 stagnation will result1 intellectual progress will be at an end1 politics will be no more1 history will stand still4 ,this is a sweeping assertion1 an alarming prophecy4 ,but a little thought will assure us that there is small cause for apprehension4 ,there can be no such standstill1 no millennium in human affairs4 ,a gradual smoothing down of sharply accentuated national characteristics there might be3 this is a result which a freer1 more friendly intercourse between nations would be very likely to produce4 ,but conflicting interests1 keen rivalry in their pursuit1 difference of culture and natural aptitude1 and all or much of the individuality which language and literature1 historical and religious traditions1 even climatic and physical conditions produce are bound to survive until the coming of some more overwhelming and far-spreading revolution than this4 ,it would not be well if it were otherwise1 if those 8unconscious and invisible peculiarities0 in which ,fichte sees the hand of ,god and the guarantee of a nation's future dignity1 virtue and merit should be swept away4 7,reden an die deutsche ,nation1#ajb #ahjg47 ,nor is stagnation to be feared4 8,strife10 said the old philosopher1 8is the father of all things40 ,there can be no lasting peace in the processes of nature and existence4 ,it has been in the constant rivalry between classes within themselves1 and in the struggle for existence with other races that great nations have reached the highwater mark of their development4 ,a perpetual peace in international relations we may--nay1 surely will--one day have1 but eternity will not see the end to the feverish unrest within the state and the jealous competition and distrust between individuals1 groups and classes of society4 ,here there must ever be perpetual war4 #aja ,cf4 also the civil war of #ahdg in ,switzerland4 #ajb ,see ,werke1 ,,vii41 p4 #dfg4 ,it was only of this political peace between civilised nations that ,kant thought4#ajc ,in this form it is bound to come4 ,the federation of ,europe will follow the federation of ,germany and of ,italy1 not only because it offers a solution of many problems which have long taxed ,europe1 but because great men and careful thinkers believe in it4#ajd ,it may not come quickly1 but such men can afford to wait4 8,if ,i were legislator10 cried ,jean ,jacques ,rousseau1 8,i should not say what ought to be done1 but ,i would do it40 ,this is the attitude of the unthinking1 unpractical enthusiast4 ,the wish is not enough3 the will is not enough4 ,the mills of ,god must take their own time3 no hope or faith of ours1 no struggle or labour even can hurry them4 #ajc ,the other he knew was impossible4 ,peace within the state meant decay and death4 ,in the antagonism of nations1 he saw nature's means of educating the race3 it was a law of existence1 a law of progress1 and1 as such1 eternal4 #ajd ,for a vivid picture of the material advantages offered by such a union and of the dismal future that may lie before an unfederated ,europe1 we cannot do better than read ,mr4 ,andrew ,carnegie's recent ,rectorial ,address to the students of ,st4 ,andrews ,university 7,oct #aijb74 ,unfortunately1 ,mr4 ,carnegie's enthusiasm stops here3 he does not tell us by what means the difficulties at present in the way of a federation1 industrial or political1 are to be overcome4 ,it is a misfortune that the ,peace ,society has identified itself with so narrow and uncritical an attitude towards war1 and that the copious eloquence of its members is not based upon a consideration of the practical difficulties of the case4 ,this well-meaning1 hard working and enthusiastic body would like to do what is impossible by an impossible method4 ,the end which it sets for itself is an unattainable one4 ,but this need not be so4 ,to make unjustifiable aggression difficult1 to banish unworthy pretexts for making war might be a high enough ideal for any enthusiasm and offer scope wide enough for the labours of any society4 ,but the ,peace ,society has not contented itself with this great work4 ,through its over-estimation of the value of peace1#aje its cause has been injured and much of its influence has been weakened or lost4 ,our age is one which sets a high value upon human life2 and to this change of thinking may be traced our modern reform in the methods of war and all that has been done for the alleviation of suffering by the great ,conventions of recent years4 ,for the eyes of most people war is merely a hideous spectacle of bloodshed and deliberate destruction of life3 this is its obvious side4 ,but it is possible to exaggerate this confessedly great evil4 ,peace has its sacrifices as well as war3 the progress of humanity requires that the individual should often be put aside for the sake of lasting advantage to the whole4 ,an opposite view can only be reckoned individualistic1 perhaps materialistic4 8,the reverence for human life10 says ,martineau1 7,studies of ,christianity1 pp4 #ceb1 #ced7 8is carried to an immoral idolatry1 when it is held more sacred than justice and right1 and when the spectacle of blood becomes more horrible than the sight of desolating tyrannies and triumphant hypocrisies4444 ,we have1 therefore1 no more doubt that a war may be right1 than that a policeman may be a security for justice1 and we object to a fortress as little as to a handcuff40 #aje ,professor ,d4 ,g4 ,ritchie remarks that it is less an over-estimation of the value of peace than a too easy-going acceptance of abstract and unanalysed phrases about the rights of nations that injures the work of the ,peace ,society4 ,cf4 his note on the principles of the ,peace ,congresses 7op4 cit41 p4 #agb74 ,the ,peace ,society are not of this opinion3 they greatly doubt that a war may be right1 and they rarely fail to take their doubts to the tribunal of ,scripture4 ,their efforts are well meant1 this piety may be genuine enough2 but a text is rarely a proof of anything1 and in any case serves one man in as good stead as another4 ,we remember that 8the devil can cite ,scripture for his purpose40 ,this unscientific method of proof or persuasion has ever been widely popular4 ,it is a serious examination of the question that we want1 a more careful study of its actual history and of the possibilities of human nature2 less vague1 exaggerated language about what ought to be done1 and a realisation of what has been actually achieved2 above all1 a clear perception of what may fairly be asked from the future4 ,it used to be said--is perhaps asserted still by the war-lovers--that there was no path to civilisation which had not been beaten by the force of arms1 no height to which the sword had not led the way4 ,the inspiration of war was upon the great arts of civilisation3 its hand was upon the greatest of the sciences4 ,these obligations extended even to commerce4 ,war not only created new branches of industry1 it opened new markets and enlarged the old4 ,these are great claims1 according to which war might be called the moving principle of history4 ,if we keep our eyes fixed upon the history of the past1 they seem not only plausible3 they are in a great sense true4 ,progress did tread at the heels of the great ,alexander's army3 the advance of ,european culture stands in the closest connection with the ,crusades4 ,but was this happy compensation for a miserable state of affairs not due to the peculiarly unsocial conditions of early times and the absence of every facility for the interchange of ideas or material advantages8 ,it is inconceivable that now-a-days#ajf any aid to the development of thought in ,europe should come from war4 ,the old adage1 in more than a literal sense1 has but too often been proved true3--8,inter arma1 ,musae silent40 ,peace is for us the real promoter of culture4 #ajf ,the day is past1 when a nation could enjoy the exclusive advantages of its own inventions4 ,vattel naively recommends that we should keep the knowledge of certain kinds of trade1 the building of war-ships and the like1 to ourselves4 ,prudence1 he says1 prevents us from making an enemy stronger and the care of our own safety forbids it4 7,law of ,nations1 ,,ii4 ,ch4 ,i4 #af47 ,we have to endeavour to take an intermediate course between uncritical praise and wholesale condemnation1 between extravagant expectation and unjustifiable pessimism4 ,war used to be the rule3 it is now an overwhelming and terrible exception--an interruption to the peaceful prosperous course of things1 inflicting unlimited suffering and temporary or lasting loss4 ,its evils are on the surface1 apparent to the most unthinking observer4 ,the day may yet dawn1 when ,europeans will have learned to regard the force of arms as an instrument for the civilisation of savage or half-savage races1 and war within their continent as civil war1 necessary and justifiable sometimes perhaps1 but still a blot upon their civilisation and brotherhood as men4 ,such a suggestion rings strangely4 ,but the great changes1 which the roll of centuries has marked1 once came upon the world not less unexpectedly4 ,how far off must the idea of a civil peace have seemed to small towns and states of ,europe in the fifteenth century6 ,how strange1 only a century ago1 would the idea of applying steam power or electrical force have seemed to ourselves6 ,let us not despair4 ,war has played a great part in the history of the world3 it has been ever the great architect of nations1 the true mother of cities4 ,it has justified itself to-day in the union of kindred peoples1 the making of great empires4 ,it may be that one decisive war may yet be required to unite ,europe4 ,may ,europe survive that struggle and go forward fearlessly to her great future6 ,a peaceful future that may not be4 ,it must never be forgotten that war is sometimes a moral duty1 that it is ever the natural sequence of human passion and human prejudice4 ,an unbroken peace we cannot and do not expect2 but it is this that we must work for4 ,as ,kant says1 we must keep it before us as an ideal4 ,,translation#ajg 8,,perpetual ,,peace0#ajh #ajg ,the text used in this translation is that edited by ,kehrbach4 ,tr4 #ajh ,i have seen something of ,m4 de ,st4 ,pierre's plan for maintaining perpetual peace in ,europe4 ,it reminds me of an inscription outside of a churchyard1 which ran 8,pax ,perpetua4 ,for the dead1 it is true1 fight no more4 ,but the living are of another mind1 and the mightiest among them have little respect for tribunals40 7,leibniz3 ,letter to ,grimarest1 quoted above1 p4 #cg1 note #dd47 ,tr4 ,we need not try to decide whether this satirical inscription1 7once found on a ,dutch innkeeper's sign-board above the picture of a churchyard7 is aimed at mankind in general1 or at the rulers of states in particular1 unwearying in their love of war1 or perhaps only at the philosophers who cherish the sweet dream of perpetual peace4 ,the author of the present sketch would make one stipulation1 however4 ,the practical politician stands upon a definite footing with the theorist3 with great self-complacency he looks down upon him as a mere pedant whose empty ideas can threaten no danger to the state 7starting as it does from principles derived from experience71 and who may always be permitted to knock down his eleven skittles at once without a worldly-wise statesman needing to disturb himself4 ,hence1 in the event of a quarrel arising between the two1 the practical statesman must always act consistently1 and not scent danger to the state behind opinions ventured by the theoretical politician at random and publicly expressed4 ,with which saving clause 7clausula salvatoria7 the author will herewith consider himself duly and expressly protected against all malicious misinterpretation4 ,,first ,,section ,,containing ,,the ,,preliminary ,,articles ,,of ,,perpetual ,,peace ,,between ,,states #a4--8,no treaty of peace shall be regarded as valid1 if made with the secret reservation of material for a future war40 ,for then it would be a mere truce1 a mere suspension of hostilities1 not peace4 ,a peace signifies the end of all hostilities and to attach to it the epithet 8eternal0 is not only a verbal pleonasm1 but matter of suspicion4 ,the causes of a future war existing1 although perhaps not yet known to the high contracting parties themselves1 are entirely annihilated by the conclusion of peace1 however acutely they may be ferreted out of documents in the public archives4 ,there may be a mental reservation of old claims to be thought out at a future time1 which are1 none of them1 mentioned at this stage1 because both parties are too much exhausted to continue the war1 while the evil intention remains of using the first favourable opportunity for further hostilities4 ,diplomacy of this kind only ,jesuitical casuistry can justify3 it is beneath the dignity of a ruler1 just as acquiescence in such processes of reasoning is beneath the dignity of his minister1 if one judges the facts as they really are4#aji #aji ,on the honourable interpretation of treaties1 see ,vattel 7op4 cit41 ,,ii4 ,ch4 ,,xvii41 esp4 #bfc-bif1 #bia74 ,see also what he says of the validity of treaties and the necessity for holding them sacred 7,,ii4 ,ch4 ,,xii4 #aeg1 #aeh3 ,,ii4 ,ch4 ,,xv74 ,tr4 ,if1 however1 according to present enlightened ideas of political wisdom1 the true glory of a state lies in the uninterrupted development of its power by every possible means1 this judgment must certainly strike one as scholastic and pedantic4 #b4--8,no state having an independent existence--whether it be great or small--shall be acquired by another through inheritance1 exchange1 purchase or donation40#aaj #aaj 8,even the smoothest way10 says ,hume1 7,of the ,original ,contract7 8by which a nation may receive a foreign master1 by marriage or a will1 is not extremely honourable for the people2 but supposes them to be disposed of1 like a dowry or a legacy1 according to the pleasure or interest of their rulers40 ,tr4 ,for a state is not a property 7patrimonium71 as may be the ground on which its people are settled4 ,it is a society of human beings over whom no one but itself has the right to rule and to dispose4 ,like the trunk of a tree1 it has its own roots1 and to graft it on to another state is to do away with its existence as a moral person1 and to make of it a thing4 ,hence it is in contradiction to the idea of the original contract without which no right over a people is thinkable4#aaa ,everyone knows to what danger the bias in favour of these modes of acquisition has brought ,europe 7in other parts of the world it has never been known74 ,the custom of marriage between states1 as if they were individuals1 has survived even up to the most recent times1#aab and is regarded partly as a new kind of industry by which ascendency may be acquired through family alliances1 without any expenditure of strength2 partly as a device for territorial expansion4 ,moreover1 the hiring out of the troops of one state to another to fight against an enemy not at war with their native country is to be reckoned in this connection2 for the subjects are in this way used and abused at will as personal property4 #aaa ,an hereditary kingdom is not a state which can be inherited by another state1 but one whose sovereign power can be inherited by another physical person4 ,the state then acquires a ruler1 not the ruler as such 7that is1 as one already possessing another realm7 the state4 #aab ,this has been one of the causes of the extraordinary admixture of races in the modern ,austrian empire4 ,cf4 the lines of ,matthias ,corvinus of ,hungary 7quoted in ,sir ,w4 ,stirling ,maxwell's ,cloister ,life of ,charles the ,fifth1 ,ch4 ,i41 note73-- 8,bella gerant alii1 tu1 felix ,austria1 nube6 ,nam quae ,mars aliis1 dat tibi regna ,venus40 ,tr4 #c4--8,standing armies 7miles perpetuus7 shall be abolished in course of time40 ,for they are always threatening other states with war by appearing to be in constant readiness to fight4 ,they incite the various states to outrival one another in the number of their soldiers1 and to this number no limit can be set4 ,now1 since owing to the sums devoted to this purpose1 peace at last becomes even more oppressive than a short war1 these standing armies are themselves the cause of wars of aggression1 undertaken in order to get rid of this burden4 ,to which we must add that the practice of hiring men to kill or to be killed seems to imply a use of them as mere machines and instruments in the hand of another 7namely1 the state7 which cannot easily be reconciled with the right of humanity in our own person4#aac ,the matter stands quite differently in the case of voluntary periodical military exercise on the part of citizens of the state1 who thereby seek to secure themselves and their country against attack from without4 #aac ,a ,bulgarian ,prince thus answered the ,greek ,emperor who magnanimously offered to settle a quarrel with him1 not by shedding the blood of his subjects1 but by a duel3--8,a smith who has tongs will not take the red-hot iron from the fire with his hands40 7,this note is a-wanting in the second ,edition of #agif4 ,it is repeated in ,art4 ,,ii41 see p4 #acj47 ,tr4 ,the accumulation of treasure in a state would in the same way be regarded by other states as a menace of war1 and might compel them to anticipate this by striking the first blow4 ,for of the three forces1 the power of arms1 the power of alliance and the power of money1 the last might well become the most reliable instrument of war1 did not the difficulty of ascertaining the amount stand in the way4 #d4--8,no national debts shall be contracted in connection with the external affairs of the state40 ,this source of help is above suspicion1 where assistance is sought outside or within the state1 on behalf of the economic administration of the country 7for instance1 the improvement of the roads1 the settlement and support of new colonies1 the establishment of granaries to provide against seasons of scarcity1 and so on74 ,but1 as a common weapon used by the ,powers against one another1 a credit system under which debts go on indefinitely increasing and are yet always assured against immediate claims 7because all the creditors do not put in their claim at once7 is a dangerous money power4 ,this ingenious invention of a commercial people in the present century is1 in other words1 a treasure for the carrying on of war which may exceed the treasures of all the other states taken together1 and can only be exhausted by a threatening deficiency in the taxes--an event1 however1 which will long be kept off by the very briskness of commerce resulting from the reaction of this system on industry and trade4 ,the ease1 then1 with which war may be waged1 coupled with the inclination of rulers towards it--an inclination which seems to be implanted in human nature--is a great obstacle in the way of perpetual peace4 ,the prohibition of this system must be laid down as a preliminary article of perpetual peace1 all the more necessarily because the final inevitable bankruptcy of the state in question must involve in the loss many who are innocent2 and this would be a public injury to these states4 ,therefore other nations are at least justified in uniting themselves against such an one and its pretensions4 #e4--8,no state shall violently interfere with the constitution and administration of another40 ,for what can justify it in so doing8 ,the scandal which is here presented to the subjects of another state8 ,the erring state can much more serve as a warning by exemplifying the great evils which a nation draws down on itself through its own lawlessness4 ,moreover1 the bad example which one free person gives another1 7as scandalum acceptum7 does no injury to the latter4 ,in this connection1 it is true1 we cannot count the case of a state which has become split up through internal corruption into two parts1 each of them representing by itself an individual state which lays claim to the whole4 ,here the yielding of assistance to one faction could not be reckoned as interference on the part of a foreign state with the constitution of another1 for here anarchy prevails4 ,so long1 however1 as the inner strife has not yet reached this stage the interference of other powers would be a violation of the rights of an independent nation which is only struggling with internal disease4#aad ,it would therefore itself cause a scandal1 and make the autonomy of all states insecure4 #aad ,see ,vattel3 ,law of ,nations1 ,,ii4 ,ch4 ,,iv4 #ee4 ,no foreign power1 he says1 has a right to judge the conduct and administration of any sovereign or oblige him to alter it4 8,if he loads his subjects with taxes1 or if he treats them with severity1 the nation alone is concerned2 and no other is called upon to offer redress for his behaviour1 or oblige him to follow more wise and equitable maxims4444 ,but 7loc4 cit4 #ef7 when the bands of the political society are broken1 or at least suspended1 between the sovereign and his people1 the contending parties may then be considered at two distinct powers2 and1 since they are both equally independent of all foreign authority1 nobody has a right to judge them4 ,either may be in the right2 and each of those who grant their assistance may imagine that he is giving his support to the better cause40 ,tr4 #f4--8,no state at war with another shall countenance such modes of hostility as would make mutual confidence impossible in a subsequent state of peace3 such are the employment of assassins 7percussores7 or of poisoners 7venefici71 breaches of capitulation1 the instigating and making use of treachery 7perduellio7 in the hostile state40 ,these are dishonourable stratagems4 ,for some kind of confidence in the disposition of the enemy must exist even in the midst of war1 as otherwise peace could not be concluded1 and the hostilities would pass into a war of extermination 7bellum internecinum74 ,war1 however1 is only our wretched expedient of asserting a right by force1 an expedient adopted in the state of nature1 where no court of justice exists which could settle the matter in dispute4 ,in circumstances like these1 neither of the two parties can be called an unjust enemy1 because this form of speech presupposes a legal decision3 the issue of the conflict--just as in the case of the so-called judgments of ,god--decides on which side right is4 ,between states1 however1 no punitive war 7bellum punitivum7 is thinkable1 because between them a relation of superior and inferior does not exist4 ,whence it follows that a war of extermination1 where the process of annihilation would strike both parties at once and all right as well1 would bring about perpetual peace only in the great graveyard of the human race4 ,such a war then1 and therefore also the use of all means which lead to it1 must be absolutely forbidden4 ,that the methods just mentioned do inevitably lead to this result is obvious from the fact that these infernal arts1 already vile in themselves1 on coming into use1 are not long confined to the sphere of war4 ,take1 for example1 the use of spies 7uti exploratoribus74 ,here only the dishonesty of others is made use of2 but vices such as these1 when once encouraged1 cannot in the nature of things be stamped out and would be carried over into the state of peace1 where their presence would be utterly destructive to the purpose of that state4 ,although the laws stated are1 objectively regarded1 7i4e4 in so far as they affect the action of rulers7 purely prohibitive laws 7leges prohibitiv71 some of them 7leges strict7 are strictly valid without regard to circumstances and urgently require to be enforced4 ,such are ,nos4 #a1 #e1 #f4 ,others1 again1 7like ,nos4 #b1 #c1 #d7 although not indeed exceptions to the maxims of law1 yet in respect of the practical application of these maxims allow subjectively of a certain latitude to suit particular circumstances4 ,the enforcement of these leges lat may be legitimately put off1 so long as we do not lose sight of the ends at which they aim4 ,this purpose of reform does not permit of the deferment of an act of restitution 7as1 for example1 the restoration to certain states of freedom of which they have been deprived in the manner described in article #b7 to an infinitely distant date--as ,augustus used to say1 to the 8,greek ,kalends01 a day that will never come4 ,this would be to sanction non-restitution4 ,delay is permitted only with the intention that restitution should not be made too precipitately and so defeat the purpose we have in view4 ,for the prohibition refers here only to the mode of acquisition which is to be no longer valid1 and not to the fact of possession which1 although indeed it has not the necessary title of right1 yet at the time of so-called acquisition was held legal by all states1 in accordance with the public opinion of the time4#aae #aae ,it has been hitherto doubted1 not without reason1 whether there can be laws of permission 7leges permissiv7 of pure reason as well as commands 7leges prceptiv7 and prohibitions 7leges prohibitiv74 ,for law in general has a basis of objective practical necessity3 permission1 on the other hand1 is based upon the contingency of certain actions in practice4 ,it follows that a law of permission would enforce what cannot be enforced2 and this would involve a contradiction1 if the object of the law should be the same in both cases4 ,here1 however1 in the present case of a law of permission1 the presupposed prohibition is aimed merely at the future manner of acquisition of a right--for example1 acquisition through inheritance3 the exemption from this prohibition 7i4e4 the permission7 refers to the present state of possession4 ,in the transition from a state of nature to the civil state1 this holding of property can continue as a bona fide1 if usurpatory1 ownership1 under the new social conditions1 in accordance with a permission of the ,law of ,nature4 ,ownership of this kind1 as soon as its true nature becomes known1 is seen to be mere nominal possession 7possessio putativa7 sanctioned by opinion and customs in a natural state of society4 ,after the transition stage is passed1 such modes of acquisition are likewise forbidden in the subsequently evolved civil state3 and this power to remain in possession would not be admitted if the supposed acquisition had taken place in the civilized community4 ,it would be bound to come to an end as an injury to the right of others1 the moment its illegality became patent4 ,i have wished here only by the way to draw the attention of teachers of the ,law of ,nature to the idea of a lex permissiva which presents itself spontaneously in any system of rational classification4 ,i do so chiefly because use is often made of this concept in civil law with reference to statutes2 with this difference1 that the law of prohibition stands alone by itself1 while permission is not1 as it ought to be1 introduced into that law as a limiting clause1 but is thrown among the exceptions4 ,thus 8this or that is forbidden01--say1 ,nos4 #a1 #b1 #c1 and so on in an infinite progression1--while permissions are only added to the law incidentally3 they are not reached by the application of some principle1 but only by groping about among cases which have actually occurred4 ,were this not so1 qualifications would have had to be brought into the formula of laws of prohibition which would have immediately transformed them into laws of permission4 ,count von ,windischgrtz1 a man whose wisdom was equal to his discrimination1 urged this very point in the form of a question propounded by him for a prize essay4 ,one must therefore regret that this ingenious problem has been so soon neglected and left unsolved4 ,for the possibility of a formula similar to those of mathematics is the sole real test of a legislation that would be consistent4 ,without this1 the so-called jus certum will remain forever a mere pious wish3 we can have only general laws valid on the whole2 no general laws possessing the universal validity which the concept law seems to demand4 ,,second ,,section ,,containing ,,the ,,definitive ,,articles ,,of ,a ,,perpetual ,,peace ,,between ,,states ,a state of peace among men who live side by side is not the natural state 7status naturalis71 which is rather to be described as a state of war3#aaf that is to say1 although there is not perhaps always actual open hostility1 yet there is a constant threatening that an outbreak may occur4 ,thus the state of peace must be established4#aag ,for the mere cessation of hostilities is no guarantee of continued peaceful relations1 and unless this guarantee is given by every individual to his neighbour--which can only be done in a state of society regulated by law--one man is at liberty to challenge another and treat him as an enemy4#aah #aaf 8,from this diffidence of one another1 there is no way for any man to secure himself1 so reasonable1 as anticipation2 that is1 by force1 or wiles1 to master the persons of all men he can1 so long1 till he see no other power great enough to endanger him3 and this is no more than his own conservation requireth1 and is generally allowed40 7,hobbes3 ,lev4 ,i4 ,ch4 ,,xiii47 ,tr4 #aag ,hobbes thus describes the establishment of the state4 8,a commonwealth is said to be instituted1 when a multitude of men do agree1 and covenant1 every one1 with every one1 that to whatsoever man1 or assembly of men1 shall be given by the major part1 the right to present the person of them all1 that is to say1 to be their representative2 everyone1 as well he that voted for it1 as he that voted against it1 shall authorize all the actions and judgments1 of that man1 or assembly of men1 in the same manner1 as if they were his own1 to the end1 to live peaceably amongst themselves1 and be protected against other men40 7,lev4 ,,ii4 ,ch4 ,,xviii47 ,there is a covenant between them1 8as if every man should say to every man1 ,i authorise and give up my right of governing myself1 to this man1 or to this assembly of men1 on this condition1 that thou give up thy right to him1 and authorize all his actions in like manner40 7,lev4 ,,ii4 ,ch4 ,,xvii47 ,tr4 #aah ,it is usually accepted that a man may not take hostile steps against any one1 unless the latter has already injured him by act4 ,this is quite accurate1 if both are citizens of a law-governed state4 ,for1 in becoming a member of this community1 each gives the other the security he demands against injury1 by means of the supreme authority exercising control over them both4 ,the individual1 however1 7or nation7 who remains in a mere state of nature deprives me of this security and does me injury1 by mere proximity4 ,there is perhaps no active 7facto7 molestation1 but there is a state of lawlessness1 7status injustus7 which1 by its very existence1 offers a continual menace to me4 ,i can therefore compel him1 either to enter into relations with me under which we are both subject to law1 or to withdraw from my neighbourhood4 ,so that the postulate upon which the following articles are based is3--8,all men who have the power to exert a mutual influence upon one another must be under a civil government of some kind40 ,a legal constitution is1 according to the nature of the individuals who compose the state3-- 7#a7 ,a constitution formed in accordance with the right of citizenship of the individuals who constitute a nation 7jus civitatis74 7#b7 ,a constitution whose principle is international law which determines the relations of states 7jus gentium74 7#c7 ,a constitution formed in accordance with cosmopolitan law1 in as far as individuals and states1 standing in an external relation of mutual reaction1 may be regarded as citizens of one world-state 7jus cosmopoliticum74 ,this classification is not an arbitrary one1 but is necessary with reference to the idea of perpetual peace4 ,for1 if even one of these units of society were in a position physically to influence another1 while yet remaining a member of a primitive order of society1 then a state of war would be joined with these primitive conditions2 and from this it is our present purpose to free ourselves4 ,,first ,,definitive ,,article ,,of ,,perpetual ,,peace ,i4--8,the civil constitution of each state shall be republican40 ,the only constitution which has its origin in the idea of the original contract1 upon which the lawful legislation of every nation must be based1 is the republican4#aai ,it is a constitution1 in the first place1 founded in accordance with the principle of the freedom of the members of society as human beings3 secondly1 in accordance with the principle of the dependence of all1 as subjects1 on a common legislation3 and1 thirdly1 in accordance with the law of the equality of the members as citizens4 ,it is then1 looking at the question of right1 the only constitution whose fundamental principles lie at the basis of every form of civil constitution4 ,and the only question for us now is1 whether it is also the one constitution which can lead to perpetual peace4 #aai ,lawful1 that is to say1 external freedom cannot be defined1 as it so often is1 as the right ,befugniss 8to do whatever one likes1 so long as this does not wrong anyone else40,b ,for what is this right8 ,it is the possibility of actions which do not lead to the injury of others4 ,so the explanation of a 8right0 would be something like this3--8,freedom is the possibility of actions which do not injure anyone4 ,a man does not wrong another--whatever his action--if he does not wrong another03 which is empty tautology4 ,my external 7lawful7 freedom is rather to be explained in this way3 it is the right through which ,i require not to obey any external laws except those to which ,i could have given my consent4 ,in exactly the same way1 external 7legal7 equality in a state is that relation of the subjects in consequence of which no individual can legally bind or oblige another to anything1 without at the same time submitting himself to the law which ensures that he can1 in his turn1 be bound and obliged in like manner by this other4 ,b ,hobbes' definition of freedom is interesting4 ,see ,lev4 ,,ii4 ,ch4 ,,xxi43--8,a ,,freeman1 is he1 that in those things1 which by his strength and wit he is able to do1 is not hindered to do what he has a will to40 ,tr4 ,the principle of lawful independence requires no explanation1 as it is involved in the general concept of a constitution4 ,the validity of this hereditary and inalienable right1 which belongs of necessity to mankind1 is affirmed and ennobled by the principle of a lawful relation between man himself and higher beings1 if indeed he believes in such beings4 ,this is so1 because he thinks of himself1 in accordance with these very principles1 as a citizen of a transcendental world as well as of the world of sense4 ,for1 as far as my freedom goes1 ,i am bound by no obligation even with regard to ,divine ,laws--which are apprehended by me only through my reason--except in so far as ,i could have given my assent to them2 for it is through the law of freedom of my own reason that ,i first form for myself a concept of a ,divine ,will4 ,as for the principle of equality1 in so far as it applies to the most sublime being in the universe next to ,god--a being ,i might perhaps figure to myself as a mighty emanation of the ,divine spirit1--there is no reason why1 if ,i perform my duty in the sphere in which ,i am placed1 as that aeon does in his1 the duty of obedience alone should fall to my share1 the right to command to him4 ,that this principle of equality1 7unlike the principle of freedom71 does not apply to our relation to ,god is due to the fact that1 to this ,being alone1 the idea of duty does not belong4 ,as for the right to equality which belongs to all citizens as subjects1 the solution of the problem of the admissibility of an hereditary nobility hinges on the following question3--8,does social rank--acknowledged by the state to be higher in the case of one subject than another--stand above desert1 or does merit take precedence of social standing80 ,now it is obvious that1 if high position is combined with good family1 it is quite uncertain whether merit1 that is to say1 skill and fidelity in office1 will follow as well4 ,this amounts to granting the favoured individual a commanding position without any question of desert2 and to that1 the universal will of the people--expressed in an original contract which is the fundamental principle of all right--would never consent4 ,for it does not follow that a nobleman is a man of noble character4 ,in the case of the official nobility1 as one might term the rank of higher magistracy--which one must acquire by merit--the social position is not attached like property to the person but to his office1 and equality is not thereby disturbed2 for1 if a man gives up office1 he lays down with it his official rank and falls back into the rank of his fellows4 ,now the republican constitution apart from the soundness of its origin1 since it arose from the pure source of the concept of right1 has also the prospect of attaining the desired result1 namely1 perpetual peace4 ,and the reason is this4 ,if1 as must be so under this constitution1 the consent of the subjects is required to determine whether there shall be war or not1 nothing is more natural than that they should weigh the matter well1 before undertaking such a bad business4 ,for in decreeing war1 they would of necessity be resolving to bring down the miseries of war upon their country4 ,this implies3 they must fight themselves2 they must hand over the costs of the war out of their own property2 they must do their poor best to make good the devastation which it leaves behind2 and finally1 as a crowning ill1 they have to accept a burden of debt which will embitter even peace itself1 and which they can never pay off on account of the new wars which are always impending4 ,on the other hand1 in a government where the subject is not a citizen holding a vote1 7i4e4 in a constitution which is not republican71 the plunging into war is the least serious thing in the world4 ,for the ruler is not a citizen1 but the owner of the state1 and does not lose a whit by the war1 while he goes on enjoying the delights of his table or sport1 or of his pleasure palaces and gala days4 ,he can therefore decide on war for the most trifling reasons1 as if it were a kind of pleasure party4#abj ,any justification of it that is necessary for the sake of decency he can leave without concern to the diplomatic corps who are always only too ready with their services4 #abj ,cf4 ,cowper3 ,the ,winter ,morning ,walk3-- 8,but is it fit1 or can it bear the shock ,of rational discussion1 that a man1 ,compounded and made up like other men ,of elements tumultuous1 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 ,should when he pleases1 and on whom he will1 ,wage war1 with any or with no pretence ,of provocation giv'n or wrong sustain'd1 ,and force the beggarly last doit1 by means ,that his own humour dictates1 from the clutch ,of poverty1 that thus he may procure ,his thousands1 weary of penurious life1 ,a splendid opportunity to die80 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 8,he deems a thousand or ten thousand lives ,spent in the purchase of renown for him1 ,an easy reckoning40 ,tr4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the following remarks must be made in order that we may not fall into the common error of confusing the republican with the democratic constitution4 ,the forms of the state 7civitas7#aba may be classified according to either of two principles of division3--the difference of the persons who hold the supreme authority in the state1 and the manner in which the people are governed by their ruler whoever he may be4 ,the first is properly called the form of sovereignty 7forma imperii71 and there can be only three constitutions differing in this respect3 where1 namely1 the supreme authority belongs to only one1 to several individuals working together1 or to the whole people constituting the civil society4 ,thus we have autocracy or the sovereignty of a monarch1 aristocracy or the sovereignty of the nobility1 and democracy or the sovereignty of the people4 ,the second principle of division is the form of government 7forma regiminis71 and refers to the way in which the state makes use of its supreme power3 for the manner of government is based on the constitution1 itself the act of that universal will which transforms a multitude into a nation4 ,in this respect the form of government is either republican or despotic4 ,republicanism is the political principle of severing the executive power of the government from the legislature4 ,despotism is that principle in pursuance of which the state arbitrarily puts into effect laws which it has itself made3 consequently it is the administration of the public will1 but this is identical with the private will of the ruler4 ,of these three forms of a state1 democracy1 in the proper sense of the word1 is of necessity despotism1 because it establishes an executive power1 since all decree regarding--and1 if need be1 against--any individual who dissents from them4 ,therefore the 8whole people01 so-called1 who carry their measure are really not all1 but only a majority3 so that here the universal will is in contradiction with itself and with the principle of freedom4 #aba ,cf4 ,hobbes3 ,on ,dominion1 ,ch4 ,,vii4 #a4 8,as for the difference of cities1 it is taken from the difference of the persons to whom the supreme power is committed4 ,this power is committed either to one man1 or council1 or some one court consisting of many men40 ,tr4 ,every form of government in fact which is not representative is really no true constitution at all1 because a law-giver may no more be1 in one and the same person1 the administrator of his own will1 than the universal major premise of a syllogism may be1 at the same time1 the subsumption under itself of the particulars contained in the minor premise4 ,and1 although the other two constitutions1 autocracy and aristocracy1 are always defective in so far as they leave the way open for such a form of government1 yet there is at least always a possibility in these cases1 that they may take the form of a government in accordance with the spirit of a representative system4 ,thus ,frederick the ,great used at least to say that he was 8merely the highest servant of the state40#abb ,the democratic constitution1 on the other hand1 makes this impossible1 because under such a government every one wishes to be master4 ,we may therefore say that the smaller the staff of the executive--that is to say1 the number of rulers--and the more real1 on the other hand1 their representation of the people1 so much the more is the government of the state in accordance with a possible republicanism2 and it may hope by gradual reforms to raise itself to that standard4 ,for this reason1 it is more difficult under an aristocracy than under a monarchy--while under a democracy it is impossible except by a violent revolution--to attain to this1 the one perfectly lawful constitution4 ,the kind of government1#abc however1 is of infinitely more importance to the people than the kind of constitution1 although the greater or less aptitude of a people for this ideal greatly depends upon such external form4 ,the form of government1 however1 if it is to be in accordance with the idea of right1 must embody the representative system in which alone a republican form of administration is possible and without which it is despotic and violent1 be the constitution what it may4 ,none of the ancient so-called republics were aware of this1 and they necessarily slipped into absolute despotism which1 of all despotisms1 is most endurable under the sovereignty of one individual4 #abb ,the lofty appellations which are often given to a ruler--such as the ,lord's ,anointed1 the ,administrator of the ,divine ,will upon earth and ,vicar of ,god--have been many times censured as flattery gross enough to make one giddy4 ,but it seems to me without cause4 ,far from making a prince arrogant1 names like these must rather make him humble at heart1 if he has any intelligence--which we take for granted he has--and reflects that he has undertaken an office which is too great for any human being4 ,for1 indeed1 it is the holiest which ,god has on earth--namely1 the right of ruling mankind3 and he must ever live in fear of injuring this treasure of ,god in some respect or other4 #abc ,mallet du ,pan boasts in his seemingly brilliant but shallow and superficial language that1 after many years experience1 he has come at last to be convinced of the truth of the well known saying of ,pope ,essay on ,man1 ,,iii4 #cjc3-- 8,for ,forms of ,government let fools contest2 ,whate'er is best administered is best40 ,if this means that the best administered government is best administered1 then1 in ,swift's phrase1 he has cracked a nut to find a worm in it4 ,if it means1 however1 that the best conducted government is also the best kind of government1--that is1 the best form of political constitution1--then it is utterly false3 for examples of wise administration are no proof of the kind of government4 ,who ever ruled better than ,titus and ,marcus ,aurelius1 and yet the one left ,domitian1 the other ,commodus1 as his successor8 ,this could not have happened where the constitution was a good one1 for their absolute unfitness for the position was early enough known1 and the power of the emperor was sufficiently great to exclude them4 ,,second ,,definitive ,,article ,,of ,,perpetual ,,peace ,,ii4--8,the law of nations shall be founded on a federation of free states40 ,nations1 as states1 may be judged like individuals who1 living in the natural state of society--that is to say1 uncontrolled by external law--injure one another through their very proximity4#abd ,every state1 for the sake of its own security1 may--and ought to--demand that its neighbour should submit itself to conditions1 similar to those of the civil society where the right of every individual is guaranteed4 ,this would give rise to a federation of nations which1 however1 would not have to be a ,state of nations4#abe ,that would involve a contradiction4 ,for the term 8state0 implies the relation of one who rules to those who obey--that is to say1 of law-giver to the subject people3 and many nations in one state would constitute only one nation1 which contradicts our hypothesis1 since here we have to consider the right of one nation against another1 in so far as they are so many separate states and are not to be fused into one4 #abd 8,for as amongst masterless men1 there is perpetual war1 of every man against his neighbour2 no inheritance1 to transmit to the son1 nor to expect from the father2 no propriety of goods1 or lands2 no security2 but a full and absolute liberty in every particular man3 so in states1 and commonwealths not dependent on one another1 every commonwealth1 not every man1 has an absolute liberty1 to do what it shall judge1 that is to say1 what that man1 or assembly that representeth it1 shall judge most conducing to their benefit4 ,but withal1 they live in the condition of a perpetual war1 and upon the confines of battle1 with their frontiers armed1 and cannons planted against their neighbours round about40 7,hobbes3 ,leviathan1 ,,ii4 ,ch4 ,,xxi47 ,tr4 #abe ,but see p4 #acf1 where ,kant seems to speak of a ,state of nations as the ideal4 ,kant expresses himself1 on this point1 more clearly in the ,rechtslehre1 ,part4 ,,ii4 #fa3--8,the natural state of nations10 he says here1 8like that of individual men1 is a condition which must be abandoned1 in order that they may enter a state regulated by law4 ,hence1 before this can take place1 every right possessed by these nations and every external 8mine0 and 8thine0 id est1 symbol of possession which states acquire or preserve through war are merely provisional1 and can become peremptorily valid and constitute a true state of peace only in a universal union of states1 by a process analogous to that through which a people becomes a state4 ,since1 however1 the too great extension of such a ,state of nations over vast territories must1 in the long run1 make the government of that union--and therefore the protection of each of its members--impossible1 a multitude of such corporations will lead again to a state of war4 ,so that perpetual peace1 the final goal of international law as a whole1 is really an impracticable idea eine unausfhrbare ,idee4 ,the political principles1 however1 which are directed towards this end1 7that is to say1 towards the establishment of such unions of states as may serve as a continual approximation to that ideal71 are not impracticable2 on the contrary1 as this approximation is required by duty and is therefore founded also upon the rights of men and of states1 these principles are1 without doubt1 capable of practical realization40 ,tr4 ,the attachment of savages to their lawless liberty1 the fact that they would rather be at hopeless variance with one another than submit themselves to a legal authority constituted by themselves1 that they therefore prefer their senseless freedom to a reason-governed liberty1 is regarded by us with profound contempt as barbarism and uncivilisation and the brutal degradation of humanity4 ,so one would think that civilised races1 each formed into a state by itself1 must come out of such an abandoned condition as soon as they possibly can4 ,on the contrary1 however1 every state thinks rather that its majesty 7the 8majesty0 of a people is an absurd expression7 lies just in the very fact that it is subject to no external legal authority2 and the glory of the ruler consists in this1 that1 without his requiring to expose himself to danger1 thousands stand at his command ready to let themselves be sacrificed for a matter of no concern to them4#abf ,the difference between the savages of ,europe and those of ,america lies chiefly in this1 that1 while many tribes of the latter have been entirely devoured by their enemies1 ,europeans know a better way of using the vanquished than by eating them2 and they prefer to increase through them the number of their subjects1 and so the number of instruments at their command for still more widely spread war4 #abf ,a ,greek ,emperor who magnanimously volunteered to settle by a duel his quarrel with a ,bulgarian ,prince1 got the following answer3--8,a smith who has tongs will not pluck the glowing iron from the fire with his hands40 ,the depravity of human nature#abg shows itself without disguise in the unrestrained relations of nations to each other1 while in the law-governed civil state much of this is hidden by the check of government4 ,this being so1 it is astonishing that the word 8right0 has not yet been entirely banished from the politics of war as pedantic1 and that no state has yet ventured to publicly advocate this point of view4 ,for ,hugo ,grotius1 ,puffendorf1 ,vattel and others--,job's comforters1 all of them--are always quoted in good faith to justify an attack1 although their codes1 whether couched in philosophical or diplomatic terms1 have not--nor can have--the slightest legal force1 because states1 as such1 are under no common external authority2 and there is no instance of a state having ever been moved by argument to desist from its purpose1 even when this was backed up by the testimony of such great men4 ,this homage which every state renders--in words at least--to the idea of right1 proves that1 although it may be slumbering1 there is1 notwithstanding1 to be found in man a still higher natural moral capacity by the aid of which he will in time gain the mastery over the evil principle in his nature1 the existence of which he is unable to deny4 ,and he hopes the same of others2 for otherwise the word 8right0 would never be uttered by states who wish to wage war1 unless to deride it like the ,gallic ,prince who declared3--8,the privilege which nature gives the strong is that the weak must obey them40#abh #abg 8,both sayings are very true3 that man to man is a kind of ,god2 and that man to man is an arrant wolf4 ,the first is true1 if we compare citizens amongst themselves2 and the second1 if we compare cities4 ,in the one1 there is some analogy of similitude with the ,deity2 to wit1 justice and charity1 the twin sisters of peace4 ,but in the other1 good men must defend themselves by taking to them for a sanctuary the two daughters of war1 deceit and violence3 that is1 in plain terms1 a mere brutal rapacity40 7,hobbes3 ,epistle ,dedicatory to the ,philosophical ,rudiments concerning ,government and ,society47 ,tr4 #abh 8,the strongest are still never sufficiently strong to ensure them the continual mastership1 unless they find means of transforming force into right1 and obedience into duty4 ,from the right of the strongest1 right takes an ironical appearance1 and is rarely established as a principle40 7,contrat ,social1 ,i4 ,ch4 ,,iii47 ,tr4 ,the method by which states prosecute their rights can never be by process of law--as it is where there is an external tribunal--but only by war4 ,through this means1 however1 and its favourable issue1 victory1 the question of right is never decided4 ,a treaty of peace makes1 it may be1 an end to the war of the moment1 but not to the conditions of war which at any time may afford a new pretext for opening hostilities2 and this we cannot exactly condemn as unjust1 because under these conditions everyone is his own judge4 ,notwithstanding1 not quite the same rule applies to states according to the law of nations as holds good of individuals in a lawless condition according to the law of nature1 namely1 8that they ought to advance out of this condition40 ,this is so1 because1 as states1 they have already within themselves a legal constitution1 and have therefore advanced beyond the stage at which others1 in accordance with their ideas of right1 can force them to come under a wider legal constitution4 ,meanwhile1 however1 reason1 from her throne of the supreme law-giving moral power1 absolutely condemns war#abi as a morally lawful proceeding1 and makes a state of peace1 on the other hand1 an immediate duty4 ,without a compact between the nations1 however1 this state of peace cannot be established or assured4 ,hence there must be an alliance of a particular kind which we may call a covenant of peace 7foedus pacificum71 which would differ from a treaty of peace 7pactum pacis7 in this respect1 that the latter merely puts an end to one war1 while the former would seek to put an end to war for ever4 ,this alliance does not aim at the gain of any power whatsoever of the state1 but merely at the preservation and security of the freedom of the state for itself and of other allied states at the same time4#acj ,the latter do not1 however1 require1 for this reason1 to submit themselves like individuals in the state of nature to public laws and coercion4 ,the practicability or objective reality of this idea of federation which is to extend gradually over all states and so lead to perpetual peace can be shewn4 ,for1 if ,fortune ordains that a powerful and enlightened people should form a republic1--which by its very nature is inclined to perpetual peace--this would serve as a centre of federal union for other states wishing to join1 and thus secure conditions of freedom among the states in accordance with the idea of the law of nations4 ,gradually1 through different unions of this kind1 the federation would extend further and further4 #abi 8,the natural state10 says ,hobbes1 7,on ,dominion1 ,ch4 ,,vii4 #ah7 8hath the same proportion to the civil1 7,i mean1 liberty to subjection71 which passion hath to reason1 or a beast to a man40 ,locke speaks thus of man1 when he puts himself into the state of war with another3--8having quitted reason1 which ,god hath given to be the rule betwixt man and man1 and the common bond whereby human kind is united into one fellowship and society2 and having renounced the way of peace which that teaches1 and made use of the force of war1 to compass his unjust ends upon another1 where he has no right2 and so revolting from his own kind to that of beasts1 by making force1 which is theirs1 to be his rule of right1 he renders himself liable to be destroyed by the injured person1 and the rest of mankind that will join with him in the execution of justice1 as any other wild beast1 or noxious brute1 with whom mankind can have neither society nor security40 7,civil ,government1 ,ch4 ,,xv4 #agb47 ,tr4 #acj ,cf4 ,rousseau3 ,gouvernement de ,pologne1 ,ch4 ,v4 ,federate government is 8the only one which unites in itself all the advantages of great and small states40 ,tr4 ,it is quite comprehensible that a people should say3--8,there shall be no war among us1 for we shall form ourselves into a state1 that is to say1 constitute for ourselves a supreme legislative1 administrative and judicial power which will settle our disputes peaceably40 ,but if this state says3--8,there shall be no war between me and other states1 although ,i recognise no supreme law-giving power which will secure me my rights and whose rights ,i will guarantee20 then it is not at all clear upon what grounds ,i could base my confidence in my right1 unless it were the substitute for that compact on which civil society is based--namely1 free federation which reason must necessarily connect with the idea of the law of nations1 if indeed any meaning is to be left in that concept at all4 ,there is no intelligible meaning in the idea of the law of nations as giving a right to make war2 for that must be a right to decide what is just1 not in accordance with universal1 external laws limiting the freedom of each individual1 but by means of one-sided maxims applied by force4 ,we must then understand by this that men of such ways of thinking are quite justly served1 when they destroy one another1 and thus find perpetual peace in the wide grave which covers all the abominations of acts of violence as well as the authors of such deeds4 ,for states1 in their relation to one another1 there can be1 according to reason1 no other way of advancing from that lawless condition which unceasing war implies1 than by giving up their savage lawless freedom1 just as individual men have done1 and yielding to the coercion of public laws4 ,thus they can form a ,state of nations 7civitas gentium71 one1 too1 which will be ever increasing and would finally embrace all the peoples of the earth4 ,states1 however1 in accordance with their understanding of the law of nations1 by no means desire this1 and therefore reject in hypothesi what is correct in thesi4 ,hence1 instead of the positive idea of a world-republic1 if all is not to be lost1 only the negative substitute for it1 a federation averting war1 maintaining its ground and ever extending over the world may stop the current of this tendency to war and shrinking from the control of law4 ,but even then there will be a constant danger that this propensity may break out4#aca 8,furor impius intus--fremit horridus ore cruento40 7,virgil47#acb #aca ,on the conclusion of peace at the end of a war1 it might not be unseemly for a nation to appoint a day of humiliation1 after the festival of thanksgiving1 on which to invoke the mercy of ,heaven for the terrible sin which the human race are guilty of1 in their continued unwillingness to submit 7in their relations with other states7 to a law-governed constitution1 preferring rather in the pride of their independence to use the barbarous method of war1 which after all does not really settle what is wanted1 namely1 the right of each state in a quarrel4 ,the feasts of thanksgiving during a war for a victorious battle1 the hymns which are sung--to use the ,jewish expression--8to the ,lord of ,hosts0 are not in less strong contrast to the ethical idea of a father of mankind2 for1 apart from the indifference these customs show to the way in which nations seek to establish their rights--sad enough as it is--these rejoicings bring in an element of exultation that a great number of lives1 or at least the happiness of many1 has been destroyed4 #acb ,cf4 ,aeneidos1 ,i4 #bid seq4 8,furor impius intus1 ,saeva sedens super arma1 et centum vinctus anis ,post tergum nodis1 fremet horridus ore cruento40 ,tr4 ,,third ,,definitive ,,article ,,of ,,perpetual ,,peace ,,iii4--8,the rights of men1 as citizens of the world1 shall be limited to the conditions of universal hospitality40 ,we are speaking here1 as in the previous articles1 not of philanthropy1 but of right2 and in this sphere hospitality signifies the claim of a stranger entering foreign territory to be treated by its owner without hostility4 ,the latter may send him away again1 if this can be done without causing his death2 but1 so long as he conducts himself peaceably1 he must not be treated as an enemy4 ,it is not a right to be treated as a guest to which the stranger can lay claim--a special friendly compact on his behalf would be required to make him for a given time an actual inmate--but he has a right of visitation4 ,this right#acc to present themselves to society belongs to all mankind in virtue of our common right of possession on the surface of the earth on which1 as it is a globe1 we cannot be infinitely scattered1 and must in the end reconcile ourselves to existence side by side3 at the same time1 originally no one individual had more right than another to live in any one particular spot4 ,uninhabitable portions of the surface1 ocean and desert1 split up the human community1 but in such a way that ships and camels--8the ship of the desert0--make it possible for men to come into touch with one another across these unappropriated regions and to take advantage of our common claim to the face of the earth with a view to a possible intercommunication4 ,the inhospitality of the inhabitants of certain sea coasts--as1 for example1 the coast of ,barbary--in plundering ships in neighbouring seas or making slaves of shipwrecked mariners2 or the behaviour of the ,arab ,bedouins in the deserts1 who think that proximity to nomadic tribes constitutes a right to rob1 is thus contrary to the law of nature4 ,this right to hospitality1 however--that is to say1 the privilege of strangers arriving on foreign soil--does not amount to more than what is implied in a permission to make an attempt at intercourse with the original inhabitants4 ,in this way far distant territories may enter into peaceful relations with one another4 ,these relations may at last come under the public control of law1 and thus the human race may be brought nearer the realisation of a cosmopolitan constitution4 #acc ,cf4 ,vattel 7op4 cit41 ,,ii4 ch4 ,,ix4 #abc73--8,the right of passage is also a remnant of the primitive state of communion1 in which the entire earth was common to all mankind1 and the passage was everywhere free to each individual according to his necessities4 ,nobody can be entirely deprived of this right40 ,see also above1 p4 #fe1 note4 ,tr4 ,let us look now1 for the sake of comparison1 at the inhospitable behaviour of the civilised nations1 especially the commercial states of our continent4 ,the injustice which they exhibit on visiting foreign lands and races--this being equivalent in their eyes to conquest--is such as to fill us with horror4 ,america1 the negro countries1 the ,spice ,islands1 the ,cape etc4 were1 on being discovered1 looked upon as countries which belonged to nobody2 for the native inhabitants were reckoned as nothing4 ,in ,hindustan1 under the pretext of intending to establish merely commercial depots1 the ,europeans introduced foreign troops2 and1 as a result1 the different states of ,hindustan were stirred up to far-spreading wars4 ,oppression of the natives followed1 famine1 insurrection1 perfidy and all the rest of the litany of evils which can afflict mankind4 ,china#acd and ,japan 7,nipon7 which had made an attempt at receiving guests of this kind1 have now taken a prudent step4 ,only to a single ,european people1 the ,dutch1 has ,china given the right of access to her shores 7but not of entrance into the country71 while ,japan has granted both these concessions2 but at the same time they exclude the ,dutch who enter1 as if they were prisoners1 from social intercourse with the inhabitants4 ,the worst1 or from the standpoint of ethical judgment the best1 of all this is that no satisfaction is derived from all this violence1 that all these trading companies stand on the verge of ruin1 that the ,sugar ,islands1 that seat of the most horrible and deliberate slavery1 yield no real profit1 but only have their use indirectly and for no very praiseworthy object--namely1 that of furnishing men to be trained as sailors for the men-of-war and thereby contributing to the carrying on of war in ,europe4 ,and this has been done by nations who make a great ado about their piety1 and who1 while they are quite ready to commit injustice1 would like1 in their orthodoxy1 to be considered among the elect4 #acd ,in order to call this great empire by the name which it gives itself--namely1 ,china1 not ,sina or a word of similar sound--we have only to look at ,georgii3 ,alphab4 ,tibet41 pp4 #fea-fed1 particularly note b41 below4 ,according to the observation of ,professor ,fischer of ,st4 ,petersburg1 there is really no particular name which it always goes by3 the most usual is the word ,kin1 i4e4 gold1 which the inhabitants of ,tibet call ,ser4 ,hence the emperor is called the king of gold1 i4e4 the king of the most splendid country in the world4 ,this word ,kin may probably be ,chin in the empire itself1 but be pronounced ,kin by the ,italian missionaries on account of the gutturals4 ,thus we see that the country of the ,seres1 so often mentioned by the ,romans1 was ,china3 the silk1 however1 was despatched to ,europe across ,greater ,tibet1 probably through ,smaller ,tibet and ,bucharia1 through ,persia and then on4 ,this leads to many reflections as to the antiquity of this wonderful state1 as compared with ,hindustan1 at the time of its union with ,tibet and thence with ,japan4 ,on the other hand1 the name ,sina or ,tschina which is said to be given to this land by neighbouring peoples leads to nothing4 ,perhaps we can explain the ancient intercourse of ,europe with ,tibet--a fact at no time widely known--by looking at what ,hesychius has preserved on the matter4 ,i refer to the shout1 7,konx ,ompax71 the cry of the ,hierophants in the ,eleusinian mysteries 7cf4 ,travels of ,anacharsis the ,younger1 ,part ,v41 p4 #ddg1 seq474 ,for1 according to ,georgii ,alph4 ,tibet41 the word ,concioa which bears a striking resemblance to ,konx means ,god4 ,pak-cio 7ib4 p4 #ebj7 which might easily be pronounced by the ,greeks like pax means promulgator legis1 the divine principle permeating nature 7called also1 on p4 #agg1 ,cencresi74 ,om1 however1 which ,la ,croze translates by benedictus1 i4e4 blessed1 can when applied to the ,deity mean nothing but beatified 7p4 #ejg74 ,now ,p4 ,franc4 ,horatius1 when he asked the ,lhamas of ,tibet1 as he often did1 what they understood by ,god 7,concioa7 always got the answer3--8it is the assembly of all the saints10 i4e4 the assembly of those blessed ones who have been born again according to the faith of the ,lama and1 after many wanderings in changing forms1 have at last returned to ,god1 to ,burchane3 that is to say1 they are beings to be worshipped1 souls which have undergone transmigration 7p4 #bbc74 ,so the mysterious expression ,konx ,ompax ought probably to mean the holy 7,konx71 blessed1 7,om7 and wise 7,pax7 supreme ,being pervading the universe1 the personification of nature4 ,its use in the ,greek mysteries probably signified monotheism for the ,epoptes1 in distinction from the polytheism of the people1 although elsewhere ,p4 ,horatius scented atheism here4 ,how that mysterious word came by way of ,tibet to the ,greeks may be explained as above2 and1 on the other hand1 in this way is made probable an early intercourse of ,europe with ,china across ,tibet1 earlier perhaps than the communication with ,hindustan4 7,there is some difference of opinion as to the meaning of the words --according to ,liddell and ,scott1 a corruption of 1 4 ,kant's inferences here seem to be more than far-fetched4 ,lobeck1 in his ,aglaophamus 7p4 #gge71 gives a quite different interpretation which has1 he says1 been approved by scholars4 ,and ,whately 7,historic ,doubts relative to ,napoleon ,bonaparte1 #crd4 ed41 ,postscript7 uses ,konx ,ompax as a pseudonym4 ,tr47 ,the intercourse1 more or less close1 which has been everywhere steadily increasing between the nations of the earth1 has now extended so enormously that a violation of right in one part of the world is felt all over it4 ,hence the idea of a cosmopolitan right is no fantastical1 high-flown notion of right1 but a complement of the unwritten code of law--constitutional as well as international law--necessary for the public rights of mankind in general and thus for the realisation of perpetual peace4 ,for only by endeavouring to fulfil the conditions laid down by this cosmopolitan law can we flatter ourselves that we are gradually approaching that ideal4 ,,first ,,supplement ,,concerning ,,the ,,guarantee ,,of ,,perpetual ,,peace ,this guarantee is given by no less a power than the great artist nature 7natura ddala rerum7 in whose mechanical course is clearly exhibited a predetermined design to make harmony spring from human discord1 even against the will of man4 ,now this design1 although called ,fate when looked upon as the compelling force of a cause1 the laws of whose operation are unknown to us1 is1 when considered as the purpose manifested in the course of nature1 called ,providence1#ace as the deep-lying wisdom of a ,higher ,cause1 directing itself towards the ultimate practical end of the human race and predetermining the course of things with a view to its realisation4 ,this ,providence we do not1 it is true1 perceive in the cunning contrivances ,kunstanstalten of nature2 nor can we even conclude from the fact of their existence that it is there2 but1 as in every relation between the form of things and their final cause1 we can1 and must1 supply the thought of a ,higher ,wisdom1 in order that we may be able to form an idea of the possible existence of these products after the analogy of human works of art ,kunsthandlungen4#acf ,the representation to ourselves of the relation and agreement of these formations of nature to the moral purpose for which they were made and which reason directly prescribes to us1 is an ,idea1 it is true1 which is in theory superfluous2 but in practice it is dogmatic1 and its objective reality is well established4#acg ,thus we see1 for example1 with regard to the ideal ,pflichtbegriff of perpetual peace1 that it is our duty to make use of the mechanism of nature for the realisation of that end4 ,moreover1 in a case like this where we are interested merely in the theory and not in the religious question1 the use of the word 8nature0 is more appropriate than that of 8providence01 in view of the limitations of human reason1 which1 in considering the relation of effects to their causes1 must keep within the limits of possible experience4 ,and the term 8nature0 is also less presumptuous than the other4 ,to speak of a ,providence knowable by us would be boldly to put on the wings of ,icarus in order to draw near to the mystery of its unfathomable purpose4 #ace ,in the mechanical system of nature to which man belongs as a sentient being1 there appears1 as the underlying ground of its existence1 a certain form which we cannot make intelligible to ourselves except by thinking into the physical world the idea of an end preconceived by the ,author of the universe3 this predetermination of nature on the part of ,god we generally call ,divine ,providence4 ,in so far as this providence appears in the origin of the universe1 we speak of ,providence as founder of the world 7providentia conditrix2 semel jussit1 semper parent4 ,augustine74 ,as it maintains the course of nature1 however1 according to universal laws of adaptation to preconceived ends1 i4e4 teleological laws we call it a ruling providence 7providentia gubernatrix74 ,further1 we name it the guiding providence 7providentia directrix71 as it appears in the world for special ends1 which we could not foresee1 but suspect only from the result4 ,finally1 regarding particular events as divine purposes1 we speak no longer of providence1 but of dispensation 7directio extraordinaria74 ,as this term1 however1 really suggests the idea of miracles1 although the events are not spoken of by this name1 the desire to fathom dispensation1 as such1 is a foolish presumption in men4 ,for1 from one single occurrence1 to jump at the conclusion that there is a particular principle of efficient causes and that this event is an end and not merely the natural naturmechanische sequence of a design quite unknown to us is absurd and presumptuous1 in however pious and humble a spirit we may speak of it4 ,in the same way to distinguish between a universal and a particular providence when regarding it materialiter1 in its relation to actual objects in the world 7to say1 for instance1 that there may be1 indeed1 a providence for the preservation of the different species of creation1 but that individuals are left to chance7 is false and contradictory4 ,for providence is called universal for the very reason that no single thing may be thought of as shut out from its care4 ,probably the distinction of two kinds of providence1 formaliter or subjectively considered1 had reference to the manner in which its purposes are fulfilled4 ,so that we have ordinary providence 7e4g4 the yearly decay and awakening to new life in nature with change of season7 and what we may call unusual or special providence 7e4g4 the bringing of timber by ocean currents to ,arctic shores where it does not grow1 and where without this aid the inhabitants could not live74 ,here1 although we can quite well explain the physico-mechanical cause of these phenomena--in this case1 for example1 the banks of the rivers in temperate countries are over-grown with trees1 some of which fall into the water and are carried along1 probably by the ,gulf ,stream--we must not overlook the teleological cause which points to the providential care of a ruling wisdom above nature4 ,but the concept1 commonly used in the schools of philosophy1 of a co-operation on the part of the ,deity or a concurrence 7concursus7 in the operations going on in the world of sense1 must be dropped4 ,for it is1 firstly1 self-contradictory to couple the like and the unlike together 7gryphes jungere equis7 and to let ,him who is ,himself the entire cause of the changes in the universe make good any shortcomings in ,his own predetermining providence 7which to require this must be defective7 during the course of the world2 for example1 to say that the physician has restored the sick with the help of ,god--that is to say that ,he has been present as a support4 ,for causa solitaria non juvat4 ,god created the physician as well as his means of healing2 and we must ascribe the result wholly to ,him1 if we will go back to the supreme ,first ,cause which1 theoretically1 is beyond our comprehension4 ,or we can ascribe the result entirely to the physician1 in so far as we follow up this event1 as explicable in the chain of physical causes1 according to the order of nature4 ,secondly1 moreover1 such a way of looking at this question destroys all the fixed principles by which we judge an effect4 ,but1 from the ethico-practical point of view which looks entirely to the transcendental side of things1 the idea of a divine concurrence is quite proper and even necessary3 for example1 in the faith that ,god will make good the imperfection of our human justice1 if only our feelings and intentions are sincere2 and that ,he will do this by means beyond our comprehension1 and therefore we should not slacken our efforts after what is good4 ,whence it follows1 as a matter of course1 that no one must attempt to explain a good action as a mere event in time by this concursus2 for that would be to pretend a theoretical knowledge of the supersensible and hence be absurd4 #acf ,id est1 which we cannot dissever from the idea of a creative skill capable of producing them4 ,tr4 #acg ,see preface1 p4 ix4 above4 ,before we determine the surety given by nature more exactly1 we must first look at what ultimately makes this guarantee of peace necessary--the circumstances in which nature has carefully placed the actors in her great theatre4 ,in the next place1 we shall proceed to consider the manner in which she gives this surety4 ,the provisions she has made are as follow3 7#a7 she has taken care that men can live in all parts of the world2 7#b7 she has scattered them by means of war in all directions1 even into the most inhospitable regions1 so that these too might be populated2 7#c7 by this very means she has forced them to enter into relations more or less controlled by law4 ,it is surely wonderful that1 on the cold wastes round the ,arctic ,ocean1 there is always to be found moss for the reindeer to scrape out from under the snow1 the reindeer itself either serving as food or to draw the sledge of the ,ostiak or ,samoyedes4 ,and salt deserts which would otherwise be left unutilised have the camel1 which seems as if created for travelling in such lands4 ,this evidence of design in things1 however1 is still more clear when we come to know that1 besides the fur-clad animals of the shores of the ,arctic ,ocean1 there are seals1 walruses and whales whose flesh furnishes food and whose oil fire for the dwellers in these regions4 ,but the providential care of nature excites our wonder above all1 when we hear of the driftwood which is carried--whence no one knows--to these treeless shores3 for without the aid of this material the natives could neither construct their craft1 nor weapons1 nor huts for shelter4 ,here too they have so much to do1 making war against wild animals1 that they live at peace with one another4 ,but what drove them originally into these regions was probably nothing but war4 ,of animals1 used by us as instruments of war1 the horse was the first which man learned to tame and domesticate during the period of the peopling of the earth2 the elephant belongs to the later period of the luxury of states already established4 ,in the same way1 the art of cultivating certain grasses called cereals--no longer known to us in their original form--and also the multiplication and improvement1 by transplanting and grafting1 of the original kinds of fruit--in ,europe1 probably only two species1 the crab-apple and wild pear--could only originate under the conditions accompanying established states where the rights of property are assured4 ,that is to say it would be after man1 hitherto existing in lawless liberty1 had advanced beyond the occupations of a hunter1#ach a fisherman or a shepherd to the life of a tiller of the soil1 when salt and iron were discovered1--to become1 perhaps1 the first articles of commerce between different peoples1--and were sought far and near4 ,in this way the peoples would be at first brought into peaceful relation with one another1 and so come to an understanding and the enjoyment of friendly intercourse1 even with their most distant neighbours4 #ach ,of all modes of livelihood the life of the hunter is undoubtedly most incompatible with a civilised condition of society4 ,because1 to live by hunting1 families must isolate themselves from their neighbours1 soon becoming estranged and spread over widely scattered forests1 to be before long on terms of hostility1 since each requires a great deal of space to obtain food and raiment4 ,god's command to ,noah not to shed blood 7,i4 ,genesis1 ,,ix4 #d-f7 #d4 8,but flesh with the life thereof1 which is the blood thereof1 shall ye not eat4 #e4 ,and surely your blood of your lives will ,i require2 at the hand of every beast will ,i require it1 and at the hand of man2 at the hand of every man's brother will ,i require the life of man4 #f4 ,whoso sheddeth man's blood1 by man shall his blood be shed3 for in the image of ,god made he man40 is frequently quoted1 and was afterwards--in another connection it is true--made by the baptised ,jews a condition to which ,christians1 newly converted from heathendom1 had to conform4 ,cf4 ,acts ,,xv4 #bj2 ,,xxi4 #be4 ,this command seems originally to have been nothing else than a prohibition of the life of the hunter2 for here the possibility of eating raw flesh must often occur1 and1 in forbidding the one custom1 we condemn the other4 ,now while nature provided that men could live on all parts of the earth1 she also at the same time despotically willed that they should live everywhere on it1 although against their own inclination and even although this imperative did not presuppose an idea of duty which would compel obedience to nature with the force of a moral law4 ,but1 to attain this end1 she has chosen war4 ,so we see certain peoples1 widely separated1 whose common descent is made evident by affinity in their languages4 ,thus1 for instance1 we find the ,samoyedes on the ,arctic ,ocean1 and again a people speaking a similar language on the ,altai ,mts41 #bjj miles ,meilen#aci off1 between whom has pressed in a mounted tribe1 warlike in character and of ,mongolian origin1 which has driven one branch of the race far from the other1 into the most inhospitable regions where their own inclination would certainly not have carried them4#adj ,in the same way1 through the intrusion of the ,gothic and ,sarmatian tribes1 the ,finns in the most northerly regions of ,europe1 whom we call ,laplanders1 have been separated by as great a distance from the ,hungarians1 with whose language their own is allied4 ,and what but war can have brought the ,esquimos to the north of ,america1 a race quite distinct from those of that country and probably ,european adventurers of prehistoric times8 ,and war too1 nature's method of populating the earth1 must have driven the ,pescherais#ada in ,south ,america as far as ,patagonia4 ,war itself1 however1 is in need of no special stimulating cause1 but seems engrafted in human nature1 and is even regarded as something noble in itself to which man is inspired by the love of glory apart from motives of self-interest4 ,hence1 among the savages of ,america as well as those of ,europe in the age of chivalry1 martial courage is looked upon as of great value itself1 not merely when a war is going on1 as is reasonable enough1 but in order that there should be war3 and thus war is often entered upon merely to exhibit this quality4 ,so that an intrinsic dignity is held to attach to war in itself1 and even philosophers eulogise it as an ennobling1 refining influence on humanity1 unmindful of the ,greek proverb1 8,war is evil1 in so far as it makes more bad people than it takes away40 #aci ,about #ajjj ,english miles4 #adj ,the question might be put3--8,if it is nature's will that these ,arctic shores should not remain unpopulated1 what will become of their inhabitants1 if1 as is to be expected1 at some time or other no more driftwood should be brought to them8 ,for we may believe that1 with the advance of civilisation1 the inhabitants of temperate zones will utilise better the wood which grows on the banks of their rivers1 and not let it fall into the stream and so be swept away40 ,i answer3 the inhabitants of the shores of the ,river ,obi1 the ,yenisei1 the ,lena will supply them with it through trade1 and take in exchange the animal produce in which the seas of ,arctic shores are so rich--that is1 if nature has first of all brought about peace among them4 #ada ,cf4 ,enc4 ,brit4 7#ith ed471 art4 8,indians01 in which there is an allusion to 8,fuegians1 the ,pescherais0 of some writers4 ,tr4 ,so much1 then1 of what nature does for her own ends with regard to the human race as members of the animal world4 ,now comes the question which touches the essential points in this design of a perpetual peace3--8,what does nature do in this respect with reference to the end which man's own reason sets before him as a duty8 and consequently what does she do to further the realisation of his moral purpose8 ,how does she guarantee that what man1 by the laws of freedom1 ought to do and yet fails to do1 he will do1 without any infringement of his freedom by the compulsion of nature and that1 moreover1 this shall be done in accordance with the three forms of public right--constitutional or political law1 international law and cosmopolitan law80 ,when ,i say of nature that she wills that this or that should take place1 ,i do not mean that she imposes upon us the duty to do it--for only the free1 unrestrained1 practical reason can do that--but that she does it herself1 whether we will or not4 8,fata volentem ducunt1 nolentem trahunt40 #a4 ,even if a people were not compelled through internal discord to submit to the restraint of public laws1 war would bring this about1 working from without4 ,for1 according to the contrivance of nature which we have mentioned1 every people finds another tribe in its neighbourhood1 pressing upon it in such a manner that it is compelled to form itself internally into a state to be able to defend itself as a power should4 ,now the republican constitution is the only one which is perfectly adapted to the rights of man1 but it is also the most difficult to establish and still more to maintain4 ,so generally is this recognised that people often say the members of a republican state would require to be angels1#adb because men1 with their self-seeking propensities1 are not fit for a constitution of so sublime a form4 ,but now nature comes to the aid of the universal1 reason-derived will which1 much as we honour it1 is in practice powerless4 ,and this she does1 by means of these very self-seeking propensities1 so that it only depends--and so much lies within the power of man--on a good organisation of the state for their forces to be so pitted against one another1 that the one may check the destructive activity of the other or neutralise its effect4 ,and hence1 from the standpoint of reason1 the result will be the same as if both forces did not exist1 and each individual is compelled to be1 if not a morally good man1 yet at least a good citizen4 ,the problem of the formation of the state1 hard as it may sound1 is not insoluble1 even for a race of devils1 granted that they have intelligence4 ,it may be put thus3--8,given a multitude of rational beings who1 in a body1 require general laws for their own preservation1 but each of whom1 as an individual1 is secretly inclined to exempt himself from this restraint3 how are we to order their affairs and how establish for them a constitution such that1 although their private dispositions may be really antagonistic1 they may yet so act as a check upon one another1 that1 in their public relations1 the effect is the same as if they had no such evil sentiments40 ,such a problem must be capable of solution4 ,for it deals1 not with the moral reformation of mankind1 but only with the mechanism of nature2 and the problem is to learn how this mechanism of nature can be applied to men1 in order so to regulate the antagonism of conflicting interests in a people that they may even compel one another to submit to compulsory laws and thus necessarily bring about the state of peace in which laws have force4 ,we can see1 in states actually existing1 although very imperfectly organised1 that1 in externals1 they already approximate very nearly to what the ,idea of right prescribes1 although the principle of morality is certainly not the cause4 ,a good political constitution1 however1 is not to be expected as a result of progress in morality2 but rather1 conversely1 the good moral condition of a nation is to be looked for1 as one of the first fruits of such a constitution4 ,hence the mechanism of nature1 working through the self-seeking propensities of man 7which of course counteract one another in their external effects71 may be used by reason as a means of making way for the realisation of her own purpose1 the empire of right1 and1 as far as is in the power of the state1 to promote and secure in this way internal as well as external peace4 ,we may say1 then1 that it is the irresistible will of nature that right shall at last get the supremacy4 ,what one here fails to do will be accomplished in the long run1 although perhaps with much inconvenience to us4 ,as ,bouterwek says1 8,if you bend the reed too much it breaks3 he who would do too much does nothing40 #adb ,rousseau uses these terms in speaking of democracy4 7,cont4 ,soc41 ,,iii4 ,ch4 #d47 8,if there were a nation of ,gods1 they might be governed by a democracy3 but so perfect a government will not agree with men40 ,but he writes elsewhere of republican governments 7op4 cit41 ,,ii4 ,ch4 #f73--8;,all lawful governments are republican40 ,and in a footnote to this passage3--8,i do not by the word #8republic' mean an aristocracy or democracy only1 but in general all governments directed by the public will which is the law4 ,if a government is to be lawful1 it must not be confused with the sovereign power1 but be considered as the administrator of that power3 and then monarchy itself is a republic40 ,this language has a close affinity with that used by ,kant4 7,cf4 above1 p4 #abf47 ,tr4 #b4 ,the idea of international law presupposes the separate existence of a number of neighbouring and independent states2 and1 although such a condition of things is in itself already a state of war1 7if a federative union of these nations does not prevent the outbreak of hostilities7 yet1 according to the ,idea of reason1 this is better than that all the states should be merged into one under a power which has gained the ascendency over its neighbours and gradually become a universal monarchy4#adc ,for the wider the sphere of their jurisdiction1 the more laws lose in force2 and soulless despotism1 when it has choked the seeds of good1 at last sinks into anarchy4 ,nevertheless it is the desire of every state1 or of its ruler1 to attain to a permanent condition of peace in this very way2 that is to say1 by subjecting the whole world as far as possible to its sway4 ,but nature wills it otherwise4 ,she employs two means to separate nations1 and prevent them from intermixing3 namely1 the differences of language and of religion4#add ,these differences bring with them a tendency to mutual hatred1 and furnish pretexts for waging war4 ,but1 none the less1 with the growth of culture and the gradual advance of men to greater unanimity of principle1 they lead to concord in a state of peace which1 unlike the despotism we have spoken of1 7the churchyard of freedom7 does not arise from the weakening of all forces1 but is brought into being and secured through the equilibrium of these forces in their most active rivalry4 #adc ,see above1 p4 #fi1 note1 esp4 reference to ,theory of ,ethics4 ,tr4 #add ,difference of religion6 ,a strange expression1 as if one were to speak of different kinds of morality4 ,there may indeed be different historical forms of belief1--that is to say1 the various means which have been used in the course of time to promote religion1--but they are mere subjects of learned investigation1 and do not really lie within the sphere of religion4 ,in the same way there are many religious works--the ,zendavesta1 ,veda1 ,koran etc4--but there is only one religion1 binding for all men and for all times4 ,these books are each no more than the accidental mouthpiece of religion1 and may be different according to differences in time and place4 #c4 ,as nature wisely separates nations which the will of each state1 sanctioned even by the principles of international law1 would gladly unite under its own sway by stratagem or force2 in the same way1 on the other hand1 she unites nations whom the principle of a cosmopolitan right would not have secured against violence and war4 ,and this union she brings about through an appeal to their mutual interests4 ,the commercial spirit cannot co-exist with war1 and sooner or later it takes possession of every nation4 ,for1 of all the forces which lie at the command of a state1 the power of money is probably the most reliable4 ,hence states find themselves compelled--not1 it is true1 exactly from motives of morality--to further the noble end of peace and to avert war1 by means of mediation1 wherever it threatens to break out1 just as if they had made a permanent league for this purpose4 ,for great alliances with a view to war can1 from the nature of things1 only very rarely occur1 and still more seldom succeed4 ,in this way nature guarantees the coming of perpetual peace1 through the natural course of human propensities3 not indeed with sufficient certainty to enable us to prophesy the future of this ideal theoretically1 but yet clearly enough for practical purposes4 ,and thus this guarantee of nature makes it a duty that we should labour for this end1 an end which is no mere chimera4 ,,second ,,supplement ,a ,,secret ,,article ,,for ,,perpetual ,,peace ,a secret article in negotiations concerning public right is1 when looked at objectively or with regard to the meaning of the term1 a contradiction4 ,when we view it1 however1 from the subjective standpoint1 with regard to the character and condition of the person who dictates it1 we see that it might quite well involve some private consideration1 so that he would regard it as hazardous to his dignity to acknowledge such an article as originating from him4 ,the only article of this kind is contained in the following proposition3--8,the opinions of philosophers1 with regard to the conditions of the possibility of a public peace1 shall be taken into consideration by states armed for war40 ,it seems1 however1 to be derogatory to the dignity of the legislative authority of a state--to which we must of course attribute all wisdom--to ask advice from subjects 7among whom stand philosophers7 about the rules of its behaviour to other states4 ,at the same time1 it is very advisable that this should be done4 ,hence the state will silently invite suggestion for this purpose1 while at the same time keeping the fact secret4 ,this amounts to saying that the state will allow philosophers to discuss freely and publicly the universal principles governing the conduct of war and establishment of peace2 for they will do this of their own accord1 if no prohibition is laid upon them4#ade ,the arrangement between states1 on this point1 does not require that a special agreement should be made1 merely for this purpose2 for it is already involved in the obligation imposed by the universal reason of man which gives the moral law4 ,we would not be understood to say that the state must give a preference to the principles of the philosopher1 rather than to the opinions of the jurist1 the representative of state authority2 but only that he should be heard4 ,the latter1 who has chosen for a symbol the scales of right and the sword of justice1#adf generally uses that sword not merely to keep off all outside influences from the scales2 for1 when one pan of the balance will not go down1 he throws his sword into it2 and then ,v victis6 ,the jurist1 not being a moral philosopher1 is under the greatest temptation to do this1 because it is his business only to apply existing laws and not to investigate whether these are not themselves in need of improvement2 and this actually lower function of his profession he looks upon as the nobler1 because it is linked to power 7as is the case also in both the other faculties1 theology and medicine74 ,philosophy occupies a very low position compared with this combined power4 ,so that it is said1 for example1 that she is the handmaid of theology2 and the same has been said of her position with regard to law and medicine4 ,it is not quite clear1 however1 8whether she bears the torch before these gracious ladies1 or carries the train40 #ade ,montesquieu speaks thus in praise of the ,english state3--8,as the enjoyment of liberty1 and even its support and preservation1 consists in every man's being allowed to speak his thoughts and to lay open his sentiments1 a citizen in this state will say or write whatever the laws do not expressly forbid to be said or written40 7,esprit des ,lois1 ,,xix4 ,ch4 #bg47 ,hobbes is opposed to all free discussion of political questions and to freedom as a source of danger to the state4 ,tr4 #adf ,kant is thinking here not of the sword of justice1 in the moral sense1 but of a sword which is symbolical of the executive power of the actual law4 ,tr4 ,that kings should philosophise1 or philosophers become kings1 is not to be expected4 ,but neither is it to be desired2 for the possession of power is inevitably fatal to the free exercise of reason4 ,but it is absolutely indispensable1 for their enlightenment as to the full significance of their vocations1 that both kings and sovereign nations1 which rule themselves in accordance with laws of equality1 should not allow the class of philosophers to disappear1 nor forbid the expression of their opinions1 but should allow them to speak openly4 ,and since this class of men1 by their very nature1 are incapable of instigating rebellion or forming unions for purposes of political agitation1 they should not be suspected of propagandism4 ,,appendix ,i ,,on ,,the ,,disagreement ,,between ,,morals ,,and ,,politics ,,with ,,reference ,,to ,,perpetual ,,peace ,in an objective sense1 morals is a practical science1 as the sum of laws exacting unconditional obedience1 in accordance with which we ought to act4 ,now1 once we have admitted the authority of this idea of duty1 it is evidently inconsistent that we should think of saying that we cannot act thus4 ,for1 in this case1 the idea of duty falls to the ground of itself2 8ultra posse nemo obligatur40 ,hence there can be no quarrel between politics1 as the practical science of right1 and morals1 which is also a science of right1 but theoretical4 ,that is1 theory cannot come into conflict with practice4 ,for1 in that case1 we would need to understand under the term 8ethics0 or 8morals0 a universal doctrine of expediency1 or1 in other words1 a theory of precepts which may guide us in choosing the best means for attaining ends calculated for our advantage4 ,this is to deny that a science of morals exists4 ,politics says1 8,be wise as serpents02 morals adds the limiting condition1 8and guileless as doves40 ,if these precepts cannot stand together in one command1 then there is a real quarrel between politics and morals4#adg ,but if they can be completely brought into accord1 then the idea of any antagonism between them is absurd1 and the question of how best to make a compromise between the two points of view ceases to be even raised4 ,although the saying1 8,honesty is the best policy10 expresses a theory which1 alas1 is often contradicted in practice1 yet the likewise theoretical maxim1 8,honesty is better than any policy10 is exalted high above every possible objection1 is indeed the necessary condition of all politics4 #adg ,cf4 ,aristotle3 ,politics1 7,welldon's trans47 ,,iv4 ,ch4 ,,xiv4 8,the same principles of morality are best both for individuals and ,states40 ,among the ancients the connection between politics and morals was never questioned1 although there were differences of opinion as to which science stood first in importance4 ,thus1 while ,plato put politics second to morals1 ,aristotle regarded politics as the chief science and ethics as a part of politics4 ,this connection between the sciences was denied by ,machiavelli1 who lays down the dictum that1 in the relations of sovereigns and states1 the ordinary rules of morality do not apply4 ,see ,the ,prince1 ,ch4 ,,xviii4 8,a ,prince10 he says1 8and most of all a new ,prince1 cannot observe all those rules of conduct in respect of which men are accounted good1 being frequently obliged1 in order to preserve his ,princedom1 to act in opposition to good faith1 charity1 humanity1 and religion4 ,he must therefore keep his mind ready to shift as the winds and tides of ,fortune turn1 and1 as ,i have already said1 he ought not to quit good courses if he can help it1 but should know how to follow evil courses if he must40 ,hume thought that laxer principles might be allowed to govern states than private persons1 because intercourse between them was not so 8necessary and advantageous0 as between individuals4 8,there is a system of morals10 he says1 8calculated for princes1 much more free than that which ought to govern private persons10 7,treatise1 ,,iii41 ,part ,,ii41 ,sect4 ,,ix47 ,tr4 ,the ,terminus of morals does not yield to ,jupiter1 the ,terminus of force2 for the latter remains beneath the sway of ,fate4 ,in other words1 reason is not sufficiently enlightened to survey the series of predetermining causes which would make it possible for us to predict with certainty the good or bad results of human action1 as they follow from the mechanical laws of nature2 although we may hope that things will turn out as we should desire4 ,but what we have to do1 in order to remain in the path of duty guided by the rules of wisdom1 reason makes everywhere perfectly clear1 and does this for the purpose of furthering her ultimate ends4 ,the practical man1 however1 for whom morals is mere theory1 even while admitting that what ought to be can be1 bases his dreary verdict against our well-meant hopes really on this3 he pretends that he can foresee from his observation of human nature1 that men will never be willing to do what is required in order to bring about the wished-for results leading to perpetual peace4 ,it is true that the will of all individual men to live under a legal constitution according to the principles of liberty--that is to say1 the distributive unity of the wills of all--is not sufficient to attain this end4 ,we must have the collective unity of their united will3 all as a body must determine these new conditions4 ,the solution of this difficult problem is required in order that civil society should be a whole4 ,to all this diversity of individual wills there must come a uniting cause1 in order to produce a common will which no distributive will is able to give4 ,hence1 in the practical realisation of that idea1 no other beginning of a law-governed society can be counted upon than one that is brought about by force3 upon this force1 too1 public law afterwards rests4 ,this state of things certainly prepares us to meet considerable deviation in actual experience from the theoretical idea of perpetual peace1 since we cannot take into account the moral character and disposition of a law-giver in this connection1 or expect that1 after he has united a wild multitude into one people1 he will leave it to them to bring about a legal constitution by their common will4 ,it amounts to this4 ,any ruler who has once got the power in his hands will not let the people dictate laws for him4 ,a state which enjoys an independence of the control of external law will not submit to the judgment of the tribunals of other states1 when it has to consider how to obtain its rights against them4 ,and even a continent1 when it feels its superiority to another1 whether this be in its way or not1 will not fail to take advantage of an opportunity offered of strengthening its power by the spoliation or even conquest of this territory4 ,hence all theoretical schemes1 connected with constitutional1 international or cosmopolitan law1 crumble away into empty impracticable ideals4 ,while1 on the other hand1 a practical science1 based on the empirical principles of human nature1 which does not disdain to model its maxims on an observation of actual life1 can alone hope to find a sure foundation on which to build up a system of national policy4 ,now certainly1 if there is neither freedom nor a moral law founded upon it1 and every actual or possible event happens in the mere mechanical course of nature1 then politics1 as the art of making use of this physical necessity in things for the government of men1 is the whole of practical wisdom and the idea of right is an empty concept4 ,if1 on the other hand1 we find that this idea of right is necessarily to be conjoined with politics and even to be raised to the position of a limiting condition of that science1 then the possibility of reconciling them must be admitted4 ,i can thus imagine a moral politician1 that is to say1 one who understands the principles of statesmanship to be such as do not conflict with morals2 but ,i cannot conceive of a political moralist who fashions for himself such a system of ethics as may serve the interest of statesmen4 ,the moral politician will always act upon the following principle3--8,if certain defects which could not have been avoided are found in the political constitution or foreign relations of a state1 it is a duty for all1 especially for the rulers of the state1 to apply their whole energy to correcting them as soon as possible1 and to bringing the constitution and political relations on these points into conformity with the ,law of ,nature1 as it is held up as a model before us in the idea of reason2 and this they should do even at a sacrifice of their own interest40 ,now it is contrary to all politics--which is1 in this particular1 in agreement with morals--to dissever any of the links binding citizens together in the state or nations in cosmopolitan union1 before a better constitution is there to take the place of what has been thus destroyed4 ,and hence it would be absurd indeed to demand that every imperfection in political matters must be violently altered on the spot4 ,but1 at the same time1 it may be required of a ruler at least that he should earnestly keep the maxim in mind which points to the necessity of such a change2 so that he may go on constantly approaching the end to be realised1 namely1 the best possible constitution according to the laws of right4 ,even although it is still under despotic rule1 in accordance with its constitution as then existing1 a state may govern itself on republican lines1 until the people gradually become capable of being influenced by the mere idea of the authority of law1 just as if it had physical power4 ,and they become accordingly capable of self-legislation1 their faculty for which is founded on original right4 ,but if1 through the violence of revolution1 the product of a bad government1 a constitution more in accord with the spirit of law were attained even by unlawful means1 it should no longer be held justifiable to bring the people back to the old constitution1 although1 while the revolution was going on1 every one who took part in it by use of force or stratagem1 may have been justly punished as a rebel4 ,as regards the external relations of nations1 a state cannot be asked to give up its constitution1 even although that be a despotism 7which is1 at the same time1 the strongest constitution where foreign enemies are concerned71 so long as it runs the risk of being immediately swallowed up by other states4 ,hence1 when such a proposal is made1 the state whose constitution is in question must at least be allowed to defer acting upon it until a more convenient time4#adh #adh ,these are permissive laws of reason which allow us to leave a system of public law1 when it is tainted by injustice1 to remain just as it is1 until everything is entirely revolutionised through an internal development1 either spontaneous1 or fostered and matured by peaceful influences4 ,for any legal constitution whatsoever1 even although it conforms only slightly with the spirit of law is better than none at all--that is to say1 anarchy1 which is the fate of a precipitate reform4 ,hence1 as things now are1 the wise politician will look upon it as his duty to make reforms on the lines marked out by the ideal of public law4 ,he will not use revolutions1 when these have been brought about by natural causes1 to extenuate still greater oppression than caused them1 but will regard them as the voice of nature1 calling upon him to make such thorough reforms as will bring about the only lasting constitution1 a lawful constitution based on the principles of freedom4 ,it is always possible that moralists who rule despotically1 and are at a loss in practical matters1 will come into collision with the rules of political wisdom in many ways1 by adopting measures without sufficient deliberation which show themselves afterwards to have been overestimated4 ,when they thus offend against nature1 experience must gradually lead them into a better track4 ,but1 instead of this being the case1 politicians who are fond of moralising do all they can to make moral improvement impossible and to perpetuate violations of law1 by extenuating political principles which are antagonistic to the idea of right1 on the pretext that human nature is not capable of good1 in the sense of the ideal which reason prescribes4 ,these politicians1 instead of adopting an open1 straightforward way of doing things 7as they boast71 mix themselves up in intrigue4 ,they get at the authorities in power and say what will please them2 their sole bent is to sacrifice the nation1 or even1 if they can1 the whole world1 with the one end in view that their own private interest may be forwarded4 ,this is the manner of regular jurists 7,i mean the journeyman lawyer not the legislator71 when they aspire to politics4 ,for1 as it is not their business to reason too nicely over legislation1 but only to enforce the laws of the country1 every legal constitution in its existing form and1 when this is changed by the proper authorities1 the one which takes its place1 will always seem to them the best possible4 ,and the consequence is that everything is purely mechanical4 ,but this adroitness in suiting themselves to any circumstances may lead them to the delusion that they are also capable of giving an opinion about the principles of political constitutions in general1 in so far as they conform to ideas of right1 and are therefore not empirical1 but a priori4 ,and they may therefore brag about their knowledge of men1--which indeed one expects to find1 since they have to deal with so many--without really knowing the nature of man and what can be made of it1 to gain which knowledge a higher standpoint of anthropological observation than theirs is required4 ,filled with ideas of this kind1 if they trespass outside their own sphere on the boundaries of political and international law1 looked upon as ideals which reason holds before us1 they can do so only in the spirit of chicanery4 ,for they will follow their usual method of making everything conform mechanically to compulsory laws despotically made and enforced1 even here1 where the ideas of reason recognise the validity of a legal compulsory force1 only when it is in accordance with the principles of freedom through which a permanently valid constitution becomes first of all possible4 ,the would-be practical man1 leaving out of account this idea of reason1 thinks that he can solve this problem empirically by looking to the way in which those constitutions which have best survived the test of time were established1 even although the spirit of these may have been generally contrary to the idea of right4 ,the principles which he makes use of here1 although indeed he does not make them public1 amount pretty much to the following sophistical maxims4 #a4 ,fac et excusa4 ,seize the most favourable opportunity for arbitrary usurpation--either of the authority of the state over its own people or over a neighbouring people2 the justification of the act and extenuation of the use of force will come much more easily and gracefully1 when the deed is done1 than if one has to think out convincing reasons for taking this step and first hear through all the objections which can be made against it4 ,this is especially true in the first case mentioned1 where the supreme power in the state also controls the legislature which we must obey without any reasoning about it4 ,besides1 this show of audacity in a statesman even lends him a certain semblance of inward conviction of the justice of his action2 and once he has got so far the god of success 7bonus eventus7 is his best advocate4 #b4 ,si fecisti1 nega4 ,as for any crime you have committed1 such as has1 for instance1 brought your people to despair and thence to insurrection1 deny that it has happened owing to any fault of yours4 ,say rather that it is all caused by the insubordination of your subjects1 or1 in the case of your having usurped a neighbouring state1 that human nature is to blame2 for1 if a man is not ready to use force and steal a march upon his neighbour1 he may certainly count on the latter forestalling him and taking him prisoner4 #c4 ,divide et impera4 ,that is to say1 if there are certain privileged persons1 holding authority among the people1 who have merely chosen you for their sovereign as primus inter pares1 bring about a quarrel among them1 and make mischief between them and the people4 ,now back up the people with a dazzling promise of greater freedom2 everything will now depend unconditionally on your will4 ,or again1 if there is a difficulty with foreign states1 then to stir up dissension among them is a pretty sure means of subjecting first one and then the other to your sway1 under the pretext of aiding the weaker4 ,it is true that now-a-days no body is taken in by these political maxims1 for they are all familiar to everyone4 ,moreover1 there is no need of being ashamed of them1 as if their injustice were too patent4 ,for the great ,powers never feel shame before the judgment of the common herd1 but only before one another2 so that as far as this matter goes1 it is not the revelation of these guiding principles of policy that can make rulers ashamed1 but only the unsuccessful use of them4 ,for as to the morality of these maxims1 politicians are all agreed4 ,hence there is always left political prestige on which they can safely count2 and this means the glory of increasing their power by any means that offer4#adi #adi ,it is still sometimes denied that we find1 in members of a civilised community1 a certain depravity rooted in the nature of man2,c and it might1 indeed1 be alleged with some show of truth that not an innate corruptness in human nature1 but the barbarism of men1 the defect of a not yet sufficiently developed culture1 is the cause of the evident antipathy to law which their attitude indicates4 ,in the external relations of states1 however1 human wickedness shows itself incontestably1 without any attempt at concealment4 ,within the state1 it is covered over by the compelling authority of civil laws4 ,for1 working against the tendency every citizen has to commit acts of violence against his neighbour1 there is the much stronger force of the government which not only gives an appearance of morality to the whole state 7causae non causae71 but1 by checking the outbreak of lawless propensities1 actually aids the moral qualities of men considerably1 in their development of a direct respect for the law4 ,for every individual thinks that he himself would hold the idea of right sacred and follow faithfully what it prescribes1 if only he could expect that everyone else would do the same4 ,this guarantee is in part given to him by the government2 and a great advance is made by this step which is not deliberately moral1 towards the ideal of fidelity to the concept of duty for its own sake without thought of return4 ,as1 however1 every man's good opinion of himself presupposes an evil disposition in everyone else1 we have an expression of their mutual judgment of one another1 namely1 that when it comes to hard facts1 none of them are worth much2 but whence this judgment comes remains unexplained1 as we cannot lay the blame on the nature of man1 since he is a being in the possession of freedom4 ,the respect for the idea of right1 of which it is absolutely impossible for man to divest himself1 sanctions in the most solemn manner the theory of our power to conform to its dictates4 ,and hence every man sees himself obliged to act in accordance with what the idea of right prescribes1 whether his neighbours fulfil their obligation or not4 ,c ,this depravity of human nature is denied by ,rousseau1 who held that the mind of man was naturally inclined to virtue1 and that good civil and social institutions are all that is required4 7,discourse on the ,sciences and ,arts1 #agej47 ,kant here takes sides with ,hobbes against ,rousseau4 ,see ,kant's ,theory of ,ethics1 ,abbott's trans4 7#dth ed41 #ahhi71 p4 #cci seq4--esp4 p4 #cda and note4 ,cf4 also ,hooker's ,ecclesiastical ,polity1 ,i4 #aj3--8,laws politic1 ordained for external order and regiment amongst men1 are never framed as they should be1 unless presuming the will of man to be inwardly obstinate1 rebellious1 and averse from all obedience to the sacred laws of his nature2 in a word1 unless presuming man to be1 in regard of his depraved mind1 little better than a wild beast1 they do accordingly provide1 notwithstanding1 so to frame his outward actions1 that they be no hindrance unto the common good1 for which societies are instituted40 ,tr4 99 99 99 99 99 ,in all these twistings and turnings of an immoral doctrine of expediency which aims at substituting a state of peace for the warlike conditions in which men are placed by nature1 so much at least is clear2--that men cannot get away from the idea of right in their private any more than in their public relations2 and that they do not dare 7this is indeed most strikingly seen in the concept of an international law7 to base politics merely on the manipulations of expediency and therefore to refuse all obedience to the idea of a public right4 ,on the contrary1 they pay all fitting honour to the idea of right in itself1 even although they should1 at the same time1 devise a hundred subterfuges and excuses to avoid it in practice1 and should regard force1 backed up by cunning1 as having the authority which comes from being the source and unifying principle of all right4 ,it will be well to put an end to this sophistry1 if not to the injustice it extenuates1 and to bring the false advocates of the mighty of the earth to confess that it is not right but might in whose interest they speak1 and that it is the worship of might from which they take their cue1 as if in this matter they had a right to command4 ,in order to do this1 we must first expose the delusion by which they deceive themselves and others2 then discover the ultimate principle from which their plans for a perpetual peace proceed2 and thence show that all the evil which stands in the way of the realisation of that ideal springs from the fact that the political moralist begins where the moral politician rightly ends and that1 by subordinating principles to an end or putting the cart before the horse1 he defeats his intention of bringing politics into harmony with morals4 ,in order to make practical philosophy consistent with itself1 we must first decide the following question3--,in dealing with the problems of practical reason must we begin from its material principle--the end as the object of free choice--or from its formal principle which is based merely on freedom in its external relation8--from which comes the following law3--8,act so that thou canst will that thy maxim should be a universal law1 be the end of thy action what it will40#aej #aej ,with regard to the meaning of the moral law and its significance in the ,kantian system of ethics1 see ,abbott's translation of the ,theory of ,ethics 7#ahhi71 pp4 #ch1 #de1 #ed1 #ee1 #aai1 #bhb4 ,tr4 ,without doubt1 the latter determining principle of action must stand first2 for1 as a principle of right1 it carries unconditional necessity with it1 whereas the former is obligatory only if we assume the empirical conditions of the end set before us1--that is to say1 that it is an end capable of being practically realised4 ,and if this end--as1 for example1 the end of perpetual peace--should be also a duty1 this same duty must necessarily have been deduced from the formal principle governing the maxims which guide external action4 ,now the first principle is the principle of the political moralist2 the problems of constitutional1 international and cosmopolitan law are mere technical problems 7problema technicum74 ,the second or formal principle1 on the other hand1 as the principle of the moral politician who regards it as a moral problem 7problema morale71 differs widely from the other principle in its methods of bringing about perpetual peace1 which we desire not only as a material good1 but also as a state of things resulting from our recognition of the precepts of duty4#aea #aea ,see ,abbott's trans41 pp4 #cc1 #cd4 ,tr4 ,to solve the first problem--that1 namely1 of political expediency--much knowledge of nature is required1 that her mechanical laws may be employed for the end in view4 ,and yet the result of all knowledge of this kind is uncertain1 as far as perpetual peace is concerned4 ,this we find to be so1 whichever of the three departments of public law we take4 ,it is uncertain whether a people could be better kept in obedience and at the same time prosperity by severity or by baits held out to their vanity2 whether they would be better governed under the sovereignty of a single individual or by the authority of several acting together2 whether the combined authority might be better secured merely1 say1 by an official nobility or by the power of the people within the state2 and1 finally1 whether such conditions could be long maintained4 ,there are examples to the contrary in history in the case of all forms of government1 with the exception of the only true republican constitution1 the idea of which can occur only to a moral politician4 ,still more uncertain is a law of nations1 ostensibly established upon statutes devised by ministers2 for this amounts in fact to mere empty words1 and rests on treaties which1 in the very act of ratification1 contain a secret reservation of the right to violate them4 ,on the other hand1 the solution of the second problem--the problem of political wisdom--forces itself1 we may say1 upon us2 it is quite obvious to every one1 and puts all crooked dealings to shame2 it leads1 too1 straight to the desired end1 while at the same time1 discretion warns us not to drag in the conditions of perpetual peace by force1 but to take time and approach this ideal gradually as favourable circumstances permit4 ,this may be expressed in the following maxim3--8,seek ye first the kingdom of pure practical reason and its righteousness1 and the object of your endeavour1 the blessing of perpetual peace1 will be added unto you40 ,for the science of morals generally has this peculiarity1--and it has it also with regard to the moral principles of public law1 and therefore with regard to a science of politics knowable a priori1--that the less it makes a man's conduct depend on the end he has set before him1 his purposed material or moral gain1 so much the more1 nevertheless1 does it conform in general to this end4 ,the reason for this is that it is just the universal will1 given a priori1 which exists in a people or in the relation of different peoples to one another1 that alone determines what is lawful among men4 ,this union of individual wills1 however1 if we proceed consistently in practice1 in observance of the mechanical laws of nature1 may be at the same time the cause of bringing about the result intended and practically realizing the idea of right4 ,hence it is1 for example1 a principle of moral politics that a people should unite into a state according to the only valid concepts of right1 the ideas of freedom and equality2 and this principle is not based on expediency1 but upon duty4 ,political moralists1 however1 do not deserve a hearing1 much and sophistically as they may reason about the existence1 in a multitude of men forming a society1 of certain natural tendencies which would weaken those principles and defeat their intention4 ,they may endeavour to prove their assertion by giving instances of badly organised constitutions1 chosen both from ancient and modern times1 7as1 for example1 democracies without a representative system72 but such arguments are to be treated with contempt1 all the more1 because a pernicious theory of this kind may perhaps even bring about the evil which it prophesies4 ,for1 in accordance with such reasoning1 man is thrown into a class with all other living machines which only require the consciousness that they are not free creatures to make them in their own judgment the most miserable of all beings4 ,fiat justitia1 pereat mundus4 ,this saying has become proverbial1 and although it savours a little of boastfulness1 is also true4 ,we may translate it thus3--8,let justice rule on earth1 although all the rogues in the world should go to the bottom40 ,it is a good1 honest principle of right cutting off all the crooked ways made by knavery or violence4 ,it must not1 however1 be misunderstood as allowing anyone to exercise his own rights with the utmost severity1 a course in contradiction to our moral duty2 but we must take it to signify an obligation1 binding upon rulers1 to refrain from refusing to yield anyone his rights or from curtailing them1 out of personal feeling or sympathy for others4 ,for this end1 in particular1 we require1 firstly1 that a state should have an internal political constitution1 established according to the pure principles of right2 secondly1 that a union should be formed between this state and neighbouring or distant nations for a legal settlement of their differences1 after the analogy of the universal state4 ,this proposition means nothing more than this3--,political maxims must not start from the idea of a prosperity and happiness which are to be expected from observance of such precepts in every state2 that is1 not from the end which each nation makes the object of its will as the highest empirical principle of political wisdom2 but they must set out from the pure concept of the duty of right1 from the 8ought0 whose principle is given a priori through pure reason4 ,this is the law1 whatever the material consequences may be4 ,the world will certainly not perish by any means1 because the number of wicked people in it is becoming fewer4 ,the morally bad has one peculiarity1 inseparable from its nature2--in its purposes1 especially in relation to other evil influences1 it is in contradiction with itself1 and counteracts its own natural effect1 and thus makes room for the moral principle of good1 although advance in this direction may be slow4 ,hence objectively1 in theory1 there is no quarrel between morals and politics4 ,but subjectively1 in the self-seeking tendencies of men 7which we cannot actually call their morality1 as we would a course of action based on maxims of reason17 this disagreement in principle exists and may always survive2 for it serves as a whetstone to virtue4 ,according to the principle1 ,tu ne cede malis1 sed contra audentior ito1 the true courage of virtue in the present case lies not so much in facing the evils and self-sacrifices which must be met here as in firmly confronting the evil principle in our own nature and conquering its wiles4 ,for this is a principle far more dangerous1 false1 treacherous and sophistical which puts forward the weakness in human nature as a justification for every transgression4 ,in fact the political moralist may say that a ruler and people1 or nation and nation do one another no wrong1 when they enter on a war with violence or cunning1 although they do wrong1 generally speaking1 in refusing to respect the idea of right which alone could establish peace for all time4 ,for1 as both are equally wrongly disposed to one another1 each transgressing the duty he owes to his neighbour1 they are both quite rightly served1 when they are thus destroyed in war4 ,this mutual destruction stops short at the point of extermination1 so that there are always enough of the race left to keep this game going on through all the ages1 and a far-off posterity may take warning by them4 ,the ,providence that orders the course of the world is hereby justified4 ,for the moral principle in mankind never becomes extinguished1 and human reason1 fitted for the practical realisation of ideas of right according to that principle1 grows continually in fitness for that purpose with the ever advancing march of culture2 while at the same time1 it must be said1 the guilt of transgression increases as well4 ,but it seems that1 by no theodicy or vindication of the justice of ,god1 can we justify ,creation in putting such a race of corrupt creatures into the world at all1 if1 that is1 we assume that the human race neither will nor can ever be in a happier condition than it is now4 ,this standpoint1 however1 is too high a one for us to judge from1 or to theorise1 with the limited concepts we have at our command1 about the wisdom of that supreme ,power which is unknowable by us4 ,we are inevitably driven to such despairing conclusions as these1 if we do not admit that the pure principles of right have objective reality--that is to say1 are capable of being practically realised--and consequently that action must be taken on the part of the people of a state and1 further1 by states in relation to one another1 whatever arguments empirical politics may bring forward against this course4 ,politics in the real sense cannot take a step forward without first paying homage to the principles of morals4 ,and1 although politics1 per se1 is a difficult art1#aeb in its union with morals no art is required2 for in the case of a conflict arising between the two sciences1 the moralist can cut asunder the knot which politics is unable to untie4 ,right must be held sacred by man1 however great the cost and sacrifice to the ruling power4 ,here is no half-and-half course4 ,we cannot devise a happy medium between right and expediency1 a right pragmatically conditioned4 ,but all politics must bend the knee to the principle of right1 and may1 in that way1 hope to reach1 although slowly perhaps1 a level whence it may shine upon men for all time4 #aeb ,matthew ,arnold defines politics somewhere as the art of 8making reason and the will of ,god prevail0--an art1 one would say1 difficult enough4 ,tr4 ,,appendix ,,ii ,,concerning ,,the ,,harmony ,,of ,,politics ,,with ,,morals ,,according ,,to ,,the ,,transcendental ,,idea ,,of ,,public ,,right ,if ,i look at public right from the point of view of most professors of law1 and abstract from its matter or its empirical elements1 varying according to the circumstances given in our experience of individuals in a state or of states among themselves1 then there remains the form of publicity4 ,the possibility of this publicity1 every legal title implies4 ,for without it there could be no justice1 which can only be thought as before the eyes of men2 and1 without justice1 there would be no right1 for1 from justice only1 right can come4 ,this characteristic of publicity must belong to every legal title4 ,hence1 as1 in any particular case that occurs1 there is no difficulty in deciding whether this essential attribute is present or not1 7whether1 that is1 it is reconcilable with the principles of the agent or not71 it furnishes an easily applied criterion which is to be found a priori in the reason1 so that in the particular case we can at once recognise the falsity or illegality of a proposed claim 7praetensio juris71 as it were by an experiment of pure reason4 ,having thus1 as it were1 abstracted from all the empirical elements contained in the concept of a political and international law1 such as1 for instance1 the evil tendency in human nature which makes compulsion necessary1 we may give the following proposition as the transcendental formula of public right3--8,all actions relating to the rights of other men are wrong1 if the maxims from which they follow are inconsistent with publicity40 ,this principle must be regarded not merely as ethical1 as belonging to the doctrine of virtue1 but also as juridical1 referring to the rights of men4 ,for there is something wrong in a maxim of conduct which ,i cannot divulge without at once defeating my purpose1 a maxim which must therefore be kept secret1 if it is to succeed1 and which ,i could not publicly acknowledge without infallibly stirring up the opposition of everyone4 ,this necessary and universal resistance with which everyone meets me1 a resistance therefore evident a priori1 can be due to no other cause than the injustice with which such a maxim threatens everyone4 ,further1 this testing principle is merely negative2 that is1 it serves only as a means by which we may know when an action is unjust to others4 ,like axioms1 it has a certainty incapable of demonstration2 it is besides easy of application as appears from the following examples of public right4 #a4--;,constitutional ,law4 ,let us take in the first place the public law of the state 7jus civitatis71 particularly in its application to matters within the state4 ,here a question arises which many think difficult to answer1 but which the transcendental principle of publicity solves quite readily3--8,is revolution a legitimate means for a people to adopt1 for the purpose of throwing off the oppressive yoke of a so-called tyrant 7non titulo1 sed exercitio talis780 ,the rights of a nation are violated in a government of this kind1 and no wrong is done to the tyrant in dethroning him4 ,of this there is no doubt4 ,none the less1 it is in the highest degree wrong of the subjects to prosecute their rights in this way2 and they would be just as little justified in complaining1 if they happened to be defeated in their attempt and had to endure the severest punishment in consequence4 ,a great many reasons for and against both sides of this question may be given1 if we seek to settle it by a dogmatic deduction of the principles of right4 ,but the transcendental principle of the publicity of public right can spare itself this diffuse argumentation4 ,for1 according to that principle1 the people would ask themselves1 before the civil contract was made1 whether they could venture to publish maxims1 proposing insurrection when a favourable opportunity should present itself4 ,it is quite clear that if1 when a constitution is established1 it were made a condition that force may be exercised against the sovereign under certain circumstances1 the people would be obliged to claim a lawful authority higher than his4 ,but in that case1 the so-called sovereign would be no longer sovereign3 or1 if both powers1 that of the sovereign and that of the people1 were made a condition of the constitution of the state1 then its establishment 7which was the aim of the people7 would be impossible4 ,the wrongfulness of revolution is quite obvious from the fact that openly to acknowledge maxims which justify this step would make attainment of the end at which they aim impossible4 ,we are obliged to keep them secret4 ,but this secrecy would not be necessary on the part of the head of the state4 ,he may say quite plainly that the ringleaders of every rebellion will be punished by death1 even although they may hold that it was he who first transgressed the fundamental law4 ,for1 if a ruler is conscious of possessing irresistible sovereign power 7and this must be assumed in every civil constitution1 because a sovereign who has not power to protect any individual member of the nation against his neighbour has also not the right to exercise authority over him71 then he need have no fear that making known the maxims which guide him will cause the defeat of his plans4 ,and it is quite consistent with this view to hold that1 if the people are successful in their insurrection1 the sovereign must return to the rank of a subject1 and refrain from inciting rebellion with a view to regaining his lost sovereignty4 ,at the same time he need have no fear of being called to account for his former administration4#aec #aec 8,when a king has dethroned himself10 says ,locke1 7,on ,civil ,government1 ,ch4 ,,xix4 #bci7 8and put himself in a state of war with his people1 what shall hinder them from prosecuting him who is no king1 as they would any other man1 who has put himself into a state of war with them80 444 8,the legislative being only a fiduciary power to act for certain ends1 there remains still in the people a supreme power to remove or alter the legislative40 7,op4 cit41 ,ch4 ,,xiii4 #adi47 ,and again1 7op4 cit41 ,ch4 ,,xi4 #acd47 we find the words1 8444 over whom i4e4 society no body can have a power to make laws1 but by their own consent1 and by authority received from them40 ,cf4 also ,ch4 ,,xix4 #bbh seq4 ,hobbes represents the opposite point of view4 8,how many kings10 he wrote1 7,preface to the ,philosophical ,rudiments concerning ,government and ,society7 8and those good men too1 hath this one error1 that a tyrant king might lawfully be put to death1 been the slaughter of6 ,how many throats hath this false position cut1 that a prince for some causes may by some certain men be deposed6 ,and what bloodshed hath not this erroneous doctrine caused1 that kings are not superiors to1 but administrators for the multitude60 ,this 8erroneous doctrine0 ,kant received from ,locke through ,rousseau4 ,he advocated1 or at least practised as a citizen1 a doctrine of passive obedience to the state4 ,a free press1 he held1 offered the only lawful outlet for protest against tyranny4 ,but1 in theory1 he was an enemy to absolute monarchy4 ,tr4 #b4--;,international ,law4 ,there can be no question of an international law1 except on the assumption of some kind of a law-governed state of things1 the external condition under which any right can belong to man4 ,for the very idea of international law1 as public right1 implies the publication of a universal will determining the rights and property of each individual nation2 and this status juridicus must spring out of a contract of some sort which may not1 like the contract to which the state owes its origin1 be founded upon compulsory laws1 but may be1 at the most1 the agreement of a permanent free association such as the federation of the different states1 to which we have alluded above4 ,for1 without the control of law to some extent1 to serve as an active bond of union among different merely natural or moral individuals1--that is to say1 in a state of nature1--there can only be private law4 ,and here we find a disagreement between morals1 regarded as the science of right1 and politics4 ,the criterion1 obtained by observing the effect of publicity on maxims1 is just as easily applied1 but only when we understand that this agreement binds the contracting states solely with the object that peace may be preserved among them1 and between them and other states2 in no sense with a view to the acquisition of new territory or power4 ,the following instances of antinomy occur between politics and morals1 which are given here with the solution in each case4 a4 8,when either of these states has promised something to another1 7as1 for instance1 assistance1 or a relinquishment of certain territory1 or subsidies and such like71 the question may arise whether1 in a case where the safety of the state thus bound depends on its evading the fulfilment of this promise1 it can do so by maintaining a right to be regarded as a double person3--firstly1 as sovereign and accountable to no one in the state of which that sovereign power is head2 and1 secondly1 merely as the highest official in the service of that state1 who is obliged to answer to the state for every action4 ,and the result of this is that the state is acquitted in its second capacity of any obligation to which it has committed itself in the first40 ,but1 if a nation or its sovereign proclaimed these maxims1 the natural consequence would be that every other would flee from it1 or unite with other states to oppose such pretensions4 ,and this is a proof that politics1 with all its cunning1 defeats its own ends1 if the test of making principles of action public1 which we have indicated1 be applied4 ,hence the maxim we have quoted must be wrong4 b4 8,if a state which has increased its power to a formidable extent 7potentia tremenda7 excites anxiety in its neighbours1 is it right to assume that1 since it has the means1 it will also have the will to oppress others2 and does that give less powerful states a right to unite and attack the greater nation without any definite cause of offence80 ,a state which would here answer openly in the affirmative would only bring the evil about more surely and speedily4 ,for the greater power would forestall those smaller nations1 and their union would be but a weak reed of defence against a state which knew how to apply the maxim1 divide et impera4 ,this maxim of political expediency then1 when openly acknowledged1 necessarily defeats the end at which it aims1 and is therefore wrong4 c4 8,if a smaller state by its geographical position breaks up the territory of a greater1 so as to prevent a unity necessary to the preservation of that state1 is the latter not justified in subjugating its less powerful neighbour and uniting the territory in question with its own80 ,we can easily see that the greater state dare not publish such a maxim beforehand2 for either all smaller states would without loss of time unite against it1 or other powers would contend for this booty4 ,hence the impracticability of such a maxim becomes evident under the light of publicity4 ,and this is a sign that it is wrong1 and that in a very great degree2 for1 although the victim of an act of injustice may be of small account1 that does not prevent the injustice done from being very great4 #c4--;,cosmopolitan ,law4 ,we may pass over this department of right in silence1 for1 owing to its analogy with international law1 its maxims are easily specified and estimated4 99 99 99 99 99 ,in this principle of the incompatibility of the maxims of international law with their publicity1 we have a good indication of the non-agreement between politics and morals1 regarded as a science of right4 ,now we require to know under what conditions these maxims do agree with the law of nations4 ,for we cannot conclude that the converse holds1 and that all maxims which can bear publicity are therefore just4 ,for anyone who has a decided supremacy has no need to make any secret about his maxims4 ,the condition of a law of nations being possible at all is that1 in the first place1 there should be a law-governed state of things4 ,if this is not so1 there can be no public right1 and all right which we can think of outside the law-governed state1--that is to say1 in the state of nature1--is mere private right4 ,now we have seen above that something of the nature of a federation between nations1 for the sole purpose of doing away with war1 is the only rightful condition of things reconcilable with their individual freedom4 ,hence the agreement of politics and morals is only possible in a federative union1 a union which is necessarily given a priori1 according to the principles of right4 ,and the lawful basis of all politics can only be the establishment of this union in its widest possible extent4 ,apart from this end1 all political sophistry is folly and veiled injustice4 ,now this sham politics has a casuistry1 not to be excelled in the best ,jesuit school4 ,it has its mental reservation 7reservatio mentalis73 as in the drawing up of a public treaty in such terms as we can1 if we will1 interpret when occasion serves to our advantage2 for example1 the distinction between the status quo in fact 7de fait7 and in right 7de droit74 ,secondly1 it has its probabilism2 when it pretends to discover evil intentions in another1 or makes1 the probability of their possible future ascendency a lawful reason for bringing about the destruction of other peaceful states4 ,finally1 it has its philosophical sin 7peccatum philosophicum1 peccatillum1 baggatelle7 which is that of holding it a trifle easily pardoned that a smaller state should be swallowed up1 if this be to the gain of a nation much more powerful2 for such an increase in power is supposed to tend to the greater prosperity of the whole world4#aed #aed ,we can find the voucher for maxims such as these in ,herr ,hofrichter ,garve's essay1 ,on the ,connection of ,morals with ,politics1 #aghh4 ,this worthy scholar confesses at the very beginning that he is unable to give a satisfactory answer to this question4 ,but his sanction of such maxims1 even when coupled with the admission that he cannot altogether clear away the arguments raised against them1 seems to be a greater concession in favour of those who shew considerable inclination to abuse them1 than it might perhaps be wise to admit4 ,duplicity gives politics the advantage of using one branch or the other of morals1 just as suits its own ends4 ,the love of our fellowmen is a duty3 so too is respect for their rights4 ,but the former is only conditional3 the latter1 on the other hand1 an unconditional1 absolutely imperative duty2 and anyone who would give himself up to the sweet consciousness of well-doing must be first perfectly assured that he has not transgressed its commands4 ,politics has no difficulty in agreeing with morals in the first sense of the term1 as ethics1 to secure that men should give to superiors their rights4 ,but when it comes to morals1 in its second aspect1 as the science of right before which politics must bow the knee1 the politician finds it prudent to have nothing to do with compacts and rather to deny all reality to morals in this sense1 and reduce all duty to mere benevolence4 ,philosophy could easily frustrate the artifices of a politics like this1 which shuns the light of criticism1 by publishing its maxims1 if only statesmen would have the courage to grant philosophers the right to ventilate their opinions4 ,with this end in view1 ,i propose another principle of public right1 which is at once transcendental and affirmative4 ,its formula would be as follows3--8,all maxims which require publicity1 in order that they may not fail to attain their end1 are in agreement both with right and politics40 ,for1 if these maxims can only attain the end at which they aim by being published1 they must be in harmony with the universal end of mankind1 which is happiness2 and to be in sympathy with this 7to make the people contented with their lot7 is the real business of politics4 ,now1 if this end should be attainable only by publicity1 or in other words1 through the removal of all distrust of the maxims of politics1 these must be in harmony with the right of the people2 for a union of the ends of all is only possible in a harmony with this right4 ,i must postpone the further development and discussion of this principle till another opportunity4 ,that it is a transcendental formula is quite evident from the fact that all the empirical conditions of a doctrine of happiness1 or the matter of law1 are absent1 and that it has regard only to the form of universal conformity to law4 99 99 99 99 99 ,if it is our duty to realise a state of public right1 if at the same time there are good grounds for hope that this ideal may be realised1 although only by an approximation advancing ad infinitum1 then perpetual peace1 following hitherto falsely so-called conclusions of peace1 which have been in reality mere cessations of hostilities1 is no mere empty idea4 ,but rather we have here a problem which gradually works out its own solution and1 as the periods in which a given advance takes place towards the realisation of the ideal of perpetual peace will1 we hope1 become with the passing of time shorter and shorter1 we must approach ever nearer to this goal4 ,,index ,a ,absolutism2 of ,hobbes1 #dc1 #dd2 of ,schopenhauer1 #dc2 according to ,kant1 #dc1 #dd1 #abe-abh2 to ,locke1 #dd4 ,alexander ,i4 of ,russia2 #hj4 ,alexander the ,great2 #ca1 #ajc4 ,alsace-,lorraine2 annexation of1 #ij1 #ib1 #ie4 ,ambrose1 ,saint2 #ae4 ,amphictyonic ,league2 #af1 #bb4 ,aquinas1 ,thomas2 on fighting clergy1 #ah2 on war1 #ah1 #ai4 ,arbitration2 as a substitute for war1 #gi1 #ha1 #hg2 difficulties settled by1 #hj2 where it is useless1 #hb1 #hc1 #hf4 ,aristotle2 on war1 #g1 #h2 and rights of an enemy1 ib42 #ca2 on the relation between politics and ethics1 #afb4 ,assyrians2 war among the1 #i4 ,augustine1 ,saint2 #af4 ,b ,balance of power2 #bf1 #ie4 ,bentham1 ,jeremy2 #bf1 #gi1 #ib4 ,bluntschli1 ,j4 ,k42 #da1 #gc1 #gd1 #hj4 ,c ,caird1 ,edward2 #c1 #ea4 ,calvin1 ,john2 #ai4 ,carnegie1 ,andrew2 #ajj4 ,china2 a danger to ,europe1 #ib1 #ic1 #adj1 #ada4 ,cicero2 on the conduct of war1 #bb1 #da4 ,clement of ,alexandria2 #ae4 ,clergy1 fighting2 ,origen on1 #ad1 #ae2 ,wycliffe1 #ah2 ,erasmus1 ib42 ,aquinas1 ib4 ,cobden1 ,richard2 #fd4 ,corvinus1 ,matthias2 #aji4 ,cowper1 ,william2 #e1 #ch1 #abc4 ,crusades1 wars of the2 #af1 #ajc4 ,d ,dante1 ,alighieri2 on mediation1 #df2 on universal monarchy1 #fh1 #fi4 ,disarmament2 #hh-ic2 ,czar's proposal of1 #ij2 practicability of1 #ij-ic4 ,dubois1 ,cardinal2 #cf4 ,e ,empire2 of ,rome1 #i1 #bj1 #fh2 world-1 spiritual1 #bc1 #cb1 #fi2 of ,alexander the ,great1 #ca1 #fh2 ,frankish1 #fi2 ,holy ,roman #fi2 of ,napoleon ,i41 #fi4 ,erasmus1 ,desiderius2 and ,european peace1 #ag2 on war1 #ah1 #ai2 on fighting clergy1 #ah1 #cb4 ,f ,farrar1 ,j4 ,a42 #ah4 ,federation2 ,kant's idea of1 #fj1 #fh1 #fi1 #abh-acg2 #hh1 #ib1 #ic1 #ie1 #ig2 probable results of1 #ih1 #ii1 #ajj1 #acd4 ,fichte1 ,j4 ,g42 #fi1 #ii4 ,finland2 #ib1 #ie4 ,fischer1 ,kuno2 #fb1 #fg4 ,fleury1 ,cardinal2 #ee4 ,frederick the ,great2 #ff1 #abf4 ,g ,gentilis1 ,albericus2 #ba1 #cb4 ,golden ,age2 #c1 #da4 ,government2 origin of1 according to ,plato1 #e2 according to ,hume1 #e1 #eb2 to ,cowper1 #e1 #f2 to ,hobbes1 #dj-db1 #aah1 #aai2 to ,kant1 #ea-ed1 #aeb-aed2 to ,rousseau1 #eb2 to ,locke1 #ec2 representative1 #fe-fh1 #abj1 #aba1 #abd-abh4 ,greeks2 their attitude to other nations1 #g2 to an enemy1 ib42 their ,sacred ,wars1 #af2 the ,amphictyonic ,league1 #af4 ,grotius1 ,hugo2 his ,de ,jure ,belli et ,pacis1 #bd-bg2 and the ,jus ,gentium1 #bd1 #be2 and the ,law of ,nature1 #be2 on peace1 #bg1 #cb1 #dj1 #aca4 ,h ,hague ,conference 7#ahii72 #hf1 #ij4 ,hegel1 ,g4 ,w4 ,f42 #eg2 on war1 #ga1 #gb1 #ge4 ,henry ,,iv4 of ,france2 #cj1 #cb1 #cc1 #cf4 ,hobbes1 ,thomas2 his theory of the state of nature and origin of government1 #d1 #dj-db1 #ea1 #aah1 #aai1 #acc2 #f1 #bf1 #bg1 #bh1 #cg2 his influence on ,kant1 #dj1 #df2 his views on revolution1 #da1 #ahh2 of the relations between states1 #dc-df1 #abh1 #aca2 on the conduct of war1 #de1 #hi1 #abj1 #abd1 #aei4 ,holls1 ,fred4 ,w42 #hf4 ,hooker1 ,richard2 #eb2 on the depravity of man1 #agc4 ,hume1 ,david2 on the origin of government1 #e1 #eb2 on the state of nature1 #dj1 #da2 on the original contract1 #eb1 #ajh1 #aji1 #afb4 ,i ,international ,law2 the development of1 #bj-bd2 its connection with the ,reformation1 #ba1 #bd2 in ,greece and ,rome1 #bb1 #bc4 ,intervention2 #fd1 #ic1 #id1 #aab1 #aac4 ,j ,jews2 war among the1 #i-aa2 their dream of peace1 #cb4 ,justin2 #ae4 ,k ,kant1 ,immanuel2 #bf1 #cg2 his indebtedness to earlier political writers1 #dj1 #df2 his theory of human development1 #dg-di2 and how this is possible1 #di-ea1 #ed2 on the foundation of the state1 #ea-ed1 #aeb-aed2 the relations between states and individuals1 #ed1 #ee1 #aag-abj1 #abh1 #agc1 #agd2 the necessity for reform within the state1 #ee1 #ef1 #afh2 the political and social conditions of his time1 #eg-ei2 his attitude to war1 #eh1 #acc1 #ace1 #acf1 #acg1 #adi-aea2 on the growing power of commerce1 #ei1 #fe1 #adb1 #aeg2 his idea of federation1 #fj1 #fh1 #fi1 #abh-acg1 #aib2 and ideal of perpetual peace1 #fa1 #abi1 #aif2 the conditions of its realization1 #fb-fi2 on representative and other constitutions1 #fe-fh1 #abj-abh1 #aeb1 #aec1 #afg2 his opinion of the ,english constitution1 #ff2 his disapproval of universal monarchy1 #fh1 #fi1 #aee1 #aef2 #gi1 #hc1 #hi1 #ajj1 #aje2 on the right of way1 #acg-adb2 on nature's guarantee of a perpetual peace1 #adc-aeg2 on the relation between politics and morals1 #afa-aif2 on revolution1 #afg1 #afh1 #ahf-ahh4 ,l ,laveleye1 mile de2 #ha4 ,lawrence1 ,t4 ,j42 #i1 #gh1 #ha4 ,leibniz1 ,gottfried ,w42 #cf2 his criticism of ,st4 ,pierre1 #cg1 #ch1 #eh1 #ajf4 ,locke1 ,john2 and the golden age1 #c1 #d2 on the original contract1 #ec2 on revolution1 #ec1 #ahh2 #fg1 #acc4 ,lorimer1 ,james2 #cd1 #hj4 ,louis ,philippe2 #gf4 ,luther1 ,martin2 on war1 #ai4 ,m ,machiavelli1 ,nicolo2 #afb4 ,maine1 ,henry2 on ,grotius and the ,jus ,gentium1 #bd1 #be4 ,maistre1 ,joseph de2 #ga4 ,martineau1 ,james2 #ajb4 ,mennonites2 and war1 #ad4 ,military service2 of ,christians1 #ad1 #af1 #ah1 #ai2 compulsory1 #hi2 voluntary1 #aaa4 ,mill1 ,john ,stuart2 #hj4 ,moltke1 ,graf von2 #ga1 #gc-ge4 ,monarchy1 universal2 the ideal of ,dante1 #fh1 #fi2 disapproved by ,kant1 #fh1 #fi1 #aee1 #aef2 and ,fichte1 #fi4 ,montesquieu1 ,baron de2 on self-preservation1 #hc2 on armed peace1 #hh1 #aei4 ,more1 ,thomas2 #cb4 ,morley1 ,john2 #c4 ,n ,napoleon ,bonaparte2 ,empire of1 #fi1 #ga1 #gb1 #gf1 #gg4 ,napoleon1 ,louis2 #hj4 ,national ,debt2 #fc1 #fd1 #aaa1 #aab4 ,o ,origen2 on military service1 #ad1 #ae4 ,original ,contract2 #dj2 as understood by ,rousseau1 #eb2 by ,hobbes1 #eb1 #ec2 by ,hooker1 #eb2 by ,hume1 ib42 by ,kant1 ib42 by ,locke1 #ec4 ,p ,paris ,congress 7#ahef72 #hf4 ,paulsen1 ,friedrich2 #dc1 #eb1 #ec1 #ff1 #gh4 ,peace1 perpetual2 the dream of1 #bi-cc2 projects of1 by ,penn1 #cj2 by ,henry ,,iv41 #cj1 #cc1 #cd2 by ,st4 ,pierre1 #cj1 #cb1 #cd-cg2 ,rousseau's attitude to1 #ch-dj1 #ajf2 for ,kant an ideal1 #fa1 #abi2 the articles of1 #fb-fi1 #ajg-adb1 #aeh-afj2 the guarantee of1 #adc-aeg4 ,peace ,societies2 #gj1 #ge1 #gh1 #gi1 #hj1 #hf1 #hg2 and disarmament1 #hh1 #if1 #ig1 #ajj1 #aja1 #ajb4 ,penn1 ,william2 #cj4 ,plato2 on the origin of the state1 #e2 on war1 #h1 #da2 on the relation between ethics and politics1 #afb4 ,poland2 #ib1 #ic1 #ie4 ,politics2 and morals1 according to ,kant1 #afa-aif2 to ,plato1 #afb2 to ,aristotle1 ib42 to ,hume1 ib42 sophistical maxims of1 #agj-agb4 ,pope1 ,alexander2 #d1 #abg4 ,puffendorf1 ,samuel2 #bg2 on intervention1 #fd1 #aca4 ,q ,quakers2 and war1 #ad4 ,r ,reformation2 and military service1 #ah2 and international law1 #ba1 #bd4 ,religion2 ,roman1 and war1 #i2 ,jewish1 #i-aa2 ,mohammedan1 #aj2 ,buddhist1 and conversion1 #ab2 ,christian1 and war1 #ab-bj4 ,revolution1 right of2 according to ,hobbes1 #da1 #ec2 and ,spinoza1 #da2 according to ,locke1 #ec2 to ,rousseau1 ib42 to ,kant1 #afg1 #ahf-ahh4 ,right of way2 ,vattel on1 #fe1 #ach2 ,kant on1 #fe1 #acg-adb4 ,ritchie1 ,d4 ,g42 on ,rousseau1 #c2 on ,locke and the golden age1 ib41 #eb1 #he1 #ih4 ,robertson1 ,william2 #f1 #ag1 #ah1 #ai4 ,romans2 and war1 #g1 #h1 #i1 #bb1 #bc2 and international law1 #bb1 #bc4 ,rousseau1 ,j4 ,j42 and the state of nature1 #b1 #c1 #eb2 #bf1 #bh2 his criticism of ,st4 ,pierre1 #ch-dj2 his views on militarism1 #ci2 on the original contract1 #eb2 on revolution1 #ec1 #ahh2 #fa1 #fg1 #ajj1 #acb1 #acd2 on democratic and republican governments1 #aec2 on the depravity of man1 #agc4 ,russia2 ,alexander ,i4 of1 #hj2 the ,czar of1 #ij2 the backward civilization of1 #ib1 #ic1 #id1 #ie4 ,s ,schiller1 ,friedrich von2 on war and peace1 #ga1 #gb1 #gc1 #ge4 ,schopenhauer1 ,arthur2 #dc4 ,spencer1 ,herbert2 #gf4 ,spinoza1 ,benedict2 on the state of nature1 #da2 and revolution1 ib4 ,standing armies2 #fc1 #fd1 #hi1 #aaj4 ,state of nature2 according to ,rousseau1 #b1 #c2 and the golden age1 #c2 ,hobbes' theory of1 #d1 #dj1 #da1 #aah2 according to ,hume a philosophical fiction1 #da2 according to ,kant1 #aag-abj4 ,states2 transference of1 #fc1 #ajh1 #aji2 marriage between1 #aji4 ,st4 ,pierre1 ,castel de2 #cj1 #cb1 #cc2 his ,projet1 #cd-cg2 and ,leibniz1 #cg1 #ch2 and ,rousseau1 #ch-dj2 #fa1 #fg1 #gi1 #ib1 #ajf4 ,sully1 ,duke of2 #cj1 #cb1 #cc4 ,t ,tennyson1 ,lord2 #gc1 #gd4 ,tertullian2 #ad1 #ae4 ,treaties of peace2 in ,greece1 #g1 #fc1 #fd1 #ajg1 #ajh4 ,treitschke1 ,h4 von2 #ge4 ,trendelenburg1 ,f4 ,a42 #ge4 ,v ,vattel1 ,emerich2 his ,droit des ,gens1 #bh1 #bi2 on intervention1 #fd1 #aac1 #aad2 on the right of way1 #fe2 of self-preservation1 #hc1 #hi1 #ajc2 on treaties1 #ajh2 #aca4 ,voltaire1 ,franois de2 #cc1 #cg1 #ch4 ,w ,war2 religious1 #af2 private1 #ag1 #bj1 #bi2 dynastic1 #ch1 #eg1 #abc2 ,kant's attitude to1 #eh1 #acc1 #ace1 #acf1 #acg1 #adi-aea2 its influence on progress1 #gj1 #if1 #ajc2 views of ,hegel on1 #ga1 #gb1 #ge2 of ,schiller1 #ga1 #gb1 #gc1 #ge2 of ,moltke1 #ga1 #gc1 #gd1 #ge2 under altered conditions1 #gf1 #gg1 #gh2 when just1 #hd1 #he2 future probable causes of1 #id1 #ie2 honorable conduct of1 #aad1 #aae4 ,wycliffe1 ,john2 and fighting clergy1 #ah4 ,z ,zwingli1 ,huldreich1 #ai4 ,printed in ,great ,britain by ,,unwin ,,brothers1 ,,limited ,,woking ,,and ,,london